POLITICS AND SOCIETY

DURING THE
EARLY MEDIEVAL PERIOD
Collected Works of
... Professor Mohammad Habib
Vol. One
" Edited by PrOfessor K. A. Nizami
Centre of Advanced Study, Department of History
. Aligarh Muslim University
PEOPLE'S PUBLISHING HOUSE
.. August 1974 (P 58)
COPYRlGIIT 1974 IRFAN HAnIB
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(> .,t'.,...
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,
Price: fis. 50.00
l'ritltC'd h;, Tanm scng,;;t'a' Agc P;c,", Hani Hoacl:
--DeIJ'li 110055. and phlilished by him for I)w .. Llffiltell,
n 'c 'Y Delhi 11005.'1. ; ..
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INTRODUCTION
I
It was some time iri 1947-soon after my joining the Department
of History-that I took courage in both hands and requested Professor
Habib to publish all his articles in one volume. Professor Habib liked
the .idea but referred to two difficulties: first, he had )10 off-prints
of his articles with him; secondly, he would Iikcto revise the articles
. but was not sure if he could find time for this revision. I submitted
that I had collected all his and that arrangcllient could be
made for getting thelli typed. Professor Habib put Mr Nazir (his
typist) in touch with me. He borrowed one article every week and
typed it out. I compared the typescript with the original and passed
it on to Professol' Habib for revision. Hardly three or four articles
were typed that Mr Nazir .suddenly left for Pakistan and the work
came to a standstill and could never be resumed. Off and on I
reminded Professor Habib and he promised to re-start it when there
was some leisure during the summer vacations. Vacation followed
vacation and year followed year but Professor Habib could not resunie
the work and whenever I hroached the suhjcct he said with
a typical touch of sl!yness that next vacation would be devoted ta
this work and that I would have to he with him through the vacation.
But that vacation t;Jever came. We worked together on the fifth
volume of the Comprehensive History of India for three long years
whqn the book appeared in print, Professox Habib was very
happy and excited. I thought it was the opportnno moment to obtain
his approval for the pl1hlication of his articles in a hook form. This
time he agreed to give up the idea of .revision.,.--'-I knew. he could
. never revise any article. The moment I gave him an article writtei1
some 1.5 or 20 years back, he started rewriting the whole thing. f
biew that it was impracticable. lIe filially agrecd that
could be published as they were written hut he would write a long
introduction covering. the entire range. At his instance I wrote to
Politics dnd Socleiv dftrlng tlie Ear/y Medlevat f'erloa
the People's PublisIting House in that connection and tbeyreadi-
ly agreed. But hefore the work could be taken up, Professor
Habib departed for the world beyond. I thought tllere could be
no. better tribute to his memory than to edit and publish nil his
works. . Generations of research scholars have benefited frOm these
articles but unfortunately it has been difficult to find them at one
place. This is the first volunie of his articles and broehnres; the
second volunie covers his rutides on political and admini<;trativo
themes. In articles written over a span of four decades, variations
in spelling of proper names were perhaps inevitahle. I have adopted
the spellings which he preferred for the Comprelu.H1siv(J W:on/ of
India. He could never reconcile himself to the idea of putting
diacritical marks. . "For 'one who knows, these marks arc useless; for
Olle who does not, thoy are meaningless", ho would often romark. I
have respected his vlows and havo desisted from putting diat:ritical
marks.
II
At 8 p.tn. on 22 June 1971 passed away Professor MoheI Habib.
Formore than half a century he had been a symbol of dedicated
scholarship and a source of inspiration and guidance to generation
after generation of students and teachers alike. He was all institution
and a legend. In his eniaciated frame scholarship and culture had
found an ideal expression. His erudition reminded one of tho French
Encyclopaedists, while his superb human qualities-sympathy for the
destitute and the worried, and his large-Ilearted tolerance-held aloft
the traditions of medieval Mtlslim illystics. He was great as a scltolar
but greater still as a .
His life was gentle, and the elements
So mixed in him that nature might stml(l lip
And cry to all the world-'IIere was a tllan'.
. Sixty-four years back, on 22 Fehmary 1907, Mahd Hahib jOined
the M.A.O, Collegiate School as a ,student of class VI and, bnrring a
few years which he spent at Oxford, reniained at Aligarh till his death.
He identified himself with the institutiOn and contrihuted in no small
measure to enhance its academic stature and prestige. He had been
Professor of History, Head of the joint Departments of History. nnd
Political Science, Head of the Depattment of Political Science,' Dean
of the Faculty of Arts, niember of all university bodies--the Court, i
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jidrll</"clloll vil
the Executive the Academic Coundl, Honorary Libra:iali,
Chairman of .the Library Committee, Provost of aU the combmcd
Halls, Provost of Sir Syed Hall, and Provost of Mtab Hall, lastly
Professor Emeritus of the University. Everywhere he made an Imp?ct
of his pel'sonality. As Professor of History he established the tradition
of objective historical research and refused to be gUided by current
shibboleths and popular slogans; as Provost he set an of
sellIess and devoted work for student welfare; as
he was instrumental in expanding the Oriental sections of our hbrary.
It was during his tenure as Lihrm:ian that
Abdlls Salam collections were acqmred by the U!lIverslty Libnuy. IlIs
love for his students was boundless and his knowledge, library and
ptlrse were always open for them: His heart :vent out in sY:np,\t1?
to every student whom he found 1Il Rnanclal dIstress. He paId thcIr
university dues, bought hooks and even for them. A
substantial pait of his income was spent on flnanctaUy broke.H
"Vhile helping them, his shy postures,born of those sllI?elb qualIties
of charadeI' which cOll\<1not tolerate to see a young man s self-resp?ct
injured ill the process of receiving help, WIVe the
as if the person whom. he helped was himself dOing some favour to
him. . " h . f}' I
"Bring happiness to the henrts of men -was t e mot!o [} leva
Muslim mystics and Professor Habib had made it the glllding prtlldp1e
of his life. Whoever canie to him.with a problem went baek
without his burden a little lightened and his worries a Mtle reduced.
1f one needed a job, he, would quickly take out his pen and
and write leUers of recommendation; if one needed money, Iw dId
liot hesitate a moment td help him as best as he could. One day
a man. who seemed to be somewhat worrie{l came to see him in the
Nizam Museum where tbe Department of Histoty wns located and
talked l<) him fora while. Profess!)I' Habib visihly moved. He
gave him niote money he the left,
sc>mc1Jodv l1skcd ahollt IllS rchgfOl1. Povel ty hns no whglOn -Jle
replied a"nd went away to his lecture rOom .
. IIabih wns hom at Lllcknow on 1 November 1894 (ac-
cording to The V.P. Gazelle, dated 1 July 1911, p. 479; his paSSpeil't,
however, has 6 June 1895 as the date of his hirth). His father,
MI'.Muhmnmad Nnsim; It lending lawyer of Lndmow.
Mohaminad IInhib passed the matriculation I":wlriinatiritl i'1 the
first division in 1911 lind was the only student in the division
from the lo.f.A.O. Collegiate School that yenr. Recnlling his s('booI
Polilies "rut Soc/My dUrt.;{t It.e tarly M edlevat Period
d,ays,PiofessOr Habib wrote a few mOnths before his death: "The
steeHrame of the organization of the Collegiate School was the English
Head Master, M1' J. C. Rees. Stoutly-built, short-looking in stature
withplcntiful energy, Mr Reesknew how to maintain disCipline in
the', best sense of tile word. He respected the teachers, and he
respected students who respected themselves; he also knew how to
dme it student who had been to serious mischief. As school boys
we 'knew of no higher authority than our Head Master. And we
deeply re-spectedhim. We copied his hand-writing, we copied his
signature; and admired his ways. I was the top boy in the tentil
class,. and one day I found myself in a curious. predicament. Scott's
Ivanhoe was prescribed for our general reading; Mr Rees told us
a bit of the story one day but the next day lie confessed that he
had not had time to read up the book and tumed towards me:
'Habib, you come' and stand here and tell the rest of the story to
the class.' So for two days I took his class while Mr Rees sat
comfortably in his chair." .
III 1912, he joined the MAO. College and passed the B.A.exaini-
nation in 1916 in the first division (he remembered his roll-number,
223) and was the only student to get a first in the Allahabad University
(with which the MAO. College was then affiliated). Professor Habib
had pleasaht memories of the then secretary of the college, Nawab
Vifl'lrul Mulk. "lie was rcspected", .he wrotc, "as no Vice-ChanceIlot'
of the Muslim University has ever been respected. He lived a simple
and abstemious life ill a house in Tarwala Bungalow compound.
He had no draWing room and no conveyance." .
, In October 1916 he went to . Oxford and joined the New College.
Among his teachers' were included 'such eininent British professors .
as Dr' D. S. Margoliouth, Dr W; A. Spooner, Professor Ernest Barker
wd Professor Adams. They' were deeply impressed by his 'intel-
ligenc:.ie, thoroughness andirietlwds'. Barker consiclered llim as
of the best Indian students he had to teach'. 'With a .
quiet "unassuming manner", he wrote about him, "he combines. the
genuine temper of the historical scholar." Recoinmending him' for
appointment as Professor at Aligarh, Spooner wrote: "Something of
tlie enthusiasm; he feels for his subject cannot but impart itself to
his pupils and I look forivardriot only to his proving ari excellent
teacher and professor,' but also. to his' contributing to the advance'
of the subject, on which he will be engaged." He passed the honours
examination in 1920 in the second' division which Ernest Barker
thought w:as 'as good as a first division' .. HI:) also passed his Bar
Ix
exairiination from' Lincoln's Inn. Later he took up research work
under Margoliouth who put him to translate into English some
tories of medieval India. Professor Habib had a very high opinion
of MaJ:goliouth as a linguist. Onc day; while discussing English
equivalent of some Pei'sian word, he showed his pupil his personal
collection of dictionaries which abounded in several hundred volumes.
Professor Habib was elected president of the Oxford Ivfajlis, an
organization of Indian students. During his tenul'e -Mrs Naidu and
Yeats addressed the Majlis.
Professor Habib had not yet completed research work when a call
. from India niade him leave England. The Non-Cooperation movement
had becn launched and Pundit Motilal Nchru and Maulana Mohalll-
mad Ali insisted that he should rctulll hoine. On his return Profcssor
Habib joined the stall of the Jamia Millia which had just been es-
tablished at' Aligarh.
On Sarc1ar K. M. Panikkar's resignation, Mohanimad Habib was
appointed on 23 October 1922 'as a Reader fot the present on the
initial salary of a Professor'. The then Treasurer objected to his ap-
pointment as he was "an avowed non-cooperator and in some way
associated with the National Univers!ty of Mr Mohaniinad Ali". The
Executive Council, curiously enough, ignored this objectioll and sanc-
tioned his appointment. He joined the university staff on 6 December
1922. From 1 October 1923 he was given professor's grade. He was
barely 28 years of age at that time and \vas perhaps the youngest
Professor of History in any Indian university. ,
On 1 Novellibel' 1954 Professor Habib attaincd the age of super-
annuation but was persuaded to accept an extension of service for
four years. lIe retired in 1958, aftei' 36 years of continuous service.
On 23 December 1959 the University conferrcd upon him the degree
of Doctor bf Letters (hollol'is cal/sa). In the course of the citatioh, the
ViceChanceUor said: "A Inilliant and erudite scholar, Pro-
fessor Habib has held the record . for the longest tenure its a
professor in thi!; University." In fact 'I \vas asked to prepare the
citation and when I approached hini for his bio-data, he fUr1lished
the necessary details to inc but also wrote. in all humility: "I am
afraid iriy only distinction at Aligarh lies in the fact that I have
drunk more cups of tea and smoked mOre cigars and enjoyed more
lectures than anyone else. But the reward of these things is immediate
and UJ1cotl(litioned." his retirement, he continued to
in Bistorv and Political Science till 1970, when m'th/'itis
made it difficult for llim to walk without help. Thus for nearly 48
Politics "m/ Soc/ety ,ttl ring tI,e Early M edlev"t Period
years his voice resounded in the lecture-rooms of the University and
thousands of students learnt at his feet. There was no roll call in his
class (he assigned the work of marking attendance to sOllie responsible
student in the class) but there was hardly any student who missed
his lectures. He did not limit his lecture-time to the conventional
dlmition of 4.5 minutes, but continued to lecture for 2 to hours
at a He enj()yed lecturing to his students and used to say that
most of his inspiration came from the class-rooms,
It is difficult to measure the extent of his influence on the gene-
rations of students and teachers that have lived and worked in Aligarh
dllring the last half a century. Three generations of the writer of
these lines have had the proud privilege to leam at his feet-iny father,
lato M. Aziz Ahmad Srulib Nizami, Advocate, Meerut; myself (as
scholar) and my daughter, Azra. In his presence mle felt as
If he had breathed a spi)'itnal ozone, refreshing and invigornting. lIe
never involved himself in petty intrigues 01' factional politics which
unfortunately have often been the bane of Aligarh. lIe was a teacher
and a student all his life. His whole time was spent either in study
or in teaching, He believed, like Wordsworth, in that companionship
with books: .
Roltnel which, with tendrils strong as flesh lind blood,
QUI' pastimes and OUI' happiness can grotv.
He read avidly books on history, philosophy, religion, and.
even general science; and underlined every new idea and every good
phrase. When he felt tired he tumed to novels as a relaxation.
III
Professor Habib published much less than what he wrote, and he
wrote much less than what he read. While going. through his pub:
lished works one can get an idca of the depth of his
and his critical acumcn, hut his conspectus of knowledge was vaster
and his insight deeper than can he estimated frOni his works, His
kll'""l("-lgc of European and Oriental history was characterized by a
rare of minute details. He could trace with remarkable feli-
city the evolutiOn' of any institution and could COin pare with equal
clarity and comlliand trends of religious and political . thought in the
East and the West. Once he started talking on a suhject it appeared
as if the entire panorama of historical development lay bare belore
his eyes. His fund of knowledge seemed inexhauslihle and he would
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take his listener into the lanes and by-lanes of an enchanted intellec'
tual journey with the confidence of one who knew every nook and
comer of the realm he was softly treading. There was no ring of
pedall.tie or ostentatious display of learning in his conversations; his
Jistenel' was a companion with him on an intellectual incursion and
not a stranger with an expe-li. His humility-in thought, manners and
a unique charm to his personality and removcd those
barriers which often hinder. comrriunication between a scholar and
a student.
Professor Habib combuled with. his prodigious merriory a rare
capacity for bold and original thinking. He never hesitated in ex-
pressing his views howsoever unorthodox (or as he used to put it,
'heretical') they might appear to anybody. Ilis study of Mahmucl of
Ghazni led him to the conclusion that the Sultan's Indian cainpaigns
were not.inspired by any religious objective but were motivated by a
desire for economic exploitation, His opinion shocked the orthodox
circles but he never entered into a debate with his critics because
- he knew that they knew little about the subject. One incident in this
connection I call nevel: forget thirty years back he visited
Meerut in connection with some inspection of colleges. My father who
was. one of his earliest batch of pupils invited him to dinncr. Amongst
the 'guests was Khan Bahadur Shaikh Wahicluddin of Lalkurti, who
believed in the traditional assessrrient of Mahmud. Perhaps. he had
come to know about Professor Habib's estihiate of the Sultan, "Pro-
fessor Sahib I", Shaikh Wahiduddin turned to him after the dinner' and
asked, "How is it that you think that Sultan Mahmud Ghaznavi fought
for wealth?" The question seemed to have perplexed Professor Habib.
He knew that the audience was not of historians and any
uua.y<:;s the rroblein was bound to fall flat. He lighted his cigar, puff-
ed it once or twice with deep hreath, and started by putting a ques-
tion: "Khan Bahadur Sahib I What clo you think about Shaikh Sa'di?"
. "Oh 1 lIe was a great saint ancl a great scholar", quickly replied Khan:
Bahadur Sahib. "Khan BahadurSahibl", Pl'Ofessor Hahib then tunlcd
to him, "Sa'di writes in his Gulisfan: 'A man saw lvl:ihmucl in a (lreani.
His body haclclisintegratecl and reduced to dust, but his eye-balls were.
rotating in the sockets, and looking around therri ... a durwesh inte'!'C
preted it and said: He is still gazing (in distraction) that his
is in the hands of others.''' It was now Khan Bahadur Sahib's tUI1l to
get perplexed. His question had been more than answered.
Whatever Professor Habib wrote, he put his best in it. IIe wenl
through the source material with meticulous care and his prodigious
..
Xll flolltlcs and Society dU!'ing ti,e Em'I" U edllwal i'er/c](i
memory helped him In' retaining every bit of relev:mt data. He never
collected the data on cards, but prepared analytical snmi'naries of
books and said that this .was a better method of understanding the
'spJrit and personality' of a book. lIe w9uld think, read and dream
about his subject so much that when he started writing, his mind
bubbled with ideas and the subject of his study grew into It living
being' heside him. lIe revised his draft again and again, .almost like
an artist. His Mahl1wd of Chaznin and Jlazrat AmiI' Khrisrarl of Delhi
are, apart from their historical value, literary masterpieces. lIe could
delineate with equal fclicity the pomp and panoply of a palace, the
spiritual serenity of a khallqah and the din and clatter of a. battle-
field. I do not know why the idea of writing Desecrated Bones and
Other' Stories occl11'red to him. To me it seems to be the ovcrllow of
a historical imagination. Reviewing the book, The Times Lilemry
Supplement (1 July 1926) wrote: "Mr Habib's insight into character
is deep and unostentatious. His English too ... is vigorous and precise."
His English style had an individuality and a chanrt of its own.
IV
It was Professor Habib who noticed for the first time the harm done
to Indian historical thinking hy the work of Sir Henry Elliot. He
POilltf'(l Ol)t that Elliot was politically motivatcd in the
histoi'Y of 'OUI' countr), in a cClJrtnnmai pcrspcctive. "Thrce ..follrths of
the communal fanaticism we see in India today", he wrote, "is the
rcsult of these. text-books; they have misrepresented the Mussalmans
to the Hindus and the Hindus to the Mussalmans and have tried to
sap the foundations of India's self-respect" (p. 8). Fanning the com-
munal passions was part of the British imperial strategy in India. He
writes: "Comlrtunal hatred had to be encouraged. The peaceful Indian.
j'vlussahrtan, descended beyond doubt froni Hindu ancestors,. was
dressed up ill the garb of a foreign barbarian as a breaker of temples
and an eatcr of beef and declared to hea military colonist in the land
whore he had lived for about thirty or forty r.clltllrics" (p. 12). .
In his Intl'oduction to the Study of Medieval India, Profcssor Hahib
has drawn the attention of historians to saine vel}' basic facts of Indian
history:' (a) "The history of India, as Indians have linc1orstooc1 it, is the
history of her religiOUS and cultural niOvements" (p. 6). (b) "If the
history of India is ever properl), wrilton, it ,vould have to he based
011 thelilll1frtzilt and 110t' merely Oil the political claptrap which Sir
lIenry Elliot luis noticed"{p. 8). (e) "04r inedieval kingship was an
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essentially secular institution. Royal po\ver was hasccl all Persian tradi-
tion, not on Islamic law" (p. 16). (d) "The armies of Turkish
Khalji enipel.ors were coniposed of Hindus. as well Mussalmans; I:!
the destruction of teinples in southern IrtdJa, the Hmdus had a part
(p. 21). (e) "The real object was the temple and its fabulous. wealth;
and the plincipallriotive was not religious bigotry hut economIc gree<l.
If the Hindu temple had heen. as severe an:l plain as. the Muslim
mosque, Mahmud of Chazni w?uld not h.ave IImclustan
Alauddin Khalji despatched Ius conquenng armIes 111
(p; 21). (f) "It is a grave injustice to the Mussalmans of to Judge
them by the character of their kings, for wh(?lli were !1l no way
responsible, while their religious lca.ders, theIr artists
exercised an immeasurahly greater mfluence over them, ate
(p. 22). Professor Habib expressed these vie,;s .in 1931. IIow IndIan
historical "thinking has been influenced by Ius Ideas .may be ganged
from the historical literature produced in the sttcceedt1lg three or fottl
deeudds. ' .. '
Mongols, Marxism, Mysticism and medieval Persian and. IlHliml
cultttre were his favourite suhjects and he had spent conslderabl(
tinie. in studying thein. He intellJreted Indian in tIl(
light of dialectical n'iaterialism ill his bnlltant to
Revised cditiori of Elli(it's Ilistol'll of India (Vol. II). lie carned wltl
him two unfulfilled dcsires: one 'to write a novel depicting social lif,
ill medieval India and the other to plTpare in English a biogral?hy.o
Shaikh Nizallitlddin AlIlivtl. ITe had studied every aspect of socml hf'
in medieval India with thoroughness and care that had he sue
ceedecl in writing this novel, medie,,:al Indian history wonld hav
becOnie niore fascinating than what it is today.
delivering the Nizmrt Urdu Lectures at. the l?ellll IllS deslr
t6 write in English a biography of Nlzamuddm sudd?1
Iy developed into a passion hut indilIerent health the way.
Prnfrssor IIabil/s works arc not stereotyped pllhhcatlOns; each Oil
of them contrihutes something ncw to om historical understanding an
opens fresh vistas of IIlvestigation and intcrpretation. helievcd .i
intcl1)reting historical data in a broad perspective, analY5111/1: tho 50CI:
riiotivations and economic situations. ITe presented Mahm11d or Ghazi
in the broad Asiatic persl)ective andanalS'scd the 'iIispirlng
of his life' in the light th.e spiritof Per5iail Renaissan;e
inspired as much the. swc;>rd of Mahmttd as the pen .0. Fmlatlsl.
analysis of the Indian life and of theTurkl.:
ftw:l,si
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1l5 hc s11fveyed also thc contemporary SOCIal scene and, CO'
xiv
Politics and Society during tloe, Early Meclieval Perlqc!
: dOllining tendency to shut out low-caste people from education,
, In the eleventh century-in the generation of Alherulli,
AVlCennaand Sultan Mahmud-it was stupid, mad and suicidal; and
thenjselves a and highly enlightened group,
to pay a terrIble price for the most unpardonable of
SOCIal Ills C:hapter, in the Compl'ehensive IIistory
?f Ineila (Vol. V) the ASIatIc EnVIronment" puts the sultanate in
Its proper Islaini? It is an essay of abiding
and cOlltmue to msplre the studies of all students of
modlev,al IndIan His exposition of the urhan and the rural
India (Introduction to Elliot's lIisiol'Y of India)
IS a Ja,1lI1na.'k ,111 ?;I\', rcscan:hes-absolutcly original and
thought-provokmg. VlCwed, he observes, "in a propcr scientific and
non-communal perspective in the context of world history all" f
f t I
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u me 11( Ian lIstory, t Ie so-called Ghurian conquest of India was
a revolution ?,f Indian City-labour led by the Ghurian Turks.
illS study of Baram s thought and character (in Political Theo/'Ij of
SlIltanate) shows a remarkable grip of medieval ideas 'and
He Bm'ani of all his lapses because "no
I11stollan under conditions so dlstressmg and at an age sq advanced
has produced a work so great" .
. Professor Habib was an adept in the art of conveying his impres-
sIOns through short, pithy and suggestive sentences, sometinjes with
rare touch of humour and sarcaSm. He calls Shihabuddin Churi
hero of three stupendous defeats" (p. 153) and remarks: "this noted
was In the hahit of sl1l'viving defeats" (p. 69). Referring to Akbar's
mlure to work out a synthesis of religiOUS attitudes, he remarks: ""Vo.
eed he, at the fact that the greatest of our medieval
failed III what Indian public opinion alone can
l1Jsh (p. 117), Regardmg AmiI' Khusral\'s relations with his relVal
)al'rol1s, he "For half a century, the iridescent huhbles pa'ss-
I d before Ius admmng eyes, and he praised them in hypcrholic terms.
rut he forgot the hubble the moment it had hurst. The horizon rilwilvs "
revealed a rising star, and to ,that star the poet iliade his way
his pilgrim's his mellifluous verse" (p. 296). - ,
r:
professor Habib s IIltellectual sympathies were with Marxism and .
ysticism. His interest in Marxism arose out of his conviction that in
he march of mankind ,it is .the wOrker and the peasant-
i
hat
most. ThelllStorlcallandscnpe should therefore be surveyed
from foot of the royal throne but the peasant's IIllt hnd
r
he
worker s cottage, He looked upon revolutIons as an expansion of '
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human rights. He was fascinated hy the medieval for their
de<'p hllTllanisni, concern for the down-trodd,en and theIr of
religious devotion which looked upon servlc?' of, as,
hi!!hest {ami of devotion to God. He confesses III on Shmkh
NasiIlIlldii.' Chiragh that he could never read Ius collechon of con-
versations (KllOinrl lIfaiaTis) without tears in tho ,eyes. On:e when the
writer of these lines enquired froni him about hIS finest literary com-
position, Professor Hahib referred to :Shaikh, NasiJ:uddin Chiragh of
Delhi'. In 1953 the idea of editing Khail'1I1 lIfa/abs occurred to my
mind but I thought that as Professor Habib war, the to
httention to its historical value, it \lQll he in the fitness ofthmgs If he
llndel't(jok to edit it. \Vhen I wrote to him in this connection he re-
plied: "Years ago I brought you here with that
Ilie for my own frustrated life, If I took up the edltmg of the Khall1l1
Maialis, I would never be able to finish the work. But this is not the
main reason. It would delight my heart to have the work done hy
you." It took me several years to complete the editorial work .but when
I presented the printed to he ,,:,as In
his assessment of Shaikh Nlzamlldchn Auhya s hfe he remm ks : The
Shaikh's life was, in fact, the embodiment of what psychological re-
search shall one day prove to be the deepest principle of our hUlnan
nature: that salvation, or happiness iiI its highest form, lies not in a
war with the attractions of worldly life Or in indiffcrClice towards
thelli, hilt in the healthy deve10pinent of the 'cosmic in a
sytripathctic identification of the with I,.is ,so
that the distinction of the I and not-I disappears m a myshe ahsOlp-
tion of the human soul in the Absolute." It was from this angle that
he had studied the role of Muslini mystics in Indian history.
Harcllv anv scholar has studied the life and th6ught of the earl)
Muslim -mystics of India with the care that
Habib hestowed on it. lIe was th? first Indian 11lStonan who uhhze(
the inystie literature-particularly the ma7fllzat-for historical pm
poses. 'lIe had a discerning eyo and could always distingllish hc:tWCCT
'genuine' and 'apoervphal' literature. Years ?go when t!1C, wnter ?'
these lines met Professor Hahih and to1<l hlln ahont 1115 mtcrost II
mystic he "How long d?es it, take to
page of Fawa 1(7111 F" ad (malfllzat of Shatkh Nlzmnuddm Anllya)?
"Fifteen to twentv minntes", I replied. "But I take three hours ti
finIsh a page", said Professor JIahih, "Don't forget", he continuo(l
"that hehind these conversations there is a society. Read a line all!
co-relate it with the 'conteniporary milieu." At that tinie his remurl
Politics and Soclety during t1.0 Earlv Medieval PC"oil
&hggenited but on that it was not only cor-
rect but the only way of readmg the malfllZ literature. lIe had read
malfriz literature with this thoroughness and insight. Whatever little
understanding of mystic literature I have,! OWe it to Professor Habib.
In his The Chishti Mystic Recol'dy of the Sultanate Pel'lod,he has
rejected three-fourths of the available malftlz literature as fake and
apocryphal. '
A word about his religious and political views. His interest in.Marxc
ism might lead some to think that perhaps he did not believe in God
?r religion. Not at all so. He told me once that his Marxisin was plus
God and minus violence. He had a firm belief in God and used to
. recite the Quran also. His attitude was, however, not theologicalllf .hut
,.eligiously conditioned. His faith in the PrOphet cleep and sit;ccrc.
Years ago he bad thought of preparing an abridged English version
of Maulana Shibli's Simt-lln Nabi and published a chapter "The
Arabian Apostle" in the Muslim University JOU1'llal. ' .
Professor Habib luid been Professor of Political Science for iilany
years but he was not a politician. In 1926 he, somehow decided
to contest a seat in U.P. Legislative Council and was elected to it frOm
the Sultanpur constituency. But he could' have hardly felt at home in
the atmosphere of legislatures of those days. He hated all politics-
factional or communal. He never toed any party line. He could appre-
ciate or criticize anybody, regardless of expediency. One is reminded
in this connection of a remark he has made somewhere in connection
with Bu Ali Sina's relations with Sultan Mahruud: "The highest genius,
in every country and in every age, hass.comed to bow its knees to
democracies and kings. " Mankind has yet to discover a method for
dealing with its finest products." In Septemher 1948 he went to Palis
as an Altel'11ate Representative On the Indian' Delegatioil to the U.N.
and studied the working of the. internaticinal organizations with his
characteristic thoroughness. He" was essentially a non-political marl
who knew no political manoetwrings. In fact he was too deeply
engl'Ossed in acadeniic pursuits to involve himself in 1\n)' politics.
Professor Mohd. Habih was not very fond of travclling but he went
to many places in which he had any interest, historical or political. He
visited han in 1931 (Mav-October), Afghanistan in ]932, China in
1951 (Septcmber-Oetober); and Rtiniatlia in 1955 (April). As a historian
of medieval tndia, lle was keenly 'interested in both the history' and
geography of Afghanistan, TraIiand Central Asia. His geographical
knowledge of these'regioiis was excellent lind he could explain with
introduction
'Xvii
great confidence the interaction of geographical and historical forces'
in these areas.
Professor Habib believed in work, work and work to the last and
he died working. He was ill for some' time, suffering from arthritis,
bronchitis and fever. He suffered from gastric ulcers for decades and
.couldllot sleep without taking sleeping pills. As soon as the spasm was
over he turned to his pen and paper. Three days before his death he
completed his El1glish translation of Barani's Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi:.
When I met hiin last, it 'Was sunset. Cigar in one hand, pen in the
dther and a cup of tea before him, he was busy translating th;- last
page of Tal'ikh-i Firuz Slwhi. He seemed to have welcomed the mter-
ruption and talked to me with alIection and wannth about many
things. One could hardly realize that it was the last glow of a setting
.sun .
K. A. NIZAMI

.CONTENTS
inti'oduction
PART ONE;. APPROAQI AND METII()D
.An introduction to the Medieval India (A.i>.. 1000-1400) 3-32
1. Sir Henry Elliot . ..' . ;
'. '2. Medieval History and Modem Politics " .
3. Hi!,du Muslim Relations in .the Middle Ages ';, . .
4. Abu Ralhan Alberunl National Character'of the Hind""
:introduction to Elliot and Ddwson's History ofiijdJa, Vol. II 33-110'
1. The Political a;'d Economic Organization of Ajatrt. ,/ '
.2. Toe Culture of Medieval 1'.'
3. The Urban Revolution .1" . Northern India . ;' .
. . 4. The Rural Revolution '. .'
5. The Turkish Governing Class .. ,
Presidential Address to the Indian History Congress
PART Two: INDIA AND ASIAnc ENVmONM&'1T
The Arabian Apostle " !,)
Hindu Society in the Earlj Middle Ages: :',
Indian' and Social Life at
, Turkish Invasions ' . ,.':' '
1. The Puzzle of the Chunan Conquest
2. Categories of Hindu Thought
3. Sanskrit Literature
4. Popular Hinduism
" ').' 5. Hindu Nationalism
", 6 The Brahmans
. > '7: The Kshattriyas
, :.: 8. The Masses
',,' 9.' Dress and Manners
10. Laws and Cusloms
Lord of the Assassins

, ,
111-22
125-36
137-51
152-228
229-47
......
).:
xx
Politics and Society durirrg tile Early Medieml Period
PART THREE: MEDlEV AL M YSTICISII-I
Early Muslim Mysticism
I-Iuzrnt Amir Khusrnti of Delhi
1. Life of Amir Khusrau
2. Poelfcal Works of Khusrall
3. Prose Works of Khusrau
Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud Chirngh-i-Dehli (as a great
personality) .
Chishti Mystics Records of the Sultanate Period
251-90
291-355
3.56-84
385-433
PART ONE
Approach and Method
0"
AN INTRODUCTION TO' THE STUDY OF
MEDIEVAL INDIA (A.D 1000-14-00)
I. SIR HENRY 'ELLIOT
"IF THE ARTIFICIAL DEFINITION of Dionysius be corred", says Sir Henry
. Elliot, "that history is philosophy teaching by examples, then there
. is no native
l
Indian historian; .and few have even approached to so .
high standanl. Of examples, and very bad ones, we have ample store,
though even in them the radical truth is obscured by the hereditillY
official and sectarian rrepossessions of the narrator; but of philosophy
which deduces conclusions calculated to benefit us from the lessons
and experiences of the past; which adverts on the springs and con-.
sequences of political transactions, and oHers sage counsels for the
future, we search in vain for any sign or symptom. Of domestic his-
tory also we have in our annalists absolutely nothing and t ~ e same
may be remarked of nearly all Mohammedan historians, except Ibn
Khaldun. By them society is never contemplated either in its conven-
tional usages or recognized privileges, its constituent elements or.
mutual relations; its established classes or popular institutions; in its
private recesses or habitual intercourses. In notices of commerce,
agricultm:e, internal police and local judicature they are equally
deflcfeilt. A fact, an anecdote, a speech, a remark, which would illus-
trate the conditions of the common people,or of any rank subordinate
to the highest, is consiclerecl too insignificant to be suffered to intnlCie
upon a relation which concerns only grandees' and ministers,
'thrones and imperial powers'. Hence, it is that these works may be
said to be deficient in some of the ,most essential requiSites of History,
for 'its gl:eat ohject', says Dr. Arnold,' 'is that which most nearlv
to)iches the inner life of civilised man, namely, the vicissitudes of
institutions, social, political and religious', In Indian histories there
is little that enables us to penetrate below the glittering surface nnd
1. Elscwhrm h ~ snyfl, UNntivr. chronicles or the time arc, for fhe most pnrt, dun,
prejudiced, ignorant and sl1pedic/a!."
Pol/tics anel Society elf/ring the Early Meelleval Perloel
observe the practical operation of a despotic government and rigor?us
and sangllinmy laws, and the eHect upon the great body of the nahon
of these injnrious2 influences and agencies ... Had the authors, whOrri
we are compelled to consult, portrayed their Caesars with the fidelity
of Suetonius, instead of the more sycophancy of Pait'l'cItIlls,
we 'Shall not, as now, have to extract froni unwilling witnesses, testi-
mony to the truth of these assertions. From them, nevertheless, we
can that the common people inust have heen plunged into
the lowest depths of wrctohedilCss and despondency."3
Now'if these statements were tme, therc would he no place for a
history of medieval Indian institutions or cultl1l'e. But it would not
be too much to say that the racial arrogance of Sir Henry Elliot-
of which more hereafter-incited him to one of the grossest
libels on the Indian people. The matter requires SOme expla-
nation. Sir Henrv Elliot (1808-53), who hel(! variol1s high offices
in the governnient of North \Vestern lltiliscd his olficia!
leisure in collecting Pcrsian histories of the Middle Agcs, which
2. It is assumed n priori that all despotic governments are had and that their e!fect,
though Sir Henry Elliot confesses his Inahility to Investigate it, was Injnrlou .
3. [Elliot and Dowson's Uls!OI'!I of lnella, Vol. I, Sir Henry Elliot's Original rrcfacc,
pp. xix-xxi-ED.) The fallacy of the ar!!1.11:ncnt is ohvions, if the historians of.
medieval India tcll us nothing of thc lif" of the common people, what right have \vn
to ass"",e tllat they were 'wretehed'? Or wns It neeessary-lIkc axioins in geometry
..J. tc. their wretchedness in order to applaud and justify the present political
regime? TIl6se amusing fancies are further supported hy a cheap. philosophical reflec-
tion: "We hellOld kings, even of our own creation, sunk in sloth and debauchery,
and emulating the vices of Calligula and Commodns. Under 511ch rulers, we cannot
wonder that' the fountains of justi"" arc cormpted; that the statc revenues aro
nover collected without violence or outrage; thnt nrc burnt nnel tllcir inlmhit
ants mutilated or sold into slavery; thnt the officers, so far from a!fouling protection, nre
themselves the chief rohhers and usurpers; that parasites and eunuchs revel in
the spoil of plundered provinces; nnd tllO poor lind no ngainst tllO oppressor.
wrong and the proud man's contume1y, When we witness these scenes under t)ur own
eves, where the supremacy of the British Government, the henefit or its example, and
the dread of its interference, miglht he expected to operate as a c1,eek upon the
progress of misrule, can we he surprised that foriner princes, whe.n free from sl1ch
restraints, SllOUld have studied even less to preserve the people. committed to their
charge, In wealth, pence nnd prosperity?" No one will dnny thnt thl. is n correct
picture of the government of several Indian states since the usn of lire-arms in the
nr",ie. nnd the extension of Lord Wellesley's suhsidiary system. Dut Sir Henry Elliot
'knew, or should known, tl1nt theso states were misgoverned on account
of and not in spito of, the protection extended to the hy tl10 British gove1'n-
ment, which, nevertheless, left the people helpless and ,lisarmed, 1110 wnrlilce
popl1lalion of tim Mi,l,l1,. Ages hnel effective mcth<?ds of ,1<'Olinl:( \Vilh il1emdent rlller<,
4. Now the United rrovinces of Allhl Awii'c1h (the J;lrcsc'nt Ultar Praclcsl'--Fl).)
; ::--:
I ',:' ,.,
Sir llenry Elliot'
5
.offercd to him enough by scions' of old and respectable
famtlies who were for his favours. sound scholarship does
not always office;. and Henry had to rely on a
of IndIan munsllls,and some offiCIal colleagues for translating
Important extracts from the manuscripts collected, It was not a diffi-
cult eIIteI1?rise. "This counhy offers some peculiar for such
a collection, which it would be vain to look for elsewhere since the
?f available persons, sufficiently educated for the purpose of
collating and is very large and they would be
content WIth a small remunerahon. 5 The munshis did their work as
might have, expected-carelessly, inaccurately and with an eye
,theu' small remuneration'. The superficiality and jejuneiless
. of L1hot s compels us to conclude that he could not, or would
not, WIth held in contempt. It is
not?1l0US wntten ll1 the Persian language are always
plam and SImple III style; there are little or no ornamentations
and with some rare exceptions, artificiality has' been generally
But bad' complains ?f. his and an ignorant
of .the of the ongmal. The versions (transla-
hons) , says SIr Henry, are inelegant as, in order to show the nature
. of ""ginf)l, t}lCy as dose to it as pOSSible; and no freedom has
been 111 WIth the object of improving the style, sentiment
and or metaphors of the several passages which have been
SIr Henry was not, however, destined to complete his work,
ant! Ius parers ant! nianuscripts were cntrusted by the Court of Direct-
ors to P,rolessor John Dowson of Staff College, Salldhul'st. Professor
Dowson s task, considering the character of the translations handed
?ver to hin1, was not an easy o?-e; but he succeeded in putting them
?m!. the IItstory India as Told by Its Own
IItsiol/alls appem cc1m :Ight volumes III the course of several years.
Our of the ?ertainly not lacking in wealth
detml about people III hIgh posihon, whose independence ancI
excited Sir Hemy's ire, nor about wars and
ca.mpmg.ns, detmls of court and pala'ce regulations, organisation of the
, lillmstenal and. works. But it is emphatically not true
that our mccJreval writers give liS nothing morc. Btlt 'to penetr t
below the surf:lce' one must have eyes to see and look
the proper chrechon. If SIr Henry had only condescend cd to read with
some care even those political histories from which he ordered
extracts to he translated, hc would not have "searched in vain for any
5. Elliot, Jli.<tOl'u of Indln, Vol. I, Original Preface.'
'Po/lilcs and Socletll during tIle Earlll Medieval PeI'lod
sigilS or of that "philosophy which deduces conclusions
calculated to us from, the lessons and experiences of the past".
It is difficult to imagine how anyone who had read Banmi and ARf;
Badailni or Abul Fazl in the original, not to mention Alberuni, the
sanest of critics, could fail to notice their constant efforts to correlate
thy' events they desclibe by a deeper law ilnd to investigate the main-
spl'ings of political movements.
6
In Elliot's Extracts, however, all the,
more Significant passages are ignored.
7
Nor is it true that Indian histo-'
rians ilre given to exaggeration and flattery.8 There are. a,s Sir Henry
Elliot knew, or should have known, two very distinct schools of Indo-
Persian authors...the official and the non-official. The former write as
officials have always written; they are government nien and praise.
their governmcnts in the same spirit as Sir Henry and his fellow
bureaucrats were wont to eulogize the administration of the East India
No it'npartial man would depend iIpon the official publi-
cations 6f the Government of India to tell him the whole truth about
our society today. But to pretend that Baihaqi or Barani, Afif or
Badauni portray 'their Caesars' with "the congcnial sycophancy of
Parterculus" is a gross and intentional misrepresentation or an evidence
of equally gross ignorance. What is most irritating, however, is
,confident presumption that the historians of India have confine'tr their
to her political grandees and that nothing is? or can be,
known about the life of the common people, except thattheyc;were
'wretched'. Let it be admitted, once and for all, that India had not
in the twelfth century a constitution such as England had in the
eightecnth. But the life of the common people, their institutions,'cul-
ture and religiOUS movements-this is a different matter. The history
of India; as Indians have always understood it, is the history of her
religious and cultural movements, and in fllis respect our records do
not fail us. If Sit' Henry was not aware of them, he has only his
ign'orance to they were slaring him in the face. The Indians
6., I!istory is, and ought to he, different flOm ethics. One docs ,not, fortnnately, often
orne across in the medieval historians wit]> the cheap moralislog with which Elliot anel
his successors have madc us familiar.
7.' Thus, for mo;t of Alanddin;s economic regulations arc and
also reforms of GhlyaslIdelin Tughlllq. SlIch Instnnce. could he multiplied.
8. A virtue which they have, apparently, no right to cultivate. It must not be for-
gotten, however, that thc 'hombastic hahoos' arc purely a product of Brilish TIlle. 11,C
emperor.sultans, of 'the .. Ages, whatever their and crimes. never attemptccl
to disarm their subjects or to convert a brave' race of KsI,attriyas into an of ill.
paid nnd 'discontcnted clerks. Such a sti'nk" of shitepolicY was totally llf"ynnc1 thdr
ken. JTindnism, anned and militimt as it was in those days, is not to be confused with
its modern communalistic imitation. ' ' " .
7!
of the twelfth century were not' n politically minded people
,than their more backward European consequently,
'people they wrote least ilbout. were their kings. It was only the polI-
ticians who were interested in political histolies; for the mass of the'
people the problem of really thrilling interest was the problem of lifej
of religious'life, and it was the ,wali-s and fogis they looked
up for the best possible solution of that prob1em. To an unprejudiced
observer the political records of medieval India will not seem deficient
,in with of ?ny .other European during the
same't> .a'lod; concemmg SOCIal lIfe and culture, Qur hterature, pub- '
lished and unpublished, is at least twenty. times more extensive,
though it is only partially known to foreign scholars. .
The political histories of the Middle Ages do not tell11S of the insti-
tutions ,and the ideas of, the people because they were not expected
to ,do so. These subjects came within the purview of quite a different
type' of literature. There are, in the first 'instance, a series of Diwans
from a sensible student will much conceming the,mEl11tal
aspitations and ideas of the educated classes. Side .by side with the
Oiwans stand the Masnavis orin,etrical romances; they are not to be
accepted at their face-value for histolical purposes but to a discem-
ing critic they supply' a mass of infcirmation conceming the manners
and customs of the people for which it !S .our duty to be gI;ateful. The
livesand fOl-tunes of the poets are noticed in a series of Tazkirahs be-
ginning with the Lubabttl Albah of Awfi. The mass of our informa-,
tion, however, has to be collected from the records of the sufis or
mystics. This literature in its turn is divided into several sections.
There are, first of aU, a series of text-bookson mystic principles. These
volumes, generally known as Maktuhat or 'Letters' written by the
saints for the guidance ,of their disciples, do not confine themselves
'to religions principles only but cover every aspect of life; not ignoring
even such as the passing of salt before meal. An off-shoot, of
the'Maktllbat is the Pandnaina or advice to diSciples in simple verse;
which they could remember more easily. The most important section
.of mystic literature, ho\vever, consists of Ma1fttzat Qr 'Table-Talk'
of the saints recorded by their disciples.:It the ambition 6f every
disciple to record the' ,conversation of his master from day to day
in the. most' accurate way possihle: If:the work was done well, the,
'master' accepted it and the, diSciple became the acknowledged 'ex-
ponent of his master's teaching. Now these AJalfllzat have preserved
'-for us in avery accurate JOim the daily conversations of men who
.lived four or five hundred years ago about the daily affairs of life;'
No one who is acqmi.hited with them,,' ,Will complain that we,' are
8
Pollllcs and Society during tI,e E.arly Medieval Period
unable to know anything about the life of the common people during
the Middle Ages. Every influential saint in every part of India left a
or>more volumes of Malfuzat behind him (hIring the seven,
centuries between Shihabucldin Churi and Aurangzeb. Thanks to'
the heat the moths and other varieties of invaders, a large portion,
of the lI}aZfu.zat has perished, but the volume of that which .survives
is well-nigh boundless. 1 the history of medieval India is ever pro-
perly written, it will have to be based on the Ma.'fttzat ,and. nO,t
merely on the political clap-trap which Sir Henry has
The iHlIlfllzat were in their turn boiled down into Slyal' 01'.
so as to make a continuous history of the various myshc orders
(silsilahs) and their sections and subsections. But the Siyal" are not
mere sunimaries; they supply many connecting links and often add
to the information contained in the Tazldrllns. The hiographical
notes of thousands of persons unknown to office and to power are
contained in the literature here mentioned. To this we must add the
histories of calligraphists, architects, phYSicians, etc., with the
treatises on special arts from pigeon-flying and to w?r-
fare and siege-operations. Here, in fact, whatcvcr S1I'
and his bureaucratic colleagues may say, is a library of hIstone hte-
rature for the Middle Ages, the like of which no other country C8n
claim to possess.
Most Anglo-Indian writers of text-books on Indian histoLY have
confined themselves to a repetition of Sir Henry Elliot's platitudes.
This was bad enough; but when the education departments used
their authority to instil such vicious doctrines the minds of t1W
nSJl1 enerations the evil wrou ht was incalculable.
of t 1e communal fanaticism we see in India today is the result of
these text-books; they have misrepresented the Mussalmans to the
Hindus and' the Hindus to the Mussalmans and have tried to sap
the foundations of Indians' self-respect. The following passage of Sir
Henry Elliot, the fountain and origin of Anglo-Indian ideas on the
subject, will make my meaning clear:
"If the intrinsic value of the works of the native historians be
small, they will yield that is worth observation to anyone who
will attentively examine them. They Willmak0 0/(1'
more sensible of the advantages accruing to thcm lInder the mildness
and equity of aliI" !'!tIe. If instruction were sought from theili, we
should be spared the rash declarations. respecting Mohammedan
India, 'which are frequently made by persons not otherwise
"Ve should no longer hear bmlllJosfioc balms, enjoying under VlI1'
governmellt the highest degree of ,personal liberty and many more

r
II
11
'I
f"
Slr"Henry E!ilot
9
political privileges than were ever conceded to a conquered nation,
!'ave about patriotism and the degradation of. their present position.
If they would dive into any of the volumes mentioned herein, it
would take these young Brutuses and phocians a very :;hort time to
learn, that in the days of that dark period for whose return they s'igh,
even, the bare utterance of their ridiculous fantasies
9
would have
been attended, 'not with silence and contempt but with the severest
discipline of the molten lead or impalement. \Ve should be compelled
to listen no :more to the clamours against the resuiliptions of free-
rent tenures, when almost every page will show that there was no
tenure, whatever its deSignation, which was not open to resumption
in the theory of law and which was not repeatedly resumed in prae-
tke.l
o
These considerations, and mallY more which will oUel' them-
selves to any diligent peruser of the volumes here noticed, will serve
9. Ridiculous, that is, for them; quite justifiahle in a 'vVestern race.
10. It is not the nationalists-'bombastic baboos' or hy whatever other contemp-
t tuons epithets people in power may be pleased to ealJ them, who oppose the re-
sumption of free-rent tenures .. The agitation for the fixation of government dues,
is, in Northem India, of which Sir Henry Elliot was thinking, eonnned to the
zamindars or landlords, who are purely a creation of the British rule and Jlave,'
consequently, a stake in the country. The statement that "there was no tenum,
whatever its designation, which was not open to resumption In the theory of the
law and was repeatedly resumed in practice" is perfectly preposterous and betrays
a total ignornnce of the conditions of life in the Mit!,lle Ages and of medieval law.
I)n the lirst place, there were no landlords and India was free from the benelits
aocming to it from that 'twice hlessed' class.' The peasant held his land in per-
petuity; there wns no question of ousting him. There were only two important settle-
ment operations during the Middle Agys, the nrst by Alauddin nnel the second hy
Akbar, the Great; and the government dues, once lixed, could not be increased. The
pr;ncipal feature of the Middle Ages, which no should ignore, was the
strength and fixity of its eustol11s. Most kings far from being ahlc to 'resume lands
lfepeatedly in practice' could with difficulty eoneet the nonnal land-revenue for the
year. Medieval governments, 11lllike their modern successors, had no monopoly of
gunpowder, cannon, aeroplanes and other instrumeuts of destruction. In all acute
difference of opinion hetween the gove1'11ors and the governed, there was a fair trial
of strengtb. If there was more of on one side, there was also more of '
.courage on the other. It was only in cases where a, grantee 11ad received land from
the government, and did not hold it hy a customary tenure, that resumption was
possible. TIms grant given for military services were often takcn hack when the
grantee or his descendants were un"hle to perform the gpeelfled' services. The hest
('anon of administration required that no f;0vernment olncer should he ,tllowcd to
remain for long in a particular locality; hut owing to the favour or the weakness
of the monarch, the amirs were often allowed to vegetate in their districts for a life-
thw. noel their nnd tl1cfr grnnclsonR sl1ceC'cc1,'rl t1wIn in tho p'ncc. A stron,A: mo-
narch felt himself cnlitlcd to ,take back weh qitos or districts. Lands given as pen-
sions or life-estates to men of learning or piety could also be resumed. 11,e :!tate,
10 PoI/tics alld Society during the Early Medieval Period
to diss.ipate the which are commonly entertained
re.garclmg. the dy.n?shes. wInch passed, and show him that, not- .
a CIVIl policy and a congenial climate, which forbids (,lUi.
tIlls country a permanent home, and deriving personal gmti-
fica/IOns or profit from its adt'ancement, notwithstandillO' many
defects neccssarily inhcrent in a system of foreran in
which language, colour, mUgion, cust011!S and laws preclude' all
sympathy between and sllb;ect, we have already,
the half-century of our dommlOn, done more for the substan-
hal. !lcncllt. of the, people, thall our. in the of
thell ,adophon :new ablc to accomphsh l\l ten tmies that penod; and
from thc past, he will derive hope for the future,
that, lllspired by the success which has hitherto attendcd our en-
d?avours" wc shall follow them up by continuous efforts to fulfil our
'ugh desfllly as the rulers of India."
'. It be .. match the godless arrogance of these
by 111 wntmgs of the Hindu or Muslim histodans
of. luella, The fallaCies of the are obvious. Is it fair, one
mlgh,t ask, to compar? the workmg of a govcrnment today with a
,of Ages? Were the anccstors of Sir Hmry
Elhot better off m the tllll'teenth or the fourteenth centuries than
our. ''''ere their laws rnore rigidly cnforced and were
then: kmgs and barons less cruel? Has medieval England or even
Europe left a heritage of literary, or scientific
that can possibly stand comparisoll with what India
or PersIa produced? It is easy to see the mole in another's eye
and to forget the beam in one's own.'Vhat ahout the
baro1l1al oppressions in England and the Wars of the Roses? Here
moreover, asserted its right to administer .. wlIq! (religious endowments) and to
wme them when the purpose of the wartf could not he carried out, Such exccptions,
do not disprove the general law. The state could onlv rcsunie lands of
",ll1ch It had itself heen the grantor, or of which, as in the case ;,r endowment lands
where the purpos:- of the endowment could not he fulfilled, it was the legitimate
Thc Ages, for all_ their shortcomings, wcre not periods of legiti-
matized contractors and adventurers ennohled as landlords and of
propnot?!'s reduceel to the position of tenants on su/fcmnee througll the legis-
lation of a forClgn government that knew precions little ahout thc conditions of the
conntr)', As to, the share of the state, the Himlu rajas, in general, took one-sixth of
the gross produce, The Turkish sultans, while admitting the theoretical claim of
the not to pay more than one-tenth, continued the old rates, for the IcvyinR
of, a ddfercntml rate was impossible in practice and entailed a hcavy Joss to the
WIth tho. conversion of every peasant to Islam and the or o.vr.rv TJigTw of
lanel a Sher Shah mi,,,d the sblle-sham to o11o.-foml11 "'Hi Akhal' to '
one-thm!. That was the highest figllw it ever rcached,
I
l
I
l
SIr Henry Elliot
11
is a description of England during the civil wars of Matilda and
Stephen by one of her best historians (Prof. rIo W. C, Davis, Eng-
land under the NoniJans and Angevins): "Both claimants found
themselves obliged tq make any grant' of privilege which was de-
manded by a wavering supporter, Lands and titles, rights of justice,
rights of coinage, rights of castle-building, the offices of shei'ilf and
justiciar were granted without stint or limitation .. , The state to
which less-favoured districts wcre reduced is described by mOre than
. one contemporary; and, when all allowance has been made for the
natmal exaggeration by which each writer attributed to the whole
country the evils which he saw in his immediate ncighbourhood, thcre
remains a terrible picture of rapine, cruelty and wanton insolence,
They forced the folk to build them castles, says the last of the writers
. of the English chronicle; and when the castles were finished, they
filled them with devils and evil men. They took those whom they
suspected to have any goods, both men and women, by night and
day, and put them in prison for theilgold and silver, and tortured
them with pains unspeakahle. Some they hung np by the feet and
smoked them with foul smoke; some bv their thumbs or 1Ji' the head
and they hung buming things on their' feet. About the heads of some
they put a knotted string which they twisted till it went into
the brain. Others they put into a chest that was short and nalTOW
and not deep, and they put sharp stones in it and the man
. therein, They were continually levying an exaction from the town-
ships that was called tensel'ie, and when the wretched folk had lio
more to give, they plundered them and burned the township. 'Well
mightest thou walk a whole day's faring nor eVer find a man
biting a township or tilled lands.' Such was the state of the fens III
which for many months Geoffery de Mandeville, the worst of the
King's adherents, maintained a rebel army by ferocious ravages, The
state of the west country is described by a clerk of Winchester, the
biographer of Stephen. Some men, he says, left their homes an? fled
to distant regions. Others built themselves a hut of wattle:v
ork
III the
shadow of a Church and passed their days in fear at;td anguish.
ate the flesh of dogs and horses; they ate raw herbs and roots; III
some places they died in, herds of famine; in ?thers the
rotted in the fields becausc the fanners had penshed or were fled.
An Indian critic will, nevertheless, be grateful to Sir Hcnry for
the brutal frankness of his remarks; they show us in a IUl'id light
historical misrcprcscntation which was necessary for his political pur-
A depreciation of Ol1r past history-a denial that it contained
anything that was good and wholesOlue-was necessalY in order ,,!.o
12
Politics and Soc/etf! during tIle Early Mel/leonl Period
'bombastic baboos', not conlcllt with their 'small rcmunera-
tion', from criticizin the 'higucrestiny' of the 'rulers of India', But
ills was not ,enoug I. Communal hatred had to be encouraged: The
peaceful IndIan Mussalman, beyond doubt hom Hindu
ancestors, was dressed u) in fIle garb of a foreilSE: barbarian lIS a
brea temp_ es an an eater 0 and dedared to be a military
coiol1lst 111 the land where he 11ad lived for about thirty or forty
centu,ries. A.II the opposite were attributed to the Hindu; weak,
emacIalcd from heat- of the Indian plain, quiet in his
unambItIous ,IllS outlook, he was obviously' it fit object
for stratagems and had Ill) right to cOlllphin when con-
quered by more vInle races from colder climes. Year after year
instilled these ideas into the impres-
slOnable mmds of theu' pupils; year after year boys, who could not
repeat these n.oxious platitudes in their examinations, were ploughed.
The result of It is seen in the communalistic atmosphere of India to-
day. The Hindu feels it his duty to dislike those whom he hils been
taught to consider the enemies of his religion and his ancestors; the
Mussalman, lured into the false belief that he was once a member of
a fuling race, .. wronged by being relegated to the
status of a mmonty commumty. Fools both I Even if the Mussal-
mill1S eight centuries ago were 115 bacl as Iller are painted, would
there be any sense in holding the present generation responSible for
th.eir deeds? It is but an hnagillative tie that joins the modem IIindu
With IIal'shavardhana or Asoka, or the modern Mussalman with Shi-
habuddin or Mahmud, What has happened yesterday is beyond Qur
js today tomorrow that eoncel'll us more. A sane poli-
heal philosophy wIll not go out of its way to settle ,the account of
the past; it is the future for which we have to build. "The sins of the
fathers", it has been written, "are visited upon the children, ave,
unto the seventh generation." But at least after the seventh gelle-
ration-some two hundred years-they ought to be politically for-
gotten.
II. MEDIEVAL HISTORY AND MODERN POI,ITICS
, The root of all these rriischievous fallacies lies in the determination
to v.isualizc the ast in the terms of the resent political
through s ICeI' lack of iniaginatiol1. The Hindus and Mlis-
saJnialls \vei 1) not in the Middle Ages what they arc today;- Ihei dill
Mediev(/l History and Modern Politics 13
not look at political questions from our pOint of view, I will not say
that their outlook was better. But it was eertainl different.' A para-
graph from Sir Hemy E iot s introe uctlOn wi i ustrate my mean-
ing. After ellumerating the evils inflicted by the Mussalmans on the
Hindus, he is ill-advised enough to add: "These deficiencies (0 the
histories of India) are more to be lamented, where, as some-
times happens, a Hindu is the author. From one of that nation we .
might have expected to leal'll what were the feelings, hopes, faiths,
feal's and yeamrngs of his sllb;ect !"ace; but, unfortunately, he rarely
wlites except according to order or dictation, and every phrase ,is
studiously and servilely turned to flatter the vanity of an imperious
Mohanimedan patron. There is nothing to IJetray his I'cligion 01' his
nation, except, perhaps a certain stiffness or affection of style, which
shows how ill the foreign garb hefits him. With l1illi a Hindu is an
'infidel' and a Mohammedan 'one of the true faith' and of the holv
saints of the calendar, he writes with all the fervour of a higot. With
him, when Hindus are killed, 'their, souls are despatched tohe11', and
when a Mohammedan suffers the same fate, 'he drinks the cur of
martyrdom'. He is so far wedded to the set phrases and inflated lan-
guage of his conquerors that he speaks of 'the light of Islam shedding
its refulgence on the worler, of 'the blessed Muharram' and of 'the
illustrious Book'. He usually opens with a 'Bismillah', and the ordinary
profession of faith in the unity of the Godheacl. followed by lauda-
tions of the holy Prophet, his companions and descendants, and
indulges ;n all the most devout rind orthodox attes(nlhlllS of Ill"! Mo-
hammedans. One of the Hindu author, l1e1'e noticed, speaks of stand-
ing in his old age, 'at the head of his bier and on the brink of his
grave; thou!!h he rriust haye been fully aware that, before loni!. his
remains would be burnt, and his ashes cast into the Gan!!es.' Even
at a later period, when flO lOfl{!er 'Tiherii ac Neronfs I'es oh ,mentem
falsae' there is not one of his slavish crew who treats the 1uston, of
his natil)e count)'l! sulJiecUfJell!, 01' presents tiS with the tlwughts,
emotions and mp'tures while a lonf!, oppressed mee might /!ive vent
to, when freed fl'om the tl/1'(/nnll of its fOI'ei.r!n masters, and allowed
to express itself in the naf1l1Yll langllage of the heart, withollt COl1S-
f) ai., f without a'dulation."ll
Surely, a fine specimen of hureaucratic logic! It is, in the first
place, assumed that the Hindus, as distinct from the Mussalmans,
'nation' by therriselves; the Mussnlmans, on Ihcir part, are also
,ll 'nation'. The existence of a commOn Indian nationalitv with com-
11. Elliot & Dawson, HIstory of In din, Vol. I, Original Preface, pr. xxi-xxii-"".
14 Polllles and SOc/ely during tl.6 Early Medieval Period
mon ties of culture and of blood, which would have explained the
whole riddle simply and intelligihly, Sir Henry was concerned to
ignore. Secondly, because the English are a foreign and conquering
nation, it is assumed that the Indian (",honl, quite con-
veniently, he fails to distinguish from the Turks) were also 'con-
querol:s' though their govenuuent, unHkethe foreign government
that has succeeded it, is classified a tyranny. If so, the Hindus
must have been subjected to an unbearable oppression for over six
centuries, during which long period the .Mussalmans (in spite of the
fact that no one of them ever dreamt of going back to Persia or Tur-
kistan) remained 'foreign masters' while the Hindus remained 'native'.
"The few glimpses we have", hp. declares in the same introduction,
, "even muong the short extracts in this single volume, of Hindus slain '
f6r disputing with l'vlohammedans, of general prohibitions against
processions, worship and ablution,12 and of . other intolerant mea-
surcs, of idols mutilated, of temples destroyed, of forcible conversions
and t'narriagcs, of prescriptions and confiscations, of murders and
massacres, and of the sensuality and drunkenness of the tyrants who
enioined them, show us that the picture is not overcharged." This is
a long list of climes and would have been longer if more adjectives
of the saine sort had bcen available in the English language, But how
do we get to such a picture? What is our authority for those grave
statements? "It is much to be regretted", Sir Henry continues, "that
we are left to draw it (the picture) for ourselves from out of the mass.
of ()rdinary occurrences, recorded bv writers who sympathize with
no virtue and ahhoJ' 110 vices."18 means, in plain languaw', that
out of the luass of detailed facts we fish out only those convenient
for our purposes, take them out of their proper historical perspective
and use them for the excitement of communal fanaticism, It is a
cle[)r ,!-rick, sure to be found out one day; hut for a generation or two
it will do alid hy that tirrie the two great communities may he alien-
ated, if not for ever, at least for ages to coiTie.
Now if there is anything true in Sir Henry's two premises-that
tho native Hindu 'nation' was 'conquered' hy the 'foreil!'l1' Muslini
nation and tha,t this foreign and Muslim tyranny lasted for six hun-
12, There were simply no such geueral prohihitions; Hincluisol was too strong
nnel would not have tolerated them, It is notorions that from the time of Sultan
Mnhmml, Hinelus wcre freely enlisted in tJ1C army and rose to the highest command.
W1tnt hound the army to the nllers was not religion hut loyalty to tim salt, and a.
c"crj!s rcpc.ntcdly sllOwccl, Himlns and Mussalmnns, rCJ:(nrdlcss of ,lifTerenc"s of
erp.cel, were loyal to ,their masters salt. '.'
1:1, Elliot & /)owson, lfMnry of, India; Vol. I,
Medieval Illstory and Modern Politics 15
dred years-we might expect to hear plenty of vain talk from the
'hombastic hahoo' of the Ages, whQ ought (unlike his modem
successor who has no right to do so) to tell of the fcelings, hopes,
faiths, fcars and yearnings of his subject race'.
But 'bombastic baboo' that hc is, he does nothing of the kind I He
Persian like a Mussalman, prays like a Mussalman, swears like
a Mussalman and, what is worse. hopes to he hurried and saved like
a Mussaln1an.l
4
There is nothing in his thoughts and feelings to in(li-
cate that he helongs to an oppressed race, nothing that even 'betrays
his nation or religion', Of course his Persian style is defective, stiff
and affected, But let us wait Maybe, he is not free,to write what he
likes, He has not in the Middle Ages the imrriediate advantages accru-
ing under the mildness and equity of our rule and 'the highest degree
of personal liberty' cnjoyed under 'our government', As the eigh-
tcenth ccntury succceds the seventeenth and the M1I!!hal administra-
tive machine crumhles to pieces. the Hindus will s1lrely rejOice 1 But
again. not a rriurmur of thanks, not a sigh of relief-'not one of this
slavish crew' will present tiS with the thoughts, C1notions and rap-
tures which a long oppressed race mit!,ht be slIpposed to give vent to.
Incredible though it may seem. Hindu writers even after the fall of
the empire will long foi' the tirrie of Akhar tl1C Gl'eat. and Hi.mlu
politicians waste their ,time and encrgv in huttrcssin{! 1111 the rotten
foundations of the Mughal Etripire. Not even the "oldest of. thcm
{',ares,.Io think of a govc1'l1m'ent except under a prince of the House
of 'l'inl\l1',' Now rriav not 0111' sllPnositions he wrong? Mav thCl'e not
he sorrie truth in "the rash rlcclarations rcsnectinr.: Mohammedan
Inelia Imide hv people not otherwise ignorant"? 'What if the Mussal-
mans were not 'foreigners' anrl 'cononeror5' and the' Hindus not
[In 'onprcsserl nation': or 'a slavish crmv'? Olhcl' con-
clusions I nnd a return to the inter-comrnnnal cnonlinatinn of tl1('
part, or better still, a final farewell to all {'ommllnal scntiments 1
Eirrhtv vears of communalism have heen cnollj!h,
If apnroached withont anv a nriori preimlices, tl'e Tvfirlc11e II rres of
Indi[ln history will he seen in a simple an(1 rational Iirrht. To the
esla7J7ishment of the Bl'itishF:mnil'e in India lJefween 1757 o'1.d 1857
there is no n01'01lel in 0[(1' of the nasi, Illrlia had often heen
invnr1ed hv foreilmers, hut it harl never (exccpt for short 111(1 ne!!li-
rrihle perio(ls) 'heen governed hv them. The vast mass of tJ1C Mussal-
. or Tn(lia (at least 90 ner ernt of them) arc tJH' s()ns of Hindu
converts, Tt nia), he possihlc to And some remole analogy between
14. llte lnst c1nhTi, of conrse, IS beyond tolerance, Let "s cremnte him 1
16 Politics and Socle/V during the Early Medieval" Period
the coming of the English under Clive and the invasion of the Turks
under Shihabuddin' and Qutbuddin. But the fate of the two was
entirely dilferent. In the first place the Mongol invasion of Turkistan,
Mawaraun-Nahr, Persia and Afghanistan entirely cut off the Indian
Turl:s their they had been in India for thirty
years. vVlth no strong .or culture of their own,_they rapidly
adopted the customs of theIr neIghbours and made up their minds
to settle down for ever in their new homes. All their graveyards are
here. The Turkish conquest of India was, moreover, accompanied by
a missionfllY propaganda, quite independent of, and often hostile to,
the government; and as the Turkish aristocracy would not admire any
non-Turkish elements within its charmed ranks, it was overthrown,
crushed and wiped off as if it had never been. Only by a careful
examination of the Persian records can we prove its exisfence. Even
so, perhaps a thousand years hence, archaeologists from a Newer
Delhi may, arguing from some clumsy stone lamp-posts unearthed
in the precincts of Raisina and the extraordinarv ugliness of the buil-
dings, neither Indian nor Greek nor Roman in sivle, excavated in that
H try to ass\1l"e an incredulous that India was
by a race from "'Testern Europe. ,
The world is constantly changing; nothing lasts. The 'bombastic
haboos' will have thcir swaraj. 'Our high destiny as rulcrs of India"
vVhat a vanishing' dremri' So, perhaps, also spoke Iltutmish and Bal-
ban and the grand Turks of the Forty Families who wielded in India
an irresponsible power such as no one had wielded before and no
one has wielded since. But whither are thcy fled? Crushed by the
Khalji Rcvolution which sparcd not one of thcir descendants r Not
even the stones of their palaces have been left to tell the tale. "Tell
thclri", says the Quran. "tra"el ahout the world and sec what has
hcen the lot of those who disputed the truth." Here, at least, an
sCliptures are one. "And we have written in the Thora" continues the
Ouran, "after remembrance (of the Lord) that the righteous (saleh)
shall inherit the Earth." And the dccree of the Lord shall he fulfllled,
a:'c, fulfllled through human hands I
III. HINDU MUSLIM RELATIONS IN TIIE MIDDLE ACES
Our medieval kingship was an essentially secular institution. Hoyal
power was hased on Persian tradition, not on Islamic law. The em-
peror-sultans of Delhi, as 'a rule, carefully distinguished their public
1lI11du Mu.,/im Relatioll8 In tl'e Ages 17
duties from their faith. They refused to enforce the Shm'i'at
. so far as public law was concerned, and behaved as kings of alItheir
subjects and nQt as kings of the Mussalmans only. The point deserves
a consideration for it illustrates the curious national feeling
Qf the MIddle Ages, on one side, the complete secularizatiQn of politics,
and, on the other, the extension of a real tolerance to all the subjects
of the empire of Delhi and to them only. Between the el'npel'or-sul-
tans and the Hindus within their dominions, the unifying bond was
not a bond of faith. It was that of sovereign and suhject-a tie quite
well-understood on hoth sides. The emperor did not feel morally
concerned for the spiritual .salvation of his Hindu suhjects; that was
not a question for him to decide. So long as they yielded him the
ohedience due, he was quite content. And the Hindus, while ready
to, the emperor's power in political matters, would tolerate
no meddlilt'g with their creed. As soon as the tide of Turkish invasion
stopped in its conqnering career, toleration for all the subjects of the
emperor living within his dominiQn waS recognized to he' the only
possible policy for the state. Througholit the extensive einpire of
Delhi Hindu temples were left in unmolested peace. The . three or
four cases of attempted oppression,. to which QUI' historians refer,
prove, rather than disprove, the general law. As for the Hindtls'n6t
allowed to ride horses, shoot arrows and so forth; the general
prohibitions against Hindu processions, ablutions and worship-these
fables have arisen from a false reading of the original dOClJrrients.l5 A
15. Ziynmhlin nnnmi, for example, in his Tnriklr-i F/fflZ S';aTii, asserts
owing to Alamldin Khalji's measures 'the Hindu' wns So reduced thnt he was
no 10nger ahle to ride on horse-hack or wenr silk apparel or shoot his arrowS
from a P"rsian how. A careful study of Earani's account will satisfy the rca'\"r
that the author docs not mean all Hindus, hut the particubr class of Hindus against
whom Atmldclin's meaS11res were intcmlt'd and whom hims('lE ddhH's ns the
IHllqaddam means the first man; Klwt is prohal-;iy
a Hindu corrnption of the Persian word Khat or deed, mcaninp; the man who hf\d given
n deed to the revenilC officer thnt he wonld he resp0",ihle for the collection of, land
tax from his village or locality. It is difficnlt to find the exact significance of the
word, ')!lallil', lwt there can he little douht thnt by the 'Hindn' Earnni means the
vill!ige head-man. Against these head-men Almuklin took two steps. In the llrst plnco
he aholished their perquisites (lwQllQ-I-kIIOU), I.e. the pcreentag1e of revenue they
tise'd to keep for themselves as payment for the work and arranged for the ,collection
of revenilC in future hy the agents of the Revenue Office or DiIVan. Seponclly,
he directed that all land was to he taxed "in proportion to' its extent" and that
"the burden of the strong was not to he thrown on the weak". This apparently just
law hit the hcad-men hard; as collectors of revenue they had hitherto escaped paying
anything for tI,e Imid they cnltivated hy compelling their neighbours to pay more
thnn was dne from them. If we arc to helieve ,Ferlshta, Alauc\,lin also llxed n maxi-
mnm for the cattle It villager conld keep nt fottr oxen, cows or ImlTaloes, nnd twenty
18 Politics and Socletll during tIle Earlll Medieval Period
Hindu general Malik Naik commanded the right wing of Alauddin's
army and the Rana of Chi to}" led his vanguard with five thousand
men. There are any number of sllch examples. Could members of a
community not allowed to lide horses and wear anns have ?ceupied
these positions? I do not for a moment wish to suggest that the tolera-
tion granted to Hinduism within the empire was the result of the
emperor's free will or that it was liked by the more fanatical part
of his Muslim subjects. It was very much a matter of compulsion, of
,dirt;' political necessity. Medieval lIinduisni was armed and organised;
it \vas ';olerated because it had to be tolerated. There was no other
alternative.
In A.D. 1291 Sultan Jalaluddin Khalji attenipted to besiege Ran-
thambhor, but finding it impregnable" ordered a retrcat. His nephew,
Malik Ahmad Hahib, strongly protested against the order when it
was discussed by the Royal CounCil. "If the Emperor returns without
conquering Ranthamhhor", he complained, "people's respect for him
will decrease. Why does not Your Majesty follow the footsteps of
Sultan Mahniud and Sultan Sanjar, those pillars of the Muslim faith
who conquered the world? You cannot turn away your eyes from
(the example of) their exploits and conquests." The Sultan
"My lad", he replied, "the armour-bearers and foot-men of Mahmud
and Sanjar were a thousand times better and more honourable than
I. How can T, wllo have but the mercst pretence of temporary king-
ship, dream of what those great rulers and conquerors have
itccoinplished? What am I-what is the dignity and power of my
kingdom-that I should strive for what Mahmud and Sanjar lwvc
achieved? Fool! Do you not see that the Hindus pass er;ery darl Ill{
11111 palace lllowinr; their cpllches and 7leafing their cll'1l11ls 011 their
'wa!! to worship their idols In! the bank of the JU1I1Ila? They follow
the laws of their infidelity before my eyes, despising me and my
goatl'< or shcep in order to prevent the misappropriation of pasture hy the stronger
individuals of the village. Alauddin. used to romplain that at the time of his accession
tllC head-men made war on each other, imprisoned and tort11l'ed the agents of the
Revenue Office whenever the latter ventured to approach them. These
enforced throughout Hindus!an IInder the, spears of Alauddin's solelicrs reduced the
head-men to indigence. They had hegun to claim proprietary rights over their villages.
Alomldin 7mluee(1 them to tI,e position bf farmers. Barani does say that they
were ordered not to ride horses or to wear silk-apparel; they had, according to him,
become so poor that they could no longbr alford these luxnries. TI'is pa .. age has,
unfortunately, given rise to much misunderstanding htlt will not cause any difficulty
to a reader who stmlies it along witl, Darani's account of the other reforms of Alaud-
din Khalji (pP. 286-89 of the Persian text). Though the majority of the hea,l-nien
were Hindus, there can l,c no douht that niany of' them were Mns'almans also.
A,landdin's l1ieasures were intended against both,
..
Hindu Muslim Relations in the Middle Ages
19
,.oyal authority. If I were a tme Muslim king, would I let them eat
theij' betels, weal' their cleati clothes and vaunt themselves among the
MlIssalll;.alls wUlt a feal'less heart? Slwme on me and my kingdom!
MY(illlllle is 'read in every Friday sermOn. Lying preachers style me
'the Defender of the Faith'. And yet the enemies of my faith in my
capital and before my eyes-live in luxury and splendour and arro-
gantly pride themselves over the Mussalmans on account of their
prosperity and wealth. Openly with the beat of drums, they worship
their idols and follow their infidel customs. Shame on lYle. I leave
them in their luxury and pride and. content myself with the few 'tan-
kas' I get from them by way of chal'ity."16 It was the last whine of
impotent fanaticism. Jalaluddin, whose common sense was superior
to his theology, returned to Delhi but took no steps against the Hin-
dus. The days of Mahmud of Ghazni had gone, never to return. The
emperor-sultan of Delhi, whether they liked it or not, had to ascend
their throne under conditions which were acceptable to the Hindus.
The intolerance preached but not practised by JalaJuddin Kllalji is,
of course, no part of Islam; Mussalmans who considered intolerance
a duty found themselves utterly helpless; persecution became a sort
of ideal for bigots, which practical men threw into the lumber-room
of useless speculations.
A foreign despot like Sultan Mahmud, with the forcc of an orga-
nized nation at his back, could come and plunder peaceful cities and
go back loaded with spoils. Bllt for the cmperor-sultans of Delhi,
who depended for the larger part of their taxes, thcir arm)' and their
material strcngth on their Hindu subjects, such a policy was impossi-
ble. For them communal conflict would have meant unavoidable min.
The' supposed cases of persecution in medieval India can be
on the fingers of one hand and will, on closer examination, turn out
to be cases of individual injustice, not of. eomniunal oppression;
temporaries, at least, did not regard them as such. It is cnrious that
neither the political nor the sacred literature of the Middle Ages
gives us the slightest indication of Hindu national reaction against
Hle Mussalmans; it was not that Hindus were unwilling or unable to
protest; they were notorious, if anvthing, for. their warlike propensi-
ties: But in none of the innumerahle battles of mediewil India, do we
Hnd the mmies divided on pui'ely religiOuS lines. A phalanx of Afghmi
warriors fought uncler Rai Pitlwra at the battlc of Tarain; Muslim
artillery-men supported the Maritthas at the third battle of Pariipat:
. A real Hindu-Muslim hattie has yet to fought. If we would
16. nomni, TarlklH S/I(I/,I, 1" 216 (PerSian tex"!),
20
Politics and Society <lul'lng tIle Ea"'y Medieval- Pel'lod
understand the history of medieval India aright, we must once and
for all dismiss the stupid and impossible picture of a body of foreign
conquerors governing and misgoverning a peaceful and harmless
poptIlatioll. There is not a scrap of evidence in the original docu-
.ments to support such a view. Of course, Muslim kings fought with
Hindu rajas, but they fought even more frequently with other Muslim
kings, and similarly for one Rajput who may have fallen in a war
Witfl the sultan of Delhi, about a hundred Rajputs were slaughtered
in the tribal feuds of Rajasthan. Hinduism, in any case, was armed
to the teeth; the government of medieval India was a COinradeship
between two energetic and militant communities. The emperor was
a Mussalman because, with Hinduism divided into castes and sub-
eastes, the Mussalmans were the strongest and the most united mino-
rity, and outnl1mhered the Kshattriyas as well as the Brahmans. If
Hinduism had been inspired by the spirit of e(luality and social de-
mocracy, which was the finest features of Islani in the Middle Ages,
matters would have been certainly different.
But the tolerance of the emperor-sultans was strictly confined to
the Hindus within their dominion. Once their armies crossed the im-
perial frontier, all tol",rance, good sense and even humanity were cast
aside; and the' fanatical feelings forcibly kept under control at home
exploded with revollltionary violence ahroad. The vandalism of
Sultan Mahmud in Hindustan was equalled, if not surpassed, by
Malik Kafur in the Deccan. It,is no use denying obvious facts. There
is not a single Muslim historian of the Middle Ages who fails to re-
cord the destruction of temples, idols and monuments of inimitahle
art which followed in the wake of the conquering armies of Delhi.
They prided themselves over these deplorable achievements und
made no efforts to conceal them. True enough, the destruction of
teniples and places of worship is contrary to every principle of the
Muslim faith, and Islam, as a religion, is not to he judgcd the
politicians who so mendaciously misrepresented it in the early IvIiddle
Ages. Nor rriust it he forgotten that customs differ with age. and that
according to the accepted tradition of those days, plundering an
enemy's house of worship was considered a legitimate act of war.
When the Mongol hordes invaded the Muslim lands of Central Asia,
Persia and Afghanistan, they 'regarded the of mosques
and libraries as an integral part of their scheme of conC/ucst.. Shiha-
buddin Ghtll'i's conquest of Hindustan, and Kahl1.'s invasion of Dec-
can, cOlTipare, if anything, favourably with the havoc wrou!!ht hy
the, Seljuqs, GhliZZ and Tatars in the tOWllS and villages of Pcrsia.
Wllr is II child's play. Surely; princes ruill a tOW!l when they
Wildt! Muslim Relallons / .. tIle Middle Ages
21
conquer it and degrade the noblest of its citizens; this is what they
have always done. The sam,e sentiment, which sanctioned tolerance
of all the subjects of the even when they differed in faith, also
sanctioned oppression of even if they happened to be co-
religionists. YelY often the Indian, in his extraordinary loyalty to
his Salt, proved untrue to every other principle of moral life. The
armies ot Turkish and Khalji emperors were composed of Hindus
as well as Mussalmans; in the destruction of temples in southern
India, the Hindus had a part.
The real motive of plundering. expeditions of those days was greed
for treasure and gold. The iconoclastic pretensions were )lieant only
for the applause of the .gallery. For the emperor, campaign
the Hindus outside the empire was purely a bUSiness-venture, and
the economic conditions of the day made it, in the hands of an effi-
cient board of directors, the most paying of all financial investments.
From thue immemorial the balance of trade had been in favour of
India; the precious metals 'bad slowly accuinulated in the country,
and, thanks to the clevotion of innumerable believers,' ultimately
found their way to the great temples. In an agricultural country like
India nothing but hard knocks could be expected in plundering the
villagers, and neither Hindus nor Mussalmans essayed the dangerous
experiment. In almost all campaigns of the Middle Ages, the ordinary
villagel' and citizen was left in peace. The real object was the tem-
ple and its fabulous wealth, and the principal motive was not reli-
gious bigotry but economic greed. If the Hindtt temple had been
as' severe. and plain as the Muslim mosgue, Mahmud of Ghazni
would not have invaded Hindustan nor Alauddin Khalji despatched
his conquering arnlies to the Deccan.
But why did an armed and turbulent people like the Indians of
the Middle Ages . support, or at least tolerate, a centralized monarchy
when it could appeal neither to prescriptive right nor to the letter
of religiOUS law? After all men worked, fought and died for the em-
pire and they must have been inspired by some hope, SOme ideal,
some nioral consciousness of the desirability of the institution for
which they were prepared to make so many sacrifices. When Mah-
mud of Ghazni invaded India he found a number of rais, presump-
tuous disunited; only the memory of a past empire remained to
console the Indians in the hour of their triill. Why, then, did the
erriperor-sultans of Delhi succeed in unifying the country when the
task had proved too great for thcir Hindu predecessors? The verdict
of destiny reveals itself through human hands; conSciously or sub-
conSciously, there must have becn present in the minds of men some
22 Politics 011'/ SocietfJ durillg tlte EarlfJ Medieval Period
reasons for preferring the emperors to their opponents. Far from
being a 'slavish crew', the Indians were an insubordinate and noisy
people find there were plenty of adventurers ready to take advantage
.of the first opportunity. It was not tyrtU1l1y bilt anarchy which thought-
ful men in those days were ni,ost afraid of.
It must be premised, first of all, that the empirc really came into
existence with the Khalji Revolution; the government of the slave
kings was a pretension and a sham, a supcrstructure without foun-
dation, which often began at the Ghazni Gate and ended at the
Badaun Gate of Delhi. Thc Illlification of India was the work of the
fiery and ferocious Alauddin Khalji, and never since then has the
conception of national unity been absent from the people's mind.
There have been riots alid revolutions and civil wars; we have fought
and killed; but neither in peace nor in war have we forgotten that
we are inmates of the same house and ought, whatever its character,
to have the same government. Nature meant the lall(t south of the
IIillialayas to be the country of' a single pcople and the work of
nature had been peIfectecl by religion and art. Centuries before the
first Mussalman stepped across the mountain passes of the north-
west into the fertile plains of Hinclustan, the indestructible founda-
tions of our cultural and racial unity had been laid. It was the com-
prehensive work of comprehensive, minds. In the Hindu institutions
of pilgrimages and temples, in the fasts and ceremonies of the
Vedas and the folktales of the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, in
the tolerant philosophy of Mahayana Buddhism and the code of
Manu, we see the potent influences that rriade the sacred land of
Aryavarta one and indivisihle for all time to cohle. If this great \*.Tork
had not been previously performed, the work of Alauddin and Akbar
would have been devoid of aU moral solidity and their elnpires as
ephemeral as the empire of Alexander.
The Indo-Muslim mystics, without perhaps consciously knowing it,
followed the foot-steps of their great Hindu predecessors. It is a
grave injustice to the Mussalmans of India to judge them by the
charader of their kings, for whom they were in no way responsible,
while their religiOUS leaders, their artists .and poets, who exercised
an immeasurably greater influence over them, are ignored. The ma-
jority of the Mussalrrians, then as now, belonp:ed to the lower mid-
dle-class; even a cursory stndy of Malfllzat of the mystics will asspre
anyone who cares to inquire, that far from being conscious of any
'high destiny as rulers of India', their daily life was passed in con-
clitions of appalling poverty; a roof over the head was not always to
be had and a fuJI meal was a rare delight. Stich limited successes as
/llIIe/" MU81im ne/al./otls / .. tIle Middle Ages
23
Islam achieved in India was due not to its kings and politicians but
to its saints. With a new faith everything depends upon the method
of its presentation; and if .Islam in this land worn no other
aspect except conquermg hordes of Ghaz11l, It would not have
been accepted even by a of the people. But, Islam had
nobler and better representahves, who far from the atmosphere of
courts and camps lived the humble life of a humble
ing to SlInnat of the Prophet to whom 11is poverty was Ius
And Hinduism in its cosmopolitan outlook enrolled the Mus!tm
mystics among its l'ishis, and neighbourly feelings soon developed a
common calendar of saints. So it was in the thirteenth century and
so it remains today.
A newer and higher philosophy displayed the sterile fanatic.ism
of the Turks. On climbing to the roof of his Khan9ah one
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, the greatest of our medteval saw
a number of Hindus worshipping their idols. It Sight
a Mussalman to see a rational creature worslllppmg the Image Ius
own hands had carved out of stone. But the philosophy of,
Shaikh included the infidels also in its tolerant fold. "Every people,
he remarked, "has its tolerant (legitimate) Path, its Religion
Temple."17 This indeed, was the basis of our religiOUS In
the Middle Ages, a compromise sanctioned by the tlunkers,
scholars and statesmen of India. Underlying all our dIsagreement
was an agreement to differ. For each of us his own creed was the
legitimate and the best; the Hindu was welcome to be a Hmdu
and the Mussalman to be a good Mussalman. Islam was lust another
systerri ()f thought in a country already tolerating many opposed
philosophies; in a society divided into castes the
Mussalmans were but one caste more. The new faith was mcluded
ill the comprehensive fold of nationality. and i.t .hecame
sible for a Mussalnian to lead Ius countrymen J1l polItics. The new
religion rapidly fell into the of. the old. The mass ()f
Mtlssalmans being converts from temple !OI
the mosque but never thought of changmg their trachtlOnal
the prevalence of the ancient of among the
Mussalmans today is a notorIOUS and undelllable fact. ThCle was
peculiar in a section of the Indian I?eople the
rest; the Mussalmans stepped, almost exactly JIlto the position for-
17. "I/OI' qalltll, fast mlw!/. dirw!/ .1:11 qi1J/llgnlw!/". To which who was
present. acld",l, "Alml qib1l1 rml knre/mn, 1>1/1' simt-I kaj kulalla!! '. to the
thpt thp, Shaikh's hat was plaed slanUng on his forehead. The 10ClClent IS rdated I
la/w;iglr's i\lemo/rs.
2J.
Politics and Society during tf,e Early Medieval Period
mcrly occupied by the Rajputs. If a Muslim emperor COuld, by his
administration, skill and his organizing capacity, prove that he was
useful and indispensable, there would be no i!isnperable objection
to the acknowledgement of his authority on religious or national
grounds. '
Two further. causes made the establishment: of a centralized Indian
government both inevitable and desirable-the rise of the. Mongols
a.nd tbe disorganization of tbe Indian village communities. For about
years before the rise of the Khaljis the Mongols had been hang-
lIlg lIke a terror over the Indian frontier. They had sacked all the
cities of TUl'kistan, Mawaraun-Nahr,18 Persia and Afgha-
Il1stan and had ovcrrun thc Punjab up to Lahore. Hindus and Mussal-
Ilians were equally in danger. The Mongols were the sworn cl'.cinies
of .the Mussalmans and had destroyed all centres of Muslim civiliza-
they no. fricnds of Hindus. TJlCir Janguage was
unmtelltglble; their habits were revoltmg. Wherever they went, they
captured all women, high and ]0';1', and subjected them to a fate
than or. death. They slew children without conipul1e-
they dehghted III and massacres. For two genera-
tIOns a dark and thrcatenmg cloud had covered the sky. The man,
or body of men, who stopped the Mongol inroads would have an
undeniable right to the gratitude of the Indian people. Secondly, the
democratic organization of the village communities had gone to
pieces in the centuries preceding Shihabudclin's invasions. Law and
custom had given place to force and in an era of universal disorder,
the head-men Or mllqaddams had succeeded in establishing their
aut?cratic power ovel' the villages. Finding QO strong authority over
11I11qaddol1ls pr?ceeded to oppress the poorer pea-
sants (I'Ol!lat) WIthout compunctIon. Only the establishment of a
strong and centralized authority could save the peasants froln the
clutches of the head-men.
That it was the Mussalmans and not the Hindus who drove off
the Mongols and reorganized the administration of the countrv, so
that pcace came to reign where lawlessness had hcen rampant; was
the result partly of accident, partly of the situation of the two com-
almost any time before the accession of Alauddin Khalji,
a stout Lilulu attack would have brought the rickety empire of
Delhi to the ground. Muslini statesmcn certainly showed a greater
foreSight and tact than their Iivals; the bitter lessons of the past had
pI'epared them for a despcrate and successful slrilggle against the
lR. or the land hotwocn tho Jaxal'l('sj tlw 11111(1 IH!yond
the Jaxurtes is Turkistan. " .
.
AI", Rail",,, Alhenml on tIle NatIonal CllOracter of tI,e 25
Mongol hordes, while their comparative freedom from the tra!11
me1s
of custom and tradition enabled them to plan and execute the ad-
ministrative and revenue reforms which the country needed. The,
leadership of the Hindus had fallen to the Rajputs, who were too
disunited and too fond of internecine warfare to combine together
either for internal administration or external defence; nor was it in
the desert of Rajasthan that the empire of India could be establish-
ed or overthrown.
IV. ABU RAlIIAN ALBEI\UNI ON. TIlE NATIONAL CIIARACTEJ',
OF TIlE HINDUS
It is a curious comnlcnt upon the hasty and prejudiced
of Sir Henry Elliot19 that the first work which meets us 011 the tlll:es-
hold of the Middle Ages in the Kitabul Hind of the famous phIl?-
sopher-mathematician, Abu Raihan Mohammad Ibnci Ahmad Albe-
runi. '
Albel'Ul1i was born in Khwarazm in A.D. 973 and had attained to
distinction in politics as well as science and literature ill his native
city. Khwarazrri, like other central Asiatic states, excited the
greed of Sultan Mahmud, and .on the of Khwarazm. in
1017 Albcl'uni was sent to India as a politIcal pnsoner alol1g With
princes to whose interest he had adhered. Of the life
he was compelled to lead in this countrf' is difficult .to an
idea; telling us So much about others, he IS stlent concermng
no complaint or resentment against his enemies unless it be a
coldness in his references to Sultan Mahniud mars the sClCl1tlfic
character of his work. He was obviously not allowed to go where he
a1?\l his means wel:e limited. But he was allowed to associate
with Hincli! Pandits; and, though over forty-four years of age, rapidly
mastered aU the principles of Hindu science and philosophy. and as
much of Sanskrit grammar, poetry and literature as was pOSSIble
a foreigncr so circumstanced. Albenmi is by far the Musltm
who has cver written upon the social institutions, the phIlosophy and
the science of the IIimlus. It would be impossible to find any book,
ancient or modern; that equals the Kitablll Hind in the
of its j1Hlgnicnt, its comprehensive spirit or the width and vanety of
19. To wit, ""tive of the time nrc, for tl", most parI, (lull pre-
ju(mccc1, ignorant and Sl1ilcrficial".
26
Politics alld Soc/ell' during !al'/Y Medieval Pe,./oel
its knowledge.
20
AI?en,ni's astronomical work represents the high
of Mushm progress in that science during the Middle
and It was not to be expected that he would refrain from claim-
ing his due. "At first I stood to the Hindu astronomers in relatiOll
of a pupil to his master", he tells us, "being a stranger among them
not acquainted with their peculiar national and traditional me-
thods of science. On having made some progress, I began to show
them the elements on which this science rests, to point out to them
some nile of logical deduction and the scientific method of all ma-
.and then they flocked around me from all parts, wonder-
mg, and mos! etlger to learn from me, asking me at the same time
from what Hllldu master I had leamt those things', whilst in reality
I showed them what they were worth, and thought myself a good
deal superior to them, disdaining to be put On a level with them.
They thought .me be sorcerer and when speaking of me
to men 111 theIr native tongue, they spoke of me as 'the
or as water which is so acid that vinegar in comparison with
It IS sweet.
No or fJrepOSSessions mar the scientific . impartiality
of Kttablll Ilmd ane no student who reads it will pretend that
for a cultural and social history of the Middle Ages are
wa.ntlllg. Years be.fore coming to India, a careful study of Greek
Philosophy, of which he shows an extensive knowledge and a mas-
terly c?mprehension, had lcd him, like many others, to lay aside the
preJuchces of co-religionists and their stupid misinterpretations of thc
Qvnl'l His 'Indian Studies' led him to conclude that there was an
essential it\entity between the teachings of the Greek philosophers,
the Muslim mystics and the Hindu thinkers, and strengthened his
belief in God and his contempt for superstition in all its form. The
wOl'k, nevertheless, shows a painful consciousness of the dark sha-
dows of coming ages. The ascendency of the Rajputs had led to a
decline of Hindu philosophy and sc;ience. Would not a similar fate
20. Not much material on the biography of Alberuni is at present availahle. Anec-
dotes of his life, not often correct, are fonnd interspersed in histories nnd tazkir'a.,;
see for exnI!'plc, the Cf",fwr Maqala of Nizamiul 'Un,?iu" Samarkandi (Gihh
Meniorial series). Alhernni's Chl'Ono!ogy of Ancient Nation., and the' Kitabul Hilld
of India, 2 vols. (Tubner's Oriental series, 1910), have heen translated into. English
by Professor Dr. Edward C. Sachan of Berlin. Alheruni is n tlBRelllt author to edit
or translate; the translator must be acquninted not only with Amhlc but also with
mathematics and with the philosophy and science of the IIindus, the Mossalmans
and Greeks. Students of Indian history will he grateful of Dr. Sachau for his ex-
cellent and scholarly work; no nther living writer could I,nvo nccompllsllOd the tnsk.
The Qamm-I Ma.","1 still waits for an editor.
Abu Ral/wl> Albo/,ulI! 0;' ti,e cI,omcler 0/ 1.1,0 Hllul"s
overtake Islam with the rise of the Turkish regime and the alliance
of the priests and the kings against, the spirit of .moral and political
sanity? The royal upstarts may scatter pearls ,ems over the
of worthless versifiers but for the secular sCientists there was lIttle
hope. "The llUlliber of sciences is great", he says, "and it rna);' be
greater if the public mind is directed towards them a: such bmes
as they are in the ascendency ancHn general WIth al.l, when
people honour not only science itself but also its representatIves. To
clo this is, in the first instance, the duty of those who nile over them,
of kings and princes. For they .can the minds of sch,olars
from daily anxieties for the neceSSItIes of lIfe. The tImes,
however, are not of this kind.
2
1 They are the very OppOSite, and
therefore; it is quite impossible that a new science or any new kind
of research should arise in our days. What we (Mussalmans)
sciences is nothing but the scanty remains of bygone better hmes.
There is a baseless though wide-spread eastern tradition which cre-
21. The point deserves some examination. Medieval India could only hoast of
three aristocratic classes-the high officers or the empire of Delhi, the great
bankers and merchants, and the Hindu rajas hoth within and without the empire.
There were plenty of prosperous farmers hut there were no large zamindars living
On ,OTrl- ' ...... nd in a position. to devote their lives in idleness, dissipation or good works
as whittlk may prompt. What may he caned the middle class was sman in num-
her and insignificant in weight; it consisted for the most part o.f
keepers, small merchants, skilled artisans and some fortunate IndIVIduals left 10
comparative in8uence hy the thrift and foresight of their ancestors. Below them
were the fmmers, shrewd, wise in the ways of traditional hushandry hut almost ,cnR
thely illiterate. The professional classes of nul' modern society had hardly any coun-
terpart in the Middle Agcs. There werc no lawyers; thc par tics to a suit
their cause hefore the qazis nnd judges diree!. There was a large class of taT1ib&
and vaid", hut the moral feeling of the age did not pennit the chnrging of a regu.lar
fcc amI the physicians Imt] to depend up.on the patronage of the state or of nch
individuls so that they may he ahle to render their very r.ecessary selVices to so
ciety. All industrial enterprises rC'luiring large capital or employing many hands were
undertaken hy the state and there was no opportunity for the growth of .muent
o1.ss of industrialists.
Members of the aristocracy, even if they could find the time, had seldom th:
inclination or the training for purely scientific pursuits; war, administration and husl-
ness absorhed all their energies. Most men of learning came from tbe lower middle
class and were helplessly dependent for their livelihood on the patronage of the
aristocracy ami the state. Now patrons were certainly not .wanting;. from t.he
showy, if intermittent, hounties of kings and nohles, medIeval Imha bns.tled WIth
educational, religious and charitable endowments from one ?nd to the other.
the scope of medieval patronage was limited. Persons IOte!leetual. a.ccomphsh-
ments were useful to their patrons hnd seldom milch dIfficulty III favour
of the rich a"tl the great theologians with ponderous learning and Oexihle
had their political utility and so had the poets, whose verses created n revutatlC)O
2S Politics and Soc/etV' dlll'lug tl.e Eal'ly MedIeval ,Peflo,!
dits ,Albertini with a astrological insight; but in the' great-
est pr,etliction he ever made, the shrewd scientist was not mistaken;
for with him and his great friend, the biologist and physician Shaikh
Bu Ali Sena (Avicenna) with whom in his youth he had passed seve-
ral happy years at Khwarazm, Muslim sciences of the Middle Ages
their zenith and their end. The military regime of the Turks
and the blighting fanaticism of Muslim priesthood were the two-
great forces destined to dominate the future. It is a consolation, how-
ever, to find that Stlltan Mas'ud's liberality enabled Albertini to pass
his last years in comparative affluence at Ghazni, where he composed
his grcat work on astronomy and mathematics',' the Qamm-i Mas!ldi
(Canon MaslldicllS).
When we bear in mind that it was during Sultan Mahmud's .in-
vasion that Alberuni prosecuted his studies in India and composecl
the KitlilJ!ll Hind (1017-31), we will be able to appreciate the !lO-
bility of feeling and strength of personal, conviction which enabled
to eyrite the most impartial of books in the most prejudiced of
tiines. He must have felt lonely. From the six Hindu scholars he
met, he was cut off by his absolute refusal to accept all their beliefs,
by the insularity of their outlook and by the restrictions of their caste
system, against which he repeateclly protests. From the mass of his
co-religionists he was separated hy his determination not to bow his
knees to popular prejudices and his hatred of muddle-headedness
and obscurantism in every form. Again and again he refers to the
('xample of Socrates and to the duty of scientists and philosophers
to suffer for their convictions. It would have been easy to win a
cheap popnlnrity hy misrcprcsenting the Hindus hy a partial sup-
preSSion of the truth or an extra-emphasis on the shadier aspects of
their social life. nut Alhe1'llni was a devour worshipper of jl1stice and
truth, and neither the apathy nor of the Hindus or the
for their master. Even scientists whose work was directly useful for society, Sl1cn
of law, physicians and astrologers, were provjded for. But there was no
recognition for scientists, whose work had 'no apparent utilitarian valne, for the faq il, ,
who studied the pure system of the Sllltri'a! and would not make a compromise with
his conscience by becoming a qazi, [or the mathematician or nstronomer who refused
to become fortune-teller, or for the philosopher, physicist or who 'did. not
at the Same time practise medicine. Only a patron with afllnont means and great
discernment would take such mcn under his protcction-nnd without protection thoy
were utterly helpless. Society had no nse for them and condemncd the knowledge
they possessed. The Abhasid caliphs had foresight enough to recognize their valne,
hut the Tnrkish mlcrs who followed Sultan Mahnwd, rar from recognizing the valne
of science, tried to win popular applause hy persecuting its votaricr.. Their patronage
was olmost wholly monopoli7.p,1 hy thc thc"loginus and poets; sdentists devoted to
nothing save the troth were left in the cold.
Abu Rallwn Alberllnl on tIle National CIWflcter of the HIndus '29
Mussalmans could deflect him from the 'Straight Path'.22
It would be unfair to compare the hasty declarations of a bureau-
cratic amateur with the well-considered words of one of the greatest
thinkers of the world, but any reader who places the 'Original Intro-
duction' of Sir Henry Elliot (the 'ravings of a lunatic,' as' Alberuni
would have called it) side by side with Alberuni's 'Preface' to his
immortal volume, will realize how unaware the educated Mussalmans
of the eleventh century were of 'any high destiny as rulers of India'.
Government was an alTair of kings and their officers; ordinary Hindus
and Mussalmans, whether friendly or hostile, had to meet on a foot-
iI{g :,f'oqu'llity. And how dilTerent is the great Persian scholar's spirit
from the omniscient cocksureness of our bureaucrat? "Hearsay", says
Alberuni, "does not equal eye-witness." But our knowledge of the
past as well as of things distant has, unfortunately, to be based on
hearsay alone. It is very necessary, therefore, to hilVC witnessc"> who
22. "To Snltan Malmim\", says Dr. Sachan, "the Hindus WCl'e infldCls to he dcs-
patched to hen as soon as they refused to be plundered. To Alheruni they were
excellent philosophers, good mathematicians and astronomers, though he naively be-
licves himself to be superior to them. He does not conceal whatever he cbllsiders
to he wrong and impractical with them, hut he duly apprcciabs their mental achieve-
ments, takes the greatest pains to appropriate them to l1imself. even such as could
not he of any use to himself or to his readers, e.g. Sanskrit metrics; and whenever he
hits upon something nohle or grand both in science and in Tlractical life, he never
fails to lay it before his readers with' warm-hearted words of approhation. Speaking
of the construction of the ponds at holy hathing places, he says: 'In this they have
attained n very high degree of art, '0 thot our people (the Muslims) when they
see them wonder at them, and are nnahle to describe them. much less to construct
anything like them.' Apparcntly Alhenmi fcIt a strong inclination towards' Indian
philosophy. He scems to have that the philosophers hoth in ancient Greece
and in, India. whom he niost carefully and repeatedly distinguishes from the imagc-
loving crowd, held in reality the very same ideas, the sarno m: seem to have hccn
his own, I.e. those of n })l1re monotheism. He s('.ems to rnvn111:<1 in tlw pure
theories' of the and it deserves to' be noticed that he twice mentions
the saying of Vyasa: 'Learn the twcnty-llve (elements of existence) hy distinctions,
definitions and divisions, as you learn a logical syllogism, and something which is a
certainty, and not merely studying with thc tongue. Afterwards adhere to' whatever
religion yon like; your end will he salvation: .. ,
"Still he was a Muslim", continues Dr. Sachan, "whether a Sunni or a Shia cannot
be gathe;ed from the India with all this his recognition of Islam is not without a
tacit re.erve. He dares not aUack Islam, hut he attacb the Arabs. 'Whenever he
.peaks of a dark side of Hindu life,' llc at once tnrns round sharply to compare it
with the man':'crs of the nncient Amlls, and to declare that tl1CY were quite 'as bad,
if, not worSe. This could only he meant as a hint to the Muslim reader not to be
too haughty to\vards the poor, hewildcred IIindu, trodden down hy the savage hor-
"dcs of 'King Mahmml, and not to forget that the founders of Islam,' too, were cer-
tainly no angels. Independent in his thoughts about religion and philosophy, he is
friend of clear, determil1ed and manly words. Hc ahhors half-truths, veiled words
30
Pol/tics and Societ/l during tI.e Early Medieval Per/ad
will not misrepresent facts or opinions "Th "
nues, "is praiseworthy who shrinks fro ], at man only, he cont/-
the truth enjoying credit even ml,a Ie and always adheres to
It has been said in the Quran 's lars, rot to others,
yourself: And the Messiah h ,e tn!: I; eV,n If It be against
effect: 'Do not mind the fmy of k' I,mse Ik
1
, t Ie Gospel to this
T,hey only possess OUl' bod mgs III spea mg the truth before
YOlir soul: In these word: the Me[;iat
ut
have no pO,wer ?ver
courage, For what the crow 1 II . 01 ers us to exercise moral
light I;>r plunging into an dashing into the
courage, whilst the en us f b uc 101:" .on y a 81Jecies of
wllclhel' hy word or eed a all ,SpeCICS, Is to scom death,
ed for its own self, for its' IS quality and covct-
fulness, except in the case of h y, t e same applIes to truth-
it is." The idea of Kitabul as never tasted how sweet
his Abu Sahl Abdul to by
Dhurm
g
a discussion at the latter's p. lace Abu Sa)lll) .
t e ten I f I " lemm e upon
(ency 0 an aut lOr to misrepresent the doctrines of the Muta-
nnd wavering Rction. Everywhere, he comes forward . lito
viction with the courage of a man H' If a champIOn of his con-
he demands from others Wh . h Id
mse
Perfectly smcere, it is sincerity which
. enever e oes not full d t I .
kno;vs part of it, he will at once tell the reader so. y un ers an, a suhJect, or only
he,s not backward in calling it hy the right name Whenever he suspects humhug,
not a OIle, lIe not convert ih ; . The IlOOk he has produced i,
sionary zealots. He \vill simply describe H' e d ".mdus, lend a direct help to mis-
it. It Is like a magic Island of quiet out identifying himself with
Imming towns and plu"dered tern I 11 c In a worM of clashing swort/ .. ,
as pal,ited "11 the IlI"([,,s tel PiCf/tlr
e
of I"clian citJIlization
. . . Ie ISpoS' 'on 0 every h I II
tn sequen"" of tho chapters 1\ per"p' \ II d c ap er, as \ve as
I
' ., Ie we const ercd pI .
no nor nnythlng superfluous And tho words' 6 nn I. There
AS posslhle. We seem to the r f ' I. t to the suhJect a.s clo.se
w ,. , p 0 esslOna mathem t" . h
and classicnl order throughout the whole co;,.p sit! H a In t e perspicuity
!l,e traditions of former he wants to e ocs 1;lindly accept
wauts to separate the wheat from the ch If . and to cnhc.ze them. He
tates against the lAWS of nAture an;1 of ,dlscnrd everything thnt mili-
a modern philologist. He sometimes 8\. po' '. the Ctft CIZes manuscript tradition like
'h p ses e ext to he corr - t d' .
mto t e canses of corntption. he eliscllsses' ar' d' up, an . mqmres
. 'v .ous rea tnd. and d
hons. He guesses at lacullae cr,t.c, l'If I "'- proposes eluen a-
, zes (I erent trans ations d I .
carelessness of copyists. The principal domai f h' . .' an comp atns of the
thematics, ch(onology, mathematical 0 his. wor
k
h
astrouomy, ma-
By the side of his professional work he co y, p dys'CSb' c emlstry and minerology.
I
. hI' ,mpose a out twenty b k I I'
lot trans ahons and original compositions n d be f I 00 s on n, m,
derived from the ancient lore of and ; d'!' r 1
0
es. and legends, mo.stly
but ions to the historic literature of th ti n .a. s. pro la y most valuable contrl-
native cOuntry. Khwarazm nnd the me, we mllSt mention his history of his
loss of bolh of which to. he I fnmons sect of Kannathlans, the
Abu Ral/.an Albertini on tIle Nat;ollal CllOracter of the Illndus 31
zila sect while pretending to state them, Alberuni replied that this
wa-J defect of the literature on religious and philosophical
sects; it was possible to detect such misrepresentations in case of a
Muslim sect, but when false statements were made about Joreigners,
detedion was almost impos8ible. One of party referred to the reli-
gious doctrine of the Hindus. "Everything which exists on this sub-
ject in our literature", Alberuni explained, "is second hand information
which one author has copied from another, a farrago of material
never sifted by the sieve of critical examination."
Alberuni's remarks induced Abu Sahl to study the literature on
Hinduism. He was dissatisfied with it and asked Alberuni to write
a treatise on the subject as a help to those who want to discuss' reli-
gious questions with the Hindus and as a repertory of information
to those who want to associate with them. Albenmi carried out his
master's order in the spirit in which it had been given. "I have writ-
ten this book on the doctrine of the ,Hindus", he explains, "never
making any unfounded imputation against those ... our religiOUS anta-
gonists, at the same time not considering it inconsistent with lIly
duties as a Muslim to quote their words at full length when I
thought they would contribute to elucidate a subject. If the contents
of these quotations happen to be utterly heathenish and the followers
of the truth (the Muslims) find them objectionable, we can only say
that such is the belief of the Hindus, and that they themselves are
best qualified to defend it. This book is nQt a polemical one. I shall
not produce the arguments of our antagonists in order to refute such
of therri as 1 believe to he in the wrong. My book is nothing but a
simple historic record of facts. I shalI place before the reader the
theories of the Hindus exactly as they are, and I shall mention in
connection with them similar theOlies of the Greeks in order to show
the relationship existing between them. For the Greek philosophers
although airriing. at truth in the abstract, never in alI questions of
popular bearing, rise much the customary exoteric expressions
and tenets of their religion and their law. Besides Greek ideas we
shall only now and then mention those of the sufis or of some one
or other 'Christian sect, because in their notions regarding the trans-
rriigration of souls and the pantheistic doctrine of the unity of God
within Creation there is much iri commOn between these systems ...
I have found it very hard to work my way into the subject although
I har.e a great liking fol' it, in which reslJect I .sf and quite alone in
mIl time, and although I do not spare either trouble or money in
collecting Sanskrit books from places where I subposed they were
likely to be found, and in procuring for myself, even from very

t r r.
32
Politics and Socfety a!lring the Eal'ly Medieval Period
remote places, Hindu scholars who thctil and arc able
to teach me. What scholar, however, has the same favourable oppor-
tunities. of studying this subject as I have? That would only be the
case wIth one to whom the grace of God accords, what it did not
to me, a pelfectly free disposal of his dOings and gOings; for
. It has fallen to my lot in my own doings and gOings to be
P?rfeetly mdependent, nor to be invested with sufficient power to
dIspose and to order as I thought best. However, I thank God for
that which he has bestowed upon me, ancl which must be considered
sufficient for the purpose."
There have been in these. many wise and penctrating critics
our country, who It from a high political altitllCle. de-
hght to talk of the IndUlH lJeoples and who unable or unwillino' to
understand the unity that underlies our diversified and even
. and cannot comprehend the
umty of IImdlllsm and Its Illsulal' strength. To Alhcl'uni in the tenth
century the Hindus were a single people, one ancl indivisihle. Hc
does not argue the pOint; he simply assumes it as the basis of his
discllssions. True, were a inultitudes of gods in the cOtllltl'V, at
least two sects and many opposed philosophies. nllt whut of that?
AlI the gods could live peacefullv side by side, for no educated Hindu
not one seriously believed in them. To the educatcd Hindu as tc;
Plato, God was in the singular number; thcrc were no gods'in the
plmal number. Surely, a people does not cease to he one on acconnt
of the v.ariety of its and folktales. As for the philosophers
and theu assumecl cltvergence, a careful analysis will reduce them to
a COnit;t0n basis, least. so far as the fundmcntal principles of ma-
thematiCs. and physl?al SCIence arc concerned. As to the wild popular
cosmolol!Ies ahout nvers of honey and mountains of rice, this was n
matter individual fancv .. You cannot regulate people's drcams.
GorTs. philosophers ancl sectarIans all swam up ancl down in a sea r:f
nniversal tolerance. No Hinclu seGt has ever gone to war with :In-
"other. "On the whole", Alberuni remarks, "there is very little disnllt
inO' ahout theolo)!ical topics aniong the Hindus; at the utniost thev
/lo'ht with words, hut they will never stake their life or their bodll or
t'wir pl'o/Jerty on mli-giollS confl'Or;mstl'. as Christians and 1-IussalIrians
have unfortunately heen went to rIo. Uniting thern all were the com-
mon cllstoms of Aryavarta. Weights and mav dilTcr frn1.1
province to province, hnt .whcrever vou wcnt, 1'011 fOtind the Samc
culture and the same ontlook on life.'
(Fir,t tJlIhlished in the Align .." Mmxazine (Vol. 1, No.1 nnel nnmhcr,
Series, Jnnnnry-Fchrnnry-Mnrch 1"31.) in two instnlnwnts.)
'.
INTRODUCTION TO ELLIOT AND DOWSON'S HISTORY
Of INDIA, VOL. II
I. TilE POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION OF AJAM
PrincilJles of the Islamic Social Order
THE MOST IMPORTANT FACT of the Middle Ages, both for India and
the rest of the world, was the rise of Islam, and it is necessary for
our purpose that Islain as a world-historic movement of the Middle
Ages should be properly understood, divested of all praise and blaine
which are histoIically irrelevant. .
In the thought of the Prophet of Islam as revealed in the Quran
am! the lwdis (the Prophet's conversat'ions) two basic ideas stand
clearly revealed. Firstly, the whole universe, visible and invisible, is
contemplated as Allah or 'the Lord of the Worlds'. This is .the
leading idea of the Meccan revelations, ,which forin the basis of the
Quran. There is a thorough contempt for all sorts of gods and of
the idols which are made to represent them. There must be a unity
of principle in the cosmic order . .lIad there been more than one God,
they would have ruined the cosmic order I But the opposite principle,
agnosticisin 01' dahl'iat, though firmly comhated, has been correctly,
almost sympathetically, defined; "And they say; There is no life
but this earthly life of ours; we live and we die; and nothing kills
us but time.'" It was the very essence of the Prophet's conception of
Allah that His relations with man should be inimecliate ancl direct,
without the possibility 01' the need of an intClmediary. Man's soul
-(ruh) is the repository of Allah's order (aml')-the moral iinperative.
"No one bears the burden of another." Every man is responsihle for
his acts to Allah and shall be answerable for theni. And when the
gods are dismissed, there is no place for a Church or an organized
priesthood. "In Islam no monkery", the Prophet declared.
Secondly, in the mind of the Prophet this metaphYSical conception
of the Universe was hound up with a particular social order-the
brotherhood of those who believed in his creed. "And this is my last
PH,
''''''-----
Politics (/n,l Society til/ring the Earry Metlleval Perlot!
advice unto", he said in his last sermOn at Mecca, "You are of one
brotherhood ... If a negro slave with a slit-nose leads you might, fol-
low him." The doctrine of the equality of the Mussalmans, men and
women, is nowhere explidtly enjoined in the Quran. Hut it is implied
-implied through cxceptions. The Muslim community or millat was
divided into two groups, freemen and Slavery was permitted
as a necessity prOVided its origin was legithnate and slavery was only
legitimate in case of captives of war. Three discriminations are per-
mitted against women-the inheritance of a daughter is one-half of
the inheritance of her the evidence of two women is
dered equal to the evidence of one man;. and, lastly, while a man
can divorce his wife by II unilateral act, the wife has to go to a law-
court for the annulment of her marriage. Unless discriminations are
specified, equality must be assumed; lind the law of the Prophet does
not tolerate any discriminations on the ground of family status, edu-
cation, wealth, race, nationality 01' colour. "All free Mussalmans are
of one status (kuf)", Imam Abu Hanifa has declared. In spite of the
power and exclusiveness of vmious goveming class groups of the last
thirteen centuries, this classless Muslim society with its vision of 'a
purified city and a forgiving God' has at aU times continued in the
Muslim mosques. And in this, its last citadel, it still stands.
These are the two basic principles of Islam from which all other
principles are derived. Now the first principle-faith in God-is as
old as the hills. The Quran claims no novelty on that account; it is
simply reiterating an <?ld but forgotten truth. The second principle-
the hrotherhood of a classless society within the faith or the millat-'-
is definitely and radically new. The old faith of Ahraham, Moses
and the other prophets is retained, hut the old law is definitelv annul-
led. Every hrings his own shal'i'at 01' law; the ]11\'; of 'the
classless society' is the last shari'at; and there can he no new sllal"i'at.
When d!scussing the faith, the Prophet COllld appeal to other reveal-
oed hooks. BM neither in the revealed hooks of old, hOr in any of the
societies of which the Prophet had any information, was this idea
of brotherhood and equality reduced to tIle basic operative principles
of the social order. Arahia was tribe ridden; in Persia the discnfl:an-
chized classes !!roaned under the triple hurd en of the royal power,
the governing classes and the priesthood. Still the Prophet did not
for a moment retract or flinch. He worked like a revolutionist and
talked like one. The old social orders of the world with their disc1'i-
minations had to go. "I have heen sent to overthrow customs and
hahits", he said.
Judged by the aiTi.ount of change it ;,wrought, Islani during the
; .. '". ."
"."; ,:;/,
;
TIle Political and Economic Organlzatfon of A/am 3,.,
Prophet's life-time must be pronOllnced as not only one of the most
vital but also the most bloodless revolutions in world-history. The
Prophet's methods were primarily pacific. The sacrifice of less than
a thousand lives, cofmting the dead On hoth sides, sufficed to bring
the whole of Arabia into the new creed. Medina under the Prophet
was a working class republic. Everyone worked for his livelihood;
there were no painful distinctions of wealth; government was carried
on by eomnion discussion; there was no. goveming class and no sub-
ject people.
Two further points have to be noted here as they were of supreme
importance in the centuries to come. Islam during the Prophet's time
could, under the circumstances of the day, only stand for brotherhood
and eqllality within. the 'millat' 01' the creed. No other position was
concciva?le. After eleven years of pacific teaching and the attempted
suppressIOn of that teaelllng, the Prophet was we\co}ned at Medina;
there .followed some ten of revolutionary
ed With battles of the heroiC type. It was a penod of revolutionary
transition of which the Prophet only lived to see the first act. During
this period his relati(lns with non-Muslims were regulated either by
the laws of war or by treaties. He was not concerned with the rela-
tions ?,f each other: "To yOlI your creed", the Quran
says, and to me mine. Now the sayings of the Prophet that have
survived to us are from these constantly changing revolutionary times
at Medina. He made laws and annulled them according to the needs
of the hqur. Inter-marriages with non-Muslims, for example, were
first permitted; but as the war-tension increased, they had to be
prohibited. What attitude towards non-Muslims the Prophet would
havc adopted in the matter of 'equality and brotherhood' if he had
lived to see Islam become a recognized creed among other world
creeds, with a position of pre-eminence, security and stabilitv muong
them, we do not really know. Later ages, consequently, Jollowed a
zigzag course. On the one hand, the fanatical and reactionary relij!ious
leaders kept lJreaching war and hatred for which the occasion had
nassed. On the other hand, contact with non-Muslims of a higher
variety than could have been found in the Prophet's Arabia, with
thdr f!reat traditions in arts and science and the necessitv of Jearniilg
from thcm the decencies of human life, the exigencies of the govcm-
ment, the requirements of co-operation in industrv, business, trade
amI all other spheres of work in which l'elil!ioll is immaterial-all
th&(' f,)11sf\
l
erations demander! an expansion of the Prophet's doc-
trine of 'brotherhood an-d equalitv' outside the milTat. But no textual
religions authority C0111(1 he p1'nrlnoc<1 for sHch an ('xpansion, whidl
36
po,lIt1cs 0",1 Sop/ety during tIle Early Me,/ieval Period
the logic of history demanded. The thing was done; it had to be
done; but it was not driven to its logical conclusion in thought and
action, for the burden of the re!lctionary elerrients could not be
ignored.
It would not -be correct to say that Islam was planned as a city-
cl'eed; it was planned for all. Nevertheless Islam throughout its his-
tory has found it easier to operate in urban areas and has had to face
great difficulties wIlen it came across wandering desert tribes or
extensive rural areaS of arable land. The conception of the city-state
was inherited by the Mussalmans from the Greeks and the Romans.
In the desert of Arabia culture of any sort could flourish in the cities
alone, and the Arabic language has the same root word for 'city' and
'civilization' (madil1a, tallIaddltn, madanilfat). Muslim historians have
named most states after their capitals, inciuding the Empire (Sultanate)
of Delhi. The Quran frankly told the. wandering Arab hibes that
they were to call themselves '?-'fussalmans' and not 'Believers' (Mum-
ins) for their induction to the creed had been purely forrrial. All the
institutions by which the Muslim faith has flourished-the local mos-
ques with their local and primary schools; the great
cathedraJ or Juma mosques of the cities with their enormOus congre-
gations and colle)!:es for higher studies attached; the Khanqas (reli-
gious houses) of the inystics; the great charitable endOWrrients; and,
above all, the large rriass of poor, needy but diligent students who
have kept Islam alive--all these were possible in the cities alone. The
conditions of the rural areas, on the other hand, have been so dis-
tressing thniughout that the mass of the' l1wllahs were driven to
amrm that it was enough for the salvation of a villager or a wander-
ing trihesman if he conld just recite the two short sentences of t\w
Muslini 'Amrmation of Faith' (Kalima) ..
Islam in Afam
Concerning the expansion of Islam into foreign lands and its his-
tory during the succeeding centuries, we need onlv note the most
cS:.:or .' ,.1 fr;atnres. The following facts lie on the sll1face.
The or Saraeeni.c expansion outside Arabia carrie in two
v;reat swel1s or the first under the Pions Caliph. Omar I
(A.n. 63444), and the second l111clel' the Uniayyad Caliph, Walid
hin Abdul Malik (A.n. 705-15). In the centnries that .have elapsed
since then. Islam has expanded into Thelia, it has hccn expelled from
Spain, and the Ottoman Turks who expanded into Eastern Europe
have hecn c1rivell 01lt from there. Apart from these changes, the
rIle Political alld Economic Organization of A/am 37
frontiers of the. Muslim population have remained substantlally
where Walid left them, extending in a long belt from the frontiers
of Turkistan across northern Africa to Morod). By A.D. 715 the power
of Islam to expand territorially had been exhausted.
The Caliph Mu'awiya (A.D. 661-80), a brother-in-law of the Pro-
phet, initiated two great changes. Firstly, he altered the republican
caliphate into a monilrchy, though the title of 'Caliph' was retained.
The change was symbolized by the fact that he appointed his son,
Yazid, as his successor. Thereaftcr it became an unwritten law that
the caliphs, and following them t,he sultans of later days, had the
authority to nominate their successor from aniong their sons and
brothers, and that the noinination would become valid when accepted
by the leading officers of the state. Secondly, he organized the leading
Arab tribes into an exclusive governing class. This class, as is proved
by the' extensive conquests of Walid, knew how to bear the burden
and reap the rewards of one of the largest empires the world has
scen. StilI a governing class was a flat contradiction of the Prophet's
teachings. Revolts among the governed were inevitable, and the
Umayyad dynasty was extinguished in a terrible blood-bath in
A.D. 750. The changes wroiight by the Caliph Mu'awiYil couJd onlv be
justified on the tyrant's plea-the necessity of the state. Still in-
stitutions created by him, though utterly unknown to the Quranic
law, have lasted to this day. During the thirteen centuries that sepa-
rate us from him, the monarchy and a governing class, whatever the
composition of class, have considered intcgral
part of the IslamiC poiItlCar order, all scnptures and religIOUS texts
notwithstanding. .
It has been (lne of the deepest longings of Ithe Muslirri mind that
pnity of the Faith should be expressed in a universal Islamic state.
But in phctice this has not been found either possible or desirable.
The Umayyads (A.D. 661-750) governed the whole Muslim world. But
their successors, _the Ahhasid caliphs (A.D. 750-1258), were unahle to
control the Arab countries, which one after another declared them-
selves independant. By the year A.D. 900 the process was complete.
The Abbasid caliphate, thereafter, was left with its eastern lands
thc .Persians the Turks, conveniently desig-
nated as A]am. TIllS tern tory extendmg froin the shores of the eastern
Mediterranean to the frontiers of China was still a rriarrimoth empire.
The great Abbasid caliphs from Mansur to Mutawakkil (A.D. 7;,4-
R(1) were persons of capacity and exerciscd a direct administrative
control over the Cllipire. But their weak Sl1cccssors were miahlc to
bear the burden. During the tenth century a series of rriinor dynasties
38
Polillcs and Soclelf! dtlr/tlg tile Em'lf! M edievat Per/vd
grew up in Persia, the Ill,ost important of them being the Tahirids
(820-72), the Saffarids (867-900), the Buwaihicls (932-1052) and the
Samanids (874-999). They formally acknowledged the caliph, but
cal'l'ied on their government. without any reference to him. It was
considered sufficient if a Persian or Turkish amir or khan at the time
of his accession got a farman (order of appointment) from the caliph
and sent .him, occasional presents. .
A great change came with the advent of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni
(999-1930), whose conquests both in India and Ajam won him a
position of singular eminence. He is counted as the first 'Sultan' of
Ajam. Thereafter the sultanate (or empire) became the administrative
authority of Ajam, while the caliphate continued as a purely formal
symbol till it was extinguished by Halaku Khan in 1258. The Ghazna-
vid Empire (999-1040) was short-lived, but it was followed by a
series of successors-the Seljuq Empire (1037-1157); the Khwarazmian
Empire (1157-1231); the Mongol Empire with its two hostile branches,
the II Khans of Persia (1256-1349) and the Ogtai-Chaghatai rulers
of Mawaraun Nahr (1227-1370); and the Timurids (1370-1.500). Mfer
the extinction of the House of Timur at the beginning of the sixteenth
century, the conception of the unity of Ajam disappeared, and the
Persians as well as the Turks of Central Asia organized then:iselves
into separate national monarchies-the Safavis and the Uzbegs. Thus,
if the history of niedieval Ajam is surveyed as a whole, it will be
fJ( tlu'lt during the nine centuries that lie between the Saracenic
conquest of Ajam and the establishment of the Uzbeg amI. the Safavi
dynasties at the beginning of the sixteenth century, extcnsive
region of Ajam was, with terrible and recurrent interregnums, govern-
ed by seven imperial dynasties with their all-Ajam administrations.
A Theoretical Digression
What is the position of the Islamic Revolution in world-history?
It will be useless to look for an answer in the works of the medieval
Mussalmans-or of their antagonists. The Muslim of the
Middle Ages had very meagre information about pre-Muslim civiliza-
tions; they were living through a process of which.they could not sce
the end, and it was not possible for them to visualize the clay when
the Muslim communities, so great in their own times, would he help-
less before the itnmense, scientificallv organized production-power of
the nations of Western Europe.\Vith vefY rare exceptions, such as
Albenmi, the concept of wOfld-history was totally all tnecl!eval
scholars, Muslim or non-Muslim. Their vision was confined exclUSIvely
rile Pot/tical and 1':conomlc Organlzallon of A/am
to thc history and the sociill forms of their own group. Later-day
Muslim apologists have all talked off the point. Nor can the question
be answered by the writers of modern Europe, who confuse European
civilization with Christian values or imagine that the world was
created 0111y for the dOlriinance of European A very
good 'example of this type of cheap thought is Sir Henry Elliot's
Original Preface with its pathetic claim to "our high destiny as lUlers
of India", An even better example is the anti-negro and, in fact, anti-
Oriental literature of the United States from Calhoun till the present
day.
To answer this question scientifically and honestly we must ignore
all writers who, whatever shape their argument assumes, believe,
conSciously or subconsciously, in the idea of chosen people. The
question can only be answered from a human as distinct from a
sectional view-point, and in terms of universal human values as
distinct from 'class-values' and 'group-values'. Human history as a
whole does not know of any chosen people. All are called; a few are
chosen; and even these are dismissed one after anothcr.
It i; r, notOlious fact that only one school of thought todav fulfils
this conclitiiin-the school of Maix and Engels. The greatness these
two thinkers lies in the fact that, representing ideologically the
enslaved and the oppressed of all times, all peoples and all lands,
they transcend those discriminations of race, language, nationality,
colour and creed, which have been the pith and marrow of all ortho-
dox historians with their cheap platitudes and immense learning. This
is not a question of scholarship; it is a question of vision. One of the
most powerful anti-communistic works of the present day, The
Strategy and Tactics of World Commllnism, expresses a regret "that
communism for two !!enerations has heen degenerating from a great
theory of history, and a great drcam of human betterment, into a
technique for power" (published hv the House of Representatives'
Committee on Foreign Affairs, No. 619, p. 49). With this degenera-
tion, or development, of COllimunism in the political field we are
-not here concerned. But communism is not only a great theory of
history but the onlv theory of human history pOSSible. It starts froin
the right point and surveys humanity from the right angle. Its basis
is the greatest of human sentiments-the creed of the oppressed-and
it recognizes cordially the merit of all human achievements, regardless
of place, tilrie and communitv, while insisting inevitahly that all
. human achievements are also limited and conditioned. The doctrine
of relativity is one of the basic principles of Marxism.
The esscnce of the doctl'ine 'Of historical materialisni is stated by
L
Polltl.cs and Soclell! dllrlng tT,e Early Perloct
Karl Marx in his Preface to the Critique of Political Economy': "The
general result at which I arrived and which, once won, served as a
guiding thread for my studies, can be briefly formulated as follows:
In the social production of their life, men enter into definite relations
that are indispensable and independent of thei.f will, relations of pro-
duction which correspond to a definite stage of development of their
material productive forces. The sum total of these relations of
I?roductioll constitutes the economic structure of society, the real
foundation, on which rises a legal ana political superstructure and
to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The modc
of production of material life conditions the social, political and
process in genera1. It is not the consciousness of mcn
'thilt 'tlettrmines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being
that determines their conSciousness. At a certain stage of their deve-
lopment, the material productive forces of society come in conflict
with thu uxistillg rdnHotls of pl'OdUCtiOIl, or-what is but a lcgal
expression for the same thing-with the property rclations within
which they have been at work hitherto. From forms of developmcnt
of the productive forces these relations turn into their fetters. Then
begins an epoch of social revolution. With the change of the econorriic
foundation the entire immense lmperstructure is more or less rapidly
tlansformed. In conSidering such transformations a distinction should
always be made between the material transformation of the eco-
nomic conditions of production, which can be detennined with the
precision of natural science, and the legal, political, religiOUS, aesthetic
or philosophic-in short, ideological forms in which mell become
conscious of this connict and fig!lt it ,out. Just as our opinion of an
individual is not based on what he thinks of himself so can we not
judge of stich a of transformation by its own on
the contl'alY, this consciousI].ess must be explained rather from the
contradictions of material life, from the existing conflict between the
social productive forces and the relations of production. No social
order ever perishes before alt the productive forces for which thcre
is room in it have developed; and new, higher relations of 1)1'0-
duction never appear before the material conditions of their existence
have tnatUl'ed in the womb of the old society itself. Therefore mankind
always sets itself only StIch tasks as it cah solve; since, looking at the
matter niore closely, it will always be found that the task itself arises
only when the material conditions for its solution already exist or are
at least in the process of formation. In broad outlines Asiatic, ancient,
,fcudal, and the modern hourgeois modes of production can be deSig-
nated as progressive epochs in the economic fonnafion of SOciety."
TI,e Pol/tIcal and Organlzollon of Alam
at the' risk, of wandering into spme variety of deviationism,
IS nQ alternative but t? develop this brilliant argument further
With reference to the East lU some import;:mt respects.
"The Marxist doctrine", Lenin wrote in March 1913 IS omni-
potent because it is true. It is comprehensive and and
provides men with an integral world outlook irreconcilable' with
a,ny of repctioll, or defence. of bourgeOiS oppres-
It the Jeglbmatc successor to the best that man produccd
111 century, as represented by Gerrrian philosophy,
Enghsh polItIcal economy and French socialism."
The followers of Marx, Engels and Lenin are the only group of
Europeans who have extended ille hand of friendship to the East and
who.se love for ,human has been genuine; hence the great
chaIm of MarXlsm-Lemlllsm for our epstern lauds. The attitude of
all other Europeans has been frankly unspeakable, and the importance
of, this fact in ;modern political movements c;mnot he overemphaSized,
Shll Marx and Engels, who were not orientalists, could know little
about Asia. European scholarship about the East till then had heen
remarkably cheap, superficial and arrogant; and it was quite in-
capable of understanding the character of our . eastern societies. We
need not be surpl'ised thpt Marx and Engels were unable to interpret
ou: <:astel'll history owing to paucity. of correct information on the
prmclples they laid down after considering European history. Asia,
on a much scale than Europe, been. dominated by a series
of whlCh may be broadly dIVided mto four epochs-the
anCient penod based on the caste-system or other varieties of involun-
tary, servitudes; the ;medieval period of large-scale, imperial adminis-
tratIOns based on free labour, free contract and free capital but with-
out freedom of thought; the early modern period of subniission to
European capitalistic imperialism due to the low standards of Eastern
production which were c.ontinued from the Middle Ages; and, lastly,
the period of contemporary Asian revival. '
The of the of production to the ideological appara-
tus of socIety has to be mvesttgated further. Expressed in the Marxian
fashion, every society will have, the. following-instruments of pro-
duction; a system; and an ideological apparatus, The processes
of productIon can be the samc everywhcre-limc and space are
immaterial, for the production-processes are based on the universal
laws of s<;ience, What difference can there be hctween mining and
c1oth-makmg, whether the work is undertaken in the or thf1
West? And the I,Jrocess of pl'Oduction will tend to create similar
k2 ..
42 Politics and Society dm1/1g Ear/y Medieval l'erlod
conditions of labour. Still the ideological f1pparatus cannot be ignored.
It sometimes lags behind, and is at other tim,es in advance of the
current processes of production. The two may often be in shalp con-
flict. This is what, broadly spcaking, givcs liS thc varicgatctl pattern
of human societies. Now every society will at any given stage be
inevitably involved in contradictions, for it will be creating forccs
which are contrary to its general character and tend to overthrow it.
This vicious contradiction in which society is involved may be broken
at either end-either by an improvement of the methods of produc-
tion or by an advance in the ideological apparatus. Labour till recent
times was force of secondary importance; one of the greatest features
of 'civilizcd' societies in the past has been, as Rousseau remarked, the
enormous number of "slaves against nature". The processes of pro-
duction may, as at present, change the conditiqns of labour and
shatter the whole ideological apparatus. Convei'sely, an ideological
revolution may bring to the labourer, while his instruments of pro-
duction rcmain unchangcd, a highcr human content with increased
dignity and rights. Religion has, at the great turning-points of history
in the past, been the chief instrument for this ideological revolution.
In this lies its real value. The Marxist condemnation of religion as a
whole is no longer necessary. We have to discriminate with reference
to time and circumstances. There have bcen 'progressive adventures'
of human society which religion alone could undertake.
But this brings us to a further question, which has to be discussed
here. Religion ought to be, but in actual fact has not been, a causc
of progress; its general tendency, apart from the great cataclysmic
revolutions in faith which history records, has been just the reverse. Tn
hip:hest manifestation in the human mind belief in God has been
a rtiv()lutl<mary coricept:-revolutionary in the sense that it hns trans-
cended all traditional b[lrriers of rflce and class and has sought thc
welfare of mankind as a whole. many influences, the chief of
them being the governing classes helped by the priests, as well as
the element of hahit in the nature of man, have during the larger
part of human history turned faith in God and the whole influence
of religion into a conservative force for the maintenance of the exist-
ing social order and the shameless oppression of the weak and the
helpless. All great religions have made their first start among the
working people and in their first manifestations have helped to hreak
the vicious ideology of existing society. Butsuccess has.always created
a governing class within the creed; and this governing classaf a new
and higher Tellel has uscd religion for its own pl111)oses. Bllt here the
paths of various religions part. In the lands of Islam it was not
rIle Political and Ecollomlc Organization 0/ A/am
43
possible to preieht the study of the Qui'an and other religiOUS texts.
As a result of it the governing class had to combat a series of heresies.
These heresies appeared continuously; the serics was unendhlg. Some
of them may havc been due to adventurism. The object of most of
them was to reinstitute by some mea/ls Or other 'the classless society'
of the Prophet or to find a remedy for labour troubles. Behind all of
them lay the vision of a revolutionarv God-a God who was com-
manding a readjustment of the existing social order. The idea of God
is not a conservative or a reactionary concept, though this
aspect of It has been foremost in all stabilized religi<;ms.
Position of the Islamic Revolut,ion in World-History
It is t? indicate. in broad outline the position of the
expansion m world-history, the character of the economic
order It grad.uaIly in Ajam and the ideological set-up which
developed WIth thiS pohhcal and economic order. This task has not
been attem1?ted before, but there .is no difficulty about it provided
one sees thmgs from th.e proper, l.e. the Marxist, angle. And since
changes were destmed to have a lasting influence in India also,
It IS better, first, to see how they operated. in the lands of their birth.
The success of the Saracenie expansion was due to the
. fact that It put an end to all sorts of discriminations and involuntary
serdtr_ r! 's; its expansion was, generally speaking, limited to the
area where th.ese selvitudes existed and from which they could be
removed. It fmled where these servitudes did not exist or where they
were too deep-rooted-on the frontiers of China, where there was 110
serfdom or caste, and on the frontiers of Europe where the serfs were
too depressed to be aroused.
Pious Mussalmans attribute the success of their faith to the valour
and the virtues of the Mussalmans. But it is not denied that the
conquered were brave; and conquests so rapid and so pennanent
cannot be explamed by valour alone. We have to look deeper into
'the social forces at work. .
Modern historians give the name of 'primitive communism' t& a
longperiod of early human history, C1Ver a million vears,
men lived in totems and maintained themselves primarily by.
huntmg. Over a large part of the globe.:-.-the two Americas, Australia,
Central and Southern Africa-humanity never progressed beyond this
stage. But in Ihe j\fediternmcan region and Asia further pro!!:ress was
made possible by a series of inventions, such as the potter's wheel,
44 Po/lllcs and'Socletv during tl,e Earlv Moc/lcIla/ Period
the spinning wheel, the loom, the cart, and the boat; by the taming
of animals; by the mining of metals, and by the discovery of agricul-
ture. the era of primitive communism man's labour was barely
sufficient for himself; he had nothing to lay aside for the future and
no increase of population seemed possible. With the four great
changes mentioned above, a nmn's labour could create a surplus-
valtie over and above what he needed for the bare maiqtenance of
himself and his family. Early civilization was due to the fact that
this surplus-value was appropriated or exploited by a governing class,
which thus found the means and the leisure for creating the comli-
tions of civilized life-industry, commerce, religion, philosophy, the.
fine arts and, most important of all, the state. This exploitation was
the next step the progress. of it ,,:as also
slllgularly mhuman. It took dIfferent forms 11l dIfferent countnes, but
broadly speaking in the Mediterranean region, Egypt, Mesopotamia
and Asia Minor it took the form of helotage or slavery, while in the
lands of the Eastern Aryans, i.e. Persia and India, it took the forin
of. The achievements of classical Greece, which
deserve all the admiration they get, were based on a bare-faced
exploitation of the original inhahitants or helots, who formed about
80 per cent of the population.
The exploitation of slaves and non-caste groups had been going
on in various lands for centmies before the lise of Islam. But by this
time all its possibilities as a production-system had been completely
exhausted. There was also in many lands a deep resentment among
the lower Glasses to whom ordinary hUinan rights were denied. The
most important of, these lands was Persia, where the people were
divided into five castes on the same lines as the four castes of India.
The Sassanian Emperor was proclaimed: to be the God-incarnate; and
his power was supported by the priests and the nohles. The mass of
the population, more vital than in lands, deeply resented its
position of degrading servitude. Still all attempts to reform failed, the
most important of thein being the communist movement of Mazdak in
the reign of Qubad, father of the fatnous Anusherwan (A.D. 531-79).
To these depressed ,classes there came from the heart of the Arahian
desert the Prophet's call to the creed of hrotherhood and equality. It
is also a well-known fact that, whether a man accepted Islam or not,
Islam was out to abolish all servile conditiom. There could, tinder the
shari'at of Islam, he no question of a whole people or even of small
groups heing kept under servile conditions, whatevcr their religion.
Unless slavery could be provcd, frce status was assumcd; ancllsla/ll,
,wlJject to specified l\OlI-Muslims which will
:, ,.;, i ;!!'::;'.,';'d:,*ik
rite Pol/tical and Econrnnlc Organization of Ajam
45
be examined later, assumes an equal freedom for all. There are no
grades of freedom in Islamic law.
If shm'i'at of early Islam is compared with other legal systeins of
those days, it will be found to have two distinctive features as IT civil
code; firstly, unless a man is proved to be a slave, he has full civil
rights; secondly, in the innumerable m.atters that come up before the
civil court--contracts, sales, wage-claims, easements and torts, mort-
gages, gifts, mercantile custoins, etc.-no of any type
is permitted, not even on the ground of relIgIOn. WIth one sweep of
the big bl'Ush the workers of Ajam were enfranchized in the domain
" of civil rights.
cRJC'tobtmderstand this change, we have to keep the productive
features to this extensive area in view. There is a wcak monsoon in
the province of Fars, and the South Caspian provinces have a heavy
rainfall of about 80 inches a year. But apart from these two favoured
regions, the average rainfall of Ajani is four inches a year; th.is slight
1,"ainfall, cyclonic in character, is of use.
Cultivation, consequently, depended enhrely upon artIficIaI.Irngahon.
Persia has no rivers worth mentioning and depended entIrely upon
kareezes and kanats, which brought water to the peasant's farm from
distant springs. Most of these, kareezes were destroyed hy the Mongols
in the thirteenth centurv and have never been reconstructed. In the
land of the Turks are a number of important rivers-e./!. the
Marwar Bud, the Oxus, the Jaxartes, the Zarafshan, the Terim. They
were the S9urce of an extensive canal system and most of the l'ivel:s,
with the exception of the Oxus the Jaxartes,. did not suc.ceed til
reachinl! any sea. The ground In steppe-land, rockv and
rockv plains, in which the traces I?ft hy the pnmeval are
cleath visihle. Where water was avmlahle, thc ground hemg extIcme-
Iv fertile corn and fruit-trees grew in abundance. Bllt over the water-
steppe the Turkish' trihes wandered at will. feecline: their f1ocl<s ,
of sheep and goats on the sparse herhs. An unhelievablv large part
of the total population of Aiam, possihly 40 per cent, lived hv cattle-
hreeding. The niore hackw.ard tribes. like the Ghuzz and the Mone:01s.
had no other occupation' except cattle-raisin!!; ap'riculturc as an art
not knOW!l to theni. In some parts of Ajam the sumlnc)' is quite
hot but the winter evervwhere is bitterly cold.
thf1 absolutely level, these could live without
anv tra(le or commerce on the few commo(lIttes they themselves
nroducerl. Life in the Hazara (Ghur) mountains now to
be l}ossihle on cattle and fruit-trees alone. Bl1t the great medieval
Politics and Society (luring fI,e Early Medieval Perlo'd
while enfranchizing the city-labourers, also' established
Irtty of roads and made trade and commerce possible on an exten-
I scale. Trade rea.dcd indu.stry, and the great cities of Ajarri
I
a new lease of lIfe as mclustnal centres. A large numher of new
s were also fouuded, mostly as military cantonments. Mechanical
l
er was not known to that age, except in the form of water-mills.
,in all that-human and animal muscles could accomplish, it did not
I Evci-y city was prcud of the strength of its labol1l'ers and of the
r
lderfu.I (;f it); trained artisans. The markets everywhere over-
'd WIth manufadmed goods. But many of the cities, like Naisha-
st'ood in desolate areas, where the trade-routes met, and
, the region frOin which they got their food supplies of grain,
[se meat. At the h.ighel' economic level of the Middle Ages.
IltTnng [mm the secrtnty of the extensive system of canals and

to the feeding of the lJOPlilolls cities depended upon one

.ifion-:a strong effiCient government 01' empire. It
IS baSIC need wllIch the seven Hllpenal dynasties, that we have
1:1, were designed to meet. COllversely, a pedod of interregnum
chaos threatened, to throw the whole population back to its
itive, pre-Muslim level; and public opinion hacked up any 11ei'o;
promised to give a unified administration to Alam. . .
ne canitalist kills many". !vfarx has said. This is. no douht true
e il10dcrn Iliachine ap:e. Me<;lu'inical power the of
t l1ow-a-days give a decisive advantage to the capitalist.
s not so in the Middle Ages. The industrial technique, of the
ave an almost equal advantage to the large ancl the small manu:
rer. By the side of the armament manufacturer getting goV(,,:nc
contracts there could flourish the individualai'tisan who
swords or bows in' his workshop and was locally for
m.Some industries, like mining and liad 10 ho
taken on a large-scale, if at ()thers, like caipet-making.
not he undertaken hy one nlan only. Nevertheless cotta!!e-
Itries and, manufacturing concerns flourished side hv side. The
reerried to be more intent on the develoJ)rrient of skill than of
\tions. It was, however, not in inc1ustryhut in cOinnierce that

could be made; for it was the' tr?del,' rather then

dl1stl1allst who could create a nlonopoly for llImself. Taken as
leo Aiam maintained a sfandard of pl'osl1el'itr, durin!! the Middle
which 110 part of it oirtside the Soviet Union yet I'egained.
f
t'the industrial nrogress of Ajam did not gO hevond n cerfain
was dne to the fact that reactionary re1i!!iot1S thot1!!ht ldllcd
e, anel science alone cOllld have made possihle the next :jrlvanc()
i
!
rile Culture of Medieval Ajam 47
in the march of humariity-,the utilization of the powers of nature
for industry in the place of the muscles of man and bmte.
The result, as generation followed generation, was constantly in-
discontent. This discontent naturally expressed itself
in a form-in the form of religious heresies. The rriost iin-
portant of these heresies was the Isrriaili cult with its vision of an
Imam; who would have the power of amending and abrogating even
the Quranic law, and who would establish a rational order of
society and promote science. In the little island of Bahrain, Nasir
Khusrau, a of the twelfth century, tells us that the local
Ismaili Imam had abolished fasts and. prayers, the.?uilding
of nlosques unnecessary and establIshed a SOCIalIstIc agrIcultural
cominunity. It is difficult, Maulana Ghazzali says, to prevent Ismaili
ideas from permeating the Persian working classes. In some form or
other the more notable heresies of the Middle Ages were 'the creed
of the oppressed'. Multitudes of men were prepared to follow any
rebel, who promised to put things right or 'spiritual deliverers' who
claimed to be mahdis and the like. It suited the orthodox governing
classes to treat labour as heretics and heretics as rebels. The
Kurd rebel, Babak Khurrami, is a good example. But as Ajam, on
the basis of its cottage industries and small manufactures, could deve-
lop no proletariat sufficiently organised and disciplined to take charge
of the state, victory lay entirely with the governing classes and the
forces of reaction. Ajarri society had by the twelfth century reached
a contradiction it, could not transcend. The external proof of this
inner paralysis is the ease with which the Mongols s\vept through
the whole region and the utter .inahility of Muslim society to offer
any organized resistance. A second prOof is that in all spheres of
science, and in inost spheres of culture and learning. its progress
came to a definite end.
II. THE CUJ,TURE OF MEDIEVAL AJAM
The Theological Sciences
. 'We can now proceed to examine the set-Ilp of Ajairi that
acconipanied the political and economic advailce discllssed in the
previous chapter and came to an cnd in the thirtcenth century.
Muslim culture in Ajanl developed steric1ily from the seventh to the
twelfth centllty. By the first quarter of the thirteenth century it had
48
Politics ant! Society ,lllri"g tlte Early Medieval PeI'lo,!
reached its culmination, and on the existing ideological and economic
basis no further substantial advance was possible except in the field
of applicatiqn.
The standard attained both in culture and in the positive
was incomparably the highest in the contemporary world outside
China.
, We take the theological sciences first. It is said that Islam knows
. no priesthood, and this is, of course, theoretically tme. But education
was bound to make a distinction between the priest and the laity.
The influence of the !llama or religious scholars in Islam is a fact,
and no platitudes can ignore it.
I The hasis of all religious study in Islam is the Quran-its gram-
mar, word-meaning and the interpretation of its text. It ohvious
that so far as the textual stlld" of the Qnran is concerned; the ficld
is not unlimited. The study caine to an end with the Nahv-i
(classical Arabic grammar) and the Tatsir-i Zalllakhshal'i or Commen-
tary of Zama'khshari which was complctnl in A.D. 1l.'35. All critical
scholars have recognized this fact. To the interpretation of thc Qnran,
of course there can be no end. Nevertheless later-dav commentaries
have either novel 'interpretations, which raised but futile
I'r 1ll(,r(' rt'p('tifions of the originals. Z:miakhshari, for good
rcasons, hccanie, a lvlu"tazila or rationalist, but it. was recognized even
in India that from the view-point of the higher textual scholarship
there was no alternative to him:
Next to the Qnran, come the PrOphet's savin{!"s 01' hadises. No
hadises of the Prophet were, recorded during his life-time. A number
of collections of his hadises were made during the Umavyad period
hut these collections have not survived. In the period of the Ahhao,ids
the collection of the Prophet's hadises bcgan in right earnest and
continued for a long time. The chief collections are as follows:
1. The Muwatia of Imam Abu Abdullah Malik IJin Anas (A.D.
71.5-95).
2. The Musnad of Imam Ahmad bin IIanbal (A.D. 780-855).
3. The Jama-i Sahih of Iniam Ahu Ahdullah l\1ohainmacl hin Is-
mail, popularly known as Imani Bukhari after Hukhara, the place
of his birth (A.D. 810-70).
4. The Sahih of Imam Ahul Hasan Muslim hin JTajjaj of Naishapnr
(A.D. 821-74).
5. The Jam-i of AIm Isa Mohammad of Tirmiz (A.D. 824-92).
6. The SlInan of Abu Daud Sulaiman of Sijistan or Sistan (A.D. 817-
88).
ri,e Cult, .... , of Me,/levol'A/am 40
7. The SlIIlOn of Abu Abdul' Rahman Ahmad Nasai (A.D. 830-
915); the author also inade a selection from his hlrger work,
known as the Mttjlanibi-lln Na7Jltn, to which reference is solne-
times made.
8. The Slman of Abu Abdullah MohaJT1mad of generally
kn9wn as Ibn-i Majah (A.D. 824-86).
These collections are of enormous length; they give not only the
llOdises of the Prophet but also the long chain of narrators on the
authority of whom the hadises were based. All the scholars concerned
have stated that a large number of hadises related to therri were re-
jected as unworthy of inclusion. Still the MU8nad of Imam lIanbal
and the Mtltoatta of Imani Malik have been criticized on the ground
that they include hadises not properly authenticatcd. Ibn-i Majah
needlessly injured his reputatfon by fabricating hadises of the Prophet
in praise oVthe Persian city of Qazwin. Sunni tradition believcs
in the six authenticated collections (sihah sittah). "The six collections
which are famous in Isiam", Shaikh Abdul Haq of Delhi decIa'res,
"niean the Si!zahs of Imam Muslim mid Imam Hukhari, thc Jam-i of
Tirmizi, and the three Slmans of Abu Daud, Nisai and Ibn-i I"faiah;
but according to sonie the Mttwatta should be taken in place of Ibn-i
Majah." Of aU these great Traditionists, only Imam Malik and Imam
Hanbal belonged to the Arab race; the rest were from Ajam who
sojourned in Arabia for years together.
, The process of l!adis-collecting, it is obvious, had to come to an
end; the mere passage of time would ensure this. Consequently in
later days the energies of the Traditionists (or scholars of the
Prophet's sayings) became circumscribed within very definite limits,
e.g. compilation of mannals for students, like the Alaslwriqltl Anwar
or the Mi-shkalul Masabih, in which the authentic 'lOdises alone were
included and for the sake of bi"evity the chain of narrators was drop-
ped; and the discussion of the ineaning of the hadises and theh' co-
ordination with each other and the Quranic texts. Further, two dia-
metrically opposed processes-the discarding of fabricated hadises
and fabrication of falsc ltadises-went 011 continllollsly throughout
the Middle 'Ages. ,
The Quran and the hadises ought to give us the law. This law
would have two parts. First, the law necessary for individual salvation
through rituals, prayers and right conduct. This is the proper dOn'lain '
of Muslim theology. Manuals on the whole or a part of the subject
appeared in cnormous numbers during the Middle Ages, and they
still continue to appear. But all that could be said on every aspect
50
, Politics anel SoCiety during tIle Early Mediecal Period
of individual life was brought together' in a treatise of enormous
length, the Ihyaul'Ulttm of Maulana Ghazzali (A.D. 1058-1111). It is
doubtful if any Mussalman, however, prayerful, could really live ac-
cording to the detailed directions of this great work. Perhaps the
great Ghazzali himself realized the fact, for he has summarized it
in a Persian work, the Kimiya-i Sa' adat.
The second part of the law would appertain to those actions of
men which came within: the purview of the law courts. This is the
sphere of the Shari'at, properly so-called, though all works on the
Shari'at intrude into the sphere of theology, in which they are not
considered authentic. There is very little of law proper in the Quran
itself, apm:t from provisions for' inheritance, for the prohibited dc-
grees of marriage, and fo\' wills. A number of other matters are re-
ferred to in passing, theft, adultery, murder, jizya, the law of evi-
dence, etc. But the brevity of the Quranic injunctions on these
matters led to great differences of opinion in later days. Concerning
government or the state there are only two injunctions-first, all
affairs are to be decided by common discussion (slwra), second. the
Mnssalmans are to obey the rulers (ulul amI') 'froin amongst them-
selves', but if they differ with their rulers about any matter, they are
to turn back to Allah and His Prophet. Taken as a whole, the Quranic
law was quite insufficient for the needs of socicty and the Prophet
gave directions about all cases that were brought before him. This
practice seems to have heen by the Pious Caliphs (A.D.
632-61), but with the ;tdvent of the Umayyads it inevitably stopped.
Legislation, thereafter, was considered to he a function of the mi7lat
(COIl\munity) and its acknowledf!ed leaders, not of the Caliph.
The four' schools of Sunni law-the Hanafis, Shafi's, IIanhalis
and Malikis-rose during the period of the Great Ahhasids (A.D. 754-
8(1). Since the courts cannot leave' a case undcdded for want of a
relevant law it 'was the duty of the jurisconsult or faqih to answer
all questions' anyone may put to him. however improbable the cir-
cumstances may be in practical life. :Where the Quran and the hadises
were silent, the jurisconstllts resorted to qir{as or the extension of an
acknowledged principle to similar cases. Where qiyas was not pos-
sible, they appealed to 'reason'. Reason very often means the law of
Rome' which Justhlimi had codified: But very often Rome was also
and situations had to be 'considered. rhus in the reign
of Samanids in Central Asia tllere 'was a great extension of canal
and since hoth Romail law imd the slwri'at were silent on
canal coilstmction, ail order hml to he for the compilation or a
on water-rights on the 'hrisis 'of reaSOll and commonsense,
TIle CultuI'e of Metlleval A/am
si
. greatest differences ,of opinion prevailed among the leading
Junsconsults on of the most vital questions of the day, and no
was pOSSIble. The leading jurisconsults (with the curious
exceptIon of, Imam Yusuf) insisted on keeping themselves aloof from
tho govcmment in order to prcserve, their freedoin of conscience
were, consequently, not in a position of official responsibility So
y common the principle to be enforced between the m:ties
was left to the qaz! the judge appointed by the governmeni) who
follow the 0p11110n of any distinguished jurisconsults or faqihs
w 1 was to do justice in the individual case. But
was not conSIdered binding on his successor, or even on him-
self m a So works on the shari'at, as it developed, followed
a .. Where there was agreements among the fa ihs,
the e was lmd as binding; but where the faqihs differ-
eld flOt;t each other, the dIfferences were carefully noted down for
t 1e ?f the qazis. It used to be the ambition of medieval
a useful manual <;r text-book for students Or the
the greatcst of them strove to compile com rehen-
slve treatIses that may be the last word on th b' t S f P I
M sl' ' 1 "t' 1 e su Jec. 0 ar as t le
U 1m s wn ,IS concernec, this second task was in
the famous IIuwyah of Imam Abul Hasan Burhanuddin Ali bin Abu
Bakr of Marghinan in Ferghana (oh AD 119]) The erret I '
a man of III . 1 I .. . , . ,.., . a mam was
'.. ' ( y w 10 rode out in a splendid cavalcade
by IllS and others; later generations have, therefore
patd attentIon to as a religiOUS guide. But the legal
of the conSIdered the last word on the subject through-
out the Ag.es in the lands of Ajam. The HidGlJall is siient
on publIc nghts; ItS baSIC principles of private rights are e ualit
?nd contract. As was inevitahle with a treatise of such
It contnhuted very largely to making the law of Islani static. Fttrthet
was only possible by the process of judicial legislation, the
glOwth of customary law or the intervention' of the state.
II. Mysticism
It was inevitable that in Islam as in other religions there should
groZV, uP, a "school of the inner spi-rit pitted against the school of
forma! and external law. But in Islam alone did this school
of mysttcs or sufis }'cadt n development that enahled it to challenge
. power of formal or externalist theologians and to inspire the
Me and the hterahtre of the pcople for centuries. By the thirteenth
.. most educated. men anc1 all claimed to he mystics al1(l
avplOvnatecl the tenmnology of mysticIsm. But with the expansion
52
Politics an!l SoCiety during tlw Early Medieval Period
of the cult, its meaning was lost; arid alI persons, who talked
cism but were not prepared for the mystic discipline or for the
renunciation of the worldly careers had to be dnssilkd as 'nwtasaw-
w(/f or 'synthetic mystics'_
To the first gnll1p of mystics in Islamic history, Professor Nicholson
has given the appropriate designation of 'Quietists'. They appeared
in Iraq during the Umayyad period, chiefly in thc cantonment towns
of Kura and Basra. The Quietists were men of deep religiOUS feelings
rathcr than conscious mystic theorists; they helonged mostly to the
conquered communities. But they did lay the foundations of mysti-
cism hy promulgating the doctrine of TartT)(/ or Repentance. Tall"!!
does uot consist merely in mfraining from evil It is, according
t6 the Wdayah, rebirth in the form taught hy Lord Christ:
"You shall not enter the kingdom of Heaven unless you are born
again.',' Mysticism thus begins where theology cnds. "Repentance",
a 'leading Quietist has said, "means that ':ou forget repentane.e:" It
postulates a complete change of persouahty-a second or sp1l'1tual
birth. '
Shaikh Ali IIaiweri, writing ahout the middle of the twelfth cen-
tury, speaks of the mystics as being divided into twelve schools, all
of which had appeared by the second quarter of the tenth centun.
(1) The IIululis or Reincarnationists. The school arising in
and the lands further cast was generally conckmnc(l, hut it npvC'l'-
theless succeeded in perrrieating thought, through and through.
(2) The Hallaiis or the followers of Mansur Hallai who had declared:
"1 am the Truth." Mvsticism in this extreme form was consiclcrecl
dangerol1s.Hallai waS' put to death and diverse have been
expressed about his charadel- and aims. (3) The. Tadll./'18 ?r the school
of rapture (sukr), who followed Shaikh BayazlCl Tmful'l of Bust.am.
('f..IC grQutness of Shaikh Bayazid is not denied; but his sarmg
s
(shatahat) required a lot of explainin\!. (4) The a1amalls or Qllssa-
ris' who followcdShaikh Abu Saleh Hamadan h111 Ahmad-al QIlSSUr.
TI;ese mystics recklesslv defied nuhlic opinion so that hlanie (7I1I1TII-
7I1at) niav befall them. Their real object, of course. was to fc)llow the
'j-hlht path without regard to public opinion. '(5) The Kha/'ra.zis or
hclievci's in Falla or Annihilation in God. This al."e-old doctnllc of
"ili'roann was postulated hy the fO\1nder of the school. Al)\\ Sa'id Khar:
raz, as follows: "If a man tUl'llS himself towards Allah, anel
liIirise1f to Allah, and lives in nearness to Allah. and 1m
eliistence, and forgets evervthitH!CXcent Allah-then if yO.n ask hlln,
'.(;vhercfrom are VOtl and what ohjcct,do von desire, he WIll have nO
QUswcr Imt-AlIah" Nlrwna thns dcfin('cl ill terms of psychology and
tile Cultul'e 01 Medleva! Ajat
not of. metempsychosis was acceptable to the ,Mussalrilans. (6) The
Kh.lIfm[is or followers of Abu Abdullah Mohainmad bin Khufaif of
Slmaz, propounded the doctrine of huzlIJ' (presence with Allah)
and gIl/bat (?bsence from Allah). Presence and absence of course
refm: to man s consciousness. The mystic must be always
of Ius presence with God; at the Ifst stage obviously the difference
the phenomenal and noumenal world wili disappear. (7) The
followers Abul Sayyal', the Irfiam of Mer". They
the doctr.me ?f lama and tafmqa. If the seeker was suc-
cessful lu.s w?rk,. Ius mmd would be in a state of ;nllw', bliss, har-
mony OI ul11ty; If hiS progress was frustrated, his condition would be
01.10 of distraction .or tafl'({qa. In non-mystic these two cOn-
cittiOI1S are called JOy (s/zaHq) and sorrow (a[am). (8) The Muhasibis
followers of Abu Ubaidullah Haris bin Asadnl Muhasibi. They
problems of hal ansI muqam-the stages (lhuqam) of
th.e mystrc s path. the conditi?l1s (hal) he would be in. They also
Imd .the pnnclple of muhaslbah Qr mystic self-criticism. (9) The
Tnstm IS OI fo\lowCl:s of Abdullah Tustar, who discussed the
problem of controJlmg man s lower nature or nafs. (10) The I-Iakimis
or followers of Abu Abdullah Mohammad bin Hakim-til Tirmizi who
doctrine ?f saintship or wilayat'. According to the IIaki-
the smnts or walts were a necessary part of the cosmic order;
wI.tho11t the world could not exist. The JIaHmis graded the
saints, claSSified them and informed the Muslini cOllimunity of their
ene' :"unVJer. Contemp?raries laughed at Hakim Tirmizi's statements
but Ius theory was destmed to exercise a remarkable influence three
later with the rise of the mystic Orders or Silsilahs. (11) The
Nuns or followers of Abul Hasan Nuri. Nuri elaimed that the obiect
of .seeker was not faqr (i.e. poverty as poveliy) but iasawwuf or
lIe also preferred working in society (slIhbat) to solitary
hfe (12) In })etween these schools stood the great Shaikh
JUIl?ld of Baghdad (CIrca 9(0). lIe believed in sohriely (or sahv) am1
rapture at the same time he would have nothing to
With externalism of the 1I1ullahs. Most mystics of the succeed-
mg .geIlera.twns preferred the school of Shaikh Junaid, whose greatest
ment lay 111 the fact that while keeping aloof from state-dominated
clericalism, he did not forget that balance and self-restraint are the
essence of mysticism.
vVhile the Quietists wrole no books, most founders of the mystic
schools wc;re voluminolls writers. Unrortunlllelv onl" a small fraction
of their works has snrvived. The schools were opposed
and exclusivc; in many respects they wcre For two
Politics, and Society during Emlu Medieool Period
hundred years or more a series of pamphlets (l'isa[as) and text-books
(klmla8as) appeared in which attempts were made to consolidate all
mvstic doctrines. But when all had been said, two divergent view-
inevitable. The centrist school of Shaikh Jun;:Iid, .. after
absorbing all it could of the rest, found its final expression in the
great AWal'itul Ma'arit of Shaikh (A.D.
1145-1234). It is the greatest of centnst Mushm mystIcism for
all times. The greatest exponent of leftist mysticism, Shaikll Mohiud-
din Ibn-i Arabi, came from distant Spain. Persecuted wherever he
wcnt, Shaikh Ibn-i Arabi had to migrate from Spain through North
Africa to Mecca and from Mecca to Qunia in Asia Minor. He is said
to have met Shaikh Shihabuddin Suhrawardi in a street of Mecca;
the two great mystics looked at each otber, but they had nothing to
say to one another and went their own way. The Awal'iful lIla'ant
obtain'ed an immediate acceptance amongst the mystics of Ajam, but
the two great works of Ibn-i Arabi, the Fusllsal Iltkam and the
Fu!t/lwt iHakkiyah, were widely misunderstood and condemned. 1'0
there could be no clilIercnce between the noumenal and
the phenomenal world; aU is God, for how can there he a l1ot-G(X.lI:
This is the famous doctrine of Wahdatttl WlI';ud or 'One Existence
summarized in the formula 'Ilmvallah' (He is God), which in the later
days oflhe Mughal Empire seemed to be obvious to
Hindus and Mussalmans alike. Bnt with the contemporanes of Ibn-l
Arabi it was diHerent. His son-in law and successor, Shaikh Sadruddin
of Qunia, wrote works explaining his master's doctrines. But the
most forceful exposition of IblH Arabi's ideas, however, came from
a different quarter. Maulana Jalaluddin RumJ (A.D. 1207-73),
Masnavi is considered by most critics to be the greatest of all Mushm
works was a dose friend of Shaikh Sadruddin, who led the Matt-
lana's' funeral prayers. And the Muslim. world accepted. from .
great Masnavi in verse what it l;ac1 reJected, frOm Ibn-! m
prose. The Mamaoi was known m Indm_ the ea,rly
Firuz Tughluq's reign, but the works of Shmkh MohlUddm Ibn-l
Arahi, though studied, were not generally approved.
This consolidation of mystic thought was fonowed t.he found,,-
tion of the mystic Orders or Silsilahs about the hcgmmng of the
thirteenth century. Ahul Fazl mentions fot;rl?en Silsilahs: but of
them existed on paper only, wlli1c other had m:lsen, the
Chishti/fah-Sabil'fah Silsilah hy Ihe hreaking up of previous
So far our periocl is concerned, the matter .is .not eonf;lS1ng. 1e
Ilrst mystic or Onlcr of Islam, :the )1 ase
in the lands of the Turks beyond Its em-hest texts S.J()W
, "j"' ," :
1;'
Tile Ctt/lu'e of Medieval Atom, , 55
'" ' '
a deep Buddhist inHuence in doctrine and terminology as well as the
organization of mystic discipline. But after prolonged discussions its
traditions were brought in a line with Muslim mystic orthodoxy. Its
earliest well-known saint, not founder, Ata Yaswi, lies buried in the
city of TUl'kistan. This Order expanded up to Herat, but its progress
towards Inelia was stopped by the stout-hearted resistance of the
mystics Qf Cbisbt, a city which is about a hundred miles from Herat.
n did not come tQ India till Akpar's time. By the fifteenth century
this Silsilah had come to be known as the Naqshbandi Silsilah after
Shaikh Bahauddin Naqshband (A.D. 1317-89).
The Suhrawardi Order starts from Shaikh Shibabuddin Subrawilreli.
whose works have been referred to already. The Chishti Order, ,so
infp&rClnt Gn India, was apparently a local growth, its chief saint may
have been Shaikh Maudud Chishti. The Order had no importance
except in Chisht and India. The Qadria Order, founded by Shaikh
Abdul Qadir of Gilan (A.D. 1077-1166), also did not come to India
during ou, r J?eriod. The Firdausi Order, founded by Shaikh Najmud-
din Kubra, (A.D. 1145-1226), formed its centre at Delhi, but it could
not prosper there," pOSSibly owing to preponderance of the Chishtis,
, and proceeded eastward to Bihar, where its greatest scholar-saint,
Shaikh Sharafuddin Yahva Maned, lived and worked during the
reign of Firuz Shah Tughluq. His Letters (Maktubat) are an excellent
expositiou of the principles of Muslim mysticism.
All these Silsilahs claim succession (Khilafat) from the' Prophet
through lIazl'at Ali. The Silsilah-i Khwafgan first claimed succes-
sion through Hazrat Abu Bakr, but later on it also preferred to,claim
succession through Hazrat Ali. The pious believer is still taught to
recite the names of the saints of his Order from the Prophet to the
Founder of the Order,and from him down to the present day, But
the claims of succession from the Prophet to the Founder of the
Silsilahs are definitely a concoction of the thirteenth century;.
is no earlier authority for them. In any case there were no
before the twelfth century with the solitary exception of the Turkish
Khwajgall; wIm probably arose soon after the expansion of Islam
beyond the Jaxartes. '
The unit of the Silsilah was the Shaikh (gul'll) to whom his own
master had given a 'certificate of stieeession' or Khilafat-Nama and 'a
spiritual dominion' or wilayat. The Shaikh could give a certificate of
succession to any of his qualified disciples and send him to any part
of the world; stich a, diSciple in bis ttlrn became n Shaikh and cou!d
enrol his own diSciple!!. In the l<.hi7a!a!-Namas of later days tll chaJ:'
of spiritual succession was carefully recited. But there was no pOSSl-
&&&&
56
'Politics and Soclely during lIle 'Em'lf} Mec/leua/ Period
bility of the system into a ,global like .the
Catholic Church. The Sllsl/alls (!Imn-ellcd with each other; thel e was
no co-ordination even between the Shatkhs 'Of the same Silsilah, who
acted independently and often appointed .rival stlc?essors to the
territory. The sometImes and
timcs succession was clmmed without any OI C\ en
clear verbal appointment. saints ;>ften Ulvellted to
c the foundation of a new Stisliah or Lastly, many
appointed their own sons as their successors, thus mysh-
cism by tile fourteenth century (in India as well as AJam) ceased to
be a spiritual urge and int? a and I:cco
g
-
nized hereditary trade or professlOn, wInch catelCd to the necds of
the ignorant and the credulous.
Ill. The Positive Sciences
Vve turn, next, to the positive or secular The f.oundation
of sciences among the Mussalmans was laid durmg the of the
Great Abbasids (A.D. 754-861) and royal patronage was a con-
tributory factor. The Mussalmans .could onlr the
borrowing,' and they borrowed Without heSitatIOn from the Glecks
and the Hindus. The names of a large number of have
been recorded, though the compilation of excellent ArabIC
soon made resort to translations unnecessary. The pIDcess
b which the sciences were consolidated excites admJl'atioll. The
system and trigonometry, for example, were taken, from the
Hindus and the famous Bmhma Siddlumta of Brahma Gupta, the
.leading work of Indiilll science, was translated under the name of
Sind-Hind. The astrolabe was borrowed from the Greeks .and greatly
improved. The two important lines on the Mushms
were botany and zoology leading up to mcdlcllle, and
al ebra leading up to' astronomy. Within the pcriod .of t 1: I cat
(A.D. 754-861) the Muslim scientists-a III wInch a lot
of non-Muslims have always been included because they. belonged
to the tradition-had outstripped their prede?cssors. TillS
continued for the next two centunes and then It came to sto.p. ! e
achievements of the past remained, ,htlt no
, ' The erriinence of niedieval Muslim SCIcnce l;q ally
ied ed; it led the whole world till, under happier Its
was taken up by the of and Wcstmn .Ell1ope
i
Here it is only necessary to examme the cllcnmstances that wcvcntec
the "advimce of science after the centllrv in lvll1S 1m
Aliliost immediately wilh the trnnsla(wll of Greek and IIm( t1
rt.e Culture 01 AI ecl/eua! A;at
57
works, a bitter conflict started between the secular thinkers and the
scientists on the one side and theologians or mullahs 011 the other.
Au
c
ei):n'l1ple of this is the famous Mu'tazilite controversy in which the
scientists ,lere completely worsted. The basis of the controversy can
be brieny stated. Pure science could not proceed without ccnnplote
freedom to lay down its own fundamental postulates, and these pos-
tulates for medieval science were (a) the principle of causation, (b)
(he conservation of energy, and (c) the indestrudibility or elernity of
matter. Alberuni definitely attributes the last two principles to the
Hindus. The basis. of the principle of causation is the universal ex-
perience and practice of mankind. To the theologians these three
principles were utterly unacceptable. The principle of causation ques-
tioned the possihility of miracles, while, if matter was indestructible,
there seemed to be IlO possibility of CreatiolJ. Further trouble was
caused by the fact that the Qumn refers to astronomical phenomena
as objects of immediate experience or with reference to contemporary
Arab theories. The reasonings of mathematics have (as Kant remark-
ed) an element of necessity about them. It was not possible on the
basis of reason, for example,"' to question the following argument
advanced to prove the curvature of the earth: a rod of the same
lcngth will Cllst a longer shadow as you approach the north pole and
a shorter shadow as you approach the equator. So the theologians
shifted their ground and raised the questions: \Vhat is the niore valid
basis of human faith, the authorized text as commented
upon by the leading theologians, or Maqlliat, human The fight
against Aql or Reason, specially as expressed in Greek philosophy
and science, was considered by the fanatic mullahs to be an inte-
gral part of the great iihad (holy war) of Islam. They developed a
special branch of theology about this topic ond called it "Ilmul
Kahall. The whole of it is poor stuff to a modcm reader, but the
mullahs succeeded in carrying the mass of the public with them,
including the workers. Still the scientists, though considered to be
in grave error, were respected for their character, their learning and
their intellectual achievements.
But a great change callle when the state itself began to persc-
cute the scientists. The" glol); of inaugurating this policy of pcrse-
cution helongs to Sultan Mahmud, who as the first Eniperor or
Sultan of Islam had to win over the orthodox to his side. lie perse-
cuted the Ismailis, wht, had scientific leanings. In Sind, we are told,
he ordered the hanels and feet of all Ismailis to he cut olT. It was thc
misfortune of' the two greatest scientists of Ajam, Abu Raihan
Alberuni and Shaikh BlI Ali Sina (Avicenna), to be his conteniporaries.
II
Politics atul SoCIety during tIle early Medieval Period
Malunnd sent ordc1's for their al'l'est to Khwarazm, where they were
,living, but the ruler of Khwarazm preferred to show them the order
before its execution. Shaikh Bu An Sin a decided to run away and
w ~ s nearly killed by a snow-storm. Orders for his arrest along with
his portraits were sent to every city of the Ghaznavid Empire, but
he managed to find an asylum with Azduddoulah Dailami, the
Buwaihid ruler. Alberuni preferred to surrender and was seilt to
India. Here he studied the philosophy, sciences and social institutions
of the Hindus. He found that Hindu scientific thought had been
stagnant for centuries, and surveying the world around him, he pro-
phcsied the same for Muslim science. "The number of sciences is
great', he said, "and it may be still greatcr if the public mind is
directed towards them at such times as they are in the ascendancy
and in general favour with all, when people hOllOtil' not only sciencc
itself but also its representatives. To do this is, in the first instance,
the duty of those who rule over them, of kings and princes. For they
alone could free the mind of scholars from their daily anxieties about
the necessities of life, and stimulate their energies to earn more fame
and favoul', the reaming for which is the pith and marrow of human
nature. The present times, however, are not of this kind. They arc
the very opposite, and therefore it is quite impossible that a new
science or a new kind of research should arise in our days. What we
have of science is nothing but tile scanty remains',of bygone better
times" (India, Vol. I, Chap. IV).
These words were prophetic. Most Muslim governments of the
future cared nothing for science. Malik Shah SeljufJ,i (A.D. 1072-92)
refl'Jnned the calendar; Ulugh Beg ofSamarqand (A.D. 1397-1449)
constructed an observatory; Humayun dabbled in astronomy. But
such temporary, hectic attempts produced no lasting results, and
could not, in any case, anticipate the extraordinary progress of mo-
dern Europe. Medieval Muslim scholarship in every subject, as we
have seen, had the tendency of expressing itself in one great treatise
and of becoming stationary thereafter. In mathematics Muslim
achievement found its final culmination in the Qanrm-i M asudi of
Alberuni; the fact that manuscripts of this work are extremely rare
proves that scant regard was paid to it. Bllt better fortune was in
store for Bu Ali Sina's Qan!ln-i Shifa, the greatest treatise in Musljm
medicine, which was the text-book of Muslim physicians throughout
the 1>.1iddle Ages and is so even today. To go beyond. Bu Ali. ~ i n a
was considered wrong in principle t So far as Musl!m me(hcme,
called Y'lliani Tib, is concerned, no progrcss was inade after the
Ghaznavid times.
. rlre Urban 1!evolution In NOlt/wrn India
A better fate awaited secular literature-poetry, history and the
like. Here there was no question of religiOUS persecution; progress,
consequently, did not stop. The same may be said of the arts. To
architecture there was naturally no objection, specially as it found ex-
pression in mosques and mausoleums, towers and domes. There are
references to mural paintings during the sultanate period; but paint-
ing as an art was condemned. The pOOr painter was told with agre-
gious stupidity that 'he was rivalling God' and that severe punjsh-
ment awaited him for this presumption in the other world. But the
Mongol rulers of Persia, the Ii Khans, were in no way bound by
Muslim opinion, and painting 011 paper prospered under their patro-
nage till Muslim society came to accept it. As for music and dancing,
the governing class patronized these arts and there was no gain-
saying it. For where the govern)ng class was concerned, the mullahs,
who depended upon it for their livelihood, had no alternative but
to remain silent; and the wine-parties of the aristocracy would have
been inSipid without the dancing women and their songs. On the
popular level, the Chishti mystics fotlght the ml/Uahs for the recitation -
of mystic songs a\l(I certain varieties of music, and succeeded after
a prolonged struggle.
The relation of the culture of Ajam to Indo-1>.luslim culture is ex-
tremely simple. The whole of the science and culture of Ajam, briefly
surveyed above, was bodily imported into India by the first quarter
of the thirteenth eentury-text-books and teachers, along with their
CUlTent controversies. Soon afterwards Muslim culture was crushed
in its homelands by the terrible Mongol invasions. In the period in-
tervening between the Mongol invasions and the Timurid revival
(A.D. 1218-1400), India was the only country where Ajam culture
could flourish.
III. TIlE URBAN REVOLUTION IN NORTIIERN INDIA
I. Indian Society before the Glwrian Invasions
The tinie has now come when the social facts of the Middle Ages
can be properly interpreted by the removal of that wholly deceptive
ideological coating that has been put on them hy medieval as well
as modern writers. Because the English government was a foreign
governnient supported hy foreign troops, it has bcen iniagined that
the Delhi Sultanate and the Mughal Empire were administrations of
Pol/tics and Society ,/I/dllg I/.e Early Mealeval Per/or!
thc samc type; and it is forgotten that the JVlussalman
of India had no 'home government' outside India and nOlle of that
superiority in machine-industry and anriamcnts, which led inevitably
to the establishment of British rule in India. One must be very igno-
rant of thc original material of Indian history, political and non-
political, to imagine that thc governmcnt of medicval India was
either foreign or military.
Secondly, bccausc it suited thc rulers of thc 1liddle Ages in
and spceches intended, entirely 01' primari'y for the 111 IIssalmans to
portray thcmselves as protagonists ill that cternal conflict Or ii/we[
which men of the Faith are slIJ11)osed to wage against all wickcd
,people, it does not in the least follow that their pretensions wcre
corred-or that they cven deceived intclligcnt contemporary Mus-
lims, who wcre independent of the government ill the inatter of their
livelihood. The Delhi Sultanate was no more 'Muslim' than the British
Empire has becn 'Christian'. The official historians and the class of
mullahs, who were dependent on the govcrnment-and the govern-
ment provisions in this respect were extrcmcly liberal-had, of
course, their directiolJS from those in power. But iTle hi:ghe1' M If.sli1ll
1'eligious consciollsness throughout the, Middle Ages repudiated the
claim of the state to be anything but the orga1lization of the domi-
nant class for its own benefit. The Qazi of Ghazni refused the pre-
sent of the gold of an idol from Sultan Masud because the campaigns
of his father, Sultan Mahrriud, had not been waged according to the
principles of the Prophet's jihad. Independence from the government
vias onc of thc basic teachings of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, admit,
tedly the greatest Muslim l'eli&ious teachcr of the Khalji-Tughluq
period, and, ill fact, of all In<lian mystic teachers of the Middle
Ages. That the state or government is 'an organization of sin' and that
no Hum, who cares for his spiritual salvation, will enter its service,
was one of the deepest religiOUS convictions of the medieval Muslim
mind both in India and Ajarri. This conviction runs like a red thread
throughout our religious literature of thehighcr t);pe.
The scientific historian will do well to hear in mind Marx's warn-
ing: " ... so can we not jndge of such a period of transformation by its
ovvn consciousness; On the contrary, this consciousness must be ex
plained rather frOiri the contradictions of material life, from the exist
ing conflict between the social productive forces and the relatiohs of
production. No social order ever perishes hefore all the productivc
forces for which there is room in it have developed."
The tendency hithcrto has heen to eontcmplate this 'period of
transformation' ill India in pl11'c1y idcological terms without any re-
1'/le Urba" Revo/utio" ;n Northern India 61
ferenee to the social factors 01' the method of production or the legal
and social position of the working class. The two antithetical propo-
sitions-that true religion prevailed against the false for it is the
nature of religiOUS truth to prevail OJ' that the barbarians conquered
the civilized because it is the nature 6 the harbarians to conquer-
can be pitted against each, other till the end of time without any
useful result.
But seell from a higher level, the whole process lJeco1l1es clear.
What is called the Muslim, but is really the Churian conquest Of
India, l1ieant tivo things-firstly, the substitution of the Ghurian Turks
for the 'Thakurs' as the government class; secondly, the enfranchize-
mcnt of lhc Indian city-workers, accompanied by a cOl1siderable lal1d-
, slide among them tdu;al'ils the new faith.
This transition was made possible because Indian society had be-,
come weak and helpless owing to a series of contradictions. Two of
these contradictions lay on the sUl'face for all to see: the contra-
diction between a hereditary caste of warriors and the current me-
thods of war, and the eOlitradiction between the standard of tho
Indian producet's work and his legal and social status. A third
contradiction is to be found in the continuation of a hereditary caste
with a monopoly of culture in an age when nil over the worlel, even
in J1!edieval Europe, it had become a custom to recruit students from
all classes. This fact alone can explain the silence of Hindu thinkers
from the eighth to the fourteenth century.
To un(lerstand this we mnst Hrst hegin by examining the struetl\l'O
o( Indian society before the Ghmian invasions.
The condition of Indian SOciety-mostly city-society-has been
described by the Arab travellers, but their work has ,been consolidat-
ed and thrciwll into the shade hv the classic work of A.lheruni. Some
Hindu authorities Oil the subject are also available. A critical exanii-
nation will show that the two confirm each other.
The basic fact of Indian cultural life was the and intellec-
tual supremacy of the Brahmans. No substantial advance in science
had hecn made since the 'golden age' of the Guptas, but the gJ'.eat
books of the past were carefully taught and preserved. The Brah-
mans with whom Alberuni studied may have bcen conscrvative anel
impl'Ogrcssive, but they were remarkably enlightcned, intelligent and
weIHnf<irmccl. The worel, Kshattriya, had fallcn into disuse and the
term, Rajpnt, had not yet become current. The Arahian and Ghaz-'
navicl authorities generally refer to the warrior class as Thakul's, and
m'r,'l ;rt(;cnth century authoritics divide this class into the three
grades of'lais, I'imas find r(twals. Still the term, Kshattriya, wns sOrrie-
62
Politics and Soclely during ti,e Early Medieval Perfod
times used on the basis of the Sanskrit texts. These two classes, the
Brahmans and the Thakurs, had the entire possession of the fat of
the land. The India of the eleventh century was a country of fortified
cities and towns and of fortified villages (1llawas), and over them the
control of the higher classes was supreme and exclusive. The COil-
dition of the workers or the producing classes, on the other hand,
was tragic.
'While in contemporary Ajam students and teachers were recruited
from all classes, regardless of birth, ancl a fail' proportion of the intel-
ligentsia, though not of governing class, was of working class
origill, in India the doors of knowledge were closed to all persons not
helonging to the twice-born castes, and every attempt to cross the
barrier was severely punished. "Every action", Alberuni tells us,
"which is the privilege of a Brahman, such as saying prayers, recita-
tion of the Vedas and offering sacrifices to fire, is forbidden to him
to such a degree that when, f()r example, a Such'a 01' a Vaishya is pro-
ved to have recited the Veda, he.is accused by the Brahmans before
the ruler and the latter will order his tongue to be cut off." A non-
caste man (i.e. a Chandala) committing the same offence would have
doubtless met a quicker and a severer punislu;nent. The lower orders,
thus kept in ignorance, were further divided and subdivided, so that
they Inay not develop a corporate spirit similar to that of the
mans and the Thakurs. Still the Vaishyas and the Sudras were given
amenities denied to others. They were offered the status of low, but
regular, castes; they were allowed to 'meditate on God', whom they
had to coniprehend not Oil the basis of the Vedas and other sacred
texts but through such popular Puranic tales as filtered down to them.
Finally, they were allowed to live within the walled towns and
villages.
The non-caste groups, on whoin the country depended for almost
all its industrial products, lacked culture and tradition and have,
consequently, left no records of their own. But their position is pretty
well described by our authorities. One restriction was cominon to
all of them; they were not allowed to live within the city-walls or
even within the fOl:tilled mawases. They could only enter the gates
:r.'; fx:'cl Hmes to render those services, and to suppl): those
ties, without which the caste-people could not eXIst. Accordmg to
Albenmi the non-caste people were divisible into two sections-an
or more section, called" Antyaiff, a lower
without any recogmzed human statns. These gmlds , says Alberulll,
"live ncar the villages and towns of the fom eastes hilt .0IltSi<le them.
There are eight classes (guilds) who frecly intermarry With each other,
TIle Urban Revolut/oll III Northern India
63
except the fuller, shoe-makef and weaver, for nQ others would con-
descend to have anything to do with them. These eight guilds are--:-
the fuller; shoe-maker, juggler, the basket and shield maker, the
fisherman, the hunter of wild animals and the birds, and the weaver
(Vol. I, p. 101). The lowest workers are enumerated as the Hadi,
Doma, Chandala and Badhatu. "They are occupied with dirty work
like the cleanSing of villages <lnd other services. They are considered
as one sole class and distinguished only by their occupations. In fact
they are considered like illegitimate children, for according to the
general opinion they have descended from a Sudril father and a
Brahman mother as the children of fOl1lication; therefore they are
degraded outcastes. All other men, fxcept the Chandalas, in so far
as they are not Hindus, are called mlechchas or unclean, Le. all those
who kill men (i.e. hangmen) and slaughter animals and eat the flesh
of cows" (Vol. n,p. 137). And at another place AlbeJ'tmi adds; "Of
the classes beneath the castes, the Hadis are the best spoken of, be-
cause they keep themselves free from everything Next follow
the Doma, who play Oil the lute and sing. The shlllower classes prac-
tise as a trade killing and the inflictiIig of judicial punishments. The
worst of all are the' Badhatu, who not only devour the flesh of dead
animals, but even of dogs and other beasts" (Vol. I, Chap. IX).
Some important groups are omitted in this list, such as
masons, etc., but in view of the general tendency of the tImes, they
were also probably compelled to live outside the fortified settlements.
The plimmy aim of the governing classes was to keep the
orders in their place. Perhaps the following extract from Alberul1l
velY well illustrates the upper-class ideology of his days. "The
!mving is one of the traditions of the Hindus. In the days of Kill!!;
Rama hilmmi life was very long, always of a well-known and well-
length. Thus a child never died before fathel:.
happened that the son of a wIllIe hiS father
was still ative. Now the Brahman brought thiS child to the door of
tIle king and spoke to him; 'This innovation .has up in
day's for no other reasori but this, that there rotten 111
the state of the country and because a certam wazlr 111 thy realm
commits he comID'its:' Then Rania began to inquire into the
cause of this and finallv they pointed out to hini a Chandala, who
took:. the greatest pains in worship and in sclf-torment.
The king rode to him and fonnd IHm on the hank of .the
on with his head downward. The h.ls
bow, shot at him and pierced his' howcls. Then he spoke: That IS It. ,
I kin thee on account of a good IIction which thou art not allowed
64 Politics alld Socie1v d/ll'l/lg tI,e Em"11 MedieVal Pel'lod
to do.' 'vVhen he retllrned home, he found the son of the Brahman,
who had been deposited before his door, -alive" (Vo\. II, Chap.
LXIV). The character of the caste-system has changed in India from
age to age; but there can be little doubt that at the time of Ghurian
invasions Indian caste-restrictions had reached their maximum deve-
lopment. While elsewhere-in the lands of Christianity and Islam-
prayers, far frOm being the privilege of a class, had been made the
duty of all, and the working classes, through persuasion, education
and thO' compulsion of public opinion were being driven pellmen to
the in the churches and th? no snch opportu-
nity was allowed to the mass of the IndlUns.
Albertini's account is. confirmed by 1\1anllsml'lli or the Code of
Manll. The character of this wOl'k been orten discussed; though
compiled in the 3rd or 4th century A.D., probahly by many writers.
it certainly expresses the general opinion of the higher classes in the
period preceding the Turkish 1\1 alWSl1Il'iti makes. the
est possible claim for the Brahman with no sense of restramt. lIe IS
by right the lord of this whole creation. A Brahman, coming into
existence, is born as the highest on earth, the lord of all created
heings, for the protection of the treasury of the law. Whatever exists
in the world is the property of the Brahman; on accolInt of the ex-
cellence of his origin the Brahman is, indeed, entitled to it all. IIe
alone deserves to possess this whole earth" (Chap. I, Pl" 903, 99, 100,
105). Bllt the lower classes and workers are to bc kept in their placc.
-:tre,? few of Manu's statements. Sudra,. though
by his master, is from serv!:ude: smce that mnat.e )ll
hIm, who can set hnn free? (I, p . .'326). A Chandala, a vIllage pIg, a
cock, a dog, a menstruating woman, and a eunuch must not look at
the Brahmans while they eat" (III, p. 119). "J will now cnnmcrate
those (sons) of mixed origin who are horn of AnI/lomas and Pmti-
lomas, and thus are' mutually connected-the Suta, the Vmdehaka:
the Chandala, the lowest of mortals, the Magadha, he of the Kshattn
caste (jati) and the Ayogava. These six also beget, the O<le on the
females of the other, a great many (kinds of) despicahle (sons), even
more sinful than their fathers and excluded (from the Aryan com-
munity vall"a). Those races, (which orig'inate) in a confusion (of the
castes' have been described according to their fathers and
mothers may be known by their occupations, whether they.
or openly avow them. (Further) in of the OImSSlOn of
the sacred rites, and of their not consultmJ! Brahmans, the follow-
ing tribes of Kshattriyas have gradualIy sunk in this world to the
condition of the Paundraka\ the Koclas, the Draviclas,
The Urban Revolution (II Northern lnella 65
the Kanbogas, the Yavanas (Greeks), the Sakas (Turks), the Pendas.
the Pahlavas (Persians), the Kinas, the Kiratas and the Daradas. All
those tribes in this world, which are excluded from (the community
of) those b01'l1 from the mouth, the arms, the thighs and the feet (of
Brahman), are called Dasyus, whether they the language of
the Mlechchas (barbarians) or that of the Aryans (C:hap. X, Pl'. 25,
.
After this condemnation of all Indians born of a confusion of
castes and of the leading non-Aryan or foreign tribes (Greeks, Turks
and Persians) settled in the land, the great Code prOceeds to specify
the position of the working classes. "The dwellings of the Chan-
dalas and Schwapachas shall be outside the village, they shall be
niade Apapati'as, and their wealth shall be dogs and donkeys.
Their dress (shall be) garments of the dead, (they shall) eat their
food from broken dishes, black iron (shall be) their omament
and they shall always wander from place to place. A man who
fulfils a religious duty shall not seek intercourse with them;
their transactions (shall be) among themselves, and their marriages
with their equals .. Their food shall be given to them by others
Arvan giver) in a broken dish; at night they shall not walk
about in vIllages and in towns. By day they may go about for the
purpose of their work, distinguished by marks of the
mand, and they shall carry out the corpses (of persons) who have no
relatives; that is a settled rule. Dying without the expectation of 3
reward; for the sake of Brahmans and of cows, 01' in the defence of
women and children, secures heatitude to those excluded (from the
Aryan community, Vahya)" (Chap. X, pp. 51-55, 62).
All our authorities arc unanimous in stating that while in the rest
of Asia, and to some extent even in Europe, the cities had hec6ine
hee-hives of industry, in India the hig'her appropriated. the
cities and towns exclusively to themselves wIllIe the workers lIved
in- unprotected villages and in settlements outside the
In the rural areas the galling restrictions of caste not so. pam-
fully felt; here every culture-group or caste-group a lIfe of
its own. But the old village-comhiunity, whatever Its value, had
completely disappeared, leaving no traces and the
cotintryside was governed ?y the l'ats, mnas and
rawats. "Ve will examine the rural situatIon later.
This division of Indian society into eastes. suhcas.tes
passahle harriers between them, and the prmclJ)le of dlS?nmmahon
as the hasis of society, could 1I0t fail to lead to the unhappICst
Indian cllltl1l'e had once been on the o/Tcllsive; it had penetrated l11io
PH
66
Politics an,l Soclely dt/rlng t',1e Ear'y Me,lIeval PerIod
the heart of Central Asia in the form of Buddhism and it had also
gone to the islands of the PaCific Ocean. But for centuries before the
Ghuriall invasions, Indian culture had been on the retreat. Within the
country itself the Thakur class with its monopoly of power had tom-
plctely alienated the workers and peasants. Even the Brahman class
WaS not particularly loyal to the state. Alberuni in the time of Sultan
Mahmud records some complaints of theirs against the rulers of the
day, e.g. in the matter of temple-girls or deva-dasis. No activity of
the Brahman group in defence of the country is recorded during the
Ghurian invasions, but when the tide of invasion had reached the
frontiers of Bengal, they greatly contributed to the ruin of the Sena
dynasty by spreading panic and prophesying its fall. We have to
c Y-'mine, lastly, what would be the inilitary strength of such a
regime in which the privilege of defending the
was assigned exclusively to a high-born class. In the first generahon
of Islani, every person was required to offer his. services for the
defence of the coinmunity, unless he was ill or too old or lacked armS
and the means of transport. The armies of Chengiz Khan were also
coJlected by compulsory conscription. The govemments of Ajam,
however, depended not on conscription bllt on trained and paid
soldiers. But the art of fighting was nobody's exclusive inheritance;
one MiJssalman had as much right to it as another. In practice the
army of an Ajam state was only limited by the funds at its disposal,
foi.-the number of trained soldiers available always exceeded the
demand. It was otherwise in India. Though the number of Indian
soldiers recorded at many engar:eni.ents is fabulous, it was the camp-
followers who swelled the numbers. The actual fighting was done
by the Thakurs in India as by the knigl.lts in Europe .. And as
in Europe, the number of warriors avmlable at a could
not be increased. This partly explains the case With thc
Mongols conqtiered the countries of Eastern Europe in the tlmteenth
century.
But in India there was a further handicap-the rigidity of the
with its insistence on chllt or physical contmnination.
rigidity of caste-restriction in India has varied from age to age.
But it was certainly verv rigid during the Ghaznavid and Ghurian
times. Inter-marriages and inter-dining were totally prohibited. Hindus
who did not belong to the same caste could not share each other's
6rc aila water dllrin!!" a campaign. A sterner code was prescribed with
reference to tIOn-Hindns. "1 have repeatedly been told", says Albenmi.
Hindu slaves (in Muslim countries) escape and return to
their dmritry and religion, the Hindus order that they sho\lld fast
The Urban Revolution In NortTlern India
.67
by way of expiation, then they bury them in the dung stal d
'lk f f .' , ,e an
ml Q or a certam number of days till they get into a state
of fermentatIOn. Then the)' drag them out of the (1l'rt a 1 . tl
. .'1 j' . ,DC give lem
Slm! ar ( 1ft to eat an,d of fhe I have asked the Brahmans if this be
true, but It, and mamtain that there is no expiation possible
for such an mdlvldual, and that he is never allowed to ret 't
tl
0 dt f I'f' I . urn m 0
1 se c?n I IOns 0 I e m w nch he was before he was carried off
?s a prIsoner. And how should that be possible? If a Brahman eats
m a house of a Sudra for sundry days, he is expelled from h' t
a
1".,{ r.' , ." (V I h IS cas e
nu, ,,-,I : regam It 0 II, C apter LXXI).
FI&htmg the Mussalman with these handicaps meant putting a
on needless suicide or-flight. A Mussalman captured b
the Hmdus could eat their food and when ransom'ed l'et It h.Y
I . h d' ,', urne( 0 IS
peop.e WIt cre It. No such thing was possible for the caste-Hindu'
for Ins people, including his own family, would disown him.
was .no place for him in his own society again. In ptl'ctice n6 Hindu
c.aphves returned. We hear of heroic l'auhars performed b tl t
If
' d hI' f f Y le cas e-
m us w en t leu orts ell into the hands of the enemy' the' d t
I' ' Ir aun-
ess courage 111 mounting the funeral pyre Or dying sword in hand,
when a surrender could have been arranged, astonished and horrified
the Turks. But We also hear of battles in which enormous armies
melted away even before the engagement had become warm. The
Thakur could face death; that was easy for him but he could not
risk captivity. And most battles cannot be fought' except at this risk.
11. Early Muslim Immigrations \11fo India
The overseas trade ?f and .the Semitic people with India
goes to, the pre-llIStonc penod. "Vlth the conversion of the Arabs
to tins trade was further enlarged and intcgratcd. Two ncw
Indian customs-that the Hindus must not crOss the salt-water and
that they should not travel overland into countries where the mllnia-
grass does not grow the black gazelles do not graze-practically
handed over all foreign commerce, along with the domestic com-
merce incidental to it, entirelv to outsiders. To mention a few commo-
only, In?ia n,eeded Ara? horses and Persian Gulf pearls while
foreign countrIes needed Inchan sugar, . silk textiles and the Indian
sword. Arab merchan,ts had free-rtin of the country and got a warin
welcome from the rats, speCIally from the Rashtrakutas (A.D. 753-973).
In most of the larger towns of the Deccan and South India the
Mussalmans were allotted plots of land in the suburbs of the clties
for their residential houses, godowns, mosques and graveyards. .
There was, Simultaneously, an advent of the Muslim traders .from
C'
'68 Politics an,l Society dur/llg tIre Early Medieval Period
the north. Sind, conquered by Muhammad bin Qasim, broke away
from,the caliphate and was turned by the Isinailis or the Carmathian
heretics into an indigenous Indian kingdom. The far-flung campaigns
of Sultan Mahmud would have been impossible without an accurate
( kliZiwIcdge of tracie-roules and local resources, which was probably
obtained from Muslim merchants. But the mass of the immigrants
came after Sultan Mahmud. Albertini regrets that the invasions of
Sultan Mahmud had incited such a hatred in the Hindu heart as to
make any intellectual intercourse between the two peoples difficult,
and soon after Mahmud's death tIle Chaznavid officers were driven
back to the Ravi. Still hunian resentment (at least in India) is short-
rind during the two centuries after Mahmud's death, Muslim
refugees found a warm welcome in the lan(l,
Dl1l'ing these two centuries Ajam (Persia and Central Asia) was
thrice invaded, plundered and ransacked by Turkish tribes from the
east. First, during the later days of Sultan Mahmud and his son,
Mas'ud, the Seljuq Turkomans plundered the whole land and Sultan
Mas'ud himself lIed to India for safety along with his father's treasures,
which were thus rescattered in the land of their origin. There must
have been a great immigration of the Mussalrrians into the Panjab
during this period. The consolidation of the Seljuq Empire (A.D. 1037-
1157) on a civilized basis probably stopped this immigration, hut a
cent my later conditions worsened again. The last days of Sultan
Banjar saw the establishment of the Qara-Khita power in Turkistan.
In A.D. 1154 Sanjar himself was captured by the Ghuzz Turks, \Vho
carried him ahout in a cage while they plundered Persia and Afghani-
stan, district by district. This started a second great wave of ininii-
j!ralion to India. One of these immigrants was the mystic, Shaikh
Ali Jlajweri, author of the Kashf!ll MaTt;"b, who Iics huried ill Lahore.
Tho imlriip:i'ants came first to the Paniah and from there thcy slowly
spread Into the territories of t11e Hindu rais. India has always bccn
tolm:ant of culturc-groups, and the Muslim iniinigrants wcre allowed
1:0 organize their, own small culture-groups without molestation. Thev
haded with, each other and with the Hindus; and they probahly
bi'olight into the countrv industries that were not known, specially
the' heavy-ahnament industry. When Muhammad hin Oasim, for
'cxani,111e, invaded Sind, he had the exclusive monopoly of catapults
(illttll;aniqs), the construction of which the Mussalnians had loamt
'Flobrn' Romans. Buthy tl1P. end of the twelfth ccntury the fort of
'every J'ui was plentifully supplied with llln;aniqs and 11lItll;anlq-stones
and tile armies bf most Indirtn mis had a Muslin] contingent. It would
, not' he ttnunfair assuniption that these catapults (called
T:!Je fievolutlon In Nortiler,. IndIa
iradas maghrabis in Persian, .accoiding to their design) ,
least ongmally constructed by skIlled Mussalmans in the sel
the rais. The most vit;ll indusby brought by the Mussalmans .
manufacture of paper, which they had learnt from, the Chine
effect, of fairly cheap paper, which replaced the ole
Indla,n le;lves, on the preservation and expansion of Hindu as
Mnshm culture and education must not be underrated. In the
facture of woollen cloth also the Mussalmans had a lot to cor
The refugees naturally brought their home-culture with their
and unchanged, and they had even before the Ghurian h
developed it to a surprisingly high standard in this countr)
f?l: Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya, whose ancestors h:
hvmg In IndIa for three generations, was born at Kangra in A.
By the time he was twelve, he had learnt the Quran in all tl'
ql1'ats (modes of recitation) in that Hindu environment an
at that early age he went to the Arabian lands for further stt!
had no difficulty owing to the Arabic language which, he Ita
here. The Muslim colony at Kanauj disappeared with that to
Badaunsituated within the territolY of the GU\lal'War mis w
fortunate, and became a remarkable centre of Muslim ed
Raz!uddin Hasan Saghani (A.D. 1181-1252) stud
s hadl!}es' at Badaun, and when he went to Baghdad
to be of the leading scholar
subJect. HIS compIlatIon of the hadtses, the Mashariqlll Ante
all such works the most reliable.
, By the middle of the twelfth centmy the Muslim ways ,of Ii
and. bad, thoroughly known to the Indian people. The
or city-worker"':"'knew very well "
at stake III the pohhca,l contest. He W;lS not facing a thing u
Ill. The Military and Social Aspects of the Ghurian Conque,
It has been stated already that the Ghurian conquest I
aspects-the substitution of the Churian Turkish slave-officer:
Thakurs as the governing class and the removal pf all discrin
from the city-workers, regardless of their creed. These tw
ments were integrally cQnnected. 1\11 other aspects of this rE
were contingent and ancillary.
The first aspect of the, revolution need not detain us f
Shihabuddin Churl, who had been defeated by the Rai of G
1178, was also defeatcd hy RUt Pithora at Tarain in A.D. 1:
this noted hero was in the habit of surviving defeats. In
retuil1ed to fight at the same place and won a Signal victo
70
Politics and Society during tll6 Early' Mediev"l Perloel
year he defeated Rai Jai Chand, the Guharwar ruler of Kallauj, at
Chandwar near Etawah. These two battles sufficed for the conquest ,
of Northern India. It has to be noted that Shihabuddin's victory at
Tarain was due to a diplomacy, whiCh should not h(1.ve deceived
anybody, and to a cheap trick-attacking the enemy unawares in the
morning-flgainst which common military foresight should' have pro-
vided. At Chandwar the main Ghurian anny never came into action;
Qutbuddin Aibek with the advance-guard alone succeeded in defeat-
ing the Kanauj army. The open country carne into the hands of the
invaders almost without any effort. Then the fortified cities of Northern
h'ldia one after another fell after very short sieges, unwilling or un-
able to offer any serious resistance. More significant still, Bakhtiyar,
an adventurer from Khalj, the territOlY round the lower course of the
Tlc,11l1C'iHl, ,,ho hod been twice (Il-dared unfit for enrolment in the
army as a common soldier, harasscd and conqucred Bihar and about
one-half of Bengal with two thousand soldiers. The trick by
which he drove out Rai Lakshman Sen from his capital, Nadia, is
well known. But the kingdom must h(1.ve been remarkably shaky if
it could beovertnrned by such a trick. Thus the whole of Northern
India from the banks of the Ravito the banks of the Brahmaputra
ca1l\e into the hands of the Ghurian Turks within a pcriod of twelve
or thirteen years. SeldOm in hiirtJ(1.n history has a country so large, so
populous and, according to the acadeinic standards of the age, so
cultured and civilized as far as the upper classes were concerned" qeen
conquered so easily-and by such commonplace men. Both in the
rapipity of its establishment and longevity of the system it established,
the Ghurian achievement stands in sharp contrast with the British
lule. The explanation lies not in the military but in the social factors.
Indian city-labour, both Hindu and Muslim, helped to establish the
new regime, and it also maintained it, through all revolutions and
, revolts, for over five hundred years.
The home resources of the Ghurian Empire were insigriificant and
its military power, judged by Ce11tral Asi(1.n standards, was rickety,
in the extreme. In 1205 Shihabuddin Ghuri, who had already ravaged
Khorasan, marched north against his great rival, Alauddin Khwarazm
Shah, and enc'amped outside the latter's capital, Khwarazm. The
issue showed how wea'k the Ghurian power waS in the face of a
determined popular resistance. The religious scholars of Khwarazm
declared that was a martyr. who, died in defence of his
home and he(1.rth against an unjust aggi'essor, Muslim or non-Muslim,
and proclaimed a holy war against Shihahuddin. The people were
soon up in armS. The non-Muslim Kara-Qitas of Turkistan decided
tlte Urbtln nevolullon I,,' Nortltern India
to support Khwarazm Shah, who had been paying thenitri-
bute, and Taniku Taraz, was despatchedagiiinst
Shlhabuddl11. Shlhabuddl11 fled back from Khwarazm in utter
nation and distress, but he was not destined to reach 'his capital
safety. At :'-ndkhud the enemy surrounded him on all sides; his officers
deserted lum and the which ended almost before it had begun,
sealed fate of the Ghmian Empire in Ajam. Shihabuddin fled for
safety With about a hundred soldiers to the Andkhud fort and from
here, through the generous intermediation of the Sultanus' Salatin of '
Sainarqand, he was allowed to return to Ghazni. He came to India
to a second army. .his Central Asian opponents, but was
by an Ismmh herehc on his return-journey. '
In ItS homeland, too, the Ghurian government was not destined
to last. In,1215 Jalaluddin Mankbarni, one of the sons of Jalaluddin
Khwarazm drove out Tajuddin, Yalduz, Shihabuddin's successor,
from Ghazlll and brought the historic Balkh-Bamian-Kabul-Ghazni
valley control. In 1216 the Mongol conqueror, Cherigiz,
started hiS temble attack on Muslim Asia; city after cit was plun-
and and the remnant of Shihabuddin Ghuri's family
Afghamstan But India under Iltutmish was quite a
proposItIon from wh(1.t, it had been thirty years before and
guided omens, or by his own commonsense, one of the greatest
conquelOls that the world has ever seen, retreated from the bank of
the Indus just as the great Alexander had once retreated from the
of the Sutlej. In spite of the continued efforts of three genera-
hons, the were unable to accomplish their great enteqirise
of conquenng IndIa. The post-revolutionary Indians were ill rio mood
to be ;onquered. The Indian worker with his newly won freedom
(of wlueh more presentlr) was determined to fight it out in every city
?nd So IndIa alone was able to stand agaiiist the Mopgol
IIlVaSIO?S, wluch had shattered every state-power in east and west.
And thiS strength was entirely due to the Urban Revolution
of Northern IndIa. ' '
In the co?rse .thirteen years, A.D. the'
whose fate 111 theu homeland we have Just surveyed, conquered the
whole of Northern India froin the Ravi to Assam' V\
7
11ateve tl '
f h I
. '. , r Ie cause
o t e G ltman success, the second battle of Tarain (1192) and the
battle of Chandwar hardly 'be serious engagemeilts; though
.a chosen band of !ndlan warnors decided that 'death in the battle-field
was the proper nte for them. Then the 'cities of Northern Ilidia '
we have seen, fell like autumnal leaves. The workers, who might
fought had they been so inclined".were left outside the city walls; the
II
72
Politics and Sodetll dtll'll1g tI,e [;;arly Ueaieuat Perlor!
resources of the open country were exclusively in the hand& of the
Turks and inside the cities there were seths, banyas, brokers,
jotshis, teachers of all kinds, vaids, temple-priests and all other non-
fighting elements without grain, cloth, arms, without even the.
capacity to ;man the city-walls. Finally, the !'(Iis, mwats and ,.alWS of
the countryside, who had no other alternative, made a written con-
tract with the invader for the collection of land-revenue for hill1 from
the areas under their control, and this put a final end to the conflict.
We are told that Qutbuddin Aibek raised the revenue from one-sixth
to one-fifth, but this would make no difference to the clliefs coricerned
for the higher tax would have to be paid by the ordinary peasant or
bi/aha!". Subject to this the countryside was left untouched till the
advent of Alauddin KhaljL
This was not a conquest, prope,.{y so-called. This was a twn-avel'
of pl/Mic opinion-a sudden tllrn-aVe,., no douht, but still one that
. was long overdue. The Indian capacity for fighting was there, but it
had simply not been called into play. In the to conie, under
a properly organized government, the Indian soldlCrs, drawn from
rank of the working classes, proved to be more than worthy of thclr
salt in their conflict with fierc9 Mongols, the best warriors of the
world. Bnt people will not fight for their chains. . .
The essence of the social question was this. Face to face WIth the
social and provision of the 'Shari'at' and the Hindu 'Smr!f
is
'
as practical altematives, the Indian f;he Shm:l ?t.
Ami the decision of the city-wo1'ker was dec,swe" for It III the clhes
and not in the countryside that governments and empIres are made
and pulled down. .... .. .
In the centuries that were to follow MuslIm ktngs and lltndn. rals
fought each other continuously, and there were and
Hindu revivalist movements and movements of relIgIOUS and social
refonri. But no Hindu national and political movement is
in any part of India till the reign of when. a pohhcal and
communal turning was given to Mushm pohhcal polley. So as
Hindu ideology stuck to the caste-discriminati?I1s of the a
return of the old regime would have been reSIsted by t!Je mass
the Hindu and Muslim working classes as well as the
of both communities. The attempt would have heen fuhle, and was
never made. By the very nature of their. social
. ..... . at'oll tIle dominions of the survlvtng Independent I ms \\ CI e
c b 11117, I, . f Cl . t .
incapat;le of expansion; that the social and politica ,.11 7
r
or TIanthamhhoJ', for example, shonld spread 10 Ddhl and ahsOIh It,
. lIe Nobo(ly wanted it nobodv could even dream of
was unCOUCelVa) . "-
tl'8 Urban Revolution In NOrll,ern IndIa
'13
it. Much was made then, and has been made later, of the Baradu
Revolt led by Khusrau Khlln on the ground that some of the Baradus
were Hindus. But it is absolutely clear that Khusrau Khan and his
followers wanted to capture the Delhi sultanate and to continue its
traditions. They llad nQ intention of reinstating the old social and
political systei:n, and in spite of their desperate situation, they sought
no alliance with the Hindu rais. It was impossible to turn back the
hands the clock-and the Baradus knew it well. The. central empire
of Delhi, on the other hand, was bound to expand for the social and
economic conditions of the new age demanded a centralized adminis-
tration for the whole land on new lines. ..
The invasion of the Ghulian Tmks brolight about this great soCial
and economic revolution because the industrial and social forces in
the country had been prepared for it for centuries, but their path
had been barred by the ideology of the caste-system and the Thakur-
militmy regime. External pressure broke this regime, and then with
remarkable rapidity in the course of half a generation the country
settled ?n new lines. Everyone, except the topmost rais and their
iinmediate followers, accepted the new social order. The forces of
resistance vanished as if by magic. Viewed in a p1'01)er scientific and
non-communal perspective in the context of and of
future Indian history, the so-called Churian conquest of India was
really a mvolution of Indian city-labour led by the Ghurian Turks.
We need not be surprised that those who led the revolution reaped
the rewards of success. But only by the substitution of the Ghurian
Turks for the Thakur-regime could the city-workcrs obtain their
rights. The one was impossible without the other. Centuries of bitter
experience had proved that the old Hindu aristocracy was too tradi-
tion-bound to lead a social revolution. .
"When a great idea spreads over the world", Albertini observes,
"every nation appropriates it, including the Hindus." Neither of the
two ideas of the new regime-equality of civil rights and the new
lpf city-product ion-were entirely foreign. The doctrine of
equality in spiritual matters is the essence of higher Hinduism
Alberuni, who was told so, writcs: "According to the IIindu philoso.
phers, liheration is common to an castes and to the whole human
races, if their intention of obtaining it is perfect. This view is based
. on the saying of Vyasa; 'Leamto know tlle twenty-five
then you may follow whatever rcligion you like; you I
end will he salvation:" The new regime gave a legal and social ex
pression to this doctrine. Even in the. sphere of prmlnction the Ia"
about the degradation of the workers-the weaver, for example-
Politics and during ttlli reTiad
must have been broken at some points dming the old regime.
Indian silk, specialIy from Deogir, was' of the highest quality, and
it is difficult to imagine that it was woven by workers to who;m a
proper status was. denied. But cataclysTIlic
to push matters vIgorously ahead. Force, says Marx, IS the mId-
wife of every old society pregnant with a new one. It is itself an
economic power." The Ghurians that elenient of force.
IV. Chief Features of the Urban Revolution
It is not difficult to point the chief features of the Urban Hevo-
lutlon of the thirteenth century in Northern India as Our records,
carefully studied and scientifically and impartially interpreted, give
us a fairly complete view. '
i) The government of the rais had kept the Indian workers outside
the city-walls. When the Turks entered the cities, the Hindu low-
caste workers entered along with theTIl. And they came to stay. The
new regime wanted the wol"kers, along with their families and their
workshops, inside the city-walls; their presence was indispensable to
the work of the new regime and they had to be at hand. Their ser-
vices were needed for government as well as for industrial purposes;
without them neither industry nor the government could function
properly. No one now was or could be excluded frO)Ji. the city; our
records show all sections of the people living within the cities without
any sort of discrimination. The city-wall was a medieval necessity,
primarily for police purposes. The gates were closed at sunset and
could under no conditions be opened till the morning. For the con-
vcni;"ilce bf belated travellers, however, inns were construCted out-
side the main gates and sufficient police protection was generally
provided. The recorded history of our early medieval cities, as well
as an examination of their surviving ground-plans, shows that houses
were being constantly built outside the city-walls and new ramparts
had to be constructed to enclose the ever expanding suburbs. The
cities, under the new regime, were developing into thriving ceiltres of
industry and comni,erce, and expansion and overcrowding were
inevitable. It was also inevitable tliat the cities should come to doml-
nate the countryside more and more. They becamc, lastly, the sole
repositories of the country's civic sense; 'successful or otherwise, all
medieval revolts were revolts supported by the city-workcrs.
ii) The discriminations made by the Shari'at on religiOUS grounds
will be discussed later. Here it: has to, be stated positively that the
Shari'at makes no discriminations whatsoevcr in the transactions of
civil life treats free contract: tcganlless. of the creed of the parties
.
rtle U,ban neva/lilian I" Nortt.ern tnella
as the basis of the economic order. "Perform your when you
have made it", the Quran declares .. Now it.is a notorious .fact that
the Muslim faith has made no progress in the rural areas of the pro-
vinces that now constitute the Indian Union. But it was different
with the urban areas of Northern India. The I-lindr! city-worker
could gain no legal privileges by belonging to. the n.ew faith, and
the government oDered him no teml,tmion. Nevertheless there was
a landslide in favour of the new faith; and by the middle Of the thir-
teenth century we find large numbers of M ltslHn workers of purely
Indian origin in every cit!1 and town. At present the Mussalmans, the
overwhelming bulk of whom belong to the working classes, are 30
per cent or so of the urban population of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar
towns. It is difficult to make an estimate for the Middle Ages: But
the increase in the size of Friday mosques and idgahs during the
thirteenth century teStify to a growing mass of Muslini workers: By
the end of Iltutmish's reign all Friday mosques were overcrowded
and the congregations used to spread out into the adjoining open land.
It is useless to talk of force with reference to the conversion of the
city-workers of the thirteenth century. A few may have adopted the
new faith through conviction; others may have becn tempted. But
Wliet; we (lnd mostly is the conversion of. groups . . Elephant-drivers
(mahauts) and butchers adopted the new faith almost to a man.
Weavers in very large numbers also preferred it. Sweet-meat
or hilwais. found sticking to the old faith quite profitable for as Hm-
dus they could sell their produce to of both
Mussalmans like meat-dishes and we hear agam andagam of Mushm
cook-shops, which had a thriving business. The .metal-workers of
Delhi preferred the old faith. The growers of pan 11l the rtIral arcas
adhered to Hinduism but in the cities n minority of lJan-sellers at
least adopted the new faith. Firuz Shah in his Frrtulwt says that he
had remitted taxes on the following: vegetables; brokerage; butchers;
amusements; Rowers; betel-leaves; octroi on grain and. cereals;
scribes; indigo; fish; cotton-carding; soap-making; sale of ropes;
making; parched grain; taxes from shopkeepers for the of
lands; cloth-printing; gambling-houses; suits polIce
dues, qassabi (slaughtering animals); but.ter-makmg; grazmg-tax;
of .various kinds; danganah (an impost in addition to the octroI);
ground-rent of houses and shops; dOIlt'i (forced 0. cattle);
roasted mince-meat; fruits; marriages; and _hnck-kllns. Smce .. th.c
Futuhat was originally an inscription in Firuz's. Palace Mosq,ue, 1t lS
perhaps saFe to assuirie that thc Muslim workmg class au(hcnce to
which it was addrcssed had a special interest in SQ'1ie of the matters
politics and Soc/ellI during IlIa E.arl
ll
MedleDal Period
mentioned; others, 011 the face of fhem, appertained to the wholo
public. The Hindu business community, 011 the other hand, gave no
COllverts to the new religioll. The new regime had 'caused its opera-
tions and profits to increase; but that was a dilferent issue. Apart from
the organized strength and continuity of its traditions, it WilS impos-
sible for the Hindu business community to consider a religion in which
i
the taking of interest was not permitted, while as Hindus they were
legally entitled to taking interest botll' from Mussalmans and Hindus.
Medieval Muslims who lent money on interest were unconditionally
daIllned .by public But it was .not for to dis-
pense With the servICes of sahau or Hmdu bankms. StJll thcle was a
snian minority of local Muslim merchants everywhere.
Taken as a whole the gain of the new religion was very consider-
able in the ranks of skilled labourers, among the professions which
Hinduism had placed very low, such as weavers, butchers, etc. and
i1} tile ,group of hammals or unskilled labom:ers. large of
tII1sk,fi(ic1 :.JIindlls of the lowcr castcs also dnftC'd mtn thc C'IhC's;
are generally refen-ed to as paiks (footmen). It has to he added that
no document proving any organized religiOUS propaganda by the
Mussalmans during this period has yet heen unearthed. The wholcsale
cOl1vei'sions attrihuted to the Muslim mystics of this period are found
in later-day fabrications only and these works must be dis-
carded. The Muslim mystics did not bother about convcrslOn; It was
no part of their duty. Muslim mysticism in those days was a post-
grn(luate discipline-a discipline for ":!10 had
cOrripleted their study of the theological and other SCICnces. I havc
nothing to do with the multitude", Shaikh Bahanddin Zakarlya (?h.
A.D. 1262), the famous Suhrawardi mystic of Multan, declared wlth
reference to his own work. There was, of course, ex-
change of opinion between the followers of the two !OgIS?
cverv variety used to frequent the Khanqah of ShaIkh Fanduddm
Ganl-i Shakar (ob. A.D. 1265)", Shaikh. Nizarriuddin Auli):a A.D.
1325) tells us, and he proceeds to the remark of a Jogl he had
approved. I have proved elsewhere (Medieval India Qual'tel'll(, No.2,
October 1950, p. 1, et. seq.) thatthe popular Conversatiolls or
attributed to Shaikh Mu'inuddin Aimed, Shaikh Quthuc1din Bakhhyar
Kakl, Shaikh Fariduddin of Ajodhan and Shaikh
are pUI'C fabrications and have nothing to do WIth these
the conversions of Hindus attributed to them are mere inyths fahn-
cated by the cheap and unknown miracle-mongering authors of
works. But three great mystic works surviv,e td 115 fr?m fhe
and the Tughluq Fawa'idul-Fu ad of AinU' Hasan SlJzl,
TIle Urban Revolution In Northern India 77
the Khairul Majalis of I-IamidQalandar and_the Siyarul Auliya of Amir
Khurd; and these works give us a very good idea of the attitude of
the Muslim mystics of the thirteenth century. The mystics nevcr in-
dulged in mtlnazira or theological controversy of any sort; they never
ran down Hinduism. Here and there a Hindu theory or a Hindu story
is quoted with approval, but knowing of Hinduism is, on the whole,
conspicuous by its absence. The mystics of our period neither studied
Hinduism, like Alberuni, nor quan-elled with it. They merely passed
it I?v .._ l)Tot a single case of conversion or attempted conversion by a
mystic Shaikh is recorded in our reliable annals. A Muslim once
brought his Hindu brother to Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, presumably
in the hope that the great Shaikh would help to convert him. But
the Shaikh would have none of it; this was not his mission, and he
prefen'ed to change the conversation. "In the early days of Islam",
he remarked, "conversion to Islam took place owing to the excellence
of Muslim character. But where is that excellence now?"
We have, in view of all these ci1'Ctlmstances, no alternative but to
conclude tlwt the acceptance of Islam b" the city-workel's was a
decision of local lJ1.'ofessional groups, and that in making their deci-
sions the!! were naturally more concemed with mundane affairs and
thei'/' l1o.yition in the social order than with abstract theolof!.ical tndhs,
which the" had 11ee declal'ed incapable of understanding Or even
hearing. The Muslim city-workers of today, unlike the later converts
in the areas, such as the Muslim Rajputs or the Bhalay Sultans
of Awadh, have no distinctive Hindu traditions left. But the transition
took time. In earlier davs in Delhi, Shaikh Nasiruddin Chiragh re-
marks, Mussalmans of different professions in Delhi had separate
gravevards. But in his own day (circa A.D. 1354) this curious anamoly
had disappeared.
iii) One of the rriost significant and the most rapid achievement of
the new regime was the total change in the art of war. FOrnierly
fightin):! was a function of the Thakurs; the profession was hereditary
and probably allied to land-tenure. Under the new regime the armll
'Jecanie a function of the new working class. No one was excluded
from the profession; the respectability of a soldier was decided not
hy his birth but hy his stamina, for discipline and skill in
wielding llis how and shield and sword. The profession of arms was
open to all hut it required careful training. The soldier was an artisan,
trained to hiS iob', and his amhition was .to hecome an artist in his
profession. Owing to the large numher of men required for the armv.
110 conditions could he imposed except those absolutelv
the posSCSSiOl1 of anTis and the capacity to wield them. Birth and
Politics and Soclef.u during tIle Early Medieval Period
religion, so far as the ordinary soldier was cOllcemed, were matters of
indiffcrcnce, loyalty was presumed. No oath of allegiance was adini-
nistered; Indians were just expected to be true to their salt. The salary
was nut high; the 234 tankas which Alauddin Khalji gave to a man
Wi(lftwb horses was obviously a rock-bottom wage. Still after a dis-
tinct revolution in the traditional ideology had taken place, and the
profession of arms had heen thrown ope!! to all, there appeared in
due course an acute unempl(')yment among the soldiers. The real
cause seems to have been an enomious increase in the working class
population. The constant rebellions of the Middle Ages were due very
largely to the fact that a large llumher of ullemployed soldiers were
prepared to follow any adventurer, who gave them theil' wages, how-
ever reckless the entel1)rise, for they were in immediate need of
some means of livelihood. '
Unlike the governments of the rais, the Empire of Delhi depended
not lJl'imol'ily IIpon its forts but upon the strikin(! strength of its amlll
as an offensive weapon in the open field. Some forts were maintained
. on the frontiers; those already constructed in tbe heart of the countrv
. were r.reserved, but they were often put to civil uses, and the genenil
complaint was that they were allowed to fall into disrepair. Delhi
never had a proper fort to protect it, for it kept on expanding beyond
every new city:wall. It was clear to the directors of the new military
policy that if you allowed the enemy to take possession of the open
country and to drive you pell-mell into a fort, then your final col-
lapse, with the resources of the country in the hands of the enemy.
was not far off. So they fashioned an army of Indian soldiers and
horsemen drawn froin illl classes, trained to rapid marches and manoeu-
vres, and itistead of in the coustrm:tion of forts. they
developed the art of reducing them. Munianiqs (catanults) of very
larQ'e size were constructed on the spot: they could kill men occa-
sionally but semed to have done little damage to forts that were
really strong. The last desperate device in the reduction of forts was
the construction of the pasheb-a rising mound of carth madc hv
heaping sand-bangs right up to the fort rainnarts. But one thing ,was
dear under the new regime-rulers who fled into their forts for pro-
tection would not be able to rule the land. Thev would be starved
into submission. Sultan Alauddin made this fact frightfullv clear on
that terrible day when, reiecting, all other advice, he marched out of
Delhi to challen!!e Qutlu!!h Khwaia on the field of KilL .
iv) With the advance of the thirteenth century, we get a clear
. evidence of the growth and multiplication, almost to a dangerous
extent, of the urban working class. "This is a law of population",
(; .... b
The U,.ban Revolution In Nortllern India
79
Marx says,. to the capitalist mode Qf production and' f
every speCIal Illstonc mode of production ha 't '. J1l act
population. " An abstract law of I ! fspecIaI I laws of
ammals only and onl' f. x. s or p ants and
Sl I ' ' . . y 111 so .ar as man bas not interfered with the ."
aves (0 not mulhply, nor serfs; hut 'free' wa e-labo . m.
seem to multiplv beyond th t f h .g . UI ers always
.a' " . e capaci y 0 t e eXlshng means of ro-
the old regIme, when the workers lived in their
outSIde ,the CItIes, and all their lives were regulated by the
nopulahon not seem to have increased The c 0 d't' f'
't l"f . n I IOns 0 the
CI y- I e entirely different. The Muslim workers followed
no aws of mamage except those of the Sharrat for them tl I '
of lthe I gilds in private life, as distinct f;om
1a comp ended. Since the Shm'i'at, as enforced b the qazis'
treats marrIage entirely as a contract and permits d' Y h'
a r ".. .oj . II d !Vorce, suc an
,r an"emenL wou (ten to increase population. Amon" II' d k
er Is th d" t" f h ,., III U WOl -
.. s. a 0 e, ?Il1ma 0 t e gilds must have weakened under the
new c?nditions leading to a freedom unknown before .
The conditions of mdustry and commerce in India durin!! the thir-
century were akin to what Marx calls the as
dlstmct from the 'machine' era of European cal)italism All th tI' <
. dT 'b d . , '. e lree
eon .1 Ions prescn e by Marx as. the prerequisites of capitalistic oro-
duch?n were there--:-free lahour. free capital and freedom of cOntract
r(;a.mtal, Part II, Chapter VI). But Marx at this particular place over-
looks. the fact a fourth factor is also necessary-freedom of
of The of this factor prevented medieval
IndIa from. marchmg from the manufacturing' to the 'machine' stage
and all its revolutions, in spite of their variety, were
1l1mted bv one fundamental fact-the unchanging instruments of nrci'-
(Iuction. But it has been observed that canitalism evervwhrrp
leads to a multiplication of the lahourinjt classes, and we need not
be surprised at the same phenomenon in India during the thirteenth
century.
The consequence, however, is more clear than the anrl lw
the end of the century all kinds of trained city-artisans ('onM lw
found in enormous and their ranks wcre swelled hv an
cyen larger number of unskilled hammals, paiks and the like. As a
result unemployment became acute; and unemployment led to dis-
tress, and .distress td rebellion. The government, on the one hand,
tried to find. remedies for unemployment; such as useless public
works like the enormous columns near the Qutb Minar, or when un-
ahle to do so, it met 'rebellion arid <;lis content with the sword. Anothpr
aspect of this unemployment. is the. preaching and the practice 6f

so
ral/tle. amI during tIle Earl/J Medlel)lll Pm'/od
" -th imlliediate relief' of distress, on which so much ,insistence
the literature of the day. It is pl'oblable
l
thlat
, , aCl1te among Muslim workers, w 10 lac mu 'P ( ,
was < 'th: < the categories of their traditional and crafts,
This spectre of
chief features of. what may be calledl.the i
ll
'1
1
, r (Y D '1
9
90-1351).
the regime of the Khalji!9> and the ear ter ug 1 U(jS .'
V. City of Delhi , .
I
the country are !I1c1lcated-
The great changes t lat came I f th 't of Delhi.
. l' t d" the rapid growt 1 0 e CI y
P
erhal)s over-me lca e - >y I b t 't ell'(l not count
. f D II" d'ffictl t to trace; t.1 I
The carly 111S:OlY 0 e 11 ,I d the glorv of founding it belongs
for niuch dUrIng the .old rgl!l!:i a& D 120-36) who constructed his
to Sultan Shan;suddm I 1 tl . But once it had been
Inonmuental Millar to sym. ? tze .le I' all the forces of the ,.nOw age
selected dcfinitdy RS InellR S C?Plto
II
, tl e Tll1'kish governin<r class
. . d t I" 1 ex',anSlOn. 'ere 1 ' r- ]
contt'! bute to I S I a . IC 1 l' < 11 t 1 in the provinces and gathcrec
spent the It HlC ec artisans of all grades, Jar!!,e
its enormous retlllue lof 1
m
ancl, their circle of mUSI-
contingent of persona servan s, (ants nd li'tcrati students living on
cians and l1/wllds (buffoT
s
), pOd a tics centre-piece of the
th
eir charity, mullahs and ow-!!ra e mys h" 'It . 111'S palace with
. h f ourse t e su an 111 "
Turkish official hleI'arc y was, 0, c th" alaces are mentioned. The
. " ' tion Two of esc P< , I
its .. of Iltutmish and the Qasl'-i Lal (Rec
Qasl'-i. SHfmd (WllIte Palace) I stnlcted before he ascended'
Palacc), which nalban seems to lave C
1
01
1
')e found anywhere. Every
the throne, But traces of orne to Delhi once a veal' for
solclicr of the empIre was expec ee .. t' c I the Ami'l'-i Al'z (Ministcr
I after an examma lOll 'y. !"
review or OI'Z, W len < I' I' d the cost of horse am e(jmp-
for War) hewoulcl get ,liS sa my an I the' requirements of the great
mcnt. A great market glew UP y rsonnel from all provinces.
cantonment with its constantly chang'
d
pe Workshop for'ma-
Here also were 0)' the 'army, which
nufacturing evcrytlung reql capital to supply,
it was beyond, the po\;er1of 11 I' by birtb, were dependent for
The citizens of Delhi, t 10Ug) n 1< 1 its Turkish officers, amI in
their on the cl;ims of salt. '.'The
the hour of trut' they e11<1
1
11 t
f
to TaluIncldin's accession in 1290,
." D' , s wit 1 re ercnce < <. I II .
of DelhI, aram say. 1 . d tl 't lc of the Tnrks anc IE,
'1111c1 for eigl1tv veal'S mOspere( un ell' t l'ntoIerabIe." Bllt this
< 1 Kl 1" peare( 0 \ ,'"
government of t Ie HI l\lS. ap < t lIy a affair hut an
loyalty was futile, for Dr\ 1\ was nO 01
TIle Urball Revollitlon 81
all-India celitre of industry and commerce. The city had a large
Humber of inns, some of them being charity concerns, for all kinds
of merchants and travellers, and some 10,000 to 20,000 load-cattle
were used by Hindu naiks to supply provisions to the city. There
were gClJertil markets [01' things of comrrion use and spedalized
markets for grain, cloth, horses, and slaves of all nationalities. The
markets were over1'lln by brokers (dalals), rather sharp in their
methods, who helped people to buy and sell. Industries grew up along;
with commerce-industries of all types from the manufacture of
arrriiuuent to the training of prostitutes ancl dancing girls. Delhi,
needless to add, was also the centre of banking. All sorts of people
wanted loans, including the high Turkish officers, some of whom
were always in the debt of Hindusahukal's or money-lenders.
But what distingUished Delhi above oIl things was its cultural
up. Leading scholars came here from Ajam, which the Mongols had
ravaged, hoping for the patronage of the kings and high officers or,
in any case, for practising their professions. They were distinguisbed
by their personal quali6catiOlls and came with authentic certificates.
Indian teachers from 11l0f!l8Sil towns were also drawn to the rising
metropolis. They were proud of the places of their origin and often
used them as surnames. Some coJIeges were orgaqized by the govern
ment and a few owed their mighl to rich donors. But a large number
of teachers plied their own trade. Muslim students of higher hranehes
of studies froni the provinces, with no visible means of livelihood but
determined to get on, squeezed themselves into mosques, inns, mauso
leums and private houses, and were generally considered to be the
most descrving recipients of charity. The foundations of Muslim
academic studies iniported fro'm Ajam WCI"c thus Ih'mTy laid. Delhi
did not hecome the centre of higllCl' Hindu academic studies. nut
Hindu Ilon-acadcniic sciences-astrology, magic of all kinds, ramal or
the art of findin,rr lost thinp-s, etc., found plenty of belicvers, :Astro-
logers. in particular, were iil I!'i'eat demand, for both Hindus and
. Mussalmans sought their directiOn and advice. According to Isami
tl1ere was at least one astrologel' of distiIii'tioll in every moholla of
the city. .. . '
No account of the great capital would be complete without a refer
ence to its 50-amy side-to its danciIl'!!-girls, tavel;1S and hrothels. The
matter stood at two distingtiishahle levers ..
The c\11t\1l'c bf the whole East had perforce to he assimilated by the
Delhi cOl1rtcsans of 111ehigher classes. 'Khusi'au and Bamni return to
this theme and again, Bm'ani ,vith regret that he had missed
the jov of !if0- and Khnsran with rio sneh regre.ts. The training
re-o
( ,
rolltic,. alld Society dllring tile F.(/r1y Medlt't'1l1 Period
89 .
. tl be om,e an important field for financial,
of courtesans had Y
I
t ( , 1286-90)" repented himself of
investment, for when Katqu )a( A.D. d were able to take ellective
. 1 women the hlterests concerne . <
wmc anc .'.' the old ath. ,,'
stcI)S to hrmg 111m back to. I Pt tIle service, Darant
. - I ., of olIenng t lem 0 '. , I' ,1
"I' Ol' t Ie ['UI pose 1 I I .' ked procuresses hac trmne(
" II k n reprobates ane 0 ( , WIC II . b Id
states, we - now .' .' t slimness grace and a Ule, 0 ,
up young girls-'-gn'ls with b:-au y, . to strike the nd){/b, to
brunette and shameless-to s,mg. me,t '1' to I)la\l nord and chess,
1 l
It engage III repat ees ant ' I I k'
recite g wza s ant 0 < I (Iangcr to cities anc 'JIIg-
eryone of w 10m was a < . I t
These courtesans, ev ' , 'e E,'ell I)cfore theIr )I'eas s
.. I 'tit eXI)enslve cm , 'I
donis, ,;cI'e hroug It up W\ the were taught riding, polo-playl11g
could open to womanhooc'l y 1 f accomI)lishmcnts and graces.
I I
. with t 10\lSanc so' J' ,t' '
wielding tIe ance " that induce the Mus 1m asce IC
Every alluring art and, h II I I I'ng the mystic to the tavern-
to pl1t on thc Brahman s I <graceful stature and girls :,f:
was tnught to them, 1m ]<llll )', 'Per",'u\1 and then dressed 111
, k 'tlg1t to Sill!!; 11l " , 1
I'c'marl<ahle 1(,)0 s wele at : I' tIle cOtlrtesies cllstoms an<
, 1 I trUlne( In . " d f
Tolles of brocm e; t ley were , f I nc1some hovs were pierce or
f I
rt The ears 0 la, . 1 I'k I"] S
manners 0 t Ie COt! " 1 ve- 'rls WE'rc deckcc 1 e )II( e. ,
l)
earl ear-riilgs; heautlful young s a gI rt' mtlsicians and reciters of
, 'I 1 ) tl ere were expe ., 1
And (aloll" wIl I llem 1 '1' d p'e "\'an in 1)I'ose and verse; an(
" f I It 'n HUH I an 1'" < , 11' 't tl e
the praises 0 t Ie S\1 an] l) who with one joke cOU c mCI e 1
also jokers and bulIo,ons, (lJhatl(st' , I the joyous-hcarted to
"orrow-hearted to hlIanot!s laUl! from' lauohing, All these JTl
o '11 t I Id then' SI 0 ' F 1 1
fi
ts that thev cou c nO 10 f' far-oil places, Am tIe
. I It' favour came 10m < - f
the hODe of tIe Stl s. '.1 1 Meel'11t hrouj!ht ()
s])irit-clistillcrs of KOII (Ahgm1l) am : ()Id" Our medieval records
, 'I l 0 or t nee veUl s ,', I 'I n ' '
sc"ented spint t IUt was w ]'," 1 'lll o titutiOllS W lIC 1 m:1J11
. \ tl trae I\!OllS ane " , ' I' '
arc full of references '0 lC ' ,1 the time of Knioubac1 lmp les
refers. Dut thcir high (levc1opmTen'kt, )I
V
lave-officcrs of the thirteenth
I v the til IS 1 S < l' , 1 In
a oenerous natronaJ!e ), '11 tl 1Iae1 been In( w!1lzec ,
< <; I I thorot1l! 1 v lev < f "g
ccntnrv. and s lOWS lOW f 'Lucknow' these traditions 0 trallllll
what is known as 0 time p:irls who nrc sclect;-d for
danCing-l'irls remamed till B t' thl' military elements !1l
training heing kno,,":n as, lonrr arro with a chanp;c 111
trainin{! of the danclll,!!-glf s ,( 't" of their natrons,
< 1 tl ' reclatlve canaCI t 1 'C
the c1wrader anc' Ie anp " ' d hrothels, which seem 0 ,1a\ .
At the lower level the taVCI1)S " e amI crime, They werc
heen plentiful in Delh\ A netition
(il(;ISV'8t.UirS kept tIe 1 ):UMussalmall. to the f
an ordinar" cibzcn, presuma) , 1 ems to imp!v that the I e ()
, which Amii' Khusrau has preselVC( ,se, ,
The U rho.. Revo/utii",
83
the humble petitioner, which had been pretty uncomfortable 'before
owing to the loud, all-night prayers of the mystics living on either
side of his house, had finally become quite unbearable owing to the
opening of a tnvel'Jl On lhe opposite sidc of lhe strcet, with a groeer-
boy thrown in to enliven the social landscape and help sales",
Here all Indian elements met in a common brotherhood of distress
and discontent, and often planned reckless adventures or else hired
themselves out to those who had bold designs in hand, We are often
told of hahitual crimhials, false witnesses and other undesirable
characters being picked up in ,the taverns, The Indian liquor, which
has survived to us from the Middle ,Ages, is .the worst in the world
and the dirtiest, but iA,is easy to distil, and the working classes seem
to have heen quite cortr:ent with it, The soher classes, who knew little
or nothing of ,this Delhi underworld, w,ere markedly afraid of it. It is
only for such a social mix-up that the govenlment of Jalaluddin Khalji
could 'frame' the charge that two reckless Hindu adventurers, Niran"
jan; an ex-kotwal. and Hathya; a' swoi'dsman, had planned to assassi-
nate the Sultan on his way to the Juma' prayer in order to raise Sidi
Maula to the caliphate!' ,
The variegated buildings of the city spread outward from the great
Minar, In the rooms near the Minar, some of which still stand, un-
attached scholars seem to have had the privilege of teaching, In spite
of inany references to it in contemporary literature, it is difficult to
lind out how, the city was rlanned, But it soon expanded beyond the
old walls, The houses of the 'great (ifficers have hecn described as
three or four-storey builditH!s with a small and winding staircase on -
,one side, It may be assumed that they had good gardens, The houses
of the rich merchants were of the same stvle, but thev were in the
heart of the crowded the lower-storev \vas llsed for
sales and 1111sincss transactions and the npper storeys for the residence
of the family, The a'verage inn seems to llave heen like our college
hostels, i.e. roomS in a rectangle with a verandah' running in front of
theni that could hcsafeI" locked up; references are some-
tillies made teY a platform in the centre of the rectangle with a roof
$falld!illl! on nillars, Manv hOl1ses of the period may have IJeen cou-
in the teniple-style, though cxact reference is wantine- and
of snch houses seem to have survived, The bazaars were thickly
and the congestion was only inade bearable hy the absence
of wheeled traffic in the streets, the better mode of loeo-
for those who could alford it heing horses and Jitters, The
of thepeciple lived in mi1c1-houses with thatched roofs, If
were heyond thoi!' reach, they 'lived under a chapp{/!'
84
politic,. mill Socfety "urll1g tl,. Earlu Mccllc"al Period
,f) )orted hy' a niud-wall on one side and rough sticks
straw-roo oU <
(, the other Piettingsonie protection from the sun and ram hut
Olllie from tl;e wind and dust. Some sort of order I?ust have
on the eo Ie in the constntction and laymg out of
Delhi times was an orderly ?ity. Th}e
lOt, '{ t1' arefully fot' those innumerahle clmms am cou
n
. ,
es ra
l
ler eC'seinents and servitudes without which decent CIVIC
c mms, suc 1 as a ", '
life is not possible. ] t 1\ y
, by the end of the thirteenth century h
a
.( come 0 ?cc]'k
' '... h A' orld There was In fact, no CltV I e
uni(lli
e
Muslim of Ajani had
It an
y
w
l
1eI,e on
l
b th Mongols or else were 1eadin!1: a precanou
s
b
e
?11 (estI0yec y e. lation. The ca )itals of the Monf!;ol
eXIstence wIth a decaymg popn Qal'a Q1II"1In[ were enonnons cn-
. . " . orarv (. (. <.
l,'ulers like SClm or eon}tem
p
;. I'fe The claim that Delhi was
, ,,' t 'th no cu ture or CIVIC I. ,< ,
campmen s WI . . and A'am is a recurrent theme III
the heir tathe great of I,raq , \he c'ombination of learning
ft declares. For all"its
am actHln IS lei " l\ l' 'reI by its name but In
its citizens loved it. 6elhi (Revered Delhi)
prbse arid verse thev Ie ene( 0 I as,
or the STwhl' (the City).
" ,
c' "
IV. TilE RtlRAL REVOLUTTON
TI
'1 r'evollltion which we have been discussing, did not
Ie UI )an, 1 tl t ost
, 't, I to the countrvside. It is proved by our recon s 1[1 m '.
(I,ne ( '11 t()"'VllS) a;1(1 hrger villages, known as mawas, were forh-
!/1I8 l1lS sma ",' , 'ff' t t tl e
fieel JIad these tOWllS and villa)!es offered a 'lst, Mres,s Inct tl In
. 'le : all over the country-as they did to tie ongo s ess la
t' " J t r the Ghurian conquest of India would have been
a cen lIry a e -, t 1 'nto the
1 I t 1
. ' ossihle, The fact that the open coun ry passe( I
a )50 u e y Imp k of two thl'nds-either that the VIllage
I'd' 'f th T II' S proves one ,.,'
Ian SUd no; the' old regime worth fighting for or else that
,,}' (' thev visualized it) did not matter much them. Very
.t ,10 ,c )an!!c , as rts'derations were present in their mmds, For the
side had neithcr thc will nor the nieans to
ll\!lml ur, , 'I t' 1 TI M
" . " . overnnient over t Ie coun rVS1( e. 10 u, , , '
,a of the total rural nonulation in Uttar rrad:sh
wele 7 r e r
time
of the partition of 1947. The mass of Indian
and Bilat a,tt
l
l
, I" r,t,h" 'lre,"Ii,; ;'has belonged to the workmf!;
Mpssalniflns t woug IOU,;, e a9 .:
j
;';;t ..
: ' f:(\:>
tIle tl.urat Reootut/Oll
, and the lower middle class; the average income of the Mussalman
has been definitely less than the income of the, caste Hindu though
higher than the income of the non-castes. Nevertheless he demands
certain sodal amenities and cannot live without them-the, congre-
gational mosque for his nve prayers;' the common graveyard where
his fellow Muslims may bury him neatly and tearlessly and pray for
the forgiveness of his sins; a school for the education of his children;
a hafiz, preferably blind, who may recite the whole of the Quran in
tlle month, of Ramazan; and last hut not the least, social intercourse
with an academic flavour in it. As a result, the Mussalmans in the
countryside have lived entirely in qasbos or little tOWllS. Some of these
qa8bas are very old, like Satrik in Baril Banki district, which existed
in the thirteenth century and may have existed earlier. But niost of
these qasbas ;Ire of later growth. In Awadh many of them trace their
origin, probably correctly, to Alauddin Khalji's settlement policy. A
few qasbas, like ]ais in Rai Bareli district, are purdy Muslim. But so
long as he had enough co-religionists for the purposes mentioned
above, the Mussalman was quite content to live in a qasba with a
Hindu majority; But outside the he has found it hard, to live,
for his creed is fundamentally a city-creed. Now if we leave out of
account the Muslim Rajputs, Bhalay Sultans, etc., whose lateness of
conversion is proved, among other things, by the prevalence of Hindu
among them and their consciousness of go/ra relationship
witfi Hfe Bl:ndus who have not been converted, the number of Mus-
salmans in the rural area outside the qasbas is negligible toclay-
perhaps not even 1 per cent of the pOllUlation. No arguments should
be needed to prove that it was even more negligible in the thirteenth
century.
That there was a sufficient number of educated Mussalmans of
foreign as well as of Indian origin in the towns of Northern India
is proved by the fact that the new government was able to cany
on all its office-work in the Persial1language, But the number of,stlcj1
persons, if efficiency is also taken into account, must have been
limited. None of them could he spared for detailed work in the rural
areas; there the thirteenth century government had to act through
the intenrtediaries alone. These Hindu intermediaries' are referred
to by our authorities as mis, milas, l'awafs, chaudharis, 11l1lqaddams
and klt"ls. MHqaddam is an Arahic ,vord meaning 'the first nian'.
Khllt is probably an Inclianization from khat or dee;"1; I mrt told that
the term is still tlsed in Bhopal, though I have not cOnie across it in
Uttar Pradesh. Juclf!;ing from later authorities, it seems that the
Ghurian Turks had been content to take a deed or khat from these
86
I'o/Wes (lid Soclei y ,I"fl"g tl.e Early Medier"l Period
loc'11 Hindu intermediaries, who were certainly II
1
(l)t landlords't
the' land-revenue, somewhat enhanced, which the 0 (
been etting in the past, would be collected and paIe ,JY t
the treaslll'Y in future years, Thus, on the of ,', n
countryside suffered little or no change OWIng to Ie Hilla
cOl
s
l
q
uest., t )'eal's after the death of Shihabuddin Giluri, Sultan
orne nme y , . 'I r 1 't
AIauddin Khalji drew up an indictment agamst t lesc I m( n 111 cr-
, j' '. tIle main points of which arc as follows:
me( lane,,,,, ( ,
. () The paid no' rent for their OWil land hut the
a culttvator (or raiyat, the lwZaTwr of
the rent for the land cultivated by as as fO! h,ls
land, thus thrmving the burden of the strong, upon the
(b) they appropriated the village pasture, lcav!11g none fO! the
cultivator's cattle;
(c) in addition to the tw,o they took a separate
)erquisite or commiSSIOn fO! themselves, , , ' , '
( (d) so they paid nothing to the govcrnment, 191101ed Its Oldcls
and even imprisoned its agents; ,. -l
(e) they enlisted their own private armies nnd fought \\ Ith eae 1
other; , 'lk
(f) I tIl they lived like aristocratic gentlemen, 51
mounting fine horses and shooting wit,h PerS!Hn bows,
"Not a hundred kal'olls (200 miles) of my kmgdom, ob? me
I I t t b
e obeyed" the Khalji cmperor complumce ,
as oug 1 0 ,
, " I f the thirteenth ccntl1l'Y do not enable us
f
1he the first threc complaints of Alauddlll
orm an oplnwn c "of the ordinary cultivator had
wh? m;,c!u wcre

, n It the other complmnts of Alanddm al C PIO\ C( ) ,
owners, t overnment of the slave kings had no paid agents Its
annals, The g , 1 '1 1 ended cntirelv upon the goodWIll of
own in the countrys,J( (ep, . 1 ( ,Hem)t of the intcr-
the Hindu It)'t
Vas
rei;lls of J!tnhnish
1
',' was to Ignore It a oge ler, ,., 1 'I' I
mee !HIles , II ( 1
9
60-86) things seemed sta)1 l7.e( ,
(A,n. 1211-36) and fia )all A,n, . 1 ard hsk '111(1 ('vcn during his
though nalban undouhtedll
y
hI lid a 1 Khalji collecting
" t ilOte one examp e on v, we Ill( " , I"
rClgn, 0 (, M ;1111,,1111' vi1f<l!.>'e hy pltl1l(lerillg it nll( getlmg, I
a
reve1ll
1
e 10m a, ( I'll tIle Our al\nals about Iltuhms I
sword-slash on IllS face '
rile Rllm! Revoilltion 87
are so lrieagre that we cannot definitely decide whether he was really
obeyed in the countryside or connived at the virtual independence
of the intermediaries, But his military strength was great, and the
intermediaries may have decided not to force an issue with the con-
queror of three Muslim kingdOms and several Rajput states, But thcre
can be no doubt that during the rest of the century the rais, ranas and
rawats were completely out of hand, The Ghurians had left the exist-
ing countryside chiefs in charge, and these chiefs probably continued
in the new regime the traditions to which they had been accustomed
in the old, It is a fair assumption that-(a) Rai Pithora, Jai Chand,
Sena and the other rulers would not have fallen like
nille Ijf they had the support of the countryside chiefs, and
(b) that when the latter, in writing, gave an undertaking to pay ,the
revenue to the new government, it was with a clear nicntal reservation
that they would pay nothing unless compelled to do so at the point
of the sword, For the purpose of holding the countrySide under a
milita'fY regime, the Turkish army was negligible in numbers; and
it could not inake up for its lack of numbers I)y mobility alollc, Also
tJlCre was no Muslim element to support it in the countryside,
This brings us to one of the deepest contradictions of the thirteenth
century-the contradiction between tOwn and counhy. The tOWJ1f;,
on the whole, were well governed by the kotwals and 'their staff; and
the population-now tcrribly mixed, regardless of race, caste, creed
or custom, with the Chandala building his thatchcd house by the
side of the !urkish noble's stone palace-obeyed the administration
and. the law: Industries were improved and they also lIiultiplied, The
maintenance of law and order being the main object, the city-
governments were generally autocratic, The city kotwal had to look
to everything awl responsible for everything; in pradice his
power was only limited by his capacity, So long as he kept the city
in good order-and the test of good order was a well-feel population
that did not resort to rioting-his position was secure, It was the duty
of the Kotwal not to enter politics and to accept the government
estahHshed at Delhi, and he generally did so, Even at stOlm-tossed
Delhi itself, the kotwalship of the citv remained in the hands of one
familv, The gTandfather of the Malikul Umara Fakhrllddin, the kotwal
of Delhi at time of the Khalji revolution, had been appOinted by
ShihahmldinOl- Aihek and his father had also held the same office,
Outside the cities, with their crtlmbli;lg ramparts and their expand-
iilg suburhs, the O1'l!'anized anarchv 0f the rural intermediaries rei{!ned
supreme, These gentlcmen had, of course, 110 conception of the world,
destiny of India or of Hinduism, Nor had they any design of GOll-
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Politics ""'/ Sodelu. ,tur/Plg tlIC Em'lv Me,l/eva! I'erlod
billing against the Turkish governmerit of Delhi, for the chief object
of their hereditary hatred were some of the neighbouring Hindu
chiefs. They fought for things that were of immediate value to thein-
selves and their high caste clansmen and followers-the non-payment
of taxes, the plunder of the trade routes, the sacking of the city
and the overpowering of their neighbours. The administr.ation,
Willcl. had no local agency, was often reduced to the necessIty of
collecting land revenue through the army, which the local chiefs did
not hesitate to fight. These incursions into the countryside by the arniy
were officially duhhed as 'campaigns'. At other times, the government
officers .inflicted hideous and unpardonable punishments on the
villagers, without making any distinction between the innocent and
the guilty, in the hope of enabling the government to operate through
a reign of terror. But such methods are ruinous to a stable, l1on-
revolutionary government, and the Hindu intermediaries I'etaliatctl by
wiping off the aclministration from extensive tracts of the country for
years together.
The new level of city-industry made trade amI commerce exceed-
ingly profitable, and as the IJrofits of the traders increased, the traders,
according to the Hegelian' law of 'negation of negation', produced the
rohber chiefs. These robber chiefs, drawn presumahly from tlw ranks
of the Hindu intermecliaries, built forts on the main-routes to plunder
the merchants or levy transit dues for themselves. "Ve have'.'plenty
of evidence to prove that a lot of people wandercd about fearlessly
throughout the country-poor students in search of free lodging and
free tuition, Muslini mystics, qalandal's and ;awaliqs, Hindu ;ogis of
all types, workingmen in search' of livelihood, heggars and pilgriinS,
small pedlars and the like. They had no C]\1art'el w'ith the rohber
chiefs; and if they met a robber chief or his officer, they would )1rob-'
ably ask for help and get it in the form they wanted-a square meal,
a night's lodging, sOnie cash and a letter of I'ecommenclation for
similar hospitality at the next robber"castle. For the robber :ehiefs
were gentlemeli of a sort-progressive, humane, revolutionary tem-
pered, God-fearing gentlemen, who hated the ways of kings and the
reactionary state; and because the law and thc theology of the day
condemned them fOf explOiting the exploiters (iilcluding the appro-
priation of government money in transit), they spent in charity, in
the immediate relief of human distress, a larger proportion of their
income than the zam,indars, government officers and businessnien of
India have ever done. It is significant that medieval Indian folklore.
whilc it showed scant with the plundered merchant, idolized
the robber chief, takitlg him as a symbol of that spiritual and irioral
Tire RUI'al Revolution so
1
err, I
l iSCOIltClit !-.gainst t Ie existing social order which tore the souls of
thc oppressed)
But faced with this phenomenon, the government could not sit idle.
The first and most obvious plan was to compel merchants to travel in
which the government gave a guard while private enter-
rJrlse proVIded the transport lleeessarv. Such a procedure is all right
lor steppe-lands and desert-lands, where water is scarce and the
and e,:,en villages are. at great anll also fo1' Haj pil-
gl!ms at stated hmes. But 111 a populous country like India
With contmmty of arable land, people could not alford to wait for
the weekly bi-weekly carawans. Their business required them to
!ravel at all hmes. The second plan was for the government to build
Its own forts all along the route to wage a war with the robbei'-forts.
Such 11 policy is attributed to Balban, who garrisoll()(1 his forts with
!he Afghans, presumably on the principle of 'thief catch thief', Of
Greek .meet or cut diamond'. But really it was a
of fmlure-of to establish Jaw and order by ex-
the urban to the countryside and organizing the
authon.ty of the throughout the country. Our medie-
val wnters had certam tests for a medieval all-India administration
and are never tired of applying them. Could an old wonian with
p!enty of goldh:avel the country unmolested? Did the
VIllage-headmen III the nCIghbourhood of the trade-routes attcnd to
safety of the travellers at night with lighted lamps? "Tas every
piece of rope lost by a traveller found at the government's order?
In of theft or robbery, was the administration strong enough
to he the of the neighbouring villages, neck to neck amI
thrash them hll the culprit was produced? The praises of the efJurt-
historian of Balhan, Minhaj-us Siraj Jurjani should not deceive us.
1. Perhaps one authenticated account. of a thirteenth centnry robber would not he
out of place. In the reign of Sultan I1tu!mish, " mystic frolll tTi.tan! Tahriz, Shaikh
Jalaluddin, was sitting hefore his hoose in Badann when a II in<ln curd-seller lJassed
hy with his curd-vessel on his head. The Shaikh looked at the cnrd-seller intently and
the man trcmhled. Soon after he came to the Shaikh, conf",,;('d his sins and asked
to be converted to Islam. He was a robber hy profession; clll'd-selling was only a
suhterfuge to discover who was who in Badaun. Jalaluddin gavo the repentant rob her
the name of Shaikh Ali. Thereafter Shaikh Ali was one of the most respected citizens
of Badaun. Not much of theology c!:lUld he taught to Shaikh Ali at his advanced
age; he wns never able, for instance, to pronounce the Arahic qai. But he was honest
and God-fcaring, and when Badaun's most distinguished SOil, Shaikh Nizamud-
din AuTiya, was to he invested hy the .teacher ,vith his "astal' or tnrhan, old Shaikh Ali
was considered to he the fittest man for prcsiding ovcr the ceremony and holding
one end of the cloth.
c
Politic .. allei Soc/ety ,/urillg tile Early Mer/leGal Period
What really wanted was not a strong man but a new and a rc-.
voiutioilary system. Judged by the above-mentioned tests, all kings
before Aiauddin Khalji were failures.
To sum up: the great problem of the thirtccnth ccntury was its
unfinished revolution. The cities were organized on new lines. Both
in industry and in culture they surpassed the level attained by the
cities of Ajam before the Mongol conquest. Neverthelcss their posi-
tion was critical. The administration, which was often ullnble to pro-
tect the suburbs of Delhi itself, could not be expccted to offer bettcr
protection to other cities. All cities depended upon n belt of villages
in their neighbourhood for their dnily supply of pOllltry, cggs, vcgc-
tahlcs, fruits, milk, curd, etc. nnd these villages could bc tcrrorized
and enptured by the Hindu intermedinries nnd robher chiefs. The
cities, further, depended upon their supply of food-grain on the vil-
lages, fnr nnd near; but the villages could only give them grain in
return for industrial products. But the cities could only produce
manufactured goods if the raw Inaterial they needed was brought
from the countryside. Thus we find weavers generally working in
the suburbs of the towns; in the heart of the towns the space they
necded for their looms was seldom available. Cotton was grown all
over the country; it was sp1ln into thread hoth in villages and towns.
The weavers sold their cloth to merchants, who often had to take it
to different cities. The' conditions' of the induS!I')' demandcd that
there should be a single cloth-market for the wh()le country. l"lany
commodities were produced in particular rcgions and had to he
taken to every place in India-the metals, for eXHmple, and salt. In-
dia produced sugar not for itself only but for a larg;e part of. Asia.
The new economic level of the country could only be maintained
by the constant coming and going of merchants, and this, in tllrn,
depended upon the safety of the trade-routes. But how could the
trade-routes be safe when not even two hundred milcs of India obe\,-
ed. the government? The slave rulers failed deplorahly. The grain
carawans often failed to turn up. There \vas, generally speaking, Jl0
security of any supplies. The \'alne' of commodities, as r...farx hns
proved conclusively, depends upo,n the 'socially necessary labour-
time' required to produce them. But the 'price' of a comniodity at
any time, specially in a city the routes to which arc unsafe, depeilds
upon the intelvlay of supply and demand. The greatest tcrror undcr
which a city lived was the regrating (ilttikar) of grain, for it was not
difficult to nl0nopolize grain when the carawan-routes were insce11l'e.
And next to grain-monopolists, the wrath of the pllhlic was directed
against the shop-keepers, "who are the rulers of the market" (13a/,(/I1;).
TIre Rumt Revolution at
The shop-keepers mny hnve charged high prices heeallSe they thcm-
selves had paid high prices to the l1iiddle-man or thok-farosh, who
sold commodities in the bulk. But probably they also raised prices on
their own account on seeing the purchaser's desperate need.
The root of the problem was the position of the low-caste, trebly
oppressed cultivators in the eoimtryside. Their position was as piti-
able as that of the Chandala workers in the cih,-suburbs had been
in the pre-Ghurian age. They belonged to differClit groups; they were
too scattered to combine; thev had not even a common name, and
though Bm'ani called them after a group of Bulandshahr
(Baran) district, the Persian title of mi'yat Qr suhiect had to suffice
for the whole lot. Still, if leadership came from the top, the poor cule
tivator would not fail to re.spond. But no such leat1crship was pOS5\e
hIe within the ideologv of the Turkish Even the
best of them, Ghi)'nsuddin Balban,with his open patronage of 1ill/llahs,
advertised charities, publicized justice, formal proccssions to the
Friday mosques followed by patron.izingvisits to persons considered
holy by the publie and the secret poisoning of rivals, was too much
a 'creature of tradition. lie lookcd hackward, not forward. His chief
object was the preservation of his own power and, next to it, the
preservation of his dynasty. All he could dream of were the outward
fornis of pre-Muslim Persian imperialisms as they were handed down
to hini by the frightfully inacel1l'ate tradition of his age.
It was left to Alauddin Khalji to work out the revolution in the
rural areas of Northern India. This is not Ihe place to discuss the
Khalji Empcror, hut sonie account of thc man and his work must
be given to make our narrative complete.
The weatest ruler that the Mussalmans of Jndia have produced
neither fasted nor pra,;ed. He never went to the Friday congregation.
At the beginning of his career, he could neither read Hor write Per-
sian, though he eould express himself in it quite forcefully. His an-
cestors, Drobably of I1nknown pleheian origin, mav have cOrrie froin
Khalj, the lower region of the river Helmend. Alauddin was wise
enough not to inquiw into the origins of his hc did not
and he did not care. For his revolutionarv purPGSCS a good fatmlv
pedigree wOl1ld have hecn a hindranec. He wns hllndred per. cent
Indian; he had nevcr heen to foreign lands, and thollgh hy contn111ec1
inquiry he obtained a fairly accllrateidea of world his
ideas of foreign countries at the heginning werc extremcly l'Ichcnlous.
lIe knew nothing nhollt the Sharraf, and did not cnrc to go to it for
!!"i(lance. JIe allowed two ii-l111;::/I"; (flattering:) IIl1flla!ls to share his
nieals-one with his chosen circle and the other WIth the genel al
Politics a",/ Society during tl,e Bady Medieval Period
of officers. The rest he ignored. He was neither afraid of mcet-
mg death nOr reluctant in inflicting it. If Shaikh Nasiruclclin's state-
based on what he had heard trom Qazi Hamid Multani, is to be
behevcd, sole object of Alauddin's policy 'was 'service to the peo-
ple of <?od. lIe was unworthy, he said, but God had placed him
above Ius bette.rs; he could only prove himself worthy of God's
favours ?y serv!ng HIS people. Of all the schools that have filled this
earth wIth thell' chattel', Alauddin believed in one school only-the
school of experience. The concrete problems of life had to be solved
by process of trial and errol'. There was other way.
", Ith reference to the rural problems of India Alaud I' I'" I d
I
.' . . I "Th b . ' , ' (In IC own
92
one JaSlC pnncIp e- e unlen of the strong was 110t to b tl
tl k" TI . ,. ' . e II own
1e wea. lIS pnncrple, in application, entailed two postulatcs,
"Ith reference to arable land, every man had to pay ac;cordin ro
the amount of land he cultivated, biswa by biswa' and as to tIl g
t lI'e tIl ' " , . e pas-
t " every peas an lac to pay pasture-dues (cham;) according t tl
number of cattle he kept, different rates having been fixed
smaller an.d heads of cattle. Alauddin's great minister,
Sharaf Qm, WIth a.!lost of experts and other staff, measured the whole
lu1 the Khal)l army, the strongest India had sccn since the days
o Samudl'agupta, made even II dream of revolt by the rural chief'
and interme?ialies impOSSible. The papers of village .
to Deihl, where they were closely scrutini7.cd, and the IllcnJey re-
ceived by local treasury-branch was carefully compared with the
amount patd by every cultivator. Anything due from the govern-
agents was ruthlessly exacted; it was not Alauddin's
to overlook crnT\es. The lIwqaddams or local thakttrs were not
They were still required for many purposes, iilclueling the
of and order and the working o( the local judiciary.
were abolished and they were reduced to tIle
posItIon The govel11ment made its own ai'range-
for the collectIon lanchevenue from the countryside. This
a large .. sta.ff, known by the general dcsignation
of. narVisanda, wIlters or clerks. lhe progress of education during the
tlurteenth. century had made it possible for Alaudciin to
fi?d sufficlCnt persons With a knowledge of Persian and of the jocal
for revenue. work. The t.otal number of these persons is not
f!lven, hut some estImate of their number is possihle froin, the fact
:vhen. Alauddin died, some eight to ten tliousand of them were
Jll It has to remembered, however, that these people., new
to thcll' work, comlllltteel more offences than is lIstlal with governmcl)t
servants and that Alauddin, unlike most heads of lliodern states, con-
r:. ' r-
"
The Rural Revolutlon
93
sidered it his duty not to connive at but to punish the offences of
his officers. Maybe, some four hundred to six hundred thousand local
government servants of all: grades, including the paiks, were employ-
ed by the government for the Rural Revolution it had taken in hand.
,But othcr supplementary' changes were also necessary and had to
be undertaken. The village-headmen were made responSible for the
security of roads and had to perfotm this duty efficiently at the risk
of their necks. The Hindu naiks of the country were organized into
one corporation (yak jiht shmfand), made to sign deeds of responsi-
bility for each other and compelled to use their 100,000 or 200,000
beasts of burden for the regular supply of food-grain to the cities.
Trade in ordinary cloth was left to private enterprise under govern-
mEmt supervision, but trade in finer textiles was assigned to the Hindu
merchants of Multan, were given a government-subsidy for the
purpose. Simultaneously, a tariff of prices for all things, including
even the fee of dancing girls, was imposed by the Sultan at Delhi
under his personal supervision. It may be safely assumed that other
cities were asked to follow suit. Alauddin did not and could not
reduce .the price of comniodities, is generally assumed. The value
of comillodities depends upon their cost of production and! it was im-
possible for Alauddin to reduce this cost; in fact, we find Alauddin
taking it carefully into consideratIon, so that every person concerned
in the .production-process may get his proper wages. In suhstancc,
the great Khalji Emperor achieved things-?l'st, he the
low-caste cultivator from the oppressIOn of the hIgh-caste mral lIlter-
rriediary; this was a revolutionary step, novel and purely Indian.
Secondly, he insured the safety of trade-routes and the regular ex-
change of commoclities between town and country. This was a novelty
f(ir India. But though Alaudclin's historian, Ziyauddin Barani, was
ignorarit of it, the supply of f?od-grain to the towns at a. proper price
was 'one of the regular functions, and about the most Important, of
all Ajani govenlments. If a government failed to perform this .fu
ne
-
Hon, the city-population starve,. and In
fact the Persian government s responSibIlity for supplymg gram to
lasted till 1929, the advent. of lorries enahled it
to transfer this responsibility to prIvate enterprIse. .
Si;lce both . the cultIvator anel the intermediaries were Hindus, no
Ol"commilnal issue was involved. vVe .get references to some
tax-collectors in the countryside who were Muslims. But the mass ?f the
elnplovecs in the newly estah1i;hed
Now if a Hindu is dcllned as a non
c
Musl1tl1 Indian (whIch, It IS suh
mitted, would be a proper de6.nitiop. for the thirteenth century)
2
c:
Politics oml Soc/ety during tlw Eor;y Medieoal l'et/oc!
then there was nothing communal about the polic), of Alauddin
KhaljL The Prophet of Islam knew nothing of such esteemable per-
sons as zamindars, feudal harons, farmers of revenues and the like;
and the :tvlnslim Sharrat obliges the state to collect its taxes directly
from the produccr. But Alauddin was not appealing to the Shal'i'at
and confesses that he knew nothing about it at the time. He Was
concemed exclusivelv with a patent. all-India injustice, the domina-
tion of the intermediary over the cultivator; and he liquidated the
intcrmcdiaries os ellectivel)i' as Chairman Mao Tse-tung and the
Communist Party have liquidated feudolism in China during the
last three years. It is obvious that the cultivator gained what the
intermediary lost. There was a greater incentive to production and
an undeniable increase in prosperity throughout the land. But if hy
the temi 'Hindu' we niean only the dominant upper class, then we
may, at our choice, gloat over the miseries of the intermediaries,
like the communalist Bat'ani, or cUl'se for being a com-
munalist bccause he struck at the upper-caste Hindus in favom of the
Hindu cultivator. But one was clear after, the tremendous
Khalji adventilre. India would never again hecome a land of
caste-privileges it had heen for some centuries past. \Vhatever shape
the futme may assume, Alauddin had assured One thing foi' all time.
In all spheres of life, except marriage and personal laws, India would
become what the ManllS11l1'Ui so intenselv hatp.d-'a confusion of
castes'.
The urban and the rural revolutions of the thirteenth centurv can-
not be p)'operly visualized except in relation to world-history. Hither-
to 0\11' modcrn historians, fol1owin\! the court-annalists of Delhi
amI the Rajput hanls, have snrveyed the Inclian historical landscape
entirely frolTi thc foot of the royal thronc. This attitude is wrong
and to be changed. We have look at history from the view-point
of the masses, i.e. of the city-workers and peasants. It is imma-
tcrhH whether the g<iverning class was Hindu or Muslim. Histor\'
it a !Toad certificate to the extent that it served the
neople. To the 'philosophv of the first look'. to use an expressive
Hegelian term, it seems odd that a group of Turks should come into
the country and almost ellortlessly suppress the hereditary aristo-
cracy of the land. But they could only do so hecause puhlic opinion
was with them-hecause to an extent. thou!!h only to an extent. in
the nursuit of their pcrsonal careers, the selfishness of which no one
should deny. they wcre also, consciously or suhconsciously, subserv-
ing the pllhlie gooct .
TI,e TlIl'kish GovernIng Cldss .
95
V. THE TURKISU GOVERNING CLASS
Conimdictions in MI/slim Political Ideology
. In the .sphere of p.hilosophy early Islamic thought was
Jll no. one re,solve. Priests, poli-
hClall and kmgs, who. SIded mther WIth the thesis or the 'antithesis',
cursed, fought and ktlled each other. But they were naturally un-
conscious of the contradiction. ..,
For the first in the l?ng. hist?ty of Islamic thought we will
have to take a raltonal and sClenltfic vIew of the problem. My opinions
may seem novel, for they have never been presented before. Never-
theless they are scientific and correct and will be accepted by all
scholars of Islamic history, who !Ire in a position tq snrvcy the matter
impartially and. withollC a priori prejudices.
It is ohvious that no one trying to establish a religion for all mcn
and for all times will coni mit the errol' of tagging any administrative
0)' .the?ry on to it; political theory would limit the sphere
of tit? rehglOn Itself to the ltme and place where it could apply. The
Arabtan Prophet made no such mistake. All attempts to present ISlam
as a system of adniinistration are fraudulent enterprises calculated
to deceive the unwary and to make a profit out of the ignorance of
the miJltitude hy misleadiilg it .ona colossal scale. But it has to be
admitted that such attempts have heen made, and on the whole quite
successfully, in aU Muslim countries and at aU times. All religions,
says Gibbon, are equally useful to the statesman. But in the Middle
Agcs Islam was more useful to the governing class than any other
crec(!. exploited, but within limits.
Islan';, Iik8 Christianity, pl'Cscrihes no political system ancl the
hadlses of thc Prophet are remarkably sileilt on the (Juestion: Never-
theless thc Oman. which c1ailns to be "a guide and a cure fcir those
who helievc", had to lay down the hasic principles of the Muslim
politico-social order. These principles, as we have already seen, are-
(a) government must he based on corrimon discussion (tVa mlllll' Twm
811111'(1 1)aill-a hum), and thc Prophet is directed hy thc Ouran to
consult the Mussalmans in their affairs; (b) a conditional ohedience
to the rulers is prescr!1.led: if the g<ivcrnors and the governed diller
ahout any matter, appeal lies to Allah and His PrripllCt. It must he
emnhasized that, apart froin these two nrinciples, the Quran arid the
authenticated are ahsolutely silent. No rules are prescrihed
for the election or the deposition of rulers or for the devolution of
political authOrity 01' fo), the millions of problems that arise in the
Politic . (ltl(l Society during the Early Medieval Period
course of public administration: Of course we records wl.mt
the rrophet did, for eXflmpJe 111 the sphere of orgamzahon
and of taxation; and the mullahs have kept on c1allnmg through the
centuries that all Muslim corpmunities, regardless of their social
structure, method of production and and condi-
tions should live according to the Prophet S Sflnl10h or tradltton. Th,e
Muslim millat has never had the. to say that the Prophet 5
sttnnah did not apply in these matters and that what the Prophet did,
but 'refraine(l from l)rescrihing for all times, is n<;Jt religiously I?inding ..
But in practice it had no alternative but to the 81111na1l III these
mattcrs. Ajam, for example, could not be a(hmmstered on the same
principles as the revolutionary dty-state of Medina.
Now in the context of world-history there can luudly be any
difference of opinion on the question of the application of thc two
Qurallic precepts. (a) It was possihle to work according to the Quranic
precept of government hy common discllssion ill a city-state, where-
public opinion hiJ!:hly .developed, where. t!le element of
slavery was so small that it could he'lgnored .. N:ec1ma such a
dtv-state. The Greek city-statcs; where the malol'lty was reduced to
sl;very or helotage, helonged to a different and morallv Jess deve-
loped' category. (h) Modem and the means of education a?d
communications it has made posslhle, enahle us to conduct the affmrs
( nFrJarge territorial states according to the of
hy or d?mocracy m;. we prefer to .call It. Bllt m the
large territorial CnipHCS of the Muldle Ages, conslstcd of several
lin)!uistic and national j!I'OUpS, the two Qtlrllmc precepts were, un-
fortunately, not applicable, and people who wanted thcse mammoth
enipires to be governed like the Prophet's .dty-state .w;re merely
for the moon. There was no end of cnrsmg and k11Itnl! and gnaslllng
of teeth, and hoth parties condemned the to hell-fire. But the
thing was simply impossiblc .. The 'democrats" if he ?lIo\V;-d,
hlamcd the 'rulers' of vioblmg the Pl'Ophet s tradItion hy 19norll1g
the people and claimed the 'p?wer of thcm :he.rll!cl's
claimed, and with equal valHhty, that government hy or
dcmocracv would open the way to anarchy and the 1I1llty
the millnt. And hv that long process through wInch thy people ultI-
mately control governors, the. Muslim millat showed its prefer-
C11ce for a noity, which was attainahle, to a democracy that was llot
onlv irnpossible hut looked like a bideolls dream.
The Prophet was a revolutionist. For l;im tIle offence not
to overthrow the duly and legally consht;,ted 1;0WC1S, and, the HTco:
logy on which they rested, hut to llclp 111 then' preservahon. If h}
The Turkls" Governing Class 97
revolution is to be understood calling into question every existing
institution and every existing idea with reference to man's highest
moral law and the expansion of human rights, then history knows of
no greater. revolutionist than the Arabian Prophet. A revolutionary
government, of course, must have its revolutionary legal basis, but
this basis is nowhere laid down in the Quean. The baSis of the
Prophet's revolution is his claim to tvaM or divine inspiration, and the
Quran assumes that for the revolutionary republic of Medina, Allah
and His Prophet the duly constituted authorities. Further, every
revolutionist has to provide not only against counter-revolution, but
also against other revolutions on wrong lines-against 'deviationism'.
But so far as the Islamic Revolution was concerned, the problem of
deviationism, leading to the War of Apostasy, arose in the time of
the first caliph, Hazra
t
Abu Bah. The Prophet was not troubled hy
it. His difficulties lay with a Medinite group of mtmafiqs or hypocrites.
But their sin was non-feasance mther than misfeasance. They were
not prepared to make any sacrifices for the Faith or to go to war, and
they' said abottt the Muslim warriors, "Had they remained with us at
[heV t .vould not have been killed." They were also blamed for
with the Prophet's enemies and for being pagans at
heart. But the inner thoughts of men are knowll to God alone. "We
judge by externals", Shaikh Junaid of Baghdad has said. Consequently
the crime of 'hypocrisy' or nifaq came to an end with the life of the
Prophet, when Allah Hirnself was tlIe accuser. No Mussalman after
the Prophet's days can be charged with this crime. .
The question naturally arises; "How did the Prophet visualize the
future?" He was sure of the expansion of his creed. He was equally
certahl that it would not become universal. "And the majority of
lrien", says the Qumn, "will not become believers (mumin) even if
you desire." He was constantlv changing the laws and institution of
Medina at the injunctions of Anah, at his own discretion and accord-
ing to the advice of his counsellors. Bitterly hostile to him was the
eitv-state of Mecca; the Bedouin tribes' of the desert were hard to
enlighten; most of tile inhahited spots in Arabia were hostile to him
to start with; and far-off there were the empires of the Persian1 am1
the Romans, the constitutions, laws and social organisations of whidl
. he did not approve. The Mussalmans have a lot of fabricated
ill which the Prophet. is made to take a gloom v view of the future:
they even make him forecast and disapprove of tlte advent of
. ! But perhaps the lollowitJ.1! authenticated savin!! of tile
is the hest expression of his attitude about a matter that must
been of deep conceni to him; "I do not know whether the
08
l'ulitlcs ""d Society <II/ring tlw E"rly Medieval Period
beginlling of my religion will be better or its end." lIe was obviously
.thinking of Islam in terms of world-history. One thing, however, is
t&rtain. The Prophet laid down no binding ini"nctions for the conduct
'of the goverllment or the state under circumstances which he could
not lJossi1Jiy foresee, and left the whole maliel' to the secular reason
-o(his community. IIe even refrained from appointing his successor,
l.mambiguously and by name. There would be clashes of public
:opinion-deep, perhaps mortal, diffcrences. But how else is one to
ar(ive at the truth? Thc Prophet's conception of the world was
intensely dynamic and he was not afraid of the working of public
.opinion: "Tile differences in my community are a hlessing", he said.
.. the Piirus Caliphate was based not on any Qllrnnic injunction or.
even an unambiguous dircction of the Prophet, hut on the i;ma-i
tr1ll11lat or the consensus of pnhlie opinion. Consc(luently, for no
opinion that he may hold about thc Four Pious Caliphs can a Mus-
salnian be considered to have gone out of thc Islaniic pale. But no
iJlIIa-i 1I11!mat or general opinion seemcd possiblc in the conflict of
IIazrat Ali and l\fu'awiya, whcn nations opposcd nations, leaders and
parties changed thcir political alRliations ovcrnight, adventurers
appeared on every side claiming that they were the truc
lives 01 the deeply perplexed and hewildercd puhlic, and there was
a palpable (/anger of the recurrence of that anarchy from which the first
Caliph had saved Islam aftcr the Prophet's death,. Public affairs could
onlv he stabilizcd, as has already Iwen pOintcd ont, hy the m-ganizatioll
of 'a govcrning class, and this Mu'awiya procecclc(l to do. But thc
governing class, in turn, could only hc stabilized through monarchy-:-
through a man who had supreme control and wllOse power would
.devohie according to somc known law of succession. Thc Umayyad
.and Abbasid caliphates were really monarchics, and they only differed
iIi three respects from the later monarchies of Ajmri-(a) the occupants
of the thrones were Quraishite Arahs; (b) the govcrnment could elaim
SOllie vague continuity of traditions with the Pious Calipllatc; (c) and
'AI'abic was the official languagc. Now the Quran is aware of the
,existence of kings; it calls them 1l1aliks. But it refcrs to thcm like sonie
curious animals of foreign lands and of bygonc timcs, quite extinct
in Arabia. The living traditions of Arabia knew of monarchy.
Mu'awiv
a
, 'the Caesar of the Arabs', as thc Caliph 'Umar called
.him, has becn blamcd bvMuslim historians for estahlishing a here-
dItary nionarchy and of organiz.ing the nohle Arah clans into a
J!overning class. We are not here cpncel'llcd with cursing ilr praising
the great. statesman. Bnt the chief elements of the situation should
he overloi>'ked. (a) For Me(lina to govelll the whole einpim as
The T"rkisli. Govern/rig Class
09
:the subject territory of a dty-state in the same way as the oligarchs
.bf Rome had govern.ed. the of the ROIrian Republic
was out of the question. Public 0plInon would not tolerate it a I
no fnt:ntion of any authority sending
,_ f.O\!t, chstant HaZl'at Ali Inmself, consequently, moved
IllS capItal from Medllla to Kufa in Mesopotamia (I)) It t
'bI < was lIO
e. govern. an extensive empire, consistin g of a score of
.natIonalIbes:ac:ordmg to the popular and. democratic traditions of
the s (c) There was an acute danger that in this
llllgllistic .areas and national groups, the political
umty of the world, wlncll was necessary in that generation for
of the creed itsclf, would completely vanish. Now
nil and conflicts hy organizing a
.an anstocrahc Arab governing class. FrOm
,the vlew-pomt of Medllllte democracy it seeined a set-back But
it was an advance. A large part of the elripire still
pagan,. and Arab aristocracy could shoulder the twofold
,burden, of Islanilzmg the suhject people and their institutions and
.of puslnug. the of empire. Of course the subject
people all pohhcal pnvileges. But again, was there an
It IS to the credit of the Arab aristocracy that it fulnlled
Its miSSIOn so effectually in thrce generatIons that the Muslim world
could, afford to overthrow it.
.:', So.monarchy and a class came into existcnce COI1-
tlllued. for only in the prescnt generation are the Muslim
:Gountnes Ieanung without them. Now the Prophet's Shari'at
does not know .of though later legists recognize them
a,s facts .. The Shalt at, wlncll does not recognize monarchy has no
law for the succession to the thronc' the matter Iintl to 1 : <I t I
b ' . .. ... , < " le I egu a ec
. y and. conventlOll ,0r decided hy wars of TIle
Slwll at also no pnvileged class entitled to gOvern the rest
moreover, treason is not a crime known to the
Quramc. n l1ovcl'1ling class could not SlIl'vivc with.
.out ItS. or no Shal'!'at. In the history
.. .. Islam evCl y goverlllllg class has ))ulllshed its ot)iJortents
as ,was consistent with its OWIl welfare and
ItS. reputatlOnJ?r sort of justiee;ancl it Illls, in its turn, been
hy new Claimants to power. Whetller we
.co115113:r the .At-nh .aristocnic,; of the Uniayvad ndriod Or the G!turian
Iq.dta, niai!ltilirtecl themselves bv the same cniel methods
in. the salllC crud fashion bv those who knew
how to gaverll better.' . ... '. . I .
"
,:1\
1\1
,.'
':1
100
Politics "ne! Society dl/ring tIle Early Medieval Period
This brings us to an allied medieval torture, for :vhich the
overnh1ent, and not the Shari at, was wholly responsIble.. The
prohibited both torture and trial by ordeal; he declared that
confessions wrung by torture were inadmissible evidence; and he
prohibited putting .any man whatever Ius offence, except by
hanging, decapitatIon or crucIfiXiOn.
The qazis adhered to the Prophet's injunctions so far as Jay in
their power, but they were weak-kneed, submissive no
protests. But the governing class Houted the Prophet s mJunct.iOns
openly and shamelessly; and as a result the art of .tortm:e receIved
a high development during the .. ConsIderation for ,the
reader's feelings rather than lack of InformatIOn me.
describing its development in detail. But suffiCIent mformatlon IS
given in formal histories. The medieval jaTlad or torturer was a well-
known figure and an specialist in the infliction of pain. But he was
an individualist and tOltured one man after another in a solo game.
Our modern methods of wholesale destruction quite
his ken; he was only a trained working-man followmg an
profeSSion and not a scientific expert in high-grade explosIves and
atomic energy.
The Tllrkish Goveming Class
The Abbasid Revolution which overthrew the l.!mayyads A.D.
750 hatl the support of the Persian people, and dUrIng the penoeI of
tlle Greater Abbasids (A.D. 754-851) political power was .shared by
the katlill" hi"hh' .,\rabicized Persian families with tIle anti-Umayr
ad
Arab "'TI{e most important official family of the the
Barniakides, was of priestly Persian origin. But with the declme. of
the Abbasid caliphate towards the ninth century,. a new governmg
class emerged, the Turkish slave-aristocracy, It gradually estab-
lished its hold over the larger part of the MuslIm world.
The emergence of this new class has hy
my friend, Mr. S. A. Rashid: 'A number of
tip in the eastern and western domlllions of the caliphate,
when it began to decay and and these deve-
loped new political institutions, whIch had far-reachmg on
the social and economic life of the people. One of the m?st Impor-
tant of these was the institution of the Royal Slaves, was, a
most effective social and militarv instrument f?r the of
, the authority of the mlers. The slaves were tramed to aSSIst the kmg
in order among the people they llad ,subdued by force of
rite T(If'kM. Covernlng Class
101
arms. This remarkable institution of making soldiers and administra-
tors out of slaves was not peculiar to the Turkish empire-builders of
ninth and tenth centuries but can be traced back to Greece and
Rome. "
"In the beginning of the ninth century, when decadence and de
had set in the Ahbas.id Empire, the Abbasid caliphs first
later on forfelted,-their authOrity by purchasing
Turkish slaves from the Asiah steppes and training them at Baghdad
for the calling of soldiers and administrators.
"The Arabs conquered the Turkish lands in the time of Walid
FOS-15). When the Abbasids succeeded the Umayyads, they came
1I1to closer contact with their Turkish subjects and Turkish nei"h-
bours. The Turks paid a part. of their poll-tax Turkish
who sold .as slaves 111 IslamiC lands. These Turkish slaves wue
very highly pnzed hy the caliphs and the noblemen at the court
of the beauty their women and the dignified deportment
of . theIr .. St.rong In body, courageous, skilful in archery and
hOlsemanshlp, l11chfferent to fear and fatigue, possessed of great en-
durance and steadfastness in battle, they soon caught the fancy of the
degenerate descendants of Abbas and secured thc foremost place in
Islamic countries.
"The first caliph who employed the Turks as soldiers was'Mansnr
but in his time Turkish was small and of 110 poli-
hcal ImpOitance. By the hme of Amm (808-13), Arab predominance
had been :xtinguished by the preponderance of the Persians at the
court and III the camp. Mu'tasim (833-42), who succeeded AI-Mamun,
was born of a Turkish mother; he feared and despised the Persians.
was the first caliph to employ a large number of Turks; so man\',
m fact, that according to one Arab writer 'Baghdad became too small
for them'. He later on shifted his Turkish adherents to Samarra.
Quarters were assigned there to the Turks according to their tribes
and the location of their homes. were divided into detachments
with over them. The caliph was exceedingly anxious
that Ius Turks should maintain their original traits of character 11lld
to the family of He, therefore, purchased Tur-
kish and co,,?pelled Ins guards marry only Turkish girls.
The slave-gIrls were given fixed stipends and their names were en-
tered in registers, so that no Turk could either abandon or divorce
his wife. Turkish guards SOOn gained ascendancy in the court and
the camp, and any party wishing to obtain power 01' influence had
to their favour and secure their services. The following story vcry
well Illustrates the power and the influence which the Turkish party
i02 Politics ami Soclely ell/rillg tIre Early Period
exercised at the capital. The 'Caliph, Mu'tazz (866-69); once ,sum:
moned the astrologers and asked long he would live and
retain his caliphate. A wit who was present said, 'I know better than
the Being asked to specify the period of the caliph rule,
he replied, So long as the Tlirks please.' The caliphs mere
puppets in the hands of their erstwhile slaves, so that, according to
Jurji Zayd.an, 'Whereas at first Turkish captains swore allegiance
to the calIphs, presently the cahphs swore allegiance to them." As
their influence at the court increased, a larger numbers of Turks' pro-,
fessed .and migrated towards the west. In the year 350 A.H.,
200,000 of no fewer than five members' each adopted Islam.
By the mnth century the Turks had ,assumed the leadership of the
Muslim world in military and political affairs, and most! of the 'suc-
states' of the J\bbasid caliphate were foundcd either by
klsh adventurers or With the help of Turkish mercenaries.
"The Abbasid in,sttitutioll of recruiting the official bureaucracy from
mno?gst the Turkish slaves was adopted and elaborated by the, Sa-
mmllds. The were closer tl.lan the caliphs of Baghdad to the
sOurce from willch the raw matenals for a Turkish slave-bureaucracy
:vas the same tim: they had a strongei;
to tlam a pack of human watch-dogs l!l oider to protect
their penlously exposed dominions from the wild kinsmen of their
domesticated. Turks. The Samanid slaves were put through
a long in their appOint-
ment to lespollslble mllItmy or adnlllllstrahve offices. These slavec
soldiers anel founded new kingdoms or supplant-
ed the 1Il whose service they had been Originally trained.
The Samamd slave-system was parent institution which the Ghu-
rians covied and applied as 'all instrument of domination over an
entire bodY-SOcial of an alien civilization'." , , " '
From tl.le view-point. ?f the monarchs of Ajam a slave-bureaucracy
had c1efilllte polItICal and, other advantages. Accordhig fo the
law of the Shan at the slave could notmllriy without the pennission
of the master; the sons of a slavo were in'their tUlil slave'S of the
master; and, lastlly, when a slave died he WIIS." inherited not by his
sons but by his master. So fai' as it la)1 within the' power of the '!liO"
nardi, these conditions were ruthlessly imposed on all'the members
of thel slave-bureaucracy. It has to be added that in India the im.
position of these conditions on government officers continued long
after they had ceased to be recruited frOin the slave-market. Bernier
in the reign of Shah Jahan and Aumngzeh was suq)l"ised to find the
lIul11sal}(lars of the Mllghal' Empire heing subjected to these 'contJi-
(" r.
fllo TUl'kr." Gouel'llillS class
103'
tfons, from which fact he drew the wholly wrong conclusion that
India Was 'a socialist country'. Add to it, the most promising Turkish'
slaves of, the day were given an education, both in the art of war
and in the humanities, which was quite beyond the reach of the sons
of who in the succeeding generations were driven to con-
fine themselves to literary education exclUSively. The better type of
Turkish, slaves fetched a very high price and educating them for'
every' type of work the government may need was an excellent in-
vestment for the slave-merchants. They selected the young, slave!;
to be trained from a very large number of boys and had td be very
careful in their choice. Civil and revenue posts, including the
of the wazil;, wero still in the hands of heemen, but bv the tiineot
Sultan Mahmud all higher military comn1allds' and most administr'tt-,
tive commands had by long standing custom conie to be the mOno-,
pol)' of th13 Thrkish slave-bureaucracy. Thus partly owing to the ex-
education given to them, and partly owing to ingrained geniu5i
and stamina qf the Turkish race, the experiment of the slave-bureau-'
cracy was a tremendous, almost a dangerous, success. The great"
Turko:Persian empires depended primarily upon a steel-frame of
Turkish slave-officers' for their maintenance. E,'en distant Egypt came
tinder the control of Turkish slave-officers,called Ma1/leluks. But
the position of the Turkish slave-officers among the Mussalil'ians
must not be confused with the position of the Thakllrs in India. They,
stood for radically different traditions in social life, politics and wal",
The !lnclo-Tllrkish Slaoe-H"rea!lcracy of [:he Thirteenth
(Jentury
- The high mountains ofOhur in eastern Afghanistan; now lalown:
as :Hazara, had in the centuries before Islam been brought wHhin
the expanding orbit of Mahayana Buddhism, when "India had an' ex-
panding, and not a retreating, Ctilture. The whole territory
with Buddhist remains. The progress of Islam in the land was slow:
When Sultan, Mas'ud (A.D. invaded the region from Herat,
inost of the T\ll'kish chiefs of this tract were still non-Muslims.' IIi
the generations that followed, Islam in the form of the Karamiya sect
peneti'atecl into the land. Accounts of this sect have helm given by'
Shahrnslani and other writers of the period; it was, roughly speakill/!;
a touse between Islam and popular It imagined
that Allah. was seated on the upper portion of the Arsh (Throne)"jl.lst
as the Buddha. is depicted as sitting on the htllS. The were
matel"ialists or 1/l1l/llssimi'as; they nffinried that Allah cOil1cl desc(;,mf
(
104 Po/Wes ami Society during tTle Eady MedievlIl Perio,/
from His Throne and could also reascend, but they denied His omni-
presence. Simultaneously, a Ghurian.royal family, known as the Shan-
sabani dynasty, established its supremacy over the land. It was
quite unlike other Muslim monarchies in two respects. If we folIow
the succession-settlements recorde(1 by Minhaj-\ls Simj, we find that
a akin the joint-family system of the Hindus is in ope-
ration. lhe hereditary lands of the family are partitioned but the
unity of the family is maintained. Probably as a result of this, the
dynasty of Ghur was characterized by a warmth of family affections
not. in a?y other ruling dynasty of Islam. It was -quite com-
patible with tIllS system that the family should have three chiefs or
sultans-Ghiyasuddin, Shihabuddin, and their uncle Malik Fakhr-
uddin. Shihabuddin, though a mighty warrior and builder of an
empire, always considered himself to his elder brother.
a far-Sighted but ittdolent mler. Finally when Ghiyas-
uddm died 111 A.D. 1202 Shihahuddin divided the ancestral lands
between the heirs of his brothel', the chief of whom were Nasiruddin
Mahmud (son of Ghiyasuddin) and Ziyauddin (Ghiyasuddin's son-in-
law) .. The gr:at .Empire of Ghur, with Ghazni as its capital, Shih:l-
buddm kept m Ius own hands. It was his peculia, his personal achieve-
men:t' an:l not the hereditary property of the Shansabani dynasty.
Namuddm Mahmud, who neither then nor later showed any enter-
prise or ambition, qUietly accommodated himself to the decision of
his uncle, who seems to have had a velY low opinion of him .
. Ghuri had no son and his only daughter had died in
IllS lIfe-time. To an old man, who condoled him on the lack of an
hcir, he said that he had a thousand Turkish slave-officers to inherit
him. What arrangement Shihabuddin would have made for his suc-
cession, it is impossible to say, for his assassination came unexpected-
ly. !he militlary march to Ghazni was changed into a funeral pro-
cessIOn and, after an unseemly struggle, it was decided to take his
coffin to Ghazni. But who was to inherit Shihabuclclin? The heredi-
tary lands of Ghur and the empire of Shihabuddin seemed two differ-
(nf'. ],locks of property. What claim could Nasirnddin Mahmud have"
his uncle's The officers in charge were not prepared to
give up to Mahmlld the extensive tcrritories, which they
had helped Shthabuddin to conquer and which they effectively con-
troIled. So a compromise was arranged. Nash'uddin in return" for
presents gave letters of manumission (khatt-i azaeli) to the three
great slave-officers of his uncle-Qutbuddin Aihek, Nasiruddill Quha-
eha and Tajuddin Yalduz, and confined himself to his hereditary
lands. These' slave-officers, now legally sct frec, could assume thc
'f1"1 Turkisl. Governing Class 105
status of independent wIers by striking their Own coins and having
their names recited in the Friday Sermon or' Khtttba.
The territories of these three officers were consolidated into the
empire of Delhi, 'extending from sea to sea', by Shamsuddin Iltut-
mish. But we are here only concerned with the principles involved.
Firstly, when Nasiruddin gave legal freedom to the three great slave-
officers of his uncle and withdrew his succession-claims, all the other
GhUlian slave-officers were automatically set free, for you cannot
have. a slave without a master. Secondly, these officers were not the
slaves or even the employees of the sultan of Delhi, but his co-heirs.
They had all been Shihabuddin's slaves; they had built up the empire
by a joint enterprise under his leadership and he had appointed them
to their several posts. Formerly the Thakurs had governed the land;
Shihabuddin had put his officers in their place, and fhe officers were
determined to remain at their jobs, insisting that the empire was a
joint inheritance of all the slave-officers .of Shihabuddin. It followed,
thirdl!!, that the sultan of Delhi, who had to be one of them, could
only attain to his office with their corisent or the consent of their
leading chiefs. The imperial office was elective, at least in form. In
practice the leading chiefs, force and into rigue, combined to
. instal or to dethrone the monarch. Very often their attempt was to
put the crown into commission - to have a dummy king and to
do everything in his name.
Fourthly, the system was monopolistic and anarchic. The system
of imperial Ajam, Le. the right of the sultan to appoint, promote and
dismiss anyone he liked, subject to s_uch regulations as may be
frrmn(l, 'yas not denied in principle; but in practice the exercise
of this prerogative was impOSSible. Bakhtiyar Khalji, having
founded a principality of his own, was allowed to co-ordinate it
with the Delhi Empire; but the later treatment of the Khalji kingdom
of Lakhnauti by Iltutmish shows that a non-Turkish group of rulers
in the land was not'rlcceptnble to the sultan and his advisers. Since
the empire was expanding and new officers were needed, a certain
'amount of recnIitment of Turkish slaves for official purposes had
to be continued. Balban himself was such a slave. A very limited
11tlmber of Turkish immigrants or refugees from the northern lands
(like Amir Lachin, father of the poet Khusrau) were also admitted
hlto the official Turkish hierarchy and given the courtesy title of
sultani: or sultan's slave. But if the list of officers given by Minhaj
and Bm'ani along with all incidental references in other authorities
are carefully exainined, it will he found that alI key-posts in the
central as well as in the provincial and district administrations were
106
P,;/itlcs and Soc/ety dlll'jng tl,o Early Meillcoli/ Perlot!
the rnollol)oly" 'of the families of the Turkish slave.officers,
who had helped 'Shihabudclin in founding the empire. There was
no place for outsiders in this charmed circle of official hierarchv; they
could only enter it at the cost of their lives. The resentment in -official
circles was p!lrtic1,llarly blttei' against the Indian Muslims, from
in partictllar, a :very serious danger could be apprehended.
It was inevitable that the sultim should try to throw off this close
by organizing an official group of his own. Sultan Razia lost
her. throne and her life in making such an attempt. Nasiruddin Mah-
mud in 13.51 also niade a weak-kneed attempt in the sallle direction.
He Ghiyasuddin Balban frOm the post of vakil or regent
and placed the imperial affairs ill the hands of an Indian officer,
Raihan. But next year the Turkish slave-officers, who had been sent
their dish1icts, surrounded the sultan and told him that they,
mtended to go for the Hai pilglimage, which was the medieval way
saying that they intended to resort to force. The helpless ,sultan
Yielded to the threat; Balban, at time the doyen of the Turkish
bureaucracy, was reappointed, to his fOlmer post, and Raihan was
put to death soon afterwards'. Ghiyasuddin Balban when he came
throne talked a lot of nonsense about noble birth. This phrase
1ll could have only one meaning - that all appointnients
sh6ulu 'iJe to the sons of Turkish officers and that Indian con-
verts of IslatIi should he sternly kept in their place.
The anarchy of the Ghurijm slave-aristocracy was an inevitable
result of their 1ll0!1Opoly of powei' and office. Shams uddin Iltutmish
seems to have had no difficulty in controlling his officers but after
his death in 1236 thc flood-gates of trouhle were opened. Tho
concept of the ehlpire, or a common all-India administration, had
taken too deep a .hold over the mInds of men, or,. to he more exact,
it was a widely felt social, political and economic necessity. Under
these circumstances the Turkish officers tried either to'make them-
substantiaily independent in their governorships or districts
(iqta) or, in the ,alternative, organize themselves into a clique
that would dOrriinate fhe ;Delhi cOtirt. But everyone of' them was
as ambitious as his neighbour and declared, "I and nOne other"; so
apart froni' the principle that the Turkish group sllottld have a mono,
polY'of power, no ,general was possible. Under these
conclitions. offi<;ers revoll;s became endemic, 'and except in sOine
extreme cases, they ended I)-ot !Il for treason but in com-
prqmises, hased ,on trallsfers. When after
years of official ,marehy 1 ascended the' throne in 1260, bitterly
determined to assert the royal authority, he found that nothing short
th" TUl'k/.sh Gover:nillg Class
107
of the physieal. annihilation of the' Turkish slavecaristocracy would
ensure obedience to the central authority, and so t4is rea, c, tiori,ary,'
but able and ruthless king to wh01!l not only Barani Shaikh,
Nizamuddin !,-uliya gave the certificate of being a good Mussallllan
Was driven to' use murder, poison and assassination for crushing his
disloY!l1 subordinates. A considerable partoftlle group had to he
Simply Balban's policy of killing the Ghurian aristocrats
Was continued, by Nizamuddin during the reign of his successor,
and by, 1290 the Turkish official body was iIi no position
to resist, the destiny in store for it. - , ..
,Towards the end of the period of the Slave-kings (1206-1290), the
title of Chihalgani or forty fap:iilies was given to these Ghuriari
aristocr;tts. This number is purely fmmal. The highest officers of the
state never reached that number. If, on the other hand, we include.
Ghurian all persons who had key-posts' if\'
the at.1Iy nod the admll1!strahon, then even the number ,of. ,1;000
suggested by Shihabuddin himself is too small: They had all com-
p:iissioned posts in' the arrriy, i.e. posts from which promotion,' was
pOSSible, and all political key-posts, both centi!ll and local,' from
the Vaki'lship 01: Regency of the empire to the charge of the districts
and the kotwalships of the fOlis. But purely administrative posts,
even they were,' considered equivalent to ari:ny cOlllmands, and
, posts Ill, the revenue and clerical departments, however high, were
possible for others. ' ' ,
Ctmteniporaries' 'have naturally passed different judgments' on this
... curious group that governed India for about a century, but it is not
diffi.cult to form' a reasonable estimate. "It is useless to praise the
, valour, Qf a Turk", says Gibbon, and the Turkish slave-aristocracy
never found wanting in the field of battle. The empire-building
activity of the first generation is really' remarkable. COrriing from a
Central i\sian region of which few of them had the faintest recollec-
tiOn and to whicll none of them hoped or wished to return, and with
il(),childh6dd memories to sweeten their lives' except what they-
of the families of the slave-merchants who had brought
them 1.!P, the citizens of all lands and any land. They
qUickly' fi!lally accommodated therriselves to the conditions of
_al),d even c01istructed and endowed their mausoleums
aIld thejr graveyai'ds durillg their life-time, at carefully chosen spots.
But, J!fe is, sho!'t they on enjoying both war and peace, ;'
Few of ,them, )Vere hook worms, but all of therri were well educated.,
',spoke TU,rkish, but they were also at hOnie in 'Persian, ' which
had been their medium of instruction: They were prctrons and pro-
108 Pol/f/cs tlPlCl SoclellJ ell/l'ing 1110 Em-'v Moe//eolll PCI'I<Jd
tectors of the culture of the day. Whatever we may think of their
mode of acquiring their wealth, they spent it with a generous hand,
and were not seldom in debt to the Hindu bankers (sahus) of Delhi.
They drank profusely; they prayed and fasted with punctiliousness;
they patronized mullahs and dancing-girls with the same indifferent
generosity, the latter for this world and the former for the next;
but the mullahs, as many of them found to their cost, well not al-
lowed to sit in judgment on their private lives. Every variety of art
in the new land found in them a body of munificent benefactors-
astrology. mild varieties of niagic such as ramal (geoniancy), mural
phPngs which have unfortunately quite perished, hunting of every
kind, ari11itecture, education and scholarship. \Vith no calculations
for distant aims, they always worked for ,the relief of iminediate
and visible distress without regard to caste or creed, and, subject
to the traditions of the day and the interests of their class privileges,
they were fanatics for peace, order and, above all, for justice. To all
who were privileged to associate with them, whether Turkish or
non-Turkish, to their innumerable hangers-on, servants, dancing girls,
niusicians, to casual visitors, merchants and travellers from distant
lands, and above, all to the associates of their receptions or mailis-i
alsh, tJley were wondelfully fine fellows, polite, cordial and humorous,
with an urbanity of nianners borrowed from Persia and correct to
the last item of etiquette and good form.
But there was another aspect of tllis Turko-Indian slave-aristocracy
which the average Indian could not pOSSibly forget. Short in stature
but with a franie of steel that could stand both the strain of war
and the orgies of drunkenness, with a red face, red or flaxen hair,
a moustache that refused to grow and a pointed hcard ,of limited
dimensions, the Central Asian Turk was an odd, in fact a hideous,
figure on the Indian landscape, where people have throughout the
ages preferred mild and retiling characters. To the people at large
the Turkish slave-officer appeared presumptuous, self-asscrtive, hru-
tish and tyrannical; he struck hard at anybody that came across
his path, whether in the 'public street or when out hunting. The
puilishnient he sometimes meted out to his servants and others in
his wrath struck terror throughout the counhy. A great and inipass-
able chasm divided the governors from the governed. In the social
gatherings of the Indian Mussalmans, the presence of the governing
Turks was not welcomed, and, when necessary, was borne with
patience and resentment. The Ghurian Turks had built a state-
niachine to which at the time there was no practical alternative, and
people will always have to subniit, in such way as they can, to the
'TIre Tfirk/sl. Cooernlng Class 109
insolence of those who through their possession of power control
the livelihood of men. But the instinct of the- average Indian Mus-
liin was to keep out of the path of these Turks, and not to enter their
service except as a last necessity. No one wept at the tenible fate
that It "mately overtook this governing group after it had fulfilled
its The governing group, on its part, had no illusions about
its position. It enjoyed power but not popularity, prestige but not
respect. And so when it planned its graveyards quite against the
general usage of the Mussalmans, it took care to fortify them pro-
perly with a very thick stone-wall and commanding buttresses. The
Department has erroneously pub down these buttress-
ed graveyards as 'wall-type mosques'. They are the memorials of
one of the most UIlpopular and most efficient regimes that India
has seen. Several such gra\leyards can be seen on the road from tho
Qutb Minar to Tughluqabad.
By the time of Kaiqubad's accession, it was clear to all that the
personal ambitions of the Turkish slave-bureaucracy and its COniplete
lack of loyalty to the sultan and the central authOrity were utterly
inconipatible with, the' continuance of, the Delhi administration.
Either the one or the other had to perish. Balban in his attempt to
establish the central authority, as we have seen, had broken the
backbone of the body to which he belonJ1;ed, and which presumably
he wanted to preserve in power. Nizamuddin is credited with killing
a fair number by his sly and under-hand methods. Jalaluddin Khalji,
the old and non-revolutionary leader of a real revolution, temporized
with the Turkish officers in spite of one big rehellion and several
conspiracies. Here, as elsewhere, it was left to Alanddin Khajli to
complete the revolution, While marching on Delhi, he Won over the
Turkish officers from the side of Jalaluddin's family by substantial
presents of gold. But when his power was firmly established and
he needed them no longer, he ordered Nusrat Khan to see to their
complete liqtiidation. They were arrested, Barani tells us, and put to
death or exiled to distant forts; their properties, amounting to over
a crore, were confiscated and brought to the public treasury; their
fai:riilies and followers were overthrown. Only three officers of the
old regime were forgiven. Barani savs this was due to Alauddin's
appreciation of their loyalty to Jalaluddin's salt. But one of these
officers was a Khalji; another bore the Hindu surnanie of Rana; and
the third was probably an Indian Mussalnian of indifferent origin.
It was necessary to clear the field for the working of the new or
higher imperial system - a, system in which the bureaucracy would
be the creation of the central governnient or the state to execute
I
lIO
(, ,", b
Pol/!ic,. allei Societu dt/rlng tT,e Enrru Meilleval Period
'the policy laid . down by the' sultan after consulting his M ailis or
CouncIl. Hereafter, except during the two Mghan
archles, It was not possible for a govemment officer to claim that he
,was not a servant of the governme.nt hut pariller. All officers -
whether khans, maliks and ainirs of the Delhi sultanate or the
of the empire; - were creations of the imperial
power. Without tlus pnor revoluhonin the adrriinistrative machine
itself, Alauddin's rural revolution \vould have been irripossible.
, (1'bis, written in May 1952 for the revised edition of Elliot nn;1
Dowson s Illstoru of rnella, Vol. II, Cosmopolitan Puhlishers, Alignrh. Thotigh written
nearly two decades after the preceding article, it is, in fact, " continuation of th
same theme-EDrroR.) , e
PRESIDENTIAL AQDRESS
INDIAN HISTORY CONGRESS
IN 'tHIS SOLEMN AND SACRED UOUR, when our organization is meeting
for the first tirrie uncleI' the flag of a free and independent India,
it is our privilege and duty 011 behalf of ourselves and of students
of Indian history in yet t() come to pay our hurrible
tribute to Mahatma Gandhi and the leaders of the Indian National
Congress for their world-histOric achievement. This is not a
tion on which the opinion' of well-informed contemporaries can' be
overthrown by the researches of posterity. At a time when, in a:n
atmOsphere of inexpressible glODin, our country was lying
under the heel of the without self-respect, without vision
and without hope, it ple'ased the Lord to' send to uS the greatest
Indian teacher of all times; and under his divinely inspired
ante we have, after a bloodless struggle of thirty years, liquidated
peacefully and by rriutual agreement one of the most powerful em-
pires the world has seen. Neither the foreign wIer Ilorhis Indian
'tmderling has suffered anything in the process; the wounds and the
suffel'ings havebeell entirely 01.11'5, and ours also the glory 'of the
moral endeavour and accomplishment. No revolution so IJacific and
so momentous is found in the history of any land.
, But this great achievement, unfortunately; has beeil accorripanied
by a great fa:ilureand tarnished by a greater disgrace. Soon after
the Mutiny, the British Anriy CommissiOn evolved the formula' of
'counterpoise of natives against naUves'; and this formula was taken
up by the civil administration and applied to every sphere, incIud-
in'g the subsidization of pseudo-religiOUS moverrients, whose main.
purpose was the creation of fridionand bitterness. W'ith the insti
tution of corrimunal electorates, a hideous arrangement which no
western deniocracy would have tolerated for a mOpient, a political
platfonri was prepared for the perpetuation of cotlimunal conflicts.
Normally the representatives of a people are by their very' position
di'iven to' seek the interests of the people as a whole, and the rec6n"
Il2
Pol/tics and Society df/rlng tIle Early Medieval Period
ciliatioll of conflicting interests is one of their primary duties. But
the artificial arrangement of communal electorates provided that a
representative would be primarily judged not by what he did for
the country or even for his community, but by what he did against
the rest. The differences of religion, inevitable in a large country
like ours, were thus fused into two opposite political groups, and
their increasing hostility was inevitable as with each succeeding elec-
tion, and an expanding body of voters, all representatives were re-
quired to appeal exclusively to masses of their own denorriination.
It was obviously calculated that in this struggle the minority would
lean more an(l more on the foreign power, and try to prove worthy
of its support by sabotaging the national moveinent. So, finally, both
east and west of our constitutional, secular and democratic republic,
they have created the DOrriinion of Pakistan under the pretence
that it is a 'Muslim state'. Of the horrors with which this partition
has been accompanied-of the six million people or more uprooted
from the homes of their ancestors, of corpses that no one has been
able to count, and of crimes seen and credibly reported-this is not
the place to speak. But no amount of provocation by the guilty can
justify retaliation against those who are perfectly innocent. Musslll-
rrians, Sikhs and Hindus have proved themselves almost equaUy
guilty; and this mark of disgrace on the forehead of our generation
will be remembered for years to come. As a result of this hideous
criminality, the like of which is not to be f o ~ n d in the whole- his-
tory of our ancient land, no Hindu rriinority worth rrientioning has
been left in West Punjab and the Frontier Province; and as ap ine-
vitable consequence, which everyone with common sense could
have foreseen, the Muslim minorities have been ddven out of East
Punjab and the adjOining Indian' states. At the moment it seems
that the blaine for the destruction of the Hindu minority in West
Punjab and the Frontier rests entirely on the League leaders in
Pakistan, while responsibility for the, destruction of the Mosliiri
minority, as a retaliatory rrieasure, rests on tIle Hindu and Sikh lea-
ders of the area concerned. But it is evident to the discel11ing even
now, and will be accepted as an incontrovertible fact in course of
tiine, that another agency has been at work and is responsible fol'
the situation that has inevitably led to this holocaust. Alone among
the political groups of this country, the Congress High Comiriand
has retained its sanity and balance and has adhered, in spite of in-
creasing difficulties, to its conception of a democratic and secular
state, which derives its strength from the age-old moral and spiritual
traditions of our people. Judging from what it has accomplished, the
Presidential AdclreSs: IndlanHlsfory' Conllress 113
Nelllu cabinet gives us a fine'visiOn of the future national govern-
ment of India.
It is absolutely unnecessary to state that, so far as the historian
of India is concel11ed, tlie country has always been one and indivi-
sible, and will always continue to be so. The unity of Iridia is one
of the fundamental postulates of Indian moral consciousness, and
the longing for a centralized administration has been one of the
most visible and persistent demands of the political spirit of the
Indians throughout the ages. All the greatest ach,ievements of our
past have' somehow gone with the establishment of a central admi-
. J1istration at Pataliputra, Kanauj, Ujjain or Delhi. The breaking
lip' of India into two separate states, or law rriaking organisations
with exclusive citizenship, which creates a spirit 6f hostility, and
ill any case of independence and separateness, not only between the
governments but also between tile people, and the establishinent of
one of these states on a purely religious and communal basis-this
sort of monstrosity has never been knoWn to the history of our land.
The public opinion of the Indian Union perSistently demands a re-
unification of the country. I will humbly put it to our rulers that
they are not only responSible to their electorate and their party
organizatioil but also to history-to the generations that have gone
and the generations that are yet to come. National freedom without
national unity loSes three-fourths of its value, and the reunion of
India shoulcl be one of our primary aims. But if the universal verdict
of history is of any value, this reunion should be brought about by
peaceful methods. Force in modem times creates inore problems
than it solves, and the alternative to peace is death. No intelligent
Indian should talk of civil war. Our, demand foi' unity is based
on the fact that, in spite of the present political' arrangements,
the conception of a common citizenship continues on both sides of
the present artificial frontier. Given wise, 'statesman-like and patient
guidance-even on one side-this conception will in due course re-
assert itsclf in the political institutions of our people.
II.
Current political problems do not come within the scope of our
Congress, hut the study of Indian civilization in all its aspects is
our primary aim. It is also (as Carlyle puts it) the duty of the his-
torian "to tell what o'clock it is in the history of mankind".
On the fundamental unity of mir country-the sacred land where
the, bhv:k Sazelles graze and the mlln;a grass grows and the pan-
P!i-8
114
Politics and SocIety during t',e Early MedIeval PerIod
leaf is eaten, and where the material and the spiritual are organi,
cally interwoven-there has been no difference between the Indian
intelligentsia at any time .. But the character of that unity has differ-
ed from age to age, and I will content myself with examining one
aspect of it, which in some respects is of supreme importance.
Of the founders of Indian unity and Indian civilization during
the Indus Valley period and the ,centuries preceding it, no memory
remains either in legend or song. But it is possible to define the
racter of the civilization of the Hindus or the Indians (both these
words are derived from our frontier river, the Indus) as a unified
growth within the historic memory of our people. Its basis is Dharma,
the universal law of morality which must afways regulate the rela-
tion of man and man. Hinduism has no known founder, no dogma
or exclusive standpOint and, interpreted in its largest sense, it has
no scriptural texts in which all are required to believe. The Khwa-
razmian scholar, Abu Raihan Albel1.mi, in trying to discover a uni-
versalprinciple in the religion of the Indians in the early eleventh
century, thought he found it, first, in the doctrine of metempsycho-
sis, and, secondly, in the belief in the one and unseen God; tlw
Hindu intelligentsia, he tells us, "would never dream of worshipping
an image manufactured to represent Him. But philosophical atheism
has bcen freely" tolerated in our land and belief in
has not been so universal as Alberuni supposed. Still, the first foreij!11
scholar, who made a critical study of Indian 'culture-groups', could
not faii to note that supreme principle of Indiau civilization-the
principle of toleration-without which the co-existence of the cultur
e
-
groups would not have been possible. But he underrated its irripnr-
tance. "On the whole", he says, "there is very little disputing about
theoretical topics among therriselves; at the inost they will fight
about words, hut they will never stake thcir souls or their bodies or
their property on religiOUS controversy:' It was not to be cxpected
that in a country so large aU people would develop the same world-
philosophy or agree on a uniform mode of living. So almost from
thc beginning of our recorded history every Indian, who had thc
capacitv to do so, has been free to organize any sort of sect, philo-
sophical school, religiOUS order or sangha. The process, as we all
know, still continues. There was, if any thin\!, too much of freedom
and even criminal practices were tolerated where outsiders wcre
r,,)\. (mq7
med
. These culture-!!roups were hv their nature expansive
amI Jived by proselvtization. One aml all thev tried to e:et an all-
India statuS. for without such a status their footing could never he
senn.e, And in the 0t work? they ineyi-
. , .. -'.,
Pres!denf.{al Address Indla'n HMor . C ..., y ongres!
115
tably drew closer the between the .
by. All that is great in the history of the .of the coun-
achievements of the culture 0 Th u pen IS due to the
culture-groups was only tl e development of these
persecution is aHe;l religiOUS
as a necessary corollary that every Indian ha I t b ut It folblowed
some culture group TI . h { 0 e a mem er of
and guarantee his to protect him
advent of Islam made no essential difference .
chmactcr of our country Btlt \. d t 1 I In the general
I
. . . n or er 0 Itt Ie rt tl
po Ihcal purposes, has been laid over the h t f cuh lat, for
I feel bound to make a few ex I ntIS ory t e MIddle Ages,
in classical Arabic or Persian lh at a ory remarks. There is no term
'sovereignty' and 'state' which E a can express the conccptions of
tury. The conceptions 'themselve
tIrope
ebolved i'h the sixteenth cen-
His Prophet' are used b the Q s are a sent. T e term 'Allah and
dUling the last thirteen
Y
cent butdall edhucated Muslims have
I
' unes agree wit I Ab .
t lat there could be no questlon f t.. h
mam
u Hamfa
'All h 0 con mUlllg t e <JO\TP f
a and ,His Prophet' after the death f H f">:. _rnment 0
governments, thereafter, have been sec 0 All Muslim
tions of politicians for their polt I o.rgamzatlOns, cotnbina-
N
. I . I Ica 0 Jectives bou . ff
elt ler 11l India nor elsewhere dd d 1 l' rgeOls a airs.
Muslim state as distinct from lome leva Is am ever postulate a
a g vemment by M I ill
apart perhaps from a sort of spirit-con 01 d h
S
1m 0 cers-
ment of 'Allah and His Prophet' woulJ b
lllg
r?bl t at the govern-
Jesus Christ aIises or Imam Mal d. t e POSSI e once more when
, ] 1 re urns Con ..
govC111IUcnts and their posslllle alte t . M I cernmg eXlstmg
. ' , . ,Ina Ives us i . I .
cJOusness of the hi her t hI' . m Ie IglOus cOns-
Imam Hanhal d
to
ItheI traditions of
. . a n regal" e{ t lem . f I
orgamzatIon whose service IS fo b Id I as sm u
All I
r I{ en to t Ie true se k ft
a 1. In the religiOUS literature of tl I d >'6 J. e ers a er
.1 I. f Ie n Ian milS lms ther .
l( 0 IzatJOll 0 the great rtllers of D II . d f' , , e IS no
f
,. e 1t an so ar a 0 bl
re erence to conterriIlormy rulers is a od d s P SSI e, even
Ti
'i'r, JI ,VIe.
e 0\,)r\\ Ie ming mass of the Muslims of thO I
douhted Indian paternity. It is true th t tI IS . and have an un-
lim families in India wIlo cIat.m 'f a. are mntlmerable Mus-
. a orel.2'n oncrin b t thO mI
IS purely fictitious. Owing to the Selin Gh 10-' u IS a lahon
of. Central Asia and Afghanistan, SUell invasions
mIgrated to our country in distres l' t g v s as could do so
teenth centuries. It is these he
l
twelfth the thiI:-
who have given us the onl block or' . . not t Ie so-called lllvaders,
the histolY of the Middle 1ges. But whort1h mentioning in
I I Y as leen cO!11pletely
116
PolitlC$ and SocIety durIng the Ear/y M edlimal PerIod
lost, and no one meets Central Asian Turkish families in India tod.ay:
As to the Indian Muslim 'foreigners' of the last four 0/ five centunes;
the general practice has been that a converted to Islam
called a 'Path an', while a converted workmg man and peasant IS
pushed still higher and becomes an Arab of the Quraish tribe. Most
converts to the new faith belonged either to the lower peasantry
of the countryside or to the working classes of the cities, and mostly
to the latter. There is it complete histolical justification for the claim
of the 'Quraish' and 'Ansar' political organizations that between
theniselves they represent 80 per cent of the Mussalmans of. India.
Their proportion is in all probability higher still. The Muslim
group or 1Ilillat has always been what it is today-a b?dy
primarily to the indigenous working. class a.nd pe.tlt bourgeOIsIe.
This is also the primary reason for Its survIval, m spIte of the com-
plete disappearance of the TUl:kish .
In days when we were suffermg from an mfenonty complex owmg
to the brutal fact of a foreign government, which seemed unshak-
able we made the best we could of our medieval Rajput rajas and
Turkish sultans. That attitude is no longer necessary; and the plain
truth has to be told that all our medieval govemments were intensely
exclusive aristocratic organizations. Some of them worked for the
public good; others most certainly did not. one and all they. were
confined to the cream of the aristocracy-RaJl)tlts among the Hmdus,
Turkish and Afghan bureaucrats and nobles among the Muslims. War
and politics were games which only the well-born were allowed to
play. The governments were in no sense governments of the people.
An analvsis of the officers of the Mllghal and thc pre-Mughal govern-
ments (if Delhi will reveal the plain and sad fact that Muslims of
.lt1 (lian hirth were rigidly excluded from the higher military and civil
ollice!? of the state. An Indian Muslim had as little chances or hc-
coming war-lord of the empire of Delhi as a had of .as-
cending a Raiasthan throne. The so-called Mushm penod of Indwn
history is really the Turkish period with two Afghan interludes in
between. It seems ironical giving. the name of Muslim period to .a
time when the Mnssalmans of India, by the IInfortunate fact of thClr
birth, were exchHled from all high offices. The position of the Indian
Mnssalmalls in the Middle Ages was, if a very rough simile he al-
lowed. not 11nlike that of the Indian Christians during the British
Dcrioc1. The democratic spirit of Islam and its principle of equality
has been a powerfnl social influence among the indigenous Muslims,.
hilt it would he vain to regard our medieval period as an expression
of Islamic deniocracy or Islamic equality. Neither of the two great
l'resMeniial Address: Indian Illstory Congress
117
of the Middle A.ges gave to the Indian Muslims the !'epre-
sentahon they have got 111 the present Congress regime.
To sum up: government during the Hindu period had been a
function of the aristocracy, never of the culture-groups of their lea-
ders. The same principle of political organization continued dUling
the Turkish period with a change in the personnel of the governors.
Two refOlIDs in this time-honoured system, which was becoming
unworkable, were attempted by Akbar the Great. Firstly, he
COiribined the Turkish and Rajput nobility into the Qureaucracy of
the Mughal Empire with remarkable success. Secondly, in con-
sonance with his policy of sulh-i kill (universal peace), he made a
vigorous attempt to harmonize all Indian culture-groups. In the
semi-religious and non-religious spheres, like architecture, painting
and music, his success was significant. But in the purely religious
sphere he failed completely. We need not be surprised at the fact
that the greatest of our medieval rulers failed in achieving what
Indian public opinion alone can accomplish. '
The English government succeeded against its EurOpean rivals
because, among other things, .it was out to establish not the do-
minance of a Cltlistian culture-group but merely of an English
governing class with the help of existing Indian vested interests,
and of interests specially created to support the foreign power. So,
on lUl.nd, it subsidized a conflict of culture-groups. and
established fOr itself the 'prestige of being the sole possible arbiter
between them. On the other hand, it felt that as a governing
authority it would not be able to function successfully unless it
deprived the culture-grou[>s of it Im'ge sphere of their power. It
is to this fact that we owe the establishment of the modern judiciary
and the promulgation of the Anglo-Indian codes. But even here.
it had a historical precedent to follow. Criminal law even in ancient
times had been a function of govel11ment. The M11ghal Empire
had developed its own system of cIiminal law, independent of the
shal'i'at and the shastras, along with principles of adjudication
where litigants of two different culture-groups were concel11ed. .
The probleni niust not now he' viewed in its medieval setting..
The situation has completely changed. While on the one hand,
Akbarancl all previous rulers could only give us an all-India or
imperial government, the national movement has given us a sove-
reign or law-making state. On the other hand, the cnlture-gi"oups
have also completely altered their basie character along with their
aims and objects during two centuries of British rule. Thc old culture-
gnju'p provided for its members the road to salvation. Incidentally
118
Politics and Society during tl.e Emly Medieval Period
it also promised a 'culture-group paradise' and denied that paradise
to all other culture-groups. But since their pOints of differences
could only be settled in the other world, there W;lS no difficulty in
working on the principle of religiOUS toleration here below. The
modern culture-groups have completely shifted their ground; they
have become 'communities' seeking their material interests at the
expense of other communities and the general body. There is little
or no theological conflict in the land worth mentioning; only the
niatelial interests of the old historic groups are involved. ' And since
matcrial interests, unlike spiritual values, are believed to be hostile,
so that one group can have nothing except at the expense of another,
the conflict has become increasingly bitter. The only rclatioll
between the modem community and the old culture-group is the
fact of physical descent and such historic continuity as physical
descent involves. The spiritual values so dear to the culture-groups
of the past have almost completely vanished; simultaneously what
("<1" in the moral and sphitual acquisitions of the old culture-
groups -has become the inheritance of all Indians. The tragedy of
it from the view-point of the Indian nationalist lies in the fact that
while the historic culture-groups are more ancI more inclined to
materialism and, I feel sorry to add, even to gangsterism, the hold
of the 'community' over the individual is as complete today as it
was in the Middle Ages. It is impossible even now to be an Indian
without being member of an Indian community. There is, I believe,
at present no graveyard in the land to which an Indi;ln could lay
claim merely on the basis of his Indian citizenship, and admission
to everyone of them lies through some community-rite. ' Apart fr?ID
the meagre and insufficient provisions of the Act of 1873, the Indlan
citizen has neither a law of marriage nor a law of inheritance. Social
conventions and social prejudices, stronger than they have ever
been in the past, strengthen the slavery of the individual; he is
completely at the mercy of the community and its leaders in every
sphere, including even the sacred sphere of his personal and do-
mestic life.
This I believe is the real challenge of the hour. The old culture-
groups' have (as' already remarked) no longer any specific spiritual
concepts nor any particular modes of life, except such as
vived through dead habit. It 11as been generally accepted m Incha
since Akbaes time that there is little or no difference between the
fundamental principles' of religions, and our communal leaders do
not raise the religiOUS issue. The struggle is entirely between the
self-seeking comm'tmities, descended froni the old culture-groups,
Presidential Address: Indian 111.story Congress 119
and the national welfare as represented by the state. The present-
day 'communalist' is a creature of tradition, a tradition so vitiated
as to be next door to barbarism. The future 'citizen' will be a
creation of laws consciously planned for the public good. The
fundamental task of the Indian state, therefore, is to create 'a na-
tional culture-group' or 'a national community', which may inherit
all that is best in the culture-groups of old and set us free from
the vicious interests, which are seeking to domin;lte over lives. The
process requires a thorough uprooting of old and proved evils and
a careful co-ordination of elements of proved value. Differences of
reli
6
i,",r. thyre are and will be; in this there is no harm. But unless
the revolution succeeds in creating one state, one law and one na-
tional community for the whole .land, we will be faced with a period
of anarchy such as India has never witnessed in the course of her
long and much-troubled past. ,
III
The history of the British period can now be written, and it is
to be hoped that it :will be written without enmity or resentment-
that all defects of Imlian character and Indian institutions, which
made the foreign rule possible, will be frankly confessed and every
element of value that We have received from the Britisher will be
gratefully recognized. The material for it in this country, though
not complete, is both extensive and unexplored.
We have, further, to face'the fact that our historical
vision will and must undergo ;1 complete change with reference to
all our past. History, of course, begins with fact-finding. But there
are always gaps between facts, and theSe have to be filled up by
some sort of hypothesis. History at its very foundation cannot,
therefore, get rid of a certain pragmatic element. There is, on the
other hand, the personal equation of the writer-the tendency, for
example, of niany historians like Froude, Emile Ludwig and Harold
Lambe and, I add with ,considerable hesitation, a fairly lar!1:e sec-
tion of our own writers on ancient and medieval India, to live in
a dream-world of their own construction. The temptation of
pandering to the fanaticism of our culture-group or community, I
feel confident most of us can resist. But we have to take care that
the traditions' of our culture-group do not subconsciously colour our
vision. History, as a Persian writer has rightly remarked, is quickly
'exported from the academy tQ the hazar and "shopkeepers, .who can-
not distinguish white from black and black fr01ll whIte, confi-

Politics and ..So.cle!y du,.ing tI,e t!:arly Medlevat PerIod
dently venture to pass judgments on historical matters". In the
peculiar conditions of our country, when history as a subject of
basic education will be taught to an increasing number of raw
youths on a nationcwide scale, we cannot be too particular about
the moral issues involved. The historians must speak the truth. On
that question there can be no two. opinions. But history is a
science; the histOlian is not only concerned with facts but
also witH judgments; and this involves a conceptiOil of morality and
The Greak historians wrote to show the supremacy of the
hee-born Greeks over the barbarians, and the ROmans to hmV on
the right of the aristocracy of their city to dominate the world. A
very large number of English histories of the nineteenth century
were written to serve the cause of British imperialism. The Indians
also have to find. some standard, subjective !IS well as objective. If
we are true to the teachings of our greatest thinkers from the com-
posers of the Vedic hymns to Mahatma Gandhi, our moral standards
will be universal and absolute. Every man and every movement
must be judged by the highest standards of morality of which that
age was capable. Humbly, but confidently, I feel that if we here
could adopt for history the standards accepted by our ancestors for
the highest interpretation of religion and ethics; it will be a refresh-
ing and much-needed contribution to the historical vision of man-
kind. If, on the other himd, we merely write to justify the exploita-
tion of one group of Indians by another in our own country-or of
man by man anywhere-our freedom has been wOn in vain.
It is to be hoped that the national governments will be able to
do something about a matter that has been distressing ITiOSt of us-
provision of the basic material of history. The National Archives
is an excellent institution, but its scope is limited. The Archaelogical
Department deserves the gratitude of all students of history, but
its sphere of work has to be expanded. The basic material for the
history of a country like ours would include everything from tho
stone-implements of the earliest man to the latest government re-
cords, and iny humble suggestiOn. is. that we should have at Delhi
a National Institute similar to the British Museum and Provincial
Institutes at the provincial capitals. The material collected should
not be COil fined to history only; evelything that concerns Indian
culture should be there. The unfortunate fact is that individual
errort and entell.:nise can do very little ill this sphere, and the
devehpnicnt of sound Indian scholarship is conditioned by the state
undertaking this necessalY task. 'Without it we are helpless. All
available material should be provided at one place 01' at a few
p,.eslclent/"t Add,.ess: tndian ttlsto"y Congress 121
spots. My humble suggestion is that we should
\?ut our heaus together and submit a complete and detailed pian
tor the consideratiOl1 of our governments.
The proper and necessary sphere of state-action is the provision
of including all other that are necessary for its pro-
pel sU:h as .the pubhcah.on of. photographic copies and
of hanslatl9n whIch. pnvate e?terpnse WIll take up. But the
state . mterfere l1l the queshon of intell)retation.
OrgamzatlOns like ours are entitled to p!lrtial help from the state,
but these grants should be unconditionaL The writing of histoIies
shoul.d not, as a rule, be directly subsidized by the state and the
creation of rrionopolies in textbooks is objectionable on many
In those rare cases where a work of great historical
ment, or of merely local value, cannot find a market, its publicaHoll
should be left to state-aided and semi-official bodies. Under the
old regime we wrote in a spirit of constraint; even when we wrote
courageously, the fact of foreign domination deflected our minds in
some directioil or other. . Our national leaders should nOw be willing
to pass on to us a fraction of the freedom they have obtained. A
state-dominated interpretation of history is one of the most effective
means. of. sabot;aging democracy, A free India implies a free history
of IndIa 11l wh,lch every pOint of has a right to be heard. Free
and untralIimelied discussion will lead us to the truth; and there
is no other way of reaching it.
The I wish. to submit is necessary in view of
the COJl{htIOns of our country, and fear that it may raise
?ontroversles not justify silence. MQst writers of Indian history
the It has to frankly confessed, have belonged to the
culture-group and this fact has inevitably coloured their
VISIOn. Modern works on Indian histOlY do not show any antipathy
to the peasants and the working classes, but their attitude to the
higher cIa;ses has been one of uncritical adulation. So apart from
s?me spe.cllic phases-the constitution of the Hindu village organiza-
tion, for IIlstance, or our medieval land-tenures-the life of the Indian
working classes has received scant attention at our hands. The general
tendency has been to turn away from the problem; the little good that
ha,s been .done t? .them by our revenue administrations and royal and
anstocrabc chanhe.s hqs been boastfully recorded. The great mis-
fortunes under whICh they have lahoured throughout the centuries
go unnoticed. ! do not .wish to postulate the theory of
nor ani I unaware of how difficult the application of
tIllS theory becomes when, regardless of the fact that it is based on
122
PolitiCS' tll1d Society during tIle Earlu Medieval Period
the experience of Europe during the modem machine-ilge, it is
applied to all countries and all times. That the lower classes have
always been taxed heavily to JIl.aintain their superiors is undeniable;
but considering that mun over the larger part of the earth's surface-
Australia, Mric;l south of the Sahara, Siberia and the two A!rie-
ricas-has been unable to make any progress in the CQlirse of
history, it is difficult to decide whether, in the interest of humanity
as a whole, aristocratic and bourgeoisie leadership has, or hils not,
deserved the price it has exacted. Still the fact remains that we
are content, like our predecessors, to survey the Indian social land-
scape from the foot ot the royal throne. The let of the Indian
worker and everything connected with it, his wage], the prices, of
commodities necessary :ior the maintenance of his family, the strug-
gles of his life, his joy!;., his sufferings and his hopes-all there arc
a virgin field for the Xlistorical investigator. The material is not
so plentiful as one COJid wish, but industrious investigation will
enable us to get a fairly complete picture. The same applies to'
the culture of the working class groups; a few elements of it have
worked their way into recognition, but most of thern have only
been noticed i t ~ order to be condemned. The free India of today
demands an urgent rectification ,of this 'oversight'. We are 'at the
thl'eshold of the machine-age. MQSt of our future problems will
be labour problems and problems of soci;1.1 reconstructi.on. It is
not our duty to knock down old temples; every element. of value
in them must be preserved. But we have to build a D I ~ W shrine.
The tendency towards socialism wfll gain in weight add volume
as with every succeeding year the working classes strive to come
to their own. The historian must not fail to do his duty by India
as, in the gE,nerations to come, she marches forward cOUl'ageously
and hopefuHy to prostrate herself with reverence and devotion at
the mist-shrnuded steps that lead to the shrine of her neIV-found,
classless God.
(This Presidential Address was delivered' at the tenth session of the Indial! Historv
Congress held at Bombay in December 1947. \:his was th" first session of the Congre;s
ofter independence-EDITOR.)
,. -
India and Asiatic Environment
"
.'
THE ARABIAN APOSTLE
DARK AS WAS THE CONDITION of the world in the sixth century of
the Clllistian era, the light of morning was also near. The efforts of
countless generations and a series of progressive revelations had at
last prepared mankind for the final message. On the 9th of Rabiul
Awwal1 (20 April 571 A.D.) the Arabian Apostle ':Vas born at Mecca
to herald in the last and the greatest revolution in the religiOUS
consciousness of mankind-a revolution based on the conception of
human equality and brotherhood and the worship of the One and the
unseen God, in which the teachings of Abraham and Moses and
Christ were to find their rational consummation. TIle biographers
of the Apostle declare in their symbolic language that fourteen towers
of the Persian Emperor's palace fell down on that day while the fire of
famous Zoroastrian temple was mysteriously put out, and the bed of
the river Sawa dried up all of a sudden.
2
But what really fell was
the power of the Magian priesthood, whose mysterious ceremonies
and want of faith could no longer bolster up a tottering throne, and a
formal and sect-ridden Christianity, which for several generations had.
deluged. Asia Minor with blood; and with them, as the vivifying b r ~ ~ z e
of monotheism blew over the landscape, bringing peace and strength
and joy to the hearts of nien, there disappeared niany horrid. cults
and degrading beliefs, which had been hangilig over the minds of
their votaries like a thick and pestilential fog. 'Islam'-resignation to
the Divine will and '3 superb, haughty conteinpt for the powers of
evil-was the spirit of the new faith. Out of the embers of three
decaying civilizations, there was fashioned a new social order of
1. Scholars have differed as to the date of the Apostle's hirth,' hut it Is agreed
on all hands that the month was Rahiul Awwal and the day was a Monday al1c\
that the date was between the 8th Rnd the 12th. Now the second Monday of
Rabiul Awwal fell on the 9th, which mllst therefore he accepted as the date of
the Apostle's birth. The 'lucstion has been well discussed in a pamphlet hy ihe
Egyptian scholar, Mahmlld Pasha Falaki.
2. This trndition Is very popular, but, as the author has proved elsewhere, its
ur,tl) if:' dt)b is questionable.
Ie
126
Pol/tIcs and Society during the Early MedIeval PerIod
terrific strength, with the hope of eternity throbbing in its b6s6ni and
the light of moming sparkling in its eyes.
In order to preserve the eloquenc;e and .the traditions of the desert.
which they so highly plized, the nobles of the Arabian cities had
established the custom of sending' their children soon after their birth
to be nursed by women of the Bedouin villages.
3
For two or three
days after his birth the Apostle to whom the name Mohammed was
given hy his grand-father, Abdul Muttalib, was nursed by his mother
and then by Sawibah, a slave-girl of Abu Lahab. Soon after a num-
her of women from the tribe of Hawazan came to Mecca to procure
some children of the aristocracy to nurse, and from amongst them,
the Apostle was assigned to Halima Sa'diya. That lady was at first
reluctant to accept an orphan boy but as she was unable to find any.
one else, she consented to keep him.
4
The young child found a
congenial home in the family of his foster-mother and always retained
the warmest affection for her and all her family. When Halima came
to see him during the Apostolic period, he ran up to embrace her
with the words "My mother! My mother!" on his lips. His foster-
fathel', Haris, also came to see hini. "What is this you preach?" he
asked. "The dav will cOine", the Apostle replied, "when I will prove
to you the truth of my assertions I" tIalima
5
and Haris joined the
new faith with their son Abdullah and their daughter Hazaqah.
generally known as Shima, but unfortunately nothing is known of
the Apostle's two remaining foster-sisters, Anisah and Hazaqah.
After he had been with her for two years, Halima brought the
Apostle to Mecca, but as a was raging there, Amina asked
her to take hiin back again. At the age of six he was finally returned.
to his mother.a Judging from the Ap-ostle's later opinion, the experi-
3. Even after the Umayyad dynasty had beeli established at Damascns, tbe custom
continued and princes of the royal house were assigned to Bedouin women to' I,e
hrought up in the atmosphere of the desert.
4. Sahli declared tbat the prolession of a paid nurse was uot considered respectable
and HaHma's family only undertook it owing to a severe famine that year. But such
aristocratic ideas must have been' confined to the noble families of the cities because
wcf. 'arlyu hear of Bedouin women coming to the cities every year to procure
children from the rich families.
5. Ibn-I Kasir says that HaHma died hefore the Apostolic era, hut this is Incorrect.
The fact of her conversion Is stated In the Tarikh-l lbn-l Kha"cmo'" the H oda-I Ibn-I
]allz! and the Muktasar Sunan Abl Daud of ManzI. Hallz Mughlatai wrote a special
treatise' on the subject (Zorqan/, Vol. I, p. 170). For the conversion of Haris, see
Am/mil Ii A"ivalt. Scl.aba1" puhlished hy the Matbai Sa'acTat, Vol. r, p. 292.
6. There is difference of opinion as to the Apostle's age at the time, Ihn Isha'}
gives it as six years.
The Arllbfan A"odltl 127
ment had proved a success. "I am more eloquent than others", 'he
used to say, "because I combine the blood of the Quraish with the
dialect of the Hawazin."7
In the same year, it would seem, Amina took her son to Medina
on a visit to her husband's tomb,8 but during her retum journey
after a month she died at Abwaih and the Apostle was brought back
to Mecca by a woman-servant, Ummi Aimen. Young though he was,
the Apostle remembered many incidents of this short sojourn at the
scene of his future activities. "This is the house in which my mother
stayed", he remarked to his companions once when they were passing
through the settlement of Banu Adi, "In this pond I leamt swimming
and here, on this plain, I used to play' about with a girl,
;' Anisah I" His grand-father, Abdul Muttalib, became his guardian
after his mother's death, but two years later Abdul Muttalib also
died at the patriarchal age of eighty-two, and his weeping grandson
accompanied the funeral procession to the grave.
9
The sad event
suddenly changed the balance of influence and power in favour
of the Umayyads,. whose leader, Harb, succeeded to Abdul Muttalib's
pOSition, excepting, the office of Saqqab (giving water to pilgrims),
held by the Apostle's youngest uncle, Abbas, no other dignity
remained in the hands of the Hashimites. .
Of the ten . sons of Abdul Muttalib, Abu Talib and Abdullah were
children of the same mother, and Abdul Muttalib before his death
had aSSigned the Apostle to Abu Talib's care. The latter looked after
the son of his deceased brother with an affection and tenderness that
left nothing to be desired and loved him more than his own sons.
The young boy wandered about the desert looking after his uncle's
goats and eating berries with a freedom and happiness he loved to
(',,-Jater life .. When he had reached the age of twelve, Abu
Talib for one of his trading journeys to Syria. lIe was reluc-
tant to take his nephew with him on such an arduous venture, but
7. Ta/Jaqa!-I 11".-1 So'd, Vol. r, p. 71.
8. appears to have hcen tho real ohlect of the journoy. Abdul
mother belonged to the Najjar tribe of Medina, but this distant relation could hardly
have. induced Amina to undertake such a long jOllmey.
9. Ahdul Mn\talih was buried at Hajwnn. Dr. Ml1rgoHouth (Mohammed, Pl'. 45
to 40) neeuscs AI"lul Muttnlib of not keeping his granelson well. The statement i .
hascd on n trnclition of BukhnTf. In days when wine was still penulttcd to Muslims,
A"hns killed n camel belonging to Ali in a Ilt of dmnkenness and fried its heart and
liver; and when the Apo.tle went to protest against the act, Ahhas ventured to call
hini "My father's slave". Bnt words' spoken in anger and intoxication can hardly he
considered as scientillc evidence,
:\
Ii
128
Pollliow and Society during 1/16 Early Medieval P9rlocl
the latter clung to him and would not be denied. Abu Talib had
to yield. On reaching Basra, uncle and nephew lodged with a Chris- ,
tian monk, named Bahira, an inciden:t which has drawn the attention
of Christian as well as Muslim writers.. This is the leader of tho
Apostles, the monk is said to have remarked as soon as he saw Abu
Talib's nephew. "Why?", the monk stated that he had actually seen
the trees and stones bow to the Apostle as he descended down the
hill. The story, however, rests on a tradition the authority of which
is very questionable,lO, '
Some time after the Apostle's return, the 'sacrilegi0us war'll broke
out bctween the tribes of Quraish and Qais. Both tribes assembled
all their families but the Quraish led by Harb defeated their opponents.
The Apostle was present on the field by the side of his family and
kinch'ed, but he refrained from raising his hands against the enemy.
"Apart from the fact", Imam Suhaili remarks, "that the war was
waged in the' sacred months, the strife was one between heathens
and and a Mussalman is not allowed to fight except for
the of Allah." The war was foIlowed by a fact, known as
the. lIalaflll Fuzul12 by which the leaders of the Quraish swore to
defend the helpless and to exclude tyrants from Mecca. Nothing
camc of the pact, but the Apostle who was one of the Signatories,
{.' r ':". ,
io. Sir '\Villiam Muir, Draper, Margoliouth and other Oriental writers look on the
Bahira incident as a compliment to Christianity and would have us believe that the
teachings of Bahira were the real source of Islam. But apart from the impossihility
01 initiating n hoy of twelve into all mysteries 01 faith, the tradition, if it is to he
accepted at all, mnst he accepted in the form in which it has come down to us.
It says nothing ahont Bahira instmeting the Apostle in anything whatsoever.
The tradition itself is declared by Tirmizi to be "weak and improhable" (l1oson tvil
glwr!"), One of its narrators, Abdur Rohman bin Ghazwan, is declared hy some
eminent scholars to he unacceptahle. "Ahdur Rahman often narrates incorrect tra-
ditions", Zahahi says in the Mlzonul I'lidal, "and the most incorrect of them is
the story of Bahira." The same critic after quoting Hakim's statPome
n
! that the Bahira
tradition comes up 10 the standard of evidence required hy Muslim ond Bukhari
declares that in his opinion several parts of the Bahira story are manufactured lies
(Tolk11lsul MtlStatlrak). Sec also AsalJal. hy Ahdur Rahman hin Ghazwan. Bilal
and AI", Bah are saicl to have accompariied the Apostle. hut AIm Bakr was very
young then and Bilal was altogether non-existent; on this ground HaRz Ihn-i Hajar
considers some parts of the tradition unacceptahle and declares that Ahdur Rahman
hin Ghazwan was often guilty of error. Lastly, the chain of narration is allogetl"'r
incompJete nnd we are nowhere told as to the contemporary eye-witness on whose
outhority the tradition is hased. It must he, therefore, rejected.
II. Becanse waged in the sacred months.
12. So named after its Ilrst signatories. Tobaqal, Vol. I, p. 82.
Tile Arabian Apostle 121)
often declared in later life that he would have preferred it to 'red
camels.' .
He was soon called upon to render a more distinguished service.
The sacred building of the Ka'ba was then a mere ,enclosure and
the wall it ,:"as not more than a man's height. . More-
over as It was sItuated m a depreSSion, the rainwater of the city
Howed into it and a dam, that had been constructed to keep it off,
often broke down owing to the impetuosity of the torrent. It was,
therefore, decicted to pull down the building and construct it again
on stronger. foundations. Walid bin Mughira purchased On behalf
of the Qurmsh the planks of a merchant-ship that had foundered off
the coast of Jeddah and brought it to Mecca with a Roman mason
Th.e. parts of the sacred building were apportioned
vano';Is famdies and the work went on amicably enough till the
questlOn, who was to lay.the sacred black stone, nearly led to blood-
shed. Everyone was anxiOus to have the honour for himself. For
four d,ax-s a bitter strife raged and SOme of the claimants with cha-
Arab impetuosity dipped their hands iri cup of blood to
resoit1tion to win or die. On the fifth day Umaitha
bm Muglura, the oldest of the Quraish, suggested a compromise.
They were to accept as their arbiter the man who first entered the
holy ground This was agreed upon and as a happy chance
would have It, pet:son who came first was the Apostle himself.
He performed hIS dehcate duty to the satisfaction of all parties.
placing the stone in the centre of a sheet, he asked Quraish
chIefs to catch hold of the comers, and after it had been raised to
the required height, he placed it in the wall with his own hands.
It was a symbolic act: "I am the last stone of the Apostolic edifice."
. The sacred building was completed and roofed.l3
For centuries before the rise of Islam the Arabs had been a nation
of traders. The Apostle's uncle, Abu Talib, was a merchant and
he also took to the same profession when he attained the Me of
discretion and wanted a means of livelihood. He was clear,
straight-fonyard and soon won the good-will of those who Ind to
,13. For want of sufficient huilding material, the new huilding did not cover the
whole of the old enclosure, and a part of it was perforce out. This Is now
known as Hatim. A wall was drawn round it to mark its outline and after the
entry into Mecca the Apostle wished to pull down the huildinf! and constmd it
Afresh so ns to covor the whole of the oM snered ground. Bllt he refraIned from
doing so lest the feelings of tl)e new converts should he disturbed. For tho
fnct. of the nhove pnragrnph, .ee Ibn-I Hisham, Tnbari and Znrqanl, Vol. y,
PP. 232-40 and Bukhari. .
PS-9
I
C
,Ii
130
Politics and Socletv durlll(!, Irl(1 Ea"'v Medieval Period
deal with him. They felt they could rely on his word and deed,
and loved to call him the 'honest merchant'. Abdullah bin Abil
Hamasa, one of the Apostle's in. days to come,
a curious incident: "I was making some husmess With
the Apostle when 1 took leave and promised to immedwtcly.
But, somehow the promise slipped out of my mmd, and when on
recollecting it after three days 1 hunied to the the Apostl?
was still standing there. 'You have put me to much
he said without the slightest indication of displeasure on Ius brow,
'I have heen waiting for you here !!ll this time.' "14 In those days
persons who could not themselves cart their stock fraT? market to
'rP:jI,ket entrusted their helongin?s to trade,l:s
C rinct pgid the latter a part of the profit 111 compensatIOn for thC/r
pains. Such a partnership with the Apostle was eagerly sought, for
he was absolutely clean in his business dealinp:s an.d scrupulously
considerate of the rights and claims of others. tra-
'velling and Apostle saw a good deal of the Arahlan world .the
course of his journeys.15 Apati from Syria, wh.ich had
with his uncle, it has been proved that he tWice VISIted Jarsh 111
and when, dUIi.ng the Apostolic period the ambassadors of
Bahrain came to see him, he told thelTi that he had travelled ex-
tensively in their country.16 , '. .
When he was ahout twentYcfive, the Apostle s husmess d.eahn!!s
him into touch with a distant cousin17. of his, a WIdowed
lady of forty, named Khadiia. .she was so nch that the
C01'Owons marched out of Mecca, her stocK alone was male
tllat of all the rest. She had two sons ancl a dm1!!hter hy pl'CVIOUS
hushands, and her chaste life had won for, ,her thc, of
'Tahira' or the Pure. Attracted hy the Apostle s honest and strm(!ht-
forward character, she commissioned him to take her goods to Basra
and promised to pay hini a higher share of the than hc got
from others. Three months after his return, she sent hIm a
of marriage. Though Khac1iia's father was clcael, her uncle was st.Ill
alive, but with an Arah woman's innate love for freedom, she pIe-
14 Stmal1-i Abi Datld, Vol. II" p. 236.
15: The Apostle may have seen the Persinn Gulf at Bahrain and the
in his journey, but no value, in niy opinion, can he attached to Dr. 8
conjecture that he niust have heen on a sea-voyage because .the of
sea and storm in Quran have the vividness of a personal expenence. Nmther (OcS
,: the evidence hefore us prove that Iw ever visited Egypt.
16. MtlSllOcl Imam Han/Jal, p. 206. .
17. The 'Apostle and Khadija had the same ancestor in the fifth generahon.
The Arabian ApOstle
131
ferr?d to settle the matter on her own initiative,18 TIle Apostle
havmg consented to the proposal, the nobles of the Quraish assembled
at Khadija's house on the appOinted day and Abu Talib recited the
marriage sermon. The rnihr (marriage settlement) was fixed at five
hundred dirhams of gold. The unioq. proved to be a very happy
one.19 .
, tl5 Arabs idol worship was the order of the day, and the
monotheIsm of Abraham had been almost forgotten. "The gods were
many. They were the patrons of septs and tribes, and syinbolized,
so to speak, the holy unity which united the present and past mem-
bers of Above .them all stood Allah, the highest and universal
God. By Ibm the hohest oaths were sworn; in His name treaties
and. covenants were sealed; the lower gods wei'e not fit to be invok-
ed StIch cases they belonged to one rarty instead of standing
ove! . both. But smce Allah ruled over al and imposed duties on
It ,;as not that one could into special relations
WIth HIm. In worshIp He had the last place, those gods bein!t
preferred who represented the interest of a specific circle and
,fulfilled the private desires of their worshippers .. Neither fear
of Allah nor reverence for the' gods had much influence. The dis-
position of the IlCalhen Arabs, if it is at all truly reflected in their
poetry, was pr?fane to an unsual degree. Their motives to noble
deeds are honour and family feelings; they hardly name the gods,
much less feel any need of them. There is nothing mystical in
these hard, clear and yet so paSSionate natures."2D TIll'ee hundred
sixty idols had heen placed in the Ka'ba, and the Quraish, who
pnded its guardians, placed before the pilgriinS
opbon of lIke the Quraish or remaining nude while
gomg tIle Ka ba. Most of the pilgrims, we are told, preferred
,the alternatIve, and the holy ceremony was performed in a condition
of lludeness.
Even hefore the advent. of the. Apostle there were minds thought-
ful enough to, revolt agamst tIus senseless heathenism., Of these
18. It is statcQ hy some traditionists that Khadija's father was drunk at the Wne
of I:er niarriage hut protested against the inequality of the marriage when his
,sobnety returned. This is, however, incorrect and Suhaili has conclusively proved
that Khndija's father had died before the Unholy War.
19. The facts appertaining to the Apostle's marriage will be found with 'more
less detail in rhn-i HI.hman. Ibn-; Sa'd and Tabar!. For an exhaustive treatment
see Zarqani, Vol. I, pp. 232-236. I have selected from these accounts the
that appeal'ed to me most certain. ' '
20. Wellhausen, Etlcyclopaedla Brltannici. ('Mohammedanism').
132
Po!lllcs and Society durIng tlw Ellrlv Medieval perlod
Ubaidullah bin Jahsh, Warqa bin Naufal, Usman binul
Ilawaris and Zaid bin Amr bin Nafil are best known. Warga and Us-
man accepted Christianity, while Zaid died with a pathetic regret on
his lips: "0 Lord I I would have worshipped Thee in the true form,
had I but known it." The Apostle is known to have met Zaid some time
or othcr.21 Warqa was his wife's cousin, and, according to one
tradition, an intimate friend also. He is also said to have been
present at a sermon of Qas bin Sa'dah at Akaz, but this is doubtfu1.
22
,
21. Bukharf.
22. Qns's sermon has been quoted by many works on lltcraturc lind as it of
short lind rhyming sentences, European critics have imagined it to be the model
of the Qurnn. The tradition will also he found in various lonns In Baghwf, Azdi,
Bnihaqi, Jah!z, etc. but it is pllrely an invention amI most of I.ts narmtors arc not
only "nreliable Imt <lowmight liars. The, question has heen discussed by Sul'uU
In hi. Ua!!""'"! ns well as th" AlInmn Znlmhl, Hallz Ibn-I Ilajarand others, Though
the t!'aditton is traced through variOUS sarid of narrators, who nrc credit;d with
inventing false .traditions, Mohammad bin Hajjaj, a narrator common to many
.erics, Is (kclm""l hy Jlm-i Mu'in to be a 'villain aod a Har' while Jhni 'Adi credits
him with the fnlse tradition of lInrisn.. Concerning Said hin
who Is respnns!hle for another series, Ibn-! Habnn states tIm! "he attributed ,false
to truthful people and either invented false traditions or else got other people to
Invent them for him". Qnsim hin Ahdunah a",1 Ahmad bin Sa'd, who are res-
110nsihle for another series, ore notorious for thoir false trudltion, nalhaqi quotes
n long story about Hie traditions in which Ahu Bakr qllotes the wholc sennon
of Qns hin Sa'doh hom memory, But, as Hafiz Ibn-i Hajar h(l.' it is
n pure inventfon. For II furtlter discussion, see Talsl/ ...1 Laallul MaslIa'all, printed
In Cairo, pp. 95-100.
In the time of the Umayyad and Ahbnsld caliphs a cnriolls custom had hecn
evolved, Contemporary men of letters were asked to compose sermons and verses,
which were intentionally attrihuted to preIslamlc or early lvfl1slim heroes, Mohammad
hitl bhnq bih Yasar, whom Imam Dukharj considered to he' rellahle enough
for a tradition in ]tlztll Qara-at, was in the hahit of asking contemporary
poets to write verses on the Apostle's wnrs which 1,0 latcr on included in his work
(Allama Zahahi, Mlzantll ltIdal, p. 92). I1m-i Hisham hasnttributed hundreds of
verSes to Kharlila. AIm Talih. AIm Bakr and others the langna!!c of which clearly
: shows them to be later fohdeations, and even I1m-! Ilishnm often confesses tha!
"nlnny literary critlcs consider tnem to be spurious". The obvious motive was a
glorlfication of lslmn, either the advent of the Apostle was foretold or it was at.
tempted to supply evidence for some event of his life. Thus the sermon of Qas
bin Sa'dah contains the lines: "'I,VeJcome to t1le Apostle, whos advenl is near.
He shan lead aright those wIlD follow him and those who resist and oppose him
shaU be doomed to perdition." Often the Qumn itself was taken as a model
for these later-day compositions. Professor MitrgoJiouth himself testiSed to this
fact (Mohammad, pp. 21-63). A comparaUve sfmlv of the ehn"!!es the Arabic language
has undergone will easily !:nah1e the critic to discern the time of tl,eir composition,
but it is curious to find that European writers should have mistaken these
spuri!fns verses of the Urrmyynd nnd tho Ahbnsld period for the pre-Islamic com
positions in imitation of which they pretend the Quran was composed.
b
tIle ArabIan Apostle
133
The Apostle's ,own attitude towards 'd
compromising negations throughout E 1 ola,try olle of un
congratulatect himself all the ',ven In hIS childhood he
vented him from joinin a fottune that an accident had pre.
He refused to eat the ttgesl m
f
ee
WI here old stories were related
. d 1 0 amma s sacrifi d t 'd 1 .
, to m Hce his persolllli friends to ,f,' f ce 0 lOS and tried
neighbour o11ce heard a COllversat'le lam rOm :"orsl1ipping them. A
Allah, KhadiJ'a" tile A )()otl lOn between him and his wife "By
, ' I ,> 0 was saying "I '11 '
or Uzza." "Well then" KI I" I" WI novor worshiI) Lal.>
'd' " ,lac IJa rep led, "cast . 1 L b
aSl e Uzza.' It speaks much tor ',aSI( e a and cast
that his wife shOUld have bee l' happIness of his married life
f h
,n us lIfst convert 23 H'
I;) t ose days were remarkable f I " , IS personal friends
chief. of them, Abu Bakr occ . or t Ie . punty of tneir lives. The
of Islam, The Apostle' . ur
les
a umque position in the history
cousin, Hakim bin H', was a so on intimate terms with KhadiJ'a's'
th
.. lzam, One of the greate t Q . 1 .
e proprietor of the Dar N d s uralS 1 nobles and
till the eigbtll th: hizam not converted to
not lIlterfere with hi;alfe t' f ltght, but religIOUS differences did
h' If c lOn or tne Apostl H
Imse at Medina with a cloak worth flft 0 e. . e once presented
purchased as a present for the A t1 y"g ld pieces, which he had
. pos e., 1 cannot accept a present
23. MUS1la(1 Im';m Hanlml V I IV
Q
. h ' 0 ,p 22 Lab d 'U
, ura,s. Dr. Margolio"t}'s assertion tha; th' . an zza were Idols of the
Uzza before going to bed is based 0 h Apostle used to worship Lab and
pretation of the text of this tradition OPe e5sly incorrect and inconsisteni ihter-
worship (K )'d I ' ' . e statement that the (th Q '
I (lOU lOS IS wrongly attributed to th . Y e uflush) used to
c ares that the Apostle sacrifleed " goat t 'u Apostle, The same writer also de-
Wellhnusen. There is a statement to th? JUt quotes no authority it exc t
goography but apart from the fnet th t IS cct in Mujarnul Baladan a treatise '!n
authority On tradition, ti,e particular a work can lay no claim to being an
liar. Chris.tiall writers, who wish to r lS tie to the invention of Kalbi a notorious
of, idolatry, are fond of referring t: ave
t
the ;'-postlc confonned to the practices
Apostle had a son named Al ,1 I 'u a fa< I Ion In the Tar/klt-; Sag hi>' that tl'
, )uu zza (creature f 'u . lC
was correct, it would prove nothing more th'an 0 Z7":!. Even if the tradition,
before her conversion gave tl' that KhadlJll, who worshipped '1 I
,< us nnme to her - 1 ,1(05
It. But the tradition is not correct !l d anr the Apostle merely tolerated
the opinion of the lending tradition;s!s 'I n I be interesting to uo!e
Oll whose authority it is based M', a ',Othlt ,Jmad bill Abi Uwais, the first na%ator
b th J'" '. II awm )in SaJ'h'''' . .,
o unrc .able. Yahya bin Mttkhlab' "II (1 J: IsmaIl and his father are
Ima?, "He is weak and un;eliable"" a liar and quite \vorthless."
a liar, Warqatni: "I do not bellcv I . asr bm Sal",a Mamz;, "II I.
SaiE hin Mohammed: "He' m" f n [Ismail's authority for a corect traditio on ;,
h h
If nnu ac"lres alse trawt' ,. .'
as Imse confessed to me til t h . lons. SaJma bin Sh 'b "H
tr d' . II w en..,vcr there is d1[. al. e
a ." lhon On his OWn account." The II h ., a 1 erence of ?pinion he invents
danll' . that flU' from himself taking art! onhes before us state with the utmost
Apostle tried to induce his intimat: f' n.,! e practices of prevailing heathenism the
nenus to keep aloof from it. '
134
Po/!l/cs lIud Soo/etll ,Iurlug tllCl EII1'I11 Medieval Perl",!
from an idolatot', the hitter replied, "but I shall take it if you will
consent to accept the price." Hizam had perforce to take the mOney.
In his later years Hizam sold the Nadva to Amir Mu'awiya for
a hundred thousand dirhams and distributed the money in charity.24
Another member of the circle was Zamad bin Sa'lhall, a physician.
Tradition records that on returning to Mecca after a long absence,
Zamad saw the Apostle in a street followed by a mob of hooting
children. As his enemies had spread the fUmour that the Apostle
was mad, Zamad approached him with the assurance: "Mohammed!
I can cure people of insanity!" The latter, however, replied in brief
and trenchant words which converted Zamad to Islam on the spot.25
Happily married to il lady of considerable wealth, and immersed,
to outward view, in business affairs which often entailed long jour.
neys, the Apostle's inner thoughts were concentrated on questions
far different from those of barter and .sale. "This deep-hearted son
of the Wilderness, with his black eyes and open social
deep soul", Carlyle says, "has other thoughts in him than ambitiOn.
A silent, great soul; he was one of those who cannot lnlt he in
earnest; whom Nature herself has appointed to be sincere. While
others walked in fonnulas and hearsays, contented enough to dwell
there, this man could not screw himself in formulas; he 'was alone
with his own soul and the. reality of things. The greAt Mystery of
Existence, as I said, glared-in upon him, with its terrors, with its
splendoUl's; no hcarsays could hide that unspeakahle fact, 'Here am
1 I' Such sinCCl'itl/, as we named it, has in very truth something of
divine. The wor<l of such a man is a Voice direct froln Nature's
own Heart. Men do 'and must listen to that as to nothing else-
all else is wind .in comparison. From of old, a thousand thoughts
in his pilgrimages and wanderings, had been in this man: What am .
I? What is the unfathomable thing I live in, which nien name
Universe? What is life; what is Death? What am I to believe? What
am I to do? The grim. rocks of Mount Ham, of MOllnt Sinai, the
stern, sandy solitudes answered not. The gre.'lt Heaven rolling silent
overhead, with its blue gtancing stars, answered nat. There was
no answer. The man's own sOIlI, and what of God's inspiration
dwelt therein had tQ allswer! .. , The jargon of argumentative Greek
Sects, vague traditions of Jews, the stupid routine of Arab Idolahy;
there was nQ answer in these .. , Use and wont, respectable hearsay,
respectable formula : all these are good or are not good. There is
24, Asahnn, Hlzam; Mustlad Imam H<mlJal, Vol. lIt, p. 463.
25. Istiab and Asabah.
135
something behind and beyond all these, which all these must
pOlH\ with, be the image of, or they are-Idolatries; 'bits of black
wood. to. be God'; to the eamest soul a m.ockery and
ncvel' so gilded, waited on hy the IH'ads of tho
Korelsh, <;10 1I0thmg fOl' thiS. mall. Though all men walk by them,
good lS It? The .great s!anc\s glaring there upOn him, He
thete has to It, or perIsh miserably. Now, even now, or else
through alt etcrlllty never .. Answer it; thou must find an answer-
Ambition. vVhat could all Arabia do for this man; with the crown
of Greek Heraclitls, of Persian and all crOWllS ill the
Earth-what could they all do for him? it was Hot of the Earth he
wanted to hear tell; it was of the Heaven above und the Earth,
beneath .. ."
Three miles fro111 Mecca was a cave ImQwn as lUra, the declivities
of a mount of the same na111e. Thithor the Apostle often retired for
weeks and months together, and oIlly came home to take back a
fresh supply, of vVhat was his 'prayer' in these long and
lonely SO]OlllllS?, MecMahon und thoughtfulness, says the commeil.
tary on BukharJ; but perhaps the real movement of the Apostle's
thought not unlike the arguments of the Apostle's thought that
had convll1ced Abraham in days of old.
"And thus did We show Abraham the Kingdom of heaven and
ea!:th, so that he may be among the faithful.
When !hc darkness of night enveloped him, he saw a star, 'Is this
my Lord? he asked, But when it had set, he remarked: 'I do not
like the setting ones.' ,
"Next the moon al'Ose, he asked: 'Is this my Lord?' but
::rhen it 11ud set, he again remarked, 'If my Lord had not led me
l1&!lt, I should have been among the erring people.'
Lastly, he, saw the Sun rising and asked: 'Is this my Lord? Is this
th.e greatest? But when it had also set, he declared: '0 people I I
wIll l1?t bow to you sot up (with Allah). I have turned myself
excluslVely to Hun who has originated the heavens and the earth
and I am not among the polytheists: . '
"And his people disputed with him. 'Do you dispute with me
about who has guided me on the right path', he answered, '1
fear nothmg from those .(gods) you set tip hesides Allah, unless it
pleases my Lord. All tlnngs are comprehended in His knowledge.
, Why do not think of it?" (The Qutan, chapter VI, 9).
On Heme", llcl'O-,V"r"ltip <1m/ !he Heroic in Histol'y, Oxford University Press,
1912, ',Y F' , (EDITOR);
136 Politics and Society during the Early Medieval Period
Wet:e. of. silent and thoughtful preparation for his
mISSIOn III life. He had been musing, reflecting and
medltatmg constantly but it was not till the age of forty that
the nrst revelation was vouchsafed to him.
(This article appeared In Jubilee Numl;er of the AI/garlt Magazl"e, 1925-EoITon)
.'
HINDU SOCIETY IN THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES
I
THE GENERAL HABIT OF TALKING of Islam and Hinduism as antithetical
terms has often created, not only among outsiders but even among
the Hindus themselves, a misunderstanding as to the fundamental
character of Hinduism. Islam is the name of a body of religiOUS
dogmas in which all Mussalmans must believe; there are, of course,
great differences of individnal temperament and, as is notorious,
Muslim sects differ very widely in several questions of considerable,
though nQt of primary, importance. Still it may be stated with con-
fidence that every Mussalman believes in one God, the Quran, in
the mission of the prophets and in a future life; he is also bound to
perform the four cardinal duties of the faith-prayer, fasting, hai
and zakat.l "This book", says the Quran, "there is no doubt in it, is a
guide to those who guard (against evil), who believe in the Unseen
and keep up prayer and spend out of what we have given them; who
believe in that which has been revealed to you and that which was
revealed before you and are sure of the hereafter. They are on a
right course from their Lord and shall attain to salvation." Now
Hinduism is not a religion in this sense; there is no religious or philo-
sophical dogma which a Hindu, as a Hindu, is bound to subscribe
to. He may believe in one God or in many gods or he :nay not believe
in a God at all. Orthodox Hindus have generally believed in the
Vedas hut that, too, is not absolutcly necessary; apart from the fact
that of the Vedas has been prohibited to all except the
Brahmans and the Kshattriyas, the Jains and Buddhists, who are
rightly classified as Hindus, do not believe the Vedas at all.
Unable to find any common element of dogma, critics have often
fallen back on the social organisations of Hinduism and declare it
1. lIe 1111"t pray five times a day amI fast during the month of nama?nn. Tho
pilgrimage to Mecca is obligatory on all persons who can afford it. The zakat is
a charity-tax of pcr cent on income. The 1nst two duties nre only hinding on the
well-to-do. Fasting and prayer are obligatory for all.
(
138 Politics all,! Soc/ety durlllg tI,e Early Meelleval Period
be m.lOther for the caste-system. Hinduism they would say,
a socml orgal11zatlOn and the grand characteristic of every Hindu
IS the observance of the rules and ceremonies of the recognized caste,
?r the to which he belongs. So long as he observes them, he
IS, aH,mdu; when he breaks away from them, he leaves the fold of
HmdUlsm and go back it a&ain. In this carefully regulate:l
system, everyone IS alloted Ius partIcular place-if he leaves his
he the system also. \Ve must not forget, however, that
tIll a comparatively late date in the history of Hinduism, castes w']re
merely distinctions of occupation; the rigidity of the caste-;,ystem
not go .back bcyond the ninth or eighth century of the Chris-
han era anclm the palmy days of Hinduism there were comparatively
few obst(lcles to the transition of an individual from one caste to
The unity of Hinduism, if 'we view it rightly, does not lie
d?gmas 01: its social system, but in its historic continuity as a
elvllIzatIoJl and Il1 the processes by whch its philosophy, art and soi-
ence have been evolved, The insularity for which Alheruni blames the
Hindus was quite distinet from the fanaticism Qf religiQus bigots; it
was IlQt the principles of Islam they disliked but the manners and
ellS toms of the Mttssalmans. They were nQt anxious to eonvert and
it was t:cH,ltnmination rathcr than conversion which they
most. \\' IHle of the greatest religious differences amongst
themselv.cs, found them l;tostile to all foreigners. "They call
them MII?cha, .I.e. unpu.re, and forbid having any connection with
be by ?r any other kind of relationship, Or by
slttmg, eatII1g or dnnkmg wIth them, because thereby, they think,
tIley would bc polluted. They consider as impure anything which
:' "I)('Jlre and water of a foreigner; and no household can exist
wIthout these two clements. They are not allowcd to receive any-
body who does not belong to them, even if he wished it or was
to religion. This too renders any connection with them
qUlte ImpossIble, and constitutes the widest gulf bctween us and
them. all mann:rs thcy differ frOm us to sHch a degree
as to fnghten thell' chIldren wIth us, with our dress, and our ways
an:l customs, and as to declare liS to be the devil's breed, and our
,as the. very. of all that is &,ood and proper"; to which,
wIth 11ls habItual unpartlallly, he adds: vVe must confcss, in order
to be just, that a depreciation of' foreigners 1I0t only prevails
us and the Hmdus, but is eonmion to all nations towards each
other. 2 It was not, in other words, a conflict of religious heliefs hut
2. To whi:h I that believing in the Vedas is not like believing in the
Quran but hke behevmg m an anthology of Arabic religious literature.
Hindu Society In tlw Early Middle Ages 139
of civilization and culture. A foreigner could no more become a
Hindu in the tenth century than an .Asiatic can become a European
today "even if he wished it or was inclined to their religion".
For a picture of Hindu civilization as it existed at the time of
Sultan Mahmud, we have at present to depend alinQst entirely on
the Tal'ikhlll Hind, which has absorbed aU that was good or valuable
in the woi'k of previous Muslim writers. Alberuni's of matters
he considered to be of importance-the religious and philosophical
ideas of the educated classes, the principles and methods of Hindu
sciences, particularly astronomy, Hindu chronology and metrology- ,
is both accurate and detailed. But there are many questions we con-
sider illiportant of which he tells us nothing. The word 'Rajput', so
fanious in the annals of later ages, is not to be found ill his monu-
mental work, though he cm1 find some space for referring to the
outcaste Domas and Chandalas. He attaches no importance to the
controversy of the Shaivite and Vaishnavite sects, which had come
into prmninence during his days, and dismisses it as a silly quarrel
about word. lie seldom refers to contempQrary or lvluslim rulers and
only incidentally to some Hindu kings of the past; neither will he
tell us anything about the organization of the Hindu states, their
cor.rt (r"relnonials or their system of taxation. Unlike the Arab mer-
chant-travellers, who had an eye for places where they could
do good business, Alberuni does not care to describe the industries
and COmmerce of IIindnstan. On all these varied matters we arc lcft '
either to vague and insecure guess-work like Tod's, or the partial and
insufficient information supplied by epigraphic and archaeQlogical
records. On the various aspects of Hindu culture, however, from the
calculation of the eclipses to the making of idols, Alberunfs classical
account can hardly be improved upon. His analysis of the religious
ideas of the Hindus has a historic significancc Cp.1itc apart from its
philosophical value. He was priniarily concerned with the beliefs of
men then living and only indirectly with the achievements of Hindu
philoSQphy in the past, and there can be little doubt that his carefully
wordcd statemcnts of Hindu doctrines arc bascd on the long dis-
cussions he had with Brahinan teachers, during which he seems,
by a method somewhat similar to the famous dialectics of Socrates,
to have driven them to the most consistent interpretation of their
doctrine substantiated by references to their sacred literature. Sub-
jected to the critical process, the gods and goddesses of the I-lindn
pantheon vanished into thin air, and the Brahman guides, somewhat
reluctantly, led the foreign investigator to the religiOUS ideas con-
cerning the supreme being, the factors of the phenomenal world
Politics alld Society durillg tIle Early Me,lIeoat Period
and the path of liberation in which alone the educated
of the day believed.
II
,Hindu Society as AlbertIni saw was sharply divided into two sec-
.hons-the educated Brahmans with their philosophy and science
and the vulgar, superstitious multitude. The former were heir to the
accumulated learning of centuries; they looked at the world criti-
cally and ,scie,ntificaliy, and had, at least by the eleventh ccntury,
lost all 111 gods, and demons, idols and temples, and even in
trachtlOnal customs of Aryavarta to which . they nonethelcss
stn,etly adhcred .. Side by side with them there lived the image-
IOVlllg crowd with the most preposterous notions about history and
geography, astronomy and physical science. A hostile critic would
have concentrated his attention entirely on the latter, but Alberuni
that every civilization is to be judged by its best elements
UJ:d' r'ol"l;:" conccrn:cl with the wisdom than the folly of the
Hmdus, "Vlnle b!ammg the Brahmans for doing nothing to bring
the masses to a Illgher level, he is alive to the difficulties of the situ-
ntion :,an never forget that every society has its
and Vices, If we pass from the idcas of thc educated amon,", the
Hindus to those of the common people, we must first state'"' that
they a great variety, Some of them arc simply abominable,
but sunilar errors occur in other religions. Nay, even in Islam we
1ll,1ISt deddedly <:lisapprovc, for example, the anthropomolvhic doe-
b:mcs, ,the teacl?",lgs of Jabbriya sect, the prohibitions of the
of rcliglOus tOpiCS, and such like. Every religious sentence
destmed for the people at large must be carcfully wOl"(lec1,3" , The
cdllcatcd among the Hindus abhor anthropomorphisins of all kinds
but th,e crowd and the members of the Single sects use them most
extcnsl\c!Y The), even go beyond all we have hitherto mentioned,
so as to sp:ak of wife, son, daughter, of the rendering pregnant anel
processes, all in with God, They are even
so pIOns, when speaklllg of these things, they do not even
fr,om Silly and language. However, nobody
mmds classes and theu' the ones though they be numerous.
The mam and most essential pOint of thought is that which the
think, .believe: for. are specially trained for pre-
selvmg and mUlntallllllg their reltglOn, And this it is which we shall
explain, viz the belief of the Brahmans,"4
3. Albertmi, p. 31.
4. Ibid., p, 39.
Hindu Society {" the Early Middle Ages 141
Nothing could be more erroneous than the general opinion of most
Christians and Mussalmans that the Hindus were an idolatrous and
polytheistic people at the beginning of the Middle
Indians were shy then, ancI are so even now, of avowlllg theu' sceph-
cism in public, but Alberuni's observations prove quite conclusively,
that in spite of the general impression to the contrary, there were
few sceptics and no polytheists among the educated Indians he came
across. "The Hindus", he says, "believe with regard to God that
he r \,:,it.hout ancI, end, actin& by free-will,
alrmghty, all-Wise, hvmg, gl\'lIlg Me, rulmg, prcservmg, one who
in his sovereignty is unique, beyond all likeness and unlikeness,
and that he does not resemble anything nor does anything resemble
him. In order to illustrate this we shall produce some extracts from
their literature, lest the reader should think that our account is
but hearsay. Says the book of Pataniali: 'lIe is unattainable to
thought, being sublime beyond all unlikeness which is abhorrent and
all likeness which is sympathetic ... He is high, absolute in the idea,
not in space for he is sublime beyond all existence in an" space. He
is the pure absolute good, longed for by every created being. He
is the knowledge free from the clcAlement of forgetfulness and not
knowing.'5 In the book Vishnlt-Dhanna we read: 'God is with-
out first and without Jast; he has not heen born from anything, and
he has not borne anything save that of which it is impossible to
say that it is lIe and illst as impossihle to say that it is not He."6
This is what educated IIindus believe about God. They call him
Isvara, i.e. self-sufficing, beneficent, who gives without receiving.
They consider the unity of God as absolute, but that everything beside
God which may appear as a unity is really a plurality of things.
The existence of God they consider a real existence, because every-
thing that exists, exists through Him. It is not impossible to think
that the existing things are not and that He is, but it is impossible
to think that He is not and they nre."7
!III
But God so conceived cannot be the immediate cause of the changes
5. Ibid., pr. 27, 28. I hnve only selected Or two illllstrotiom: from the consider ..
ahle number given by Albenmi. There is also a little transposition in the quotations .
. 6, IlJin., p. 77,
7, Ibid" p. 31.
142
Politics and Society durIng tI,e Early MedIeval PerIod
.that Vl,'e see on all sides in the phenomenal world.
8
How are we
to account for these changes, or to use the technical tcrm of Alberuni,
cadicln? To this the Hindus replied by rigorously analyzing the world
of into twenty-five factors, whose interaction was to <'x-
plain all phenomenal change. Alberuni complains that Hindu ex-
planations of these factors are rather hints than clear speech, but
he admits that they are capable of a scientific interpretation. These
factors comprehend not only phenomena as objective facts but
also its cognition: (1) There is, first of all, the soul or ego (pw!lslw).
It is the living element in the existing world. Life is the only attri-
bute which they give to it. The one great ohject of the sonl is
knowledge. The not-knowing of plt1'tlsha is the canse why action
comes into existence and its knowing is the canse why action ceases.
(2) Then there shapeless mattcr (avyakta) conceived as existing with-
out its attributes. It is dead, hut has thrce powers potentially, not
actually, which are called saUva, mias and iamas.
9
The first of thcsc powcrs stand for changing au<lgrowing (develop-
ing into soniething ncw), the second for 'firmness and cll1l'ation' (resist-
ing hostile, external forces) and the third for ruin and perishing
(dissolution). (3) Shaped niatter (vyakta) into which abstract matter
(avyak(a) develops through thc action of thc three primary forc('s.
(4) Nature or ahankam. The word, .aha11kara, is derived from the
ideas of overpowering, developi11g, self-asse1'tiol1, because matter whcn
assuming shope causes things to develop into new forms. (5-9) The
five e1emcnts-fire, water, wind, earth and hcavcn (ether). They
were known as l\Iahabllllta (having great natures). The elements as
cOllceived bv the Hindus were essentially the same as among other
nations. (10-14) The five attributes of matter, known as the panch.
matams or five mothers. viz sabda (sound). spal'sa (touch), I'lIpa
(cololll'), (taste) and gandlw (smell). "Thc I'CSlllt of all these
elements which we have enumerated, i.e. a compound of all of them,
8. T111l< the Sank/Iua, 'lu'oted by Alhernni (p. 30), after considering the thrce
propositions, that God, matter and soul arc the canse of action, declares them all
to he .rTOncou<. The trnth is, that nction entirely helong. to mnttl'r: for mnttel' hind.
the soul, causes it to wander nhout in different nn(l then sets it free. TIlcrernrc
mattel' i. the agent, all that helong. to matter helps it to accomplish action.
But thc sonl is not an agent, hecanse it is devoid of the different faculties. Action.
a featnrc of the phenomenal world, has nothing to do with an nnchanging Ahsolnte.
9. Thr. l)mkl'Ul was rllt'thf'r npplif'd to the l1nicm or shapo{l nllel
matter. Albcruni, however, ohjccts to this llnnecessnry multiplication of terminolorrv.
"We do not want to speak of an ahstract matter, the term matter alone heing s,;ffi-
cient for since tl1c ono cloes not exist without the other." The conception of
'abstract' mattcr as Bishop Berkeley has ,shown is self-contradictory and ahsnrd.
b
HIndu Society In the Early Middle Ages 143
is. the animal. The Hindus consider the plants as a species Gf animal
and Plato also thinks . plants have a sense, because they
havc the faculty of dlstIngmslllng between that which suits them
that is to them." The appearance of the
alllmal as chstmct from nature brings eleven more factors.
(15-.19) lIe has fiv,e or .indl'iya hy which he apprehends the
attnbutes. of matter- the hearmg hy the ear, the seeing by the eye,
the smelll1?&. by the n,ose, the tasting by the tongue and the touching
by the skill. (20) "Vlll or monas, so called, hecause it was believed
to the It directs the human hody in the exercise
of ItS. vanous funchons;, (21-25) Lastly, thcre are thc five necessary
functions of the hody to produce a sound for any of the dilferent
and wishes a man may have; to throw the hands with force,
m order to draw towards or put away; to walk with the feet in order
to seek. or to fly from it; the ejection of superfluous ele-
ments of n,?unshment by means of the two openings provided for
the purpose.
. "The, totality of these elements is called tattwa and aU knowledge
IS restncted to them."lO .
A student may have much to complain of in the psychology
phYSiOlogy, to say the which underlies the analysis
hew madc. But tIllS should Hot bhnd us to the vel'\' solid advance in
human thought which it indicates. In the first place, the limits of
are very clearly recognized; it is confined to the sphere of
our expencnce; all the impossible stories of the impossihlc gods, which
rest 011 of the 'rear in terms of the 'scnsible' world,
must. (hSmlSSed as and preposterous. Secondly, the
foundations of a true sCience are laid by the elimination of the
supernatural which is only another name for the irrational seen
through the spectacles of superstition from the field of experience.
Phenomena are to be explained in terms of phenomena; our scientific
cannot ,"Ve. come here to that psycho-
mechamcal conceptIon of the Ul11verse wInch is at once the hane and
the glory of modem thought. .
[V
But wh.ere in this. cinema-show of changing phenomena is
a place for our speCifically hUlIian ideas for the awar,d of virtue and
10, Albernni, p. 44.
144
Politics and Society during the Em'!!! MedIeval Pedo,],
the punishment ?f vice and for our in a region beyond
of a justice demed to us here? The Hmdus, when they qUltted the
path of philosophical speculation', could enumerate a thousand hells,
each for a different kind of sin. But it ,was obvious that they took nOlle
of them seriously. They also talked of the three worlds-the upper
wodd or paradise (sva1'loka), the lower world or hen (nagaloka, world
of serpents) and the world of men (madhyaloka). "In the latter man has
to earn, in the upper to receive his reward, in the lower to receive his
punishment." These terms, however, indicate the stages of the human
soul in its progress rather than definite geographical regions. The
Hindu reconciliation of science and religion, of the hrute facts of na-
ture with the ideals of moral life, is to be f011nd in the conception of
rrietempsychosis. No ide;l emanating from India has, from the earliest
times, l'eceived such a warm welcome abroad, while at horrie its do-
mination was ahsolute. As the word of confession, "There is no
god hut Goel. Mohammed is His Prophet", is the shibboleth Islam,
the Trinity of Christianity, and the institute of the Sabbath of Juda-
ism, so metempsychOsis is the shibboleth of the Hindu religion.
Therefore he who does not helieve ill it does not helong to thein,
and is not reckoned liS one of therri.
Alberuni's statement of thelTindu doctrine, in the essentials of
which he seems to have believed, is a good example of his carefully
worded philos0t'hical expositions: "Voluntary actions cannot
in the boely of any aninial, unless the body be livinp: and exist in
close contact with that which is living of itself... the soul. The
Hindns rriaintain that the soul is ignorant of its own essential nature
and of its material substratum, longing to apprehend what it docs
not know, and believill)! that it cannot exist unless by 'matter. As,
therefore, it longs for the p;ood which is duration, and wishes to
learn that which is hidden from it, it starts off in order to be united
with matter ... On the other hand, the lowest canse, as proceeding
from niatter is this: that matter for its part seeks for perfection. and
always prefers that which is better to that which is less good. In
consequence of the vainglory"and ambition, which are its pith and
marrow, matter produces and shows all kinds of 'possibilities which
it contains, to its pnoil, the soul, and carries it ronnel to all classes
of animal and vegetable beings. . . ,
"The soul, as long as it has not risen to the highest ahsolute intelli-
gence, does not comprehend the totality of olljeets at once, or, as
it were, in no time. Therefore it must explore all particular heini!s
and examine all the possibilities of existence; and as their numher
is, though not unlimited, still an enormous one, the soul wants an
ll/ndu SOc/elli In ti,e Enrlll Mlde/le Ages 145
s.paee of in order to finish the contemplation of such
a of .. soul acquires knowledge only by the
of the .l?dlvlduals and the species, and of their pecu-
har actIOns and conditions. It gains experience from each object and
gathers thereby new knowledge. However, these actions differ in the
as the three primary forces differ. Besides, the world
15 not .left WIthout sOine direction, being led, as it were, by a bridle
and directed a d?finite Therefore the imperishable
souls wand:r m pe1'l'shable bodtes conformably to the differ-
ence th:'1' actIOns, as they prove to be good or bad. The object of
the migration through the world of reward is to direct the attention
of the soul the that it should become desirous of acquiring
as much of as pOSSible. The object of its migration through the
world of P';l111shment is .to direct its attention to the bad and abomin-
able, tl:at stnve to keep as far as possible aloof from it.
The 1ntgmttOn beginS from low stages and rises to higher and better
,not the as we state on purpose, since the one is 'a
p','/ort as pOSSible the other. The difference of these lower and
higher stages depends upon the difference of the actions and tl 's
. I f h ' ' 11.
agmn resu ts rom t e and qualitative diversity of the
temperaments and the VanDt,1S degrees of combinations in which
they appear. This migration lasts until the ohject aimed at has been
attained both for the soul and matter; the lower aim being
the of the shape of matter, except any such
new formatIOn as may appear desirable; the higher aim being the
ceasing of the desire of the soul to Ie am what it did not know before
insight of the soul into the nobility of its Own being and
mdep?ndent existence, its knowing that it can dispense with matter
after It has become acquainted with the niean nature of matter and
the instability. of its shapes, with all that which matter offers to the
senSeS, and With the truth of the tales about its delights. Then the
tu;"ns from matter; the connecting links are broken, the
uniOn IS Separation. and dissolution take place and the
soul retums to ItS home, carrymg with itself as much of the bliss of
knowledge as sesame develops grains ancI blossoms, afterwards
?ever .separating .from its oil. The intelligent TJeing, intelligence and
Its ab/ect are wuted and TJecome one . ..
'. "Sorrie Hindus believe that the middle world, that one for earning,
IS the world, and t?at a man wanders about in it, because he
has receIved a reward whIch does not lead him into heaven hut at
the same tirrie saves ?irri hell. They consider heaven as higher'
stage, where a man lives m a state of blIss which must he of a cer';.nin
PS-lO
c'
146
Politics and Society during tIle Ear/v Medieval Period
duration on account of the good deeclshe has done. ?n the contrary,
they consider the wandering about plants and ammal.s as a 100ver
stage, where a man dwells for pUl1lshment for a certmn length of
tillle, which is thought to correspond to the wretc:hed deeds he has
done. Pcople who hold this view do not oE another hell .hut
this kind of degradation below the degree of hVmg as human bCll1g.
All these degrees of retribution are necessary for tllIS reason, that
the seeking for salvation from the fetters of matter frequently does
not proceed on the straight line which leads to absolute knowledge,
but on lines chosen by guessing or chosen because others had
therri. Not one action of man sliall be lost, not eren the of all; It
shall be brought to his account after his bad act lOllS. have
IJeeH lwlanced against each othel".. The IS riot
according to the deed Imt to !he !1ltCllfl?1l a
had in doing it; and a man WIll receive IllS l'<:wanl 1.11 the
in which he lives on earth, or in that form mto wlncll Ius soul WII!
migrate, or in a kind of intermediary state after he has left his shape
and has not acquired yet a new one. .. .'
"Here now the Hindus quit the path of phllosopllIcal speculahOll
and turn aside to traditional fables as regard the two places :vhere
reward or punishment is given, i.e. that man exists there as
pOJ'eal being and that after having received the reward of IllS. actIOns
he' again returns to a bodily appearance and human shape 1Il order
to be IJrepared for his further destiny. Therefore, the of
book Salllkhya does not consider the reward .of parachse a
gain, because it has an end and is not eternal; and tIllS kmd
of life resembles the life of this am world; for it IS not free from
amhition and env,', havin.g in itsclf various ckgrecs and classes or
existcnce, whilst c'upidih' and desire do not cease save where
is perfect equality. The Sufi's, too, do not consider the stu,: in parachsc
a special gain, because there the soul delights in other thmgs but tIll'
Truth, i.e. Gocl, and its thoughts are from the Absolute
God, hv that which is not the. Absolute Gocl. 11
To the majority of thoughtful minds in the East and not to a,
sages in the vVest the doctrine of reincarnation in ITietcmpsycfloSIS
11. The doctrine of mctemp,ycho,i, hn,l heen "ceepte,1 nn,l nlso moclinccl hy
vnrioll' Mmlim thinkers. Alhenmi refers to AIm Yn,!"h of Sijistnn who nmintnine,l
thilt ,always proceeded in one find same species, n('vel'
its limits or passing into another Tl,is \vns also the opinion of the
Cn'cks: for Johnnnes Crnmmntic\1s rdnte, n' the vi,w o[ Pln(n (hnt the m(cnnnl
,o,ils ';'il! lw' ,,In,1 in (he ho,lie.s of animals. an,1 that in this regard h" ["noll'!',1 the
fables of Pythagoras (AlberUlii, op. cil., pp. 64-66).
HIndu Soc/ely In the' Early Middle Ages
147
has appeared the most satisfactory reconciliation of human aspira-
tions with the inexorable facts of nature. Even the Buddhists, while
rejecting the Vedas and the pantheon of Hindu gods, made metem-
psychosis the essence of their creed. Foreign observers from the
tirrie of Pythagoras have keenly realized how deeply imbued the
doctrine is with the principle of human freedom, leading as it does,
to the only sort of salvation that is worth having-a salvation through
individual effort. The great dun gel' in Albenmi's time, perhaps also
in ours, was that believers in the doctrine would 'quit the path of
philosophical speculation' and indulge in vulgar imagery without any
raticinal justillcation.12
v
vVe have still to define the end or consummation to which this
series of migrations is intended to lead. There are plenty of cheap
llioclern text-books to tell us that the end as conceived by the Hindus
and the Buddhists is nonexistence or extinction. This 'is a serious
mistake. The end, 11l0ksha or liberation, is not annihilation but
12. An of this ,hould sumce. "We hnve alrendy snit! [hat according to
the belief of the Hiildus, the soul exists in these two plnces (the upper nnd the
lower world) without a body. But this is only the view of the cducated among
them; who understand by the soul an independent heing. However, the lower classes,
. and those who cannot imagine the existence of the soul without a body hold ahout
this suhject vcry different views. One is this, that the canse of the ngony of death
is the soul's waiting for a ,hnpe which is to he prepared. It docs not quit the hody
there has origihnted a cognnte heing of sitnilnr functions, one of those which
prepares either as nn rmhryo in a motJH'r's womh or as n seed in the hosom
earth. Then the soul '1"its the hody in which it hns heen staying. Othcrs hold
. (,Ctiowl view that the soul docs not wait for such a thing, that it
its shape on accollnt of its weakness whilst another hody has been prrpnred:
out of the elements. This hody is cnlled a!/""hikar, i.e. tlla! frllieh gr",cs in hastc,
it does not come into existence by heing born. The ,oul stnys in this hody
year in the greatest agony, no mnlter whether it has deserved to he re-
ar to be punished. This is like the na,.zakh of the Persian" an intermcdiary
bel\veen the periods of acting and earning and that of receiving nward. For
reason the hdr of the deceased mn,t, according to Hindn IISC, [uWI the rites of
ycar for the deceased, duties which end with the end of the year, for then the
goes to that place which is prepnred for it."
reader will he able to Ilnd only too many instances, ancient as well as modern,
'justify Alhernni's complnint. The mclaphy,ical rmsons whfch j""tify us in
in the doctrine do not in nny wny j11stify that superstr1lctnre or mythology
fratld which has been raised on it in these days.
( ..
148
Pulitlcs and SOc/elll during the Ear/II Medieval Period
the highest development of the human spirit. to the
Hindus liberation is uriion with God; for they descnbe God as a
being who can dispense with hoping for a or fear-
ing opposition, unattainable to thought, because he IS be-
yond all unlikeness which is abhorrent, of all liken?ss wlucIl IS
athetic, knowing himself not by a knowledge wluch. comes to 111m
Eke an accident, regarding something which llad not 1Il every phase
before been known to him. And this same description the Hindus
apply to the liberated one, is .equal to God in al! these things
except in the matter of beglllnlllg, slllce he has not eXisted
eternity, and except this, that before entanglement he eXisted 1Il
the world of entanglement, knowing theopjects of only
by a phantasmagoric kind of knowing he by an
absolute exertion, whilst the object of Ius knowmg IS co.vered,
as it were, by a veil. On the contrary, in the world of lIberatIOn all
veils are lifted, all covers taken off and obstacles removed. There
the being is absolutely knowing, not desirous of learning anything
unknown, separated from the soiled perceptions of the senses, united
with the everlasting ideas. Therefore, in the enfl of the. of .....
PatanjaU, after the pupil has asked about the nature of hberatJon,
the master says: 'If you wish, say, is cessation of the
functions of the three forces, and their returnIng to that home
whence they had come. Or if you wish, say, it is the return of the
sOlll as a "knowing" being to Us olVn nature.' "13 Here is, iI.1deed.
(a';J.Jd iJlaim for the ultimate grandeur of the human soul. Afraid lest
his co-religionists complain of it as un-Islamic, Albenmi hastens to
quote the of two the most
the Sufis of Islan1. Cast off all , says Abu Bakr Slubh, and you Will
attain to us completely. Then !J0II will exist; but yon will not report
about us to others as'long as )'0IJ1f doing is like ours." And Bayazid
of Bllstam, whose boldness has staggered the boldest thinkers, de-
clares: "I cast off mv own self as a serpent casts off its skill. Then
I considered my self, and found tho,t I was I-Ie (Goel)."
What, finally, is the path of liberation which leads the soul to
moksha through successive rebirths? A man who wishes to be libe-
13. Al"crnn;, n1'. cU., 1'. 81.
. Hindu Socielll In the Earlll Middle Ages
149
rated must, first of all, obey the Nine Hindu Commandments: "He
shall not kill nor do anything hurtful; nor lie; nor steal; nor whore;
nor hoard up treasures; he is perpetually to practise holiness and purity;
he is to perform the prescribed fasting without an intl;lrruption and
to dress poorly; he is to hoM fast to the adoration of God with praise
and thanks; he is always to have in mind the word 'Om', the word
of creation, without pronouncing it."14 But faith alone or even a vir-
tuous life is not sufficient for salvation, though it will take a man a
good long way. "\\1hoso lives in this world piously but without know-
ledge wifl be raised and rewarded, but !lot liberated, because the
means of attaining it are wanting in his case. Whoso is content and
acquiesces in possessing the faculty of practising the above-mentioned
commandments, whoso glories in them is successful by means of
them, and believes that they are liberation, will remain in the same
stage."15 Mortification of the body was not necessary, though the
diScipline was bound to forego all luxuries. "Man wants nourishment,
shelter and clothing. Therefore in them there is no harm to him. But
hilppiceC':c's qrly to be found in abstaining from things besides them,
from superfluous and fatiguing actions. Worship God, him alone and
venerate him; approach him ill the place of worship with presents like
perfumes and flowers; praise him, attach your heart to flirri, so that
it never leaves him ... Know that he is everything. Therefore what-
ever you do, let it be for his sake; and if you enjoy anything of the
vanities of the world, do not forget him in your intentions (the
Vishnu Dharma)."16
The key to the path of liberation is not faith or virtue, though these
things are necessluy, but knowledge through which a inan may trarls-
cend the limits of phenomena and the time and space which condi-
tion all our sensuOus experience. "If the soul is bound up with the
world", Alberuni says, "in his precis of the problem, and its being
bound up has a certain cause, it cannot be liberated from this bond
by the opposite of this identical cause. Now according to the
as we have already explained, the reason of the bond is
innnrnt1rl' and therefore it can only be liberated by knowledge, by.
all things in such a way as to define them both in
and in particular, rendering superfluous any kind of de duc-
and removing all doubts. For the soul distinguishing between
by means of definitions recognizes its own self and recognizes
14. Ibid., p. 74.
15. Ibid., p. 83, the lines are quotations from the Samkhlla.
16. Ibid., pp. 77-78.
. (.
150 Politics alld Society during tIre Ear/y Medieval PC/'Iod
at the same time that it is its noble lot to last for ever, and that it is
the vulgar lot of matter to change and perish in all kinds. of shapes.,
Then it dispenses with matter, and perceives that that which it held
to he good and delightful was in reality bad and painful. In this
manner it attains to real knowledge and turns away from being
arrayed in matter. Thereby action ceases, and both matter and soul
become free by separating from each other."17
The degrees of knowledge by which the soul attains its go,il are
thus defined by Patanjali: "Firstly, knowledge of things as to their
names and qualities and distinctions, which, however, does not yet
afford the knowledge of definitions. Secondly, such a knowledge of
things as proceeds as far as the definitions by which particulars are )
classell under the category of universals, hut regarding which a nian
must still practise distinction. Thirdly, this distinction (viveka) dis-'
r :,.(I:)e8\)5, and man eomprehemls things at Once as a whole but within
time. Lastly, this kind of knowledge is raised above time, and he who
has it can dispense with names and epithets, which are only instru-
ments of human imperfectioll. In this stage the intellect liS and the il1-
telligens unite with the intelleetum, so as to be one and the same
thing."18 This advance of knowledge is onlYJJOssible for a man who has
conquered the three root evils of the worl -cupidity, wrath and ig-
norance-and has given himself up to a life of meditation. "If a man",
says the Gita, "turns away his cogitation from all other things and
concentrates it upon the One, the light of his heart will be steaCly like
the light of a lamp filled 'with clean oil, standing in a corner where
no wind makes it flicker, and he will be occupied in such a degree
as not to perceive anything that gives pain, like heat or cold, know-
ing that everything besidcs the One, the Truth, is a vain phantom ...
Pain and pleasure have no effect ori the real world, just as the conti-
nuollS flow of the streams to the ocean does not affect its water ...
All that which is the object of a man's contihuous meditating and
bearing to mind its stamped upon him, so that he even unconsciously
is guided by it. Since, now, the time of death is the time of rmncm-
bering what we love, and is changed into it."19
It would only be possible for a man who has attain cd to 1Iloksha
to tell us what 11loksna meant; but he would be unable to express his
knowledge in tenris of our knowledge, which is, directly or indirectly,
based on the perceptions of the senseS. A philosophical statemcnt of .
.17. I1,ld., p. 69.
I fl. lI)id., pp. 69-70.
19, 1 bld.,pp. 74-75.
. Hind" SoCiety 171 tIre Early Middle Ages 151
the stages of a soul's progress towards 11loksha has to be negative in
order to be accurate; it can only tell us which of our phenomenal ex-
periences we gradually transcend. The positive knowledge of the real,
as distinguished from the sensible world, can be only apprehended
by the man who attains to it by continuous cogitation. No words can
explain it. The danger of this philosophy here and elsewhere lay in
the tendency inherent in the human mind to rush oil to a material
imagery of things which cannot be phYSically imagined. Thus even
the t:tqn;ali condescends to declare that a man whose spiritual powers
have develofled can perform eight wonderful things: 'TIc can make
his body so thin that it becomes invisible, so light that it is indifferent
to him whether he treads on thorns or mud or sand, and so big that
it appears of a miraculous shape. He has the faculty of realizing every
wish, of knowing whatever he wishes, and of becoming the ndf3i' of
whatever religiOUS community he desires, while those over whom he
rules are humble and obedient to him. Lastly, all distances between
him and any far-away place vanish."2o Now this is not spiritual pro-
gress but jugglery, even if those who practise it become the rulers
of religious communities, and a man who could mentally transr.cllll
the limitations of space and time was not nccessarily capable of per-
forming them. But the belief in such performances or miracles W,IS
widespread and we will, later on, see that the devout believers in
Muslim mysticism attributed to their shaikhs (saints) all the miracu-
lous achievements which Hindu India had tagged on to its l ' i s h i ~ .
(This article first appeared in the In!ernreriia!e Col/ege Magazine, AMU, Annual
Number, January 1930-EDlTOR)
20. Ibid., p. Gf),
c
INDIAN CULTURE AND SOCIAL LIFE AT THE
TIME OF THE TURKISH INVASIONS
I. TIlE PUZZLE OF THE GUURIAN CONQUEST
TIlE: LAST DECADE OF TIlE TWELFTII and the first decade of the thirtcenth
century in India were marked by the clash of two degenerate and
decaying social systems-the Turkish and the Rajput. In this clash
the former proved itself to he dccisively supcrior; for in war, as in
pcacc, succcss dcpcnds upon comparative cfficicncy. The Ghurians
were defeated by the Khwarazmians, and the larger part of Afghani-
stan passed into thc hands of Alauddin Khwarazll1 Shah. But the
weakness of the Khwarazmian empire was patent.to all keen observers
long before it was extingliished by Chengiz Khan; 'lack of morality
among the people led to lack of morale in the administration and the
army, and two good Mongol campaigns were sufficient to expose the
of power in Central Asia and Persia. And yet
In tIllS vety penod of moral and spiritual decay in Muslim Asian
countries, the Turkish race, soon to be crushed and humiliated in its
own homelands, subdued the whole of Northern India. Between the
defeat of Shihabuddin at the first hattIe of Tarain in 1191 and the
retreat of Bakhtiyar Khalji from the banks of the Brahmaputra in
1205, there intetvenes the brief period of thirteen or fourteen years.
It sufficed not only for the conqtiest but also for the consolidation
of Turkish rule in the Panjab, Sind, Oudh, Doilb, Bihar, Bengal and
a part of Rajputana. The rapidity as well as the permanence of the
Turkish conquest stands in sharp contrast with the slow, uphill pro-
gress of British rule in India, specially if it is rcmembered that the
Turkish generals, as compared with the great British pro-consuls, had
no superiority (apart from military organization) over their Rajput
opponents; no navy to place their communications beyond the
enemy's reach, no artillery-parks which the enemy could not match
and above all no home-government with its practically unliniited
resources. The regime of the Turkish slaves of Shihabuddin Ghuri was
TIle Puzzle of tile G"urlan Conquest 153
compl[t&iy umihilated by Alauddin Khalji in the early years of his
reign but the empire of Delhi, founded with such rapidity, lasted
with varying fortunes till the middle of the eighteenth century and
was not formally extinguished till after the Mutiny of 1857. And
never, if we except the Khalji revolution, had the Delhi empire to
face any extensive movement that even belated communalism or
patriotism can consider religiOUS or national. The oddest part of the
Turkish conquest was its general acceptance by the country-
acceptance temporarily of the Turkish bureaucracy and permanently
of the centralized government of the empire of Delhi which they
had inaugurated. It. is one of the most puzzling facts of Indian
history.
Alexander the Great retired sulkily to his tent after leading the
most heroic expedition in the history of because his war-
worn veterans refused to follow him further east in the Panjab.
Mahmud of Ghazni, in spite of twenty-six years of brilliant campaign-
ing-and for shct;lr military genius our country has never seen any-
thing like them-never attempted to annex any territory beyond the
Ravi. It was left to Shihabuddin Ghmi, the hero of the three stu-
pendous defeats-Gujarat, Tarain and Andkhud-to achieve what the
Greeks and the Kushans, the Hunas antI the Ghaznavids had hardly
, dated to dream of. The Ghuriim conquest of India might have been
dismissed as a fable were the evidence for it not so absolutely con-
vincing and completc. On' the face of it ,the thing seems palpably
absur([ The Ghurian dynasty had lost its power in Central Asia
and even its homelands had been trampled by hostile troops;
nevertheless Turkish slave-officers succeeded in establishing One
of the greatest empires of the Middle Ages. The econOinic resources
of the Ghurian state even at the height of its power-about the year
1202-could hatdly have been equal to those of a second rate Indian
mia whose state covered five or six districts. The territory of Ghur
and Gharjistan, though equal in area to an Indian province, is a
bleak wilderness of rocky mountains, swept by a bitterly cold north
wind, where the snow lies thick Oil the ground for more than half
the year; its reputed valleys of a 'thousand springs' are only chatming
to eyes that have seen nothing better.l The comparatively
fertile regions to the south and cast of Ghur-Bamiyan, Kabul,
Zahulistat1, Nlmroz, Sijistan, etc.-annexed hy Ghiyasuddin and
Shihabuddin in the earlier years of their reigns had been thoroughly
ransacked and plundered by the Ghuzz Turks. Ghazni, shorn of
L lIenee probahly the name Haza/'a (thousand) by which Chur is nOw known.
154 Politics <Hill Society during tile Early Mediel'oi Perinrl
its earlier glories, had become a small city of mud houses all traces
of which have now disappeared. The resources of the Ghurian state
in man-power were equally meagre. Counting both Turks and 1l0Jl-
Turks, the Ghurian brothers may have ruled at the most over a
million families, possibly less, ccrtainly not morc. Unlike Mahinud,
Shihabuddin could enrol few recruits, voluntccrs or professionals,
from outside his territory. lIe was, intensely unpopular in Persia,
specially in Khurasan which he had repeatedly ravaged. Khwarazn1
(the Trans-Caspian region), Mawaraun Nuhr and Turkistun were ill
the hands of hostile l)owers. Nor was meagreness of resources C0111-'
pensated by the extraordinary ability of those in command. Shihab-
uddin had, undeniably, that sort of genius which Carlyle denncs as
"the infinite capacity for taking pains", but nothing more. As a
general he was industrious but incompetent. A resolute foe could
always drive him away from the battle-field; in the face of a com-
petent strategist, like Alanddin Khawarazm Shah or Tayanaku of
Taraz, he completely lost his nerve and becaine panicky, confuscd
and muddle-headed. Nor do the recorded achievements of his
principal generals show any remarkable strategic capacity-apart
from their bull-dog capacity for persistent endeavour in the face of
repeated defeats-which might explain their undeniahle success,
They were brave, but not braver than most men brought up in the'
profeSSion of arms.
Nor had Ghur any of those moral or constitutional virtues which
have enabled small states, like Rome, Medina or England, to establish
extensive dominions. The hold of the Ghurian monarchy over its
suhordinate officers was very weak; in the hOllr of trial and gloom,
most generals of Shihahlltldin proved untrue to their in aster, and
after his death they proved even more faithless to his legitimate suc-
cessor and to each other. The victorious Ghurian state was rotten
, with intrigues to the core. That was the primary reason for its 'col-
lapse. Shihabuddin himself had set the example of chicanery and
fraud in the realm of diplolliacy. He never hesitated to break
his plighted word whenever it suited his plans. Like many of his
contcmporarics in that demoralizcd agc, he seems to have considered
the assassination of political opponents a justifiable, if not a COm-
mendable, measure of puhlic policy. His generals, needless to add,
improved upon his example. Add to it, while the Shansabani dynasty
of Ghur represented a stock of respectahle Turkish hill-chiefs, the
olnccrs of the statc were Turkish slaves purchased in the markC't.
Whatever the strength of their loyalty to their master so long as he
was strong enough to command them, they had no loyalty to the
CalegOP'lcs of IIlntlu TllOlIgllt 155
Ghtl1'ia'll dynasty, and proceeded to appropriate, or misappropriate,
the dominions of Shihabuddin to the exclusion of Shihabuddin's
legitimate heirs.
The Ghuriall' conquest of Northern India, when all factors are
kept in mind, can be explained by one fact only-the caste-system
anti aU that it entails; the degeneration of the oppressor and the de-
generation of the oppressed, priest-craft, king-craft, idol-worship with
its degrading cults, the economic and spiritual exploitation of the
multitude, the division of the people into small water-tight suhcaste
gl'OUpS resulting in the total annihilation of any sense of common
citizenship or of loyalty to the country as a whole.
II. CATEGORIES OF HINDU THOUGHT
Indian historians have often deplored the'lack of historical materiai
after the death of I1arshavardhana. Competent experts may, with
the advance of time, be able to piece together a more consecutive
narrative than we have at present on the basis of copper-plates and
coins. So far as Muslim records are concerned, a flood of light is
thrown on the condition of Sind by the Chach Nama (or Tarikh-i
Hind tVa Sind), the Arabic original of which, there is every reaSOn
to believe, was compiled on the basis of govcrnment records and
personal investigations by' 110 less a person than Muhammad hin
Qasirri's Qazi of Multan. The Arah travcllers in India have left
records of their impressions, some of which were translated by Sir
Henry Elliot in the first volume of his History of India, and later
scholars have improved upon Elliot's work. But the Arab travellers
were neither Sanskritists nor trained observers; their primary business
was import and export, and they very often completely misunderstood
the significance of what they saw. On the other hand, the great
scientific works of the Gupta era, specially the Brahma-Siddlzallfa
(known as the Sind-Hind), became current in l\1uslim countries and
were widely uscd by Muslim scientists along with Greek treatises
on astl'OnolllY and mathematics. But the translations were inaccurate
to start with; and after several generations of inconipetent copyists
had added to the errors of the translators, the manuscripts became
a sheer jumhle of nonscnsical figures and (liagrams, which 110 assicluity
on the part of a mere Arahie scholar coul<1 put into rorm and orckr.
Lastly, as we can well unclersland, owing to that tendency
of human nature to misunderstand and misrepresent one s
156 . Politics and Society during the Ear/v Medieval Period
the wildest and the most impossible stories about India were current
ill Muslim .lands. Abu Raihan Alberuni, the greatest Muslim scholar
wh?m seen, protested against all this and after years of
patient lllvesh&atlOn produced the Kitabul Hind
2
, 'a simple historic
record of facts. For us the great importance of the Kitabul Hind
or India depends upon its methodology-a fine modification of the
dialcctical system of Socrates, in which Alberuni had becn trained
at Khw?razm, to suit the subject-matter of his inquiries. lIe givcs
liS a survey, unsurpassed by anything yet written in its cOin-
of and philosophical principles as
ell as minute detaIls, of the achievements of Hindu thought
gone by, .specIally Gupta period. During his 'internment'
III Imha he assOCiated extensiVely with Hindu pandits, whose habitual
contempt for the changed ultimately to one of deep re-
vercnce. for I.t W?S, apparently, his habit during
these dIscussiOns to dnve Ius pancllt fnends by repeated examinations
and cross-examinations, conducted after the manner of Socrates to
the most consistent statement of the basic doctrines of their fdith.
Though intimately acquainted with the works of Plato, Alberuni has
not given us a record his discussions but only brief,
IUtcld amI lemarkably accurate definitions of the 'fundamental cate-
gm'ies of Hindu thought'-the weltanschauung or world-outlook of
the educated upper-classes of his day. "The main and most essential
pO.int of the of thought is that which the Brahinans
thu:k .they are specially trained for preserving and
thmr rclIglOn. And this is what we shall explain, viz,
the behef of the Brahmans." Critical scholarship, however, necessi-
tated a careful comparison of the faith of the educated classes with
the s.acrec! texts 011 the one hand and with the 'silly' notions of the
on the other. A student of cOlliparative religion and
p.lulosophy was bound t.o put the thought of various peoples
by SIde.. tIllS comes wltlun the compass of Alberuni's work.
I shall mentlOn III connection with them similar theories of the Greeks
in order to. show the relationship existing between them... Besides
the Greek Ideas we shall only nOw and then mention those of the
Sufis or of some one or other Christian sect, because in their notions
regarding. the of souls and the pantheistic doetrine
of the umty of God WIth creation there is much in common between
these systems." .
A//;enllli's India, tran,lnh'd and e(lile,l wilb notes hy Professor E. C. Sacban,'
Palll, Trench, Trubner and Co., London, 1910.
, r. t)
Categories of Hlfldu Thought 151
A careful examination of Alberuni's India leaves upon one the iin
pression that the philosophical, religiOUS and scientific ideas of the
educated classes were all they could have been; that the mass of
the people wallowed in mud and mire; raising the dirtiest, filthiest
and crudest fancies of the day to the dignity of religion and enshrin-
ing that religion in temples none too clean; that educated Brahmans
of the better sort were horrified at this degradation of their beloved
faith but were too weak or too disorganised to make an effective
protest; that less scrupulous Brahmans not only earned their liveli-
hood but established their authority by preying upon the weaknesses
and the fears of the multitude; and that the mias or chiefs, instead
of joining the reformers, consciously promoted many vicious
institutions for the beneRt of their government and their treasury.
And, consequently, the governing classes, Willy-nilly, were dragged
down to the moral and intellectual level of the governed.
First as to the categories of contemporary Brahmanical though,
which Alberuni regards with such, tender reverence.
Idea of God
"The Hindus believe with regard to God that he is one, eternal,
without. beginning and' end, acting by free\vill, almighty, all-wise,
living, giving life, ruling, preserving, one who in his sovereignty is
unique, beyond all likeness and unlikeness, amI that he does not
resemble anything nor does anything resemble him." The assertion
is supported by quotations from the Patallinli and the GUa.
S
"This
is what the educated believe about Goel. They call him Isvara, i.e.,
self-sufficing, beneficent, who gives without receiving. They consider
the unity of God as absolute, bnt that everything besides God
which may appear as unity is really a plurality of things.
The existence of God they consider as a real existence,
because everything that exists, exists through Him. It is not impos-
sible to think that the existing beings are not and that He is, but it is
impossible to think that He is not and that they are." "If we now
pass from the ideas of the educated people fllliong the HinrIns
to of the common people, we mnst first state that thev
preselit t, great variety. Some of them arc simply abominahle, bl;t
siniilar errors also occur in other religions. Nay, even in Islam, \ve
must decidedly disapprove of the anthropomorphic doctrines, the
teachings of the Jabriyya sect, the prohibition of the discussion of
3. 1Mel., Vol. I, p. 21.
)i
I
'I
,I,
. r"
158
Politics and Society during the Early Medieval Period
religious topics, and such like."4 "!he educated among the Hindus
abhor anthropomorphisms of this kmd, but the .crowd and the mem-
bcrs of the single sects use them most extensIvely. They go even
bcyond all we have mentioned, and of wife, son,
daughter, of the renderIng pregnant and other phYSIcal processes, all
in connection with God."5
NOll11lena and Phenomena
Hindu ideas on this question are difficult to interpret, but
account may be summarized as follows. The whoJe creatIOn IS a
unity; and the totality of. 'the twenty-five elements, called tattv(I,
Iliay' be classjfied into thc soul, pUl'usha; the general matter,
aVllakla, i.e. absolute matter; vyakta, Le. concrete matter; ahankara
or' nature' mahabhHta or five elements-heaven, wind, fire, water
and paneha matms, i.e. five qualities or 'functions of
senscs; indriyani the five senses; manas or the WIll;
t/ani., i.e. the sense of action 01' the five necessary functIOns. There-
fore Vyasa, son of Pm'asara, speaks, 'Learn the twenty-five (elements
or agents) by distinctions, divisi?ns, as you learn a
logical syllogism, and somethmg wl1lch IS a certamty and .merely
studying with the tongue; to tvhateoer yOH
like, your end will be salvatwn:
6
The Hmdus are decIded aI?ong
themselves on the question of the cause of actIon; they attnbute
action to different causes like natnre, the soul, or time but the truth
is that action belongs to matter, for the latter binds soul, causes
it to wander about in different shapes and thcn scts It free; so the
Vishnu PI/rana says, 'Matter is the origin of the world.''' All
systcms, except Buddhism, admit the .. cxistence of a permanent entIty
if'y r,'pllec1 at man, or l'IJa. As. to !lw cxact nature
this soul tIl ere are, indeed, chvergences of VIews. Bllt all agree 111
holding that it is pure" and in its natme. to
Vasudeva, the soul is somethll1g stable and constant. The soul,
in pursuit of knowledge, unites itself with by of
'spirit' and matter, on its part, seeking perfectIon, carnes Its pupIl,
the through all stages of vegetable animal life. The soul
gives life to matter, and action is thus den\'cd from the Jatter.
4. Ibid., p. 31.
5. lhlel., p. 39.
O. Ibid., p. 44.
Categories of mild" '1'110/,,111
150
Reincarnation
The distinctive feature of Hinduism Of, to be mOre exact of all
Indian cults, is not belief in one God, which is found in all' faiths,
but the peculiar path of salvation preseribcd. Albernni's statement
of the doctrine of metempsychosis or reincarnation deserves to be
carefully considered: , .
"As. the :-"ord of is no god but Allah and Muham-
mad IS fhs 1S the slubboleth (basis) of Islam, the Trinity
that of ChnstIamty, and the institute of Sabbath that of Judaism
so. metempsychosis is the. of the Hindu religion.
fOle he who does not beheve III it docs not helong to. then}, and is
:eckoned as one of For they holcl the fOllOWing belief:
. :IIIC soul, as long as It has not risen to the highest absolute in-
tell.lgence, H.ot comprehend tltc totality of ohjects at Once, or,
as It In 110 tllne. it explore all particular beings
and examIne all the POSslhlhtJes of eXIstence; and as their number
is, though not unlimited, still an enormous one, the soul wants an
space oft.ime in order to finish the contemplation of such
a of !he s0111 acquires kn()wleclg
e
only by the
of IllchvICluals ancl the species, and of their peculiar
actIons and conditions. It gains experience from each object, and
thereby new knowledge.
HowevCI', these actiolls c1iffer in the same measure as thc three
differ. Besides, the world is not left without some
chreeLo-:,rbetrg lcd, as it were, by a hridle and directed towards
. a deflnite goal. Therefore the imperishahle souls wander about in
perishable !Jodies conformahlv to the diffcrcnee of their actions
as they prove to be good Or batl. The object of the migration
the world of reward (i.c. heaven) is to direct the attention of the soul
the that it should hecome (k:;irol1s of aC[l'Jirillg a:; 11IIlch of
It as posslhle. The ohject of its migration through the WOrld of
punishinent (i.e. hell) is to direct its attention to the 'harl ant! ahomin-
that .it sh.ould stt:itc (0 keep as far as possihle aloof from it.
The mlgrabon begms from low stages, ancI to higher and
not the contrary, as we state on purpose, since the one
IS, a pl'lon, as possihle as thc other. The di/Terence of these lower
stages depends upon the difference of the actions, and
,thIS agam results from the quantitative ancl qllalitalive diversity of
the tempcrll1uents and the degrees .of com hi nations in which
they appear.
"This lasts until the ohject aimed at has he
en
cOrripletdy
160
Politics and Society during tIle Earlll Medieval Period
attained both for the soul and matter; the lower aim being the
disappearance of the shape of ex.cept a.ny such new. fOmiation
as may appear desirable; the lugher mm bemg the ceasmg .the
dcsirc of the soul to learn what it did not know before, the mSlght
of the soul into the nobility of its own being and its independent
existence, its knowing that it can dispensc wilh matter afte,: it
become acquainted with the mean nature of mattcr and the II1stal)\-
lity of its shapes, with all that which matter offers to the senses, and
with the tmth of the talcs about its delights. Then the soul turns
awav from matter; the connecting links. are broken: the union is
Separation and dissolution take placc, and the soul rcturns
to its home, carrying with itself the bliss of knowledge as
develops grains and hlossoms, aftcrwards never scparating .from Jts
oil. The intelligent being, intelligence and its object are umtecl and
bcconie one."
Thus stated the doctrine of mctempsychosis leaves little to be desir-
ed. It is the best theory of salvation mankind has yet found. The
pandits with whom Albernni associated mllSt have been Singularly
free from superstitions and spiritual weaknesses. The theory had b
e
g
11
n
to influcnce Muslini tho11ght mOl"(l than a century before Albertmi.
cAl,d'Olll) questioll was inevitably asked: Cannot nirwna, moksha or
fana be attained in the course of a single life-or, even, in one mo-
ment of thought? If so, why this needless wandering from form to.
form? If God, the llltimate Reality, is immanent in alI things-if 'He
is the First and the Last, the Appearance and the Reality'-why this
senseless and tiresome story of transmigrations? Abu Sa'id Kharraz,
after careful consideration: defined {alla or l1irclIl1a in terms that
make no reference to metcmps),chosis.
7
"If a man turns towards
Allah and attaches himself to Allah anc1lives ncar to Allah.and forgets
his own self and everything except Allah-then if you nsk hiTTi,
'''Vherefrom are you and what is the object of yOl1\" desire' there wiIl
he no answer for him except, 'Allah'." But opinions differed. "The
same doctrine (of metempsychosis)", says Albemni, "is professed h;.'
those slIfis who tead, that this world is a sleeping sonl and yonder
world a soul awake, and who at the same time aclmit that God is
immmwnt in certain places-e.g. in heaven, in the 'scat' (klll'si) and
the 'throne' (aI'S1l) of God (mentioned in the Qman). nllt then there
are others who admit that God is immanent in the whole worlel, in
animals, trees, and the inanimate world, which they call his ttnicersal
7. 11,C Tazkirattll Atlliyr of 'Shaikh fnridl1ddin Attar, No. 45, Naw.! Ki,hore,
l'. 256.
Categorle. of Hindu TTIOUgT,1 161
appemanGI;. To those who hold this view, the entering of the souls
into various beings in the course of is of no conse-
quence." Orthodox Muslim mysticism has, nevertheless, talked of
eight 'worlds' (ala1lIS), such as ;alJal'!/t, lahut, etc. No material con-
notation is intended; the alams are really spiritual stages Or spheres.
The Ilindu equivalent of the Sufi (dam is [oka, but three lokas are
considered enough. "The Hindus call the world loka. Its primary
division consists of the upper, the lower, and the middle. The upper
one is called 8wargaloka, i.e. paradise; the lower, nagaloka, i.e. the
world of the serpents, which is hell; besides they call it narakaloka
and sonietimes also patala, i.e. the lowest world. The middle world,
that one in which we live, is called maddhyaloka and mantlshyaloka,
i.e. the world of men. In the latter, man has to earn; in the upper
to receive his reward; in the lower to receive punishment. A man
who to cOme to swargaloka or nagaloka receives there the
full'l'eclJlnpl')lSe of his deeds during a certain length of time cor-
responding to the duriltion of his deeds, but in either of them there
is only the soul, the soul frce from the body.
. "For those who do not deserve to rise to heaven and to sink as
low as hell there is' another world called triyagloka, the irrational
'world of plants and animals, through the individuals of which the
soul has to wander in the metempsychosis until it reaches the huirian
being, rising by dcgrees from the lowest kinds of the vegetable world
to the highest classes of the sensitive world."8
Moksha
Hindu and Muslim mystics have again and again tried to define
nil:vana, fana or moTcsha . . The task is difficult for, as Shaikh Sa'di
pOints out, those who speak do not know and those who know do
. not speak. And even if the latter spoke, they could not succeed in
making themselves intelligible to the public. The real character of
moksha can only be explained by a Irian who has attained it to another
man who has been equally fortunate. But in that case )]0 explana-
tion would be necessary. Be this as it may, Alberuni attempts the
definition of 11loksha with profuse q11otations from the
Palall;ali and the Gita. "If the soul is free from Jriattcr, it is know-
ing; but as long as it is clad in maUer, the sonl is not-knowing on
account of the turbid nature of matter. It thinks that it is an agent,
anel that the actions of the world are prepared for its sake. Therefore
8. Alberl1ni: India, Vol. I, p. 59.
162
Politic., I7nd Sociel!l r/ur/ng /.I,e Enrly Mer//eDnl l'"r/"d
it clings t.o them, and it is staniped with the impressi.ons of the senSfS.
When, theref.ore, the soul leaves the body, the traces of the imp res-
siems of the senses remain in it, and are not completely eradicated,
as It l.ongs for the w.orld of sense and returns t.owards it. And since
it in these stages undergoes chauges entirely opposed to each other,
it is thereby subject tb the influences of the three pl'ima/'lj forccs."9
And further: "According to the Hindus, liheration is 11nion with
God; for they describe God as a being who can dispense with hOJling
for a recompense or with fearing .oppositi.on, unattainahle t.o thought.
c t Cf"au\y lIe is sublime beyond all unlikeness which is abhorrent and
all likencss which is sympathetic, knowing Himself not hy a know-
ledgc which comes t.o him like an accident ... And this samo dcs-
criptinn the Hindlls apply to the liberated one, for he is cqual tn Gnd
in all these things except in the matter .of heginning, since he has
nnt cxistcd fr.om all eternity, and except this, that before Iiberati.on
he existed in thc world of entanglemcnt, kn.owing the objects of
knowledge only hy a phantasmag.oric kind of knnwing which Iw
had acq\1ired by ithsolutc cxcrtion, whilst thc ohject of his knowing
is still covercd, as it were, by a veil. On the contrary, in the world
of fiberation all vcils are lifted, all covers taken off, and .obstacles
removcd. There the being is absolutely knowing, n.ot desiro11s .of
learning anything unknown, separated from the soiled perception.s
of the senses, united with' the everlasting ideas ... Therefore, at the
end of the book of Patanjali, aftet' the pupil has asked abo11t the
nature of liberation, the master says: 'If you wish, say. Liberatinn is
the cessation of the functinns of the three forces, and' their rctnrning
to that home whence they had cnme. Or if you wish, say, it is the
return of the soul as a kilOwingheing into its own nat11ie.' "10 The
similaritv of Hindu and Muslim thought on this matter could ha1"(11"
escape the notice of a scholar like Alhernni. "The doctrine .of Pat01i-
iali", he says, "is akin to that of the sufis regarding being occupied
in meditation 011 the Truth (i.e. God), for they sav, 'As long as vou
point to something, you' are nnt a monist; hut 'when the Tmth seizes
upon the object of your pointing and annihilates it, then there is no
lonrrer an indicatin!! persnn nor an object indicated.' Ahu-Bah nsh-
Shibli savs: 'Cast off all, and you will attain to Us completelY, Then
vou will' exist; hut VOll will i'enort about Us to others as as
doing is like Ol1l"s.' Ahu-Yazicl al-Tlistami once being aske<l how
he had attained his stage in sufism answcrcd: 'I cast off my .oW11 self
9. Thin .. p. '1l1oting Va,"cleva.
10. ll)id., p. 81.
Categories of Hind" T1iouglit
163
as a serpent casts off its skin. Then I considered my Own self, and
found that I was He, i.e. God: "11
The {Ii,:. (," C I'Jllll101Ulmellts
Those who wish to tread the path of liberation must lead it life
of renunciation, virtue and meditation. Hence the nine command-
ments, thus summarised: "This goal is attained either in a single
shape, i.e. a Single stage of metempsychosis, or in ser;eral shapes, in
this way, that a man perpetually practises virtu.ous behaviour and
accustnms the snul thereto, so that this virtunus behaviour beenmes
to it a nature and an essential quality.
"Virtunus behaviour is that which is desel'ihed by thc religiOUS
law. Its principal laws, from which they' derive many secolldary
ones, may be suninied up in the following nine rules:
(1) A man shl1l1 not kill.
(2) Nor lie.
(3) Nor whore.
, (4) Nor steal.
(5) Nor hoard up treasures.
(6) lIe is perpetually to practise holiness and purity.
(7) He is to perf.orm the prescribed fasting without any interrup-
tion and to dress poorly.
(8) He is to hold fast to the adnration .of G.od with praise and
. .
(9) He is always to have in mind the word Om, the word of crea-
tinn, without pronouncing it.
. "The injune.tion to abstain from killing as regards animals (Nn. 1)
IS only a speCIal part of the general order to alJstain from dOing (llllf-
thi11g IUll'lf",. Under this head fall also the rohhing .of another mm;'s
goods (Nn. 4), and the telling of lies (No.2), not to mentinn the fOIlI-
ness mld baseness of so doing.
"The abstail1in!1: from hoarding up (NQ. 5) means that a man is tn
give up t.oil and fatigue; that he who seeks the hounty. of God feels
that he is provided Jor; and that, starting frnIn the base slavcny
material life, we may h() tJIP- nohl() liherty .of cogitation attain to
bliss. .
purity (No.6) implies that a man knows the 'filth of
c:
c b
.164
Politics and Soclely duf'/ng tTle Early Med/eval rer/.?d
the body, and that he feels caned upon to hate it, and to love
ness of soul. Tormenting oneself by poor dress (No.7) means that '
a man should reduce the hody, allay its feverish desires and gharpcn
its senses. Pythagoras once said to a man who took great care to
kecp his body in a flourishing condition and to allow it everything it
desired, 'Thou art not lazy in building thy prison and making thy
fctter as strong as possible: "12
IIuman Equality
At a time whcn the caste system was developing with rapidity,
the bettcr type of Hindu thinkers continued to believe in the doctrine
of hunian equality defined not from the viewpoint of citizenship but
from thc viewpoint of salvation. "The Hindus difFcr among thcmsdvcs
as to which of these castes is capable of attaining to liberation; [or,
according to some, only the Brahmana and Kshatriya are capahlc of
it, since the others cannot leam the Veda, whilst according to the
Hindu philosophers, liberation is commOn to all castes and to the
whole lwmdn race, if their intention of olJtaining it is perfect. This
view is based on the saying of Vyasa; 'Learn to know the twenty-five
things thoroughly. Then you may follow whatever religion you like;
you will no doubt be liberated: This view is also based on the fact
that Vasudeva was a descendant of a Such'a family, and also On the
follOWing saying of his, which he addresses to Arjtina: 'God distrihutes
recompense without injustice, and without partiality. He, reckons.
the good as bad if people in doing good forget him; he reckons the
had as if people in doing bad remember him and do not forget
him, whethcr those people be Vaisya or Sl1clra or women. How
much more will this be the case when they are Brahmana Or Ksha-
triya: "13
Hindu Science
Hindu popular tradition about the creation of the world froni the
Brahmanda, about Mount Meru and the seven seas and the seven
islands is well-known. It is described hv Alberuni in SOme detail.
But the astronoiners, thOllght otherwise. "The religiQus hooks of the
Hindus and their codcs of tradition, the contain scntcncrs
ahout the shape of the world which stand in direct opposition to
scicntific truth as known to their astronomers. By these books the
12. 11M., pp. 74-75.
13. Ibid., p. 104.
Categories of 11Inoo Thought
165
people are guided in fulfilling the rites of their religion, and by means
of them the great mass of the nation have been wheedled into a
predilection for astronomical calculations and astrological predictions
and warnings. The consequence is that they show much affection
to their astronomers, declaring that they are excellent men, that it
is a good omen to meet them, and firmly believing that all of thein
go to paradise and none to hell. For this the astronomers requite
them by accepting their popular notions as 'true, by conforming them-
selves to them, however far from truth most of them may be, ann
by, presenting them with such spiritual stuff as they stand in need
of. This is the reason why the two theories, the vulgar and the
,scientific, have become intermingled in the coursc of time, why the
doctrines of the astronomers have been disturbed and confused, in
particular the of those authors-and they are the majority-
who simply copy their predecessors, who take the bases of their
science from tradition and do not make them the objects of indepen-
dent scientific research.
"We shall now explain the views of Hindu astronomers regarding
the present subject, viz, the shape of heaven and earth. According
to them, the heaven as well as the whole world is round, and the
earth has a globular shape, the northern half being dry lanel, the
SCIU(lllCll1 half bcing covered with water. The dimension of the earth
is larger according to them than it is according to the Greeks and
modern observations, and in their calculations to find this dimension
they have entirely given ,up any mention of the traditional seas and
dvipas, and of the ellormous sums of yo;ana attributed to each of
'them. The astrononiers follow the theologians in which
does not encroach upon their science, e.g. they adopt the theory of
Mount Meiu being uncleI' the north pole, and that of the island,
Vadavamukha, lying under the south pole. Now, it is entirely
irrelevant whether Meru is there or not, as it is' only required for
the explanation of the particular mill-like rotation, which, is neces-
sitated by the fact that to each spot on the plane of the earth cor-
reSf)Ollds a spot in the sky as its zenith. Also the fable of the southern
Vadavamukha, does no harm to their science, although it is
'. nay, even likely, that each pair of quarters of the earth fOrins
a coherent, 1,1l1interrupted unity, the one as a continent, the other as an
ocean (and that in reality there is no such island under the south pole).
a disposition of thc earth is rcqllired by thc law of gravitation,
according to them the earth is in thc centre of the universe, and
heavy gravitates towards it. ' Evidently on account of
166
Politics 011(1 Society d"rlng tllo Early Medieval 1'01 {od
this law of gravitation they considcr heaven, too, as having a globular ..
shape."14 .
And further on he quotcs the Brahma-Siddhanla:
"'Several circumstances, howcver, compel us to attribute globular ,
shapc both to the earth and heaven, viz that fact that the stars rise
and set in different places at different times, so that, e.g. a man in
Yamakoti observes one identical star rising above thc western horizon,'
whilst a nian in Rum at the same time observes it rising abOve the
eastern horizon. Another argument to the same effect is this, that'
a man 011 Mem obscrves one identical star above the' horizon in the
zenith of Lanka, the country of the demons, whilst a man in Lanka
at the same time observes it above his head. Besides, all astrOnomical
calculations are not correct unless we assume the globular figure of
heaven and earth. Therefore we must declare that heaven is a globe, ,
\IN'tIIISt' wc nbs!)1'\'c III it nil the chnl'llcteristics of n globe, and tbe '
observation of these characteristics of the world would not be coneet
unless in'reality it were a globe.' Now, it is evident that all the
other theories about the world are futile.' "15
The law of gravitation had becn very definitely grasped. Vnraha-
mihim says, "Mountains, seas, rivers, trees, cities, men and angles, all
are around the globe of the earth. . And if Y nmakoti and Rum are
opposite to each other, one could not say that the one is low in its
relation to the other, since the low does HQt exist. How could one
say of Olle place of the earth that it is low, as it is in every paJ:ticular ,
identical with any other place on earth, and one place could as
little fall as any other. Everyone speaks to, himself with regard
to his own self, '1 al1\ above and the others below', whilst all of.
them are around the globe like the blossoms springing on the branches,
of a Kadnmba-trce. They encircle it on all sides, hut each individual
hlossom has the same position as the other, neithcr the one hanging
downward nor the other standing upright. For the earth attracts
that which is upon her; for it is 'the below' towards all directions,
and heaven is 'the above' towards all
As the reader will observe, these theories of the astronomers were
based on a COlTeet knowledge of the laws of 'nature hut, at the same,
time, . they practised a little deceit- upon their traditionalists and
theologians.l
6
It is not necessmy for us to follow Albemni into
astronomical details. On a question which perplexed contemporary
14. 17>1d pp. 264, 265 & 266.
15, 11M., p. 268.
16. 1/)1<1" pp. 27273,
Sanskrit LiteratUril r ,"
167
"
Muslim thinkers, and even led to occasional persecutions-the in-
destructibility of matter-the Hindus took a bold view. If matter
has a real, ob;ec/ive existence, then it must be presumed to be eternal.
So we'say, on the plane of comnion sense and of science, that matter
can neither be created nor destroyed. Physical science (at least in
the is not possi!?le except on the presupposition of
the mdestmchblhty of matter. The Hmdus believe matter to he
eternal. Therefore they do not by the word 'creation' understand a
formation of something out of.nothing ... By Stich a creation 'not one
piece of day c?mes into existence that did not exist before: and by
such a destruction not one piece of clay which ceases to exist.
It is quite impossible that the Hindus should have the notion of
as .long as the>: matter. existed from all eternity."17
The Fust Cause , .Dr. remarks in his Hisfory
Of P!uloSOP'!l" IS a nun-plulosophlcally sterile but of religiOUS
slglllRcallce. The Hmdus are to be congratulated for having thrown
this do<;trine overboard; its extensive use by Muslim philosophers and
theologtans could result in nothing except palpable antinomies.
III. SANSKRIT LITERATURE
, "The yarious. forms of the institutions of the Hindus, both political
SOCIal, theIr knowledge of mathematics, especially of astronomy, .
their systerrts of metaphysics and ethics; all of these had 10n<1 ago
the people of India famous far beyond their own borders;
. renown of Hindu philosophers had reached even Europe."18 The
lIterature of ancient India on astronomy, mathematics, arts, crafts
and poetry. was excellent and highly advanced .. The literature of
Middle Ages may be divided into three parts-Sanskrit literature;
Bhasha, the common languages of the people, viz Bengali,
(Eastel11 and Westem), Pl1njahi, Gujarati and Marathi and the
Hf""of,,,ro of the South in the Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam and Kannada
TIle (111estion nntumlly arises-How fat' was this litera-
priceless heritage of earlier generations within the reach
a schol!)l' in the eleventh centUl'}'? First as the Vedas: "The
17,1IJid., p. 322.
18. From the Preface of Ahh" J. A. Duhois: nlnil" Mallners, C""toms and Cere-
l,ul.ia" CIlJillzat/c>II In !1/C Middle Ages (Urdu). hy Pandit Callr; Shankar Ojha,
8384. .
'. ( ......
1M Politics and Society during tI,e Earlll" Medlebitl . Period
Brahmins teach the Veda to. the Kshahiyas. The latter learn it, but
are not allowed to. teach it, nQt even to a Brahmin. The Vaisya and
Sudra are not allowed to hear it, much less to pronOunce and redte
it. If such a thing can be proved against one of them, the Brahmins
drag him before the magistrate, and he is punished by having his
tongue cut off."20 Afraid that the sacred texts may be lost for ever,
a Hindu scholar of Kashmir, Yaska by name, who seems to have
OOUl'ished a little before the time of Albertini, took the revolutionary
step, from which others had recoiled, of writing down the sacred
texts. Though Albertini describes in a general way the contents of
. the four Vedas and tlle manner Qf reciting them, he does not seem
to have studied them, and never refers to them in the course of his
discussions. Perhaps fQr eyen a of Albertini's distinctiQn
access to the Vedas was not possible." He never refers to. the' Upa-
nishadas. It was not, in fact, till the time of Dara Shikoh, the only
Indo-Muslim scholar to whom one can refer in the same breath as
to Albertini, that the Mussalmans, and through them the outer world,
obtained a knowledge of Vedic philoso}?hy. The Puranas, being
human compositions, were within Albertini s reach. He gives us two
lists, one read out to him from the Vishnu Purana and .the other
conipiled by personal inquiry. But he admits that he had only seen
portions of the M(ltsya, Aditya and Vayu Puranas; the rest were
names to him. A list of twenty Sml'itis, composed by the
twenty sbns of Brahman, is given. How far Albertini studied them
we do not know, but is good rea.son for believing that copies
of the more popular SmTltts were not dIfficult to obtain. Besides he
us, "The Hindus have numerous books practically on all the
dIfferent branches of knowledge... The Hindus have books about
. the jurisprudence of their religion, on theosophy, on ascetics, On the
process of becoming god and seeking liberation from the world, as
e"g. the book composed by Gauda, the anchQrite, which goes by
hIS name; the book Samkhya, composed by Kapila, on divine subjects;
the book of Pataniali, on the search for liberation and for the union
of the soul with the object of its .meditation; the book Nyayabhasha,
composed by Kapila, on the Veda and its interpretation, also showing
that it has been created, and distinguishing within the Veda between
such injunctions as are obligatory only in certain cases; and those
whirl". ,n:e obligatory in general; further, the book Mimamsa, com-
posed on. the same subject; the book Laukayata,.cOrriposed
by Bnhaspah, treatmg of the subject that in all investigations we
20. Albertmi: Inaia, Vol. I, p. 125.
SOMkr/t Literature 169
use the apperception of the senses as weH as tradition; and the
book Vishnu-dharma. The word 'dharma' means reward, but in
. general it is used for religion; so that this title 'the religion
of God', who in this case is understood to be Narayana. Further, there
are the books of the six pupils of Vyasa, viz Devala, Sukra, Bhargava,
Brihaspati, Yajnavalkya and Manu. 111e Hindus have numerous
books about all the branches of science. How could anybody know
the titles of all of them, more especially if he is not a Hindu, but
a foreigner?"21 The Bharata (Mahabhamta) is referred to as con-
sisting of 100,000 slokas, divided into eighteen books, and also the
Hal'ivamsa Pal'va, which followed it and was believed to contain
"passages, which like riddles, admit of manifold interpretations".
The following extract from Pandit Gauri Shanker Ojha;s India.n
Civilization in the Middle Ages supplements the information we get
from Alberuni: "In the Middle Ages different WQrks of Sanskrit poetry
such as Kimtat';uneya, Amarushatak, Shishupalavadha, Nalodaya
and Ravanavadha were composed. Short stories and novels were
written by Buddhist and Jain scholars .. The famous Panchatantm
and Bl'ihat-katha were completed and translated into. several lan-
guages. Mrichchhakatika of Maharaja Shudrak; Ratnavali and Pl'iya-
dal's7!ika; Malati-madhava (representing love and romance); Mahavim-
charita (representing bravery and heroism); Uttal'a1'a11la-chal'ita (a
tragedy), Hant/man Natak by Damodar; and Budh Chandar Vaday
by Krishna Misr KQi were the more important dramas of the age."22
"The Hindus had books on grammar and metrics, called Vyakarana
. and. Chhan.das respectively. It was essential. for a Pandit to be well-
eqUIpped III Vyakarana. In A.D. 662 Jayaditya and Bhamaha sup-
plemented a commentary to the Vyakarana of Panini; Bhartrihari
wrote many valuable works on the subject and Chandragomin wrote
his Chandra Vyalwrana. In the 9th century, however, Vyakarana was
rearranged by Shaktayan.
23
A chapter of the 13rahma-Siddhanta treats
. metrical calculations. Then there are books on rhetoric and figures
sr;cr.J.-;., K;swyaprakasha .as completed by Alakh Suri; Dlwanyaloka.
by Anandavardhana Acharya; Kavyanus!zasaIJa by Hemachandra;
the same by Bagabhatt; Kavyalankarasangraha by Hudrata and
Swal'sati by Bhoja require special mention. A11larakosh by Amara,
.Haravali by Pushottam Dco, Abhidlwn RatIJal1wlika by IIalakbah
2l. Ibid., p. 132.
22. r",Ii"n in tlte Middle Ages (Urdu), hy Pnndit Gnmi Shanknr
pp. 86-95
. 23. Ibid., pp. 98-99.
170
PoTities and Societu ,T"rlng tire EarTy Ue,Tie!Y'/ Period
A7Jhidluma Chinta/nani' by Hemachandra and Nana Vakh SanJdan
by Kcshav Swami were the impmtant dictionaries of the age
24
...
Literature on other subjects, like politics, law, education, music and
dancing, was not wanting in the Middle Ages. Shanii Parvam of the
Mahab7uI1'ata is rightly regarded as the best book 011 politics; but the
Art1wslwstra of Kautilya, Nitisara by Kamandaka, Neeti Vakyamarat
by Deo Suri, Dashakumara-charita, Kirafar;lmeya and M Hdrarakslwsa
are the next important authorities on the subject.
25
In the domain
of law, MaHlIS/nrUi was supplemented with commentaries like Medha-
tifhi 'and Gobind Ha;; the book Y(linar;alkya SlIlrUi with its com-
mmtary hy Vigyaneshwar, Sl1Iri/i Kalpatal'll by Lakshmi Dhar were
also published."26
To return to Alberuni: "The number of Hindu sciences is great,
but the science of astronorriy is the most famous and the most cherish-
ed of all. Astronomical literature consists of the Siddhantas (caned
Sind-Hind by the Muslims)" and less important works called Trmlra
or Kaf(lna. 27 The Siddhantas are derived from the book PaitlulIiwlw-
so called from the first father, i.e. of the five Siddhant.as
enumerated by him." Alberuni says he could, till the time of writing,
only obtain the works of Brahmagl1pta and Pal1lisa; hut Varahamihira
is quoted in the later chapters of his work. The 13rah11la-Sidclhollta,
ho says, contains twenty-four chapters 011 different subjects like the
nature of the globe and the figures of heaven and earth, the revolution
of the planets, the inoon, eclipses, conjunction and latitudes of the
planets, and arithmetic, etc. Astrological literature consisted of the
hooks on fortune-telling and palmistry, and Jalakas or
hhtivities.28 "The book Chavaka is the best of the whole
literature on medicine and it has been translated into Arabic."
The Hindus, unlike other nations, went beyond the thousand in
thcir arithnietical terms, and extended the or(ler of I1muhcr of the
18th, called lJ(I1'01'dha, for religious rcasons. According to some lJlwri,
thc 19th order, is the limit of reckoning, while according to others
24. IrJicl., Pl'. 100-1.
25. Ibid., pp. 157-58.
26. Ibid., pp. 159-60.
27. An Indinn astronomer was inviled to the court of AI-Mansur to give instruction
in Indian astronomy. The Indian systcm was then adopted by the Arabs and the
name Sil1(/-HInd was given to one of the Indian works, which appears to have heen
Brahniagnptns Siddhanta. This hook, hy command of the Caliph, was used as a
guide by l1w Arabs ill ",allers pertaining to th.e stars. (See Hind" Astronomy by
W. Brennand, p. 92.)
28. Albemin: India, Vol. I, pp. 157-58.
Sans","!! Utero/11M
171
the koti.2D The Hindus were far Advanced in nurrierical notations
and if a word. did not suit a they easily changed it for
synonym. "Hindu Algebra contains", in Mr Strachey's opinion, "a
great deal of knowledge and skill, which' the Greeks had not, such
as the. use of an infinite number 01' unknown quantities and the lise
of mhtrary marks to express them; a good arithlIietic of surds; a
theory of indeterminate problems of the first. degree; a yery
extensIVe and general knowledge of those of the second degree; a
perfect ,acquaintance with quadratic equations, etc."30 Theil'
of mensuration was also remarkable; they held that the
circumference of a circle is thrice its diameter but according to
Brahmagupta 3-1/7 times the diameter.S1
CoslIiology was an important branch of Hindu science. The Hindus
enumerated the. planets in the order of the week-days, and unlike
th.e Mussaln:ans, they held that day and night follow each other
Without havmg a separate dominus. The narries of the sun and
the moon were many, and the names of the inonth were related
to those the lunar stations. The signs of the zodiac were nameLI
to the . images which they represented. "The
(I.e. the totahty of all spheres) is a globe cOrriprehending
the rr so-called zodiac sphere, in which the fixed stars
placed and the two spheres touch each other."32 "The Hindus unlike
the ancien.t Chi.nese, had .ll?t the ambition of making a of
all. the wluch were vlSlble to them. They had a niore important
object 111 View, namely, the study of the motions of the sun, the moon,
and the planets, and other astronomical phenomena, primarilY for
the. purpose of computing time, and of constructing and perfecting
then' ... They accordingly confined their attention to those
stars lay in moon's path, immediately north or south of
th,e. ec\tpt.lC-stars, w!lIch are liable to be oceultaf:ed hy the moon, or
wllIch occaSIOnally be in conjunction with it and with the
planets. 3:3 The Hindus had also "rules for the calculation of the
phases both of lunar and solar eclipses, the tinies of beginning,
mIddle, and end as set forth in their various astronomic-al works.
chiefly the SlIl'yo-Siddlumta." '
29. IT,id., 1'1'. 174 to 176.
30. Dr. IIl1tho,," in his llis/m'U 'of Algerml as qllotrd hy W. Ilrennand in his
A,tmlln",,,, p. 99.
. Sl. A 111<'1'1 111; : Jilt/If!, Vol. I, p. 138.
32. 11M., p. 225.
. 33. Hind" Astrono",,, by ,v. Brennand, p. 38.
L
Po/Illes and Society during tile tEarly' Medieval Period
. v
One of the works mentioned-the Panchatantra-along with the
game of chess had a unique history in Muslim lands. There is an
oft-repeated tradition to the effect that the Panchatantra and the
game of chess were sent as a by a Hindu raja to Anushirwan
the Great. The Persian caUlt suspected that these presents were
. inspired by a spirit of intellectual arrogance-the conviction that rill
human affairs could be controlled by human wisdoin-unbecoming
mere mortals; and Anushirwan's famous vazir, replied
by sending to the Hindu raja the game of nard, which depends en-
tirely upon chance or the throw of the dice. Be this as it may, the
Panchatantra, owing to its popular character, received a cordial re-
ception in foreign lands and suffered from the miSfortunes mch
popularity generally brings. "I wish", says Alberuni, "I could tran-
slate the book Panchatantra, known among us as the book of Kalilah
and Dimnah. It is far spread in various languages-in Persian, Hindi,
and, translations of people who are not free from the
having altered the text. For instance, 'Abdallah Ibn
Almukaffa has added in his Arabic version the about Barzoya,
with the intention of raising doubts in the minds of people of feeble
religiOUS belief, and to gain and prepare them for the propagation
of the doctrines of the Manichaeans. And if he is open to suspicion
in so far as he has added something to the text which he had
simply to translate, he is hardly free from suspicion in his capa-
city as translator."34 The later history of the book is summarized by
Ferishta;' in its present Persian fmID, the KaWah and Dimnah, known
as the Al1Wal'-i Stthaili, is the work of Waizul Kashifi, author of the
Rashahat, a ftiend of Maulana Jami, who emigrated from Herat to
the Deccan. The Hindu game of chess was very different from the
game as we have it today. It was played not by two persons but
by foul' and the moves depended upon, the throw of the dice,i35
In estinlating the intellectual achievements of Hindu India, a
modern critic should not forget some of the difficulties which con-
fronted the scholars of those days. Paper was brought to India by
the Mussalmans; who had learnt the art of making it from Chinese
captives. Early Muslhri Arabs had used bones, hides or prepared
leather (vellum). At a later age they began to use the papyrus (charta,
34. Alberuni: India, Vol. I, 'p. 159.
35. I leave it to I persom conversant with the subject to decide whether the old
Hindu chess is worth reviVing. It is to be hoped that some enterprising Indian firm
will take the mattcr in han(l and manufacture the chess-boards nccessary. The fol-
lowing description of Albernni 'should enahle an intelligent chess-player to recons-
truct our ancient national game of which the whole world is now seized:
Sanskrit Literature
,173
the qil'tas of Quran); it had one advantage over both paper and
vellum; th.e wnting could not be erased without the destruction of
the and the J?apyrus. was, extensively used for
.the fi'l1lans of the cahphs. IImdu rehglOus ideas did not permit
the .use of hide or vellum; papyrus was not obbinable. In southern
In,dla the leaves. of a tree of the palm species, the BOl'asslIS flabellifor-
miS, were extenSIVely used. They were about onp, to two broad
and sometimes even a yard in length. They had, of eOl[rse, to be
"They play chess-four persons at a tillie-with a pair of dice. Their arrangement
of t!,", on the chess hoard is the following:
__ ___
Tower
.Pawn Pawn Pawn Pawn
Pawn Horse
------ ------ ----- ------
,.
Pnwn Elephant
Pawn King
----------
------- ----
King Pawn
---- ------ ----I ---.-- ___ ' ___ " __ __ _
Elephant Pawn
---I - ______ __
._-- ----. - -----
Horse Pawn
Pawn Pawn Pawn Pawn
------ - ----
Tower Pawn
Elephant Horse
kind of chess is not .known to us, I shnll here explni;l whnt I know
"The fonr persons playing together sit so a' to form a s,!ual'C round a c11css-board
..and throw the two dice altematively. or the numbers of the dice, the five and Fi;
nre blank (I.e. do. not COllnt as Stich). In that case, if the dice show five or six, the
player takes one Jl1stcad of the five, and fOllr instead of the six, heeause the figures
these two numerals are drawn in the follOWing manner: so as to exhibit a certain
of form to 4 and 1, viz in. the Indian signs:
6 5
4 S 2 1
C'
114 l'olltlC$ and Society dl/rlng tI,e Early Medieval Period
properly rubbed, oiled and polished. A fine and hard-pointed needle
was used for writing instead of a pen; dry cowdung (or some sirriilar
rriaterial) was spread thinly over the surface of the leaf and then
rubbed alI, leaving the indentations of the needle darker in eoloul'.
A hole bored on one side of the leaves enabled them to be tied into
a boo.k by a chord or a metal fastener; when required for reading,
tIie' LJoolob was spread out like a fan. In central and northern India,
the bark of the tuz tree, called bhul'ia, was used. It was larger in
size, about one yard in length and seven or eight inches in breadth.3G
Leaves were used for writing in India long after the introduction of
paper had made them superfluous and eumbersorrle. In spite of this
unprOrriising writing material, the better class of leaf-manuscripts,
which have survived .'in large quantities, show a high standard of
calligraphy and drawing. Medieval Persian literature is full of the
complaints of the authors against the errors of the copyists. Sanskrit
literature fared no better. The cost and the paucity of writing mate-
rial and the errors of the copyists must' have cansed a lot of l1scless
lahollr and mental strain on both pupils and teachers. Add to it, a
number .of di!Ierent scripts were used in the country, all closely
"The STili" or king appHes here to queen <rzan).
"Eaqh number of the dice causes a move of one of the fignres.
"TIle 1 moves either the pawn or the king. Their moves are the same as in the
common chess. The king may be taken, hut is not required to leave his plnce.
"The 2 moves the tower ( .. uk"). It moves to the third sqllare in .the direction of
the diagonal, as the elephant moves in nur chess.
"The 3 moves the horse. Its move is the generally known one to the third s'l"are
in oblique direction. '
"The 4 mOves the elephant. It moves in a straight line, as the tower does in O1lr
chess, unless it be prevented from moving on. If this is the cnse, as sometimes hrip-
PC'IlS, one of the dice removes obstacle, and ennhles it to movo on. Its smnl1cst mOve
is one square, the greatest fifteen squares, because the dice sometimes sho\'\' two 4, or
two fl, or a 4 and a 6. In consc(jI,ence of one o.these nmnhers, the elephant moves
along the whole side of the margin on the chesschoard; in conseqllence of the oth"r
nllmher, it moves along the other side on the other margin of the hoanl, in case
there is no impediment in its way. In consequence of these two numbers, the ele-
phant, in the course of his moves, occupies the two ends of the diagonal.
uThe pieces have certain values, according to ...vhbh the pl.nycr gets his share
of the stake, for the pieces are taken and pass i/1to the hands' of the player. The
val.", of tho king is 5, that of the elephant 4. of the of the towel' 2, and
of the pawn 1. .lIe \vho takes it king gets 5. For two kings he gets 10, for three
kings 15, if the winner is no longer in possession of his own king. But if he has s!ill
his own king, and takes all three kings, he gets 54, a nmnhcr wl1ich represents a
prog,ession based on general consent, not on an algehrnic principle." (Ibid.,
1'1'. 183-85., .
3(3. Ihid., p. 171; also Abbe D1lbois, HInd" MOIlnerS, Customs and Ceremonies.
Sanskrit Litemture
175
(, r, r\ .,'
allied Ddt, llevertheIess, entailing a good deal of labour when a book
written in one script had to De rewritten for use in another region.
Some of these scripts are mentioned by Alberuni. The Siddha-matrika
alphabct, the most generally known, was used in the town of Vara-
nasi and Kashmir-'the high schools of Hindu .sciences'-as well as
ill' Maddhyadesa (middle country) and Aryavarta (the territory of
Kannauj). The Nagara script prevailed in Malwa and the Ardha-
nagara (half-11agara, COrripounded of the first two) in Bhativa and
some. parts of Sind. Other scripts known to our author were': lI{al-
wari, used in Malwashan, in southern Sincl and on the sea-colist.
Sindhava in Brahmanava (Brahmanabad) and Almansura;37
in Kal11atadesa (Camatic); Andh,.i in Anclhradesa; Dil'wal'i (bravidi) in
the Dirvaradesa (Dravidadesa); La,.i in Laradcsa (Latadcsa); Gallri in
Pnrvadcsa (Eastern regions); and nsed hv the Buddhist
ill Udunpm in Purvadesa. ' ,
The greatest shortcoming .of Sanskrit literature (I say this with
great diffidence) is the paucity of good prose. VCIsified hooks are
easier to remcmber, and so long as the sacred and sccular texts were
reduced to writing, there was good reason for putting everything
mto .verse-from the hymns to the gods to the method of calculating
But by the tenth century A.D. all important books had
been wrItt.en down .. Nev('rthe!es;; the method of composing sloTws
on all subjects eQntlllued. The astrolabe not being known in India,
Alberuni composed a treatise on the subject for the sake of his In-
dian friends and they imrriediately proceeded to put the whole of it
into Sanskrit sZokas. Now in versification the exigencies of rhyme and
metre have naturally to he considered. So that if the worcl 'two' will
not give you the rhyme and metre necessary, you have to say the sun
and the moon-or the reverse. In order t.o eliminate personal idiosvn-
crasies in the matter, elaborate canons of interpretation had to he
laid down, so that natural prose-thought may be converted into itn-
possible verse and impossible verse be reconverted into
prose-thought. All ancient languages suffer from this sort of artifi-
ciality. But the Sanskrit language surpasses all others. Nothing in-
. c.rcases our r!')speet for the Hindu scientists so mueh as a contempla-
tion of the extremely c!i/Rcl1lt conditions under which they workecl,.38
37. Almansura and Brahmanahad arc not two nameg for the same town, as is
sometimes supposed.
38. "In all metrical compositions there mhch misty and phraseology
merely intended to fin up the mdrc and serving as a kind of patchwork, and this
necessitates a certain amount of verbosity. The metrical form of literary composition

C'
176
Politics and Society during tIle Eat'llI MedfelJOI PerIod
IV. POPULAR HINDUISM
Though the India of the eleventh century had fallen far from the
cultural standards of the era of Harsha, not to mention the Golden
Age of the Guptas, it may be safely affirmed that single country even
in that age, with the possible exception of PersIa, could boast !l
finer culture. But while in Persia the culture of th?
and the Sassanh.ui periods had entirely perished, IndIfi had: m. sptte
of foreign invasions and internal wars, preserved the contmUlty of
her traditions. The researches of Albenmi prove t!mt
Hindu philosophy and science, though. not so pl'Ogressl,"e as III
preceding centmies, were living and VItal. Even a sohtary
like Alberuni, could collect the material necessary for
the metaphysical and scientific achieveni?nts of the past.. Thts glo-
riotls heritage, however, was .not the hentage the Indwn
but only of a vel"/ small sectIOn of t.he bow'geOls classes. The OV61.-
whelming mass 01 the people we;e 1Jltl'1?,osely
dOlls1!1 left to wallow in dep,mdtng supersttttons by the plecot/c;'.-
eel tricks Of the pl'iests".39 This can be best illustrated by a !'cvww
of popular beliefs concerning those 'categol'ie5 of thought whICh we
have already noted.
Pol!lthei'Slnarid Idolator!! .
The Vedic gods, if gods they' be called,
personifications without images or temples. The ?f
ing among the Hindus does not concern 115 here. It .IS
that Albertini, who spared neither money nor pams m obtam1l1g
instruction from the best Hindu teachers, repeatedlv declares
educated Hindus had faith in Goel alone. "We shall now mentwn
their llldicrotts views; but tve declam at once that they are held onl!!
hll the COmmon, tmeducated people. Fo" those who march on the
path of liTJeration, O/' those who stltdy philosophy or theology, and
who desire abstract twtll, which they call are entirely free ftom
worshipping anything but God alone, and tool/ld. rt,?,ver dream. at
worshipping an image manufaotul'e.d to rep,'esent HUll. 40 And ag-mn .
"Such idols are made only for the uneducated, people (',f
little understanding; the Hindus (i.e. the educated HlIldus) never made
i< one of the' causes which make the study of Sanskrit IitNnture 00 particularly
(1.iffic
u
lt.".:-Albenmi, IndIa, Vol. I. p. 19.
39. I/Jla., p. 123.
40. IbId . V. US.
Popular Hinduism
177
an idol of any being, Inucn less of God . . The ct:owd is
kept in thraldom. by all 801'tS of priestly tricks and deceits. When
. the ignorant crowd get a piece of good luck, by accident or' SOme-
at which they had aimed, and when with this some of the pre-
cO!1certed tricks of the priests are bl'Ol1ght irito eonnection, the dark-
ness in which they live increases vastly, not their intelligence."41 Our
found th? whole of, studded with idols and proceeds to
give, on the baSIS of the Samhlta of Varahamihira, an account of the
principal idols his reatler is likely to meet-Rama, Vishnu, Baladeva,
Bhagvati, Sambha, Brahma, Skanda, Indra, Mahadeva, Buddha (sit-
ting on a lotus "with a placid expression as if he were thE! father of
creation", or as Al'1wub, a naked youth with a fine face, heautiful, with
the figure of Sri, his wife, under his left breast), Ravana, Yama,
Kubera, the Sun (Aditya), and the Seven Mothers. This list .picks out
the most popular idols .of the day. But Alberimi confesses that be
could find no Buddhists in India. On the other hand, he speaks of
Magians in the country; they were the special devotees of the Sun-gOd'
who was ."dressed in the style of the Northerners", i.e. he wore a
lJy;ama instead of a dhoU. "The worshippers ?f the Seven Mothers
kill sheep at)d buffaloes with their ax'es (katal'a) that l:hey may nourish
themselves with their blood:' Some of the idols were famous and
are nO.ticed by our author in detail-tIle Linga of Siva at Somnath,
the statue of the Sun-god at Multan, of Vishnu at Th!'\l1eswar, and
of. Sarada in Kashmir.. The' India of Albenmi was predominantlv
Vaishnavite. Shaivism, at th\'l time: seems to have been, niore or less,
a southern creed.
The more' famous temples drew crowds of pilgrims and gathered
fahulous wealth owing to-the devotioll of the rich and the poor. The
pilgrimages, whether obligatory or not, had undoubtedly the effed
of bringing the people of distant parts together and thus .cl'eating
a common religiOUS and national spifit.42 They wcre also centres
. of husiness . and indushy, and in some cases, particularly Nagarkot,
the. Brahmans had good reputation as bankers. Alheruni like Ahbe
DubOis, who wrote eight cellturies Jater; .asserts that the nioral at-.
mosphere of many temples was not clean. An Arab traveller bad
made the preposterous remark: "TIle Hindus regar'd' fornication as
lawful and wine as urlawfut" Thc reference was, of course. to the
devadasi girls, so plentiful in the temples of those <lays. Oil this
. however, Albcruni does not blame the Brahmans .. "People
mud Swami, r,el>rinted as Iud/an Self-government.
178
I hillk with I'('gllfll to hnl'!otry thut it Is IIUuwed with them, .. III reaUty
the matter is not as people think, but it is rather this, that the
Hindus arc llot very severe ill punishing whoredom. The fault, how-
ever, in this lies with the kings, not with the nation. But for this
no Drahnian or priest would suffer in their idol-temples the
who sing, dance and play. The kings make them an attractIOn for
their cities, a bait of pleasures for their subjects, for no other but
Ilmmcial By the revenl\t:) which they derive from the
, ness both as fines and taxes, they want to recover the expenses wluch
theil' tI'easUl'Y has to spend on fhe 3nuy."43 "
Corresponding to the material idols, there was, of course, 3 spm-
tual, or rather spiritualistic, panthcon-first, the tEnity of Braluua,
Vishnu and Shiva, the three primary forces, Vishnu being often given
the superior 'place as the unifying element; secondly, eight '
of spiritual beings, dew, c1aUya, danava, gandlwl'Va, etc.; lastly, ,ntaras
(ancestors), blll/ta, siddTw, etc. TotaIling up, eOtmted sor,ne
3S0,OOO,OOO heings. It is not necessary to go mtn further detaIls.
Unfortunately, the. Brahmans while disbelieving in de vas p:o-
claiming with no ullcertaiuvoice that the nshi was, mfenor.
to God alone manufactured innumerable stones ahout the gods.
"They rcpresented the de,va.s and drinking; coh'abiting, living
and dying, since they eXist wltlnn mattet, though m the n:ost subtle
and most simple kind of it. They allow all tlungs:, some
perhaps not ohjectionable, others ol.)jcctwnahle: 44 It
is Ullneccssal'Y to givc instances. The stQpes to wl1l(;h Albe1'lll11 refers
nr(' only Ion promincnt a fcatmc of, that low-grade li.teratlll'c, ,falsely
called religions, to which alone the Brnhmans theil'
caste eo-religionists. TIll' Greek It;(?re 110 IUJlfcr-f1w( 1S AlfJennl1 R
consolation. .
Whatevcr the of idolatry 01' the jllstification of it in carber
days, thci'c can be no doubt that by the eleventh cent.my-long after
the foundation of Christianity and Islam and a,t a lime wh<:n,. had
the Brahmans so desired, tho principles of the Gtta, the Patan/all- and
the Upanish{icls could published system of
idolatry had developed Into a foul and pefmc
lOtlS
The feal
ohjectioll to idolatry is llot that it i,s a false for have
t6 helieve hi many things-time, space, causatIon, ?tc.-w}nch arc
. obviously untrue, but that it degrades and demoralIses hun;an
mind. The psychological effect on the people at large of Inculcatmg
4", "An ndltltctcss is driven out of tll(, 1"'''56 of tIle lind hnlli,l",']" ,-
Alhcfltni. Tl1llia, Vol. t. 1". 162.
44. l/Jiil., p, 92.
P"I"'[(1r 111Ilciu/."'J
179
genera:ions and centu.lies the cult of immol'lI} gods, and enshrin-
In temples deSigned for this purpOSe, <;an he more easilv
unagmcd than described. J
Reitlcamalion, Metempsychosis
doctrine' of reincarnation, tile 'sine quo non of Hinduism as
explamed . hy best Indian thinkers and accepted by somc of' the
best Mus.lun thmkers; is essentially a doctrine of human {lignity and
buman freedom.. It IS also the most rational explanation, though not
bas:d of any sort, yet offered of man's place and man's
duties III tlus ulllverse. Divested of all needless technicalities it
that mall can only annihilate the phenomenal world
hflab)-:-fil'stly, by a Vil'tUOllS life which the veil between 11im
and IllS and thus annihilates the individual consciousness
by It into the social consciousness;, and, secondll{, by con-
(dhyan, 1nushahidah) which enables the individual cons-
cIOusness to he absorbed into the Ultimate Reality which can only
he th,e Supreme COllse,iousness; for Reality without Consciousness is
meanmgless and ConscIOnsness alone can be considered Real. Minor
differences in intel'lJl'ctation do not change the substance of the <loc-
trine: for example Shaikl1 Shihabuddin, ollt of regard of Muslim ortllO-
doxy which contemplates only two Iivcs, one hcre ancl One hereafter,
gets round the difficulty by declaring that the next life copsists of many
, stages. Salvation tIm:; contcmplated has no nced of paradise
flOW1111Q',11H'v,m or crvstai wine-cups or alluring lwris; it needs the
alone. 'The sufis, too", to quote Alberuni once more "do not
consider. the stay in paradise a special gain for another
there the soul delights in other things but the Tl'Uth, i.e. God: lind
tholl{!.hts are divet'(ed from the absolute Good Tnl things which
not the absolufe Good." .
'",\Te have already said", continues Alberuni, "that the soul exists
these two places without a bod\' .. But this is onlv the view of
edu<;ate;l muon/! them, who understand by soul an indepen-
hem The lower classes took. or were mduced to take. a
view of the dochine. "They cannot ima)?ine the exis-
of II soul without a hody." Hence the 111!0lly nf death-a tenible
da_"'hebonlooker-was attributed to ,the fad tlmt the soul
nowhere to go to and had, consequently, to stick to the decayed
useless hodv. Pravers were necessarv amI payments In the BraIt-
so that a tabernacle might be ohtained for tbe soul of the
ve. Populal' tradition, moreover, postulated that every Roul,
of its virtue or ka,.ma, had to put lip for a whole year in
,.1
c,;
: \
180
..
Politics and Soci.etf/ dllrlng the Early Medieval Perioa
.' ';.
a hastily prepared body-the ativaTtlkd-iri which it abode a year
(as a minimum period) "with the greatest pain, no matter whether
it has deserved to be rewarded or punished". The last qualification
was necessary, otherwise many people would have remained satisfied
with the conviction that their dead relations were reaping the reward
of their good life. According to a tradition mentioned by Ferishta,
1111 these 'probationary souls' came to Somnath. Be this as it' may,
'the one-year probation theory' made it necessary for the heir of the
deceased to perform a series of rites during the year, and enabled
the Brahmans to levy 'Death Duties' on aU who were in a position
to pay them, regardless of the virtues and viees of the deceased.
The tradition must have been very strict and universal; for the custom
of fatiha for the dead-ten days; forty days, six months and one year
'after death (or rather burial)-has persisted among the Indian Mussal-
manS though six or seven centuries have passed since their cOnver-
sion. After this year is over, the mind of the Muslim ,heir, though
he is ,even ignorant of the term, ativahika, feels definitely relicvcc1.4,5
Popular Cosmology
A s outlook on the pl'Oblellis ,of practical and even spiritual
life, is very much conditioned by his concep.tion of the material uni-
verse. The belief that matter, and human life so far as it is materially
conditioned, is determined by laws has certainly tended
to eliminate superstition. People who believe the world to be round
will, inevitably, attempt to 'navigate it. The conception of a flat
45, In Chapter LXXII devoted to inheritance, Alhernni again returns to the suhjec
l
and summarises the duties of a legitimate heir to the so111 of the deceased. 011 a
projecting shelf hefore the door of the house, it ",no his ,luty [or ten successive days
to put a vessel of water ;md a dish of cooked food, "Possibly the spirit of the decea,ed
hns not yet found its rest, hilt moves still to nnd fro arolln,l the house, hungry and
thirsty," On the tenth day he was expected to spend "in the name of the deceased"
as much food and cold water as his menns pcnniltec1; thereafter, for the wholl
he was to send food for one person along with a copper coin
(dirham) to the house of a Brahman. Further, he was to give s"teen han,!uets
in all at which the guests received hoth dinner and alms-on the 15th and (he
16th day after death; then once every month, the hanqllet of the sixth month hdng
nlore splendid than the others, and, finally, on the last hut one and the last day
of the "mourning-year", "With the end of the year the dllties towards the deceased
have heen fulfilled," The heir, if a legitimate son, was also expected to spend
year in mourning dress and to refrain from Intercourse with women,' It mllst not
be forgotten that from the atlvalIlkCl-legencl, these banquets were a menns by
which the. heir asserted his right to the' property of the deceased, and the suhcnste
or blrad",./ to which he belonged, hy accepting his Invitation acknowledged his right,
Hence the wide prevalence of these 'death-banquets' among hath the Hindus and
the Mtlssalmnns of India down to the present time-Ibid" Vol. II, PP', 165-66.
Popular Wlldllism 181
'-
earth, washed by an unlimited -0' islands within islands and
. seas-will a people to shrink more and morc
wltlun Itself. The Sansknt treatises, known as Siddhantas, incorporat-
ed the advance made in the realm of astronomy,
and allied subjects before the advent of 'modem science. 'There is
under the lamp', s,ays an Indian proverb.. It is
hagIC that wIllie the labours of Brahmagupta and his Indian felIow-
workers cna?led the pe.ople of Khwar?zm and Khorasan and Bagh
da(! to obtam a healtlller and saner Idea of the physical universe
wInch surrounded them, the popular 'world-outlook' of the Indians
was left untouched. ,Early Arab cosmology, unlike Indian cosmo-
\;as based not any venerable traditions' but' upon the
llumedwte of an unscientific people. Among the
as the Hindus, traditional astronomy was con-
Sidered a of rehglOn, and any attempt to question it was regard-
as and either !he persecutor's sword
01, the of I?opular._ Opllllon. But, fortunately,
mathematics m all Its branches IS conSidered, and has always been
considered, a perfect science; its truths were the only certain truths
ll.ud even dogmas of the theology had to be given up, or explained
away, they carrie into conflict with the principles of mathe-
mahcal logIC. So after the first heat of conflict in the ninth and
tenth centuries, a Muslim astronomer could pursue his scientific
stu.dies without any great fear of persecution by public opiniOn or
, th-e India it was o.therwise; the. principles of science had
.to be expll.1ned away to SUIt the fantaSies of the masses or mis-
represented for the purpose of exploiting them.
False Sciences
,
This brings us to 'the false sciences' which 'preyed upon the multi-
tude', By far the most popular of ,these sciences was astrology. Man's
life on earth is inevitably reckoned by the revolutions of heavenly
bodies 'as he perceives them, and his religiOUS practices from the
earliest days have become attaclwd to their changing hut recurrent
phases, In this there is nothing m)l'erious. But the union of wicked
thcology and false sC.ience hrought astrology into existence-a hy-
brid child. There is good reason for believing that India is the
original home of 'scientific astrology' if this contradictory term may
be permitted; it was certainly very popular arriong the Mussalmans
who had borrowed it from the Greeks 'and the IndianS,46 But the
46, AlhehJllI wns nol, ns is sometimes snpposed, nn astrologer, A cnreful ex-
amina'ion of his ,Tall,lm .. n NII;um, a popnlar work on astronomy which he wrole
c
182
Politics and Society during tlte Early
influcnce of astrology among the Mussalmans must not be overrated.
A resolute Mussalmnll-like Dabm' before the battlo. of Khallwa-:-
could tell the astrologer to go and hang, and direct IllS by Ius
faith in God and in secular reason. Also the average lVluslllll cons-
ciousncss throughout the Middle Ages regarded astrology as
thing dark, forbidden, irreligious; it came into sharp conflict 1m
and his reliance in Divine Omnipotence. The IS fV-
erned by Allah directly, not by the or the stars. And .w
He intends anything", says the Quran, He says, Be, and It IS.
In India, on the other hand, astrology became the basis of popular
religioll; it was the by which sch.olars
and explojted the multitude and, lllcl(lentally, emned theu own
livelihood. If man's fate, his sacrifices and his prayers depended
UPOIl the stars-and the stars could only hy stndied by y?ars of
careful training in technical sciences made even more te.chmcal. by
an artificial methodology, the esoteric characters of Drahmalllcal
learning could be preserved . fOJ:
Brahmans, the mass of mankmd are uttClly mcompetent f(ll the
study of mathematics. The Siddhontas and the were )lot
sealed books like the Vedas. But they were UlJ\ntelhglbl
e
to the
and the untrained. .
The matter is best examined by reference to a concrete queshon-
the eclipses. Hindu scientists had by the fourth century A.D. pr?ved
hv a series of irrefutable deductions that the solar and lunar eclipses
,,;ere due respectively to the interposition of the moon between the
sun and the earth and of the earth between the sun aud the
Ccnturies of careful observation had also enabled them to pre(llct
the cvcle of eclipses with remarkable accuracy and assure them-
sel\'es' that this recurrent phenomena entailed no danger to anybody.
NC\'ertheless the people of India were thrown ungovernahle
panic again and again from fear that Rahu, the ternble Head, would
swallow up the Sun and the Moon; and astrologers were
bv the people with prayers, alms and gIfts tQ prevent an untnnely
tennination of the history of mankind. Needless to say, they
sticcef(led. Albertini sugp:ests, following a hint of the Brahmo-Sul-
clhollta, that the eclipse should he regarded not as the reason hut
the occasion for prayer-just as the Mussalnian prays before the
dawn (or omits his prayer) without the slightest fear that .the SUIl
ror his c1allp;hkr. nnihann, 1euv(':; little dOllht that 11(: 11:\(1 no faith in astrology:
Iml his (ldailt'(l discw;sioTl of the mdhoc1s of Hindu IIstl'oln1!Y shows h{'yond c1011ht
that this was extH'llH'ly pupttlar, I Ie (''(presses a rcgrf't that i\fllSlilll
knowledge of T1in.<1n astrology clews not !lo heyond the SI"tI-ITIr"I.
l'ol'lI{m' IIllIellllsm
will fail to raise. But such an admission would havc 'nnllibilatect the
influence of the BralUrians, and the scientific explanation of the
eclipses was never popularised. Alberuni's remark on the topie is
significant: "The scholars"-al1d we are bound to add Hrahmanical
scholars more than others-"are well aware of the use of money,
but the rich are ignorant of the nobility of science." In Muslim
countries the scientists, regarded as protagonists of heresy, were
helplessly dependent upon the charity and the patronage of princes;
from which soon after Alberuni's days they were effectually excluded
by the mullahs and poets.
4i
In India the pradice of astrology and
allied sciences enabled the scholars to control the princes as well
as the multitude. Hut this was poor compensation for a wide-spread
and undeniable evil.
Slid,]:; lyJlve centuries after the phenomena of the tides had been
satisfactorily explained as due to the revolutions of the moon, we
the temple of SOml1ath being built and popularised on the basis
of a signifieant legend. The Moon being married to the lunar sta-
tions, the daughters of Prajapati, began to love one of 'his wives,
Hohini, more than the others. Thercupon Prajapati, worried by the
cOl1iplaints of his other daughters, cursed the lI>'foon and it became
leprous. The Moon repented, but Prajapati's order had been given
and could not be recalled. lIe, however, promised to veil the Moon
from the. eyes of men for half the year provided the latter worship-
ped the llllga of Shiva properly. This linga at first was on the sea-coast,
about three miles from the point where the Saraswati then fell into
the gulf of Cuteh, and was washed by the tidal wave. About a
century before l\Iahmud, the idol was removed from the sea-side
and tlie famous temple was huilt.
48
The nature of the legend shows
4i. Alhenmi, [",/1<1, Vol. I, p. 1.52.
48. The general belief that the origillal SOJllllath tl'llIpll' \\ as on the
coast of Kathiawar is not ('oned. (1) Alh(,l1mi's description kavcs no doubt ahout
its exact sitllation. The river Saraswati is in Clljarat ntHl ft'll into the Gulf of
Clltch. (2) The remarkable "bl> ancl /low of the ti,les, whkh Ihe kgellc1 post"lates
and which accounts of Su1tan r\,falmmd's invasions cotlfhm, nrc not possihle on the
(Ipen sea-coast of Kathiawar h"t were thell possible in the (;,,If of Cntch. (1) Som-
nath was an important sea-i)()l't for which the Gulf of Cl1tch was the only possihI<:
pInel", (4) Sultan r..-Ialmmd, to II)Il-i Asir, reached SoJtlllalh aftl'r marching
from Patan or Allhi1wnrn fot' two days tlllc1 a half; this would 110t have been possihle
if Somnath had heen then (as now) on the St111thel)1 sea-boanl of Kathiawar. (5) A
ne.w Somnath, ns Bamni tells tiS, was Imilt after the d('slrl1ction of the first Somnath
hy nppnrcntly at its present sik. The tcmph! waS ohviouslv huilt once
.more (I.e. for the third time) nft(!r its (1(',..tr1lC,tI011 hr Nm:mt Khan. (Sec JIahih:
of Glwzllin, ullel Campaign . of Alalu/dlll KI,I/il.)
'C'
Politics and SOCiety duting the Early Medieval Period
that the people who invented' ol'popularlsed the cult of SOinnath
(MoonlonJ, Shiva) were well aware of the nature of the tides the
growth of the temple in popularity and wealth SilOWS
the rapid flse of Shiva worship and the extraordinary influence of
Brahmans devoted to him.
49
The Ganges-water with which the
h:lga was eVel)'day was guaranteed to cure persOlls of all
dIseases. The of Somnath probably helped in popularising
the of the lmgum. Albertini tells us that the litlga was often
temples of south-western Sind.50
V,'I,:,!' 1Vlcnces which 'preyed {)1l the ignorance of the multitude'
also deserve a passing mention. Alchemy, though Hot unknown, was
110t so as am(:ng the Mussalmans. On the other hand Rasay-
alia-the. alt of restormg old men to l,outh and of prolonging life-
exhemcly popular. All sorts 0 herbs and concoctions were
tned. .Appat'elltly this medieval science of 'rejuvenation' or 're-
led to much evil owing to the greedincss of the Hindu
prmces.. Ahout a years before Alberuni, a of Daihak,
nea; SOllll},ath, Nagaquna by name, wrote a precious treatise on the
The greediness of the ignorant Hindu princes for gold-
makmg does not know an limit. If anyone of them wa!lted to
carry out a of making, and people advised him to kill
a l:umber. of flne httle en, the monstel' would not refrain from
such a cnme; he would throw them into the fire."51
f Then, as. now, India was reputed abroad for all things stnlllge
the tncks o.f jugglers to the god-compelling mantras of her
pnests. The IS as long as it is frivolous and the modem eritic
may be permitted to dismiss it with Alberuni's veiled derision' "J
for my part, .do n.ot know what I aID. to say about these things
I do not beheve III them."52
Gults and Sects
. A anxions to d.ecIaim against will find enough
111 Abbe DubOIS and other mlSslOnary writers. That, of
cottlse, IS not our task. But about Hindu sects of the time two things
t}eserve. be, noted: there :vas a constant tendency
(egenelatlOll. The spmtual comprehension of the religiOuS mOve-
ments was often lost and vulgar stories did dutyfol; spiritual truths.
49. Alhcnml, 111<1la, Vol. II, p. 104. .
50. Loc. cit.
5L lI)i{l., Vol. I, p. 193.
52. lbid" p. 194.
Poplllar Hlndu/sm.
185
TIllS was balanced by a constant effOl't at 1'eol111, which in its tum
took the form of new cults. The same phenomenon is found in other
religi{,n:, aerhaps not to the same marked degree. For Hinduism,
unlike Islam and Roman Catholicism, is not a creed at all but 'a
civilization-process'; almost evetT doctrine-good, bad or indillerent,
could find a place within its ample folds. Secondly, the most remark-
able phenomenon: about Hindu religiOUS movements is the almost
complete absence of religiofts persecution. No one was prepared
to kill-<)r to be killed-for the sake of his idols or his gods. "On
the whole, there. is very little disputing theological topics
among themselves; at the utmost, they fight With words, but they
wiII never stake their soul or body or their property on religiOUS
controversy."53 This may have been clue to the docbine of ahimsa,
or to a genuine desire for tolerance, or to an implicit understanding
among fhe governing classes that the more subdivided the commu-
nity, the easier it would be to govern it. Be this as it may, a wide
door was left open for the propagation of degrading cults and the
construction of degenerate temples for shameless fonns of worship.
Even the price f{\l' tolerance--one of the highest principles of our
social life-may be sometimes too great. If the cult of the lingum
had been invented in a Christian or a Muslim country, it would have
been suppressed without much ado as a pure police measure; the
claim that such worship could be religiOUS would not have been
entertained for a moment. But in India it went forth, north and
east, west and south, gathering all sorts of associations-sometimes
degraded by the grossest form of sex-suggestions and at other times
sublimated by philosophical speculations.. that left nothing to. be
desired. The Turkish Muslims-and the Indian Muslims perhaps
even to greater extent-were bitterly horrified by the lingmn. The
statues of Vishnu and other gods were admired aesthetically and
were often merely defaced by a hammer-stroke On the nose. out of
a mistaken loyalty to the 'true faith' or iman. But the Shiva-lingmn
was smashed whenever it could be found. Still too much emphasiS
trtust not be laid upon the elements of spiritual degeneration in Hindu
life, though they have left undeniable impression upon the statuary
of the period. The India of Alhenmi, though fallen from its former.
high-state, was culturally alive; its political colJapse is to be explained
not by the existence of a few degrading cults but by the shortcomings
of. the best politico-social conceptions of the day. .
It is gencroJly believed that the UindllS am divided into two
53. lblel., p. 19.
&-
186 Politics and Society dl/ring tIle Earlu Pmi,,"
principal sects, the Vaishnavites and the -Shaivites. This in a scme
is true. BIlt these sects have not the remotest likeness to the Shias
and Sunnis among the :Mussalmans 01' to the Roman Catholics and
Protestants among the Christians. No memories of past persecutions-
no martyr's memorials-embittered the relation of the two Hindu
sects. Also, since Shiva and Vishnu have so many incarnations, and
niay, with thcir differently named wives, be worshipped under any
number of forms, it is difficult to get to' any concrete sectarian dogma
with the seal of pernjanence upon it. The lI,indus have a bad habit,
as Alberuni noted, of praising one god to the skies and then hinting
darkly that there is some one greater behind him. And so,
whatever god the votary begins to worship, hc is hrought lllli-
mately to the syllable Om-denoting the Suprcme Being and
connoting all q\Jalities, or, possibly, none; for our human minds
cannot comprehend the real nature of the Ahsolute Reality. All
gods lead to Om-the logical e(lllivalent of Allah-jllst as all roads
leacl to Home.
The following suninjary from Panclit Gauri Shankar Ojha's book
will give the reader some idea of the Vaishnavite and Shaivite c\1lts:
"In view of the teachings of the 13hagvat Gila, the priests (Jadhavas)
started the worship of Vasudeva in order to popularise his cult, which
came to be known as 13hagvat or Satiyavat. The arduous Vedic and
other religiOUS ceremonies prevalent at the time had alienated the
minds of the people, who now welcomed the Bhakti cult cheerfully,
Some time after its origin the images of Vishnu were also made. The
matter has not yet been completely explored, but the inscription of
Nagari mentioned above refers to the constructions of temples for
the worship of Shankara, Shiva and Vasudeva. There is no reference
to an idol in any previous inscription, but in the 4th centnry H.C:.
Megllsthenes asserts that the Stlrsena Jadhavas of ,l'vlathura worship-
ped IIeracles (i.e. Hari Krishna and Vasudcva). Panini has also mCJl-
tioned the nanie of Vasudeva in his Savetras and Pataniali, and
rcgards Vasudeva as a deity. It seems that the worship of Vasudeva
had already been started at the time of Panini about 600 H.C. The
Bhagvat creed must, therefore, be earlier."54.
"At first the new creed retained the sacrifices of the Vedic faith
'but later, on coming under the i1;nuence of Buddhism, it prefelTClI
the ahimsa dharma. The Pani Ranel' Santha is the authoritative book
of'this sect. The followers of this sect believed in five daily prayers,
worship 'In temples, recitation of mantras and the attainil1cnt of
;31. 1m/hili Cidliz(I/io/l III the Middle Ages, p, 18.
Popular HinduLsm 187
Ishwar through yoga. Then the Vaishnavites began to represent Vishnu
in twenty-four incarnations, of whom ten were considered to be the
highest. The inclusion of Buddha and Hishwah in the list of Hindu
avatars makes it evident that the Hindu' religion had undergone a
change owing to the predominance Qf the Bauddha and Jain creeds,
and, therefore, the founders of these creeds were given a place by ,the
side of Vishnu. It is also possible that the invention of the twenty-four
incarniltiolls was due to the adoption of the twenty-four Buddhas or
the twenty-foul' tirtTwnkars of the Jains. The Vishnu temples have
existed from 200 B.C. till today, and a mention of Vishnu-worship
found in inscriptions, copper-plates, and books of yore. In the
Deccan, the Bhagvat sect began to rise in the 9th centll1'y A.D.; and
the Alwar Rajas of the Deccan were the devotees of Sri Krishna ...
It is strange that in spite of the fact that Rama was an incarnation
of Vishnu, JlO temple 01' image of him is found till the tenth century
A.D. It is extremely unlikely trlat the cult of Rama prevailed in ancient
days like the cult of Kl'ishna. III latel: days the worship of Rama was
started, and festivals like Ramanavami were observed."
Vedantic teachings Qf Shankaracharya, however, struck a
blow to the Bhagvat creed. If the Atman (soul) and 13rah1lla are one
and the same, what is then the need of bhakti? In order to revive the
decreaSing power of the creed, Hamanuja began to criticise the
Vedantic teachings of Shankaracharya."55
"The worship of Shiva began, like that of Vishnu, and his devotees,
to regard Shiva as the oninipotent creator and preserver. The various
works on this sect are known as Agama and its devotees begail to
make numerOus forms of the images of Shiva. Ordinarily the image
was a small rgund pillar, or else the upper round part was surrounded
by four heads-the round top to represent the Brahmanda,' and the
four faces to represent the Sun (east side), Vishnu (west), Brahma
(north), and Hucha (south). Idols have also been found not with the
faces but the images of these deities. It meant that Shiva was the
master of the universe, while the other deities were the manifestations
of his attributes. At various places images of the trinity of Shiva have
also been found, with six hands. three face!' a11(1 three heads orna-
mented with large locks... Such Trimurt'ls have been found at
. Elephanta, ChittoI', Sirohi, etc."56
"The Shaivite sect was popularly known as 'Pashupatat'; later on
the 'Lakulisha' sect was added, which seems to have sprcad ovcr the
,,5, 1/'id., pp, 10 & 20.
50. II>;cI" pp: 23-24.
(: .
188
Politics and Soc/etu during tlte tar/yMed/eval, Period
whc)le of Bharata. The four followers of Lakulisha-Kushika, Garga,
Mitra and Kaurashya-are referred to in the Linga Purana. It is after
these disciples that the Shaivite subsects are known. Today the
Lakulisha sed is not found anywhere and people are not even ac-
quainted with the name."51
"The followers of the Shaivite sect believe Mahadev to be the
Creator, the Preserver and the Destroyer of the universe. The Shaivites
consider !Jogabhyas and the sprinkling of ashes over their bodies to
be necessary; they also believe in moksha. The six essentials of their
worship are-laughing, singing, dancing, bellowing like a bull, praying
prostrate on the ground and reciting Oil the rosary; there are also
other similar' customs. They believ'e that man reaps the fruit of his
life according to his karma. Life (iiva) is eternal; when life is released
from the delusion of maya, it becomes Shiva, but does not become
omnipotent like the Mahashiva. These people pay great attention to
recitations (;a/Ja) and yogasadhan, holding of breath. The other two
subsects are Kapalak and Kalamakh who worship Shiva in his pialli-
festation as Bhiru and Rudra. There is no difference between them.
They have 6 om aments, kHndal, ratan, ashes and
;alliv(l. They belicvc that man can attain t() salvation through the
sadhtts (mystics). The followers of this sect eat out of human skulls;
thev rub the ashes of shamslwn over their bodies and eat it also. They
keel) a staff and a cup of wine, and regard them a mcans of salvatioil
both in this world and the next. Their sadhtlS lead a dreadful and
nefarious life. The scct consists of 'sadhtls exclusively; there are no
lay-followers. Now such sadhlls are seldOni found."58
"The Shaiva sect also flourished in Kashmir. .. There Aspand Gupta
wrote a book known as Aspand Shastm, according to which it is be-
lievcd that G()d does not stand in need of man's karma, but creates
the world according to His own will without the illterniediation of
mattel'."59
"When the Vishnu'Dlial'llia, with ahimsa its new doctrine, reached
the Andhra and Tamil lands, and the opposition to the Shaivite cult
was spreading in the eastcm region, at that very time a new Shaivite
cult arose in the Kal'natic ... In the 12th century A.D. a Brahman,
named Basava, started a new creed known as 'Lingayaf in order to
wipe off the Jain religion. The raja of the place, Bijjala by name,
patronized him and spent large sums of money in populmizing the
57. Ibid., p. 25.
58. Ibid., p,' 26.
59. Ibid., p, 21.
c.,
b
W",I" Nationalism 189
new' creed. Though the deadliest enemies of the Jains, they laid
emphasis on the doctrine of: ahimsa, but did not believe in castes or
subcastes. Basava taught a person, even if he be a sanyasi, must
earn a livelihood, and begging was forbidden. The linga was the
special sign of this sect, and its 'members used to wear the linga of
Shiva in a silver casket round their necks. It was their creed that
Shiva had divided his soul into two' parts, the linga and)the bocly."6o
"The Shaivite sect was very strong in the Tamil province. Here
they were deadly opposed to the Jains and the Buddhists. The prin-
ciples of their religion have been compiled in eleven volumes at
different tilnes."61 '
V. HINDU NATIONALISM
There were many elements of Hindu thought, the doctrine of nir-
vana for example or the doctrine of non-violence, with which a l'on-
fanatical of the eleventh cenhllY felt himself in close
kinship, whether he acknowledged it publicly or not. It was otherwise
with the Hindu social system. Today,after the two religions have lived
side by side for eight or nine hi.mdred years, the Hindus and MussaI-
mans of the country-partly owing tC' the mutual influence of the two
religions but primarily owing to the persistence of Hindu outlook and
modes of thought among the Muslim converts-are children of a
common culture, however much comniunalists may ignore, or reform-
ers lament, the fact. In the eleventh century the two 'systems stood in
shari) and apparently irreconcilahle contrast for the intermediate liilk
between them-the Indian Mussalman-had !lot yet appeared.
Hindu nationalism-and there can he no other name for it-was
and violent. "All their fanaticism is directed against those
who do not helong to them-against all foreigners. call them
lillechchlw, f.e: ftnptll'e, and forbid having anv connection with them,
belt by intermarriage, or any other kind of relationship, or by sittinp'.
eatin!!, or drinking 'with thein, because thereby thev think the\, would
he polluted."62 No conversions to Hinduism were permitted. "They
are not allowed to receive anybodv who does not helong: to them, even
if he wished it or was inclined to their religion. This. too, renders anv
connection with them f\uite impossihie, and constitutes the wiclest
ffI(lf: "t\V,eell us and them ... In all manners and usages they differ
from us such a degree as to their children with us, with
60. 17J.ft/" p, 29.
6L I,nc, eft.
62. lndltl, Vol. I, pp, 19-20,
C'
\\,
too
Polit/c,. and' Soclely "I/I'lng tT", F.ar/u Medleml Pel'lod
our dress, and our ways and cnstoms, and as to dcclare ns to be devil's
breed, and our dOings as the very opposite of all that is good and
right." Needless to say the Indians thought they had a monopoly of
philosophy and science, mt and culture. "The Hindus believe 'that
there is no country but thcirs, IlO nation like theirs, no kings like theirs,
no sciences like theirs. They are hanghty, foolishly vain, self-conceited
and stolid. They arc by nature niggardly in comi-nunicating what they
know, and take the greatest possible care to withhold it frolli men of
another caste among theii' people, still Hiuch more, of course, from
any foreigner. Ac.cording to their belief there is no other country on
the earth but theIrs, no other race of man bnt theirs, and no created
beings besides them have any knowledge Qr science whatsoever."63 As
never :vent b:yond. the frohtiers of their own country as in
em'her days, It was ImpossIble for them to observe the progress made
in other lands. A grudging recognition was extended to the Yavallos
01' Greeks, and AlbertIni quotes a remark of Varahamihira, 'a ,self-
landing, fellow' who gives himself airs as doing justice to others': "The
Greeks, though impure, 11Iust be honoured, sillce Hwy !Cere tmined
ill sciences and therein excelled others. What, then, are we to say of
a Brahman, if he coinbines with his purity the height of science?,'64
FrOHi the Mussalmans even this condescending patronage was with-
held. No Hindu would acknowledge that they were anything hut
"Theil'. haughtiness is that if !IOU tell them of any
SCW/lce or scholal' 111 Khomsan 01' PerSIS, thell will think YOIl both an
ignoramlls and a liar."65 .
Now nationalism, whether cultural Or political, is not a peculiar
feature of the Hindus or the Indians; we see in the twentieth eenturv
its most fanatical developments in spite of an extensive diffusion
knowledge and all kinds of cultural contacts. Albertini's sane advice
is, therefore, worth remembering: "We 11Iust confess, in order to be
illst, that a similar depreciation of foreieners not onlt, prevails amon,q
1/.'1(/: ?tht Hindus' but is commOn to all nations tOtcards each othel':"
There were, however, a numher of political and other causes which
contributed to increase the Indian's dislike of foreigners. Alberuni's
analYSis of these factors is worth re-interpreting h the light of modern
knowledge.
66
The labours of Asoka and Kanfshka and the Buddhist
missin:naries, who in their desire to proclaim the sacred gospel were
'l!'l. 11M" 1'.
(H, I,()k, cit.
m1. Loc. cit.
(l(J, Ibid" 1'. 22.
Tli",/" Nationalism 101
ni)t afraid of crossing the salt-\vater or the land-frontiers of India, had
sri read the Buddhist creed in many Asiatic lands. "In former times,
Khorasan, Persis, ha(l, Mosul, and the country up to the frontier of
Persia was Buddhist." Though ,the Buddhist disliked the Brahmans,
the two sects were, after all, offshoots of a COmmon creed and the
Mahayana interpretation of Buddhism brought it closer to Brahman-
ism. Its architectural remains, as well as the sectarian and religiOUS
moveinents of Persia and the adjOining ,countries in Islamic days, are
a sufficient proof of the profound influence Buddhism exercised in
those countries. But, unfortunately, it came into conflict with the reviv-
ing Pcrsian (Sassanian) cmpire, and the Persian emperors made Zoroas-
trianism the obligatory state-religion for Persis (Persia, Faris) and
Iraq.67 As a: consequence, the Buddhists were hanished from those
regions and had to emigrate to the countries east of Balkh. This set-
back, decisive in its political effeet, may have led the Indians to give,
up the idea of travelling abroad. .
Secondly, the advent of Islam crushed ali Indian cults in northern
Afghanistan (Balkh), Mawaraun-Nahr and Turkistan. There was COn-
stant friction on the hontier, which ultimately led to l\Iuhaminad bin
Qasim's invasion of Sind: He marched to the hontier of Kashinir and
was planning a campaign against Kannauj at the time of his faJl. The
young general was tolerant in religiOUS matters, and the Clzach Nama
and Alhertlni both assnre us that 'he left the people to their ancient
faith'. But one great Hind\l state was pulled down with surprising
rapidity and others had been threatened; and at a time when the
land-rOl,tt\!, to India through the llorth-westel1l desert was extremdy
diffic,ilt; travellers and missionaries found a foothold in Sind.
Later on Subuktagin built good roads through the north-western
frontier and they were utilized by Mahmud for his invasions. No
Muslim was in a 'better position to estimate the effect of these invasions
on the Hindus than Alberuni: "Mahmud utterly ruined the prosperity
the country, and performed those wonderful exploits, by which
Hindus he came like atoins of dust scattered in all directions, and
a tale of old in the mouth of the people. Their scattered remains
of course, the most inveterate aversion towards all Muslims.
is the reasoil, too, why Hindu sciences have retired far away
those parts of the country conquered by us, and have fled to
which our hand cannot yet reach, to Kashmir, Benares, and
places. And there the antagonism between them and all foreign-
nttributes this to Curshasp, Ibid" p. 21.
c'
l[12
Politics and Society during the Early Period
ers receives more and more nourishment both from political and reli-
gious sources,"68 ' ' ,
For the moment, it seemed that even peaceful association in trade
and barter which had continued between the Indians and foreign
nations-Arabs, Persians and Turks-for centuries would cOme to a
standstill. Fortunately for India, Mahmud's Central Asian empire
cmmbled to pieces ten years after death, and the way to India
was I,eft open to other and better people, the Muslim mystics.
VI. THE BRAHMANS
The Indian social system of the t;lleventh century, as described by
Muslim writers, was based upon three principles, not qllite consistent
with each other and giving rise to contrary practices-the principle
of non-violence, or ahimsa; the principle of division of labour, caste or
varna; and the principle of hygiene or ehut. We should not, in a deve-
loped medieval society, expect these principles in theil' primitive sim-
plicity; as very often happens in most societies at this stage of deve-
lopment, the fundamental principles of social life, not scientifically or
critically apprehended by the multitude, were twisted out of thcir
proper shape and extenSively misapplied by the far-fetched casuistries
or tawils of theologians.' Concerning another feature of Indian society-
of the Rajputs-':'which is so ohvious in the Persian annals
<-of the century, Moslem writers before the period of Shihab-
uddin' are silent. And this silence is not without Significance.
There can be little doubt that' an educated Hindu of the eleventh
century, if asked to formulate the basic doctrine of his creed, would
have referred to the principle of metempsychosis. Now metempsy-
chosis or salvation (moksha, nil'oana, fana) through a life of virtue and
contemplation (akhlaq and 11Itlshahidah, karma) implies, firstly, the
equality of man, for it places salvation within the reach of all, and,
secondly, ahilnsa, the avoidance of harm to all living creatures (iiva-
hatya). The doctrine of human equality (as we shall see presently) was
eliminated froin Indian society owin!l: to the growth of the caste system.
It was otherwise with the doctrine of ahimsa. The doctrines of metem-
psychosis and ahimsa were not invented by Gautama Buddha" ?ut
the Buddhist revolt is by far the greatest and the most effectIve
protest the moral feeling of man has yet made against the criminal
methods of nature (himsa) which require, hoth among plants and
animals, that the continuance of the life of one creature should de-
68. Ibla" p. 22.
193
pcntl 'UP()Jl the dcstruction' of another. The long prevalence of
Buddhism in India as well as foreign countries enabled the do<:trine
to take very deep roots; the decline and fall of Buddhism did not
eradicate (either in India 01' elsewhere) the attitude of mind Buddhism
had created. vVherever we turn-from the Hindu avoidance of onion
and garlic to. the pacifist attitude of the Muslim mystics-we see the
visihle and profound influence of the altimsa doctrine. So far as Indian
society of the eleventh century is concerned, it may he confidently
statcd that, in spite of notoriotlS exceptions, the acceptance or the
nonacceptance of the doctrine of ahimsa created a sharp and quite
visible dividing line between the civilized and the noncivilized sections
of the corrimunity. The cult of physical and spiritual cleanliness, a dis-
tiilCt conception in the earlier ages, was in the eleventh cenhn'j
definitely identified in many matt,ers with the ahimsa doctrine. Thus
nicat-eating, permitted to the earlier Aryans, was hy the time of
StitHiil: r,-;:aliJlUd forbidden to the Brahmans and permitted to the
other' castes under restrictions and as a matter of necessity. Both
doctrines (ahimsa and ehut) were used by the Brahmans in guiding
the affairs of the community as it suited their class needs or the
principles of their religiOUS sects.
The caste system of India, as formulated in the classical literature
frolTI which it drew its intellectual sustenance, has often heen descrih-
ed hy medieval and niodern writers and a detailed account will he
found in ,Alberuni. ,;Ve arc here onl\' eonce1'lled with the s\'stem as it
actually worked. " -
Religion had become the exclusive monopoly of the Bmhman class.
It,was not to he expected that all the members of a large, hereditary
class would be ahle to perform the extremely onerous duties that
tradition required of them. "The Brahmans recite the Veda without
understanding its meaning, and in the same wav thcy learn it hy
heart, the one receiving it from the other. Only few of them learn '
its meaning, and still less is the number of those who master the
contcnts of the Veda and their interpretation to such a dcg,:ce as to
be ahle to hold a theological disputatioll."69 In this there is no mattcr
69, No feeling of modesty 01' hesitation horn of religions donht r('strahwd the llrnh-
man's claim to supreme pre-eminence. Tlms (Man",. Chap. I):
"87. But in order to protect this Universe, He, the most resp1endent one, assigned
separate (duties and)' occupations to those who sprang From his mouth, arms,
, thigi,., and feet.
"Ril. To Brahmaus lIe assigned teaching an<1 stndying (the Veda), snedr.dng' for
thdr O'''n hctwr.t amI for others, givin)! and ncccpting (of alms.)'" ,
"9:3, As the Brahman sprnng From (Rrohma's) month. as he wns ,tll0 llrst-horil
PS-13
" c
194
Polilics lind Society during the Early Medieval Period
for surprise or regret. The(Quran has
j
similarly, been recited without
understanding in all non-Arab countries and there was throughout the.
Middle Ages a grave objection to its translatioo into the languages of
the multitude. The exclttsion of .low-gjade intellects from the field of
theological dispuJatiotts is not a matter to be deplored. The records
of Muhammad bin Qasim leave upOn one the impression that, apart
from the Brahmans who dedicated their lives exclusively to religion
or acted as pUl'ohits for well-to-dQ families, the rest of the community
obtained its livelihood by service in the govemment departments
as tax-collectors and clerks or by helping society in managing its
lfui,lr.:SS IJr civil affairs through its almost exclusive knowledge of the
three Rs. There is good reason for believing that its functions in the
eleventh century were substantially tIle same. The highest office in
the state-that of the raja-was still within the reach of the Brahmans,
and had not become the exclusive monopoly of the Rajputs. "The
'Brahman (Le. the religiOUS Brahman) lives by what he gathers on the
earth or from the trees." For the 'secular Brahman' there were privi-
leges denied to melubers of other communities, the most important
and as he possesses the Veda, lIe is btl rig/It tlte lord 0/ litis whole creation ...
"g5. ,Vhnt created heing can surpass him. thro"gh ",hose mOIlIl. the gods con-
tinually consume the sncrlBclal viands and the manes the offerings to the
dend?" .
"98. The very birth of It Brahman is an eternal incarnation of the sacred law;
for he i$ hOn> to (fulfil) the sncred Jaw and he.comes one with Bruhmn.
"00. A Bra/mulII, coming Into Is born (IS tile 1.lghest on eorllt, tile
lord of all claated beings, for tlte proleel/on of tlte treMl/TV of tile lato.
"100. W/wtecer exists in tlte wadel Is tile proper!!1 of the Brahmlln; on /lCC()Utlt
of tl.e excellence of 1IIs orl"l tT,e Ilralmwr! I", bulcecl, entltle(l to It all.
,. i 01. The Brahman cats 1>t1t his own food, wears hut !lis own apparel, hestows
hut hi. own in alms; other mortal. suhsist through tho "encvolence of Illl'
Brahman." .
"105. lie .anetiSes imy company (which he mny enter), seven ancestors and seven
descendants, and tIe ol"na cle.,eroe . (to 1", .,es .) 1M. ",hole ellTtlr ,"
Chap. X,
" "1. Let the three twic,..l,qro castes (oarna). discharging their (prescl'ihetl) duties.
study (the Veda); hut among them the Brahman (a\one) shall teach it, not
the other two; that is as estahlisbed rule." .
"3. On account of his pre-eminence, on account 'If the superiority of his origin,
on account of his ohservance of (particular) restrictive rules. and nil
of hh . particular sanctification" the. Brahman is the lord of (all) cnstes
(VOrtlo).". .
(The Laws of Manll, edited hy F. Mall: Muller, pV, 24-26 & pp. 401-2.)
No post-war dictator, in. spite of the mo(lern cult of "hlooc] and iron". has made
a more dnring and a more prllposterotls claim for I.ls chosen race on tbe ground
of mere hirth.
Ths Brohmam 195
being exeJ:rip.tion. from state and <;lues, MuhaD'lmad bin Qasiin
had very WIsely conRnned this exemption frOUl taxes which tIle
Brahmans had enjoyed under Raja Dahir, and mOst Mustim statesmen'
of. anxious. t<? win over the religiOUS leaders of the
Hmdu comml1111ty, followed hIS example. "The Brahmans" Alberuni
.. tells us 'with reference to his own time, "are not, like other castes,
bound taxes Or to services to the kings."10 Such an
WIthout necessary restrIctions, was bound to create abuses;
fictItIous tra?sfe;s of and business capital could prevent the state
from collectlllg Its legItImate dues, and the Brahman' community would
. bave deprived the other castes of all pl'oRtable venh,res. ';Tbe Brahman
may try ltis fortune in the trade of cloths' and betel-nuts, but it .
preferable .that he not trade himself, and that a Vaishya should
d? the for hIm. he is not allowed continually to busy
WIth with the care of the cattle, nor With
gammg by usury. It IS dIfficult to say how far the public opiniOn
of the country or of the Brahman coninil1l1ity itself, which mu:st have
resented any degradation of its status, prevented the less scrupulQUs
members of thecomniunity from exploiting for their selfish personal
Jlurposes the general respect in whicl1 the community 'was held and.
privileges which were extended to it by tIle state. The strai
glimpses we get show that the relations between the rajas a'nd the
Brahmans were not always cordial.
aCCdtlnt of tbe ceremonies appertaining to
or the second birth, the investment of the yajnopavita Or the sacred
and the pavltra or the seal-ring and of the rites of bathing, din-
mg, ,etc., show that the eXternal ceremonies prescribed by the Brah- 0
mamcal texts were followed. Scmpulolts care had to he observed in
and drinking. Every .Brahman was required to have his sepa-
vessel and eating utensils; if another man used them
., . "I have seen", says Albemnl, "Brahmans
relatIves to with tllem from: the same plate hut most
of tIllS. To a Mussalman two things were the
of equahty anel hrotherhood-standing shoulder to shoulder
congregational prayers hefore the God who has created us aU .
promiscuously from the same dishes and at tIle same table:
71 Neither of these things were tolerated in India. When BrafF
AlberunJ, Indio. Vol. II, p. 132 ..
. Two ot?er. imignia of equallly-inter-marringe without any regard to tribal or
restnchons and equality of' political' npporlunities-though t>ermitted by
lette. of law were in the observance .
/
c
c '(lfh b
li)gether-inlel:-CiISl(l dinh;g was out of the
sepamte sqitare table-doth was prepared lnl' each guest by pOUI'lllg
.wptCI' over a spot and plastering it with the dung of cows". M<,at,
has bCCI\ already explained, was prohibited to the Brahmans
also five vegetables-- "onions, garlic, a kind of gourd. the root of a
plant like the carrots called knwl1. and another vegetable that grows
1'(JII11<1 their tanks caned nali".
A lbel'uni does not toll us anything of the sul)-eastes into which tho
Brahman cOrrirriunity was probably divided. BlIt he tclls us that the
individuals of an thc four castes got a second name according to the
they did. Hindu Jaw thc to W?me!,l
of other castes. Bnt the prIvilege was not utthzed. In OUI' hme ,
"Jbe-runi tells us, "thc Brahmans, altllough it is allowed to them,
ninny any woinan except of their own castc."72. .
. The four stages of the life Qf a Brahman, who had dedICated I1l1n-
seH to religion, have been described by Albertini, .from
personal ohsel'vation though ]1(') refers to Vishnu PI/rona as glVlIlg a
.c1ilfe
r
entage for the various stages.
7i3
Two centuries aftel' Alherllnl
.'ivrote, the great orders of the mystics organized the lives of
their disciples in detail on lines very similar to those of the Brah-
mans' and tbe Sbamaniy:vas Albertini's observations,
'inade at a time when the Muslim.mystic orders were not even
te.mplated, deserv,? to be in sonic .
:'. L The first stage; that of the (B/'{/ll11ll1clllll'ya) extended
'fi'oin the eighth year, the pel'iod con!;ecratioll, to the twcll!v-flfth
'v.ear; "His duty is to practise abstil)ellCe, to make the hiS hod,
t,o hegin with the leaminl! of the Ve:la of its of the
sciency,of theology and law, all hemg taught.to. lum a
rruistCr whom he sen'cs day and mght. lIe. washcs lUll1sc1f thl'lcc n
(lilY,' a:ld I)erforms a sacilflce to the flre hoth at the hegiilli.ill!1; .
the end of the day. After the sacrifice Tw w(Jl'ship8 lnastel'."74 ,TIle
\vorshiJ) of fire, according to Alberulli,. was the hohest of devotions.
'''Nriother wor!\hip)las been able tQ, di'aw tllcm fr0n:! it, neither
.tllew(>rship of nor that of cows, assr:s or iniagcs . " He
'72.' Allientnl: '111111,,; Vol. II: p. 156. .
73.. The Vlsll1111 Pllralla giveJl the fifUeth, the 5cvi,"tidh the niiw\iclh year. as
Ihe end of the 6rst, 1110 second and Ihe third stage. Alhenmi ohiccts to the,,, ,10-
marcations as not pr:tclicnblc in view 0. om vtc,scnt sllm.t. spall of l,ife., .
74, Very similar .to . the doctrlnc. ,of III Shaikh
Pir). of the Na'lsllbandi myslics. AliI! th". translator of Shn,kh Slllhnhu,Mm
i'l tlie M,lJlllHI/. invites llS to, he1iC\le ;n the trmlitinll:
S/",Ikl{' (!mli tcnd'''fs) nrc the hrld"s of Alln" 011 this eMth.".. ,"
b
rhe Brall1lulfia
197
fusts a day and he breaks fast a day,75 but he is nevel' allowed to
eat ,ncat. He dwells in the house of the master, which he only leaves
i'l order to ask for a gift and to beg in not more than five houses
once a day, either at morn or in the evening. Whatever alms he
receives he places before his master to chQOSe from it what he likes.
Then the master allows him to take the remainder. Thus the l?,upil
nourishes himself from the remains of the dishes of. his master. 76
"The MisbaTt-lIl Hillayah, . the Persian slIInmalY of the famous
AWl/I'lf.ul Ma'(/I'II of Shnikh Shilulhlldd,n Sl1hnlwnrtli composed ill
the twelfth century A.D., will give the i'eader some idea of the rela-
tion of the Muslim Shaikh (gum or llir) and the disciple (or 111tIrid).
"The disciple must have a firm belief in the Sbaikh as being the best
of all preceptors and divines, and must remain firm in his service.
FlII'ther he must submit to the Shaikh's control over his life and
propert;. rind be pn:pared to do as the Shaikh orders. In no case
"mav he find fault with his Shaikh; and if ever he falls into doubts
n.g;mling the Shaikh's behaviour or. actions, he must t!lis
to his own ignorance. At the same lIm,e, he must remam submISSIve
. to the Shaikb ill aU his worldly and spirtoal alfairs, and he is for-
bidden tQ engage himself in anything without the Shaikh's cf'plicit
l)crmission. Being a firm heliever ill the Shaikh's virtues and attail1-
ments, tIle diSciple should uever ill sllch matters as m:o
against the will of tbe The diSciple must turn towards llls
Sfudkh for all interpretation of his revelations in dreamS. He must
anxiously await the sayings of his Shaikh, for the latter is always i,l
direct cOnilIiunioll with God. He must lower . his voice ill the pre-
. sence of his Shaikh. He must not as a nile, either hy words or deeds,
become familiar with the Shaikh, and whenever he wishes. to talk to
him, he must first find out if the Shaikh is free from his worldly and
spiritual anxieties. ire must in lIQ case lose sight of bis positioil, an:I
while putting questions to tbe Shaikh,. he must not go beyond
needs. Whenever the mysteries of the Shaikh m;e revealed to l11ni, .
he must not question them, but at the same tlJlW he should not
cOllceal his secrets from the Sbaikh. He may repeat only th?se .say-
. iugs Of his Shaikh, which he understands ....voll, h\lt Silent
m'er Stich mattei'S. as are beyond the grasp of . Ills mtelhgence and
understanding." .
2. During the second stage, from the twcllly-/lfth lo the fiftieth
71'S. Cf. the 110:"-; Vm"li of the l\lussnlmnlls.
16. Alben",i: emUa, Vol. II, p. 131.
198 Politics and Society during tIle Early Medieval Period
year, the Brahman was to live as a householder77 (gl'ihastha). "The.
master allows him to ITIal'I)' but he is' not allowed to many a woman
above twelve years Of age. He marries, establishes a household, and
intends to have descendants," The Chishti mystics of the thirteenth
century, while inSisting upon the married state as the tradition of
the Prophet, only permitted the disciple two means of Iivelihood-
zam!n-i ahya, produce of barren ,land which the mystic and his
famIly had cultIvated, and futuh, gIfts and presents which neigh-
bours brought tQ his house unasked, Begging was prohibited; service
of the state was considered sinful and evcn private service as a
teacher was deprecated,78 The Brahman of the eleventh century was
fettered by rules comparatively lenient. "He gains his sustenance
either by the fee he obtains for taching Brahmans and Kshattriyas,.'
not as a payment but as a present,' or by presents he receives from ' ..
. some one because he petforms for him the sacrifices to the fire, or :
by asking a, gift the and there being no impor-
t';ll1ate pressmg Ius part, and no unwillingness on the part of the
there IS always, a Brahman i? the houses of those people
(1'.e, the nch) who admmlsters the affmrs of religion and works of
piety."79 .
3. The third period, extending from the fiftieth to the seventy-
fifth, was once more a period of abstinence. 'The Brahman leaves
his household and hands it as well as his wife ovel' to his children
if the latter does not prefer to follow him into the wilderness."
dwells outside civilization, and leads the same life again which he
led in the first period.
4. The fourth period extends to the end of life. "He wears a red
ganrtent ... He strips the mind of friendship and enmity, and roots
77. Though the life of the ascetic was often it was
clearly seen that the whole fabric of society depended upon the householder, e.g.,
Mallu, Chap. VI: . .
"87. The student, the householder, the hermit, and the ascetic, these (constitute) .
four orders, which all spring from (the order of) householders."
"89. 'And in accordance with the precepts of the Veda, and of the Smriti, tIle
llOlI.ellOlder l" declared to be """erlor to all of tT.eln, for he """"ort. the
other three. . ' .:
"90. As all rivers, both great and small, find a resting-place in the even I
so men of all orders lind protection \vith householder." (Manu, pp. 214-15.)".
78. The Chishti mystics and to a large extent also other sI/silahs considered govern-'
ment service a sin. Compare Manu, Chap. IV, p. 142: .
"86. A king 1.1 declared to /)e equal (In wickedness) to a butcher wllo. kecps a
'"md"e,!, tltou.<Olld slaughter-hoI/us; to accept presents from 1Jlm 1& /J terrible
(crime).
79. Alberuni: India, Vol. II, pp. 131-32.
199
out desire and lust and \vrath; when walking to a place of particular
merit he does not stop on the road in a village longer than a day, nOr in
a city longer than five days ... He has 'no other business bnt that of
caring: for the path which leads to salvation, and for reaching moksha,
whence there is no return to this world."80 The achievement of In-
dian Brahmans in the field of asceticiSm, whatever its moral or spiri-
tual worth, could not fail to draw the attention of outsiders. The
following extract from Abu Zaid will give an idea of a foreigner's
impressions: "In India there are persons who, in accordance with
their, professi?n, wander in the woods and mountains, and rarely
communicate with the rest of mankind, Sometimes they have noth-
.ing to eat but herbs and the fruits of the forest .... Some of tllem go
about naked. Others stand naked with the face tumed to the sun,
having nothing on but a panther's skin, In my travels I saw a man
in the position I have described; sixteen years afterwards I retumed
to that country and found him in the same posture. What astonished
me was that he was not melted by the heat of the slln,"Sl A special
feature of the last two stages of the Brahman's life (specially of the
third) was the spirit of wandet'iahre. Travelling in those days, spe-
cially under the strict conditions intended to ensure that it would
be suffici(\ntly uncomfortable, was a very necessmy supplement to
scholastic studies. It eliminated insularity and broadened the intel-
lect. Contemporary Muslim mystics had made travelling a speciality
and stern rules were laid down foi: this peculiar discipline.
82
In the
80. "Let him not desire to die, let him not desire to live; hut wait for his (appoint-
ed) time as a servant (waits) for the payment of his wages." (Ma"", Chap. VI, 49,
p. 207.) ,
. 81. Elliot and Dowson: History of India, Vol. I, p. 6.
82. The following extracts from the Misbah-1I1 Hldaua" will give some idea of the
discipline prescribed for Muslim Klumqahs and for Muslim mystics when travelling:
"The people of the rrionastery may be divided into residents anel sojourners. It is
the convention of the sufis that they make it a point to arrive at monasteries
before the afternoon-prayer, but if due to some unavoidable circumstances, Ihey
reach after the specified hour, they usually take their abode in some other
quater or mosque, and visit the monastery at sunrise next day. As sOOn as
they enter it, they offer two mkat.. of lIallltlz, then shake hands with those
present and make arrangements for boarel and lodging. Traditionally they
do not stay for more than three days to accomplish their mission, and do not
leave the monastery without the pennission of the managers. In case they
wish to stay longer, they must perfonn the duties (that may he allotted to them);
n evc'! the nonmystic gnC'sts are to he nc('orckd prolWr reception' an (I
cnh'rtnltlment.
11.e residents of the monastery may he dividcd inlo thrce grades-servants, as-
and recluses. A 'fresher' may rise successively from one stage to another.
-.' '.' tJ
',e
.i
:1
II ,
200
Politics and SOciety dllrillg tl'6 Early Medtetcll Period
four centuries the spirit of travelling was still further
developed, and the Muslim mystics became the spcarhead of Muslim
civilization and culture in foreign lands. III India, unfortunately, the
sphere of the Brahman's itinerary. became circumscribed by the
growing spirit of insularity and hostility to foreign lands. He was not,
jf Alheruni's informants were correct, even allowed to go to the
extrcme "The Brahman is ohliged to dwell between the river
Sind ill the north and the l'iver Carmawati in the south. He is not
allowed to cross either of these frontiers so as to enter the cOllntry
of the Turk83 or of the Karmita. Further, he must live between the
<jIll case the monastery is maintained hy a charitahle cIH.lowllwnt, provisioll of
food 5ho"I<1 he mrl(1c in nccordnnce with thn cClI1ditiollS laid <lowl1 ill the lI.:tIQf. If
the monastery is not snpported hy a Ir(/ql, the preSI'nce of an clllighte,,,,,1 Sh"ikh
is essential to instnwt the visitors to Of to work in ol'dm" to ohtnil1 tlwit'
IivcllhoOtl. So far ns posslhle there should i,e coneonl aud fricndship hetwc"n (he
residents and not discord. A1I frictions mnst 110 rf'lllOV('d, alld ('vcry error for-
given in order to fonn u wholeso1l1(l society or \\"l'II-wish"llg find wclJ-lwhnving
imlividuals,"
88 ])O('S this lUcan the coulltry dir('<:tly gov(:rtll'(l hy the Turkish ndcrsP i\ot
likely. The frontiers of the cOllntry in which the Tnrks th"n Iive,l (a"d ""w livl')
,,:crc fnr dist.ant from the middle au(l lowPl' Sind, i.'. north or Bamiyan and WC'st
of thc 'Kalml-Ghaznin vall,,\'. .It must also be remomber!!,1 the first hattie ),e-
twcen Jnipal Hnd S1Ilmktigi'n' was fnl1ght hcyond modern Jaialahatl at senile
place (possihly Nimla) hetween the Lmnaghan vall"y anti Ghaznin. It is llrohah1e,
we might nlmost sny c('rtnin. that the l'iv('1' Simi A II H'l'1 mi Jhl"lfIt on1y the 1!pp('r
regions o[ the rivcr (though they arc not in the llI()(lern pm"incc o[ Sin,l) as slIgg"st.',1
hy. the wonl 'north'. Indus, thus defined, Toughly dividc's northern India froll) {ill!
of the Turks. "The rivet' Sind riscs\ in the mountains of Unang in tIm
territory of the Turks", Alhcnmi tells liS elsewhere (Vol. T. p. 2(7), '''vhieh )tCl" (:nn
n-ach in the following way: the ravine hy which YOII Kashmir and
till.tcring the l
ll
ateilll, then YOH -have foJ' a march of two mo!,{- days ,()Il yOllt' If,n
the lI1otllltaill" of Holcr alltl Shamilan, an,1 Turkish trih"s who aI'" called 1!Iw/I,,-
"(II!lIIII. Their king has the title of Ilhatta-Shah. TIleir tOWIIS arc Gilghit, Aswira "",I
.%i1ta8, and t111'i,. langllage is Tllrkish. Kashmir slI!TNs from their inroads." Th"
('lItr;IlltTS to Kashmir, then olle of the two principal centres of Hindu culture, Were
'trongl)' gil anI",!. S"lt,," Mahnll,,1 "dcc nth-mph>,1 to rc"ch th" f,.,.til" vlIlI"y, Sll 1',,11
of rich nnd historic tcmpl" .. hilt fnlletl. This IndllC'",1 tI", "intl"s to be still h""."
vigilant. HIn formcl' times tllf'Y used to allow one or two to enter their
..., l'(jrtiClllml!l ]elCs. hut at prescnt they do not allow "ny' lIin,l" wholll Ih,'y
do not know l)crsonal1y to cnter, Jess other people."
'Where, thcn, IVcre the 110rth-westcl'II frontiers of India. llot of }JOlitical India IJllt
the India of thc Brahman,? Th" province of Ilalkh (Afghari Tllrkistan or the j\.Iazar
Shllrif of lIlo,krn tla)'s) an,l Ghur (III' Hazara) w,,,'n TlII'kish, But tl", Afghans,
on tlw. two sides of the: mitldl e Imll1!>; l'iVf'l' and, OIl(! Illight nc1d, ('vel1 -tho
II'Ne tllf'n culturally and linguistically lIlorc allied to the Tn,lians thall 10 f1w Turb.
[n their form and structure hnth l'ersian :1m1 I'nshto are nl1ic'(l to Indian
1'he K.,lwttriya.
201
occan in the cast and west People say th\lt,he' is Hot allowed. to stay
in .a country' ill 'which the grass, which he his.
docs llot grow, nor the black-hall'ed gazelles glaze:8! TIllS IS a
cription of the whole cOi.mtry within the just-mentIoned boundanes.
If he trespasses them he commits a sin."85. . .
There was, lastly, the fifth period, or rather stag?, wltilln the
reach of all-that of the malia-alma or the. great 1'18111,. who was Oil
the threshold of Moksha 01' had realized it. On sneh H person
of eastc' were not externally bindingllor the Puramc
"lie' has attained to such a dcgree that the Brahmans, the
Chandalas are equal to him. All other things equal to hun, In so
far as he abstains from them; It is the sa)l1.e If they are allowed to
him, for he can dispense with them, or if they are forbidden to him,
for he docs not desire them."86 Here we have the predecessor, or
in any: case the eqUivalent, of the QlltTJIIlAqta.l1. of the Muslim
tics, The underlying idea and the verb.al defhutlOns are the same m
!J(ith eases.
VII. TIlE KSlIAT'l'lUYAS
. The Kashaltri\'u-Albel'lmi never uses the term learn
the Veda but w;s not allowed to teach it. lIe was III the
twcl(ih )'car with n .Iingle cord of lhe and a
single other cord of cottoll.
87
Though not a
he was pennitt('d to the PUJ'aIllC ntes. I hc Kshattll) <IS
. IlIl,1 wr)' ,liff"rcnt r 1'1>111 the dilll""t. of .Ihe Turks. Th" of,
(01' more at'curate1y LmnaglHUluts or the of the )IVCl
'h" Kh"he, I'll") bad hecn till the time <If Slthukbgm Iw thc Ihndll ShaIn! l
,ir ,'Yaihind or Und, " cit)' on the hank of .the Indus, Kabul \\'as mletl "::."n-
other' ;tyii,isty0which had he!'n converted to. Islam. A could,.
travel to the'e regions, which nrc studded w,th Buddhist I'em,,,n,. But It IS pro\'"l>lo
that after the time of Suhuktigin thr .cimntr)' I)(;):on,.! the l1Iiddl e Indus was st'ldom
visited by the Brahmans. ..
84. Albenmi: Illdia, Vol. II, pp. 133-31. : ...
85. Chnp: III, p. IS8 ..
"'ot. Let. ',1111 not dweil / .. /I' (;Of",l",; 'o/Jere the fIIler . l,re flor III olle
u:I,I(:II M slI";'o",,,le<l Il!! mll'igl,teolls mell, ,"'" III "lie Iclllell 11M baeom"
slIll/ect to ',eretle." nor /11 one .V!fOrming teitT, mell of tIll] 100cest ctlstes.,
'''79. l.et l1im not stay togetht>r ,,,,Hh ol1tcastcs, 1101' with Ch:llJ(lalas, )lor wrth
. Jlllkkasas, nOL" \yith. fools, nor with 111{'11, 1Jor ",dh low-custe mell,
I10f with alltyrivasayllls."
RO. Alh(,l'IIni: India" Vol. IT, p, 153.
87, IlJlrl" p. 136.
c
202
Polllles and SocIety dmlng the Early MedIeval PerIod
had apparently ceased to make any contribution to the progress or
the preservation of Indian culture. But their political prospects were
improving. "Their degree is not much below that of the Brahman",
Alberuni tells us, "he rules the people and defends them, for he is
created for this task."88 ,
"The Hindus relate that originally the affairs of governrrient and
war were in the hands of the Brahmans, but the country becarrie dis-
organized, since they ruled according to the principles of their reli-
gious codes, which proved impossibfe when opposed to the mis-
chievous and perverse elements of the populace. They were even near
losing also the administration of their religiOUS affairs. Therefore they
humiliated themselves before the Lord of their religion. Whereupon
Brahmans entrusted them exclusively with the functions which they
now have, whilst he entrusted the Kshattriyas with the duties of
ruling and fighting."89 We inust be grateful for the preservation of
this item of popular tradition. But to what period is our author re-
felTing? The word 'originally' should not mislead us. The referenc6
is obviously to the Brahmanical ruling families that preceded, and
even followed, the Buddhist period. The rise of the Rajputs is a later
phenOrrienon.
These were the two twice-born castes, exclusive heirs to the spiri-
tual and intellectual achievements of Hinduispi. Between them and
the two remaining castes-the Vaishyas and the Sudras-there was
(ry !Sharp distinction, while the Sudras and Vaishyas were velY
near to each other. The duty of the Vaishya was to devote himself
to agriculture, cattle-breedinffand business, either on his own behalf
or on behalf of a Brahman. 'The Sudra is a setvant of the Brahman,
taking care of his affairs and serving him." The Vaishya was entitled
to a Single ya;nopavita of two cords and a Sudra, at the most, to a
linen one.
VIII. THE MASSES
The Arab travellers of the ninth and tenth centuries, who looked
at Indian society froni the viewpoint of import and export merchants
and were concerned more with the vocations than the castes (or
religious distinctions) of the people, put the same ideas in a different
form. "There are", says Ibn-i Khurdadba, "seven classes 0, Hindus,
viz, lst, Sahkafria, among whom are men of high caste, and from
8S, Ibi,l., Vol. I, p. 101.
89. Ibid., Vol. II, p. 11\2.
among WhOlIi are chos,eil. The people of the other six classes
do the men of class h?mage, and them only. 2nd, Brahmans,
who abstam fr?m wme and fermented liquors. 3rd, Kataria,
(? who drmk not 1110re than three cups of wine, the
daughteill. of the class of Brahmans are not given in marriage to the
sons Of. tIllS class, the Brahmans take their daughters, 4th, Sndaria,
wh? ale by profeSSIOn husbandmen. The 5th, Baisura (? Vaishya) are
arhS.cers and domestics. The 6th, SandaIia (? Chandala) who perfomi
offices. 7th, .the Lahud (? musicians and jugglers); their women
me fond of adornmg themselves, and the men are fond of amuse-
ments and games of skill. In Hind there are forty-two religiOUS sects'
part of them believe in a Creator and Prophet (the blessings of GOll
be part deny the mission of a PrOphet, and part are
,It IS useful to keep in mind these seven vocational grades
to wlncll the Arab writers keep on refelTing one after another But
substantially, it is the caste-system of Manu seen from a different
angle: (a) the goveming classes consisting of the four vamas duly
but subordinate politically to the royal families who tin the
Sultan Mahmud at least belonged to different vamas, and
(15) hl1 up.;per and a lower set of sub-castes which the Manu-slIll'iti
all these kingdoms of India", says Abu Zaid,
. nobility IS cons.ldered to form but one family. Power residcs
1Il. It alone. The pnnces name their own successors. It is the same
With men and physicians. They form a distinct caste, and
the profeSSiOn never gOes out of the caste."91
caste spirit, stem in the extreme, laid down three different
pnnclples, two of which ",:ere enforced l11thlessly by the power of
the state. The caste system could only have been preserved and
. strengthened in an atmosphere of ignorance; had the lower orders
been to the sacred books, they would have undoubted-
ly clmmed equality. For we are at a fairly advanced stage in the
history of mankind-eleven hundred years after the death of Christ
and five hundred years after the advent of the Arabian Prophet.
Elsewhere the doctrine of equality and common citizenship had been
preached in no uncertain terms. ThrOnes had been smashed to bits
.. hereditary aristocracies and priesthoods COnipletely overthroWll:
The fall, of the Sassanian empire must have caused some reverbera-
tions in this country also. It is inconceivable that the educated upper
classes of India were ignorant either of the political democracy of
90. Elliot and Dowson: I1lstol'fl of Irulia, Vol. I, p. lB.
91. Ibld., p. 6.
:C'
r
I
I,
I
ill
201 Politics rlne( Soc/ely dttri"g tIle Early Meellet:a! !'e"/Pc/
the Greeks or the social democracy of the Mussalmans. The laUer,
at least, had been their neighbours in S(l1d for at least three hundred
years. But they preferred to attempt-and what governing classes
would 110t?-a continuation of their power by furttier strellgtliening
the bonds of a vicIous system.
Firstly, the doors of knowledge were closed on all persons not be-
longing to the twice-born castes; and any attempt to cross the barricr
was severely punished. "Every action", Alberuni tells us, "which is
considered the privilege of a Brahman, such as saying prayers, the
recitation of the Veda and offering sacrifices to the fire, is forbidden
to him to such a degree that when, e,g. a ,Smlra 01' a Vaishya is prov-
cd to have recited the Veda, he is accused hy the Brahmans before
J;lJler, and the latter will order- his tongne to be cut oil," A llon-
caste committing the same ollence would have douhtlessly met
a quicker and severer pnnislunent.
92
So, while in the rest of Asia as
\\'ell as in Europe the educated classes were desperately hus\, in
carrying light and knowledge to the multitude-while c1sewhcrt"
under the shallow of the cathedral or the mos(fue the SOilS of weavers
antI fanners and shopkeepers were being col ected together, thanks
to the intmilicent endowments of the' rich and the more precio1fs
subscriptions of the pOOi', to leal'll whatever store of wisdom that
possessed at the feet of masters no better-born than themselves-
the Brahmans of India could think of no hctter plan for thc preser-
\'atiOJl of knmvledge than preventing- the spread of education. Such
a policy may, or may 110t, have been in period of
Rig Vcda, But in the eleventh the generatIOn of Alhcnllll.
AvicOllua and Sultan Mahnind-it stupid, mad and suicidal; allcl
the Brahmans, themselves a rationalistic and highly clllightellr:'Cl
group, were destincd to pay a terrible price for the most lInpal'l\on'ahh'
of social sins,
Secolldly, it was not enough to keep the lower orders in ignol:allc
e
;
it was necessary to divide and subdivide thelll to prcvent then' de-
veloping a corporate spirit 'similar to that of thc Brahmans the
Kshattriyas. So the Vaishyas and Sudras ,vete offered amemhes de-
nied to the l'est.93 Thev were offered the status of low but regular
castes. They were to 'meditate on Go<l' whom they had to
comprehen(l not on the hasis of the Vedas or othcr sacred texts hnt
92" Sec Alhemni; llidia, Vol. li,' 6. l:i7. Story of King Un1l1l\ and the.
. 93. n"t were limits. CIA Smlra, t))OUAll hy 1,is IS
released from setvilnl'e; l'intc that innate itl llim. wht) \,im . .from ,J
(Ue""" Vol, I, p, 326,) ,
1'IIe
'.'
,201)
wil(l hIles lis'liad dowll to thein 'by \vol'll
of I,nouth. Also the Brahmans would accept their alms. Finally they
were'.allowed to live within the ,dty-walls. These favours,
effective they may 'have been ill making an insuperahle distinction
between the lower caste and the non-caste people, did not as the
subsequent political history of, the country was to show, them
to the Brahmans and the KshaHriyas.
It was difficult then-and it is equally difficult now-to give an
aceOl;nt of the non-caste sections of the Indian people. Lacking cul-
tural, t,vlitiolls and uniformity of organization, the\, must have varied
from to district. They had only one thing in common-they
were not allowed to live within the city-walls, aild could onlv entei,
presumably after due notice, to CUlTy 01, that wQrk withont the
,city could not exist. According to Alhenmi, whose remarks can only
he, considered generally correct of that pm:t' of the COllntrv whi(Jl
he, had seen, the non-caste people were brpadly divisible iilto sec-
tions-an upper or more fortunate section called Alltllaia, and a lower
without reco!!llized ol'!!anization or status. "These' guilds live
near the villages and to\vns of the four castes but outside them.
There eight classes who freely interniarry, with each
otlml', except the fuller, shoe-maker and weaverl for no others would
condescend to have anything to do with them. These eij!ht .c;nildll arc
-the fuller, shoe-maker, juggler, the basket and shield-maker, the
sailor, the fisherman, the hunter of wild animals and of birds. and the
The lowest people are cnmuerated as ttl() Hadi, Doma,
Chandaln, and Badhatall.
95
"Thev are occupied with dirtv work like
the cleansing of villa{!cs and othcr scrvices. They are considered as
one sole dass. and distiul!uished only, by their occupations. In fact,
thc\; arc considcl'cd like illegitimate children; for accoi'ding to gene-
ral opini(in they descend from a SlIdra father and a Brahman niother
as the of fomication: therefore, thev arc c1ef1raded Ollt-
('astes . .. All other men, eXeel)t' the Chandala, in so far thev
are not Hindus, are called mlcchc1ihil, i:e. unclean. a1\ thosc who kill
men (i.e. hang/nen) and slaughter anhTui.ls, and cat the flesh of
cows."96' ' ,
. Thl,.dli/, the fearful doctrine of, cl111t, 'theological contamination',
to\vhicll' we have refcrred, was i\lVOkcd to the
94. ll/d/a, Voi. J, p. 101. '
'05. "A, Chandals, a vlllnc;o (lit!.;' wek. a clog. a me"'stmuting \Voman, arid n
must riot loole' at tbe' nrnlnulln. \I'M" th<')' (Mn"", Chll
ll
, Ill, (I Un,)
90. Albernnl: IIIIlIn, Vol. II, p.
c'
i i
Iii
I,
206
PolHIa IJI1d SocfefV during 'he Ellrlv Medleva! Period
fa?lic'of t?e caste system.
97
Albentni is right in declaring that "every-
tlung, wInch int? .a state stlives, and quite success-
fully, to regam Its ongmal condition, which was that of pulity". The
the fres? air, and salt in the sea-water prevents the
of. corruption. But for th!s, life on this planet would have
But. the Brahmamc conception of 'theological con-
.m. the century was only remotely connected
WIth pl'll1clples of hygiene, which is necessary for physical health,
or With that .of. !alm, which modcm investigators Jtave
found so prevalent 111 pnmlhve races. It was a pseudo-spilitunlistic
fY7. The following slokas of Manu will give some idea of the orthodox vie,,;point
about the lower orders; and it may be safely assumed that in this matter the tide
of public opinion aniong the ruling was nlnnlng strongly in favonr of' lo.lanl1s
doctrines: "
"4. The Brahman, the Kshattriya, and the Vaishya castes (varna) are the twicc-
born ones, but the fourth, the Sudra, has one hirth only; there is no fifth
(caste).
"5. In all castes (vaTtla) those (children) only which are begotten in the direct
order on wedded wives, equal (in caste) and married as virgins, nre to he
considered as belonging to the same caste (as their fathers).
e(6. Sons, begotten by twice-born men on wives of the next lower caste, tlley
declare to be similar (to their fathers, but) blamed on account of the fault
(inherent) In their mothers.
"7. Such is eternal law concerning (chll<lren born of wives on<;. degree lower
than their lmow (that) the following ntle (is applicable) to those
born of women two or three degrees lower." (Mallu, Cbap. X, pp. 4<l2, 400.)
"25. I will (now) fully enumerate those (sons) of mixed origin who are horn or'
Anulomns and of Pratilomas, and (thus) are mutunll" connected.
"26. The Sutn, the Vaidebaka, the ehancbla, that lowest of' mortals, the Magadha,
he of the KshnUri caste (Iall) and the Ayognva.
"27. Thcse six (Pratilomas) beget similar races (varna) on women' of their {'wn
(caste), they (also) produce (the like) w'ith females of their mother's caste
(iati), and with females (of) higher ones.
"28. As a (Brahman) hegets on (females of) two out of the three (t-vice-hom
castes a son similar to) himself (but inferior), on account of the lower degree
(of the mother), and (one equal to himself) on a female of his own race,
even so is the order in the case of the excluded (races, vahya).
"29. Those (six mentioned above) also beget, the one on the females of the other,
a great many (kinds of) despicable (sons), even more sinful than' their
(fathers), and excluded (from the Aryan community, vallya).
"SO. Just M a Sudrn begets on a Brnhman female a bein!( excluded (from the
Aryan conjrnunity), even so (a person himself) excluded procreates with
(femalcs of) the four castes (sons) more (worthy of being) excluded (than
he himself). ' '
207
b
conception, expressed in one thousand and One detailed regulations
intended to preserve the separateness and the predominance of the
,governing classes. The food of a Mussalman mayor may not be
considered unclean. That is a matter of opinion. But what about his
fire? How can that be unclean? If a Brahman's house catches fire,
it is purified by the flames thereof. But if that fire spreads to a
Mussalman's house, the flames themselves become unclean, and you
may not (if you are a Brahman) use them to light your hearth. Now
the conception of theological impurity or chat is an old idea and
persists till today. But it seems to have reached its high-water-mark
in the eleventh century. The food of the mlechchhay, as well as
foreigners, and their water and their fire were considered unclean.
"31. But men excluded (hy the Aryans, vallua), who approach femnles of higher
rank; beget races (Ilal'lla) still more worthy to he excluc1('.(l, low men (II/na)
still lower races, even fifteen (in numher)."
"40. These races, (which originate) in a confusion (of the castes and) have been
desclihed according to their fathers and mothers, may be known by their
occupations, whether they conceal or openly show themselves.
"41. Six sons, begotten (by Aryans) on women of equal and the next lower castes
(Annn\arn), 'have the duties of twice-hom men; 1mt .11 those born In con-
sequence of a violation (of the law) nre, as regards their <Iutles, equal to
Sudras." '
"43. Bllt in consequence of the omission of the sacred rites, and of their not cOil-
suIting Brahmans, the following tribes of Kshattriyas have gradually ilunk
in this world to the con<lition of Sudras:
"44. (Viz) the paundrakas, the Kodas, the Dravidas, the Kanbogas, the Yavanas,
the Sakas, the Pendas, the Pahlavas, the Kinas, the Kiratas and the Daradas.
"45. All those tribes in this world, which are from (the community of)
those horn from the mouth, the arms, the thighs, nnd tlie reet (of Brahm.l,
nrc called Dnsyus, whether they speak the language of the Mekkh.s (harha-
rlans) or th.t of the Aryan . "
"51. nut tl,e. dwellings of Clwndalas and SllIcapaclw .... Itall be ollt .. ide tIle village,
tlleU . mll .t be ma(le Apalwtra." a",l tllelr wealth ( .lw/l be) (log., lind donke/ls.
"52. Tllelr clre .... ( ..llall 1)6) tl,e garment., of IIle ,'eacl, (tllell .Ilnll eat) t11elr foar!
'rmn broke.. (/islles, black Iron (slllll! I)e) tlIClr ornaments and tlley IIM/SI
alILYlUs wander frmn place to pwce.
"53. A man 10"0 fulfils ,a rellgiau" dutv, sltall not seek Intercourse them; tltelr
transact/ons (sllall l1e) among themselves, and their flU/Triage" tvlth tlrelr eqtWls.
"54. Their food shall he given to them hy others (than an Aryan giver) in a hroken'
dish; at n!gllt tlleY slwll not walk about In villages an,l !n tOtVm. .
"55. By day tllCY "1Ll!1 go about for tIle plll'pose of tlle!r work, distlngulslled 1m
marks at tlte kings command, land tl.e!! ,,11011 carry out tIle corpses (of persons)
10110 have 1\0 relatives; tlw! Is a setlledm/e.",
208 P"Wles nnd d"r/ng tloe Early MecUllenl Fori,),l' ,
The lower (mlers" were HillS PI'C','clltCd {1'O,11 associating vvith thc
twicc-bol'll castes and driven bcyond thc city-walls. The life of (i
castc-Hindu, and spccially of themajOlity who were probably in-
clined (likc the majority of men everywhere) to take a mechanistic
view of religion, may well have been One long stmggle to avoid the
physical contamination of their fellowmen. Later ages, froni neces-
sity if not from choice, were compelled to adopt artificial means of
cleansing (e:g. bathing irl the Ganges) from imaginary impurities
like the accidental touch of a Mnssahuan's \vater-bl,lcket. But in the
eleventh centu'ry this was not allowed. A person or a thing contami-
nated was damned for all eternity. "The Hindus never desire that
a thing that has once been polluted should be purified and thus
recovered."98 The principle is hcst explained hy an extreme and
tnigie case. "What happened to a Hindu warrior, high or low, who,
having been captured by the l'vlussalmans, of nccessity partook of
thd .. food and drink, and then rcturned to his nativc land? Socicty,
one might imagine, would have received the hero with open arms.
No! He had lost caste. Though physically alive, he was legally and
theologically dead. To the mother whQ had nursed him, be was now
filth and dirt; the son, whom he had cherished, would succeed to
his property a;ld shut the door of his. own house On his father; his
"02. Dyfllg, WltllOllt tl.e e'1,ect(lt/on of a rewaI'd, for file sake of B""ltmans nnd
of cows, 0" ill tIle c/efellce of leomell and c/.ild,cn, .,eellle, I)eal/t"des to IIlOse
excluded ({'''ant tlte Al'ynn comm"unity, vahya)."
"64. If (a felllale" of tllec(lste), S,)/'IIIIg from, a, Bm/una" '/lid n S"r/ra female, bem
I (cl'i/rr.ren) onc of "tllO lliglwst. c(/ste, tIle Infel'/"r (tril,e) att"ins tI.e lligllest
"caste IVltl.11I tIle seventh genel'atlon. '
"65. (Thus). n Sudm attain. the milk of a Bmhman, nlld (ill " similnr manner) a
Brahman sinks to the level of n Sudrn; but know that it is the same with
the offspring of n Kshntldyn Clr of n '
"66, If (a doubt) should arise, with whon; the pre-emillence (is, whether) \Viti,
him whom an Aryan hy chance hcg'it on n lIon-Ar)'''n f('male, or (l1'ith tI",
son) of a Bmhmana woman hy a non-Aryan.
"67. 'The decision is' as follows: f'l1c'tJllo tcas IJogptten lJu (In Aryan on a
Arynn female, IIIOI! become (like to) all Aryall 1)11 llis drtlles; I.e 1V1101II an
Arya,. (mother) bore to a nOll-Aryan fntTler (Is and fe,ill/ill") ulllike to nil
Aryan." : ' , "
"73. Having considcred (the case of) (/ nOli-Aryan tcllO' acts like (III Aryan, aile!
: -(that) of On Aryan w',o acts like. n "Oil-Aryan, ,,' tlte c,:eator declal'ed; 'Those
tlf" are" lIeit/.er .equnl 1101' tlnequai:" (Manu," Chap, X, pp .. 402-l8.)
EVPfi 'sllcli amelioration 'of' the caste system' "as Manu had allowed c1isnppe,arrd
in' the tl'Tl centuries.
98. 'Alho1'\111i: lndin, Vol. I, p. 20;",'
"Dress and Man"ne,.
209
relations and friends, if he happened to meet them in of the
few streets on. was allowed to wal,k, would tum away their
faces. Such thmgs mdlcate, to use Alberuni s phrase "an innate per-
of character". "I had been told that when HIndu slaves (i.e.'
pnsoners of war in Muslim countries) escape and return to their
ctmntr);' religion, the Hindus, order that they should fast by way
of expIabon, then they hury them in the dung, stale and milk of
cows a certain number of days till they get into a state of fer-
Then they drag them out of the dirt and give them
SimIlar clirt to eat, and mOre of the like. I have asked the Brahmans
this is .true, but they it and maintain that there is no expia-
tmn pOSSIble f01' such an mdividual, and that he is never allowed to
return into those conditions of life in which he was before he was
caj'ried off as a ptisonel. And how should that be possible? If a Brah-
man eats in the house of a Sudra for stUldry days, he is expelled
fmm his caste and can never regain ,it."" The captives, as' we knoW
for a fact, seldom cared to return to the land of their birth. Sinee
they had ceased to be Hindus owing to their reckless courage on the
battlefield, was there any alternative for th<'!In but to accept the faith
and the social equality offered to them by their conquerors? For
while the Brahmans strove to prevent the mass of their countrymen
from taking the road to Heaven, the Mussalmans were only too anx-
ious' to drive the, multitude heavenward with the tougue and the
whip and (though not very often) also with the sword.
IX. DRESS AND MANNERS
Foreigners have very often misunderstood the institutions of our
country. But sometimes they have noticed things-generally, it mtlst
'admitted, of an obvious and blatant type-which our own his-
have failed to record. We may well start with the list 'Of
customs given by Alberuni.
99
_
It was not to he expected that in a country, where three months
intense dry heat are followed by three months of monSOon, people
'cover themselves as profusely as in KhofRsan or Khwarazm.
majority of the people went ahout in a langot, the rest of. the
being left uncovered on account of the heat. In a country like
it is, perhaps, the best thing to do. The upper classes "wore rnr-
C'
210 Politic . and Society d"rlng tlw 1\ady Me,/leDal Pel'/nd
hans for trousers". The phrase requires some explanation. It is strange
what wonders an oriental nation, specially its women, will work
with a plain piece of cloth. In Arabian lands the cloth was wound
round the head as a turban; iil India it was wi>und round the lOins
as a'dhoti by men anel round the body as a sari by women. Trousers,
though they are found in the surviving statues of foreigners, Were
not in use, but Alberuni's statement seems to show that during winter
, some people worD huge trousers stuffed with cotton, the string or
of which was fastened at the hack. The kulah or hat was
Turkish and early medieval Persian literature shows that there was
considerable prejudice against its use by the Mussalmans, though it
was ultimately adopted. In India hats (meaning by that any kind of
head-dress) were llot worn, but people grew long hair to protect
themselves from the rays of the Stln, There seems to have been no-
thing equivalent to the modern shirt 01' qa1llees. Men in winter-time
covered their bodies with a chadar. The women, however, wore a .
ku/'U 01' hlouse with slashes On both sides. The shoes or slippers,
instead of coming up to the calf, as in foreign countries, terminated
below the ankle.
lOO
The following account of the dress and om aments of the time is
/tiven by Pandit GaUl'i Shankar Ojha in the U rclu version of his
'Medieval Civilization: ,"Some scholars think that the art of sewing
was not invented in India till the time of Harsha, and quote a state-
ment of Uuien Tsang in st;pport Qf their assertion. But the statement
is wrong. India is a continent of diverse climates. From early ages,
all sorts of clothes were worn according to climatic needs, and the
word. 'needle' ,(SIIc11i or baishi) is mentiolled in the Vedas and Brall-
man-grantha. The Taittireya Bmhmllnll to ,three. sorts ?f need-
les i.e. of iron, silvel' and gold. The RIg Veda descnbes sCISSOrs as
and SHSI'!lta Samhita mentions 'sewing with thin thread'. The
silken cloth was known as tarp1Ia and woollen kwtah as shamole.
DI'api was also a sewn cloth-a dress about which Sain says that
. it was wom in battle. Not only doth but leather was also sewn, and
leather-hags me referred to in the Vedic age. We are referring to a
100. The interijretations of Albemlli's sentences is not free from difficulties. "The
,IdaI' '(a piece of dress covering the head and the upper part of the hl'ea.! anel neck)
is similar to the h'ousers, ,heing also fastened Ilt the hack hy buttons. The lappets
the kUJ'tllkas (short shirts from the sllOulders to the mid,lIe of the 110(1), with
,leeves, a female dress) have slashes hoth on' the right and left sides. They k.'rp .
the shoes tigl,! till they hegin to put them on. They are turned down from thn
(cplf, .. ldore walking" (Vol. T, Pl'. 1808J).
" ' b
D,'c.,s l,n,Z Manner.
211
period Hittch earlier to prove that the art of sewing 'has existed in
om countly from ancient times.
i!jime under review, women used to wear 1I1llal'iya 01' sari,
half tied round the legs and half wound rounel the shoulders. An
Httariyah or dopatta was wrapped round it outdoors. A skirt (lahnga)
was WOl'l1 at the lime of dancing. The statue at the Kankli-mount at
Mathura shows a mni and her maid-selvat. The !'ani wears a skirt
(lahllga) and chadar round her shoulders. The people of the Deccan
used to wear two dllotis, one round the loins and the other round
the shoulders: The clhotis had often omamented borders. The people
of Kashmir used to wear half-pants (janghia). Colour, beatity and
decency were the chief features of such dresses. The Kshattriyas
used to wear long beards as is shown hy a life-like description of
Bana. Most people did not wear shoes. Smith in his hook gives the
pnintingof a relief-work in which a Jain idol is seen standing with
two 01' three companions. All the three women are wearing lahngas,
and the laTmgas are the lahll{!.as of today. In the Deccan, where
laTlI1gas are not usuaJ1y \von" the women pllt it on when dancing.
'Nomen used to wear calico cloth also, as is shown hy the painting
of a black woman standing with a child in her arms in an Ajanta
cave painting. The woman is wearIng an angiya (blouse) with short
sleeves from the waist upwards. Merchants used to wem' cloaks
stuffed with cotton and klll'tahs.
"All sorts of decorations and ornaments were cOmmon; both men
and wonien were fond of them. JIllien Tsang stutes that 'even rajas
,md nobles used omanients. costly ]Jear! necklaces. rings, bangles,
n;urlas and arm-lings studded with' gold and silver.' Kundals, plain or
ringed, were often wom. "Vomen sometimes had thch' ear-lobes fJiereed
at two points to enable them to wear strings of gold and pearls, and
images of woinen with ears so pierced are found in many
The use of ear ornaments was common. Omamcnts, pi am and wlth
hells (ghunghru), were also used round the legs, bangles of inlaid
ivory round the wrist, various types of bracelets round the arms, and
heautiflll and valuable necklaces round the necks. The breasts were
either left open or tied with a breast-band or eovel'ed with a bodice.
The rich and well-to-do persons used to hang garlands of fragrant
flbwers round their necks. In short, there were no restrictions, and
all persons used ornaments, according to theh: status and illeo;me.
Nose-rings (nath and hulaq) are not referred to 1Il o1d books; p,?sslhly
these omaments have been horrowed from the Mllssalmans.
Pan-chewing was a national hahit; then as the red. teeth
of the Indians were not considerc(, a pleasant SIght hy foreIgners.
C
( .. .,
LJ
212 l'ulltlcs lmel Soclely IIIIt'lng tlw Enrly MCIlIeval l'eI'locl,
The .growing of moustaches was not; probably, a widespread habit,
but Hindus who grew their moustaches wanted them to be long
and pOinted, unlike the Mussalmans who are recommended to shave
their moustaches or to keep them Among other Indian habits,
not necessadly universal, the followin!:: struck Alheruni as odd!
growing long nails (like modern ladies of fashion) as they were useful
for scratching the head and for catching lice; wasting the rlOmainder
of a meal; drinking wine before meals; smearing the hody with cow-
dung as a disinfectant; ttse of female ornaments-cosmetics, ear-rings,
al'm-rings, dc.-by men; consulting womeri in emergencies; preference
of younger children; sitting cross-legged at public meetings; grasping
the COnvex side of the hand at a hand-shake; spitting, blowing the
nose and cracking lice in the presence of seniors and elders; and the
lise of black tablets (fakhtis) by school children on which they wrote
from left to right along the length and not the breadth of the tablet.l
O
(
X, LAWS AND CUSTOMS
An intelligent Hindu of the age realized that the laws by which
he lived had greatly changed. The practice of polyandry, though
the Pandu brothers had one. wife i.h common, had excei?t
mTiong some backward tnhes hke the Gakkhars. . HIndu public
opinion frowned upon the practice, once h:gal, which allowed a hus-
hand to connive at his wife begetting a son from a stranger so that
tlle family may be continued. This practice was prevalent
the heathen Arabs, and doubtless survived among a few Indian social
'groups, that had bcen left untouched hy Arvan culture. "The llinchls
say that niany things w.hich arc now forhidden were allowed before
the. coming of Vasudeva, e.g. the flesh of cows. Such changes arc
'necessitated hy the change in the nature of man." Custom, slowly
'changing, perforce adapts itself to new conditions. But there 'was
no authority in the eleventh century empowered to change the laws.
consciously. and for the public other words, no sovereign
powerjn the Austinian sense existed. "No law can be replaced or
exchanged. for another, for they simply use the laws as they find
them." .. , . .
. It. is . .to he greatly regretted that our knowledge of the actual Jaws
. and custoJTis of the Middle Ages, as distinct from of the
loi. 11,e hnhit of Muslim school-children was and i. exactly opposite .in these
respeCts.
213
sacred' texts and their interpretations by the priest; which were
respected but not neceSSarily enforced, and of the processes of litigatiOn
and adjudication, is .50 very meagre. Among tlie Mussalmans there
was a constant complaint that the sacred law as interpreted by the
text-books of the faqihs was overridden by the constitutions or finlla
n
s
of state. This was specially the case with criminal Jaw,
willch as expounded by the faqihs did not cover all crimes and failed
to recognize indirect evidence; also the punishments prescribed being
too severe even for the conscience of the faqih, tIie qnIy possible
was to prevent the proof of the crime by making the laws
of .evidence extremely stringent. Thus with the unprovable crimes
on tl}e. one hand and impossible punishments on the other, the faqih,
thouft; ,he would not acknowledge it, had left the' door open for state
and. secular reason: ,!,he same change had taken place
Ill India by the hme of AlberullI. The penal code is exercised under
the control of the kings, not uncleI' that of the scholars." Expiations
and fasts, as preSCribed by religion, had became a matter for the
conscience of the individual. rhe two higher castes were
exempt fl"Om capital punishment under all circumstances. lOll But the
rai
as
, gen.erally speaking, confiscated the property of a Brahman or
a .Kshattnya who gnilty of murdering it Brahman (Vai
ra
-
bmlimana hatya) or ktllmg a cow or drunkenness or incest, and drove
him out of tlieir country, Members of other castes who committed .
tlle sanie' crimes were put to cleath.103
Punishment for theft varied according to the value of the thing
stolen. In minor cases exposure to 'public shame and ridicule was
102. Alhertlni: b,d;([;' Vol. II, p. 162. So I 'interpret the words 'hut hesides 'he
king inOicts tlpon him a punishment In o"dcr to establish an example'.
. For the Hindu theory of punishment or social discipline, it would hardly be
pOSSIble to improve upon Manu:
"18. Plln/slmlent alone governs all cre/lled beings, '''"IIslmlen!. "lvtIC prv!ects
them, pun/sloment waleloes over Il'em wllile Il,ey sleep; wi,e
punishment (10 be Identicnl witl,) tloe law.
"19. If (punishment) is properly inflicted after (due) consideration, it makes all
" people hapilY; hut inflicted without consideration, it destroys everything."
22. TIle w/wle worlel is kept / .. order by Ill/nls/moent, for a guiltless nian is hard,
to find; through fear of punis!lInent the whole world yield; the enjoyments
{which it owes}.
. "23. The gods, the Danavas, the, Gandharvas, the Rakshasas, the bird and snake
. deities even give the enjoyments (due from them), only if they arc tonnentccl
hl' (the fear of) punishment."
"25. BIll wl,e"e plmlsl,ment te/tI, a black 'Ille and "ed cue., stalks. aboIlI, lles-
tl,eI'e the' .mb;ect., tire not d.:.t"rbed, Jll'o/Jiclccl Illat he 1"'10
'''fI'cts it <flScel'll' well." Ma.niSmriti, Chap. vn, pp. 219-20 ..
uu
il
I
I
\
,
"I
214
Politics and Society dl/rlng the Ear/y l'er/od
considered enough. III extreme the criminal, if a Brahman,
was blinded and mutilated by the dismemberment of the left hand
and right foot or of the right hand and left foot, a Kshattriyn was
mutilated but not blinded; and criminals of other castes were put
to death. An adulteress was driven from the house of her husband-
and, pfesumably, took to the streets. The Muslim and Jewish
punishments of adultery were notoriously more severe. The attempt
to treat adultery as n crime during the Middle Ages was llever any-
thing but a farce and a humbug. Most cases of the offence were
not detected; suspicion, when aroused, was more likely to fall upon
the innocent than the guilty; prevention of collusion was impossible;
the public punishment of the guilty partner inevitably disgraced the
innocent spouse; and, at best, the law. for the punishment of adultery
only brought to book those who have heen cm'cless and inefficient
ill their misdeeds. Hindu outlook Oil the question was, on the whole,
more sensible and sane than the stem laws which the Mussalmans
and the Christians hied to enforce.
,Purdah was not known to Hindu Inelia, but there was segregation
of sexes varying froni community to community. Manusml'iti lays
down some important precepts on the matter:
"352. Men who conimit ,adultery with the wives of others, the king
shall cause to be marked by punishments which cause terror,
and afterwards banish.
"353. For by (adultery) is caused a mixture of tho castes (1)(/1'11(/)
aniong llien; thence (follQws) sin, which cuts up even the
roots and causes the destruction of everything.
"354. A man formerly accused of (such) offences, who secretly cOn-
verses with another man's wife shall pay tho first (or lowest)
, amerceinent.
"355. But a nian, not before accused, who (tlnls) with (a
wOlnan) for some (reasonable) cause, shall not incur any
guilt, since in him there is no transgression.
"356.' He who addresses the wife of another man at a fil'/ha, outside
the village, in a forest, or at the confluence of rivers, shall.
suffer (the punishment for) adulterous acts (sangrahana).
"357. Offering presents (to a :wommi), romping (with her), touch-
ing her omaments and dress, sitting with her on a, bed, all
(these acts) are considered adulterous acts (sangrahana).
"358. If 'one touches a woman in a place (which ought) not (to
he touched) or allows (oneself to he touched in such a spot),
215
,)ress and Manners
1
I
t are declared (to
all (such acts done) wit 1 mutua consen
be) adulterous (sangrahana).
"359 A man who is not a Brahman ought to suffet death for
. adultery (sangl'aTtana); for the wives of all the four castes
must always be carefully guarded. , . ., .
"360 Mendicants bards, men who have performed the
. ceremony of a Vedic m1d artisans are not pro I I et
from speaking to marned women. , '
"361 Let' no man converse with the wives of others he has
. been fOl'bidden (to do so); but who converses, (':"lth them),
in spite of a prohibition, shan be suvalna.. .
"362. This rule does not apply to the wIVes of and
nor (of) those who live on (the intrigues of) thml' own
for' such men send theiI- wives (to oth<;rs) or, concealmg
themselves allow them to hold criminal llltercourse.
"363 Yet he wilO converses with such w?men, or w.itl! '
. female, slaves kept by one (master), and with female ascetIcs,
shall be compelled to pay a small fine.
"364. He who violates an unwilli'ng maiden .shall
cOl' oral punishment; but a man whoell)oys
sha11 not suffer corporal punishment, If (Ius caste be) th
same (as hers). .
"365. F'rom a maiden who makes advances to (man of)
(aste) he shall not takc any fine; but her, who COUltS .\
(caste), let him be forced to live confined in her
house. '1 (f) I
"366. A (man of) low (caste) who makes love. to a mail en 0 t 10
hi hest ' (caste) shall suffer corporal pUUlshment; he ad-
a maiden (of) equal (caste) shall pay the nuptIal fee,
if her father desires it. .
, I l' I ce forcibly contammates a
"367 But if any man t ll'oug 1 Inso en 1 I
. maiden,' two of his fingers shall be instantly cut off, am, lC
shall pay a fine of six hundred (panas).
"368. A man (of) -equal (caste) who defiles a Ttaiden
not suffer the amputation of his fingers, s pay ,a
, r of two hundred (panas) ill order to detCl hlln flom a IepetI
('" -utih (of the offence)." . '.
"373. On a man (once) convicted, is (again) tl1cus(d
a year a double fine (must be lllfhcted); even t lUS mus 1
: \
c .
216
Politics and Socletv during the Earlv Medieval Period
fine be doubled) for (repeated) intercourse with a Vratya and
a Chandali. ..
"374. A Shudra who has intercourse with a womah of a twice-bom
caste (varna), guarded or unguarded, (shall be punished in
the following manner): if she was unguarded, he loses the
part (offending) and all his prOperty; if she was guarded,
everything (even his life). .
"375. ( For intercourse with a guarded Brahmani) a Vaishya shall
. forfeit all his property after imprisonment for a year; a
Kshattriya shall be fined one thousand (?Janas) and be shaved
with the urine (of an ass).
"376. If a Vaishya or a Kshattriya has connexiOll with an unguarded
Brahrriani, let him fine the Vaishyafive hundred (panas) and
the Kshattriya one thousand.
"377. But even these two, if they offend with a Brahmani (not
. only) guarded (but the wife of an eminent man), shall be
punished like a Shudra or be burnt in a fire of dry grass.
"378. A Brahman who carnally knows a guarded Brahmani against
her will shall be fined one thousand (panas); but he shall.
be made to pay five hundred, if he had Conllexion with a
willing one.
"379. Tonsure (of the head) is ordained for a Brahman (instead
of) capital punishment; bnt (men of) other castes shall suffer
capital punishment.
"380. Let him never slay a Bl'ahman, though he have committed
all (possihle) crimes; let him hanish such an (affendel'), leaving
all his property (to him) and (his body) unhurt.
"381. No greater crime is known on emth than slaying a Brahman;
a king, therefore, must not even conceive in his mind the
thought of killing a Brahman.
''i3Sz:--If Q Vaishya approaches a guarded female of the Kshattriya
caste, or a Kshattriya a (guarded) Vaishya woman, they both
deserve the same punishment as in the case of an unguarded
Brahman female."
It is obvious, however, that these rules could, at no tirrie, have
been thoroughly enforced, except when the prestige of the upper
classes was touched. And further, as to the proper relation of hus-
band and wife, ManllsJnI'iti remarks:
. "2. Day and night women must be kept in dependence by the.
Oress and Manrnlrl . 217
males (Of) their and, if they attach themselves to
.sensual enjoyments, they must be kept under one's controt
"3. Her father protects (her in childhood, her husband portects
(her) in youth, and her. sons protect (her) in old age; a woman
is never fit for independence."104
"10. No man can completely guard women by force; but they can
be guarded by the erriployment of the (following) expedients:
"11. Let the (husband) employ his (wife) in the collection and ex-
. penclituf!:: of his wealth, in keeping (everything) clean, in
(the fulfilment of) religiOUS duties, in the preparation of his
food, and in looking after the household utensils.
"12. Women, confined in the house under trustworthy and obedient
servants, are not (well) guarded; but those who of their own
accord keep guard over themselves, are well guarded."105
Two further problems arose owing to the conception of the
as a 'coqJOration', as Maine has put it, or, to be more exact, owmg
to the necessity of an heir for performing those rites without which
the soul of a dead mall could not attain to salvation. If a man died
without leaving any male issue, could his widow beget a male child
by another man for the performance of these necessary duties for
the soul of her dead husband? And for the same reason, was a
man who, owingto a fault of his own, COUld. not have a rriale issue,
justified in permitting his to beget a by
The text of Manu leaves lIttle doubt that 111 an emher age the
answer to both questions had been in the affirmative. But social de-
led to re-examination of the principle and to. a complete
()f ahitude. Firstll/, critics (refelTed to by Manu as 'great
cient pointed out that such a child belonged not to the s
luis band, dead or alive, but tQ the man to whom she bore the chIld.
"They (all) say that the male issue (of a woman) belongs to the lord,
but with respect to the (meaning of the term) lord the revealed texts
differ; some call the begetter (of the child the lord),. others declare
(that it is) the owner of the soil. By the sacred tmchtIOn the WOman
is declared to be the soil, the man is declared to be the seed;
. production of all corporeal beings (takes place) thrnugh the timOn
of the soil with the seed. That one (plant) should be sown and
another be produced cannot happen; whatever seed is sown,
(a plant of) that kind even comes forth. Never, therefore, must a
101. IMc/., Chap. IX, pp. 327-28 .
105. Ibid" p. 329.
'I
I
I
II'
1'1
;,1
"
218 Politics and Socfety dar/ttl!. ti,e Ea"/y Medlecal Period
prudent well-haitled man, who knows the Veda and its atlgas and
desires long life, cohabit with ,another's wife,"106
Secondly, was begetting such children desirable? Manti, with
the more developed moral consciousness of a later age, replies Clll-
phatically in the negative. "The wife of an elder brother is for his
younger (brother) the wife of a Guru; but the wife of the younger is
declared (to be) the daughter-ill-law of the elder ... By twice-horn
men a widow must not be appointed to (cohabit with) any other
(than her husband); for the?,' who appoint (her) to another (man)
will violate the eternal law. '107 Manu makes compromises out of
rcspect for the allcient.texts. Nevertheless he has a clear conception
of the incompatibility of such practices with the life of purity and
nial'ital devotion which he presclibes for the householder. "He onl)'
a perfect man who consists (of thrce persons united), his wife,
himself, and his offspring; thus (says the Veda), and (learned) Brah-
mans pl1opounQ. this (maxim) likewise. 'The husband is declared
to be one with the wife.' Neither by sale nor hy repudiation is
a wife released from her husband; snch we know the law to he,
which the Lord of Creatures (Prajapati) made of old. Once is tht'
partition (of the inheritance) rnade, (ollce is) a maiden given in mar-
(and) once does (a man say, 'I will give'); each of those three
(ads iif done) ollCe only."
"Many thousands of Brahmans, who were chaste roni their youth,
have gone to heaven without continuing their racc. A virtuous wife,
who after the death of her htlsband constantly remains chaste, reaches
heaven, though she have no son, just like those chastc men. But
a wOinan, who f!'Olli a desire to have olfspring violates hel- duty
'towards her (deceased) husband, brings on herself disgrace in ihis
world, and loses her place with her husband (in hcaven). Offspring
begotten by another man is here not (considered lawfnl), llor (docs
oflspring begotten) on another man's wife (belong to the begetter),
nor is a second husband anywhere prescribed for virtuous wOmen.
She who cohabits with a man of higher caste, forsaking her own
husband, who to a lower one, will become contemptihle jn
this world, and is called a remarried ,,'oman (porpllroa)."108
During the ten or twelve centuries that separated the Mailllsmriti.
and the Kitab-lIl Hilld, it may hc safely assumed, all stich cllstOlTiS-
whatever the high authorities that may be cited in their favour-dis-
106. Ibid" p, 333.
107. ITM" pp. 337-38.
108. Ibid., Chap. V, pp. 196-97.
/)reS$ I1nd Manner$
.219
appeared from anwng the Aryan upper classes, though'their existence
up to a much later date among the lower orders :and the backward
commullit,ies is ,Proved by undeniable evidence. AU the 'spiritualistic
apparatus l'eqmred by the soul of a man who had died without,male
, issue. could be prOVided for by an adopted son.
WIth to the. absence of the purdah system, the following
remarks of Pancht Gaun Shankar Ojha deserve to be noted thougIi
it is difficult (in view of Manu's injunctions) to believe that the
0l?pOltunityof mixing freely with. men was'not the exclusive privilege
of princesses exceptionally circumstanced: "At the time under review
there was no purdah system, and the women of the royal household
the court. wlites that after the defeat and
capture of the HUll raJa, MIIurakul, the mother of Baladitya came
to mother used to associate with the courtiers. It is
stated 111 Bana s Kadamoal'i that Bilaswati used to interview the
plicsts, the astrologers and Brahmans and heard the Ma/tabhal'ata
in the temple Mihirakul. Rajshri herself met Huien Tsang. The
dramas of the tIme reveal no trace of the purdah system. The Arab
Abu Zaid, states that women used to appear before Indians
01' foreIgners, and accompanied their men-folk ill social gatherings
and amusements.
lOO
Kama Sutf' rn.entio.tls that women also served in
the army, .the rajas in their dal'bal's, campaigns,
pleasure parties, etc, They rode horses in anns and some of them
are reported to have been captured during the Aka Devi, sister
of the ,westem Solanki mIer, Vikramadl.tya, was very daring by
nature, and was S(' expert in politics and administration that. she
over foul' of the kingdom. It appears from an inscrip-
h.on that she .also lald SIege to a fort. Other examples of the same
k11ld can be glVen to prove that the purdah system diel not exist. It, is
true, however, that common peo11\e were not allowed to enter the
raja's palace. It was after the advent of Mussalmans that the purdah:
system .was established in India. As the Mussalmans became pre- .
dominant in Northern India, the system of purdah and veil (ghung(lat)
grew there rapidly. Where the influence of the Mussalmans was less,
109. Arah travellers were impressed by the male Indian's fondness fo; ornaments
nnd. the absence. of the veil. Thus Zaid Vol. I, p. 11): "The kings of
lod", are nccllstomed to wenr car-nngs of precIOus stones, mounted in gold. They
also wenr necklaces of great vnlue, formed of the mo.,t pl'ccions red and green
stones. Pearls, however, nre held in the highest esteem, and are greatly sought after ....
Most of the princes. of India, when they hold n com!, nllow their women to he seen
hI' th" mell wl,o nth",11 It, ",h",l",r th"y h!' IIIItlVt'9 or No vdl conc",,!,
them from the eyes of the visiton"." SC,e "Iso J.7-ldrls/ (Elliot, Vol. 1, 1'p. 87-88).
Politics and Soc/ety clrtl'/ng the EadtiMeiliecnl 'Pgl'/oil \
the pi.Il'dahilnd the veil' were not established. Eveli to this dilY 110
snch system exists from Rajputana to the Deccan, or "else only
1l0minally."110 . ' "i
The complainant at a legal hial was required to put his case in
writing, a special script being used, or in the alternative to produce
witnesses-the number being the same as among the Mussal-
'llhe evidence Qfone witness was only considered sufficient if
it was consistent, conclusive and complete. Indirect evidencc, thc
bete noire of the medieval jurist, was not admitted. "The Hindu
judgc", says Alberuni, "docs not admit prying about in secret, deriv-
ing arguments from mere signs or indications in public, conclutlillg
by analogy from one thing which seems established to another, and
using all sorts of tricks to elicit the tl1lth as I1yas ihn-i Mu'awiya l1scd
to do." Plain statements on hoth sides supportcd by witnesses came
first; if that was inconclusive, both parties took oaths before 'five
learned Brahmans'. It was not to be expected that the oaths would
reveal the truth. The presumption was that one, or probably both
parties, would lie again. Trial by ordeal was condemned by the
Muslim Shal'i'at. But it prevailed among the Christians and also
among the Hindus. Six varieties of increaSing scvcrityare enumerate(l
by Alberuni: (1) The accused was invited to (!ualf a drink called
Vish;. it would not injure him if he was innocent: (2) He was thrown
into a deep well or a rapid stream. An innocent man would }Jot
drown and die-nor, perhaps, would a good swimmer. (3) Defendant
and plaintiff are taken to the most celebrated temple of the neigh-
bourhOOd. The plaintiff fasts on the first day and on the second day
he puts on new clothes and takes the defendant before the'idol. The
Brahman pours water over the idol and gives it to the defendant to
drink. He will voniit out.blood if he has not spoken the truth. (4) The
defendant is weighed in the pan of a balance; then he invokes the
de vas, writes down his statement and is weighed a second time. If
he has spoken the truth, his weight will have increased. (5) Butter
and oil in equal are, heated in a kettle. A gold coin
is thrown into the mixture when it reaches the hoiling point. The
if innocent, will be able to put his hand into the liqUid
and take out the coin. (6) TIle sixth and the highest ordeal required
even more honesty (or ingenuity) of the defendant. Rice-coms, still
in the husk, were sprinkled over the palm of the defendant and over
them was placed a very broad leaf. If he was honest, he would he
to cimy a piece of imn,heated to the melting pOint, for fnll
lio. Ilistory of ClvIliZlltion, pp. '77-7Ii.
Dress /lnd
221
p:;tces. This is obviously not a list of all the
whiCiI ,iT;:genuity of the Indians had deVIsed. But they ,are a fair
,specimen and dQ not show the bl11tality of European ordeals of. the
same period. The success of an ordeal in sifting the false from the
true depended upon the faith of the accused, the weakness of his
nerves and the suggestions of the Brahmans. An amateur would quail
before even the trial had begun,111
Hindu law of inheritance was very different from the law of the
Mussalman. Women were not entitled to inheritance but they could
.transmit the right to inheritance. The prescription of Manu with
respect to a daughter's right, however, seems to have been observed.
She got a share equal to one-fourth of her brothels; it was spent
upon her upkeep and the purchase of her marriage portion. But after
her marriage she had no claims on her father's property. Among
male heirs the descendants had more claims than the ascendants;' the
claims of collateral relations were even weaker, for they "inherit orily
in case nobody has a hetterclnlm". 'When there were several claiin-
ants of the same degree, the property was divided equally between
them. If a Brahman died without heirs, his property was given in
alms but in the case of other persons it escheated to the state. "If a
,"vidow does not burn herself but prefers to remain alive, the heir of
her deceased husband has to provide her with nourishment and
The debts of the deceased must be paid by his heir, either
out of his share or out of the stock of his own property, no regard
being had whether the deceased has left any property or not. Like-
wise he inust bear the just-mentioned expenses of the widow."
Alberuni's account of the Hindu law of inheritance is very mea)!fe.
He does not mention the jOint-family system, though his remark, that
the heir whether he liked it or not, inherited the debts of the de-
ceased ;nd was saddled with a number of other ohligations, can only
he explained by the theory of the family a permanent, un?ying
corporation. Duties were, therefore, more Important than nghts.
A,nong the Romans a slave could he saddled with the debts of his
master by the latter's will; in Muslim countries no one could be
saddled with another man's debts. Hindu conception of 'property
ri!!hts was entirely different from that of foreign countries. . . .
Most of the Vedic sacrifices had disappeared. The Ashvame'dha
sacriflce, the most famous of all, is described by Alherurii, hut it had
,not (at least in a proper manner) been performed hy any Indiim' king
Ill. 'I11e'ieleal law of orthodox Hinduism will he In Mati", Chap. VIII. But
It i. dime"lt to say how far it was modille" In practice hy the customs of different
castes and communities.
C'
222
T'olitlr .. and Socle/II clllr/n" fl ....1 I'
'" Ie r,fl/ II Mec weal l'eri()(1
for several centuries, Pilgrim'\ 'es I' I ....
papillar, Visiting the shrines 0 t Ie WI', hand, were vcry
a thing meritorious but not oIl' : IS optional or faeultative-
Presents to the idol and to lm
y
I de the Hai of the Mussalmans,
tl
", I" la unan evotees e'
Ie )1 gnm had to shave his hea I I b I ,w Ie necessarY, and
f )" 1 ,( ane eal'( ) 12 Ther i d J
or e levmg t lat pilgrimages incl I' 'f ' e s goo reason
temples, were more popular i;l the ts and endowments to the
at any previous or later eriod At a' ,md centuries than
after the poor or the liel I ' I l11shtutions for looking.
laid upon aIms-giving A IIll,ess! lIme YhexIlsted, much insistence was
f
,Ill{ U louse 0 del' I
one- oUl'th to one-ninth of I": was expectee to spond
of -mone)' was co '1 'I liS lllcome on charity,US Accuinulation
, nSI( ele( wrong but IJt tt' I '
years 'to guarantee the lie 't', I. mg ly cnough for three
t
. J at agamst anxIety' , . '11
Iaty to tIe geneml imlJressl' .,.' vas penmSSI) e. Con-
I
. t ' on prevllI 109 in MusIl' t .
ane m crest were severely 1'01 lb't 1114 ' III COnn nes, usury
interest, but 2 per cent pe pili e( , Only the Shudra could take
TI . lb' r annum was the maxhmIJ\l allowed.
lC 1 U es a out food and drink I d I
stringent in the course of ene at' la" wen made mOre and more
tlnie before Bharata it was
g
Some Hindus say that in the
there then existed sacrifices part the meat of cows and that
Mter that time however 't I' I w IC 1 WI1S the killing of cows
weakness of "115 TI' 1 laC beeofll forbidden on account of
, , lere must course I b
reasons also' even Al H " . ' ' , lave een economic
, , - ana}, as Albel1.1l1i points ont, prohihited the
112. AI?eruni: India, Chaps, TJXV & LXVI.
113. IbM" Chap, LXVII.
114 "N'th
h' . Cl er a Brahman, nor a Kshalt,ira ,r
's plensure (either of them)' mnv, in tim ":a) end money at 'interest; hut at
sncred purposes, lend to a very "in' f I cs of dIstress, when he nioney for
115 TI . , tI mnn nt small . t .. . ,
. le primnry renson for the ,. I'" : on crest -Manit, Chnp. XI, p, 427
loll/Mit-it cnuses pain to livin uh,hon of eating meat is the sinfulness of
the processes of nnture, for n IliVi;nd the heart of man, Neverthekss
that one living creature can may claimed, nrc hAsed on tho
hves. . ,>Y other crcatur(';s of their
The following argument of th C J f
doctrine of ahimsa is accepted anel Ott oJ'. a \Mdanu deserves a careful s.crutiny' the
t I h' ' ye ('Scan e ' "Th I . Ie'
cren c, t 's whole (world to hc) .the Stl t ' e o. Creattlres (Prll;npaH)
movahlc nnd the movable (creation is) tl S f of, the VItal spirit; hoth the illl'
of motion is the food of those' en',e 0 ,t IC vital spirit. What ;s destitutc
out fnngs (arc the food) of those with \\'Ith (m'limals) with-
possess Ilands, and thc timid of th I II gh' those w,th"nt hands of those who
destined to 'l,e his food comm" c;o " T e entcr who daily even devours tl1O'O
t
's no sm' for th C t I ' ..
en ers and those who are t I ' e rea or lImself created both th
f (' " 0 )e eaten (for those s . I . e
o nwat IS for ,aeriller, tl t' I I prcla pm poses), The consnmption
ibid., Chap. V, pp, 173-74, " '" }S, I cr nred to he a Illlc n)ade hy the gods. , ,"-
223
O;"MS oncZ Manners
killing of cows when he was tolcl that Babylonia was becoming' a
desert. In the eleventh century meat was totally prohibited to the
Brahmans. But to the other classes (according to Alberuni) the flesh
of certain animals was allowed,llB The animals had to be strangu-
lated. The flesh of animals who had died of a sudden death or (pre-
sumably) of a natural disease was prohibited, Wine was prohibited
to the caste Hindus; we arc far away froJn the days of the Soma
plant, the fermented white juice of which may-or may not-have
inspired some of hymns of the Rig Veda. The Brahmans of the
eleventh century were a steady, stay-at-hQrne, pedestrian people who
prefened a Single caste wife, plain water, vegetarian dishes and
prose slokas. The Sudra was allowed to drink wine provided he dis-
tilled it in his own ho'llse, The sale of wine and probably also of
meat was totally prohibited.
117
Marriage took place at all immature age and the match was arrang-
ed by the parents. The Code of Manu had permitted a maiden to
select her own husband, "Three years let a damsel wait, though she
be marriageable; but after that time. let her for herself a
bridegroom (of) equal (caste and rank) .. If, being not given in mar-
riage, she he/'self seeks a husbancl, she incurs. no gllilt, nO,. (does) he
whom she wftds. A maiden who chooses for herself shall not take
with her any ornaments, given by her father or her mother, or her
brothers; if she carries them, away, it will be theft. But he who takes
(to wife) a malTiageabJe damsel shall not pay any nuptial fee to her
father; foi' the (latter) will lose his dominiQrl over her in consequence
lIB. Among nnimals the meat of which is permitted, Alhernni enumerates the
following: Sheep, goats, gazelles, hares, rhinoceros, hulIaloes, flsh, water and land
hirds: as, sparrows, ring-doves, francolins, doves, peacocks, and other animals which
are not loathsome to man nor noxious, the forbidde,., arc--cows, horses, mules,
asses, camels, elephants, tame poultrr, crows, parrots, nightingales, aU kinds of eggs
and wine-Alheruni, Inclia, Vol. II, p. 151.
117. Ibid" Vol. I, p, 152. Compare II",-! Klwrclaclba: "The and people of JIind
regard fornication as lawfnl, and wine as nnlawful. This opinion prevails throughout
Hind, but, the king of Kumar holds both fornication and the use of wine as unlawful
The king of Sarandip conveys wine from Irak for his consumpt,ion," The 'lawfulness'
of adultery is of course an erroneous impression duc to the large nnmher of temple-
girls (devadasis) of the period, Also MlISIICIi, "The Hindns ahstain from drinking \vine_
and censure those who consume it; not hecause their religion forbids it, hut in the
dread of its clouding their reason and depriving them of ih powers. If it can h"
pt'Oved of one of their kings, that he I,as dntnk (wine), he forfeits the crown; fOJ'
he is (not considered to be) ahle to rnle and gnvern (the empire), if his mind is
affccted"-EUlof, Vol. I, p. 20. .
224 Pol/tics and Society during the Early Medieval Period
of his preventing (the legitimate result of the appearanc of) her
menses."1l8
But this limited liberty was vitiated by the age ptescribed for the
marriage of women and the status allowed to them.
"A man, aged thirty years, shall marry a maiden of twelve who
pleases him, or a man of twenty-four a girl eight years of agc; if (the
performance of) his duties would (otherwise) he impeded, (he must
marry) sooner."119 Along with all this went a thorough contempt for
women as creablres of sin. "Women do not care for beauty, nor is
their attention fixed on age; (thinking) it is enough (that) he is a man,
they give themselves to the handsome and to the ugly. Through their
passion for men, through their mtltable temper, their natural
heartlcssness, they' become disloyal towards their husbands, however
carefully they may be guarded in this (world). Knowing their dis-
position, which the Lord of Creatures laic' in them at the creation
to be such, (every) man should most strenuously exert hirnself to
guard them. (When creating them) Manu allotted to women (a Jove
of their) bed, (of their) seat and (of) ornament, impure deSires, wrath,
dishonesty, malice, and bad conduct. For WOmen no (sacramental)
rite (is performed) with sacred texts; thus the Jaw is settled; women
(who are) destitute of strength and destitute of (the knowledge of)
Vedic texts (are as impure as) falsehood (itself); that is a fixed mle.
And to this effect many sacred texts are sung also in the Vedas, in
order to (make) fully known the tme disposition (of women); hear
(now those texts which refer to) the expiation of their (sins)."120
The resultant social feeling was inevitable. A daughter was the
Achilles' heel in the family corporation to he got rid of as earl"
as possible by a legitimate, if not a suitable, marriage. "No gift (i.e.
mehr) is settled between them. The man gives only a present to his
wife, as he thinks fit, and a marriage gift in advance, which he has
no right to take back, but the wife may give it I;ack to him of her
own free wi11."121 Unhappy marriages could only be tenninated by
death. There was no divorce. The man, of course, could marry again.
As to the number of wives a Hindu may have, Albenmi's Brahman
friends gave him conflicting accounts. At one place he says that the
Hindus are allowed to have four wives and not more, tIlOugh if One
of the four dies, she may be replaced. But later Q\l he adds-"Some
118. Manu, Chap. IX, pp. 34344.
119. Loc. cit.
120. 11M., p. 320.
121. Albenmi: IMdw, Vol. I, p. 154.
(; "-' C', ! I
,.
Dress and Manners 225
Hindus say that the number of the wives depends the
that, accordingly a Brahman may four, a three,. a
Vaishya two wives and a Su<l?"a one. 122 The
nl:aximum-makes one suspiCIOUS. Our author s Brahman mstnlctors,
'one is impelled to conclude, were probably one-wife househol;lers.
As to the forbidden degrees of marriage: (1) Intereaste marnages
were legally allowed so long as a married .tt woman of a
lower than his own; the reverse was never permItted; and the chIld-
ren belonged to the caste of their mother. The Br,ahmans, we ate
definitely told, did not marry except in their own caste. A Brahman,
thougII. permitted' by the earlier law still extant, was gradually. de-
prived of the privilege of marrying lower caste women; the marnage
was not made invalid, hut it was deprecated and a Brahman, -:vho
defiled himself by such a marriage was deprived of his full religIOUS
status. Even as early as the Code of Manu we find Brahmanical
public opinion frowning upon such marriages; "But he who,
invited to a Shraddha, dallies with a Sudra ,woman, up:;>n
self all the sins which the giver (of the, feast) committed. 123 If
twice-bommen wed women of their own and of other (lower castes),
the seniority, honour, and habitation. of those (wives) must be
tIed) according to the order of the caste (wnw). A.mong all
born men) the wife of e(jllal castc alone; not a Wife of a
caste by any means, shall personally attend '.wr hllsband and assist
him in his c1aily sacred rites. Bnt hc who foohshly causes
to be performed by another, while his wife .of equal, caste IS altve,
is declared by the ancients (to he) "as as a Chandala
(sprung from the) Brahman (caste). 124 Chlldren?f a
(women of) the three (lower) castes, of a Kshattnya by (wives 0 )
the two (lower) castes and of a Vaishya by (a wife) of the one caste
(below him) are all called hase-horn (apasada)."125
It may he safely assllni('d that in practicc the flrahmans by the
time of AlJ)(,11Ini had sl1('c('ssfllllv sll("c('cdC'c\ in prev('nting the pol-
Inlion of their domestic lives hy low-caste women. The same 11Ile
was prohahly ohserved Il\' oth(:r castes marriagcs
mllst have heen rare. The spirit of the hme was agalllst them:.
(2) In addition to the foregOing restrictions, it was not permitted
to marrv anyone (a) in the ascending lines (c.g. mother, grandmother)
or (Tl) i;ltIie descending line (e.g. dallghter, granddnllghlcr)or (c)
:'r':. n 155.
12!1. dhnp. lll, p. Ill.
121. Ihld., Chnp. IX, pp. 342-43.
125. Ibid., Chap. X, p. 4M

(.
and SoclelY during 11.e Emly Medlev(/l Period
226
etc) But if the collaterals were removed
the (aubnt, (? degrees), marriage was per-
from each at ler y ve g . \ I better to marry a stranger
mitted but disliked. It wa1s remote.l26 The institution
thin the caste, than a re a 1\'e, 0:-v .
WI r sed by Albemm. h
of gotro. IS not c ISCUS marr 127 "She has only to C oose
A widow was not allowed to re : y. ..low a" long as she lives
1 . 'the' to rema1l1 a WIn "
hetween two t latte;' eventuality is considered the.
or to bum herse , an . he is ill-treated as long as she hves.
ferable because as a widow l' P 'a literature of the period
. h er that 111 t Ie ersl n t
. It is cunous, owev ..' p 1 bl the custom which is oono-
t' re very rare ro Ja y .,. 't
references to sa1 a . . h it was not as common as 1
xious to all the sentiments of . tlman\ y, ason . for believing that the
afterwards became. But there !S IgOtOI( wish it or not'. There
f k' ere burnt w 10 ler .
widows 0 mgs w . b 1 '. . may bring disgrace to the memory
was a danger that thmr e -son now on the gadeli, was
of their illustrious husband; then s 'Pt ' eeded for charitable
t I 1
their ornamen s were n
in supreme con ro anc h' the case of queens
A
fon was made owever, III I f
purposes,. n excep I . :.vho had chilclreT\. The mot ler 0
of advanced years and of queens I 1 rnt nor the niothers of his
the new raja would .not them. The rest of the
brothers who were a was c1cared for the
harem hy a saturnalia 0 h
.' f 1 monarch 128 f 1'
favourites 0 t Ie new ' '. tl rincipal items 0 1 e-
The complicated lites. tl not' be discuss(ld here.
hidh consecration, marnage
l
and \,a ,I \ their dcad natumllv obser-
But the Mussalmans, who a ways 1 " al)o;lt 'OIl(' of the most
. tl 1 "m'Oller t Ie tb '
veel thc vanouS me wc s",., .
J2A Alhcrnni: I "c/ill.. Vol. n, p, 155. . h not (consi,l""",1 I"wful), nor (,Inl"
. I' 1 fUwthr.r mAn IS ere () ,c1
127, "Offsprin)( le)(o/,,,,, 'Y' ":.1 tl ' he)(t'tterl, nOr IS a .ec I
t l other .na., s Wlf" (h . onll to'" 'l'J7)
offspring hpgot on '" i.t () n: \\'01llan," (l1lt1mlsmrili, ". p. . '. . ,.
hllshalld nll)'\\'ht'rt' presC'rllwd 1111, v I t1 l' 'I n 6) "'\r'lwn tllP king of Snrnndlp du s,
j 9R Compare Aim hllM. (E/I,ot. Vo. '.' 'tl ",(",n,! wHh the. hcael so at-
..... 1" n {,rv 1\('<11' 1P h 1 .
hi.,. curripcl on fL ow .<,aTllag. v : ' nt tcmclw.
s
the ,l.,rrotlml, antl tIle mlr
laci;,,;1 to th/;J hack of the vd"d" that oC'I"Pam' who sweeps the dllst on to the
. A follows w,t 1 a )TOO , 1 r
drags in the elllst " . 1('11 h"ho1<1 f This rna" yestert ny wns Y II
fa
co of the nnd Ollt, 10 n I' J'. . lers s ... now to what he is hrollght;
. 1 )cy('( llS orc . " ,. If l' t
king; he over ),011 nne 0 ' '1 . an c1 of death has carried 0 l1S
1,(' has hill farewell to th" W().\d, nnd t
l
" tl P; of this lifc', and sllch hke
. , h I I tra 1V 1e P w, ,.. d I
Do not allow yourselves to c e, as l' Y . Iter 'which the hocly is hllrnt san a,
words, TIl<' cemmo"y lasts for three, ays'tt"rt,,1 to the winds, All the Inchans hllm
camphor and saffron, anel the ashes (': 1 ]cpt.udent on Indin. Sometimes when
their dead, Sarall(lip is the last. of IS OI
t
" upon the pile and hum with
f k' is hnrnt IllS Wive, cas .' . ..
the corpsI' 0 n 'ng. h ' . I ther they will do so or not.
it; put it Is for them to c oose Wle
Dress and Manner! . 227
human obligations-the last dU,ty to the departed. Contempo-
rary thought attributed the custom of cremating the dead to Nara-
yana (Lord Krishna). But it must have been very much older, what-
ever date we assign to Lord Krishna, The dead body, washed and
wrapped in a shroud, was burnt in as much sandal wood and orcH-
nary wood as the family could procure. "Nothing remains. Every
defilement, dirt and smell is annihilated at once." Part of the calcined
bones were cast into the nearest stream or taken to the Ganges and
dropped in its sacred water. Over the spot where the body had been
burnt a monument, resembling the large mile-stones of the Middle
Ages, was raised, The custom of throwing dead bodies into flowing
water is attributed by Albemni to Gautama Buddha. "Therefore his
followets, the Shamanis, throw their dead into the rivers." It may
be safely assumed, however, that this custom prevailed among the
IIindus also; otherwise Albenmi would not have heard of it. Elabo-
mte ceremonies were not within the reach of the poorer classes.
"Those who cannot alford to bum their dead will either throw them
somewhere on the open field or into running water." -By throwing
on 'the 'open field' Albertini probably means casting into shallow,
hastily made graves, just sufficient earth being thrown on the dead
body to veil it from the eyes of the living. Suicide was condemned.
Brahmans and Kshattriyas were sternly ordered not to bum them-
selves alive. Though public opinion seems to have condoned suicide
'jn the case of old age and incurahle disease,no members of thn
twice"born castes took advantage of it. There was, however, one ex-
ception. Alberuni tells us of a famous banyan tree at the confluence
and the Yumna. "Here the Brahmans and Kshattriyas
are ']Ilth& hahit of committing suicide by climhing up the tree and
throWing themselves into the Ganges."129 Two other cases are noted
bv Abu ZaicI,130 the :Ilrst in theterritory of the Rashtrakutas anel the
s('cond (prohahly) among the Nairs of Malahar. "In the state of Bal-
ham (the Rashtrakuta kings) and in other provinces of Inelia, one
Illnv see nicn hurn themselves on' a pile. This mises from the fnith
. of 'the Indians in metenipsychosis, a faith which is rooted in their
hearts, and ahout which they have not the slightest douht. Some
of the kings of India, when they ascend the throne, have a
of rice cooked and served on banana leaves. Attached to the kmg s
person are three or four hundred cOrripanions, who have joined him
of their own free will without compulsion. WhM the king,has eaten
129. Alhernni rInd/a, Vol. n, Chnp. LXXIII. ,
ISO. Elliot, H/story of Indln, Vol. 1, p, g,
2!!8
some of the rice, he gives it to his companions. Each in his turn
approaches, takes a slTlall quantity and cats it. All thm;c who so eat
the rice are obliged, when the king dies or is slain, to burn them-
selves to the very last man on the very day of the king's decease.
This is a duty which admits of no delay, and not a vestige of thcst'
men ollght to he left." The Vaishyas and the SllClras had greater
freedom, in the rriatter of Silicide, specially at sacl'('d moments, Iikb
the period of the eclipses, when the road to hC'Uvcn seemed more
certain. "They hire somebody to drown them in the Ganges, holding
theni under the watcr till they are deacl."1,11 "When a person", says
Abu Zaid, "either woman or man, beeonies old, and the scnses are
enfeebled, he begs someone of his family to throw him 'into the fire,
or to drown hiin in the water; SI) firmly are the Indians
that they shall return to (life I1pOJl) the carth."182 '
\Vhatever the misfortunes of the mass of the people-and the
power of the governing dasses and the rigidity of laws inteuded to
CllrOrCe tlwir allthority mllst have, h('Cll e'(tT('I11<'I" galling-th('I'(' was
at least one compensation. India was a land cif festivals and festi-
vities. The life of the people was not happy (in the proper sense of
the word) hut it was joyous and cheerful. That grim sense of duty
and atmosphere of gloom in which life was conceived as of a
tTa\,elkr's inn where a man had rrierely to discharge his covenant
\;1\"(,;1/) uvith the Lord and depart, which is til(' most striking f('(llme
of tlw einks of Tslam and lll(di<'\'al Christianity,
is 'not 1'01111(1 in In(lia. The i(}gis who tortm('(l lh('ir fksll wel'(' n's-
peeled hut not imitated. The Hindus had plenty of fasts; but they
were not ohligatory. Nor were they as exacting and somhre as the
Ramzan of the Mussalmans. The Brahmanical svstem would have
totteH'd to its foundation had it not foulHl some) nieans of reconciling
the' people to their lot; (\11(1 it sncceec1ml in doing so hy elilllinalill .
foreign influences, so far as possihle; hy ('I'f'ating a cheerfnl o'l1tl
in the p('ople; and hy providing them with :i. seri .. s or fairs, fasls anrl
festivities throl1ghont the y('ar: It is won(krlnl how song and dance
and gossip will make, Iwopk for!.!!'! th.. of :UI (mpl v'
stil11iach. Most rif the fnstivals, All W1'llll i 1('11, llS, \\'('1' .. primarill' in-
t('nde(l for women an(1 ehildrcn. Bllt the spirit of gladness an(l gO()(\
cheer most have infpcl('(1 thn ('1(I('rs as well.
(First nppmred in }",mllli of Ilw tIIigfll'l. IIlslor/t(/1 ncsr(//'tl, '".,'illlte,
Nos. JI-IlI, Jllly-Oetol",1' HJ.lI- EIlI'r<ln.)
I'll. AlhNlIlli: ,"difl. Vol. n, p. liO.
]32. Elliot: Ilisto/'y cif [IIdi(/, VoJ. T, PI' 9-10.
LonD OF TIlE ASSASSINS
TUE RELIGIOUS D1FFmmNCI';S TJlAT JlOW divide tho Muslim world arc
said to have originated soon after the Prophet's death. The
of l'ersian converts to Islam was inevitably drawn towards the Fmndy
of the Prophet. They had no liking for the second Caliph, who had
knocked down their imperial edifice. The l'roplwt's grandson, 1m:lln
Husain, OJI the other haml had marricll a daughter oi the last Sassalllan
and ill his (lescendants alone could a legitimate successOl: to
the L1(iilslJ or Sassan be found. The Kerbala the greatest ernnc
and hllllHkr of the Umayyacl dynasty, inevitablv drew to the heroic
martyr the subject races whom the Umayyad aristocrats had oppressed.
These dilfcrenees were political in their origin but they gradnallY
assumed a religiOUS garb. The ordinary Persian had heen accustomed to
regard his emperor as a 'divine being'; the of the ?assa-
\lian dynasty had left him not without IllS king hut also wlthollt
his god. And where if not in the Family of the Prophet could he find
the 'divinity' he had lost. Persian religious ontlook, secondly, wn,
deeply col<;ured by the doctrines of 'inem:nalioll', the CO!lt illUOllS ap-
pearance of the Divine Being in a hunian form for the 01 (Iw
world. Now there was a natural tcndencv in some pCl'stan converts to
Islmn to reacl the two Persian doctrines,' the 'divinity of kingship' and
into their new faith. To the prophets of Israel, tlw
Arabian Prophet, and after him IIazrat Ali and the linams seemed
'divine incm'nutions'; and since 'divinity' and were inter"
dependent, a helief in the doctrine of incarnation led quite
to an agitation for raising the Imams to the cahphate.l Every section
1. The llivinih" of kings is an old IJefsian doctr1ne. Thp, cottrt of the Sassanian
king was like a temple, and he was approached with nll the deference and
servilih' with which " devotee approaches the pedestal of his i(lo1. When monarch)
arose ;mong the Mussalmans in the ninth eenhtry A.D. on the decline of the Ahbasi(
caliphate, the servi1f'. forms of the Snssnninn court ",ere reviv(,ll. It was an integra'
part of I':l(mn belief that only n member of the divine Sa"anian fnmil,
::-0111<1 n,l,' f'crsia; the king was not the High rJiest of hi:; people; he was thd
god. A similar stat\ls is enjoyed hy the Mikado of Japan.
:,1'
! I
Lj
ii'
i. i:
(.
230
Politics and Society during the Earlll Period
of the discontented [Jeopl " l' . I
U 1 tl 1 b e t
mec
111 t Ie onslaught against the hated
(ynasty, ut as t House of Abbas was no morc '<li;ine'
(11Iulhicls) thle calijph'l
S
and the 'heretics'
, ' , aSI s s 10weC t lemseI k
111 suppressing political agitation' f fIves as een
Umayyacls ha 1 b _ TI 111 avour 0 t Ie Imams as the
all, (liff' ,c mass of the Mussalmans who were radtl-
. t) mto SInas and SUllnis were horrifled by the .
III erprctattolls of the 'I 't" I 1 me
regarded the' deiflcation :h: at any mte, have
polytheism. It was inevitable, that P >' : ml y as no better than
ad! c' ...... () -t1 I (A ' e et Slans as a people shollld
I' I" I' (ll I
JOe
ox Sl!(/. Ash ari) Shiaism, and hold that the Pro[Jhet
, I ( lave }Cen succeeded I I' ,
Al
i as tt f' I d' - 1)' liS eousllI and son-in-law JJazrat
, " a ma er 0 Jere Itar .' I t tl' 1 ,. ,
doctline of the 'incarnation' i! a;;11:;t dose of the
The Turks Oll the oth I d ,or 10( Ox S lias have tolerated.
preferred' 'free eleetioc:;. t? partly because they
disliked the Persians. I ary rIg t, and partly hecause they
A religious war hetween the Shias all 1 S 'I
conspicuous by its al se f I" , c UllntS HIS heen fortllnately
the' of tl' t 1, nee 1'0
1
m tIe allllais of Islamic history, though
, Ie wo sects lave heen sometimes UII Jleasallt I
however, till the fourteenth century of the Chri t' I .' I . twas
Ism and orthodox Shiais I '1 s tan el a t lat Sunn-
',:,hich we are ;i:': PI eriod,
msenslble, gradatiolls; it was difficult to sa 111 0 eae I, ot ler. by
and hegan and it would have been ended
dp;cidecl sect they
Hazrat Ta'far I t
as
entirely different.
Musa Kazim, of Ismail' I; tjtna ec liS son, Imam
legalit, f h' ' llS e e er son, as IllS successor The
" .). 0 IS act was. aecelJted by the majority of tl SI" b' 1
extremIsts would not hear of it For them the i) . . f"as tit ,t Ie
t I
' " ( IVIIII Y 0 the Ima .
was no a t ltng to be transferred b 'II I'k' ' ms
go to the line of the e1elest Y
I
WI 'Id
l
c. a pIece of land; it would
h
' ,son ane C01] not he defle t d I I
v any h1lman arrangement Th' "d Ice e sew lere
, .. .. " . IS mCI ent peTla t .
111 itself, caused a deflnite breach I etw ' ps very
ASlla ,anc! the heretic
nown as Ismalhs, were again subdivided int .. I', ,y
some of wh h' 0 mnumera J e grOJlps
deatil of Tm:: to present. FOr centuries after
fer IT' I J, 'r adlq, Ismatli propaganda was violent and hit-
s / esc('t
c
ants several generations clid not come pro-
n ) 1e ore t Ie publIc eye, h1lt this only strengthened their
Lord of ti,e Assass{n$
231
cause, The Imam was 'veiled', not as the sun is hidden by the clouds
but as God is veiled behind the twin manifestations of Inatter and
spirit; to the outer world he was only known through his great agent
or da'i. This 'veiling' may have been dictated by considerations of,
personal safety, but it proved very ednvenient in practice, Hostile
critics could not point out the Imam's human frailties and the spies
of orthodox governments were unable to find him out. It was the
:idea' that mattered. With the passage of time, moreover, it became
impossible to say where the Ismailian Imamat properly lay, and the
agents-if the believers had but known it I-sometimes carried on
their propaganda in the name of non-existellt Imams. Though theOi'e-
tiealIy there can be only one true Imam at a t,ime, there were often
several pretenders with their separate agents. Their secret propaganda
was carefully planned. Stibordinate to the great agcnt were a set
of 'Provincial H.epresentatives', whose duty was to organize the work
of the missionaries (or ordinary da'is) within their sphere.
2
These da'is,
IIl1known to ,the public, went about their daily vocatiol}s or else
travelled frOJn place to place searching for persons who, if properIy
approached, were likely to subsctibe to the Ism:;tilian tenets. Only a
regularly ordained da'i could administer an oath of allegiance to the
Imam, and all members had to pay him a tax for the expenses of the
.. organization, '
It is difficult to define the creed of the Ismailis. They never
ed their faith openly and even now their religious hooks arc not ae-
. cessible to the uninitiated, a Only the Imam or his da'j knew the whole
2. It is ci,rious to find that mystics o[ the 'new' sch""I'-Qa<1ris, Chishlis, Na'jsh ..
ban(\is and Suhrawanlis--organized their propaganda on similar lines. Their principles
were not secret and they had no political ohjects in vie,,'. Bnt the plan of mapping
ont the whole world into provinces and placing each province in charge of a spe
cial officer (da'i in one case and Khali!a the other), with power to appoint. suh-
agents and missionaries till the organization reached each hamlet and town, may have
heen harrowed hy tI,e founders of the mystic schools from the Ismailis. It is mori
prohahle, however, that both the Ismailis and the mystics were merely copying th,
organization of the Abbasidempire,
a. It would he convenient to refer here to some availahle authorities on the suh
'feet. 11,e famons Sill(/S(/t Na1lUl of Nizamnl Mulk Ttlsi is one of' the earliest accounts
Nizamul Mulk considers the Ismailis to he a pre-Muslim scct continned into Islam
He refers to Mazdak, a Persian socialist or communist who ohtained great influence
ill the reign of the Sassanian Emperor Qahad as their fotlmler, Mazdak 'ivas put to
death hy Qahad's son, Anusherwan, .btlt the sect was not cxtinl(nishcd. Nizamul
MlIlk does not consider the Ism.ilis to he Mllssalmans. IIis attitude is hostile am
hitter. The larger part of his volume is exclusively devot",] to an account of tI"
[smaiH propaganda after the rise of Islam. lIe would have liS helieve that the IsmaiH
232 Politics fJnd Society during tile Early Medieval Period
truth; to the other members of the sect the esoteric formulas were
only revealed according to their and position. An air of mys-
tery surrounded their organizations as well as their principles. But
if we may venture to interpret the doctrines of the Ismailis from their
p.olitieul .it is. possible, to distinguish some fun.damental prin-
cIples wInch dIstIngUIshed them from the orthodox Slllas and Sunnis,
(1) The central tellet 6f the Istnailis was their belief in the Imamat
as a 'divine incal'llalion'. The Imam was not only the fountain of all
not ollly followed l\lazdak and l'lato in believing that private pruperty .11Ould be
abolished and wumen shared in commOIl, hut pritfcd lhcmsdvcs on mnrrying their
OW" mothers, sisters aud daughters. This, ill r net, \vas the nlust common amI the
grnvt'st charge against n1l 'heretics'; hvo hundred years after NizmnuJ Mulk, Amir
Klmsrnll hrings forward the charge ngnlnst tho 'heretics' of Delhi. Though tho
orthodox have generally believed in the truth of the accusation, an impartial historian
must it us preposterolls. The llcrsian text of the Siya.\'at Nania wns editeu
hy the late Prof. Schercr of Paris, who also translated it into French.
Heft:nmces to tlU! hc:'clil'S IIlld fl\irly dehtilccl nCCOllllls of the Futhilid caliphs' of
Egypt it!' well as the Imams of AJannrt wiJI Iw found in all the Persian histories of tho
ll('l'iotl- Grl:tirlnh, lI11f'ihus S;U(I/', etc. The most rdinhle 1l1lJ'J'HtiVC, howevel',
!'e('lllS to he the R(I/Izatlls Sofa of 11)11-1 Khwalld Shah. Its writer, a Shia
6 the Astw Ash'lll'i seet, tries to hold the balance Us evenly as possible. While con-
demning some errors of 'heretics', especially during the Jeglme of Zikrntus Salam,
he refrains from all intentional misrepresentation, und that abusiveness so dt;ar to the
clerical mentality of the O';"nt. .
Most later historians seem to have relied ror their inforlllation, either directly
(Or ill directly, all the third volume 01 AI"lI(ldin Ala .Inwayni's Tal"/kh-i /alulI!
Gu:slw. Ata Malik, who wa, lIal"ku Kh,,"', sccrct,,ry, had a ,pielldi<1 opporltmity 01
,tudyin!,; his subiect. After the capture of Alamu!, it i, "aid, .lIalaku permitted his
secretary to examine the famous library 01 the fort hefcne it was destroyed, and it
is on the basis of this material that he has prepared his hi,!or" of Alamut. 11,e first
two volumes have been ",litc'.d by Muhammad biu Ahdul \V/;hhah Qazwini for the
Gibh Memorial Series. The third volume has still to see the light.
Passing references to the 'heretics' will be fonnd in Sir Percy Sykes's Ilistorr!. of
Persia and Prof. Browne', LitercLrf! llisto,!! of Persia. O'Leary's rccently puhlished
Fatim.id Caliphs gives a fairly detailed account of the Alrican 'heretics', though the
Fatimids were Kings first, and Imams afterwards. No account or the Imams of Almnut
has. so far ns I am nwnre, yet appeared in English.
It woulrl not he fair to ignore either the influence or the works 01 the famous philo.
sopherpoet, Nasir Khusrnu, in n footnote Hke this. Nasir Klmsran is sometimes refer.
rerl to as the founder of Persian 'heresy' and the predecessor of Hasan Sahhah. I hav.e
not come across any good evidence to Ihis effect. But since Hasan Sahhah's writings
have heen irretrievably lost, Nasir Khusrml is the Persian writer with whom 11eresy'
Is most closely associated. But his famous Safar Nama" (mil ted hy the 'at .. Maulam'
Hali) is carefully written so as not to wound orthodox susceptihilities. It mmt he adeled
that Nasir and ol1if'r likr: hill1 ndvorat('c1 C10('R
fdnl's', hE'C311Se in their opinion wns more tolerant, and allowed
to philosopl,y ftncl science.
. '.. t)
civil and ecclesiastical authority, he was also a 'living prophet', and
as such eould not only interpret hut also amend and modify the
religiOUS law (Shari'at) of Islam. The 'infallihility' of the Pope was
combined with the 'divinity' of the Mikado, anel some Ismaili Imams
at least did not hesitate to annul the 'commandments' of the Quran
by promulgating not merely a new interpretation, hilt a new law.
(2) Laws, they seem to have argu('d, must be suited to human
character and ellvironment; the Qurallic Sharrllf, they thought, could
not have been meant for all peoples and all timrs; all(l as it was \he
lIlission of the Imams to lead the faithflll to their destined goal,
they could amend the law with thc same authOrity with which the
Prophet had prolllulgated it. Abraham, l\'loses, Jeslls and thc Arabian
Prophet had freely exercised the right of annulling the laws of their
predecessors. Since human life is !level' staliollary, there was 110
reason why the process of 'divine legislation' should come to an em1.
Laws, moreover, are restrictions of human activit\, necessitated hv
the depravity of human nature; as the spiritual moral conditio;]
of mankind is improvcd by the teachings of sllcc'('ssh'e Imams, \he
sternness of the law may be relaxed, jllSt as the terrible command-
ments of thc Old Testament have been rcplacC'c1 hy the mildcr
canons of the Quran, A belief in human progrcss or e\,olution with
successive re-editions of the religiolls law was a logical result of ihe
doctrine of the Imamat.
(3) Alone among the traditional seventy-tlvo seds of Islam, (he
Ismailis can boast of an organized priesthood of lhe HOlllan Catholic,
. or rather of the Japanese, type. The final allthoritv among the ortho-
dox for deciding all questions of interpretation is the public opinioll
of the believers, which means, in practice, the agreenicnt of the
educated minority; and no single person has the authority to im{')()se
his own vicws upon others. All doctrines are to be accepted (J1l the
personal responsibility of the inclividllal; amI Oil the great of
Jndgment when alJ men are called to account, no )'(fl'J'cnce to autho-
ritv sha1I he considered a valid defence for thc ('ommission of a
act or helicf in an erroneous doctrinc. On the same prin-
ciple it has heen laicl down that 'an\' sinner or criminal' mav lead
the orthodox congregation in prayer,' for the congregation (;(;m(/'([I)
san2tihes all the members, including the leader ({mom). It was dif-
ferent with the Ismailis. Only a representative (d(/'i) of tho Jmani
could lead an Ismaili congregatioll in prayer. He was appointe(l to
his ditties hv a rc'glllar eortificate of the Imam or Ihe ere'at Agent,
and so long as he acted within his legitimate sphp.re, his orders were
as hinding as the orders of the Imam. hierarchy of da'is wiclclp.(l
234
'Politics and Societv d'lrlng tIle Ear/v Medieval Period
a tremendous power over the 'apostates were ruthlessly puni-
shed; deviation from the orders of the higher authorities was nover
permitted or condoned; essentially a militant church, it had to hold
the reins tightly and mahltaindiscipline by the severities of martial
law.
(4) It follows also that IsmaiTi Imams and da'is, while govcrning
the sect with an iron rod, could offer to their followers consolations
of u type not within the reach of the orthodox. They not only grunt-
cd dispensation for the sins of the past, hut even ordered their COIll-
mission. The conception of right and wI'ong did not apply to the
olficial sections or commands of the Imam or his delis; thcy wcre
part of u' cosmic spiritual order of which the significance \vas he-
yond the ken of man. The Imam' who deneed that an orthodox
prince should die at the hands of an assassin was no more gllilty of
murder than God is guilty of it when He forcdooms that, an inno-
cent child should be swallowed up by the waves of the sea. You
might well bring an indictment against the sea for its misdeeds
before a court of law! As for the agent, who did the deed, the
order of the was a sufficient justification in this wodel and
the next. ,
For several centuries after the decline of the Abbasid caliphate,
the Muslim world was honeycombed with Ismaili priest-propagan-
dists from East to West. They were brutally punishcd whenever they
were discovered. But th'ir methods were secret; there were few
traitors in their ranks and since none of their workcrs knew
all the doctrines of their creed or all the activities of their organi-
zation, it was impossible to unearth their secret societics by the easy
process of finding one or two king's witnesses. Neither did their da'is
quail before the punishmcnts that awaitcd them; the heroism of
their character bewildered the orthodox even more than the extent
of theil' supposcd misdeeds. No religion has yet succeeded in making
a <"1l.
r
"I, in the history of mankind by secret propaganda alone, and
the Ismaill sects, if left to themselves, would have died a natural
death after a century or so of ineffective preaching. But their secret
methods excited the snspicion of the orthodox; snspicicm led to per-
secution; and persecution in its h1l11 inspired the small hut hrave
minority to gird up its loins for three centuries of truccless waIfare.
"Every species of vice was attributed to the Ismaili heretics; and
it was their supposed moral depravity, -rather than their aetnal reli-
r:imls Iwliefs, that excited the frantic intolerancc of the orthodox.
They wcre accllsed of permitting incest and of TIlarriages
within prohihited degrees; they were blamed, and with more trnth,

to assassination as a political weapon and of
a heretical hierarchy in place of the secular state.
was slnin wherever he wns found, but simple death, as a
considered too mild a punishment, and the 'heretic', who
tom to pieces by an infuriated mob, was put to death
governments with the most revolting that
man could invent. To this insensate persecution the
ied with weapons which are always in the hands of u
They formed secret societies which could not
by the clumsy spy-systems of the states and their priest-
in various penetrated into every cOrner of the
world.;" ,
first object of the persecuted 'heretics' was to have, some-
in God's broad woria, a state of their own, where they.
to their own faith without constant fear of their bves
necessity of 'dissimulation' (taqayyah).4 About
the tenth century, after the failure of many
uhammad Ubaidullah who claimed to be the legIt!-
descendant of HazratAli and'the Prophet's daughter Fatima
uently the Caliph as well as the Imam Of the
establishing nis power at Mahdiyah near TUlliS. HIS
known as the caliphs (or anti-caliphs),. were
of the orthodox cahphs of Baghdad, and their
zeniJh: f"de\1ded froni the Syrian desert to the fronhers of
Anibia into the hands of the Ismailis and so' did the
province of Sindh. But Persia and Turkistan remained in
of the orthodox Turks, and the 'minor dynasties' of the
as well as Sultan Malllnud, who succeeded them, won
rcputation by their relentless persc<;ution. The
of Multan was followed bv a verItable orgy 1\1 whICh
and feet of aU 'heretics' were cut off, and the feat was
the religious history of Islam wa. better understood, many unfortunate pre-
disappear. The Sunnis of India often talk as, if .'outwa.rd
to the orthodox sect, is a doctrine of ASlla AS'I ari Sh .. s. ThIS IS a mts-
As/o'mi Shios hove alWAYS heen too frank in their doctrines and too large
to consider resort to such a policy necessary. With the Ismailis it
confonnity' was absolutely necessary for their existence; an
his creed openly 'would have hcen .immediately torn to pieces
Taq"!IY"h \Vas essentiany a war-measure meant to prot:'ct.
wherever the heretics were strong enollgh, they 101<1 all dlSslmnlahon
dissimulation is morally jus tillable, it certainly was so in the case of
i'o/Uies (llld during tI'e Em'!y Med/eral Period
repeated several years later on the conquest of Ray. The Seljn!Js
wllo Mahmud were equally orthodox. The' one desire of
PersIan was to lnd a region of safety where his COIll-
1ll':lIllty could 111 pea.ce ,and raise thc standard of revolt at a
opportUllIty. The signs of the tinia were not propitio11s.
.t-.!uhk' Sha,h ot the height of his pGwer an.d his great wazir,
Mulk, was a sworn enemy of all heresies. Neveltheless a
:-onvert ,to th;-, Ismaili 'heresy' surprised friend allfl foe hI'
cstablzshtng the heretIc priJlcipalitv of Alan11Jt within thp rlominillJis
of thr. Seljuq Empire." . ,
Few persollS in hisLory have been so grossly misrelJH'seJ,t- .
cd as Hasan son of S'\1)])al,:, "('11'> t '1" t' 1
." ," . ( . ( :.. . f,.<l, S'Vlll( fi.utor, (lC venturer,
specIes .01 VICC has atlribll'ed to him hy ortho-
wn,ers who were unable to appreciate his devotion to his camc,
lhal he was a man of remarkable intellectual p:Jw(>rs is admitted (in
fll and. he seems 1o have drawn attenti01l to himself wherevc'r
Ie Ills followers, who delighted to cnll him 'Our .t-.tastrr'
(Sam/ldulIo); connected his genen\ng:, wilh th(' Imams, hut his op-
f .. llnfortunate for a crit'ic to to OVJthrm\' H "id('ly <tect'pled legend.'
j1tl{ tl J" l)ecessary ngrdnsl tlw nnd worldlin,c:;s whieh lvlvn hffm
.mpnlf'd to bIn Schh<1h on fwidflJCe \\ ... hoJly IIll1t,li:->hlf'. 'r. h;, kg(,IHl nf the 1hl"l'(,
lS of Sflbhnh, Nir.Htl!lIl 1\1rrl1, alltl Orn;n
art san} to Pll111is of IIP;tlJl t\'fllwafJlrJ fI was \wlif'\,'frI ihilt
JmIJ,m l\!uwnffig s pupIls- tn Afrahl k!-it t.he like ooel m;"ly'
not awrllt all of the tlHPf' friend" SWOlf: fh:tl' if ,,11, of !!1{'11l r'I">,' 1 i"l W,
hp. w0u1rl shnrr; good fcrlw1c ,,"ilh Ilw nrlH:r". \\"J,;'11 Nf'l.:J111111
1

Alp wP?,ir. OnWf c.IIlW to him, It.: cOtlrtenm:h-
re.cf.lvfd and Nl'z.nmnt l\lulk llndertook to 11tTCllrl' hi", ., I,',NI, ,'o.<t II .
t B 0 .. .. , b .' ,.1 In 1c gnvcrll-
1 ut mar Kh:1YYl11lJ had no irdrllliolJ of sl1crificing hi .. prnc(! or mind for the
r t 11 ?F n He iJll'i<;t(cl fill n ('fllllrr;rlilbln p(!ll!'ion ,,"r1
NlZ3m1l1 l\ttllk <lSSl,'!11ed 111m 1.2110 t111n:lllS it 1lI(lIIth rnllll hi'> hllds in Khnfn' 1
1l:J.<nn <n cf SolI 1 I I 1 . .. . ,S,\I.
f f , ,. 11 T: f "})fI 1, W liJ srerni' to 1l1\'n (isnpppon'd SOlllcwl1fTL 011 of n . slIrldc!ll
came to duritlg rvhlik rfign nnel 011 fulfilment of
whch NI7.am111 rmrl he had in t1wil ",'l,nI rl"'" 1'1 f .
t 1 . .. ".... lC nrnH"
to pr:-mfsc, to the court nnel i'i hly
Il1tll Shah to implicit, cOllFhll'lll'n in JhslItl. Bmwn g
tn, Nii'.rtlll1tl Xllllk's inrillcncc <111(1 a 'numher of anee:'
dotes 01('. tol(l nhrl11t- the e1('\'!'r <llHl 1Illscfl1pulolls W:lY ill \rhit'h l' t I
I" sill' R t N" 1 1\1 Jl . re so a )Ollt
t .11, 17.:111111 . 11 WilS HOi' n novicr. ill court he
,n.ot wlth(ltlt in driving away I h":1n wilh from
fils pro5pPcts H:J":lll ope-1JI,v d("clarf'cl flims("lf a <hrrrtic',
cfeed to \\ 11Ich hB and I", rol'her ha,l hitl1f'rto nclhrrrrl in secrrt,
It is 10 :'H'('{'pl Ih!, ';101\, Ihmwll 1
1
['I.<:i:1Il ld:lrlli:lll 1"1'11,,:11<; it ..
fll/".."":aIHfi Rilla rphlrs it in dd:lil on tl'lr' II :\1\ lot"i1y nf ""f1lll llilll::df. Tn
he is not correct. The slory firsl OCCllrs ill Ihe \l'aSfl!lfl I .Y;zmnrtl JIlin (last
Lore! of t.l,e Assassil1s
237
pOllents sLoutly declared tlUlt IInsan's ancestors had live,(l fo), centuries
as pln!1I and simple i.n the of Tns,
Hnsan s own declaratiOn. that he considered It a greater honour to
be a worth" servant of the Imams than a worthless descendant cf
. theirs" seen;s to strengthen the statement of his opponents. Thc,re
was 110 blue hlood in his vcins: he was essentially a 111311 of tbe people.
LillIe is known ahont his cnrlv and the Iegeml which makes him
a class-fellow of the wazir, Niz(\ll1nl Mnlk, and the astronomer-poet,
Omar Khayyam, has been (liscretlited bv latc)' critics. lIe was cer-
tainlv weIi -educated in all the polite arls of the day, and even ill
the 11l1eom.plimentary slorius that have clustered rOHml his name he
figures as a ripe scholar, shrewd in business and accounts. But his
career as a propagnndist hq!ins with his convcrsion, the simple pathos
of which needs no gilding from romance, "J hall a thirst for know-
"from the age of seven. T helonged to the ;\81111
or Ni'1.I\n1t11 ?\1111k), from whi('h it h:ls 11('1'11 ilulirC't'tl). or directly hy mt::-:.
t
This prrcic,l1s volulIle hns hct'll lilhogrnph('d in ,{"('\trim) (md tlw 'Muslim
'ITn'",,,.'""" Li1:rnry a copy flf it. Till' \.vasrt!la is ndmitlcJly a spurious work
The who to l:) rivp nClIlle, flourished nve or ::ix
ions Mnlk ITnd prc,cnl",l til(' volnme (i) " ,\r-St'cndont of the
inistrntor fin Ilw. O('ctlsinn (;f f!PP(linlm:-:nt til \\iz:HaL J.t ('ongists of two sets
lHsenurs('s: i11 first sf't Nil.rtlll1l1 1\"[1111.:: :1dvio.;(" hi" SOil Tlot to ,,{'("('pt the post of
a minlstf'r nlH1 nn Ih: (hllw'rs ancl (lifril'ul!i"" 11111t a w(l7.irj in the
st'! Ni7.i11l1ll1 M1tlk tells his son what to rnllow if his fnthf'l"s
mlviC'(3) hr al'(':'l)lr:d thnt nlhning hut (bnL':f'nJlIs 'pInc(', Thl' :lllthnr rrnnl,ly con('ss{'S
that lH' has For 011 Ilw. SfYflsnt .'Vilma. tlir' stories enrf!'lIt
'aholtt NizutlIlll hi5 dlSt'l"vati'!1l !If IIl('n amI tIlillg:;, \!OW the of tll{'
thn'p is !Hil til 1::, fllltml in HI{' SiUmwl thclt!".!h Ni7:am1l1 f\tlllk
dt'vnt('s OVN half th(' vollll1H' 10 all history of til(' The stnry 1I1US
t
1)("> a h.tl'r C'rt'atinn, T1l(' tt,Ff'I"f'llC'('S to d Sahhah, in the
'VasaU(l arf' 1''\lrf'.nH'ly ahlll.,ivI'. bter ld .. toriflils, th:lt flIP. volume was
prp"l>ntnl ttl :\ (\ps['{'llfbnt of nn' .th" mintskr, klV'"> lw{'n ('()nknt to ff'iti'-
mtp. tlH"> aLns!'s or IlIf' 'Vawi!llf. T lw.vc"> c'an'i"lIl1y r('ad Ih,"> Wk"J'!rflph C'rlHintl frnm
CClV('l" to ('0\'('1": it is lwynlHl doubt a mill!' III fcr t\u' slncknt of mf';(1i('val
politics. No work that I havl' {'OllH' nrrnss kav!'o;; Oil tIll' E':Hltr n vivH imprl"s-
of tIll' difficnlties or me-rlie"nl stntc',mnllship nnd the tnrh'DTG mclhncls 01
mPflipval clil)lnm!lcy. TInt thh sholllrl not hlind liS to tlH' done' to Ha$!lTI, on
or Snllhnh. If 11u' \Vasnua is tn lH' lwli,'v(d lInsnn ftlhnH'd with ('vr.Iy tnrolltrtJ
(P'XCf"pt sin{'f'rify) and w:tS gllilty of f'VI'ry lIlornl tnrpHuclf' (px('('pt
fon,ie_tion).
nut whnh'vf"r hostilp. critIC's m<lr sny, Hasftn, the fonndf'f of Alulllllt. Waf; nothing
if not sincNe. lie wns shrewd. far-sigh!!,l. nns(,flIpnloTls. hut lie fouwt
tlll'onghont for his c:\11se, never for himself. ;\!o personal nmhition ever soil""
his skit. No story,tener sl1oul,l evcr lene! lIS to hdirvc that the rcvolntionnrv fotlneler
of Al_mnt'-the First Lord of the Assnssim-was a closs-fl'llow of the catholic amI
,vorldly-wise Nizamul MIlII; or _ comtier in the palace, of Naishap\1r ahd Merv,
c
I,
238
As!,' (/1'/ sect like my ancestors, and used tn imagine that the Isiliailis
were a rationalistic school, whose chief, the Fathnid Caliph of Egypt,
was a great phi!osopher. But an intimate friend of mine, AmiI' Zarab,
enlightened me in this error. had many discussions; he used to
attack the principles of my sect and I defended them with
Some time the two friends had parted, Hasan fell
and his life was despaired of. Face to face with death, his
examining the arguments of his absent friend and he was
,(cr ;c(inGed of their validity. "I came to the conclusion that the
religion, which I had rejected thl'Ough my excessive prejudices,' was
true, and that if death oveltook me, I would <fic withont having reach-
ed the truth." On getting up from his sick bcd, Hasan hegan to search
for some one who could teach him the of tIle Ismailis. This
was not easy for the tla'is worked in Bllt Hasan was sin
and his sincerity induced one Ahlin Naim Simi, to take tIle risk of
initiating him into the mysteries of the sect. Momin, the next da'l
whom Hasan succeeded in discovering, bad authority; he cue
rolled Hasan as a member of the sect and referred him: to
Ahdul Malik, the Provincial of the Caliph of
for furthcr information and orders. "SOOn after this Shaikh
Malik came to Ray and I went to see him. My ways pleased'
and he appOinted me a da'i. 'You had hettel' go to Ji:gypt', he sairl, 'so
Ihllt ),011 may have the good fortune' of seeing ollr Imam and Caliph
AI Mustansir nillah: So when Shaikh Ahdlll Malik left for Isfahan
I started for Egypt."
Mustansir received Hasan with the honollr which his
rather than his status, deserved. He was a man of genius and
mado his mark. The Egyptian nohles became jealous. Hasan 11
attended the cflillthnt his inflllence hegan to connt in the
qllestion which nl'Osc soon his arrival. The Hohles
the YOllnger side, hut Hasan, t!'lle to his prind!}l!'!" uJl I,h
eldest son, Nazar, also known as Muhammad. 'Divinitv' descendc'd .
by primogeniture or it could not descend at all' So Has;m's
career was doofned. The hostile nohles made up their mind to
prison him in the fort of Wamyat, and when this design was
hv the fact that the battlements of the impregnable fort cnllinh
down without anv cause-a sure si{!'n of Hasan's innocenee!-th
put him in It Christian boat bound for a Christian shore arid
of him and his inflexible principles for ever. He h:ul stayed in
for a year and a half: nut Hnsan's stnr was not destined to
early. After a long anc1 stormy voyage, during whkh Hasan
retained his presence of mind, contrary winds drove the boat to
r,o(el of t11t1 Assassins
239
and he landed safely at Halb. Far from being disiUusioned by his
Egvptian rebuff, Hasan had high hopes for the future, Nothing could
be' than the personal amb!tion to. him by
orthodox critics, He cared only for the cause. In dIstant Arnca
he had seen' a dvilized, strong and tolerant empire governed by the
Imam. Why could not Persia also be within its sway. The
thing could be done and he was going to chit; the political regime
of the Turks would end along with the religiOUS predominance of
the orthodox and Persia would be restored to the Family of the Pro-
whom it adored' nut Malik Shah's empire, then at its height,
fwm Antioch to Kashghar; its treasury was filled with the
,.",;,pnI1"< of a dozen provinces and it could put four hundred thousand
the field. The pOOr missionary had nothing hut his faith to
him. lIe had to work in secret and the next fotlror five years
life were spent in an untiring His activities did
the vigilant eyes of Nizamul Mulk and stem orders were
to the governors directing them to capture Hasan, wherever
could he found. This was probably the first contact between
astute statesman and the no ll*>s astute zealot, who were hence-
thirsty for encIt other's life. Hasan kept w!\mlcring in tile POI'-
provinces east of the Great Desert, eluding spies of the gov-
t aud organizing his small uumber o! fonowe:s.
, it is said, he was cordially entertamed by a frIend of IllS,
Abul FazI, and inspired by the latter's hospitality. confessed to
the amhition of his heart. "If I had but two loyal comrades I
overtlim the empire of their Turkish shepherd." Ahul Fazl
that the mind of his illustrious guest had been unhinged
sufferings and trials and at evening time he had sherbets and
medicines calculated to cure hypochondria placed before his
Hasan was annoyed and depatte,d in Mgh dudgeon,
first signal sm'cess was the capture of the inipregnable fort
t in the Hba! pl'Ovincc, uorth of Qazwin, after a bloodless
(A.D. 1(90). He llad settled somewhere near Qazi,vin and
himself as IIsual to study, propaganda and prayer. Hasan
one of his lieutenants, went to the fort in disgUise and he):!a
n
ing memhcrs into his sect. Mahdi, the Seljul'(. kotwai of t.he
got wind of his activities. nut he made th: ,mlstak,e trylllg
be too clever and feigned adherence to the Ismmh doctrllle In order
unearth t11e plot. Sut Hasan Qaini's supporters grew apace and
was '11Oist with his own petard". He ventured, indeed. one
to declare that the fort helonged to the sultan, and ordered
all Ismailis.' nut they collected at the gates, and. after
Polit/c., and Soc/ety cI"rlllf', tile Early Medlel'Ol Prr{od
long argument prevailed on him to let them in again. It was a
blunder. Once inside the gates they refused to go out again and
insisted on admitting Hasan also. The latter gave Mahdi a present
of three thousand gold dinars and packed him off. "Mahdi's name",
adds the histOJian, "was thl1s recorded for ever in the ron of fools."
The heretics had at last found an asylum in Persia. Hasan spared
no lnhol1r in strcngthenilJg the defences of the fort and prOJnoting
agricnltl11'c in the neighhol1ring country of Hmlhar, which he hwnght
under his sway. A hody of missionaries nnder Hasan Qaini was
sent to spread the faith and capture the forts of Qahistan. Scljuq'
officers were irrimccliately ordered to operate against Hasan and the
gal'1'is()1\ was recluend to strait's, while another Selju(l army hesiege(l
Ilasan (,hini in the fort of Moinahad. Hasan defended himself bran:-
ly and increasing troubles at the Seljllq comt prevented his
from con('cntraling their strength. Nizamlll l\1ll1k, who had l)('('n
.dismiss('(1 at Ihe insUgation of Tmkan Khatnn, was assassinated hI'
one of nasan's {ida'is, and Malik Shah died soon afterwards. .
The war of sl1eCeSSioll, that followed Malik Shah's death, gave
Hasan tillie to breathe, while the defection of Rais Muzaffar to his
siele aelded the strong f()It of Kurd Koh to his little plincipality. lIe
had now a firm footing in tho provinces of Jihal, Ma7.andran ant!
Qahistan. IIis great .instrnment of warfare, which hc nsccl I'clentkss-
I)', was the assassin's dagger and no orthodox prince, politician 01'
priest who ventured 10 lead a campaign against ITasan escaped ;he
IInel1'ing dagger of his assassins. Tn 495 A.H. another Iientenant of
Hasan, Kia Buzmg Umid, succceded. in stl'llrising Ihe fort of Lamislar
and govorned it on 111'half of his chief fill' tIle next twenty ,'oars.
r..-r IIhamm:\( I hin Malik Shah, who ascendcd thc Seljiuj throile in
A.D. 1 HH considerc(L it is dllt." to lal1nch a campaign Ihe
'l]('rdi('s'. An ann\' command('d 11\' Ahmad, SOli of Nizamnl I\llIlk,
lai(l wask the'cnl!'i\'atc(l fi(,hls of tlH' Hndhar 'lH'r('\ics', while a S('('(l1I(1
for('(' 11nd('r NllShligin sat down h(,for(' tlw forts of Alan1\lt and
lar, dptf'rminpd to reducc Ihf'm Ill' the slow )l1'O('('SS of' starval'ion. TIH'
sif'gc dragg('(l ou for a ycar and the forts w('re ahollt to fall 'wh('li
tllf' timelv death of Snllmi Muhammad OIlC(' more saved the 'JH'rdies'
from thdr immin('nt fate. The lJ{'sieging 'armies nwlt<'d awav and thc
'heretics' came out of the forts to phl1ider their haggage. With the
a('('ession of SnIt an Saniar the strllg)!le recomnicnced and the inip('-
rial nrmies 'were sent to Qahistall; where Hasan's liC'11tenant, Hasmi
Qaini, had eaptnmd a 1111mhcr of forts-Tahs, TIlS, Kain, IIevo and
K1l11sf. The s111tan startcrl against Alarrillt in pcrson, bllt one mom-
ing he fOllnd a dagger fixed in the gro.lInd near his bed. Attached
Lord af Ihe Ass<%SaI....
241
to it was a written message; "Sultan Sanjar, Beware I Hild not th
character been respected, the handthal stuck this.
hard grollnQ. could have with greater ease. stuck it into thy' soft
bosom .. Whether from fear or policy, the Sultan made peace. ".Tlle
'heretics' were not to enrol new converts or build.new .. orts .or ..pw'-
chase any more war-material. But their authority over their .. :o).!/::t:l
territory and forts was acknowledged, . Alamut was now .. a . regulAr
state. . ., "' .. :,
The great revolutionist's career was drawing to a . close; With,the
relentless logic .of his character he proceeded to put. both his. sOliS
to death, the elder for being implicated in the assassination of Hasan
Qaini and the younger for having succumbed to the temptation of
drink. He hnd .never pretended to any higher office than tha:tof a
da'i or ,provincial representative, and he' seems to have drawn.' ctill-
solation from the fact that the death of his sOns would rid hirrf' for
ever of the vulgar ambition. of founding a princely
he live.d for thhiy-five years aft?r th? capture of Alamut, he rtever
came out of the fort and only twice did he cross the threshold of' his
house. The state he had founded consisted almost entirely of hill-
forts scattered all over the provinces of eastern Persia between the
territories of the Seljuq empire. For a propagandist state such a
of territory was no doubt useful. From his lleduded
hOllsein Alamut, Hasan kept the whole of Persia in cOnstant tbrrot.
No one, either before or after him, has practised assassination on so
extensive a scale. . How he reconcikd his conscience to such a prO-
gramme, it is difficult to say, But it must not. be forgotten that his
was a revolutionist's conscience, and the community for which he
was fighting had been remorselessly persecuted for generatiohs to-
gether; Known to the Cnlsrtders as tfle 'Old Men of the Mountain'
the chiefs of Alamut \vere equally in east and west as the
mnsters of fearless nssnssins. The story of their mock-Paradise is
well known. "The Old Man", says the traveller Marco Polo in 1252,
"had caused a certain valley betweCil two mountains to ge enclosed
and had turned it into a garden, the largest and most beautiful that
ever was seen, filled with every variety of fruit. And there were
runnels flowing with wine and milk and honey and water; and
riumbers Qf the most beautiful damsels in the world. For the' Old
Man desired his people to believe that this was really Paradise. Now
no man was allowed to enter the garden save those whom he
to be his ashishins, . , Then he would introduce them into his gqrc1el},'
four or six or ten at a time, having first made
certain potation which cast them into a deep sleep, and then
PS-l6
-
\
i:
I'
t
,I
: 1
I
, I
, I
i
I:
r
\\
'1
Politics and Society durin,g the Early Medieval Period
242
. d' When therefore they awoke and
them to be lifted and carrie Inch' , . g they deemed that it was
h
l
in a place so armIn, 'h
found t emse ves S h the Old Man would ave any
a Paradise in very truth. ", 0 w en
th
. 'Co thou and slay so and
prince slain, he would say to a you I . hall bear thee to Paradise I' "
so; and when thou returnest m'y ange s been practised on one or
Such vul&ar of the da'is, whos.c
two occaSIOns, will not exp I i h tred of the orthodox, was thClr
main inspiration, apart tIC r 1 their hope of a righteous
b r f' the Imam as hVIng prop e ane
e Ie ation of the world through his advent.
reorgamz' th II d h' ost
, l' tI roach of dea ca e IS m .
In May 1124, !lasan, fee Lamistar and appointed him
senior ollicer, KIa Buzurg U , ill er'anel director of propaganda,
. D' 1 Ali the revenue 0 c < '. It
successor. Ie '. h him They were 10 h;)ld the prmclpa I'y
was also assocIated WIt , . h' }" an omhlous phrase. Km
"in trust till tile Imam came as closely as possible :
Buzurg followed the footstep; h' government were marked by a
and the twenty-four years 0 IS
d
Hence of the heretics. In
steady increase in the ' ill U sent b Kia Buzurg to
1127 Khwaja Nasihi Shahnstam, e::;, to along with
the court of Sultan Mahmud nlsince the Sultan refused
his companions by the s by killing some four
to punish his murderers, KI.a the heretics attacked Cilan,
orthodox citizens of had laid' claims to the Immnat (Iud
where one Abu .. Hashlm d at their approach but captured
abused the Ismalhs. He He riod lacking in illustriOUS vicl ,
and burnt Nor was them being the Abbasid '
of tile assassm. s dagger, the Ismaili Caliph Musta'li, and
Mustarshid . Three days before his death, Kia "
famous Qazl. u d to succeed him. Muhammad
appointed hiS son deviating from the traditions of
for WI ou of the murdered Caliph , '
father. Rashid Billah, son h's father's death But he feU
marched from fida'iS. The dastardly exploit ,
Isfahan and was, d f Y full 'seven days the druni was
celebrated at Alamut an or ,
in joy. J . 1
, II who ascended thc t Irone In
Muhammad s son, 't Hasan Sabhah while acknowled
put forward ,cIaims the latter's younger '
ing MustanSlf had re udse
d
h? 0 the Eg)'P
tian
throne. The
M t
'I' who succee e 1m n ' , 1 N'
us a I, I . t to Mustansir's de cst son, Izar
lmamat accordmg to 11m wen
T..ord of the Assassins 243
his descendants, whose follow'ers are therefore known as Nizaris.
Thus on Mustansir's death the Iniam again became 'veiled'., Hasan
Sabbah and his two successors while calling them.selves the linam's
agents, had no real Imam behind them and kept hoping against 'hope
that one day a legitimate descendant of Nizar would arise to claim
his pahimony. Hasan, son of Muhamni,ad, generally known as Ali
Zikratul Islam, thought it worth whtIe to lay claim to the vacant
Imamat., In. a question so perplexing a Shia historian is the safest
guide.
6
"Hasan used to drink wine in secret, and those who believed
in him considered that drunkenness and grave sins were the two
sure sigus of the promised Imam." He had been tactless enough to
put forward these claims in his father's life-time. Muhammad was
qutte unlettered, but Hasan had received a decent education In philO-
. sophy and theology and seemed a scholar of eminence by the side
, of his father. "The comnion people began to believe that Hasan, son
, of Muhammad, was the Iniam whose advent Hasan Sabbah had fore-
told. The number of his followers kept increasing and he encouraged
them in their beliefs." But the old chief was not prepared to tolerate
'any new-fangled doctrine,S, He summoned his son's followers and
declared aloud: "Hasan is my son and I am not the Imam but only
his da'i (representative). He 'who 'c1aiiris anything niore is an
inlidel and a sinner:' Hasan was forced to recant while some two
hundred and fifty of his followers were put to death and another two
hundred and fifty were expelled from the 'fort. "So long as Muham-
mad lived, things were quiet. But when Zikratul Islam canie to
power, he' strove to relax the rules of Shari'at and never punished
anyone for the commission of secret or public sins. Consequently
imrriorality increased and false doctrines gained ground." Finally he
called a great assembly on the plain of Musalla at the foot of the
Alamut hill on 17 Ramzan 559 (A.D. 1164) and after rriounting the
pulpit began to suggest erroneous doctrines to his followers. He had,
said, received a secret message from the Imam: "He had opened
of rriercy for his belie,vers and exempted them from Ihe
r"Qtrll't1()n of the Shari'at so that the minds of his chosen creatures
may longer be disturbed by the command, 'do this' aile!
do that'. They had reached perfection (qiamat)." Next he
a Khutba, in Arabic, which he said had also come from the
, to this effect: "Hasan son of Muhammad SOn of Duzllfl!: Umicl
my caliph, da'i and missionary (IUlHat). My foIlowers mllst obev
,,:w'tll religIous and secular matters. His orders are my orders;
-" l)'
6, /laflzatu. Sofa,

c
i i
polU/es and Society 'durlng tIle Early Medieval Period
244 .
, h " breadth from hts command . And they, '.
they' mus. t not deViate a air s h b . 'k;nd to them and' enabled
. h th' Itttam as een I . h I
. are' to knoW t. at.e
lr
. 'ht". H then descended from t e pu-
them to attairt to God Almlg y, d those who were present, he "
pit' and ltfter food had been el es "today" he said, "js .
ordei'ed them to sign aIid teh
ms
tVI "heretics' 'celebrate the
f . f f " Ever smce en Ie d '
your Eid 0. per ec 10nhE'I' erfection (Eid-i-qiamat) an gIVe,
17th of Ramzan as t e I( ,fi,t an 1 fUIi, This following verse
themselveS' up on that day .'1 tumult of the Shal'i' at
wrts inscribed on a slab ,'r nce b the lord of the age, All
been' removed through dlvme aSSlS a itteJ these heinous ads, ill-
Zikratns Salam," Hasan Qahistan .and the designation
fidelity began to In Even Hasan's predecessors,
. of 1lereties'7 was applIed to the
t
free the shari/at lost their rcpu-
who had strained every nerve rll
0
,en 1
0
, of tIle 17th Ram7.an
. '1 1 arne ThOIl!;'l,111 lIS 1 f Kia'
tation ane gOO( 11, 1 \' 11 1 himsclf son of Muharrlma( son 0 :
Zikratul IsJamR' hac ea C( "h' I lIe sent to evel" lJart of Ius
, . I' I I' fi mans w IC I . , b
Buzurg,' yct in aw, ess rb im' lication or directly, claimed to e
dOrhini, on , he often, either Yf I Pel' h Mustansir, Thus he wrote
of N
' . so 0 t le a Ip' 1 ..
. a descendant lzar, n 'Q h' tn' "I swear that I am toe ay
, M If' I is governor l1l a IS a, '
to 'Rais uza 1 od 011 earth and Rais M1.Izalfar is my
the of that territory ought, to (?hey him
in Qall1stan, The p P 'd" The 'heretic Rats read the
'1 . h' 1 rs to be mv 0\ ers, 1 I' I 1 <lr;nlr1n"
SIC er' IS Of( e , 1 'I I' ttdience expressed its (e Ig It )y
. from the pulpIt,: II e t a s at'the feet of the pulpit, ,
singing and heatmg thelr dm
m
1
actl'sed" It is even satd.
. f 1'" ere now open Y PI' ' .. , h'll
'and sm u ness w ,. , . h e Abul Hasan hrought a c I C ,
a'felt!"' after' Mustanslr ,on f N' ar to Alamllt. The child,
was: the legitiinate ft aware was hrought up
whose desccnt Hasan 1 1 on to puhertv, .
..,'iIlage near tIle fort of this scicm of the ..
I 1
'ot the son 0 II 1m , I ' 'tl
s am was 11 . I' I' ecretly exchanged 11m WI 1
'caliphate, his mot lcr lavmg IS , dl'scoVl'red it, "MOI'COVCl!',
, 1 '11 'tl 0\ t anv one 1
macl s c 11 WI, 1 " , the belief of the Ismailis t lat every
c.' t',r. Shia lllstonan, as It IS " 'II b t Jimdahle some of thcm
. 'l \1 . ot mllv IJermlS
SI
) ell, , , , I I 't I
of t Ie mam IS n . . 1 l Ahll! Hasan co Ja JI e(
1 J
. th t the Imam hrol1l! It lV , 1 I
c ee are a , ' 1 t1 Z:k atul Islam was conCClVe(,. n
Muhammad's Wife ane 1l1S I r,
.. . . , . " . ti ,. stv1<'<1 Mlllal,icloh, Zinc1iq, .'.
',7' orthoclox Persian writers tlie. h\ 'Ti ' EngH,h worcl 'heresy' has,
o f ., . 'lnr nncomplimcntnrv e s. lC
r.nc{ n 0 ih evU mlo;1r in these (lnys.
h1l1at.,ly, heen chvcste'I' of . Ii I Zikra!\ls Salam and Salam,
8, ITe Is also sometimes ca e(
Lord.of tlte Assassim
t .,_,
the Nizaris have uttered abundant nonsense about. ,Islam
and his creed, They call him the 'Lord OJ Perfection'and his, creed
the 'Mission of Perfection' It is their false. .pelief
that the Day of Resurrect,ion will come when l1len to
perfection and the restraints of Shari'at have been removed;,IlIip. as
dwing the period of his Imamat people had attained to, Zikratul
Islam ordered the law of the Shari'at to be laid aside, ,God p\"Q,tect. us
from infidelity and shamelessness!" When Zindatus Salam's. innova,
tion exceeded all limits, his wife's brother, who was a descendant of"
the .royal family of Buwaih and whose inner mind has adorned w.ith
faith, him with a dagger, in the fort of Lamistar in 1166,
Zikratul Islam's son, Muhammad, who ascended the throne. the
age of nineteen and reigned for forty-six years, went even beyond his
father in his pretensions to the Imamat, He had, or claimed to .have,
a profound knowledge of philosophy and science and considered him-
self superior to everyone in these subjects, His greatest 'critic, however,
arose in the bosom of his own family, Jalaluddin Hasan, the eldest of
his many sons, Sincerely believed in the orthodox creed and detestcd.
the new-fangled doetJilles of Alamut. Relations between father and
son became so strained that the latter came to the court in full armour
and was dependent for his safety. on a section' of the Ismailis whom
he had won over' to his views, On ascending tlle throne in 1210
. Jalaluddin put a stop to all Ismaili ceremonies and began to enforce
the Shari'at of the orthodox; Mosques were built in every village and
orthodox Imams were appointed to lead the congregati(ms in prayer,
Messengers were sent to all Muslim princes to inform them of his
conversion and they cordially welcomed him as a full-blooded member
of their community, The. Abbasid Caliph An-Nasir-li-Dinillah was
also acknowledged, Alamut was no longer considered a principality
of otitT..Lf.s, ?;he Muslim world heaved a sigh of relief, But the orthodox
citizens of Qazwin, who had been vigorously fighting the 'heretics'.
the time of Hasan Sabbah, still pretended to be scepticaL Jalal-
uddin invited them and in' theil' presence consigned the writings of
Hasan Sabbah on the doctrines of the Ismailis to the Hames. He did not
even refrain from heaping curses on the heads of his departed ancestors,
There could be' no doubt about the sincerity of his convictions, His
a pious old lady, even started on a pilgriniage to Mecca, and
reached Baghdad the Caliph her 'to
of the ;,standard of all .other prmees, JaJaJrHldm 'WaS wIse
to send a timely letter of submission to Chengiz Khan when
, invaded Turkistan, He died in 1221; when the Muslim world
I
I
"
,
I
I
"
I',
.j
ii
I
!'
C'
Ii
\;'
I:

II;
246
Politics and Soclet" du,lng t'll1 Ea,l,,' Mrrdlevo/ Prrriod ,
was passing the tortures Mongol invasions. ,He may
have been pOisoned., th h' t f '
, Jalaluddin's conversion is an interesting episode in e IS 0
the 'heretics'. He was their Imam and tIiey were bound to beheve
him if he said that heresy was' an error; when he ,them to
become orthodox,it was their duty to obey. But Jalaluddm s
were only binding during his and could
)Ia hide and seek with the convictions of his subJects, who beheve ,
to be infaJlible and divinely inspired. This is actually what "
pened. ]alaluddin's son, Alauddin, who ascended the throne at
age of nine, began by killing those who suspected of vu'u):,
his father. There were traits of insanity in hIS and
accession to power thoroughly demoralized him. As the IsmaliIs
no distinction between the Imam's childhood, ?ld a
hold that whatever he does at every stage of hIS hfe IS
correct, the officers of the state executed his orders, without any
tion;" The young prince grew up to be a man of low vulgar
He ave himself up to morbid pleasure; the hreedmg of sheep
the intellectual recreation within his In the
of his reign he opened a vein, without the adVIce of a rhyslCIan
this loss of blood further deranged his mind .. grew a
maniac. That Alauddin should cancel rehgIous regulations
father and restore his subjects to 'heresy was not for them a
c. ( -::egrGt. The principles of orthodoxy had not deep root
them. But Alamut became a veritable hell. s
but no one had the courage to say a word to hIm about It !he
of the state fell into disorder but officers who ventured to gIve a
of warning were instantly put to death. Ismaili doctrines seem to
provided no remedy against an insane Imam, t!le foJ1
ers had perforce to believe that there was hIS "'V-"--J"
SO Alauddin, who should have been decently veIled,
thirtv-five years "till the state, the treasury and the, peop e were
ruined". Matters were made .still w?rse by the
succession. Alauddin had himself appomted hIS eldest Ru.knuddin
Khurshah, as his successor, but in 1256 he changed .hls.
wanted to bestow the succession on it younger son. ThIS h!s .
refused to accept. Ruknuddin, in imminent danger of hIS lIfe,
planning to flyaway when an arrow put. an end to
father's life. 1 I
But RlIknllddin Khurshah did not long enjoy t Ie Ie
obtained bv becoming an accomplice in the murder of hIS father.
the Mongol qllrilta; of 12.51 Halaku, the youngest brother of ,
Lord of tf.e Assassin;
Emperor Mangu Qa-an, appointed to complete the subjugation
of Persia. Misur Noyan, the Mongol governor of Hamdan, advised
Khurshah to dismantle his forts and present himself before Halaku.
Khurshah was in no pOSition to resist. The assassins ne\(cr had a strong
army in the field and the Mongols were past masters in the art of
sieges. Khurshah hesitated, prevaricated and delayed; the astute Mon-
gols kept negotiating till their armies were ready and then they swept
across the country like a fearful hurricane. The heretic forts in Qahi-
stan were captured one after another and their garrisons put to the
sword. Halaku l1imself advanced to besiege Khurshah in the fort of
Maimun-Diz, and the latter after a short struggle came out and
yielded himself prisoner. The garrison of Alamut was allowed three
days' grac:e to get out and theh the lofty fort was plundered and razed
to the ground. Khurshah at his own request was sent to the Mongol
, court at Qara Qurain, but Mangu sent him back, and his Mongol
,guard, apparently acting under orders, put him to death on the banks
of the Oxus. "Mangu Khan had ordered that all Ismailis, even their
,chilerf'l,-in the cradle, were to be totally destroyed. So after ,the
departure dr Khurshah, Halaku ordered aU' his followers, who had
been assigned to vigilant guards, to be put to death. A confidential
officer was sent to Qazwin with instructions to destroy the sons,
daughters, brothers, sisters and all other relations of Khurshah, who
lived in those parts. Two of them were handed over to Halghan
Khatun, who slew them in retaliation for her father, Chaghatai, whom
the {ida'is had assassinated. The descendants of Kia Buzurg were
massacred wholesale; not one of them was left alive on the face of
the globe. The governor of Khorasan was ordered to exterminate the
heretics of Qahistan. He marched to their territory and sent twelve
thousand of them to sleep. Officers were also sent to search for 'here-
tics' in every part of the country and to behead them wherever they
could be found." "This fearful punishment at least secured the safety
of the roads." '
(This article lPpeared in, Muslim Review of Muslim Institute, Calcutta, in two
Instalments: Vol. III, No.' 2, 1928, and Vol. III, No.3, 1929-EOlTOII.)
I
PART THREE
Medieval Mysticism
II
EARLY MUSLIM MYSTICISM
I
ON 8 THE Apostle breathed his last. According
to general belief of all Mussalmans, the last words of plenary inspi-
ration have been given to our phenomenal world of space and time. A
'successor to the Apostle' (in the full sense of the word) was,.therefore,
not possible. Nevertheless the a<Jministrative command of the faithful
plus the power of interpretatiort (accOrding to the Sunnis) wEmt to
the Pious Caliphs (633-61), Hauat Abu Bata, Umar, Usman and Alii.
the Umayyad Caliphs (661-750) who succeeded them only aspired to
political command, and the same was the case with the Abbasids,
whose caliphate, deprived of its outlying'provinces by 900, lingered
on till its overthrow by the Mongols in 125B. For the spiritual
heritage of the Prophet, three diHerent claimants have appeared-the
Imams of the Ismailis, who aCCOrding to the theory of their followers
inherit. the. authority of Apostle in the Ulama-l Zahirl
or clenes, whether Sunru mullahs or Shia mUltahids; and the Ulama-I
Batini or mystics. For a comprehension of the principles 'of Muslim
mysticism or tasawwuf, and the conditions under which. it arose,
knowledge of the other claimants is necessary. And first as to the
Ulama.' Zahirl.2
1. Fanatics apart, .the legality of the political power of the Pious Caliphs u
recognized by all Mussalmans. Hazrat ,Ali himself acknowledged It and the reserva-
tions attributed to him Bre purely The problem of spiritual domain Is a dlf.
ferent matter. , .1
2. It is not possible to liod an English" eqUivalent to the Arabic teon,
Ai/m-I Za111rl (plural, Ulmntl-I Zahtri). The AIIm-( Ztlhlrl, as will he explained I"ter
on, is. a scholar of religious sciences who utilizes his knowledge to obtain the profits
of this world; this implies that bl case of a conllict between the principles of religion
'and worldly (I.e., the state and the 'vested Interests which It they
. will take the side of worldly powers. The word 'cleric' Is the nearest equlvalent,Dut ..
the AlInH Zahlrl, as we shall see, was not (a) 'consecrated' in the Christian, or even
the Hindu, sense of the word and (h) he did not belong to a properly graded priest
. '
Politics and i10clety during tI,e Early Medieval Period
Heligion, properly so called is b . .
prime function is to ive hurr: "t y nature a revolution. For its
. 11C:-V social order in prace of pull by establishing a
declared the true aspect of !esu.s, the greatest of paci-
Think not I arri COme to send IS miSSion III nQ uncertain words.
peace, but a sword For I peace on earth. I cOme not to send
his father and the' datlght
am
tO
h
set a man at variance against
. 1.' er agamst er moth d th '
against her mother-in-law er, an e daughter-
and followeth after me is not And -he that taketh not his cross
shall lose it; and he that loseth h' 1 me. He that findeth his life
was sent to overthrow c st "4 I e or .my sake shall find it."3 "I
his whole life was e A;rabJun Apostle declared. And
the institutions which th g p t agatnst the gods of paganism and
tiOIl (1/l.Ilshahidah) of the ey were
l
supposed to bless. The conterripla-
peratively combined withonth
e
adn( God was, in his mind im-
. e u y 0 maugur t' ,
gresslve social order-a "purified't d a tng a new and pro-
Qman puts it-so that the. reign of'faifu I a forgiving God,".5 as the
among men may ensure th f 'f h' ave and brotherly equality
I II
e avoms 0 t e Supre B' "
s Ia not punish them wh'l th me emg. And We
punish them while. the a.:.: ar; tl!;m; and we shall not
lowers (II1nmat) was . toY c t' g} or par on. The duty of his fol-
f
.' on mue lis twof Id '. .
o the world, of its wonders an If"t 0 conterriplation
and the Last the Appear ( d .1 S CreatOr_ and He is the First
. '. ance an the R l't"6
H,s commands here below "I do y -and obedience of
declared "whether the' b '. . not
f
know, he is rerorted to have
its end."7- . egmnmg 0 my religion wil be better 01'
But in the history of alI rell .
shortlived. A new set of e t the first revolutionary phase is
their sway;. the ordinances th ;nterJst
s
, SOOner or later, estahlish
nied in the spirit. and erso e in words, are de-
ing of the of :Itt,:Ichin.
g
a real mean-
. DOe Y t \Jl power. Thus
Ir order .. He was neverth J .
. l' t1 . , .. cess, n servant of the stat 'th 1
me Irec y 3S the reCipient of a slnt t . l C, el Cr (irectly as a qazi or
The n t (I c gran or pension 0 . ,
lyS les fI.nnlll-i rabb(lIli' tl th . r an aspirant for such gifts
de d th "on .e 0 er hand with .
re e state_i.e. the existing pheno 1 t" SOme eXceptions, consi-
of sin, and thought it very' wrong t s ate and not the 'state idea'-as a
3. St.. Matthew, x. 34-39. 0 ave any dealings with kings .and nobles.
flo a.,t" Ii '"rll adat (Mi.,h"I"" lIidoyall. 2)
iJ. fla/ada!un tawibatun tva Roll " f .
6 11 I . . '>un g 10 fir
l. fllVa -AI/:wa/o wal Ak71iro . Z II .
7 .. 1,0 ad,.i an awwalflha' a I ro 11'01 RaUn.
in his Mtlsalai Kh{lafat. . . a. run a" aklllrflha. Quoted hy Mau1ana Ahul Ka1am
Early Mysticism 253
for about sixteen hundred years Europe has IJaid princely salaries
to its clerical cfficers whose principal function has been to see that the
.. drummed into the ear does not reach the heart, that the
'good 'examfJle' (uswa-i-hasana) of Jesus js respected but not followed,
that there are always sufficient logical qUibhles to distract the
tion of the educated and a superfluity of prayer-forms tonumb the
spiritual instincts of the masses-to ensure, in other words,othat the
god-fearing peasant or worker is not allowed to discard the practices
of Christianity or the gospel of Christ.
It has been SCi in Christianity; it has been so in Islam; it has been
so in' all religions. Thanks to the essential worldliness of the average
mind, spiritual enthusiasm cannot be long sustained. And as' enthu-
siasm vanishes, the politicians enter the arena hand in hand with the
clerics; the clei'ics misinterpret the law with hell, hook and candle,
and thc politicians enforce the misinterpretation. Then come thc
plutocrats, men of wealth. This godless cOinhination of three 'godless
forces-wealth, clericalism and political power-sooner or later sucks
away the life of religion, embalms it as a inummy for show purposes
and l'e-institutes, under new names and new forins, that regime of
dead hahit which religion had sought to aholish.
By the word cleric in this context, I mean all persons pretending
to or possessing a knowledge of religiOUS forms, who owing to, the
superficiality of their character, their cowardice, or their greed; .are
servants of the state and defenders of vested interests. In the tech-
nical langrrage of the mystics, the!1 are known as 'Ulama-i Zahirl'
(external scholars) hecause they utilize their lqow\edge of religion for
worldly gain and also as Ulama-i Dunyavi. "Ulama-i DUf!yavi"
(Wonny Scholars), says the MislJahul Hidatlah,8 "have nothing else
but the of Islamic sciences. They have learnt them becOIIs('
tTle!! have b.een taught. They do not act according to their faith,. be-
catIse their faith is weak. They do' not refrain from what is fOi'hiddcn
(Tlflram) or from what is douhtflll (lJIakrllh) and their evil infects
others. They are the 'COrripanions of the Left'9 alid the most rriis-'
chievous of men and scholars of wickedness (Ulama-i Stt'): Warnings
have been adrriinistered to them and also threats of punishment. In
descrihing llis ascension, the Prophet is reported to have said: "I pa.<;s-
ed hv a people whoso lips were heing: Cllt with scissors of firc. 'Whclarc
you?', I askcd. 'We are a people', they replied, 'who directed others
aaL'
9. Referring fo the Qllrnn, ('nil. the bl",j'Nl tlw of
and the the 'Companions of the Left'.
2111
Pol/lie., and Society durIng tT.
e
Earlv M edief)(Jl Period
to do good and refrain from evil bitt we did not act according to our'
own precepts:" Similarly, another Tradition of the Apostle declares;
"The most severe punishment will be meted Qut to the scholar (alim)
who has derived no benefit from his knowledge." And just as there
is nothing better than a mystic or spiritual scholar (Alim-i-Ral)11ani),
similarly there is nothing worse than a cleric (Alim-i Zahil'i). For
knowledge, in its essence, is like food; it merely invigorates.
, The eatlo/ attempt to study Muslim religion and the problems
created by the expansion of Islam gave rise to three distinct religious
science5. The nrst subject of study was naturally the Quran. The
exact meaning of every word had to be determined. Very often it
was necessary to find out the chronological order of the verses and
the circumstances under which they had been reve.'lied, So that the
perplexing problem Qf nasikh and mmumkh (cancelling and cancelled)
may he decided; a later verse, ohviously, was even if a previous
one conhradicted it. All these problems connected with Qllfanic
came within the purview of the commentators or 1nllfassirin and their
science was knOWn as Tafsir. Secondly, both for the pUrpose of ibadat
Of religiotls devotion and for muamilat, or secular a,Hairs, it was found
necessary to appeal, to the decisions of the Apostle. l1lis meant col-
lecting tIle conversations or Traditions of the Apostle known techni-
cally as hadis, khalJal' or sunnah. As the collection of the Traditions
began ill the first and second generations after the Apostle, H was
necessary to make SUfe of the chain of narrators and to estimate their,
reliability. Add to it, many people, for purposes of their own, attri-
buted to the Apostle what he had never said, and it became necessary
to separate the true hadi:ses from thOse which were weak or unaccept-
able. The duty of the traditionist or was to sift, collect
and interpret the sayings of the Apostle and his science was known
as Ilm-i fladis, It is obvious that the Traditions cannot be studi.ed
without a knowledge of the, Quran; so a mtthaddls had to be a rm1fass11'.
TIlirdly, hoth in ilmdat and m1wmilat, came tile question
of practical applicatioll. The rapid expansion of Islam among peo-'
pIes widely differing from the Arabs in their traditions and senti-
ments, and in their economic and social environments.
created problems of the greatest magnitude. But unless all legal
prohlems were solved on the basis of religion, Islam would have
broken up into numerous national and trihal churches. The unity
of Islam had to he maintained. On the other hand, the attempt to
solve all secular problems from the performance of ablution to the
suppression of revolutions on a rc1i,gious hash was hound to lead to
tmtold difficulties; for sec\llar reason haVing heen dtiven ont of its legi-
t
Barly Uusllm Mllst/c/sm
255
1 th Prophet not having contemplated
tim ate field, and s!tnna l 0, e 's the ronscience of tha average
the concrete conditions of later day. d The institution of king-
Mussalman was left ttt;y ml>ce abominable to the '
8hip is a good exa
h
P
\ masses of their Faithful should,
sunrwh the itt t families and" goods (plus the public trea-
along Wlth theu an s an e the rivate and hereditary property of a
sury. or baitulmal), becom rtheles; kingship came and stayea; and the
parhcular dynasty .. . reli'ous rounds and too weak to
cleriCS, unable It on. gI Bt
g
referred to keep silent.
condemn it as a. VIO of itself is another
Such examples e mu l:e . here of criminal law, substantive
instance, not to mentIon the wh.ohedsPeals Wl'th the problem of applying
d d" t' The science w IC h d. t
Quean and the is andthsclt,olatraSqW"h
" , d Inni:hs It IS 0 VlOUS a, a
tllemselves to Its stu yare I'h--I:
dd
, '. therwlse he will not kuow what
a mufassij' as well as a mu a ()
Jaw to apply, d t d th constitution of Muslim social life aright,
If we are to un ers an e attention For of all Muslim reli-
it is to fiqh that we muhst fastendiomur It and most dangerous; it was
.. fiqhistemost cu h t
glOUS SCIences, 'ddt' A es the most tempting and t e mOS
also, throughout 1fre t Mt e has been already noted, required
profitable. In
f
le
h
IS 1 ,ace, ot from the tntlfassir and the
a ripeness () 5C () ars Ip n . II k are divided into
mtthaddis. The Sunni Malikis-named
four great schools-the Hana s, an 'Their works have survived
after the great taqi:h
h
who memory and acutenells of
to us and certamly s ow a capac
d
never' surpassed in the annals of
intelligence- seldom e r 'Ii a
h
has not evolved except in matters
scholarship. ;tS Ii the non-Arab have preferred
of minor .detall, on :while lrrtam ShaIn, the pure Arab,
the teachmgs of Imaj U , of the Arabian tongue.
has been largely fft wed by to bring to his task an ingenuity
The /aqih, 7, :Un::Py mortals. The following is a good in-
and Wit not oun (" old and had gone to school. Two
stance. "Imam Shafh a box of clothes with his mother,
men came together an P of them came and took away the
a pious Hashimi lad
y
ci
Later on m;e p and the box; he even
box. Then the secon man his '11le box', he
brought an, agent qa . we deposited it together and could
contended, was ou: !01nt p YiOU5 lad was embarrassed. But at
only take it away J<:lntl
y
". 1 P terel with his ready wit. 'QUite
that moment her bnght Jtt e son en ,
.2!}(j
Pol/I/e" and SocleiV durl"l1 tI' e Em'lv Med/aval PeJtod
fight',he said to the daimant, 'the box is joint property and can only
be claimed by you jointly. Bring your partner and the box is yours:, "
As if the actual problems of actual life were not enough, the Muslim
faqih, like the Roman jurists, kept on weaving the warp and woof of
all, possible circumstances. The examples surviving to us often exdte
aniusement. But really they are of immense significance and had a
'great influence on the evolution of Muslim law. It was only by a
detailed and comprehensive consideration of all possible circumstances
that the outline, and a large part of the' details, of Muslim law was
laid down during the period of the Great Abbasid caliphs from Mansllr
to Mu'tasim. Later faqihs have seldom had the courage to fin up the
gaps Ieft by the great founders.. ,
. The third and most difficult duty of the faqih was legislation uncleI'
circumscribed conditions. On' the one hand, puhlic fear and
hatred of anything that could come uncler thn designation of bitTat
Ill' innovatiol1 prcivented them from plltting forward [my principles on
the basis of pure or practical reflSOJl. It was admitted in principle,
that whete the Qul'an and slInnah were silent, reason mllst guide. But
in actual practice an ounce of palpably fabricated Tradition has C01.111t-
'ed more than tons of pure reason, and the public, cven educated puh-
lic, lms heen inclined to look askance at a legal principle for which
silnic sort'of tcxt, or analogy from a text, could not he produccd. This
obligation to go by the text compelled the faqih to resort to what is
generally known as tawil or interrretation. Tawil may mcan )]othi1lg
inore than the legal expansion of the principle Ilnderlving a given
decision so as to cover similar cases (qir/as). nut thc system of tawil,
not only desirable but inevitable in fiqh, has been applied to every
branch of the Shar/at in a variety of ways, by bringing
two principles into apparent conflict, it has hecn found possible to
hoth; at other times by far-fetched analogies an esoteric signi-
fkance has heen attached to the words of the text so as to lead to
conclusions that leave onc staggering. Still the (kmaIH\s of pradical
Iifn made a (\ecision necessary. The m"fassil' (Quranie conlmentator)
could say.wilh pelfect frankness that he did not know what A, L. M.
and other letters at the heginning of the Quranic chaptcrs stood for.
nut a faqih could not declare his inahility to decide which of the rival
claimants \VaS entitled hecause much could he said on both sides; it
was his duty to answer the question put. And the law expounded
must' he capahle of practical application; otherwise it wonld not he a
law, Under these difficult circumstances, the did the hest they
tould: They found a good many Traditions in faVOur of the prindr!cs
of Rciman law', big slices of proceeded tn incorpomte into
Earl!1 Muslim M!lst/ctsm
257
their Own system. This need not sUI'prise 1.1S. Rome, at times a poli-
.' tical enemy, was, nonetheless, an intellectual friend of the
mans; the Christians, in any case, they regarded as the best of the;!f
enemies for "there are monks among them and they are not proud .
Simultaneously, by a process of selective reason, they greater
prominence to those Traditions which were capable of ?p_
plication. Two unfortunate gaps left by the early Abbasld Junsts
were never fiIlqd lip. Administrative ,law and law were referred
to in a passing manner on.ly-not eve.n a hare. attempted.
About criminal law also httle was smd. Their venh,::t III case of the
forma would have been totally ignored; criminal law, by its very
nature, was incapable of universality; for the severity of punishment
must be i.nversely proportioned to the strength of the state,. and as
the latter varies from country to country the formor must vary also.
Lastly, we have to rememher the thrown in the path
of those who studied. the {11k The !aqrh, as such, was only a prIvate
scholar: He was neither a lawyer nor a judge. If his opinion was
asked for, he could give a fatwo. or legal opinion. and then b:
knowll as a mufti . . But his fatwa was an academIC expresSIOn of OpI-
nion and an appeal to the public; it had not the power to loose
hind. He taught pupils and spread, his doctrines, through them; hIS
livelihood he eamed in whatever way he could. 1he four great Mus-
lim jurists were men of private standing preferred t? ret.ain their
independence of opinion. Imam Aim Hamfa prefen'ecl Impnsonment
to accepting office under Mansur; Imam was actually
persecuted. They considered it .below .thelr dlgmtY-,and to
their mission-to have any deaImgs WIth the govel1lmcnt. Their ap-
pcal lay to the ;allw-i liminal-to the opinion of the of
educated public; if it accepted them, well and good.; .If the l?ubhe
rcjected them, it could not he helped. For the am\Jlbous faqlh, on
the other hand, the path of prefn'ment lay open. He COUld. enter,t!le
service of the state and hecome a qa;:;i (judicial officer). HIS deCISIOn
would then be enforced by the anTi of the state; he would also receive
a salm'Y with slIch other_gifts, pensions an.d for and
his desc!'ndants as his !'Oval patron may he I1Ichned to pl'ov](lc .. Apart
from his dllties as a judge, he would he in of all
endowments, public and private, wilh power to dIspense chanty. III
such way as he pleased. The supcrintenden?e of the mosques may
also be aSSigned to him; he would lead the Fnd.ay praver and alTange
for, prayers through his deputies. UnlIke olh!'l' government
his'post was per'inancnt; kings may come go, hut he, was
sure of his joh so long as he was sufficiently sllhscrVlCnt. Eyen If he
1'!?-17
258 l',,/ilics l//lel Societ'y eI"ri"IJ tile I\",/U ""Moelie"ul l'oriod
took a false step in the constantly recurring wars of succession, he
would be but not hanged. You may hang a politician if"
he backs the losing side. But no one will dream of hanging a Chief
Justice who is also an Archbishop ex-officio. The smaller qazis in the
mufassil towns shared, according to "their good fortune, the honours
and perquisites of the great qazis of the capitals.
Of course the state did not shower its favotll's fol' nothing. Thc first
duty of the qazi was personal subservience to the ocr.upant of the
throne, whatever his character. His second duty was to protect hy
his judgments and interpi-etations the fundamental institutes of the
monarchical state and the plivileges of the governing classes. IIe
had. sufficient funds and agents at his disposal and his public status
as a judge, official jurist, and minister for endowments made him very
useful. His thinl duty was to deCide all cases in which thc statc
a party in favour of the state. The best representative of this class is
Imam Muhammad Yusuf. Of the wOrst there is no reckoning. The
intellectual greatness of Imam Ynsnf comhined with his immense learn-
ing and acuteness of judgment has, on the whole, silcneed criticism_ But
the following paragraph of the Tazkimtul Auli1ja is significant: "Imam
Abu I1anifa had two chief diSciples, Imam Yusl1f and Hnam Muham-
Inad. vVhen they differed in any matter, the (l'ICstion was referred
to Shaikh Daud Tai, an cminent and leamed mystic who also had
studied with Imam Abu Hanifa for twenty years_ But whenever the
two came to him, Dand Tai turnerl his hack 011 Tmam Y11SII[ and talkf'd
to Imam Muhammad only. He never addressed Imam Yusn[ and even
refrained from pronouncing his name. 'They are. hoth grcat scholars',
he was asked, 'why do you talk to one and ignore the other?' 'Imam
Muhammad SOn of Hasan', the mystic answered, 'was horn wealthy
and has sacrificed wealth for the sake of knowledgp; has
brought him rcligious hononr 1J11t it has redllced his slatns ill this
world. Imam Yusuf started his life on an empty stomach but has,mad
e
his knowledge a means of worldly honour and office. Tmani Ahu
Ya[ i(:l ''CPs thrashed but even then refused to Iwcome a qnzi. Imam
Yusuf has accepted that office_ I will nevc\" talk 10 a man who forsakps
the traditions of his teacher.'''
The amount o[ control Ul1d snpervision exrrciserl hy the state over
the qazis ancl the Department of Qllza or .Tnstice varicd during the
Middle Ages according to the strength of the governnient and the
character 6f the monarch. Even _ under kings of ordinary capacity
the servility of the qazi's was ensured; under overhearing and energetic
rulers, the qazis were forced to the courtier's grab and act as the
hilml)le instmments of a lawless rlidatorship_ f,,"owing aCCOll1lt
Earlv MIlSlI", Mysl/dsm 259
of Sultan Alauddin Khalji's treabnent of the qazis of his day, preserved
for us in the inimitable pages of Ziyauddin Barani's Tat'ikh-i Fiwz
Shahi, will give the reader some idea of the type of men who were
appointed qazis under a strong king and the" sort of work they were
expected to do: -
"During the whole. reign of Alaudclin, three Sa'ids obtained the
Quza-i' Mmnalik and one the Niab(1t-i Quza. At the beginning of
Alauddin's reign. Qazi Sadruddin Alif. who had helel the NialJat-
j. Quza for years, became the Sadr-i Jahan
lO
and added dignity to his
new office. For though not conspicuous for learning, he was yet -an
awe-inspiting person, and was so wen acquainted with the populace
of Delhi that though cheats and thieves abounded, po one had the
courage to rc<sort to fraud or deception before his masnad (judi.cial
cushion). Every branch of the Diwan-i Quza (Department of JustIce)
attain. ed new hy fact of Over it: _ After
him Qazl Jalaluddm was appomted the -Natb-t Qazt by the emperor,
and the office of Sad1'-i Jahan was given to Maulana Ziyauddin Biana,
the Qazi of the Amiy (Qazi-i Lashkar). The latter, though adorned
with learning, was devoid of personality and character; he was, in
fact, contemptible and ruined the dignity of his office and of the De-
pmtment of Justice. In his later years, Sultan Alal1ddin had
but little stability of mind left entrusted the Q!lza-i MumallTc-an
office of great dignity and not becoming did not
good birth with knowledge and knowledge With plcty-to the Maltkl1t
Tujjar IIamicluddin Multani, an olel servant of his faniily, his secret
and the treasurer of his palace. The virtues . of
this" liiel'cMtnl-prince (Malikllt TII-fial') do not deserve mention
in history. In entmsting the Quza-i Mumalik to this fellow
fl'Ohi Mullan (Multani 1Jachchah), the Sultan considcred neither
his abilities nor hiith but only the old services of Hatnidud-
din and his father. AJaudelin did not know, and no one had the
courage to tell him, that learning is not the sole qualification a
qazi; that a necessmy condition of the office piety, which
in keeping aloof from the world and from all SillS and base qualthes;
that a king cannot attain to salvation unless he entnlsts a post of such
great responsihilities to the most pious scholar of his realm; and that
a ruler ceases to be the protector and becomes the destroyer of the
Faith, if he fails to regard piety as a necessary precondition to the
10. Snth/ Ill/"'" ,. the hend '1n7.[ of Delhi, NaI/,1 Qflzn Is his assistant, th"
Qazlf Munwllk is the Snd,../ Inllnn "who has also been giv('o power to control the
. 11'7.1.' of the provinces.
230
Politics (lila Society. during the E(fj:/Y Mcalcunl Period
qaziship of the capital Or the country, and distributes these posts
among the greedy and dishonest lovers of this world, And as Sultan
Nat/ddin ill his later years only cOl1sfde/'ed old serdcrls in assigning
the office of Sadr-i fallan, this lJecame a custom reial his successors,
and l)iet!f ceased to Tn] (I qualificatloll for the post.
. "In the same year, un incmnpal'ahle traditionist (lIlulwddis), knoWIl
as !vlaulana Shamsudclin Ttuk, came to Multan :wcl hrought with hill1-
self fonr hundred hooks on the Traditions. Hut when he heard that'
Sultan AJauddin neither said his prayers 110f attended the Friday
congregation, he proceeded no further. lIe became a disciple of
Shaikh Shamsuddin Fa7,lnllah, son of the Shaikh1l1 Tslam Sac1rl1dclin.
From MuHan he sent the Sultan a conimentary he hac1 writtpn all
the Traditions o( the Apostle, in whieh he had enlogi7,cd the S11ltan,
togrthC'r with a pamphlf't in
To recapitulate: thore aI'(' three rdigiotls (Qill'anic
exegeSis), harlis (collection and collation of thc l'rophet's Traditions)
and fiqh (Muslim jurispnldcnce). These arc the onlv three religiOns
scienccs possible; all othcr seiences arc really (kparliricnts of these
sci""""". Looked at .from the view-point of the s\lllject they study,.
we may clrvidc scholars into 11lUfassil'in, and faqills. The
SllC1l'i'at (literally, tlJ() Path) is, nnfortl111atdy. a vl'l'y vague wonl;
it is IIsed in at kast three distinct senses and may mean-the
laws of the Qnran as illfCl'lll'(lted hy t1m Apostl(l, and i;l this sense it
is sometimes contrasted with the Imr;;ls of later scholars; or the fiq"
of thc f011r great jurists plus the illt('l'pretillion of later rpzi" which
have orten heen put in ('ompemlias and not nnintercsting mannals;
or the IhrN' I\fnslim rpli)!:iolls sdr'llc'cs takpll !ogdlwr. But mystic-s,
froni their own slanrl-poillt, divided sclwlnrs of n'ligi
o
l1s sciences Hot
acconlillj! to the subjed-matter of their sttld\, hut according to the
o!Jierl of their life, and their charader. Tlw\' :l,l;e(\ the 111lpleasant
f\lIc5tic)1l-W!ra( is y01l1' oT*'cI ill all/his sluR? SlIl'l'1ll1/O//
1I111s1 /11' af/n some/hillg? (1) If a man seeks knowledge in order to
attain to God, without ally regard for, the attractions of this world
or thc next, he is an Mim-I" nalin! or Alim-i nahllCll1i (spiritunl sdlOlar)
or m\'s!ic, (2) On the other hall(l, a man m:w onl\, st1H\v these snll-
j('ds \vith the avcmgp piPt)' or the orthodoX". his in()!i\'e hCing the iliys
of paradise. He is in that case an Ali111-! Ukfrrm;! (a religiOUS scholar).
(3) Lastly a man may leal11 all things allaut rdigion ror the advantages
of this world only--or, at least, with an eye to his main chance here',
below, S1Ich a !lian is an A7im-i Zahiri {externalist) or AUm-i DllnW/!;i
(cleric). The signifleant examples of this clllSS are, of course,'the
Ml
qazis, who being in state-service, were considered the spearhead of
the clerics.
By the end of the ninth ccntnrv of the era the three
religious sdellces of Is]am-hadis,' tafs;'r and fiqh-had' sufficiently
developed to hring their votarics pmminelltly before the public eye,
and to show to the same public the grievous shOlteomings of their
dmrader. The d;lims and pretellsiolls of the 111(//11(( knew no hounds
TIl?y looked upon themselves as the siJccessor, of the Apostle allri
danned for themselves a position similar to the Prophets of Israel.
Being the trustees of the Apostle's Traditions, they wcre iiI a position
to (JllOte chapter and verse in support of theil' dahns. H That the
Muslim ulam(l did. !lilt slIccced in establishing un like
the. ,Cathohc Church or even in winning for themselves a
POSltlOll 511mbr to that of the [ndian Brahmins was due partly to
. the charader of the creed and partly to the circum-
stalte,., ,if ,9lC tUTle.
Though the ulama have oftcn claimed that the laity cannot under-
stand the of the Quran, it was not in praet{ce ever possihle
. Its study. And the Quran in a manner that leaves no pos-
SIbility of doubt makes everyone responsible for his own faith and
his "No qne shall hear the btllden of 1'ho
of finding the truth and of acting aC('(Jnling to it can-
not he hy the individual to an organi7.ali rlJl, secular or sacrc-
dot.a!. :1 h,o dut,r of submission is incnl('aled hv the Qnran but within
stnet lImIts. Obey Allah; ohey the Apostle and obey the rulers
that be from amongst YOll, hut if yOll differ from them conccrning
any mattcr, thcn go hack to Allah 'and his Apostle." The commands
;Jf the Apostle are identical with the commands of Allah-"Ue who
(1)(')" lhc Apo,tle, obeys AlJah"l,1- hut this is denied to all
otl1('I' persons. And eVl'n' tile Apostle' was dirr'df'd to eonsl1lt his
in questions of govel'nment.
14
Tho slllpill Jayman who
hlInd]\' follows the eustOlTIS of his ancestors and the priest who prep;
UpOll his flock hv hiding the truth-these are the hvo ';ete noi/(? 'of
the Qurall. "In Islam no mOllkery",15 the Prophet has declared.
An organized priesthood, moreover, requires some form of cons(O-
-. 11. The following truditio!!, for is orten qlloted: 1/10111.0 ntnongst my
followers likc tho Prophets of Israel."
'12. Wain wa</ra/.", tdzl'I1 "Hun.
13.Mon ala am .,rrra fa 'lad ninal/aT .
14. lVn shaw,r /wm amp.
]5, T_a ra/'/xlll/rint fs/mn,
262 Politics lind Society d",jng tl.e Ear/v Medieval pe1iod
Cl'ation-a mysterious ceremony combined with mysterious fonnula
hy which the priest is given a position superior to UUlt of the laity. III
Islam, owing to the principle of individual responsibility, no consecra-
tion is possible. The nearest apptoach we have to it is the bay'at
(literally, sale) of the converts at the hands of the Apostle. This bay'at
may have meant allegiance to the Apostle as the head of the new
religion or as the head of the new state. But even in the Apostle's
life-time 'conversion' or acceptance of the new crccd was the ono
thing noedful; bay'at was only a supererogatory form, dispellsed witll
in most cases. Nor did the Prophet make any distinction between
h t ~ foJlow.ers in the matter of bay'at. In the generation following the
period olthe Pious Caliphs, the oath of allegiance or bay'at was given
an entirely secular colouring; prnminent leaders WOf() required to
express their 'allegiance' to the Caliph at the time of his accession,
the rank and file were only expected to 'accept' him. Thc mystic
orders of the twelflh c(!lltury A.D. gave to 'I)(IY'(/t' or coilsccralioll an
importance it never had before. vVith them, at times, it amounted
to consecration. But even amongst the mystic orders opinion was
divided and some of the greatest mystics have not considered it neces-
sary. The immense maj<)Jity of the Mussalmans, in ailY case, never
joined the mystic orders. The distinction between the clergy and the
laity is really not found in Islam. Nor has the temper of the mass
of the Mussalmans been amenable to priestly pretensions. On the
Day of Judgment, when "a man will fly from his hrother and his
friends and his children", it will be difficult to drag the local mullah
to 'God's great judgment seat'. 'Every man for himself, and G<xl's
mercy for us aIr-is the average Mussalman's conviction for that day
and for all days.
. But neither have the founders of other religions established a
pdestly order. {))'ganized priesthood' has always followed, seldom
. accompanied, the foundation of a new faith. There is-it is submit-
ted-nothing in the recorded sayings of Jesus on which the regime
of a wliversal church can be justified. The Universal or the Catholic
Church was founded. hy the statesmanship of st. Paul, who had never
come into personal contact with Jesus; it was expanded and consolidat-
ed by the Cluistian Fathers, who inherited not only the traditions of
Jesus but also the institutions of Pagan Rome. Moreover, it took four
centuries for. Christianity to becOIpe a state religion; and in that
long cainpaign against the 'false gods of the heathens' the Christian
pricst won the legitimate right to lead his flock to the altar of the
true deitv. 111e Muslim clerics or Ulama-i Zalziri were not behind
their Christian predecessors of the same profession either in fabrica-
Early Mu .. lim Mysilclsm
ting Traditions to prove the- superiority of their order or in driving .
home the same conclusions by a prOcess of tawil or interpretation.
But they never had a chance. For the Arabian Apostle, unlike Jesus,
established in his own life-time not only a new religion but also a
. new state. Of an organized church there was no possibility; in so
far ~ 3 :Jr' J\'fJlssalman has a church, it is the state-or "the idea of the
state". "If an AbYSSinian with a slit-nose leads you aright, follow
him", the Apostle declared in his last speech at Mecea.l
6
And the
sanie principle is laid dowll for religious mallers. "Say your prayers
behind any sinner or criminal", a Tradition declares. The conflict
of the church and the state-in the European sense of the word-has
never been found amongst the Mussalmans. The Muslim clerics,
unlike the early Christian priests, were themselves the creations of
the state and in no position to challenge it. The state naturally saw
to its own protection; only teachers accepting the established social
and political order could depend upon the state for a livelihood;
scholars suspected of political heresies, were left in the cold orperse-
cuted with tmrelenting ferocity. Now the commentators and tradi-
tionists were only iildirectly concerned with the actual work of gov-
ernment, mHI so long as they were of all' accommodating dispOSition,
the governments tried to gain a reputation for good work by prOViding
them with a comfOltable livelihood. It was otherwise with qazis
who had to enforce the law and were agents of the government' in
its dealings with the public conscience. They aspired to a pOSition
of indepcndence and even of command; they claimed that it was
for them to lay down the- law by which the people and the state must
live. Bllt their position was weak and so was their character. In
the conflicts between royal authority and the clerical party, the state
was alnlost unifonnly victorious. .
. Thus while Christianity spread in Europe owing to the effort of
tho priests who both created and dominated the Chdstian common-
wealth, ill Islam the secular state preceded the rise of clericalism.
With the territolial expansion of Islam in its early days the clerics
as sll('h hacl nothing to do. Just because Islam has not ordained
priesthood, every Mussalman is entitled to act as a l'riest. The
Ularna-i Zahil'i as a group of learned men trained in the schools could
only come into prominence towards the end of the ninth century
after the four orthodox juristic schools had been founded.
16. n,cre is a well-known tradition to the effect that leadership belongs to the
Q",I,lsl.-AI nllllt>!al" mlnnl Q""lIlsl.. It Is n wenk trudllion and wns probably fabri-
it certainly contradicts the principles of th" Qurnn and the proved Traditions.
[t hns, in practice, been ignored f o ~ centuries.
264 Politics Ilnd SOciety dUI'IIIg the E"'-/y Medieval Pm'iud
And just then their authority was challenged by a new group, or
rather association of groups-the mystics.
The mystics condemned the clerics and thcir followers as pleasure-
seekers; if some of them did not seek thE> pleasures of this world, tlleY
sought .the same thing in the next, for their devotions were merely
based on a far-sighted pleasure-pain calculus. "The mere devotee
owing to his addiction to pleasure remains veiled from the Trutll",17
"for (his) paradis!' is a place of pleasure-and in it (paradise) is what
the soul desires -and \vhat pleases the eye"..1
8
The slIfi, on the other
hant!, ahsorued in the contcmplation of the everlasting Beauty and,
the Absolute Heality, remains veiled from hoth the worlds; lie' has
discarded the pleasures of this life and ill the same way he has dis-
cm-ded the joys of the life to come. "To the aspirants for the next,
worleI", says the Tradition, "this world is forbidden; and the next worl d
is forbidden to the aspirants of this world; and both are forbidden to
the people of Allah."lH 'The mystics, or people of Allah', arc further
sub-divided into two groups.20 The first group-identified with the
great holy IT\en refeued to in the 'Quran as of 'the first rank' (sabiqun)
who have bceome perfect (kamilan) because they are near to God
(muqaralJlln) or have attained to Him (wasilan)-consists of the pro-
phets and, definitely uelow them, of the great religious leaders of the
Muslim world. They are the sufi mystics in the correct sense of the
word. The earnest seeker (sal!k) who is striving in the path but has
not attained the goal is not a .sufi but a mutasawlvif. In other words,
the srtfi is to the earnest llIutasawwif-if thc usdnl analogy be per-
mitted-what Buddha is to the Bodhisatva. The rest of mankind "
consists of the lowest group, of those "who arc eonlent to retain their . ,'
defects". Of this mass, tluee sections ate to be deprecated: firstly.:
the false prophets (III rt (al1a1J7Ji); secondly the zilldiques, batiniljas and
il)ahatis21 who pretend that the ordinances of religion arc only for the-
111111titlldp and lIot for wisc mcn like themselvcs or else think that the
sole criteria of virtue ancI vice arc the service or injury to your fellow
men and; thirdly the 'imitators of mysticism' (1flllfashabbah-i
wifall) The last section cOl1sists of that large indefinahlc gang of poets,
educated men of Epicurean tendencies and arm-chair expoun-
,
17, "And He is the Truth", says the Quran and mystics lov" In visualize God as
the Supreme Truth or ALsolute.
18. Fil'n 1IW tosl./alrilw! allflisli tea ma tallazzfll a!lllll.
19. Mis'",'",' l1idnunl., II. 1'. 10,
20, Ibid. [ have ",mlllarize,\ the dclnihl classification of Ihp, Mi,/Jalwl llit/aunl"
21. 11>i,'. tem)s zi.nliq. "aiilli, il",IUlt{ had become lenns of a"me by 900 A,n.
The A(isbalml IlidtlU(/l, gives thetH the most charitahle dl'finition possihle.
ders of the truth, who have run away with mystic terms amI mystie
doctrines, but whose weakness of character, due to weakness of faith,
prevents tlicm from going through the stern spiritual discipline of the.
salik, or true believer, anel so they have no spiritual cOlliprehension of
the truths they utter in prose and verse.
The clerics, on the other hand, naturally rctorted that the mystics
while claiming to be the sole repositories ofspiritllal tl'11ths were not
even Mussalmans-that they were lwshwiyyahs (anthropo-morphists),
httlulis, (incarnationists), (helievers in a matcrial god); or
that they were Ismaili propagandists trading uncleI' false colours; that
believed in tallasukh-i anoah (transmigration of soul) and imtiza;
of divine and human: attributes, avatarism). These terms
contradicted each other, and in normal times learned men
been left t6 condemn each other in their academies. But
and political circumstances of tho early tenth century
these problems into the lime-light. Thc poriplc of Persia, the
progressive of Islamic countries, had been converted to the
faith, bilt the mass of the people, arid at least a strong minority
intelligentsia, were strongly inclined to interpret the new re-
in terms of the old. In Turkistan and Turkish lands in general,
was gradually but slowly displacing Mahayana Buddhism, but
growth and popularity of l1!u;assilllia sccts showed how superficial
conversion was. Unless there was a thorough sifting of the
doctrines frolll tho false, tho !lOW faith wOllld, diI:ectly or in-
. , he submergcd in idolatry. Secondly, tlw I11vstics, whether
;n",u"'<lt'inn or not, had developed a very strong m;d erratic sense
To' regard the state with contempt was the first
duty of all niystics, while somc of them, decply respected by
t, ma?e it a point to court unpopu.larit): and public
wluch won the name of Illa/al/!ails or the, pcople to blame,
kings, they said, however pio1ls and admirahle lives, would
it difficult to obtain salvation. Their 'dark savings' were certainly
'-"','-UWL<OU to excite the fear of thc orthodox. AmI the orthodox were
in a panicky mood; for the Ismailian heresy was rapidly
""",,,,,-1i11;" and the 'Pelied Man' (lnsan-i Kamil) of the mystics had;
some extcrnal resemblance to the Imam of thc Ismailis.
when 011 26 ZiIqad A.H. 309 (April A.D. 922) as the result of the
of the extemalist scholars MansUJ' HaIIaj, who stands for all
as the representative of the extremist mystics, \Vas crucified,
with stones hv the Baghdad rabble, cnt into hits and burnt
"J am the Ahsolute" (Anal l!aq), the mystics were cOm-
rcconsider their position. On onc hand, fcar of public
"
.':
"
Poiitlcs and Society Juring tl.e Eartll MedIeval PerIod
persecution (though they would have contemptuously denied this al.
legation) compelled them to close their ranks. Hal/aj himself was
accepted though not recommendcd, but his followers were throwlJ
overboard. the doctrines of the hlllulis or incarnationists were cast
aside. Thus cleared of all contaminations of paganism and heresv, the
mystics proceeded to clarify their doctrines, to differentiate the ac.
..:eptable from the unacceptable, a11d to place their esoteric doctrines
before the educated public for its acceptance. The state as a state
a matt?r ?f indiffcrence to them. Dut unlcss the public aeceptcd
theu' supel'lonty as the best exponcnts of Islam,. or at least gralltcJ
them the right to live, the continuation of the mystic creed would
be impossible. And they proceeded tq state in their claim in empha.
tic words. "The Ulama (externalist scholars) claim to be the succes.
sors of the Apostle. Dut we, the Sufis, are his rcal successors. For
we have thc faql'-povcrty-which ho prcferred. Ane! iii his othcr
virtues we also have some share."22
There must, on the othcr hand, have becn a COnscious apprehemlon
of the fact that the un trammelled and reckless individualism of Hallaji
Dayazid and Zun Nun Misri would lcad to nothing but disorganization,
and that if mystiCism was to perfonn its fUllction in society, it had
to be properly clipped. "When they had cut off HaHaj's nose and
ears and people were pelting him with stones, an old woman passed
by, bucket in hane1. 'Throw your stones with fOJ'ce', she shouted,
'strike hard. What bllsiness has this cheerful wanto1t-rthis popin;ay-
10 talk avollt God?' "21 The old woman is true to type and represents
the orthoclox, popular conviction of all ages-the conviction that the
knowledge of God and His ways is the exelusive privilege of those
on thi.s eart!l, of ki!1gs born in the purple, of successful politi.
Clans and of nch pncsts clad in robcs of silk ancl gold. This conviction
had to bc changed by the mystic "affirmation of saintship".24 In any
case IIallaj, whose books were unintelligible- to most people, had taken
the lid off pandora's box by his i1Itimedwords anel more ilI.tiined
Something had to be clone. It is significant that the great
thlllkers who f01lndcd the ten schools of mvsticisJJ\ wcrc'--with two
Significant exceptions, Shaikh Zun Nun ancl Shaikh Bayazicl-cither
junior 01' senior contemporaries of HaHaj, and that Shaikh Junaid, the
great reconciler of mysticism and orthodoxy and the leader of mystic
22,\ Sl;aikh 1\/"0 Hasan Kharq,mi, Aullyu, No. 77. 11,,, claim is put
Fnrward l1Y almost every mystic writer.
2.1, Ibid., No. 70.'
21. 111is doctrillp Attrihutcd to Hakim Tirmizi had imntellse influence in later ages.
EartIJ MuslIm My,i/dsnt 267
centre, signed the fatwa againstHallaj but publicly"preached
which were hardly different. ''True , he dec!ared:, IS
bound up with the Quran and the Sunnah. Dut he also said: For
thirty years God has spoken through tongue of Junaid:, but Junaid
is not in between, and the world is Ignorant of the fact.
II
"Tasawwuf", says an oftrepeated proverb, expressing t.he. desRair
of the medieval mind with the present and the future and Its Idealiza
tion of the past, "was once a reality without a name; .it is now' a
name a reality." According to ,the general bebef of
ages, the spiritual verities which go under the name of Tasawwuf
were revealed to the Arabian Apostle by the Supreme Truth on the
night of ascension. The Apostle as the great mystic teacher .was suc
ceeded by the Pious Caliphs-Abu Bakr; Usman ancI Ah
25
-,;ho
were not orly the Commanders of the Fmthful but the Shalkhs
or Firs of the elect who had embarked on the greater restless
striving for the removal of those veils (hijalJ) that envelop the human
spirit and prevent it from obtaining the promised vision of the <)uprc.
me ,Reality and the Supreme Truth, There is a agreement that
the mystic inheritance descended from Hazrat All to the Imams, and
Hazrat Jafar Sadiq, the sixth Imam, is given a very important place
in the history of all later silsilahs. The CompaniOns or Sahavah of the
Apostle were of course mystics, having been instructed, by the pre
cept and ex;mple of tilC Apostle himself; their supcriority over a1\
later mystics is admitted without reserve... .
Nevertheless the term Tasawwuf, the Musllm of mysttc
ism, is of later origin. Many subtle anel farfetched theones have been
advanced to explain the origin of the famous tenn. Some, have
it to the SufJa, or the verandah attachcd to the Apostle s mosque m
Mee];l1::' whpre the poorest of his followers used to lodge.
have ttied find its origin in purity Or Safa, the cssence of .mystrclsm
being purity of the heart and the spirit. the best mystlc
have always confessed that the name of then' class had a very prosarc ,
and humble origin. Sufi was a man who ware clothes of sufJ or wool,
and woollen cloth, in those days, was worn only by the poor people
of Iraq.
25. So in many mystic annals composed before the twolfth century; . in later
treatises the nanics of the first three caliphs are dropp",l. Th" Na'lshbamhs alone
in Inter days traced their silsilah to Uazrat Abu Bah, but even among them there was
II difference of opinion. .
c
Politics alld Society during ti'e Ellriv Me<l;ecnt Period
According to an early tradition; proliably conect, the titlc of Sf/Ii
was first givell to Shaikh Abu Hashim, who was born in Mosul but
lived in Syria. Of Abu Hashim himself little is known, but he is said
to have been a contemporary of Sh,<lik.h Abu Sufyan who died in Basra.
in A.II. 161 (A.D. 777-78). About fhe sarrie tihle the first Klumqah or
monastcry for ...ll1s1im mystics was lmiltat Ramla in Syria. A Chris-
tian prince (amir) was out-hunting when he saw two mystics approach
and embrac,e each other; then they sat do;,vn, took out what they had
to eat, shared it together and separated. The prince's heart was touch-
ed by their cordiality and he summoned one of them. "'''ho was (he
other man?", the prince asked. "1 do not know.", "Is he related to
you?" "No." "Do you know where he comes from?" "No." "Why then
your affection for each other?" "This is our Path." "Have you any
meeting place?" "No." "1 will build for you a house where you may
live together", the prince promised. And he built for them the Khanqah
of Ramla.
2G
The Hrst Klumqah of the ri'ew religion was built by a
prince who must have been familiar with the monasteries of the old.
The unnamed p!ince's spontaneous generOSity was destined to have far-
reaching effects.
'In the two centuries that followed the death of the Apostle, the
faith of his followers was tried by the most difficult of tests-the test
of .success. The territorial expansion of the new creed, first in the time
of the Second Caliph and then under Walid bin Abdul Malik, has
n('\;<';: .. I)('en paralleled in history, either for the rapidity of its success
or hI of its achievements. Nevertheless the Umayyarl
caliphs-whatever one may think of the political sagacity of Mu'awiya .
or the driving-power of \Valid-had not the moral staLure the occa-
sion demanded; and they exploited, instead of preserving, the political
heritage of the Apostle. The conquered peoples were treated with
scant respect, and their conversion to Islam hardly improved their
lot; for political office, and the profit accruing therefrom, was con-
sidered th(' exclusivc of the noble Arah classes. The mistoc-
racy of race and blood which the Apostle had sought to aholish
seemed to draw even greater nourishment from the success of his
creed.
Under an autocrat govemment of this type, revolutionary move-
ments were inevitable. Many honest Mussalmans thought that the
restoration of the rksccndants of the Prophet to political POWN
wOllld end a regime of political Rllt their repf'ated attempts
,",'
20. Nnf,,/wiIlL Uns., No.1.
Ear/II Muslim Mysticism 269
to displace the Arab aristocracy were brutally suppressed and when
the Abbasids, having raised their banner for the House of the Prophet,
came to power with the help of the Persian nationalists, the honest
citizen was once more cheated of his hopes. Baghdacl displaced Da
mascils as the capital of the empire; the noble Arah clans were should-
ered out by Persian adventurers; the caliph's eOl1l't hccame a place
Of art and culture, where Greek philosophy flourished side by side
with refined vice. Btlt the lot of the ordinary man was no better; it
was probably worse, the outlying portions o,f the empire having rallen
away from the nerveless hands of Salfah s successors. And when
finail v after the reign of Mllsta'sim, the Tnrkish chiefs, with their
sine\vs of iron and feet of clay, established their power over the
lim Asian world-a power destined to last for many eentUlies-the
hope of better political anrl sodal conditions seemed dashed for evcr.
Even the most optimistic were convinced that the Qnranic vision of
"a pnrified City and a forgiving God" was not capable of external
fulfilment.
c .. ' r
That thellTiessage of the Apostle had touched the deepest religious
chords in the hearts of his followers cannot he douhted. But what was
the p:enuine tllJe believer to d()? The 'idea' of the sta.te, represent-
ing the i;111a or general will of the faithful, he was II1ehned to wor-
sh';p, and he never lost sight of the claim the Muslim community, as
snch, had upon him.Bllt tlle government over his hcad was a criminal
organization and he would, under TlO conditions, tonch this institn-
tion of wickedness and sin. Imani Abu Hanira had refused to
work as Chief Qazi under Mansur; Imam lIanbal would not eat any-
from. his son's house, heeause his sOn had for one. year served
as Oazi of Isfahan. The sinf1l1ness of the state was one of the deepest
('cmvidions of the Middle Ages.
Un(ler these deplorable t'onc\itions, thc mOl'fl advcnturom spirits
insisted 011 treadillg thc palh of revolutio'll anrI forfei.tecl their lives
and limhs in the hopeless attempt to l'emo1l1el the sC){'ml oreler. The
history of the Middle Ages is one long, unending record of these futile
moveITients. Others less visionary, but perhaps not less bold, sO\lght
in the 'hoh' wars' a 1llr'ans of servin!!. Islam \vithout lwing contami-
nated lw tl1(' sin of the state. Silent, determined, content, they march-
ed on Ulld on-to the waters of the Oxus and to the hills of southern
Spain-resolved to leave their hones to hleach in valley or desert as
the Lord may please. To yet another type of men, with an equal
" courage and /!I'eater impatience for o;der
gc)ne awry-this matenal world Imstlmg With Irrnhonal distInctions
270
Po/Ules and Socletv dllring tT'e Ear1V Mediecal Period
office pawer, of wealth and caste-seemed utterly foul. attrac
lve, no e oubt, for low-grade souls, but nevertheless of earth-
earthy, and therefore, illusive, phenomenal, unreal. "For the Lon!
we are and to the Lord we retUl1l" 27 but not I y cl tl I
t t thO k b I ' ) ea I as peop e are
w?n 0 Ill. ut t life. Those who do not find their Lord
:-VIII .not. easily find Hun hereafter, for "he who is blind in this life .
IS In the life to come".28 And so they tumed their mind inwards
\ to see. if the Kingdom of Heavcn was to be found
t Iey found It-or, at least, beHeved that they had. From this
rem
f
a
j
rkable for depth of its religious' consciOusness
0 ater generatrons trace their origin
i L! . .
A I MllSht;t mystic annals begin with tender and tOllchin accounts
of the mystics nf theflrst cycle (cal!ed 'quietists' b D gN' hI')
'h Il .' I d I . .' . y r. IC 0 son
v a OUlIS Ie e unng the period of the U 'I I h .
AII'j 11 maY}acs ane t e early
.
J JaSle S-l'Oug 1 y from tIle of IIazrat AI' . 661 I .
I tl f II " " , I 111 A.D. to tIe
(ea I 0 arun Hashid in AD 851 They are toela I lId'
. tl I . I I' ". ", y lOuse 10 names
b Ilt
Ug
ttl
e
l'vAlus lin world: Hnzrat Owais Qnrnni who intcnsch;
e ,evcc III lC rabian .Apostle hut was never able to come
as he had to look after hIS old inother Hasan Basan' t I f h
P . 1fT I" , , . , , . , a eac Ier 0 t e
lOp Ie s rae IlIon who eollecteJ a number of mystl'cS and . I' .
men ro 1 h' I I' f . Ie IglOus
f une 1m ane lved earlessly in Basra thi'ough Irai' a" .
o terror; I Wa'sa, a friend of who
say .anyt but ! saw Gael thel'ein"; the venerable freed-WOman
Rabra Basan, the mspirer.of milliow of I' I' . " ,
. ' e IglOllS women 111 Islam's
poverty'stnckcn homes; Malik Dinar who pravcd allc] fast 1 . , t:
I11l0usI . A . . , .., ,e( can 1-
: y 111 mlr l\ 11 aWlyn s mosqlle at Damascus in r-lw ho Je of !Jein
appomtecl Its t11l5tee (mlltarvalli) but reIJentccI of III'S I 1. gl
w Id t I . . lypocnsy ane
ou no accept t Ie post wl\('11 it was olTercd to him .
. m/n {he of their lives, truth and tradition have got hopelessly
xec . . Ie eXIstence of Son\(' of them can hc 111'o,"ccl of ("IICI'
o
C"lI11!ot Ie' .[. A ' " .. , W('
, ) eCI am. 11 account of a few of tIlese e I . t'
f ]. tl I I ' . ar y mys les as
Oune .. m Ie (e.ve- oped traditions of the twelfth and the tJiirteenth
t
1
!1 !pve an idea of the spiritual rOmances that have
glOWI1 roune t lelr names. , ' .
Hazraf Ibrahim Adham-lIe was the ruler of Balkh t.'t.
not vet pelmeatcd by the 1)rinci})les of Islam I' a eIT) I
OIY
h I I' ., . ., II C as cep one c a)'
e Ienn some. one walking on the roof "H'II . 't?" h k I ' ,
f d' 1 ' .. vv a IS I e as ee "A
lien 111 . semT I of his camel" came the rel)I" "St' I'
, .' ,I nnger searc ling
27. Illl1a Iii/au I"'a ilil1a ilaih mitl/l1.
28. Wa mnn kana fi hazahi am(l fa "UtVa fil akhirlili a"I<I.
Ear1v M'Mli"" Mysticism 271
a camel on tIle roof?", he asked. "But not stranger than your search
for God in a robe of satin on a golden throne." Next day a man
so fierce that no one had the courage to stop him entefed Ibrahim's
court. "What do you want?", Ibrahim asked. "I want to pllt lip
in il.tl." b "This is not an inn; it is my palace." "To whom did
it belong before you?" "To my father." "And hefore that?" "To
my grand-father." "And before that?" "To my great grand-father."
"One man comes here, and another departs-what else is an inn?"
The man weilt out of the court and Ibrahim followed him. "vVho
are you?", he asked. "Elias!" was the reply. And the figure vanished
Perplexed and tipset by the two events, Ibrahim decided to go out
h\lnting .. But chance separated him from his army. "Wake lip", a
voice cried once twice antlthrice. And the fourth lime it said,
"Wake up l;efore you are awakened hy Death." Ibmhim saw a cleer,
and in order to distract his attention, turned his horse in that direc-
tion. But the deer said to him: "You arc my prey; not I yOUTS. Have
they created you for the work you are doing and for nothing better?"
Ibrahim turned away his hors!? But the words of the deer were
. re-echoed by his.saddle and even by his sleeves. This completed
his 'Conversion' amI the doors of Hcav'l1 were opened to him. He
exchanged his. clothes with a peasant and incognit? to ,Merv and
thence to Nalshapur. In a cave near Nmslrapur he IS salcI to have
spent nine years in prayer. His livelihood, then and later, he earned
by collecting wood in the wilderness ancI selling it in the city. The
ex-ruler of Balkh was now God-fearillg ,working man. The last
days of lIazrat Ibrahim Adham were passed at Mecca whc!rc he is
said to have enjoyed the company of Imam Abu Hanifa, Shaqiq
Balkhi and Sufyan Sun.
Shaikh S1wqiq of Halkh-He is reported to have heen a disciple
of Ibrahim Aclham in the path of Inyslicisin. B1It he mllst have
met his master late in life, for he be)tan his career as a scholar. "1
have been the pl1pil nf 1700 teachers", he is reportcd to have said,
"and have collected several camel-loads of hooks. I have found the
pleasure of Cod to cxist in four things-eonfl<knce that yonr liveli-
hood will corrie to you, sincerity in works, opposition to the Devil
and preparedness fOT death." I1is 'Conversion', according to the older
authorities, was clue to a rather prosaic incident. During a severe
famine at Balkh, when men were devouring each other, Shaqirr saw
a slave happy and joyful. "My master owns many villages and his
granaries arc full", the slave told him. "He will not let me starve
to death," At this Shactiq awakcllcd, for he- had no sneh trust in
( ,
Politi"" fLlld Society "uring th" Eal'ly Medieval Pe,i",l
Own .l\iaster. "J ain the spiritual disciple of a slave", often
satd. lIe is reported to have written several books. '
Su!yan Ibrahim Adham's contemporary, Shaikh Sufyan
Sanl"!, the tradltJOn of later ages athibutcs thc doctrine of wara or
" '" ar?may he desire from
IS forb!(lden , or III altCl1latlve, as glVCll 111.' evprything that is
doubt.ful or 'useless m word deed, in public and in private".
IbralllJT\ Adham declared that Snlyan was horn with 'abstinence' frolD
his mother; in fact he bc'gan to practise abstincnce even beforc his
birth. whilc he was still ill the womb, his mother, as a ctlre'
for her slelmess, to?k s?mething SOllr from her neighhol1r. Therenpon
begnn to kn'k IJl the womh and ('oJnpellf'd his mntlH'r to rc-
fram. Mnlly sil11i1rlr storics aw told about hini. Iris 'Conversion' was
clue; tn 11 fnlllt eOllllnitt('(l hy t hnllsancls and n1i11 ions of Mussalmans,
IIp; stepped. int? a mosqnc with the left foOl firs\' "Be careflll", a
,'(}]ec crl(d 111 IllS <'nr. Sufyan fell down 1111COnsciollS from fear. On
he p\dlcd his heard and slapped his cTieek. Teaching, nc-.
COl c1mg to I11,\'SIIC theory, ought to he IIndertaken without wages, so
to aceept ,a man's present hecause he had taught
to man s hrothcr. Latcr mystics, who specialized
111 aVOlchng everythmg doubtful, are often referred to as followers
of Sufyan Suri. '
Maruf Karkhi-Even in a brief notice of the 'rluietists', Shaikh
Mamf Karkhi cannot be ignorecl. He was the child of Christian
parents. When his teacher directed him to say thnt "There is One"
he replied, "Say He, Allah is One.:' As l\lal'l1( persistcrl in his reply:
hc was flogged and Iw ran awav hom home. Later 011, having
converted to Islam at the hands of Imam Ali Ra7.a, he knocked at
the door of his parents and infonnf'd thcl11 Ihat he was a Mnssalman.
They prdcm,>cl to hini, .His lat:r yeal'S spcnt at Baghdad
ln thc :ompanv of Shnddl San Saqah. Mal'llf s IIn('lc, who was the
ruler 01 the found Marlll' his meal with a clog; he took
,011C morsel htl1lsplr and offered the other to the dOjr. "Are VOn not
ashamed of dining with a dog", the high-placcd unCle. "It
is out r:f shame that T am doing so", Malllf replied.
lIaM" Aimni-Tt was a reign of terror. Ahcllll Malik hin Marwan
had at first seonir'cl very weak in comparison with his rivals, MlIkhtar
Ibn-i .. But he sncc<;cdcd in suppressing them and when
IllS general,. Hana), after subclumg the holy cities marched to Iraq,'
the people of Kufa and Basra, tho two military colonies
estabhshed by tlw Second Caliph, realized that the day of reckoning
Early Mllslim Mustlei,,,,, ' 273
had come. But IIajjaj was not only a terrorist; he was also a great
organizer, and under his vigilant direction and guidance one army
was sent under Qutaiba to Mawaraun Nahr and Turkistan and another
under Muhammad bin Qasiln to the valley of Sind. To both his
subordinates Hajjaj issued the same order, "March on to China,"
Undeterred by the poiitical terror of the new regime and un-
touched by the patriotic fervour of the 'people around him, Habib
Ajami, a humble Persian money-lender, went on his r::nnds
in the militarv tOWn of Bnsra, He was despised as a PerSIan; was
doubly despised as a Persian usurer. Great bankers are honoured
by prinees and respected by the people. Money is power. But
that was not Habib's lot. lie advancc{l loans to the VNy poor, who
cllrsC'd him in return. Still life had to he liveel; and if the debtor
was not in a position to pay, Habib insisted on taking away whatever
the poor lTian had as his wagcs for Ihe .dl1stv
mllzd). And these miscellaneous collecilc1ls supplied HalJlh and h1s
wife-an honest woman by all counts-with their daily
One day, a debtor being absent, Habib extracted from his wife
the head of a goat, the only thing she hiid in her house. Two other
calls secured him wood and flour. Blit when Habib's wife had finish-
ed her cooking a heggar called at the door. "Be o/J", Hahib replied,
"you will get nothing. The little I ean give will not make you rich.
But it will leave me poorer." Nonplussed hy the logic, the beggar
, departed in despair. B.lIt when Habib's ,;vife ,Put her ladle in the
cooking pot, she found It full of blood. Here ,she shouted to her
husband, "look at the consequences of your miserliness." "Aye,
Ave" Habib replied when he saw what had happened, "I repent
of sins." -
Next day, whieh was F;'iday, Hallib began his cal.ls He
had made tip his mind to ask his debtors to .retll!-,n capllal, and
was detelmined not to lend it on interest agam. IIabtb, the usurer
is coming", some children plaving in the street sholltpd to 'each
"Let US withdraw, or contaminated by the dust of his feet we wtll
e;row up like him:' Roused by this remark, the p.erplexed mon.e\'-
lender turned round and proceeded to. the 1//{/llls where Shatklt
Hasan Bas,ari was delivering his sennon. A remark of Shaikh
Hasan went deep into his heart and completed the, proeess of re-
pentance. On his way hack he met one of his dehtors. The man
trieel to flyaway. "Don't", Habib cried, "It is for me to fly awav
from vou -now.'" He met the same children plaving in the street.
"Habib, the repentant is coming", they shouted this lillie. _ "Let us
PS-IV
274
Politics a"d Soc/ety duri"g tI'e Earlv Medieval Perind
withdraw, it would he a sin to raise dust in his path." On retuming
home he announced that his debtors could come and take away
their 1.0.U.s'. lie also made a pile of the articles pawned with hiin.
Everything was taken away. To meet further claims, Habib even
gave away his own cloak and his wife's chadar.
The rest of Habib's life was passed in a cell or sal/mah he built
for himself on the bank of the Tigris. He depended entirely On
futuh or the unsolicited charity of his neighbours. His education h?d
been defective or else it had begun too late, for he could never reCIte
the Qnran properly. Shaikh Hasan coming to his cell one day
. found him reciting, 'A/hamd' incorrectly and said his prayer se-
paratcly,29 That night he was reprimanded by the Lord in a dream.
'You looked merely at the pronunciation of the words and not at
the pm'ity of thought behind them;:' When was recited
he fore Habib he used to weep. You are a I erSlan , they asked,
"You do not the Quran. 'Vhy then do you weep?" "A
Persian I may he", he replied, "hilt, I have an Arah's heart." With
one last inciClent O\1r notice of the Persian Quietist's later life may
he closed. They hanged a murderer at Kufa. At night some ac-
quaintancE's of his saw him in their dreams; he was walking over
the lawns of paradise in costly robes. "When I was mounting the
scnlfol(l", he explalned'to them, "Habib Ajami passed by my side and
prayed for me."
Fuzail bin Ayaz-The case of Fuzail, SOn of Ayaz, gives us a dif-
f!,!rent type of conversion. Maulana Jami thinks he was born in
Mosul. But accounts differ, and Khorasan, Samarqand and Balkh
have also claimed him.go Whatever his place of hirth; he practised
hiS' profession, which was that of a robber, in what is now known
as tlie Trans-Caspian regiori. He had estahlished his camp hetwecn
Bawanl and Merv. He used to wear coarse woollen dOlh (like a
dervish) and a woollen cap, and threw a rosary ronnd his neck. lIe
had plenty of comrades, all of them highwaymen' and robhers. As
hc was thciJ" chief, they used to bring their spoils to him for distrihn-
tion; he kept what he liked for himself but made an inventory of
the goods received. He never missed congregational prayers, and
29. Tim Persians, like the Indiuns and unlike tI", Arahs, make no distinction
I",tween lhe sonnds of k and 11. The Qnranic vr.n;('s in the compulsory (far::.).
prayers at morning, evening and night are recited in a lom1 voice. A!'. the compulsory
twoyers nre congregational. n 1vhlssnlmnn who sec! another f\.-fllssnJmnn praying should
:;tand l)('hilHl him :mcl not rrdlc his prayer
30. Nala/w/II/ UIIS, No,' 8.
Em'/Y Muslim Mystic/sm
275
also cOllipe\lecl his servants to attend" them; those refusing to attend
were dismissed. Fuzail, it is said, was a man of honour. He never
went near a carawan in which women were travelling. He nevel"
deprived the poor of what they possessed, and when he plundered
others (i.e. who could afford to be robbed) he left them a portion
of their property. He was' inclined to virtue. In his early life he
had fallen in love with a woman. He used to send her the plunder
he received; he also visited her sometimes and wept a lot in his
passion. .
One day a large carawan was passing that way. Suddenly the
travellers heard that they were going to. be attacked; and in' the panic
of the moment one of them, who had a large quantity of cash, flew
to the wildemess hoping to hide it somewhere. lIo saw a man in
the woollen clothes of a dervish seated OVer his prayer carpet in his
tent and turning over the beads of his rosary, This is well, thought
the traveller and explained his circumstances to the dervish. The
"dervish directed him to place his' cash in a corner of the .tent. On
retuming to the carawan the traveller found that it had been plun-
dered by the robbers. He took a little of what they had spared ancl
went back to the dervish's tent. Here, to his sUlvrise, he saw the
robbers distributing their plunder. "Alas", he muttered to himself,
"I have handed over my property to the robbers with my own hand."
But Fuzail called him and asked him to take away his cash from the
tent-corner where it had heen left untouched. "This man had hopes
of me", Fuzail explained to his comrades, "just as I have hopes of
the Lord; and I have not disappointed his hopes so that the Lord
m!ly not aisappoint me.". On another occasion Fu;>:ail's comrades
[Jlundered a carawan and sat down to their meal, mle of the merchants
approached them and enquired about their chief. lIe was told that
the chief was praying by the side of a stream, though it was not
the time for one of the fixed prayers, and that he was thongh
it was not the month of Ramazan. Surprised hy this information,
the merchant proceeded to FuzaiL "vVhat comhination is this", he
asked,. "of fasting, robbery, and prayer?" "Do you know the
"Yes." "\Vell, then", Fllzail reniarkecl, "Do you remember the verse:
'And others who acknowledge their sins ancl mix actions that are
good with actiolls that are h;cl'?"
Blit Fnzail's moment of conversion was destined to come. A mer-
('hant starling from Merv iWlOred the advice of friends who wanted
.him to take a and brought a Quran-reader instead; the
l{llth:;, was 10 k('ep reciting the Quran while tho carawan was
276
Politic" nfld Society rlul'l,,/!, Ote Enrly Mer/{etJnl Perloa
on the move. And so Fuzail while lying in ambush heard the verse:
"Is not the time yet cOlne unto those who believe, that their hcarts'
should humbly submit to the admonition of God?" (The Qtl1'an,
IJVll. 15). It went into Fuzail's heart like an alTow. Ashamed Of
his past life and terribly shaken, he proceeded to Baward and tried
to obtain the pard(m of those vvhortl he had injured. Obviou5ly he
was not, in spite of, his inventory, in a position, to pay their claims
in full. E:very one pardoned him except a Jew. "It is a good 'op-
portunity for insulting the Mussalmans",.the Jew said to his friends.
But to Fuzail he said: "Here is a hillock of sand; work at it a1ld
remove it." 'Fuzail laboured night and day hut it was a large hillock
and removing it was quite beyond his strength. Fortunately one
night, owing to a severe storm, the hillock entirely disappeared. Then
the Jew said: "I have taken an oath that I \vill not pardon YOll
till YOII .. os ton) thQ monoy you have tnk!)n. Thel'C is !l purse of gold
coin under my pillow; take it in your hands and give it to me so
that my oath may be fulfllIed." Fuzail obeyed his directions. "Now
make me a Mussalman", the Jew: observed "and I will pardon you.
I have,been wavering for a long time between the two creeds. But
I have read in the Torah that if a man, whose repentance is pure,
touches the earth, it becomes gold. The purse below my pillow
contained earth only; you have converted it into gold by yout tollch."
Fuzail's next duty was .to offer himself to justicei and he asked ,one'
of his friends to arrest him and take him to the sultan. But the sul-
tan, Oil looking at him, decided that he belonged to the law-abiding
class and sent him back with honour. On reaching his house 1](',
drew a deep sigh. "Have you been injured?", his wife asked. Fuzail
confessed that his 'heart' had heen hadly injured and that he had
made up his mind to go to Mecca. His wife, though he offercd
to divorce he!', preferred to accompany him. At rvtecca Fuzail is
said to have enjoyed the company and benefited from the
of til(' famolls Imam AIm JIanih. Latel' 011, Fuz:til's sermons made
him so famolls that his relations came to sec him from Khorasan ..
But Fuzail would not open his door to them and as they refused to
leave, he addressed them from the roof of his house: "0 ignorant
men, May God give you intelligence and some honest work to do.",
They fell down On their feet and Fuzail wept on the roof. Still he
ne t allow them to enter.
The story of Hanm's visit to Fuzail's cell is narrated I)y m,wy
authors. It may, like the rest of Fuzail life, he no more than a ro-
Inance manufactured a century or two later. But it illustrates the
typical mystic attitude towards" the rulers of this earth.
Ear/y Musilm Must/dill!
27?
These mystics of the First Cycle (roughly A.D. 661-850) or Quietists
were not propagandists like their successors. Though later mystic
manuals attribute a number of philosophical precepts to them it can-
not he c1ainied }Yith certainty that they distinct and
coherent system thought. Contemporary eVIdence IS meagre and
in many cases altogether lacking. .
Three propositions, may be safely laid down about them.
First, the Quietists' represented a tyPe of the existence of which there
can be no doubt-their most prominent features being their religious
inwardness. The conditions of life under the Umayyads and the
early Abbasids were bound to drive' thinking men in that direction.
The" Apostle had recommended Hot solitude but 'Companionship'
(Sohbat) and laid down laws for its organization. But the 'society'
founded by the Apostle had dispersed. '(;one was the democratic cali-
phate with its joyful heckling of the caliphate even the thatched
mosque of Medina. The palaces of the nobles now towemd ovC!" the
cottages of the pool' in an attitude of haughty contempt. "He who
wants the security of his religion, and the safcty of his body and
of his heart, will remain away from the affairs of mcn", Shaikh Junaid
observed. "This is period of lerror (zamana-i wahshat), the wise men
(aqil) will vrefer solitude." The Pi'ophet himself had for
solitude before embarking on his mission and to that solitude' his
devoted followers for the time-being retumed. The mystic, by per-
SOilS who have not cared to study him, is thought to be a person
who flie\S away from society and shirks his duties. This is the very
reverse of the truth, for the mystic, by the law of his being, is a
hardened globe-trotting propagandist. But during the period refe1'l'ed
to the Quietists were of a rctiling disposition. With the advent of
Shaikh Ahul Hasan Nuri (c. A.D. 900) who definitely prepared society
for the niystics. began to organize themselves and returned
to society again.
Secondlv, the Quietists were not or mystics in fhe accepted
sense of the word. Muslim mysticism, properly so-called, is a post-
graduate creed. "The first condition for this path is
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya of Delhi once remarked and he directed
that his celtificate of succession or Khilafat Nama should not be given
tohis diSciple, Maulana Akhi Simj, otherwise quite fit, unless he had
acquired the academic knowledge necessary. The !llama (or extema-
list scholars) and SlIfis (or mystics) wcre really the product of thc
sarne svstem of education or darsi/lat. There is no accounting for
frauds" and adventurers who, made' a profit out. of the popularity of
278
('olltle" and Soc/ety eI"rlng tl," t." .. I!! Me<ifer;,,1 Perlo"
mysticism in later da)'s' th t I"
tl t I I . , , e sane rae Iboll .of mysticism demanded
la no one S IOU d be consIdered as a m l' I I I
educated up to the highest'standards of tl
Ys
If un cu'ss die tad
sons I ttl' ,Ie C ay, ne lJ('ated pcr
I ' w la, ever, ,lelr pretensions or the extent Qf their devotion Id
lave no mtelbglble comprehension .of m stic 'i ' ' COli
cation among the Mu""alm'an- I . Y pl,nclples, Now cdu-
I ' , "., 0 las Ineant first y t" , I
t relIgIOus sciences of tafsil', hadis and' {r h I 1Il t w
thclr stage of maturity till the .' I of tl q lIe 1 c Id not reach
secondll,! a knowlc If' . Ie .ITat Abbasids; and
A rl'-I.(}I!'!:' I II c,ge 0 secular sCiences hascd on the works of Plato
"., ,am Ie Grcek physi . t "
and the translatiolls of as ronOlllcrs mathematicians,
den age of the Abbasids, Th .s were not ,une crtaken the gol-
on1vbe laid on the basis of IfoujndatI.oII1, of mystIcism could
i f II I'" now ec ge Wit lin the rea If'
ane 0 a re IglOus experience that tI 'I f ' c 1 0 men
time for that had not yet come,' Ie mme (I men IS heir to, The
It will be observed, lastly, that the liv:S of th Q ' ,
all of them cases of tauba 're lent ' < e, lIIehsts are almost
mappcd out definite 'stages; ca\led ance or Later mystics
God, Of these stages '(';u
q
t
l1
)lS: lit 1, mafin s progress towards
or 'resignation' to the divine 'w'n (' ,an IS .1e nst and 'submission'
to the Shar((/I, mea:ls IS last.
God to the obedience of God" 31 10m chsobeehence of
a' F significance R' t ut t my. stIcs began to give it
.. ' ,epon ance IS really . 0 " I
aquisitioll of a second (mystl'c) . l't ',c nverSiOn -t Ie .
f I
' pelsona I y a rcllll'lh TI f I
() t lC mystic schools (850-9'50) 1 't I ' ': ' Ie oune crs
"
1'[' ' mac e I tIe starhng-l)oi t f tl I' ,
P cs I e, A pre<::ept of Jesus 'I I k n ,Q' Ie tlSCl-
rcndering, is often quoted' witl; to thcm In its Arabic
the Kingclom of Hca,'en I ' And you shall not entcr
I
. < un ess vOu he bar ," J '
ight of Jesus's doctrl'lle of a seco"ll I ' ,n agalll. l,s onlv in thi.,
.' . e or SpIrltu' I . I ' 'th I"
away even the memory offonner life tha :.,1, IC )\1 , ,w lIch washes
farrba become intelIi ible "R ' t sevewl mysltc precepts on
rcpcntance?' said mcans lllat you repent of
I f
' " 1 Ilnat once went t S ' I
ane . him vety upset. "A . 0 an a -Saqati
Sari Saqti said, "and asked. I.}y door",
that you do not forget your sin ' 'N " I' a, Ilephed means
'1' 1 s, ay, rep ICd the .
all Ja means that 'lOll forget ,io ' ' , " ". young man,
impmity in a state of l)llritv i- :' III 1 hc rcmemhrance of
I
' ., I!npurI)' Junaid r' . 'k I 3Q 1'/
e octml.C of conversion tl' fi. ",' cma! e(,' - lis
',as Ie Irst mystic stage, was pmhahly inherited
,q I, Mi.,h"Ir"l TTieln",d., ix,
32, Ibid,
tarly Mllstl", MIIS(.ic/SIII
270
by Shaikh Junaid and his contemporaries from the mystics of the
First Cycle, For repentance or spiritual rebirth is the beginning of
all religious experiments, mystic and non-mystic, The formal theo-
logian is, of course, a stranger to it for he has been on the right path
all his life,
III
It is not in the present state of our knowledge possiblc to trace every
element of mystic thought to its ultimate source, Hut in the second
half of the ninth century mystic doctrines, not yet reconcilEid into a
complete system, appear all of a sudden in a highly ele'velcped form,
technique is extensive and, considering the subject-matter, fairly
accurate, All the learning- of the Qi.lranic commentators, the tradi-
tionlsts and the jmists has been II tilizecl , The influence of Greek
thopght is patent and obvious, In a study of Muslim mysticism these
facts illllSt borne- in mind,
The Muslim mystic's fondness for technical terms is notorious, In-
steacl of speaking in the language of the people, as many wise teachcrs
have done,_ he has, by centuries of propaganda, succeeded in
pelling the public to adopt his own technique, All mystic manuals
devote considerable space to the explanation of technical terms with-
out which they would not be intelligible, And these terms, in the
majority of cases, can be traced back to the contemporaries of IIaJlaj,
and even to the generations that preceded him, "Why do mystics
invent tenns of their OWTI, which appcar strange to those who hear
the-m, and avoid popular words?", they asked Ibn-i Ata, "Because", he
replied, "thcir ideas are precious and they do not dcsire to be under-
stood by others besides themselves, So they do not use the words of
the multitude and invent terms of their own," That may have been
one reason, Secondly, every department of human knowledge requires
a terminology of its oWTI; and the ternlS of the mystics are derived from
the works of the' commentators, the traditionists and the faqihs bv 11
process of further refinement. This, as has been seen, could only 'he
done after the pIinciples of the Muslim sciences had been laid down
by scholars who were intimately acquainted with them, The mystics,
in their contempt for the Ulama-i Zahiri or externalists, often professed
contempt for academic learning, and some of them even made a show
of destroying the tcxt-boQh which they had crammC'd up in
youth, Nevertheless, an ignorant mystic was consi(lcl'cd a danger to
himself ancl to others; there was no place for him in the system excf'pt
280 /lo/ltlcs lind Soc/el!! d"ring tile Early MeJievai Pefiod
as an attendant (khadim) of the elect. Necessary knowledge (ilm-i
zltl'ltri) was required of all who wished to enter the mystic portal: and
necessary knowledge meant (a) knowledge of the Qnran, the Tradi-
tions and the fiqh in so far as it supplied a guidance for the problems
of life and was not misused for forensic controversy (mlltlozirah);
and (b) a practical knowledge of the human khwatir) or
psychology which was indispensable for their science and their
philosophy.33
The mystics lived, and were expcded to live, a life of poverty or
faq;,.; and the faqir was defined as "a man who. possesses nothing ancI
i; by nothing". But as they rightly insisted, their faqiT was
the result of preference and choice, like the faq;,. of the Apostle; only
hy dependence upon God for the day and the morrow could
the human sol11 he really freed from its social ami political environ-
ment. The nian who is poor from necessity and yearns to be rich is
not a faq;,. in the mystic sense. The leading mystics were mcn of
immcnse learning and of surprisingly wide experience. They were, on
the whole, recl'Ilited. from the middle class, the ehss that went to the
mad,.asas and found education necessary. Representatives of the aris-
tocracy and the working classes arc rare. Their medium of writing and
discussion before the eleventh century was almost always Arabic. This
was not primarily due to the fact that they want<,d to keep tlwi!" j(i!,ns
secret, for thei!- opponents, the Ufama-i- Zahi,.i, were quite familiar
with the Arabic language. But the classical period of Persian literature
had not yet conw; and there was no point ill lIsing local Persian
clia1ccts not intelligible to the men of other districts.
The influence of Greek thought 011 thc mystics must not be ignored.
The translation of Greek works-especially of thc trcatises of Aris-
totle-wrought a havoc. aniong thc l'vlussalmans. The astronomy of tlw
Grecks, in its first impact, almost completely paralysed a people, who
had done nothing mOre than look at the stars and calculate, for purely
practical pmposes, the movements of the sun and the moon. It was
opposed to the traditional cosniogony to whicll, in the minds of manv,
the doctrines of l'e\igion are eternally bound. Nevertheless Greek
astroilomy, based on Gree1< mathematics, was accepted as scientifically
$3. \Verc mystic doctrines. after the ninth centmy. esoteric or exoteric? There was,
no real attempt to hide them. Not only were the mystic doctrines expounded in books
whiCh anyone could ohtain, they were also discw;sec1 in religiOUS sermons. The orthodox
mystic scluml after Hall oj merely insisted that (a) men shotll,1 onl;; he told what they
{'olll(l 1111<1I-r5tno(1 and that (h) tlH'l\' "-";'t,e:: no point in mnifituc1t': with
111'l'C'fPh:; that heretical. :Mysticisll1. like n"1I otlwr C0111d only he
3C''l.!1irf'cl hy education.
Early Musiim Mysticism
281
and rationally correct, and the same honour had to he accorded to
Hindu astrQlilomy and mathematics which, in translations and extracts
of the Brahma-Siddhanta, known hy the incorrect nmric of Sind-Hind,
fOUllJ ':\; W1!Y to the lands of Islam at an early date, To Greek physio-
logy and medicine there was really no alternative; they had to be
imported and cultivated for practical purposes. And, inevitably, the
physiological and psychological conccpts of the Grccks penneated the
thought of. the MussaJmans through and thJ'Ough. They arc to hc
found in every mystic treatise. Most troublesome of all werc Greek
logic and metaphysics. Aristotle's distinction between suhstance, attri-
butes and accidents, between the possible and thc nccessary, ancl his
syllogistic method of reasoning have provided the channels in which
Muslim thought "has Rowed for ovcr a thousand years. Nor was it
possible, in .the realm of higher speculation, to rcsist the attraction of
Plato's 'doctrine of ideas'. As we dcfine, compare and analyse the doc-
trines of the mystics, they inevitably lead us to the ain or 'idea' of
which the material or phenomenal world is a mere symbol. And where
P l a t ~ went, Plotinus was sme to follow. Plato's distinction betwccn
opinion and knowledge combined with the nco-platonic concept of
gnosis enable tIS to understand the general form in which Muslim
mystic theory was cast.
A propel' system of metaphysics must start with an examination of
man's cognitive faculty. This faculty is aql or rational intelligence. It
has bccn dcfincd by the IIfislJ{illlll Ilida!/ah as "a light given to us hy
nature, Common to all men, by which we distinguish hetween good
and bad, right and wrong". This rational intclligence (a'll or aql-i kul),
according to a Tradition of the Prophet, was "the first ot created
things". It is the basic assumption of all philosophics and all religions
that the suni-total of existence with which we have to dcal is a rational
universe; in an itTational universe neither knowledge nor virtue
nor relion would be possible. On t\lat point the Quran is emphatic.
"You will not find an alteration. in the snnnah of Allah."
Now grail ted a rational universc, man's rational intelligence will
comprehend it at three clifferent stages. First, UIII or 'opinion'. The
basis of zan is either hearsay or mere perception-intelligence work-
ing at its lowest level. It cannot hc anywhere ncar the truth. Se-
condly iZ,n or knowledge. It is based not on merc perception but
Oil concepts or general ideas, and is the result of investigation, criti-
cism and analysis. As distinguished from zan or opinion, it is inde-
pendent of phYSical perceptions (idrak-i hissi.). Bf'ing" based on
general concepts, ibn has heen defined from Ih!! rdigiolls view-point
as "the light i.vhich flaws to,the hemt of the mystic froni the lamp
i'oiltics ancl Society during ti,e arty M edle"at Period
of the Apostle ami leads him to God and His ,,yorks and His com-
mands". Thirdly, ma'al'ifat or gnosis. "Ma'al'ifat is the recognition of
unity in the manifestation of details." Thus mere knowledge of the
nIles of grammar is ilm. But the simultaneous apprehensiOn by a
person reading Arabic or (a) the rules of Arabic grammar and (b)
of their application to each word in the sentence is the ma'arifat of
the language. A variety of ma'al'ifat is Marifa-i Nafs (Gnosis of the
ScI f). The Heo-Platonic conceptioJl of mall> as the microcosni is streng-
thened by an Apostolic tradition which declares that "God created
man in His own image". By Gnosis of God (Ma'arifat-i IZaTti.) is meant
"the recognition-or simultaneous apprehension of the existence and
attributes of God in the varied manifestations of (inner) states and
(cxtcrnal) events and appearances' (hal, hawadis, wa nawazil) after
the conception (ilm) of God as the Absolute Existence (Maujud-i
JIaqiqi) and the Absolute Cause (Fa'il-i Matlaq) has been attained",
Gnosticism or 11Ia'arifat- is only another name for mysticism of the
highest type. It is man's ultimate end.
The Ulama-i ZaM!'; or externalists, whose regimo Greek philosophy
to overthrow, attacked it bitterly by the method of argu-
mentatIOn they had learned from Socrates. But they desired, like the
schoolmen of medieval Europe, to use logic for proving truths-
accepted on authority. Socrates's willingness "to go wheresoever the
argulnents lead" found no response in their hearts. The mystiCS, as
a gronp, took no part in the controversy between the Mu'tazilites,
who attempted a reconciliation of Islam witll philosophic reason,
_ and the 'externalists' who instinctively preferred the stupider inter-
pretations. They j'espectcd the philosophers as ancient sages; they
accepted from the Greeks those categories of thought which
and Aristotle have defined for all time to come. Nevcrtheless, they
considered themselves superior to the Greek philosophers and tlie
sophists. The Greeks had not the advantage of the Apostolic rcve-_
latin!' did the mystics find in the Greeks that restless desire of
reducing Iffe to logic which was surging in their breasts. The re-
volutionism of Plato was too academic to be real; the ecstasies of
Plotinus (like the raptures .of Bayazid) were too nascent for a per-
manent system. -
'Ve must survey, next, the political condition in the last half
of the ninth century when t.he mystic schools arose. The state, so
powerful nnder the UlTiayyads and the Abbasids, seemed to be de-
clining, But its strength was bcing really renewed hy the Turkish
adventllrers, who a e('lltl11'Y later laid the fOllllclntions of the Gh:I7,-
nadd anel the Seljnk empires. The Persians, having attaine(\ to pro-
minence tUlder fue early hblJasids, were once more relegated to,the
osition of a subject race. The new masters were more forceful. and
valiant than their predecessors; but they lacked, coniparahvely
s eakin , education, refinement and culture, lind were, to
a
P
great gextent dominated by own instruments, clencs. As d
rotest against the Turkish mIers and the rersecutlOl1 they
Pt th instigation of the extemalist and Olthodox uTama, the Ismalhan
was growing apace. The Ismailian caliphate of E!?y
pt
was
founded in A.D. 893 in direct opposition to the orthodox cahphate of
Baghdad. And Carmathianism ca:ne lleUl:er home. Baghdad, a
tant prey to internal commotions, found c.ut off from Arabia by
the heretics,_ The first Carmathian outbreak IS SaId ha;re taken place
. 900 TIle carawan routes became unsafe; at tnnes all trade and
III A.D. k d K f
business was brought to a standstilL Basra was attac e; a :n.
as
stormed. These defeats drove the orthodox to frenzy; the ludlClal
machinery of the state being too slow for the demands of
'ustice, orthodox mobs, egged ,011 by mullahs, the herehcs
they could he found. -The barest sufficed; the
howling multitude was seldom in a rriood t? between the
ISlllaili, who thought that the Lord was !1l the II?am, the
Hlllllli who claimed that the Lord was manifested HI all tlungs, and
the extreme mystic who asserted that the Lord could be found every-
where, and darkly hinted that in some- out of way crnm-
bling mosque, an empty tavern or a wIlderness-he had ob-
tained a partial glimpse of the Supreme Beauty and the. Absolute
Truth. Among a people so broken by dissenSions. amI. by
the its agents, the mullahs, two foreign had
begun to manifest themselves. To the first of mfluence of
classical Greece-we have already referred: The dmlechc .of
while it made the mullah more- contentious and arrogant III llls .foren-
sic debates, also drove the mystic to a clearer statement of Ius con-
viction to himself and to. others. The second influence, even
profound, was the influence Of Persia. The Arabs occupy a
of great honour in niystic literature and thought. But mystIcIsm IS
nevertheless a persian creed. _ I , - - .
We can now proceed to survey the mystic schools to wluch a re-
ference has already been made. .
, "The whole body of aspirants to Sufism", Shaikh Ali HajweIi(died
1072)34 tells us in his Kashful Mahirt/J, "is composed of twelve sects
or schools (garah, mazhalJ), two of are condemned (mal'dud)
34. Nicholson's edition, Introduction, p. viii.
i
i
"
.:,
. "
:11
:ij
:j

::I!
"
'I
l
-:f,
(,(fll
1,.;.,1
',,.1
.,
( .
whit? the remaining ten a.re approved (maqbul)."35 If the
termlllology of modern polttical parties be pernlitted in this context,
we may say that while the sufis, as a whole, stood to the left of the
mullahs, they were themselves, considering their distance from the
Olthodox and their insistence 011 individuality, divided into a left
wing, centre and a right wing. (1) The position on the extreme left
was doubtless occupicd by the Hululis (transmigrationists or reincar-
nationists), who were considered the worst of the lwo condemned
schools. (2) The second condcmncd sect was thc Ilallaiis, the pro-
f.essed followers ofllallaj. (3) Among the approved schools, the posi-
tIOn on the extreme left was occupied by the Taifltris, or followers of
Shaikh Abu Yazid. Taifur bin Isa bin Samshanul Bustami. The Taifuris
were mystics who went into raptures in their contemplation of the
Tmth, and believed that this 'tapture' was superior to the
sobncty of the normal mortal and even of their sufi rivals, (4) Next
to may be, quite abreast of theni-came the Qussaris, or
followers of Abu Saleh ITanidun bin Ahll1a(1 al-Qnssar, who put for-
'the of blame'. The of the mystic was to disregard
puhlIc oplllJOn; If he wcnt out of IllS way to court unpopularity, so
much the bctlcr. In later days these people werc knowll Malallwtis,
r;) To" th,e 0\' followers of Abu Sa'id Kharraz, heloligs the
crecitt of havlllg re-stated the age-old conception of n;1'1;ona, the ex-
pansion (not annihilation, as is sometimes supposed) of the human
soul into the Absolute. Inthc technical language of the mystics, it
is known as the doctritle of fana (annihilation) and boqa (suhsist-
ence).36 The following statement of Kharraz is well-known.37 "If a
man ('alJd, creature) turns himself towards Allah, and attaches himsdf
to Allah, and lives in nearness ta Allah, and forgets his own existencc;
and forgets everything except Allah-then, if you ask him, wherefrom
arc vou and what object do you desire, he \vill have no answer but
Allah." This dcfinition, it has to be observed, makes no reference to
the doctrine of transmigration, which was not acceptable to the mass
of the Mussalmans, defines fana in pm'ely psychiC terms, ignores the
elenient of time and uses. a telminology acceptable to the readers of
the Q\lran. Falla, so defined, could be accepted by aJl Mussalmans,
for verses of the Quran can be quoteclin sUppOJt of it. (6) The
Kllllfaifis or followers of Abu Abdullah Muhammad bin Khnfaif
35. Il}ia., p. 130.
3(1. Hnqn hllln" Ira FaM nni/ gllfllr; snbsistence in Allah and annihilation from
evp.1 ylhing else.
37. Tazki,."t"l A"IiUn, No. 55.
2815
Shirazi looked at the same problem froni a different angle, ,A
hefore his existence is absorbed in God or the Absolute, WIll eIther
be in the presence of God or absent from Him.
38
This is the doctrine
of hllz!ll' (presence) and ghaibae (absence). For a. man who has reach-
ed the last stage of the mystic the dist,inction of 'presence' and
'absence' has, of course, no meamng, for he IS present SImultaneously
in the world of reality (God) and the i.vorlrl of or the
material world. (7) A third view of the same problem IS gtven by
the Sayyaris, or followers of Ahbas Sayyar" the ,Imam of Merv,
who looked at the psychical state of the seeker (sabk). In s? far as
the purpose of his life-attainment of the Absolute-was bemg
eessfully pursued, his mind would be state of or
(;ama); if, on the other hand, progress IS frustmtecl, IllS
will bc one of distmction (taf/';qa). I'vlystics leading a lifo of emotIOnal
strain with little sleep and less food were peculiarly liable to these
... psycholOgical revolutions to which, in the case of hmnhle morta!s,
thei al)plitld the tems of joy (shallq) and gloom ((!lam), But, whIle
we in our irrational way, think that we are nearest to God JIl our
sor;'ow, the mystic, with better lOgiC, concludes that hliss is the syhlhol
of his nearness to God. This doctrine, it is obvious, assumes that
thc problem of reality can be in psychological terms.
It will be obsClved that the six leftIst schools are all really
corned with thc rrohlcm of mystic metaphysics, an(l eli/f(w from eae!l
other partly in their angle of vision and partlt in, the pxtent of their
eliverf!:ence from the orthodox ,creed. The. nghtlst .on the
other hand, devoted their attentIOn to questIOns of sclf-d,"clplme and
'training, and also for the first time laid down those sodal doctri?es
which under circumstances widely different, leel to the foundatton
of the' great mystic orders of the thirteenth centllry,
(8) Thc I1J1I71(1silJ;s are calleel after leader,. Aim ?haiellllJah
Haris hin Asaellli Mllhasihi, who tallght them the of self-
examination. Looking into his own mind thc secker or salik is hOllnd
to notice two phcno]],iena-hal and m!lqam and stage). Milch
disCllssion has taken place abollt the meanmg of thcse terms. 'We
mav define them as permanent (mllqam) and temporary (hal) states
of 'rcli!!iolls cmotion. Muhasihi, the Tazkimtlll Arrlil{(l tel's liS, is so
called 1)('('al1se he laid down preccpts for this 1Illlhasil)(lh-taking stock
of one's self. Muhasihi is also credited with the statement that rna
(satisfaction orsuhmission to the divine will) is not a /ill/WIlli
stage) hilt a hal (state, condition). The provoked hy tIllS
286
l'olitics and Society during, tlre Early Medieval l'e";"d
lasted for about two years. (9) Self-mortification,
mbJectmg oneself to .torture for torture s sake, has never been recom-
mended by the mystIcs except as a measure of discipline. "Thy nafs
(body) has claims upon thee", the Apostle has declared.
Nevertheless: So long as a man remains imprisoned in the snares
of passions and lusts it is hard for him to maintain this close com-
munion with the Absolute. But from tht; moment that sweet influence
takes elIect on him, expelling from his mind the fh-ebrand of vain
hnagina.tion and suggestions, the pleasure he expetienees therefrom
over bodily pleasures and intellectual enjoyments. Then
the pamful effort passes away, and the joy of contemplation takes
iOll,pf his min(1,"!'l9 Shah hill Abdullah Tllstar and his followers,
the TlIstal'is, drew: att.ention to the necessity of controlling, pnnishing,
or. I.nay he of na[s or lower sOIlI, so that the path of
spmtual progress IS hmdered. Many rules were laid down for this
purpose and a special branch of mysticism, ilmi siat (science of man's
cnpacities) grew up to deal with problems of man's lower nat me.
(IO) To the IIakimis, followers of Abu Ahdullnh l\,1uhammad bin
Hakim belongs, the glory of reviving man's faith ill his
own spll'ltllal greatness, or, at any rate in the spiritual greatness of
the. sele?ted few. He 'the" doctrine of saintship' or wilayaf,
hasmg It on the Quramc verse: And the friends of Allah, verill'
there is no fem for them and they shall not hc grieved." 'Va7i mean-s
friend; waliullah means a friend of God, a saint, wihllJat means saint-
ship; it also means territory, domain the sphere of jllrisclidil1T1
and power; in the, terminology of the l1\ystics ,wilayat, thel'efore,
came to mean the 'territory within a saint's spiritual jurisdiction",
and saints, like kings, often qunlTclledabout thcir tcnitories in the
thnt were to come. Bllt the Hakim's contemporaries laughed
at hIS statements. The Mutazilites affilmed that all Muslims were a
eqllal, and that if one of them was eapnhle of performing a
Immclc, the rest s1101l1el he ahle to do so. Even the HlIhllis who 1)('_
liewed ill (lidne incarnations, shook their heac"s in (lishelicr.' l'he good
old souls were gone with the old days; nothinl! spiritually good
could grow out of the rotten SOCIal fabric of the early tenth centm'V.
The proper time fot' saints was the past; rascals, adventurers mid
villairis dominated the present, of the future there was no tellinfl'.
Neverthekss, Hakim Tirmizi claimed that saints had always
and must always exist; they were a necessary part or the costnie order.
TIe graded them, classified them and told his sceptical ('rmtcllipormies
:J\l. I\la"lo11o ,Tami, Lawall" XI (Whil1fleld's translation.).
Early Muslim Mysticlsm 287
the exact number in each grade. Three centuries later, owing to the
rise of the mystic orders, theory exercised a :remarkable,influence
and every Muslim village was provided either a living saint 01',
in the alternative, with his grave. (11) The 01' follcw:ers of
Abul Hasan Nuri, found themselves in general agreement wlth the
cenl:. u1 of Junaid. But as against the display of faqr-of poverty
as povel'ty'-::'Nuri protested that the real object of tasawwttf was
superior to faql', which was only a means t? an end. He also preferred
suhbat (society) to 'uzlat (solitude). The tImes may be bad, but that
should not prevent good people from aSSOCiating other,
only by organised associations could the best mys.trc be
preserved and improved. Living ea?h Tn h.1S 0"':11 cave
ill the wilderness, the mystics would perish. TIllS dOclrmc, like that
of the Hakimis, was destined for a 11I'ight future.
(12) Between these two opposed groups stood Shaikh Junaid of
Baghdad. His path was that of sobriety or sahv;. he kept. fr;nn
rapture (Sf/h) on the one hand and from externalrsm (zalul'lat? the
other. lIe claimed to be absolutely orthodox in matters of rcltglOn. It
is, perhaps, incorrect to say that Junaid was the founder of
school, His recorded sayings cover the whole field of myshclsm;- and
his 'sobriety' is the self-restraint of a scholar in whom reasorl and
balanced judgment check the mystic impulse hut who realizes, at
the same time, that a state-dominated clericalism cannot show the
path to salvation. His influence on his contemporaries and succeeding
generations was immense. "Most mystics have belonged to the school
of Junaid", the Tazkimtul Auliya assures us.. . ..
The founders of these mystic schools were men of p:reat erudItIon.
Thev were also prolific writers, 'and are said to have left an enormOus
mas; of literature behind them. A part of it has slll'vivcd hut niore
is likely to be discovered. They specialized in 1'fsalits or short treatises
on spccial topics, but of these they composed n fairly large numhcr.
AIm Sa'icl Kharraz, for example, is said to havy writlf'n no less than
four hundred hooks, the most important of them heing the KifalJt1s
SilT in which the definition of fana, Cluoted ahove. occnrs. "Some
externnlist scholars", the Tazkimtfll Allliya tells us, "have cursed him
a11(l athihuted infidelity to him." If the surviving accounts of them
are to he trusted, they and their hand of followers were suhjected
to constant persecutiOn by government officers and the pnhlic and
were cOmpelled to fly from city to city and counhv to C01Jl1try. But
thanks to their effort, and the efforts of many others, whose names
nn(1 hooks have hoth lJeen forgotten, mysticism at last n hearinr-.
Thereafter it was an elemellt of Mu,lint'life that cOJdd not be ignored,
i
,
"j
'i
:
!
!
, <-
:
" <i
i of'
'I
ij
1'[
i
i
'i ;
288
Politics and Society dtlring tire "ady Mer/felJa' Pep'lorl
By the beginning of the eleventh century the period of persecution
over and the leading mystics came to be regarded with
great respect., In the history of Islamic culture in Asian lands, the
eleventh century is remarkable for the consolidation of mystic thought.
It is the era of risala, almost entirely in Arabic, which were produced
in enormous numbers and were in due course followed by large Arabic
manuals, which attempted to provide a complete and consistent philo-
sophy of mysticism. The desire was to harmonize the ten schools re-
ferred to above along with other doctIines of which no mention has
been made in t1lis article into a consistent system. But as discussion
and ,reflection proceeded, there appeared not one but two opposed:
vi0w-points. And it seemed dimcult, if not impossible, to reconcile
these two, view-points.
The credit of consolidating the central philosophy of Shaikh Jnnai(l
helongs to Shaikh Shihalmddin SlIhrawardi who carted all his impor-
tant books from Baghdad to Mccca' and there, in the precincts of
the holy temple, he composed his fairious AIVarl/rtl Ma'arlf. The work
was inilllediately accepted by orthodox of all kinds. \Vithin
n decade or two of its author's death it wns being taught at Delhi. It
just threw all previous treatises into the shade. It is measured,
balanced, scholnrly. It definitely rejects the extel11alism of the irlllllahs
but adheres strictly to the snnriah of the Prophet. Most mystic treatises
of latcr days are' merely re-statement of the Awa1'if. It was translated
into excellent Persian under the title ,of. Misliall1l1 Hidayah hy one,
Shaikh Muhammed, within a generation of the author's death.
But there came at the same time to from distant Spain a
scl1
0lar
eqmilly great, if not greater, whose unacceptable opinions had
made his staying at anyone place for long impossible. Shaikh Muhi-
uddin Ihn-i 'Arabi (A,D. 1164-1240) is for the leftist schools what Shaikh
Sliihahl\(ldin Slihrawardi is for the schools of the centre. lIe )'p.stated
theil' philosophy in its cOniplete and final form. The two scholars,
according to a )'eliable tradition, came across each other at Mecca;
they looked at each other and departed withollt tlxehanging a word.
The sane and halanced Baghdad scholar, with his pupils, his khanqah
and his men of poplllar believers had ilothing to say to this tel'l'ihle
meteor from the west with his mthless logie. Ihn-i Arabi, like his
1(,rUst predecessors, had he en l1tlC'r1.v independent of human opinion.
His books were bum\. He was hated and anathematized. His life was a
long march from Southern Spain across 'Northern Africa to Mecca,
from Mecca to Qllnia in Turkish Anatolia and thence back to Damas-
, cus where he lies b11l'ied. Th!;) hatred ,that had pursued Ilm-i Arabi
during his life, perSisted for at least two centuries after his death. He
EarTy Muslim Mysticism
289
wrote some five hundred books and a pamphlet giving a list of 200 of
them with an account of their contents, But most of them Were (liill-
cult to obtain. Nevertheless, his ideas gained ground. Maulana Abdur
Rahman J ami, the greatest mystic scholar of later days in the western
lands of Islam, stated his well considered opinion in A.D. 1477 after
reviewing the whole controversy: "The greatest reasOn for the objec-
tion of his critics is the hook, FusIIsIIl Hikam. But this criticism is
bas(:x1 either on hlind tradition (taqlid) or mere prejudice or ignorance
of the technical tenns he uses, or indifference to the meanings and
trutlls he has explaille{l in his works. The j!I1ostie varieties which have
been Tlut in writin/! in the works of Shaikh Mohiuddin Ihn-i Arahi,
specially the F1IS!lsld llikam [Inri tIle Futuhat-i Makkiah, are not to he
found in anv othel' book. No\' have tlley been revealed hy any other
melllhc\'f)F tllis invstic circle."
'What Ha\laj in his Tawasin had, perhaps, meant by his scrawls and,
synibols, what Shaikh Bayazid of Bustam and Ahul ,Hasan, Kharqam
are reported to have said-that and much nior:lbn-I sat, down
to wlite anrl rewrite in pelfect sobriety, HIS final IS, that
of Wahdatul Wuiud-of God as the sole and the only EXistence. He
abolishes the 'neo-Cod', There can be no such thing. He is all-hama
The dochine was misinterpreted hy Ibn-i Arabi's eneniies. He
had cl1refully built a highly technical language which critical thought
needs; but he had for that purpose to use this known language of
men. The critics have ignored his technique; they have tom his
sentences out of their context and misrepresented them entirely. Fol-
lowers have been even unkinder. They have converted his great
philosophv into slo/!ans, and have tried to attain God multi-
tudinous shouting of Ht/waf Haq (He is the Absolute). EssentIally the
man in whom Muslim mysticism finds its highest is one
of the world's greatest thinkers. It is difficult to smmnanze such (\
philosopher. But one of Ihn-i ,Arabi's important has ,
put the leading movements Ius ?s follows: We have, first,
mere impressions, the conditIoned ImpreSSiOns of our five the
Sight or touch of an individual object." Next to it comes the general
idflas' or 'concepts' through which our thonght moves-the concept
of a ilOrse, for example, from which 'conditions', of, perception
been partially eliniinated. Finally we COme to the ul11versal concept-
God or "the unconditioned Existence'-with which perception has
nothing to do, and who is yet immanent in all The basic
thesis of the great Shaikh, misconstrued bY,his opponents, IS as follows :
"Transcendental-i.e. heyond all precephons-Is lIe who has mam-
fested all things and He is the 'idea' of them." The commentator,
PS-19
:,290
Politics and: Society dt/ring tI.e Early M ediella/
Kushi, after emphatically declaring that the .
not nn arithmetical claims that the great Shaikh's )
thel w:101
e
an eXposItion of the Quranlc postulate:
liS ,an( t 1e .Last, the Appearance and the Reality." ,
tWO great thinkel'S Mllslim mystic philosophy reaches itS'
eo ltla reat mystic :narks in prose and were stili . .
f me-:V?l s of great capaCIty, power and art, But to the
o mystICIsm there was little to add, . 1'''''''>l'liJ.
J
[IV.
(rus Ilrtlcle. substantially based on Ext;""s!on L' t ., I . .
In 1935 at the invitation of Rabindran tJ ec Illes (ellvered at Vishvllhharati
me.m.01'OIion Voltlme ( ... p 42 83) Sa., rtTngore, was puhlishcd III Vldyallitlw Com-
. "', - . orne pa 8 of tJ of' I
Universifv Journal Vol. IV No 1 J I 1'007 I"s m .c e appcared in The MtI.,lim
. " "u y ; Vo. V, No, 2, Octobe,. llol'.l1j--E;J)l1ron,
.. ,
HAZRAT AMIn KHUSRAU OF QELHI
I. LIFE OF AMIR KHUSRAU
;"tHEItE WEltE POETS IN TIlE REIGN OF Alauddin Khalji", Ziyaud-
din Bm'ani remarks in his famous Tmikh-i Fil'Uz Shahi, "such as
had never cxis.ted before nnd have never appeared since, The incOhi-
parahle Amir Khusrau stands unequalled for the of his writ-
ings and the originality of ideals; for, white other great
of prose and verse have in one Or two branches, AmiI' Khus-
rau was conspicuous inevery department of letter.s. A man with. such
mastery over all the forms of poetry has nevel" existed in the past
and may perhaps not conic into existence hefore the Day of Judg-
ment. And in addition to his wit, talent and learning. he was
an advanced mystie.
1
He fasted every day and passed most of his
time in reading the Qman, and in obligatory and supererogatory pray-
ers. He was one of the _ chief discil)Ies' of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya,
and diSciple with a Arnier faith in his mas\er. I have ilever seen,
1. A detailed biography of Amir Khusrau cannot be attempted here, and I must
refer the more inquisitive reader to the sources of informatioll available. The most com-
'prehensive modem account is to be found in MattI ana . ShihH Nomani's STd"",1 Aiam
./Volume II, pp. 107-95), the greatest acbievement of Indo-1vIuslim s9holars.h!p Ill. these
"Jater days, The historical part. of Maulana .shiQli's el,apter, howeyer, suffers from an
uncritical reliance On secotldary a;,thoi"ities. A.nirr Khusrau has It ishort biography
of himself in the Introduction to his GIll/riatll1 Kumal, and speaks of .hims.elf, .again and
agaill in l,is other works. The most reliahle .of contempOrary accounts.is Ziyauddiri
p.man;'s. Tarjklt-! l1iruz Slwl!!, which, so far as I can make out; was not utilized by
MauJmia Shibli, A some_vhat later work, ihe Slyal'lil Atiliya (Chapter ")of Ainir
. Khurd, gives a short acconnt of Khusrau l;ased on 'what the anthorhad heard from
his 'father, who kne\,; the poet perSonally, Contemporary 'accounts, jf. carefully sifted,
will yield sufficient materi,,] for a reliable biography, but later writers, unfortunately,
have. saved themselves from all trouble by j!ivingcredence to many baseless stories,
Ahdul Qadir Badauni (MtlntakTwTJ!lt T"wllJik1., Volii;;'.,; I) was conlmit to put dowll
. whatever he had come across in. the course of his desultory ... ,adinj!. DanIai:' .Shrih's
notice of Khusra,; in the TazklrlllusTt. SitU'am (i'rofessoi: Browne's edition,pp_' 238-47)
;8 an extreme of historical confusion uncrilical praise, Fedshia; on th'e
. whole, adheres carefnlly to his IIl1tl,oritie.., "', . ,
292
'lind Soclelrl during ti,e Early Medievol Period
Of love and affection, too, he had his full share, and he was 11 man
of ecs,tasy and rapture. He excelled tl I' I f . tn te p aY!Il!( am ""' ..... ''n.:."' ..
o mils,; Ahnif(htv God. I1Ml hestowed on him all the qualities
annmtam to an artistic and culturer! mind IT . f t' 'd
f! I he' t. I . e was, In ac, a wml er-
n for these later times. I have lived
and tIle mvstic noat. AmiI'
mIt theirs Throunh '. t. 1 u mv comnanv, 110r die] I with"
, . me an III Imaev spranli' t" I t I
masters and the 1 t f ' . I" )e ween t lese f.vo
. v )el!an 0 requent each other's houses." .
An eminent modem critic full .
friend '''No per flY a,grees wltb Sarani's tribute to his
. son 0 SIlC 1 comprehensive I Tt " M I
remarks in the Shi'tul At
am
"h b b Jl 1 V, au ana Shihli
silt Imndred veal'S. and eve;l 1H during the
only three or four I)ersons of 1 fel't!Ie] 5011 of Porma has Pl'oduced
1
. SUC I varle( accomplish t 1
sam vem's. To take pooh' I Kl : ' men S III a t lOU-
is marvellous. FircJal1si over all its forms
in the realm of e t' t a 17,. UrR and Naziri
fl 1 t
' S m ne sway of ('[lcll of tl .
nee 0 one section of it onlv F' J 11' ,lem was eOIl-
tl
., 1 If( ausl COU { not advance b I
Ie mfMtlOllt. Sa oi coulr1 not 'te 'd A' cyan<
the /!,T
1
azal or the mosnavi, t":R1 . nwan bad. powel- over
to step outside the circle of th BUdlKalnd WOte unahIe
genitls takes the 1 1 e g.az . ut lUsrau s comprehcnsive
wI'th'; 't II' b
g
as well as Ihe rna.mavi, qasida and mbai
11) 1 S a -em raclIlg fold togeth . h }' .
. 0. versificntionsuch as del partments'
bty 110 one can egual h' F' d '., 'I t. or S leer quan-
thousand Snib has b 1m. If s coup ets amount to aliout seventy
AmiI' Kh'l . , elen responSIble for over a hundred thousand hut
..., t srau s coup ets number se'Veral lakhs I . '.
(biographies of. poots) the number is said to 11 some tazkirahs
::.
means not a: couplet but :i Single line.' gy 0 t Ie earlIer wnters
. !'In addition to this Auhad' k' I
,Khusrau;s work in Brl; Bhasha
l
s It1 t l6 Urfat that
!uPersilin; jf this be true it is to r:
n
1), as extensive as his work
should have rerett7dt that tbtb
se
COOl-
. ,', ' ' ' . a mgms , our au 01' had
( ,.!<\For an . el<planation of various Fomls of Per' .
t'r"r.. nrd ,vne's LlteraYfI Hlst011J of PersIa Vol II sInn verse ,h"re mentioned. ,see
. S, .Thls Is highly improbable. A number Kh '. . .
the volume of his work in I.II 11 Id s Hmdt eonjpositlons slill survive
h' p" . . DC COU not ave been vc I Wh .'
tS at'S,"n work to its abnormal e I t th ry art!c. at swelled
In Hindi that Incentive WM wantln"g e:
n
e ;ecressit
y
of writing for his hread.
, { C "'fO C or pft'll::urc only.
,298
Life of Amlr Klltl$l'lItI
Persian and Turkish for his mother-tongues,4 while his. command'
over Arabic was as great as that of its greatest men of letters. He
was a scholar of Sanskrit also. 'I have some knowledge of if;
he modestly confesses in the Null Stpahr. He was a prose writer as
well; and wrote the '1;az- KhIlSl'avi, a work in five volumes, on
the principles of prose composition; arid thottgh" unfortunately, most
of it is devoted to figures of speech, no reader of the book will deny
the inventive geniUS of the author. Khusrau was an accomplished
Il'lusician, and no one after him has been able to obtain the title
of Nai:k.5 Devoted as he was to these occupatiolls, Khusrau was at
healt a mystic, who never cared to tum his eyes from the spiritual
to the material world. It is strange how he' managed to Hnd time fot .
all his work. He was in service from the beginning of his career and
4, 'l1,i. is only partially true, Atllir Khus.au waS b"l'I1 ill' {ndia. "n,\ his mother
was of Indian birth. It appears front the social conditions of the time thaI Hindi lind
Persian were almost equally the mother-tongues of most Indian Mussalmans of the
middle cluss. Much. of course. depended on the Individual family. Amongst newly
settJec\ families, like tho.e of Amlr Khttstntt, the predominance was in favour of Per-
sian. No reruler of his works cnn doubt that thePers!an J:tngtt\\ge WliS the natural
vehicle of Khusrau'i; thought; he lived In It n. a Jlsh lives in water. With the older
families nod tIle converts from Hinduism it was .They had great facilities
for leal1n!ng Persian, which was the language nf poHte society, but nonetheless it
was acqttired with' elfort. Khusrnu"S frlend,Barani. is n good example. Barani arid
Khusrau both mixed Hindi with Persian, but the hitler dkl it consclously,while pas-
sage after passage of the! Tarlkl.-I Fil'flz Shah! seems to he' {\. painful translation from
Hindi inlo Persian. Turkish never became, popular with' the literati of India, though
most_of the royal dynasties, os well lIS mlddle-dass Mullim immigrants, hlliong
ed
to the
Turkish race. Turkish titles and technical terms survived to a much later date, spe-
cially In the army, but knowledge of the language was slowly 'decreasing. Khusrau's
works show an. acquaintance with Turkish, hut he never seems to have written ill
that language, possibly beCIlllse the audience wotlM have heen extremely limited.
The hulk of the population, whether Hindu or Muslim. spoke nnd knew no other
. language but Hludi.
O. KhnsHm' 5 eminence as a musician is generally admitted. "{ am a master of music
',It as qf poetry", he s..ys in " 'lita quoted by DanIa! Shah. "r have written three
volumes of tioelry and my musical compositions wouM also amount to three volumes,
if they could he reduced to writing." MauJana Shibli quotes from the Rag Darpa
n
,
a Persian translation of 1I1anlk Sollal made In the reign of Aumngzeh, a number of
Hlf!? and ragill''', which is said to ha\>'e invented. The same later 1l11thority
j" responsible for the following anecdote, Naik Gopal was II m.uslcian of all-India fame
In the time of Alauc\din Khaljl. He had sixteen hundred disciples who used to
his litter en their shouklers. Invite<t to the court! of the Kh.lji emperor, Gopal
g,ave demonstrations 01 Ilis "(If!? nt six different sittings during which Kllllstati was hid-
ing under the throne. At the seventh sitting Khusl'an confronted Gopal '.md invited
him to show his powers. He claimed that all Gopa!'s fOg" hacl heen previously litvcntc{\
by hin', and his imitation waS so perfect as to hewilder the Hindu master.
294
Politics and Societv during tire Early Medl'eval Period
had to be present courts (of '. .
slmset, and poetry was not: th and kmgs) morning till
"Tl C . '. e on y. nty they reqlnred of him.
6
.
Ie reator Himself may be 11 1
Th f 1 '. we proU( of such a creation."
e man 0 etters, of whom 0 t '.'
have. had such a high opillion well as posterity
Turkish immigrants. Amon r ' tl om a Ifamlly of respectable
Cl
. KI' .. g Ie many un lalJPY l)eo1)le I'
leuglz lall's invasion of central Ail. . . .' w 10m
refugees to India, Was the Turkish s .. a uove out, of their homes as
habitation seems to have been thc.to tube of Laclu,n, whose
Mawaraun Nahr (Trans-Oxiana). Sult:
1
III It
he
of
Iy welcomed the immigrants 7Kl ' ' , . l1( e III tutmlsh warin-
of the leaders of the. Turk;uSI ,fathel
l
', Saifuddin, was aIle
of Imadul Mulk Balban' "t' afn liS mot leI' was the daughter
. ," s milliS er a war (al'z i 1 l'k) 1'1
was bom in the town of Patial' ' m5 -. 11111110,1, Ie poet
child, wrapped in a cloth ' A.u.. 2 (A,D, 1254).R The new-horn
the nf'hrhhourhood'''Am/ L l.a a mystic who had settled in
1
" . 1 ac lin t Ie mystic exclai J" 1
)I;"".; i i" me one who will 0 two ' me,c,: you lave
fatllt'l died while he was ogll . ePbs bey10ud Khaqalll. 9 Khusrau's
, ' 1 Y seven ut t Ie fami! ' . ITI .
cu'cunistances and his educatio ' II l' -) was III a uent
r I ' . ,11 was we attem eel to. His late' wo 'k
( ISP ay an extensIve and knowledg f tl. ..' I I s
sophy of his da , but the irre " e 0 I.e and philo-
direction of po!tr II b bent of IllS gelllus lay in the
b I
I) , e egan wntmg verses froin his bo lId
y t Ie time he had reached his twen' 1 ,'" Y ,100(, an
was permanently settled. het 1 ) em, 1m occupatIon in life '
Men of poetic genius have often bee 'I' I . ,
temperament that keeps tl' Iff' n CUlsee WIt 1 an IrascIble.
. ' . , lem a 00 10m a humdrum world, in which
a malleabilIty of character is the first condition of success.
6. I.II/Uk "lid am;r em' I . I
the statttS' of the 'Officer 11
0
ICIa tt os during, Mitl<Ue Ages, and indicatcd
of 100 njen a m.alik of i 000 lY Slk)C
,
" m
g
f
, an m1tlr meant an officer in cnmniail<1
. ' , ,a (a !fin 0 10 000 men tho gl' t I .
elmnl systeni, horrowed from the "1' . , . :. ' 11. I m prac .Ice t liS dn-
followed. Civil and militar
v
d. t'e m. Ita.) 01 gl"nlzalbOn of the 1 urks, was 1I0t strictly
'J dIS were com Jine{' col1s('qncnth I '
army meant a status in the .. ' .: '. . /, a comman( 1t1 the
word amlr .th I g , . CIVIl admrtllstratroll "lid nice versa. Tire
1 nevCl e ess, was used as l\ generic term t 'n I 1 11'
however high their dm;ignntion. 0 I C tI( e" .govcrnmP-nt officers,
7, Dal/lat Shall Tbe Shi'r I A' I '
Shah of .bringing 'tllC I '1'(: Ion th: Bahar;s(.o.II-; accuses Dalllat
," , . II( ."- 'n t.e rergn of l\.fuh" 1 l' l' II
IS, however, a mistake Daulat Sh I Sir d .!"ma< lin ug) "'}, This
Emperor I1tutmish. . ( . a 1 says din Mnhamma(l, meaning the
8, So I conclude frOIli thc Qif'(!1I1lS Sa'e1l/ill, which \Va I t,l" '
Ibc authm' says, he was thirty-six ycars of age Tbe sl e( 111 A.II. 688, when,
ohvious nHstakc. . ,'.' 1 II "lmn !'\uys A.n. 005 is nn
9. S;yarul Auli!!'" 1'1 ' '1
fnther. 10 WCI( 'is relftted hy Khnnl on the nnlho'rity or Ids
Life (If AII'll' Kllt/Sl',,,,
295
But Amir Khusrau did not belong to that unhappy type which, per-
haps, inclunes tne grearest tnmKers oj: east ana west. He was too
huwane to be a mem puet . .l:!.very mch an,arost, he was nonetneless
a snrewd man of aitalrs, He could w'ield the sword as well as the
pen, and his capacIty tor enjoym'g the passing hour prevented his
lite tram being cursed, or blessea, with that exclusive elevotion to
the1r art, trom which poets less happity circumstanced have sought
a consolation tor all eartllly failures. 1"or three quarters of a century
Delhi had been the capital of India, and many causes had combined
to raise it to the magnitude of a second tlaghdad. Hither fled the
nobles, scholars and pOliticians whom the Mongol conquest of Muslim
Asia had driven tor retuge to a foreign, but not innospitable; land.
Here also Hocked all the worst and best elements of Indmn society-
astrOlogers, artisans, musicians, assassins, thugs, sharpers and bud-
masHes of every variety and' kind. Delhi became the home of all arts,
fine and coarse, and opened a door to clever and talented men. In
the su\)urbs and slums of the great capital the pimps, prostitutes and
gamblers of Hindustan. cotlected together to ply their abominable
trades; and. along with them, as a. Heaven-sent antidote, came innu-
merable mystics and preachers; whose desperate efforts could barely
prevent the capital from, rushing headlong, like an avalanche, into
the ':'Tn)-jaws of Hell. In this City of sunshine and shadow Amir
Khusrau's gl:iniu5 found a natural home. It had much to teach hini,
and he was eager to learn. He saw Delhi in all her phases-the elo-
quence of her preachers, the. ecstatic discourses of her mystics and
.the alluring blandishments of her dancing-girls-and when he took
up his pen to write, he found his heart throbbing with the deepest
human emotions, "I have gathered the fruits of every tree", Shaikh
Sa'di of Shiraz had said, and Khusrau, who prided himself on having
poured the 'wine 6 Shiraz into his goblet', followed the footsteps of
his distinguished predecessor,lO and investigated life in all its manifold
phases from the imperial palace to the working class slum, from the
monastery to the brothel. Artificial and conventional as arenhiny
of Khusrau's works the defect was due to the tradition of the age,
not to the author's ignorance of the realities of life,.
Still bread had to be earlled, A reckless liberality, that took no
thought of the morrow, was the one redeeming virtue of the Turkish
nobility of the day, and Khusrau was as large-hearted as any of them
"Share with those who need whatever it pleases the Lord to
10, Klrusravi sarma,'t (I"dar sagllal',l lIIa',,1 bll'lkl,i,
SI,il'(! as khumklr,,"g-l masli. kl SI.iraz
See also 'liO%-1 :f{lltIsrovl, Vol. y. '
:.
I
I
, I
'I
I,
I
Ii
ij
:1
:1
l/
!
I
1
I
2!Hl
Politics and Socletv during tile Early Medieval Period
On lhec", is his advice tQ his SQllin the A'itla-i Sikanda1'i, "Hemove
the cn-\st of selfislllless from thy heart and the look of sourness from
t!IY .blpw, . Give a pleas1l'"nt -Iace whatever t!lOu hast, and thy
IIbeIahty wIll be .twlCe Shower thy gifts on all and attach
them to thyself, lIke the hon who entertains tIle beasts of the
on the gaI?e it kills-not like the cat that withdraws into a corner
h.as found a to cat. .. Yes, and let strangers partake
of .thy hbeIahty, for. every sIlly ass can be generous to his wifc and
The man w!lOse kindness to his family only is really
'. To a of such cven a modest competence
was gallIng, and had ,no mtentJon of remaining poor. Like
men of gel1lus, h,e felt dIsgusted at the idea of becoming rich
s.low and persIstent labour, and selected the only profession
that, III Ins day, combined the- minimum of labour with the maximum
of profi,t, and yet did not take him too far froni what he conceived
to be Ins destined missioll in life. He became it courtier. The statcs-
the Ages patronized poets as their modern successors .
1
1
,,[ . ;"lze pl:lIltmg press. !he pariegyrics of the poet created a
publIc 0pllllon III fav?ur of IllS patron and passed his name from
I"?outh to mouth, and if he was wise and discriminating in his selec-
han, fraction of the poet's immortality also fell to his share. Khusrau,
OIl Jus part, was .wondeIfully suited to such a career, lIe wrote
m,ld the same rapidity as our modern joul1lalists
Wllte their daily echtonals, He could accommodate himself to the
of compan),. His personality was attractive, his
WIt bnlllant and hiS conversation channing. In the stormy political
of the .day, such a path, IlO doubt, had its dangers, hut
was as (hscree.t as he was pushing and ncver climbed to
diZZY. It (lIffieult to remain a courtier without becoining
a polItICian, but Khusrau never involved himself in the political ven-
tures of his patrons, He maintain cd with them relations of good
and pure business. He sang their praises because he was
for doing so, ancI he insisted on being paid handsomely. For
half a century, t!le bubbles, passed bcfore his admiring
eyes, and he prmsed them III hyperbolIc terms. But he fOt'got the
the momcnt it burst. The horizon always revealed a
nsmg star, and to that star the poet made his way with his pilgrim's
staff and his mellifluous verse. It is not given to any mortal to he
perfectly happy, but Amir Khusrau's career was one Epicurus himself
would have envied and appi:oved.
11. Aligarh edition, pp. 38 and 46.
Ute of Ami,. KllIIsrau 297
Khusrau's first patron, Alaucldin Muhammad Kashli Khan,
known as Malik Chajju; whose service he seems to have. 111
A.D. 1217, was the nephew and Amir-i I1ajib (Grand Cham,bedal?) of
the Emperor Ghiyasuddin Balban,12 "I oft.en
persons, specially horn Amir Khusrau , notes III Ius hIstory,
.. that Malik Alaudclin Kashli Khan's equal 111 and
generosity, in shooting, hunting and the ball
13
.has
been born:' Malik Chajju, certainly, obtallled a reputatwn
was as extensive as it was transitory, The famous Halaku sent hlI;n
a dagger and offered him the governorship of one half of Iraq, If
he cared to go thither; and the Emperor a
fistcd man, is said to have resented Ius ncphcw s
libent,iG .H.J Not a little of this reputation was due to s treat-
ment of pods. 011 his appointment to go.vernorshlp of Kara
(Allahabad), he gave away the horses 111 stablet? poet,
Khwaja Shams Mu'in, for recltmg a qasu7a,
ten thousand tankas amongst the mUSlCians, .At other times, Baram
would have us believe, Chajju's fits of generosIty were so strong t?at
he gave all his property to the objects of his favouI: and nothmg
for himself excepting the cloak that covered his body. other
poots, Khusrau also basked in the warmth of SUIl and.
his mark. His most famous qasida (panegync) on MalIk ChaJlu IS a
typical example of O1iental hyperbolism:
The mdiant glow of amber-coloured dawn ,
Had itlst dispelled the darkness 9f the !Ught;
The yellow crescent with Us homs ,
And jaundiced looks was smking c:u.t of
I asked the morn: "Where is thy promIsed sunT
And Chaiiu's face shone with its rising light.
1 tumed next to the starry heaoen "
"Say what supports thy planets, In the!!' flIght?
It- smiled at Iliy vain question and dIsplayed ,
The Malik's arms that held them all upnght,15
A trifling incident, however, alienated' Malik Chajju's heart fw;n
12. Maulana Shihli takes some pnins!o show that Malik Chajju and
indicate the same person. A reacler of Barani will have no dOHbt about .t. Chap"
was a mere nickname, while his fnther's title of Kashli Khan was hestowed on hIm
hy the Emperor Balban after his father's ,1eath.
13, I.e., cllot/gem, the medieval polo. ' . '. ' ..
14. Tarlkll-i FI,."z Slwlli, BRAS text, pp. 113 and ,114. .' ". ,
15. clwn az sui mosl11'iq nt snlrn mrna mIlZ(l-J 1Jl.!tlU nmntlll. (Nl\H1.1
Kishoro edition, pp. 32 and 33.)
298
Politics and SoclelV during the Early Medieval Per/ad
the poet after had served him for two years. Balban's
second. son..: Bughra Khan, was once present at a party
of MalIk and, being pleased with some verses of Khusrau
111m w!th a ot sHver coins. Chajju was annoyed at
the s the gilt. Khusrau tried again and again to win
back Ills s favolU. But it was of no avail, and he finally trans-
felled Ius sel Vices to Bughra Khan, then governor of Samana. lIe
h?cL n'lt with his new patron when Tllghril, the governor
of Lakhn'lllh, lebelled, and the Emperor marched against him in
person. The unambitious and ineffectual Bughra Khan was cOllipe\led
accompany his father and took the pOet along with him. The
!Cbds were subdued, and, after a series of vindictive punishments,
that scnt a shudder through the length and hrcadlh of Jlindllslan
Balba.n appointed Khan governor of the conquered provincc:
seems to have_lmgerccl on at Lakhnallti after thc Emperor's
l.dmn, . hut the. atmosphere of an eastern provincial town was un-
congellJaJ to IllS temperament. lIe took leave of his master and
came back to Dclhi, where chance brought him into contact with
the most cultured ancl rr\ost generous of his patrons, the Emperor's
eldest son, Sultan Muhamniad, known to later generations as the
Khan-i Shahid (,Martyr Prince').
Sultan Muhammad was an ideal prince according to the stanclard
of the age. He was brave" polite, urhane. lIe never used fotiI lan-
guage ?nd drank to excess. No one could preside better at
a of .officers, 91' poets; he sat for hours
at a, shetch wIthout ShOWlllg the slIghtest weariness hy a movement
of his limhs. He appreciated poetry and patronizcd ait. His antho-
logy (TJiaz) Persian verse contained about thirty thousand couplets
alHl was by emin!(nt critics for its discriniinating selection
and extenslve knowledge,l6 The Emperor entrusted to tho SOn he
loved than his own. life the most difficult duty of the day-the
warclenslnp of the fronber marches. For over half a century the
Mongol stOim had heen blowing OVer the western horizon and COI1-
stantly threatened to burst. A panie used to seize the towns and
villages of India at the very natlie of the invaders, who 'came like
ants and locllsts' and loft a desolate wildel11ess behind theh1 wherever
thev went. The faU of Delhi seemed only a qllCstion of time. for
no one had the courage .to face the conquering barharian. Balban's
10. "11,i. /,(az wo, n wondnrfnl mnnn,cript. After the Ijrincc', death. Sultan Dnlbnn
gave. it to his ink-henrer, Aniir Ali, nnd from him it came into tile I1nnds of Amir
Khusrau" (SI.t,,"l Ai
a
",.). A bicrz is n manuscript colleelion of poems which Jndinns
are even now very fond of compiling.
Life of AmiI' K/ulSIau
',',,'
29\)
stout-hearted cousin, the valiant SherKhan, had.done yeoman .service
to the .h;mpire by his vigilant protectiotl.o the Punjab. But early. in
his reign J3alban had pOisoned his cousin from jea!<)t\sy, and the
frontier was left unprotected.: Sultan Muhammad, on succc!:Jdirig to
Sher Khan's office, won the golden opinion .of allpeopie. His court
at kpcanw famous Jhroughout the Persian-reading world.
"The majlis of Sultan Muhammad was composed of learned:scholars
and artists; his courtiers used to read tpe. Shah Namah, the Diwans.
of Sami'i ancl Khaqani and the Khamsah of Nizami and discussed the
merits of various poets before him." Oncoming to Delhi (A.D. 1280)
with the revenues of the provinces of the Punjab. and Sindh; Sultan
Muhammad met Amir Khusrau and took him to Multan. "For five
years Amir Khusrau and AmiI' Hasan Wetf.dn his service at Multtm ...
with keen judgment that hacl, th!,l at
theIr ment, placed them above Ins other cOttrhers, patd them hIgher
salaries and presented them with better robes of honour." The ani-
hitious prince. even attenipted to bring. a greater poet than Amir
Khusrau to his provincial capital. Twice he sent messengel:s to Shaikh
Sa'di of Shiraz with the expenses of the journey and offered to build
and endow a monastery for the Shaikh at Multan. But Sa'di excused
himself on the ground of old age and sont prince ghazals written
with his own lulnd.l
7
. .
"But suddenly a bolt fell froni the blue; the Day of Dooin was
enacted 011 earth, and the company of' friends was dispersed like
rose-petals scattered by the alttumnal Winds that. desolate. the gar-
den."lB As if in punishment for his fathel!! murder of Sher Khan;
Sultan Muhamniad lost his life in resistiti.g a Mongol raid. In AllJ . 687
(A.D. 1285) a Mongol general, Hmar, invaded the w.ith
, thirty thousand men, and Silltan Muhaniniad marched agamst .hlm.
But through a sti'ange error, the prince had read 'three thousand'
insteaclof 'thirtY.thousancl' in the sent to him, and on coming
face to face. with the enemy neal' Lahore, he discovered that the
small force he had brought was uttedy insuffiCient to take the field.
He fortified hiniself in a village 011 the eastern bank ?f the Eavi. and
was waiting for reinforcements, :anvrised hini by
crcissitlg the river at miclclay and breakmg mto IllS camp., Sultan
Muhamniad was forced to give battle; but, in spite of all his courage,
the field was irretrievably lost, and at sunset the prince himself was
. ,
17: According to Dndanni, Shaikh Sn'di fnjther rccon;m011<lcd Am;" Khusrnu
!lIe prince's favour nnd praised him hcyond limits. This statement, whether false
or true, is not found in Baral'1l. .'
18. Khusrau's Elegy, quoted hy Dndauni.
,
I
f',
!
300
Politics and Societll during tIle Earlll Medieval Period
lllortall/wounded by an arrow. Delhi and Multan mourned the
news. The old Sultan was crushed. All day he sat in thtl. court
and attended to the business of the government, but at nIght he
gave way to lamentation and tears. Everyone could see that his
end, too, was not far off.
Amir Khusrau was not only a courtier but also an officer in the
army. He had accompanied his master and was captured by the
Mongols. ''The Muslim martyrs dyed the desert with their blood",
he says,]!) "while the Muslim captives had their necks tied together
like so many flowers into garlands. I was also taken. prisoner, and
trom fear that they would shed my blood, not a drop of blood re-
mained in my veins. I ran about like water, here and there,with
innumerable blisters on my feet like bubbles on the surface of a
stream. My tongue was parched and dry from excessive thirst and
my stomach seemed to have collapsed for want of food. They (took
I\wl\y my clothes from me) and left rne nude like 1\ Ietlfless tree in
winter or a flower that has been much lacerated by thorns. My
Mong(,l captor sat on a horse like a lion bestriding the spur of a
mountain; 1\ disgusting stench came out of his mouth and his annpit
s
,
and Oll his chin there grew, like a hyacinth, a tuft as of pubic hair.
If through weakness I lagged a little behind, he would threaten me
sometimes with his frying-pan and sometimes with his spear. I sigh-
ed and thought that release from such a situation was quite impossible.
But, thank God, I did regain my freedom without my breast
been pierced by an arrow or my body cut into two by the sword.
On reaching a stream, probably the Ravi,"the thirsty Mongol and his
no less thirsty horse, plunged into the. water, drank their fill and almost
instantly yielded up the ghost. The cautious Khusrau moistened
his lips, which brought some relief to his palpitating heart, and
fIed.20 At Delhi he found his mother broken by anxiety and sus-
pense, and gave expression to the emotions of the hour in an elegy
on the martyred prince. The graphic touches of an'
19. In a 'la.,/cla quoted by Bndaun! (BRAS text, pp. 151-54). The
bv which he acquired his freedom is described in tho DCleal Rllni (Ahgarh edillon,.
.
20. Maulan,! Shihli says that Khusrau was taken a Ilrisonc!' to Dalkh. Thi's is
incorrect. His captivity and release are events of a single day. The battle began
at noon and ended at sunset. It was. a hot April day and the excessive thirst to
"bich Khns!'"n refers is quite intelligihle. Tbe evening mnst havti heen far
,,!tcn the Ravl was I'c.dle,l, and the ilwrensing d"lkllcss modo the poet s' escape
easier. Being an officer, he wac; accorded a differential treatilient and kept apart
[or the sake o[ ransom from those who "had their "ecks th,1 together like- so many
flowers into garlands". .
Ufe of Am'r KI",.,af/
301
combined the grief of one who had personally suffered the
loss of a mUl1Jficent patron, secured it an immediate popularity. For
?ver a month Khusrau's verses were recite4 before weeping faces
111 :ourt and camp. It is, in fact, an inimitable piece of art. The
thnll of. horror .that over the country, the superb self-confi-
dence of the prJIlce on IllS march frOm Multan, the sudden rush of
Mongols_ the dcsnerate stand of the Indian arniv in the scorch-
Ing heat and the ineffectual atte-mnts of the remnant to escane are
describerl 1'1 a melodious verse of sustained and indescrihable sa(l-
ness. Hitherto Khnsrau's Persian verses had heen on Iv f'urrcllt
the e,ll1cated; the elegy made his name familim' to the man
III the street,21 .
For some tinie after the sad event AmiI' Klmsrau reniained at
Patiali with his adored mother. Events at Delhi were taking an
unf?rtunat? Balban had been succeeded by his grandson,
Mu Izzuddlll KUlqubad, a young man of eighteen, who started on
a career of reckless dissipatioll; and the affairs of the state were
left in the hands of the ministel-, Nizamuddin, a grasping politiciail
about whom his OWll uncle, Fakhtuddin, the kotwal of Delhi dec-
lared, that 'lIe had not the courage to throw a stone at a iackal or
a with .an Evcrything was falling intn
dISOldC!, and men of dlseemmcnt could see thc signs of a coming
revolution .. The politicians round the young Emperor bore no love
to the memory of Sultan Muhainmad, whose son, Kaikhusran, they
had put to d.eath. It was impossible for tile poet to gain a footing
at fhe Court while Nizamuddin was in power, and he had
no but to seek safety in a provincial capitaI.22 Amir Ali
Saqandar, generally known as HaUm Khan, was one of the moot
members ?f the official hierarchy, and his patronage seenied
an anchor of salety in the dangerous days ahead.2!l Amir Ali had
started his Career as a freedman of the Emperor Balban, but had
risen to be one of the greatest persons in the land. He had a reputa-
tion for generosity. "Even to. beggars, who wandel' from door to
21. Ahiir Khusrau's elegy is transcribed' hy Bndalllli from the Clmrmlul Kamal.
He also copies a prose elegy by Amir Hasan.
22. Barani says. that Sultan Muhammad and Faklmuldin,. the kot",al. had quar-
relled over a woman. It was owing to Fakhrudd.in that Balhan's will in favour
of wa. ignored and Kai'luhael was placed on the throne. The popt
himself was in no danger of persccution, hut his retreat to Pntiali, and later on
to Oudh, was probably due to the dislike Nlznmuddin ';ad fbr him. .,
23. Sariandar meant the 'Commander of th'e Imperial Bodyguard'. He is calleel
Jallall in the S7Ii',."l Alam, an,1 KhusTan refers to hilT> under that designittioll
1Il the Qlmllll . Sa'dnln. . .
302 Politics and Society during tire Eady Medieval Period
door, he gave tank,as of gold and silver: the name of iital never
caine to his lips::24 Khusrau, like others, also paid many tributes
to HaUm Khan's munificence:
"Thall art gellel:olls like the Kh(m", I told the sea.
."Oh No I Oh No I" its trembling soul replied,
"My stingy waves cast off but w01thless weeds;
He scatters mbies in his generalis pride."
The poet was in Khan's service when the latter
was appointed. governor of. Oudh. But after staying there for two
years, Khusrau once more began to long for ,Delhi. His mother
. was anxious to see him, and Nizamuddin had fallen. IIatim Khan
cordially permitted him to leave and presented him with two plate-
fuls of gold coins for the expepses .of the journey. Khusrall had
not been two days in Delhi when a messenger of Mtt'izzuddill Kai-
qubad caine to invite him to the Impelial Court.25 . The poet kissed
the ground and recited a qasida; the. Emperor preseilted him with
a waist-band and two pUl:ses of gold and asked him to write an
account of his (Kaiqubad's) meeting with his father, Bughra Khan.
Khusrall was enrolled among the chief courtiers and sat down to
compose his first masnavi, the Qil:anU$ Sa'daiti, which was. completed
after six months of continuous lahour in Shawwal .A.II. 688 (October
1289). But while the poet busy over his masnavi, the Emperor
rapidly went from bad to worse, and. the dissipated habits, which
he lacked strength to o:vercorne, confined hiiJ. .to. hed with a mortal
malady at the young age of twenty-two. With him also fell the
Turkish bureaucracy; which had monopolized all political power in
the state froni the time of Shihabmlelin GhurL AmiI' Khusrau had
friends among tIle Turkish nobles, hut he looked with supreme
unCOIlCl'11l at their fall: It was his principle to swim with the cur-
rent, not against it. '., .
The neW Emperor, Sultan Jalaluddin Khalji, was an old .adnjirer
of Amir Kh(lSrau. Many years previously Jalaluddin. had conferred
on Khpsrau the military command of his father, AmiI' Lachin, a post
that brought the poet about"twelvehundred tanka. a vMr with the
title of ami1. On his accession. to the thnme," Jalaluddin J"aised
Khusrau to the highest status he des.tlned to J"each: 'He
was assigned the office of 'Keeper of the Royal Qllran' and became
21. Tanka tl:e gold coin of the.' day; iilal was copper roin.
According to Bm'ani, Khusratt 'a)so w'rote', a .. the Asp Nanwh, in Hatini Khan's
. praise. !
25. Qiran/ls Sa'anl .. (Aligarh edition, pp. 221-30).
Life of Ami" Kllt/sraft
303
the chief courtier,26 The Sultan presented hini with the same robe
of honour and white waist-band as were given to the greatest maliks
of the lanel." Jalaluddin, though an old man of seventy, loved the
charms of cultured society. His own Vffses were of no very high
order, but his critical taste was superior to his creative power.
27
He had collected at his court the hest musicians, shigers and dan-
cing-girls that could be found in the country "and his pleasure-parties
were such as can only be seeuin dreams. While the saqis invited
the company to drink and the musicians played and the dancing-
girls performed, the recitatiOn of Khusrau's ghazals restored. the
weary-hearted to life and transported the emotional to paradise."
Apart from the ghazals and qasidas he wrote for the Sultan's parties,
Khusrau also presented his master with the MiftaTwl Futtlh, a versi-
fied history of his campaigns. Unfortunately, two of Khusrau's
fonlier patrons, Malik Chajju and Hatim Khan, ,:chelled against the
Khalji Emperor, bnt the poet made a right-about hUll and cOnl!Ta-
tulatcd the Sultan on his victory. OVi' the rebels. He was destined
soon to sWillIow and digest a more bitter pHI.
On the 16 Rainazan A.n . 695 (14 Julv A.D. 1296) the Emperor's
nephew anelson-in-Iaw, Malik Alaudc1in Khalji, had his uncle
assassinated by the side of the Ganges near Kara (Allahabad), It is
one of the most atrocious murders that history records. Jalaluddin
had up his ncnhew with the affectiOn of a father and had
condescended to visit his camp i.maccompanied bv hiS army. "Un-
grateful Alauddinl What hast thou planned?".' he cried as the
assassin, Ikhtiyaruddin Hud, ran after hfnf and cut off hIs head,
his Iins were repeating the oath of affinnation.
28
The new
Enineror dirl not think it wise to offer anv justification for the mur-
der to which he owed his throne; he closed the mouths of his critics
With gold and marie his government firm and secure throtigh his
aclministrative and er.ono'mic reforms. Alauddin's accession was
followed hv a veritflh1e reil!ll of terror; everythfnl! was cast 'nto
"the furnace ancl iriOlllcled anew in COnS011'111Ce with the revolution-
aiv Fnineror's imaO'inaticin. Like others KhllSn111 also hrOlIO'ht
liis offerinfl's 11efore 'the nicture of fire'. Stm:ms of riO'hteous infllO'na-
tion mav ilave swept across his soul at the ontraQ'eous murdel" of
26. The duties of a courtier (nadl ... ) were kent ouite distinct from those of n
minister. He was reoulred to entertain the Sultan's leisure hours hut had notl,ln,:(
to do with tile administratinn of the kin!!dom or matters of high policy. The office
brlHlrrht more proGt than dhmitv or power.
27. Two of the Sultan's nre rriven by' Badanni.
28. "There Is no God hut AI/ah and Mnhammad I. Hi. Pmphct." The incident
I. at' ..c'- hr. Barani in detail.
304 Politics anr! Sodetu ,TIII'/flg tlte ElI/'TIl Medl'mnl Perlnd
his patron, but not the .humblest wOf(lof protest ever came to his,
Iips.29 His position as poet-lame ate was quite secme, no one ques-
tioiled his and Alauddin accepted the poet along with
the other fUl'lliture and decorations of his prcdecessor's court. The
Emperor was far from being an or cultured man, and Barani'
accuses him of not reco!!I1izing the poet's worth. "If a noet like
Amir Khusrau had lived in the time of Mahrriu(l or Saniar. those
monarchs would have hestowed tcrritorles and lIovel'11orshins on him
and mised him to hip'h dignitv and office. TIut Alauddin naiel no
rerranl to the honour due to s11ch a ,'oet and was content to p'ive
him his one thonsand tanka.y."30 The Khalii s"ntesman no r1rillht.
too experienced in mundane affairs to tum the govemorshin of the
empire into playthings' for wits and nocts. lIe was feverishly busy
in <irganizing every department of the econorriic lifc of the people,
and it is not to bc wondered at that he was soinewhat ungenerous
to a class, which, from his point of vicw,anpeared singularly un-
'productive. Still, judging froni Khusrau's tributcs to the EmpCl:<ir's
munificencc, the poet's labour ohv'iouslv did not go nnrewardecl. The,rc'
was also another reason fol' Khusrau's rhvme. For the first time in '
his career he had come face to face with a who really
his praise. Malik Chajiu aJHl Bughra Khan, Jalalueldin anel
Sultan Muhammarl were men of ordinarv stature and owed their
prominence to accident or birth. With Alauddin. 'a real hero
ed on the stalIe: and AmiI' Khusrau, with n truc insiqht into the
poet's art. cast off, hvnerhole for realitvlI'nncl san!! as he 11ad never
sung before. There is sOinething singularly gracious and becomin!!
in the qasidas in which the greatest of our medieval poets has paid
his tribllte to the greatest of our medieval emperors. '
The twerity years of Alauddin's reign coincided with the most pro-
ductive, period of Khusrau's life. He ':Vas as absorbed in his poetry
as the Emperor was in his reforms, and Jlis speed was surprising. In
three years A.II. 698-700 (A.D. 1298-1300) he, complcte,c1 his five roman-
tic masnavis-Matla'ul Anwar, Slti!'in Khusl'al', Mafnun Ain-i
Sikandal'i and Hasht Bihisht-,-which are collectivelv known as the
,Pan; Gall;. All these 11Iasnavis ,dedicated to Nizamuddin
. All1iva and presented to Sultan Alauc1din. While he was writing his
tJ,lircl vLlume, the Maftltln Laila, he l<ist his milch-loved inother and
29. In the K1wzainl;/ Fi,!!,It as wellns the D(llpa/ RUlli Khusrau simply refr"ins
from making any reference til Jalaluddin's' assassination. This was, uoubtless, in
accordance with Alunddin's' wish, 'who desired the incideht to he forgotten:.
30. Twelve hun'dred would he marc accurate. This wits Khusrau's salary as, a
!!ovemment officer.
Life of Amlr Khu,trau
305
younger ,"This year A.H., 697,", he S!lYs, "two stars h,ave
disappeared from my fiml,amentj my mother and brother have both
departed. Where are you, 0 mother mine, that I cannot see youi'
Have mercy on my tears and come siniling out of your grave I In
days gone by I was as insolent as you were loving, and now that I
am of my, conduct, can I ask your forgiveness? While
a man IS blessed. With prospenty, he does'not recognize its value; and
has rubbing hands in anxiety does not
bnng agaml Your adVICe was the support of my life when
your hps could speak-and your silence inspires me still ... And with
you is gone Qutlugh, your son and my brother. He had completed
all the stages of the walTior's training and so fortune gave him the
title of hisam (sword). He charged valiantly, like iny father, on the.
field of battle; he never lagged behind like me, a man with a broken
sword. But now, without comrades and without friends how are
you faring in youI' lonesome grave? Oh, let me see you; not tum
your face. Wake up, wake upl You have slept too long. Or,'
If you are too pure for my physical eye to perceive, at least come to
me in my dreams."31 In spite of this bereaveinent, Khusrau'brought
the series to a conclusion. "Thank God ", he says gratefully at the
end of the Hasht Bihisht, "He has thrown so many gems into iny
hands froni the unseen treasure that I have, filled my five treasure
houses (Pani Gani) with them in three years. TranSitory as is my
life, I need have no anxiety now that the edifice is complete."
The five romantic masnavis would have satisfied a poet less ambi-
, tious and wom out one less virile. But Klft,srau's energies never
slackened. As if afraid that his critics would dismiss him merely as
a poet, he tumed to prose and brought out two works of different
lengths. The fil'st, Khazainul Futt/h, is a thin voluine on the history
of Alauddin's wars; the second, 'I;az-i Khttsravi. ,is a long work in
five volumes on figures of speech. Towards the end of Alauddin's
rei!W came the second and hest of Kll1lsrau's historical masnav'is, the
Dau)al Himi" Khi-zl' Khan, which the course of events brought to a
tra gi c con cl usi on.
, No biographer of AmiI' Khusrau can afford to ignore the'influence
exercised on him bv Shai.kh Nizamuddin Auliya.
32
Different as were
their characters an'd temperaments, their for each other
31. Ma;mln Li.ila (Aligarh edition). pp. 16065.
32. Popular usage nowadays divides Indian Mussalmans into Sa/l!lid." Mllg1wl .,
ralhan., and a fourth, extensive and nondescript class, designated S1wikh . tn medie-
val India, however, It Shaikh meat1t' tic or saint. I have used 'the
in its medieval significance. , I ,
306 Pol/I/cs alld Socletv dw!ng tIle Early Medieval Period
was genuine and sincere. The course of tl1eir early lives had been
utterly dissimilar. Shaikh Nizamuddin's patemal grandfather, Khwaja
Sayyid Ali, had emigrated from Bukhara and settled in Badaun, where
the Shaikh was born in A.D. 1238. While he was yet a child, his
father, Sayyid Ahmad, fell ill and his mother, Bibi Zulaikha, dreamt
that a voice was asking her to choose between her husband and lwr
son. With the eternal instinct of the Indian mother, Bibi Zulaikha
preferred to save her son, and as'Clestiny would have it, Sayyid Ahhlad
died soon after. Bibi Zulaiklla was a lady of ferveflt piety, and her
character left a deep imptession on the son, whom she adored and
managed to educate in conditions of appalling poverty. Mother and
son had no me{t11s of livelihood except what their neighbours brought
- to them unasked, and their maid-servant ran away from the starving
household. Nevertheless, the Shaikh; who was remarkable for his
diligence, learnt all that Badaun had to teach, and, at the age of six-
teen, went with his mother and sister to complete his studies at Delhi.
The great capital was then full of scholars and men of learning; edu-
cation was practically free; and a student so intelligent as the Shaikh
had access to the best teachers. His principal tutor, MauJana Kanial"
uddin Zahid, was distinguished by a remarkable independence of
character. Sultan Ghivasuddin Balban, haVing heard of Maulana
Zahid's piety, invited him to the court and olTered him the post of
Head lniam. "Our prayer is all that is left to us", the Maulana replied,
"Does the Sultan wish to seize that also?" Balhan was stmck
and, after offering a brief apology, all<?iNed the Maulana to den art.
From stich a scholar Shaikh Nizamuddin obtained bis final certificate
at the'.' age of twentv and, perhaps, also imhihed that indilfcnmcc
towards men of wordly grandem that distinguished him throughout
his life.
Though he had hitherto followed the nornial COl1rSe of studies,
Shaikh's mind was already inclined towards lTiysticism, aJ](1 he orten
told his comrades that he would not for long remain in the atmos-.:
phere of their literary discussions. At thc Me of twelve he had heard
a qarvrvul33 praise the nietv of Shaikh Farid Ganj-i Shakar of Ajudhan;
ever since then he had deve1ol,led an extraordinarv reverence for
saint and went to see him as soOn as his studies were comp
"Every new-comer is nervous", Shaikh Fadd remarked on secing
the young man was unable to speak from fear. Shaikh N
his head and was enrolled aniong the disciples. He
of course, absolutely penniless; a kindly lady washed his clothes when
:J3, A recitC'T of mystic vcrseos.
Llftf of Amlr KI.usrall
307
ihey bec?me dirty to worn any longer, and Shaikh Farid pre-
sente.d Illm WIth a gold com when he was about to leave for Delhi.
But It was the last coin of Shaikl1 Fadd's own household and that
very Shaikh Nizamuddin discovered that his and his
master s famIly would have to go without dinner because they lacked
the .of purchasing it. The diSciple laid the master's gift again
at Ius feet. It :-vas gratefully accepted. "I have prayed to God to
you a portIOn of earthly good", Shaikh Farid blessed the young
dISCIple, and then seeing his anxiety added, "Have no fear about it
for Y0lt the shall not be a temptation." The master's discerning
eyes had not faIled to see the greatness of his successor.
There been distinguished men in all religions whose life has
been a contllluous sh'uggle against the world, the flesh and the devil-
who have f0,ught and, to a considerable extent, succeeded in the great
battle that IS supposed to be constantly raging between the higher
and the lower elements of human nature. Shaikh Nizamuddin was
not one of theni. He is not recorded to have recited a surprising
of prayers; h.e did. not, like Shaikh Farid, hang himself by his
feet III a well or bnng hunself to the verge of death by unending
.fasts. There was no element of asceticism in him because for him
the asc;"Cl:: c'iscipline was not necessary. He did' not exorcize the
devil by torture or self-mortification, which vel)' often only substitutes
.for worldliness, hut ruled him out by the quiet joy that
IllS heart. He never man-ied and never possessed a house
of Ius People that his eyes wlre red in the morning
after . IllS medItatIOn, like one slightly tipsy, and an in-.
descnhabJ: happmess shone on his face. 111ere was nothing in the
external Cll"cnmstances of his life to e-xplain this inner bliss.
"I have given you the spiritual enipire of Hindustan", Shaikh Farid
had ordered hini, "Go and take it." nnt Shaikh Nizamuddin, on re-
turning to Delhi, was fOr Jong undecided as to whether he should
remahl at the capital or select a provinCial town for his residence.
This is the only inner struggle that seenis to have taken place in his
mimI; hilt nltiniately he decided to face his duty holdly by liVing
and w6rking in the great metrOpolis. 111ere followed over tblrty
years of appalling poverty. He first stayed in the house of Tmadt;l
Mulk, Amir Khusrau's matenlUI grandfather, who was generally kTI6vvn
as the Rawat-i Al'z, but after two years Imadul Mulk's sons returned
to Delhi and summarily evicted the Shaikh from their house. He
sought refuge in a thatched mosque nearby, and that vel)' night
Imaclul Mulk's house caught fire and was burnt to ashes. Thereafter,
till his final settlement at Ghiyaspur, he kept wandering from one
308 Politics and Soc/ell! during the Earll! M eaie!)//l Period
quarter of the city to another. He had no means of his own and
never condescended to ask anyone for help. "In the days of Ghiyas-
uddin Balban", the Shaikh used to say in latcr life, "melons were sold
at the rate of one iital per maund, but velY oftell the season passed
away without my being able to taste a slice ... On one occasion I had
to go without food for a night and a day, and half the second night
had passed before I got anything to eat; two seers of bread :could be
had for a jital, but from sheer poverty 1 was unable to purchase any-
thing in the market. My mother, sister and other persons in iny
house suffered along with me. On one occasion we had starved for
three, clays when a man knocked at my door with a howl of khichl'i.84 ,
I have l\eVer found anything so delicious as that plain khichri ap-
peared to me then. 'We are the guests of Goel today', my mother
used to say when we had no food left in the house, and an inexplicable
joy ovl)"powered my heart at these words. Once 1 dreamt that Shaikh'
Najibueldin Mutawakkil, brother of Shaikh Fadd, lweI come lei our'
house, and 1 asked my mother to get something for him to eat. 'But
there is no food in our house', she replied. Soon aftcr 1 dreamt that
the Holy Prophet was coming with his Companions. I kissed his
feet and requested him to visit my house. 'What for?' 'I will place
before you and your Companions whatever dinner 1 can provide.',:
'But has not )rour mother told you just now that there is no food in
your llOuse?'. the Prophet replied. I felt tlwl'oughly ashamed at
position." The venerable mother bore everything bravely along: with
her son, whose peace of mirid no eartlfty inisfortnnes conld disturb"
hut the continued starvation was, perhaps, too niuel! for her health. "
"\iVh6se feet will you kiss ncxtmonth, Nizam?", she asked him during"
her last illness when lle had placed his head on he.r feet after
the new moon. "And to whose care will you me, mother? , ' ..
the son enquired. Before the morning had dawned she called him,
to her bedside. "Almighty God I "-shetook his hand in hers-"1 as-'
sign lIiy son to Thy care." And with thesc words on her lips
venerable Jady passed away.
, Meanwhile the Shaikh's faine had been spreading far and
and evervone who came in contact with him was captivated hy
strange jZ>y that radiated from him. In A.r;. 1267 Shaikh Fari.d '
nated him his successor and, just before IllS death, ordered hIS
staff and prayer-carpet to be conveyed to Shaikh Nizamuddin, to
intense annoyance of his own children, who expected to succeed
the profitahle post. Sultan Jalaluddin offered to endow a village
:)4, A simple dish of leniil boiled with rice,
LI;e of Al1Iir
the Shaikh's expenses; the disciples who had round him
protested that they had suHered as much as they could stand, but
in spite of their protests the offer wa,s firmly refused. The Sultan
next asked for an interview; it was not granted; and when the Sultan
resolved to pay a surprise visit, the Shaikh, who had come to know
of his intention from Amir Khusrau, avoided the interview by under-
taking a journey to Ajudhan. The Shaikh had made up his mind to,
keep aloof from politicS, and nothing could turn hiin, from that resolu-
tioP. _ nut. it was impossible for the teacher, who had opened his
door wideio all who came, to keep politicians away. In th\:'l begin-
ning of Alauddin's reign the nobles began to visit his monastery at
Ghiyaspur; the Shaikh was annoyed at their visits, but did not refuse
to see them. Gradually their Increased. Toward the end of
Alauddin's reign the Shaikh's reputation reached its full height. Khizr
Khan, the heir-apparent, became a finn believer in the Shaikh, and
every member of the imperial family and e:very servant of the palace
joined the great discipleship. The Sultan himself was the only ex-
ception. "What sort of _ heart was Alauddin's?", the pious Barani
remarks, "How indifferent and bold I From thousands of fal'sangs
travellers m\d students came to pay their respects to the Shaikh; the
young and old of the city, scholars and cOnimon people, the wise
artd the foolish, all tried by thousands of tricks to present themselves
before him' but it never came to Alauddin's mind that he, too, should
either visit' the Shaikh or invite him to the court."35 The Emperor
and the Shaikh were. in fact, too great in their own departments to
have anything more than a distant respeCt for each other. Alauddin
as little for saints as the Shaikh did tor politicians. In his own
erratic way he had made up his mind to bend his sinful knees before
God alone.
Thanks to the mal/lIzats of AmiI' Khusrau and Amir Hasan and the
Siyarul Auliya of Amir Khurd, Shaikh Nizamuddin, at the fnIness of
35. In the face of Barani's Amir Khurd's statement, that Alauddin wished'
to see the Shaikh, bnt the latter refused to see him and declared that he would leave
his house by one door as the Emperor entered it by the other, cannot be accepted.
Alauddin, who had an innate suspicion of the political ambitions of religious men-
a suspicion not unjustified in many cases-wrote a letter to the Shaikh and offered
to be g1\ided by his advice in all matters. But Shaikh Nizam1Hldin did not "ven
care to open the letter, whieh was given to him by Khizr Khan. "We, durwesbes,
have nothing to do with the affairs of the state", he repliml;, "r have' settled in a
corner apart from the men Of the city and spend my time in praying for the Sultan
and other Mussahrians. If the Sultan does not like it, lct him tell me so. I will go
And live elsewhere. God's earth is extensive enough." The reply eonvinc'ed Alaud.
din that the Shaikh had no political amhitions.
(.
a10
Politics and Socletv durIng tt.e Early Medieval Period
his and is better known to, us than ally olher
m medieval Indm., He opened wide the doors of his disciple-
confessed all sinners:-nobles and commons, and poor,
malt,:> and students and illiterate folk, citizens and villagers,
soldiers and CIVilIans, free-men and slaves. Forenoon and after-
noon and th.e hours after sunset were sct apart for those who canie
to lum; but he was always accessible and seIUom kept ally-
o?e waltmg. The work of a Shaikh was to educate the people in
go<,>dness, and to this task Shaikh Nizamuddin applied
hunself With smgular devotion throughout his long and useful life.
People. of ever,:, class came to his monastery and he talked to cadi
to knowledge and understanding; and everyone who
VISited the, Shrukh felt himself eaptivated."36 Besides a thin voluine
of Shaikh never cared to write anything, and
the works of 1115 diSciples can but dimly give us the im-
of a which as unique as it was faScinating.
No Indo-Muslim mysttc has left such a deep hripression 'on his con-
temporaries. "No deed will bring a greater reward on the Dav of.
Judgment", he used to say, "than bringing happiness to the hearts of
Mussalmans and of men." And yet, in spite of the fact that he was.
mixing and with all who came, people felt that the
henrt was always towards God as if He was looking at him"
Tl;e annals of haglOIogy are strewn with tIle records of meaning;Jess
but Shaikh Nizamuddin was not a miracle-monger of the
ordmarv sort. He never Hew in the air or walked on water
dry and feet: . His greatness ras the greatness of a
heart; IllS mIracles were the miracles 0 a deeply sympathetic
He could read a man's inner heart by a glance at his face and
the words that brought consola,tion to tortured hearts. (1)
Muharak of Copamau used to get a r,obe of honour from Sultan
whenever he presented himself at the court, but on one
occasIOn the Sultan only bestowed a white sheet on him, hnd the
KItwaja, greatly pained at this cbange in the Sultan's
to see Shaikh Nizamuddin. The latter looked at him tenderly
said: "A kings !!ift is a thin)! of value, be it a gold coin or a she
"My heart rejoiced at the word", the Khwaja declared later, "and
despondency disappeared." (2) A sceptic once presented
self with his friends hefore t1le S11aikh, and along with the
meats brought by his friends, he placed a little sand wrapped In
36. Siya",l Auliya.
37. Ka-amwTm malll!cajilTulIl IlaT.-I.
811
paper before the Shaikh. When the servants came to remove the
presents, the Shaikh ordered them to leave the packet of sand wher
it was. "This antimony", he said, "js specially meant for my eyes."
The young :m.an trembled and confessed, but the Shaikh presentee
him with a dress and tried to console him. "If you are in need oj
food or money", he asked, "tell me so and I will do what I can.'
<,3) III the period of his poverty tlle Shaikh Qnce sat down to eat !
few cl1lmbs of ",read after he had gone without food for two days
But a beggar, who passed that way, imagined that the Shaikh ha(
finished his dinner and very unceremoniously took away the crumb
from the dinner-cloth. The Shaikh smiled cheerfully. "Our suffer
iugs", he said, "must have been accepted by the Lord that lIe trie
us further," (4) A visitor, who saw the Shaikh and his diSCiple
starving, offered to teach him alchemy. But the Shaikh would hav
none of it. "Mixing colours", he said, "is the work of Christians, an,
accumulating gold is the task of Jews. We, Mussalmans, do nc
wish for the-goods of this world or the next. We live for the Lor'
alone."
Call such things miracles, if you please, provided by a miracle '
not meant something morally irrational Qr meaningless. The Shaikh
life was, ill fact, the embodiment of what psychological research sha
one day prove to be the deepest principle of our human nature: th1
salvation, or bappiness in its highest form, lies not in a. war wil
the attractions, of worldly . life or in indifference towards them, hI
ill the healthy development of the 'cosmic emotion', in a sympathet
identification of the individual with his enV'iremrtent, so that the di
tinctiOn of the I and not-l disappears in a absOrption of tl
human soul in the Absolute. God is nQt so much a Creator to 1
acknowledged as an Existence to be felt-felt not as an abstraction bl
as a reality embodied in the living' and inanimate creatures arour
'us. And thus salvation is not something to be obtained in the \Vor
beyond; it is to be attained by progressive stages, here and. n01
or it will be never reached at all.
S8
The blessing of Shaikh Far
accompanied his disciple throughout his life .. "For him the war
was never a temptation." When, in later life, presents began to cOll
to Shaikh Nizamuddin. from all sides, he distributed them to tl
.needy 'with a liberal hand, and every, Friday the kitchen and pant
38. Or, a. I .. Knbir, wl")"(1 e1mrnctcr arid thougl,t in some re.pects closely reseml
Shaikh Nlznmmldin'.: "In life deliverance "hid"". If yonr hondo ar(l not hro1
while living, what hope of delivemi,ce in ;lenth? If lIe lS fOllnd, lie i. found he
if not, we go hut to dwell in the city of dealh. Kabir says, 'Xt is the spirit of I
qnest :which liCll's; I am tl,e slave of !hc spirit of the quest:" , .
312
Politics and Soc/Ill" dW'/lIg tl'e Earlll Medieval Period
":ere swept clear before the saint went for his prayer, Sumptuous
dishes wefe p!aced before his visitors, b!1t the saint, who fasted almost
every day, <lined only on plain bread with some vegetable, And
a remonstrated against his continued abstinence, he
that wIllIe so .many poor and rriiserable men were starving
In the mosques and before the shops in the market, it was impossible
a. to dowll throat." His sleep was as meagre as
IllS diet, he slept.a hUle at midday and rested a little before midnight
But after midnight, when every one had gone to bed, the
up the of his. bedroom .. and kept meditating, reading,
praymg and recItIng verses till the morning. "In silence I and the
'?mp .keep ea;h other company till the break of day; sometimes I ex-
trngUish It With the coldness of my sighs, at other times I make it
but:n ilie fire of my soul." He had a delightful titrle
of. It. mght when the morning is approaching", the Shaikh.
once, a. verse into .my mind which brings me great inspira-
han and dehght. ThiS mornmg I recollected these lines:
The garment by Thy separation torn39
Living, once more, once more, j'e-knit I must.
And if I die, accept my frank excuse,
Al(J$, the hopes that crumble into dust!
But when I was reciting tlle verses a second time, a woman
pear?d. before ,humility reg;tested me not to.
contmue the recltatton. Was It m a dream? , asked one Qazi
"No, I was wide awake", atfswered the Shaikh "I saw
her as clearly as I see you." "Then this woman was the of
the world which did not wish you to leave her" the Qazi remarked.
"You are right", said the Shaikh. ' .
Amir Khusrau becanie a disdpie of the Shaikh when he was
years of age, and the Shaikh is to have encouraged him
m hiS early devotion to poetry. But during the earlier part of his
career Khusrau was often absent from Delhi, and the doxology of
tl1;- Qil'an!ls Sa'dafn, which was ,vritten in the last year of Kaiqubad's .
reIgn, qoes not refer to Shaikh Nizamuddin. The friendship of the
Shaikh and the poet prohahIy in the of. Sultan Jalalud(!in
and hecame closer every day. Though their characters differed wide-
ly, there ,vas a strong bond of sympathy between tbem. Khusrau,
in spite of a life spent in the atmosphere of royal courts, was at
il9. i.e., tk heart wound"d hy from the Lord (SJ.i'ml Airrlll nnd Siyan,z
A!.liyn).
U;e of Amir Kltusrau
heart a mystic; and the Shaikh, who ofton composed quatrains of a
very high order, could not but. be captivated by the fervour of
'Khusrau's Turkish sour. The poet, ouce the heat of youth was over,
sat down to a pious life of continued devotions, and the saint, whose
tolerance knew no limits, warmly welcomed the courtier who brought
into his quiet monash,;2' the refreshing breeze of a different
"Khusrau, what news?', he would oftell ask as ho leaned on Ius
pillow after dinner and joyfully shook his aged head, while the poet,
who had the gossip of' Delhi at his fingers' tips, regaled him with
the description of a social world, in which the saint the keen
and phUanthropic interest of an outsider. Khusrau, on IllS part, was
dazzled by the Shaikh's spiritual grandeur; His whole life had
inspired by a torturing ambition to immortalize himself by a Jastlllg
monument of poetry and art. In the Shaikh he came across one
who was above stich mundane ambitions, and who taught him to
feel that the inner development of the spirit was of much greater
significance than any external achieve.ment. do. is less
important than what they beeome; by Its own quahhes is the human
soul to he judged. Khusrau never laid aside his old but a
thousand mellifhlOuS ghazals testified to tIle strength and the, blessed-
ness' of tlIe new vision. Of course, Khusrau, the panegynst, could
not forget the master to whorn he owed so much, and S!laikb .Nizam-
uddin is praised in the doxoloru' of aU his later mastlaVls. Hts name
comes even before the name of the Sultan.
But in spite of all his Nizamuddin hot quite
out of ilie whirlpool of pohhcs. SuJltan. Alauddlll s
Khizr Khan, was a dis' of the Shaikh, and It was naturally.
ed that the Shaikh w favour his succession. But in the mtngnes
that followed Alauddin's death, Shaikh Nizamuddin kept quiet. Sul-
tan Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah, who ascended the tHrone .of his
an interregnum of forty days. at first followed a
and showed no hostility towards the Shaikh; but, wIllIe
from his Deccan campaign, Muharak discovered a dastardly ?OnSpl-
racv ol'!!anized by Malik Asaduddin, a cousin of Sultan Alauddm. an;!
his liand fell heavily on the consDiratol's. Even the late Sult.an s
sons, Khizr Khan, Shadi Khan and who had been blmd-
cd and irriprisoned hv Malik Kafur at Gwalwr, were Pllt to
and M ubarak felt that he should nurse a grievance against the Shatkh.
"He heltan to speak ill of the Shaikl,!". Barani tells liS, ".and,
o en hostilitv. The maliks and a1lll1'S of the court wele o!dered not
tS go to the Shaikh's monastery at Ghiyaspnr, an!1 the intoXicated
tan would often declare with his fearless tongue that he was prepmed
II
J I
I
!
i'o/mes and Soc/e/y dW'/ng ti,e Early M ed/eva! Period
to. give a t?,nkas of gold to anyone who brought him Shaikh
Nlzamuddms head. Sultan arid Shaikh once came face to face
at the ,of Ziyauddin Rumi, hut Mubarak paid no regard
to the s dlgtllty and even refrained from acknowledging his
salam. Shmkh Ruknuddin was called from Multan in order to turn
away the ,Public eye from Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya; but as he was
an old of Shaikh Nizamuddin, Muharak Shah tried to set lip
one Jam, an old enemy' of Shaikh Nizamllddin, as a sort
of 'yhen people are inclined to quarrel, it is easy to find
so. The Sultan built a niosque, called the Masjid-
I Mm, and lIlvlted the leading men of the capital to the first Friday
prayer. The refused to go. "The mosque nearest my house",
he told the s messenger, "has greater claims on me." '<\1orse
than that, the Shaikh ventured to disreganl the custom, which required
all men of note to the Sultan's court on the first day of every
lllOnth, and sent IllS servant, Iqbal, as his deputy. The Sultan
resented the insult and filHii1y threatened to Clik the
ShaIkh In person by a legal sUnimons as soon as the new moon was
seen. But the occasion for it never arrived. On the night of the new
m?on. Mu?arak Shah was assassinated by the Barwars, and Shaikh
Nlzamuddm was set free from a difficult situation. The murder
of the Sultan, the pious AmirKhurd would have us believe, was dne
to the prayers of the Shaikh, not to the crimes of the BaIwars. The
decision of such problems is, fortunately, beyond the province' of
the historian. . '.
In spite of the fdction between the Sultan and his spiritual guide,
Khusrau kept on good terms with both. Mubarak treated Khusrau
more generously than his father had done, and the poet, in grateful
of the favours he had received, coniposed the Nuh
SIpI'llI' (r-.:me !Ieavens), a versified history of the principal evcnts of
Mubaraks rClgn. The BaIwar regime, which followed Mubanik's
death, was turbulent and short-lived, but Ghiyasuddin Tughluq, wh6
.mounted the throne after suppressing the rebels, proved to be an
ideal ruler according lo the needs of the tinie. He had passed years
of apprenticeship in the' civil and military service of the state. - His
personal life was chaste and pure and he was entirely free froin that
presumptuous arrogance which is often found in self-made men. "Be-
.fore_a w.eek had passed", Ziyaudc1in Barani says, "Ghiyasuddin had 56
.effcctual.y removed all traces of disorder,' that nien ilnagined that
Sultan. AJauddin had corrie to Iifc again." The hm:sher features of
.Alaucldin's regi.mewere removed,but the great rcforms. 'Were pre-
served. With such a Sultan Amir Khusrau felt hiniself in close sym-
Ufe 0/ Amir ki,mrtJll
pathy, and the Tu.ghluq Namah, the last of his histodcal l/W-snavis,
bears witness to his admiration for the last of his many patrons. When
Ghiyasuddin invaded Bengal, the poet accompanied him, and, during
his absence, Shaikh Nizamuddin died at Delhi.
40
Khusrau, on his
return, lriourned deeply for the friend and guide to whom he had
been so very dear. "Pray for my life", the Shaikh had said to him,
"for you will not be able- to survive me long." The prophecy came
true. Khusrau died before six months had elapsed and was buried
at his master's feet.
"I walit no monument over my grave; lay nie to rest in the broad
and open plain", Shaikh Nizamuddin. had said before his death, but
Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq, nonetheless, built a dome over it. Six
hundred years have elapsed since; empires have risen and fallen; Delhi
has been repeatedly destroyed and rebuilt; but, throughout all these
changes, the mausoleum of Shaikh Nizamuddin has remained the one
living spot in a city of desolate and crumbling ruins. It is frequented
bY':Hindus and Mussalmans alj.ke.
40. Shaikh Nizamuddin's relations with Sultan Ghiyas\tddin also are said to have
been none too cordial; so at 1east 1ater '''Titers wOHId have us helieve. Ferishta.
who sums lip un that he found noating down the stream of time, gives two rca.'ions
for this. Khusrall Khan, in his utt('mpt to find supporters in every direction, distrihuted
large sums, of money to distinguished mystics. Three of them refused; others accepted
the'money but kept it safely in order to give it backll!:o the legitimate king whenever
he should appear. But Shaikh Nizamuddin, who had bcen offered 500,000 tonka",
while other mystics only got 300,000' tankas ""ch, immediately took the money and
distributcd it to the poor. Ghiyasmldin recovered most of the money Khusrau Khan
had thro"" away;' al\ other mystics paid "p, but nothing could be recovered from
Shaikh Nizamuddin, for the simple reason that nothing was left. This incident is
said to have alie;'ated Sultan Ghiyas,lddin's mind. lie also objected to the Shaikh's
listening to mystic verses recited by qawwals, though, after a learned discussion'
arGvll"o' -"'o'holys, the Sultan withdrew his objection. 'When retul11ing from the Bengal
expedition, Ghiyasuddin sent a message to the Shaikh asking him to leave Delhi before
the Sultan's return. "Delhi is still far off (Ilanauz De"'i. <illr ast)", the Shaikh replied,
and the Sultan never reached Delhi. The fall of a mysterious pavilion built for his
reception by his son, Muhanimad bin Tughluq, cut short one of the most promising
reigns of niedieval India. 'I1,e incident is quoted by shallow critics as an evidence
of the Shaikh's spiritual power. The tmth is more tragic. Shaikh Nizamuddin had
already departed for 'the world beyon,l' several days before .the Sultan's funeral pro-
cession entered Delhi. The story; whatever its morn t worth, appears a later-day
.Iabrication. Neither Bamni nor Amir says anything concerning the un-
pleasantness l)ctWeen the two old men, ,,,ho were so eminently Vi-:tUOUR in their
"pheres of lifo.
Potltlc$: and Society d,tr/tlg tll1i1 Early Period
II, POEnCAL WORKS OF KHUSMU
Amir Khusrau's voluminous works naturall fall' t fi ' '
(1) the miscellaneous l)ieces: Badrlll 'Ajaill, 0 13 1roups--:
Ashub, Chistan and the Hindi verses' q, at,t, lasnav!
VI,s: Qirantls Sa'dain 1.1 'fill F I " (2,) the hIstorIcal masna"
S' 'f 1 J' I ,(I III Dawal Ralli Khizl' Khon Nulz
t,le TlIghlllq Namah; (.3) the rOmantic lIl(fsnavis' M;Ii/(tul
Sik(I(I(';al'i, Mai
lUm
Laila and the
, Wasluz' lIm ;;;. or colleetI()J;s of ghazals; Tllhffltus Sighal',
1(al1l t. r t ' IlII! (Ifill Kamal, BaqlyalH Haqiyah and NihaY(l{1I1
I a, wo prose works: 'liaz-i Khusravi and Khazailll!l Fllil/h,
, T Ie pieces need not detain us for Ion 41 Kl
was foud ,of hcguiling his i3ie ,
show the r
eopl
, such composltiolls
more>. The Badi'ttl 'A' '", mas ery 0 words but nothing
while the
SOIt. . Both are works of small COmpass and lay no claim to an
poetIc ment. , In days gone by such compositions had a useful
1I1 our educatIOnal system' children learnt them b h t d p.
ed a n k' year an acqmr
1 sma stoc of words with which to start their study of a foreign
atlguage, Tl,le lI1asruwi Shaht, Ashub, othenvise knowll as Ruboi at
IS a ?ollection of Persian and Hindi love quatrains :d-
to t e boys of Delhi, in the homosexual sentiment of-
w lie . found nothing to condemn. The ellistan
IS it?) IS a collection of riddles iMPersian and Hindi verse,
propounded when a company of good fellows sat together.
, any 0 them are very clever, and, without the author's sug astion
;t WOUld, he d,iffi:-lI:t to nnd" the correct answer,
eaves t lem IllSlptd, e,g., What is the animal that has no life? It
laughs ';,ut lIaS no mouth; weeps but bas no eyes; cries but has no
trngue? (Answel'-the d?ucl.) "A hasin full of pearls is placed Over
t Ie heads of all; thc basl11 tUnIS round and TOlllld, yet not a pearl
A . of these m;,ccllaneous pieces have he"" to ether and
1;;':'IOd III n smgle VOlllll!", stylctl the La'li 'UlIlmall, hy tlte Ali!1;arll Muslfl'n Univer-
s y. Sludent., of Khu<rUll will long he gmteful (,. the hte Nnwnl Mil I I
Khnn Sahih Seer t f l '1 r . . u lanltna{ S l'.Hl
, 'k ' , _ e ary" t ,e '" .A.O. College, for his elfot1s 10 preserve OUf author's
s. :;ld?iOn the r.a'li 'U",,,,all, the Daw,,' R{llli,AtM-1 Sikalldtlrl, Mal",;n
, all . n., It Jl! 'MI,t have I,cen (,xt"lIcntly lithographed. The "{wall" (e co t
';. frO Newnl Rlshol'e Prc.s), the Mlff"rlltl [i'1/1",,_< lim N,,;' 0;;"
'''; ",,' III/ mna I I,avo not heen -print"d, The Klwzl1illul Flit"" dt 1 1, -
, Ira'!. has hccn by the Musli ... University
l'oc!lcol Work.. of KhUSTau
'317
falls out of it." (Answer-the sky.) The authenticity of most of
these pieces is doubtful; there are certainly later additions by un"
kuown hands, but a critical examination may be able to discover
Khusrat(s original work,
These puerile efforts should not be allowed to detract from Khus-
rau's real eminence as a poet. To few mortals has Iiaiure given such
exuberant po\ver of poetic expression, In addition to the qosida, con-
temporaries regarded the 1I1asnavi and the ghazal as the best media
for the poet's thoughts and in all these hiS,work is lIiOllumentaI. Prose,
as we shall see later, he wrote with difficulty and effort; poetry came
-to him spontaneously imd his speed in writing verse was astonishing,
TIle style' of bis mosnavis is simple and graceful; line follows line in
an unbroken harmony of sense and music and leaves on the reader
a unique impression of the fertility of the author's mind and hi,
command of the language; and the impression is all the more pro-
found be<:ause the theme of K!msrau's masnaois is often c6mmonpla
c

and prosaic in the extreme, The flow of words carries the critic fie
smoothly down the stream that he fails to note how often Khusrat
1> to inordinate length ideas utterly nonsensical and, fa
most people, too commonplace to be expressed in prose, StifI ane
hard as are the of Persian versification, the poet moulds hi
material like wax, It is difficult for any translation to do justice t,
the original, but the following description, from the Qiranus Sa'dail;
of a thousand Mongol captives, who were brought and thrown undc
the feet of the elephants before the of Mu'izzuddin Kaiqubae
might give t11e reader sonie idea of the strength and weakness {
Khusraus m,asn(Jvi:
. "Then the captives taken by the army-a thousand Tatar infide
seated on camels tailwards-were hrouf!ht for review before the in
perinI throne. Headstrong and fierce in battle, tlley wore cotton ga
ments over their bodies of steel. They had hats of wool over their fac.
of fire, ancl it looked as if the fire would set the wool aflame, Tbe
heads were shaved in anticipation of the disgrace that awaited
Their eyes were like two crevices in a basin of silver, and their eye-bal
like flints Iyinl!; ill the cracks of rocks. TIley stank worse than )'oUit
carcasses, \vhile their heads were bowed as low as their backs. The
skin was crumpTed and wrInkled like the moist leather of a -kett!
dnnri. Their nostrils stretched wide from cheek to cheek, and thl
mOuths from one side Of their hat to the other,Yes, their look,
like desolated or like ovens ftln of stinkirlj! water. The hiir
,thcir ,nostrils spread wide over tht;ir lips and their
to an inordinate length; nevertheless, their snnken cheeks were t
318
Politics and Society during the Ellr1V Medleool Period
by beards, for nQ sort of vegetati'n .
Ice ... From excess of lice in their cloth QIl;}. grow on a surface of
black and white like mustard'o es, .. leIr had become
J?eople get oil from mustard on a sorl; but while other
from the bodies of the Tata;s TI case e mustard had drawn oil
with rough, untanned hide < also ha.d covered
the skin of their shJils was t stmgtng of lice, and
shoes ... They devoured i noug to he used for the soles of
the 'teeth of wisdom' !e gs do]gs b
with
tlleir ugly teeth, though
1 I
re, m eec a sent fro' tl . .
(ance( to the sound of the i e like'. . . m lelr Jaws. They
they drank the water f P P dwomen walllllg one after another
h d '0 sewers an ate tasteles J '
ear another sto!), ab6ut them. if on fl' s gras.ses. I lave also
eat tJ1I?vop:iit, but this I do not . . cot lem vomIts, anothor will
TUl'kish trlhe of Qai (vom't) I
C
nSlder for they hcJong to the'
than a man's vOmit and ani n food is more horrid
origin is from dogs' 1mt their It WIll feel quite sick. Their
is served at their dinners 1'1 'Ii Ie blgger-:-and the gravy of cats
features as he surveyed tl" Ie f!,mIPerOl' wondered at their ligl),
l
Ie row 0 arge-bodied e t d
lUmps of camels "God . t h m n sea e On the
remarked. "l1lei; 'is or ave them out of hell-fire', he
exclaimed as one Id
n
afn
y
save Allah I', the pc{)ple
" on emelge a ter another.
When the captives had been re 1 d
the Tatars slain. Their heads st If vd ew:
tl
, a reckonmg was taken of
points of spears. even after d' th WI 1 stra.w were lifted on the
spears before tl;e spectator's :y 1 ey hel? heads high, and the
forest of weeds.' < e were as lllnumerabJe as weeds in a
"The Elnperor then ordel'c I tl I 'I
the wretches might be to be hrought so that
the mountains treinhled as the line f I I m. The earth shook and
before the Emperor like Alexan .,0 e ep lants advanced and stood
instruments of warlik . < del s wall; the sound of drums and
in rettlm ll'ke e< 1 e musIc reInt the air, and the elephants thundered
(; loes l'eSOUI1( i 19 f . d' .
EmdP.cror's orders the cows and t;le By ..
an men) were tied into pairs and thro b f .. ngo WOmen
earth quaked as they fell Each .. j .. e ore the elephants. The
them bet\veen its tusks witl moved fOlward and lifted
sufficed to lift Cow :hat would have
sent tit: cow (i.e. the wonian) it
monntam I!:oat,while a !!urgling sound . . e ag! I. 0 a
as the mal d tl f" I' came out of the Monl!:oI throat
h
. e an Ie ema e were separated fr6rn each oth Y
tough the ropes ,,;ere looselv tied round the' er
h
. es,
. Irnec s, nevt;!rt. eless
['oct/c(/l \Vorks of KhIlS"t/1I
310
the c?rds of l.ife relationship were snapped asunder;. and
remamed umted stlU, the elephant proceeded to tear apart With Its
tusks.42 In spite of their large bones they were squeezed into . small
size under the elephant's feet. The Emperor' next commanded. the
Mongols to be tied into bundles of ten; ll;nd those who had advanced
to battle with tight waist hands, shoulder to shoulder, were now tied
stifily' back to back and breast to breast. The elephant first
took these "Dundles of Mongols and placed them before the Emperor;
then it crushed their bodies beneath its feet while it sent their heads
flying in the air like pillows. The captives would have counted them-
selves fortunate if their heads had been simply cut off, But, no, their
heads were raised high and a fine treatment was meted out to their
skulls and to their bodies I When some of the 'commanders of hun-
42. That is, first, the Mongols were ticd together' hy the neck in pairs and placed
hdore the elephants. Next, the nnimal, after {lutting the pair on its tusks, wound
trunk round the woman, tore her apart from the mnn-hence the gurgling sound
from the Mongol throat-and threw her up in the air. '11,e rope round their necks
would naturally cut through their necks; hut if tbis did not happen, the e1ephailt,
carefully trained to its work; proceeded to sever the head from the body with its tusks.
Lastly, the headless tnmks of the Mongols were tied by the into bundles
of tcn; llnd the elephants, nfter raisiog these b1111dlcs nod pladng them before Ihe
throne; pounded them into meat for beasts and birds hy trampling them under their
fwt. The heads of the Mongols, which still lay on the ground, were thrown about
in th" air by the elephants.
There were generally a number of elephants at the Emperor's court, who had bccn
carenHy trained to do the executioner's work. were first given pillows to
tear and throw about, and it was only nfter they hrid successfully passed through the
preliminary apprenticeship, the hodies of human beings were entmstcd to th"m.
Throwing; under rut elephant's Cect. was 311 orthodox Conn of execution in the ?vfitldlf!
Ages; hlIt the process did f10t consist of lllm"o trnmpling; t1m animal was re<}uired
.to play nbont with the doomed person for a good long time hcfow killing him; and
it was punished, if through its tactless handling, death Cam" earlier than the pro-
grrutlnl6 permitted. TI,e 6bjcct, npparently, was to subject the unhappy man to the'
longest possihle period of excruciating pain.
Medieval niethods of torture in Europe as well as Asia arc a fascinating if some-
what gnwsome. subject for the historian. Islam prohibits all methods of execution
except hanging, heheading and' impaling, hut so far as traitors and political enemies
were concenled, the law was more honoured in the breach than the ohservance. The
Mongols, who were comparatively indifferent to other flne arts, excelled in tlus; and
it was from them thnt the Indians Rnd other peoples Jearnt new and curialiS modes
of putting human heings to death. Most \,istoria,," of the Mongols have desctil;ed
Mongol methods of execution in detail, and the reader, who wants further infonria-
tion, is recommended to consult Howorth's History of tile Mon.gols, tile Tllrikll-I ]011,,"
Glls/lll of Alauddin Ata Malik Juw.ini, Tarikll-I Wassllf an(1 the last ehapterof Min,
hajus Siraj Jurjani's rllboqat-I Naslrl.
(
Pollllc8 and Soc/61V during !I'e Ear1v Medieval Period
elred' (aniir-i sadah) had been thus pounded into meat for birds and
heasts, the Emperor ordered the rest to be 'paraded in the city.
( "Aa dly the Emperor sat supervising the punishment of the 'Mon-
gols; in the evening he called for wine."
An admirer of Khusrau cannot but regret that in none of his his-
torical lIlosnavis did he find a theme suited to his pen. The QirafltlS
Sa'dain '(Conjunction of the Two Lucky Planets), his first volume,
was composed at the order of Mu'izzuddin Kaiqubad and has all the
colourless insipidity of a government publication, The metre is soft
and, sweet and Khusrau's power never flags, while some of the
ghazals are remarkable for their poetic beauty. Nevertheless, the dull
records of one of the most stupid reigns of medieval India was hardly
the proper theme for Khusrau's muse. An artist in a position to ex-
press his views would have, no doubt, found much to
tragedy of a handsome young Emperor of eighteen drinking himself
to death in spite of the futile advice, of a futile father taken out of
a silly, old textbook on politics; the ambition and incompetence of,
the wazil'; the intrigues of the Turkish nobility, who
some of the best and some of the worst traits of hUiTian nature; and
below their feet the flill,iblings of an approaching revolution, which
was soon to cast everything into the furnace and mould it anew.
Human life is always full of huinour and tragedy, if we will but see
it in the proper perspective. Khllsrau, however, was prevented from
making a poetic use of his material by the very purpOse of his
t?ings had .surveyed tNe officinl, not artistic
and thIS made the prodl)chon of a real poom Impossible.
There is here, as elsewhere, 110 lack of verbal ingenuity and verbal
trickery and quaint turns of thought and figures of speech, that de-
lighted his .contemporaries but a1;e wearisome to our inodern taste.
Of these snperficial beauties Khusrau has always enough and to
spare; hut the desire of earning the n;Jnterial rewards for an official
poem beguiled the poet, wht? could appreciate every human emotion
from the grossest passion to the highest spiritual ecstasy, into wast-
ing his energies on a topic which no genius could prevent from being
dull and weariSOlIie. He praises Delhi' and its artists; its tank, fort and
hiosque; finds to say about the Emperor's canopy, baton,
sword and a1TOW; details the eOl'1'espondence he tween Kaiqubad and
his father at great length; and thus by tagging miscellaneOus scraps
together manages to produce a volume of two hundred and fifty",
pages, in which the student of history will find precious little infor-"
mation ahout tIle annals of the reign and the student of poetry little
that has any genuine, human value.
(. r '-.
l;uetlcol Wurk .. of KlmSl'oll
The defects of the Qirmllls Sa'dain reappear, in a grtiater 01' lesser
degree, in Khusrau's other historical 1l!asnavis. But the Miftahlll
1'11(1111,43 the second volume of the series; is distinguished by its solid
historical worth. KllUsrau had a gel'mine affection for the veteran
soldier, Sultan Jalaluddin, whose reign he chronicled, and gives us
here a clear a11d detailed account of his four campaigns. 1'he poet
himself was an officer acquainted with military tactics; Jalaluddin's
sobdety and good sense made flattery unnecessary; and Khusrau
thought that he would please his master best by adhering to truth.
There is thus presented to us a volume ,which might have with ad-
vantage been in simple prose. But Khusrau's verse docs ]lot lack sim-
plicity and directness of expression, and in spite of its rhyme and
metre, the Miftahlll Flltl/It will be found invaluable by a stl1dent of
the military history of India. '
The Dall)(il Ralli Khizl' Khall, the third and bcst of AmiI' Kliusrau's
historical 11WS/laois, deserves a nicire detailed notice. In their at-
tcmpt to imitate or riyal their predecessors, Indo-l)ersian poets have
,endowed theh' productions with an artificiality and verbosity, which
can only be admii'ed by readers who have never tasted better fare.
From this misfotiune the Dat.wl Rani was saved by a train of unhappy
events which provided our poet with material for a roniance as tragic
as it is human. Sultan Alauddin's eldest son, Khizr Kllan, in the trying
days when he had beCii separated from Dawal Rani and coi.tld seldom
Iliallage to see her, called Khusrau to his court and confided the secret
of his heart to the poet. "I am consumed a youthful passion,
of whjch you know already. All day I pine like Majlll111 and my sleep-
less nights are passed indl'eaming of my Laila. I have lost my way
in a wilderness where Khizl' himself, the guide of travellers, could
not find his path. I wish you to weave my secret romance into a poem
that niay bring the dead to life." A servant placed a draft of the stOly,
written hy the Khan himself, in the poet's hancl. Khusrau readily
undel-tc)ok tho task and promised to do his hest.
The doxology of the Vatcal Ralli contains the lIsual praises of God,
"the creator of all lovely thIngs, who has attached the human heart
to heauty and crcatcd the maidens of China and Khorasan for the
excitement of love". Next come prais'es of the Apostle, "who, while
Heaven had cipcned its nfne doors wide for hini, prided himself on
a poor man's cottage"; of the Four Caliphs and of Shaikh Nizani-
uddi'n, "whose heart is the treasUlY of divine love". Sultan Alauddin,
though he, is mentioned after the poet's spiritual chief, nevertheless
43, Key to Conquests.

322
I'olltlc.s ond Soclely Juring tile Em'lv Medieval Perlorl
occupies a prominent place. "The M?ngols .are so ab'aid of hini
even their pictures refuse to venture mto thIs counlry,. altist
tries to paint them. His arrow, like a clever and beautIful mmden, has
deprived the Hindu 1'Ois of their hearts (courage) ... He crushes
headstl'Ong hut cherishes the weak .' .. and the people happy I.n
his reign like school-boys on a holiday." In the enthusIasm Ills
Joyalty the poet even presul1ies to advise Emperor on alflllrs
state. But the subject is broached. ,The Emperor knew
work better than others could tell him. Still, it was the of hiS
faithful sClvmits to olfer him the best counsel they could. If YOII
desire the penrianence of your empire, it. on the good-.will. of the,
peopk. Put rehels to death, for this. is pel'!msslble, but be km,d III yoU!
dealings with others; kecp yoI1\' ml11d awake and yOllr sWOld aslef'p.
'''hen your own feet ate inj\ll'ed hy walking on rose-petals, do
place thol11s in the path of otl.1Crs .. Be not v.ain; you are but. a
of dnst in the storin and llnagl11e y011l self a mountalll:
pleasant dreams arc well, provided they . d.o not with
reality. Yoi.n' political achievements are not tn/hng; they are, 111 fact,
stupendous; but their inspiring ,motive has y?ur own personal
gain. People complain to the Emperor of the I11justIce of others;
if the Emperor is himself unjust, to whom are they to carry their
COinl)laint? Royal power is based on justice and dealing. ,.The
financial stability of the state depends on the of the !yat;
when the !'a'irlat is ruined, the state will be ru1l1ed also. And 1f the
army docs not receive its pay regularly ., . who carry the load
when the camel is dead? Kings are not fnadc of different clay from
COlrimon people, nor is happiness an privile{!'e of rovalt".
We are gClris from the same mine; wIn:, sh?l1ld he any
distinction hetween If the Emperor s hndlc IS as hwh the
hf'llv<'n, the prayers of the il1jlll'e(, rise hi{Jhel' still, shollld see
with halh his eves-the eye of lric'rcv anel the eve of ll1stlCe-and thC'n
nll his alTnirs will he managed well. nut if the shephcrd of the I)eople
drinks to excess, his intoxication is slll'e to injure the flock. Mnsic,
slin{Js ane! othr-r mril1SCI1l<'nts shol1ld he in with.
for too lrinch devol ion to the sonrrs of DavHI IS Sl11'? to I'IlIn Solomon
throne," Then' follmvs next a hrief a<,c
O
l1l1t ?f, thf' Snl!ans of Df'lhl
aIH! a skdchv, hilt vnlllahle, l'('vi('w of AlalHlchl1 s mmnmgns.
It is bv tarrging' to{!('ther miscellaneol1s piC'.c('s snch these tha.t,
Khllsrau 1:0 produce his historical maSllm;IS, and Dawa'. RallI,
ns ori{!inallv nlann('d, was no hetter. Nevertheless; unlIke the Ommlls
SddaiJ; and the Nuh Sipihl', which could never rise ahove the level of
I'oefiea! \Vol'ks of KhUSI'QU
323
inere court annals, it had a human theme and th'e march of events en-
dowed it with :i tragic grandeur. Judging from illternal evidence, the
Dawal Bani was produced in two, possibly ll:\ore, instalments. What-
ever the date of the poet's interview with Khizr Khan, he tells us that
he finished the fil'st insalmentin A,D. 1315, after four months' labout'.
Later on, he continued the narrative to Khizr Khan's death and there
are a few lines which could not have been written while Mubarak
Shah was alive.
The outline of the romance is of sufficient historic interest to find
a place here. The earlier portion has been surrtmarised by Ferishta in
prose: "Towards the beginning of the yeltr A.H. 697 (A,D. 1298), the
Emperor sent Vlllgh Khan and Nusrat Khan with many amirs of the
court and the army to conquer Cljjarat. They plundered Nahrwala
(Anhilwara) and brought the whelle of Cujarat uncleI' IIlnil' power. Hai
Karan, the rukr of Nahrwala, fled and took nfugn with Ham Deo,
the Raja of Deogir, in the Deccan; but after a few days he came
forward and established himself with Ram Deo's support in the terri-
tory of Baglana, which is a part of Cujarat situated on the frontier
of the Deccan. The imperial amirs captured Rai Karan's wives, the
chief of wholri was Kaunladi,44 along with his treasures and eleph-
ants. After Sultan MahiTIlld Ghaznavi's destruction of Somnath, the
Brahmans had constructed another idol in its place, which they
shipped and renamed SOl11nath; this was sent to Delhi to be trampled
under the feet of the people. Then Nusrat Khan advanced to Kmn-
hhayat nnd exncted money and jewe1s beyOlljl reckoning frol11 the in-
habitants of that place. lIe also forcibly took Kafur IIazardinari frolri
his khwaia (niaster). This Kafllr. was ultimately appointed Regent of
the Einpire hy the Emperol' and )!iven the title of Malik Naib ...
"Rmri Deo, the ruler pf Dcogir, having rebelled nnd refrained from
sending any presents ror three ycars. Alauddin appo,intcd the Malik
Naib Kafur Hazardinari with lriany famolls aniirs for the conquest of
southern territories, known in the terminology of Hind as the 'Deccan.'
The Emperor was infatuated with the Malik Naib and wished to exalt
hiJri to an lIn[Jllestioned superiority O\'er all othel' officers, so that they
hiight rendl'r him dll c obedience. 'Consequenth
r
, he hestowed on his
favomite the mnopv and red {f'nt, which was Ihe peclIliar prerogative
of the emperors of Delhi. All amirs and officers wcre directed to
present thei1lSclves before hini every day and to execute his orders'
4.t, Her r('al name SCffilS to have hcr.n Kamala Devi, n. n:lmc fJlIite" comlnon in
Cuiarat, and of her daughter, Diwal Devi, bllt they have been Pt'Tsianised into Kalln-
ladi and Diwaldi or Rani.
Pollllcs nlld Soc/elu ,IIlI'Io'g Il'e Enl'lu Men/e".l Period',
without nny deviation. Khwajn Haif, tho Nail,.l AI'z-l Mrll1wlik, a
gentle and virtuous man, was sent with him to look after the army and
collect the spoils. According to Qazi Ahniad Ghaffari, the author of
Nushka-i fehan Am, the Malik Naib and Khwaja IIaji started for the
Deccan towards the heginning of A.II. 706 (A,n. ].'306) with a hundred
thousand horse. A fal'lIlan was sent to Malik Ainul Mulk Mullani,
governor of Malwa, and Ulugh (Alp) Khan, governor of
they were, to consider themselves subordinate to the Mahk Natb and
carry out his orders.. '. .
"At this mOinent Kaunla(h-hefore whom the connoisseur lost h,s
colour in shaiTie-represented to the Emperor: '\Vhen I was in the
hed-chamber of Rai Karan, 1 hacl two fairy-face!l daughters in my
arms whoni I cherished as the morning hreezc cherishes the rose.
\Vhe;l iny good fortune placed me among the of the
Empercir, hoth my pmrls (daughtms) w{'re l,rt with tho Hal. I
hear, that hy the order of God the cider has descended
the bosoni of the earth. The other, named Diwaldi (Diwal DevI),
whom I have not seen for four years, is still reposing on the hed of
life. If Ihe Malik Naih llnd Khwl;ill IInji 111'" IIrclen,<l 10 Rend that par-
ticle (Diwal Devi) to the Sun of the State (the comt) it will be a great
kindness and favour.' The Emperor, on hearing the reguest, sent a
farlllan to the' Malik Naib and Alp Khan: 'They were to tak?
Rai Karan, who was residing in the Deccan, his danghter, Dlwahh,
whether he gave her lip willingly or throllgh force, and send her to
the court: "
. Malik Naib crossed MaJwa and appearpd on the frontier of
the Deccan. From here, throu.!!;h wise niessengers, he sent the Ein-
peror's famums to Ram Deo, Rai Karan and all the 1'O:i8 of the Smith.
The drift of the farlllalls suggests that he was then staym!! at the towns
of Sultanpur and Nadhar. TIc this as it mav, the 1'Ois having fai)cel
to promise any sort of obedience, the Malik Naih started ?Ill"
tanpur and crossed the frontier of Deccan Aln Kh.nn also moved, '
forward with a larf"e arniy frorri GUlarat towards the hIlls of BafTJana.
But Rai Karan had strengthened his positicHls am] held them flrilll"
for two months. There were manv enp-1l((cmC'nls hctween hini and
Ulu{!h Khan hut lIe emerged stron{!cr frolll ('\'('1"\' cnC0l11lter. Now
Sanrral Deo, son of Rani Deo, had for 10nO' desirc'cl to marry DiwaJdi;',
hut Rai Karan, heinrr a Rajpnt, was Ull\villin(l' to \Tiarrv his daurrhter
to a. Mahratta. At this juncture San,gal rieo found his onnortunitv.
his father's perinission, h" sent his yOlln(l'C1f hrother, nhini
Dco. with r;resents to Rai Karan. is n great rlilTcrenr:e or reli-
gion'; was his triessage, 11etween the inlJrlels and the Turks. If '
consent to my marriage with your daughter, who is the object of all
this struggle, the Mussalmans will refrain from molesting you and
will go ba,ck.' Rai Karan who was in need of Mahratta help, perforce
agreed to the proposal. lIe married the fairy to the demon (cleo) and
wished to send her to Deogir with Bhini Deo.
"Alp Khan was greatly disturbed by this turn of events and trem-
bled like a reed from fear of Alauddin's anger. lIe called a counCil
and discussed the matter with his aniirs. 'The best course for us, while
Diwaldi is still here', he suggested, 'is to get the desired Rearl into
our hands at daybreak, or else die in this desert without showing our
,faces to the Emperor again: To this the amirs agreed. They came to
the hills with a united heart and fought desperately. Rai Karan suf-
fered a severe defeat, and leaving all his elephants and horses, fled
to Deogir like the wind. Alp Khan him like lightning Over
11m and plain, but at a day's march frolli Dcogir, the hope of his
heart disappeared from his eyeSight. Nevertheless Alauddin's good
fortunc worked its way, Diwaldi was captured in a strange manner,
and those who believed that Alauddin possessed miraculous powers
became louder in their assertions. Briefly, the inCident occurred thus.
When Alp Khan gave up all hopes of Rai Karan or
Diwaldi, he encamped on the bank of a river and remained there for
days. Some three or four hundred young men, who had heard of'
the Ellora Hill, which is situated near Deogir, went to visit it WIth
Alp Khan's permission. While wandering about the place, they suel-
denly saw an army of the southern people, Wnd imagining that Ram
Deo had fallen upon thcm, they collected together and stood in ranks
before the eneiny. But it was really Bhim Deo, who had separated
from Rai Karan's anny and was taking Diwaldi to his brother. The
two parties jOined battle, but the Hindus, unable to bear the anvil"
piercing arrows of the rvlongols, Khaljis, etc., took to flight. An arrow
struck Diwaldi's horse and it was disabled. The young men crowded
round her, each trying to possess her for himself. At this moment one
of 1,('1' :t.ttendants cried out: 'She is Diwaldi. Be careful of her hononr
and take h'dr to your chief: On hearing her name, they took her to
Alp Khan with the rapidity of a cloud. Alp Khan was beside himself
with joy. lIe thanked God for his success and started for Gujarat with-
out delay. From there he sent Diwaldi in a litter (flalki) to Delhi.
Towards' the end <if A.n. 706 (A.n. 1307), she reached the court to
brighten her mother's eyes."
At the imperial court the young daughter of Rai Karan was brought
tip with Khizr Khan, the Sultan's eldest son, and gradually the
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326 Politics and Society during the Early Medieval PeriOft
CGlIsciOllSlICSS of s{"x-feeling dawned on the two children, who had
been to play about together quite freely; it' wns a remarkable
case 01 calf-Iovo, but contrary to what happcns in most such cases,
the attachment on both $ides grcw with years, Khizr Khan's mothcr
had set her heart on marrying him to her brothcr Alp Khan's
danghter, transferred the pair to separate residences as SOOI1
as hcr SUSpICIOUS, were aroused; but they continued to meet by
stealth, lind the J\lalika-i JallaH/I!; Iikc most llHlian mothers, thought
she, could solve the problem by ,hastening Khizr 'Khan's Ilianiagf',
wInch was celebrated great pomp, The cercnlony was a painlul
ordea,l 10r,Ihe tmncc, who was compelled to accept his cousin
ior IllS hndc wIllie h.ls heart longee! for Dawal Hani; and, as might
have been foreseen, It only made matters worse. Khizr Khan c01.ild
Hot, or' would not, take to his wife and kept pining for the girl to
whom he bad secretly plighlCll his troth, The elderly of the
palace drew the Malika-i Jahan's attention to the gravity of the sihta-
lion. "\Vould she sacrifice hcr son for the sake of her niece?" A
mother's cO:Ild not long hesitate in making a choice, and'
she allowed K)l!zr Khan and Dawal Rani to bc (!uietly married.
Unfortunately, Khizl' Khan proved to be a lovcr and no inOl'e, alld
contelliporarics saw nothing in him except a thoughtless dev()tion
to pleasure. He was utterly ignorant of the business of the state, and,
after his marriage with Dawa! Rani, he fell into the hands of proc
fHgato companions. It was not for such an heir that Alaudclin had
lonW:d, Hnd in spite of his paternal affection, his '!lind turned away
depslv(lly rrom thc' son, who unable 10 walk 1n his footsteps.
"M('anwhilc tho Sultan", Fedshta contilHws, "had fallen into n
d'\n.,."rOl\S ilIness,46 But as Khizr Khan and the r..Ialka-i Jahan were
all the [Hiie Imsy with their unending revelries and feasts, they failed
to look aflf'f him. The Emperor thought he did not regain his heal!h
owing !o their neglect and his heart was deeply (J/Tcnded, Every day
thoy did sOl'rictiling to increase his anger and suspicion. Khizr Khan
had no other hmincss besides holding cntertainil1cnts, drinking wine,
'hearing songs and mllSie, playing dUll/gail (polo) and watching
elephant fights; his mother, too, devoted all her time to tho
sh<:> arranged in honour of lhe marriages, sfll'-lflrashi17 and c:.irellln-
cision of her sons; the one thing they nevor cared fur was Sultan
4:,. Th" Emprml'" pl'illcillnl wif" th" l\lnJib-i ,lahon (Qllr<'l1 of the
World)'011<1 th"Empcmr ,,""ressed Khmlnwnnrl-i Alain (Master or the \Vorld),
46. flnrani says it was dropsy (Liti.,qaj.'
41. Cerenlony of first shaving an infant's head,
321
Alauddin and his illness, So the Sultan ealied the Malik Naib from,
Deogil' and Alp Khan from Gujarat, and was greatly pleased at their
quick arrival. He complained of his ')-Vife and SOn to the Malik Naill
in private; and the latter, who had already formed ambitions for
the kingdoln, found this a welcome opportunity, 'Doth of them are
plotting with Alp Khan to put you to death', he said, 'they arc wait-
ing for your Majo5ty's demise: At this juncture tho Malika-i Jahan
applied for the En1pcroi"s permission to marry Khan to Alp
Kban's daughter. The Malik Naib found another opportunity of
repeating his dismal wlIrning, and Alauddin grew suspiciOUS: ,As a
measure of he sent Kluzr Khan to Amroha on an expedltlon of
hunting and pleasure, '1 will recall you as sOOn as I have regained
my health', the Emperor promised lJis son; lind Kllizl' Khan, on his
part, made a vow that if his father recovered, he would come bare-
footed to visit the saints of Delhi. Consequently, as soon as he heard
of his father's recovery, Khizr Khan started barefooted with his
tl'(iOps for Delhi before an order of recall could reach him. The
Malik Naib again found his opportunity, 'As Khizr Khan has come
wUhliut permission', he represented to the Sultan, 'it is necessary to
he Oil gllard against him, lest in alliance with the amirs, he niay
begin to harbour evil intentions: The Emperor did not believe this
at Hf' called Khizr Khan to his presence, showed him every
mark of p,lternal affection, hini in his arms, kisscd his
alltl ey()s, and then allowed hun to go to the harem to see hIS mother
and sisters, But after a few days Khizr Khan again became eal'e-
less,j-Ie neglected his duties at the court alfd went away to his
house. Ilis dangerous rival was now in a position to push on hIS
scheme and succeeded in putting strange suspicions into the Empe-
1'01"S mind, 'Khiu Khan', the Malik Naib said, 'wishes to make an
attempt on your l\1ajestv's life with the help of Shadi Kllun anc10ther
persons.' He b1'Ought forward a body ?f slaves and palaee:euntlchs ,
to confirm his assertion, and by deception and flattery obtame<t the
Emperor's perniission to imprison the two hrothers, Khizr. Khan and
Shadi Khan, who were forthwith sent to the fort of Gwahor. At the
same Hme he turned Khizr Khan's mother out of the palace and
imprisoned her in Old' Delhi." .' .'
Almicldin died soon after and the Mahk Natb placed Shlhabuc1chn
Umar, the Sultan's yrit!ngcst son, on the throne, the same tiT?c
he sent one, SUll'ibul, to hlind Khizr Khan at Gwahor. The ex-hCl;-
apparent's character showc,d in anrl he accEpted IllS
fate with a pious resignattOll. He sat Sllllhng c[llmly at the declee
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Po/itlcs alllt Society cluring the r,;",'/y MedlaL'al I'eliod
of instead. of atte!npting to J'un away from it like a fool. 'Maybe,
the IS dead, he remarked, when Sumlml and his men,
covered with the dust of the road, appeared before him, 'that dis-
turbance.s, whi?h had been quelled, are rising again. But why this
wIth you have come to do me honour in my prison?'
HIS ey0s, winch were soon to be blinded, were moist with tears. '1
have no hope of regaining my freedom, for who will place his encmy
the throne? But if yon hav,e an order for depriving me of 111y
lIfe or my eyesIght, I am ready. Sumhul pleaded that he was a mere
illStl'UIl1Cllt in the hands of others and was not personally to blanic.
'But the Minister, who was all in all during the late Sultan's reig-n,
wishes to deprive yon of yom sight: The prince willingly olfo)'c(\
his to Sumbu1. They laid him on the ground; and when his eyes
were pIerced by the needle, the sockets were {lIIed with blood like
a wilie-glass."48 Sl11nbul returned to Delhi in haste to win the re-
wanls promised for his deed, but his master's tenure of power was
',,]1. .r:. V'ithin forty days of Sultan Alauddin's death, the Malik Naib
was assassinated by the guards ()f the palace, who elovated Mubarak
Shah, a son of the late Sultan, to the Regency and, later on, to the
throne. A well-wisher carried the news of thc Malik Naib's death
to Khizr Khan in prison. "But the generous-hearted son of the Sultan
refused to rejoice at it, for he knew that niisfortunes overtake ever\,-
one in his' turn. He bowed to God in gratitudc for His justice, iu{d
wept at his own fate and at the fate of the rascal to whom all his
misfortunes were due."
For about two years the blinded Khi2:l Khan lived in the prison
fort of Gwalior, his loneliness (if we are to helieve the poct) lwing
considerably lightened by the tender companionship of his beloved
Dawal Rani. Then iTiaUers suddenly took a tragic tum. 'While re-
turning froni Deogir, TV[ubarak Shah, discovered a conspiracy orgac
nised by Yaghl'ish Khan, a cousin of Sultan Alaudc1in, and in the
wrath of his heart resolved to put all his rivals to death. Anxiol1s
to find an excuse, he sent a message 'to Khizr Khan, promising him
freedoill and a governorship when the aspect of alfairs was quieter
and asking him' to send Dawal Rani, who had beeli the cause of all
his rriisforltines, 'for a tinie' to the court. Khizr Khan bluntly refuse(1
to ohey his brother's order. "My head shol1ld he struck off firs!", he
replied. Mubarak flew into a rage and ordered his head-gual'dsinan, '
Shadi (joy), 'at whose sight not only joy hut sorrow took to flight',
to go and put the princes at Gwalior to death. "A t11lnuIt, as of the'
48, I have condensed the passage from the Dawal Ra"I,
/'oeticai Works of kll!lsrdU 329
Day of Resurrection, arOse from the veiled inmates of the harem
when Shadi49 and his rascals broke into the house of the princes.
The princes jumped out of their cells like lions, but their arms were
weak and their bodies were powerless. Prince Shadi Khan in his
wrath appealed for Divine assistance and flew at the kotwal of the
fort. He knocked the kotwal down and then looked round for his
sword. But he had long before this been deprived of his conquering
sword and all his efforts were futile. The assassins ran to the kot-
wars help froni evcry side; they knocked down Shadi Khan and
lifted the kotwal from the ground. The two princes were then
b011nd hand and foot. Shadi ordered the prostrate princes to be
none of his men would step forward to do the deed.
J.i'or some inoments a strange silence prevailed; ultimately a low-
boj'n Hindu came forward from the ranks, tucked up his sleeves,
and asking Shm1i for his dagger, tow;mls Khizr Kh.an. The
sun and the moon seellled to testIfy to the oath of affirmation that
burst hom the victim's lips; the inmates of the prison shrieked in
desperation when the dagger flashed; but the unhesitating rascal
beheaded the Khallat a single stroke and placed his head by tha
side of his body."
The human element, which luis raised the Dawal Haiti to a level
far above the other masnauis of Khusrau, is conspicuous by its
absence in tho Nuh Sipih,. (Nine Heavens), which is a versified history
of the reign of Sultan QUlbuddin Mubarak Shah. It had by now
becollie a tradition for every emperor to request the willing poet for
a of his reign in his inexhaustible lJiellifluous verse, an?
Mllbarak Shah is said to have rewarded Khusrau liberally for IllS
labour. The Sultan was not the perverted criminal which he is
sOllletimes said to have been; in spite of the orgies at the cOUIt, the
Empire was well governed; the provinces were paeified; rebellion
was crushed wherever it appeared; and unliko his cider brother,
Khizr Khan, Mubarak Shah had an innate liking for efficiency and
work. Nevertheless, Khusrau could not find much to appreciate in
the arrogant young ill0narch; and apart from an account of the
Sultan's Deogir canipaign, 'the NIIl! SilJihl' is a formless assortment
of i1'iiscc\laneous odds and ends-a painfully claboratedoxology,
praises 'of IIindustan, a lengthy conversation between the Sultan's
how and arrow, and the like., '
Towards end of his life Kliusrau composed the last 6f his
49. Shadi, the head of Mnharak Shah'. gllaJrds, mnst not he confused with
rrince Shadi Khan, whom he was commissioned to assa>sinate.
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330
historical mosnavis, the Tughluq Nalllah, an account of the reign
of Sultan Ghiyasuclclin Tughluq. The circle that had collected round
Sultan Ghiyasuddin's son, Malik Fakhrucldin Juna (later, Sultan
Muhanimad bin Tughlurl), included some of khusrau's severest cri-
tics. Nevertheless, there was inuch that Khusran could applaud in
the honest, straightforward character of the founder of the Tughluq
<1; who by sheer Ilierit had risen from an humble origin to
the highest position in the state and "wore an dective crown". In
a verse attributed to him by Barani, Khusrau declares that "Sultan
Ghiyasuddin did nothing that did not testify to the perfection of
his wisdom and knowledge; it seemed as if he had the intellect of
a thousand scholars in his single brain." Ullfortunately, the TIIg1rluq
NallUlh has not reached us in a complete form, probably because
the author did not live to finish and. revise it. He was approaching
his seventieth year and survived the Sultan by a few months only. The
Emperor Jahangir is said to have ordered a 'reconstruction' of the
TIIghll1q Namah; but its manuscripts ai'e, anel have always been, rare.
50
.
The roniantic 11lasnavi of the Persians is a natural developrnent
from the Shah Namah elJic. Even a casual reader cannot fail to
be impressed by the enonnous length of Finlausi's great work and
its lack of artistic construction; the dullest stories arc placed side
by side with the most sensational at)d impressive, with no attempt
ata critical selection; the poet, like his Ghaznavid contemporaries,
can only feel and express the more violent elliotions while the lighter
shades of feeling are ignored; it is rOl1gh-hew)i and unchiscIIcd. Sure-
ly, the narrative verSe was cal)ahle of s'fmiething better, at least of
something dilIerent and equal y good. The poet who first grasped
the possibility of a new development in the narrative verse was Shaikh
Nizanii of Ganja (A.D. 1139-12(0). lIe brought to his task a fei:tility,
of mind, ,,;hich was hardl" inferior to Firclausi's, a discriminating
sensitiveness of feeling. which Finlausi had lacked, and a critical facul-
ty of seleetion, which was altogether his own. His poetic outlook
was more COniprehensive; his power over words was greater,
and later critics have loved to call. him the 'lord of language' (khlula-
i sukhan) . . The Khamsah of Nizami stands by the side of the Shah
50. The only nianuseript I am acquainted with is in possession of Ma"lvi Ohaidur
nahman Khan Sahib, M.L.e., Rni." nhikampnr, Aligarh. It is very defective and
difficnlt to dNOiphcr. Manlvi Rashid Ahmad Sahih. the ",ditor of Dawnl Rani. spent
a cnn:"i(l('rnhlf" tinip in the Tun1,!u'] N(lmn/l nn 111(' hnsis of tlw nhiknmrHir
mann script and his volume was ready for the pres., when h" wed. I do not knOll"
what has happened to it. F"rishta tells that manll.cript. of the Tug],''',? Ntlmtlh
were rare in his day. [Since edited and published hy Sred Hashimi Faridabadi, All-
mngnhncl-Dcccan, 1083 -EDITon.]
I'aerical Works of K/wsrdtl
Namal! like ;{ h:im and artistically laid-out modern park by the side
of a prinieval forest-it has less of tradition but more of art.
The sweetest flowers spring from the soil that has been manured'
continuously for years, and Nizami, like all great critics, realized
that if he wanted a good plot, he could only lind it in the ancient
folklore of his country. Persia was a soil rich in traditions to which
warriors, poets and peasants had all contributed their mites;
innumerable anecdotes, stories and fables had clustered round the
gloriOUS naines of Jamshed and Hustam, Alexander and Bahrani,
Khusrau and Anusherwan. It was unnecessary for Nizami to create
a plot; nothing that he could create would equal in poetic beauty
what tradition had already placed within his reach. His duty was
to piek and choose, and he chose the very best. Of the five works
of Nizmrti, which nre ccil!cctively knoWIi as the [(hamsah, the Iirst,
Makhzanlll 1\S/'{II', is not a romantic IIwsn(lvi at all. It is a treatise
on twenty moral topics, the author's instructions being illustrated by
short anecdotes or hilwyats. The remaining four works-Shifin
KfiIlSI'ml, 'Ma;1l11n Laila, Sikandaf Namah and lIaft I'aikar-are rO-
mantic /lUIs/tavis, properly so called. The Sikanclal' (Alexander) of
Nizami is not the Alexander of history, but of.. tradition and art;
the criminal cOllrlueror from the west is elevated to the status of
a Honian Caesar, of a philosopher and a national Persian hero. The
Laila lIlaillLln is an Arab legend; it has no war or historic episodes
in its tale of forlorn love, and Nizami felt some cli!ndcnco in handl-
ing it. The S1lil'in [(llllsrall and lIaft ['aikm' <lubalm the Persian tales
that clustered round the emperors, Khusrau and Gor.
Nizami was one of the acknowledged masters of Persian poetry
when Khusrau began to write; he had become as popular as the
traditions Oil which he has impressed his personality for ever. Mau-
hum Shibli tells us that Khusrau began his apprenticeship in poetry
by placing the best passages froni the masters before himself and
trying to niodel his work on them. If so, Nizami could hard':v fail
to he one of the e1assics selected, and Kh1lsrau's work thr01lghout
shows how. profoundly Nizami had influenced him. But it was
not till the beginning of Alauddin's reign that Kh1lsrau conceived
the plan of rivalling, and, if possible, of surpassing the great master.
His gllazals had already made him famous and had even ,von from
the l)crsians a homage which they sel<lom yield to any
hut their countrynien. ne had written two historical /IWS1ltlrh, the
Qiran!ts Sa'dain and Miftall1ll Fuflllz, which no one in India conlcl
pretend to rival. He had patrons, flatterers, friends, and an appfe ..
Politics <mel Soc/ety ,j,;r{tfg tI", Early Me(/levalr;TerioJ
dative public, which had seen no greater genius than his east of
the Indus; and, misled by these external mal'ks of success, be,begall
his task in a spirit of superb self-conIldcnce.
"Wllen my ambition first moved its charger towards tbe <ky", J10
says in the beginning of llis first romantic masl1avi, the Matla'ul An-
war, "fortune granted me all her treasures, Every work I ,;tttempted
tUl'ned out to be better than I llad hcped ... The faine of my emi-
llence roSe and reverberated in Nizarriis grave. Maybe, the seal of
perfection lUIS been impressed on Nizami's work, but the coins I am
manufacturing will brenk that seal; tIle poet of GalJja has won
mortal fame through his :6ve treasures (llla,sl1(wis), but I will make
five keys to open rlis five treasures and eompete with him fOI' tho,
domain, over which lie lIas held sway so long ... Yes, such shall be
the excellence of my ma81'laois that even the roost discerning cril io
will not be able to distinguish his work from mine."
Khusrau's romantic 1/lasnaois, collectively known as the Pan; Galli,
are closely modelled on Nizami's Khamsah. The Matla'ul Anwar,
like its predecessor, is a book of moral precepts illustrated with
anecdotes. The ren1aining four--Shil'inKhus1'Ou, Laihl Majnwl, Aina-
i Sikandfll'i and Ilasht Bi1i1sht-deal with the so,me legends as Nizami.
Klmsrau certainly brought considerable powers to his task., His pen
was as fluent as Nizami's and be composed with a marvellous rapidity;
nor was he bel1ind his predecessor in his knowledge of life and deli-
cacy of feeling. Success was, nevertheless, out of the question. "Dr)
llot attempt to Succeed in this art", says i well-known Persian line,
it has readIed its perfection in Nizami's bands." In lhe flrst
place, Khusrau could never attain to tile exubcl'nnt vigour and at'tistic
fineness of Ni7'\nif S descriptive verse; again and again he essayed
the task, and again and again lIe failed. But if Khusrau could not
give lis Nizami's scenes, he might have, as a compensation, told us
bettct' tales. But this was rendered impossible by the conditions
Khllsl'all had imposed upon hinisclf. He was going to write on the
same four legemls' as Nizami. There were ollly two alternatives: he
could J'cpeat in llis OW11 words tho stol'ies Nizami had told beforo,
hut this would have heen absut'd; so Klmsrall resorted to the plan,
of putting into verse the stories and incidents which Nizami had
exaniilled and thrown aside as il1cnpable of artistic rendering. To
JI;S defeat in his work KlllIsl'au was quite alive. "T11e genius of,
Ganjn',', he says in his Aina-i Slkmulal'i,51 which fcll nat hy the side, .
51. A !igarh edition, Pl' 25-28, I hAve translated only th" njore important lin"" of
the passage. ,
Paul/cal Works of l\1W$f'<IlI
333
" as If ted with l'emarkahle creative and
of its imniOrta! predecess
or
j
this goblet-the tradition of
critical facultlCs. out all the deal' wine for
Alexander the Grcat- those who were to come after
himself and ouly left i all that has heen
him. Carefully he we g tl ents. he iOllored such stones as
b th wisdom 0 1e anct ' '0- I d
cd to us y le . , ter retation and with the best Ie a orn-
were incapable of a poehc f P -t popularity and reception
ed his volume and securec
h
or 1 a ll, advised) Versifying a worth-
wherever it went. (In thiS
b
e was who attempt to
less story is like :writing a. uses WI.\ to tb' e lips the wise. But
h f Iy hrmg a smt e , 1
whiten t elr aces on . 1 away by my predecessor, 1 lave
since all pearls together; and if you ?bject to
no alternative but to . g I
P
)erSOJI who Ims put me to tlus task. .
iny doing so, please blame t 10 1\1 . from the field the pOOl' ant
I f' takes away a C0111 , , tl
'When t te "tl Niznmi has left no good wille m Ie
has to live on, of :;1' howsoever I may tilt it." . .
gohlet, and none fl
lid
not fail to point out the defiCienCIes of
( came out in rnpid slIccession; and
Khusrau s works as t r 1 'U P t' a close friend of Sultan Muham-
them one, Obaid, sumam
d
\ ;e remnrked that it was "an
mad bin Tughluq, is ere I eKe, WI 1, part to hoil his meat and riee
mpti<ln on 1\1sra U S f l'f
irreverent presu "1'1 Kha)'flsal1 was the Inoduct 0 ale
in Nizami's cauldron: tIel t 't and Khusl'au's Ilian of writing
1 . ly aedJea ee 0 1 , < ' f
almost exe uSlve '. . tl t !'Vats of other htlsl11cSS was ore-
sOIuething equal to It III 1e his critics. "My Ma/-
doomed to failure. But he hIlI N' "s work" he says with the
'1 wt be equa to Izaml " t f
nun LOt a may I f 'l'al' to '1>ut it is no or
argmncntum. ad lomiuem so amI hth If I of art, will
'11 to estimate Illy WOI'. , h lie
every 51 y ass " 1 rtake to produce soniet jug to ena)
you not, on yOJlf pmt, But your own work heing
me to judge of your NI'znmi's nraise YOtl say his words
I htll'Sclf hv stngmg " , ". 1
yon eonso e)'v . Of coursc I But whnt arc your 0\';'11 prot tlC-
hring the dea<l to life. 1 n in 'our dun mind you wdl succeed
Hons Mayhe
fift
); verses in his 'style, but you.!'
in composmg. som.e ) nterillg and galloping f
a
l'sal1g after Im-
Inltie horse wIn never go ca
an
" "52 N'. , 1 I'll a passa<fe
S "'. , learnt to resocct Izalnt, nil(, ' i'.
He lIad, howevff., " ' d 00 1 sense he does iustice to Nlzan1!
remaI'kal)te for its sobriety ambitious had longed to
and to Ids O\VU WOlk as we . y
52 Mainull Laiill, Aliguh edition, p, 169,"
334 Politics 01,,1 Jllrillg t/", Early .Medleval l'eriod
reconstruct Nizami's magic, to cast a ,spell like his, so tlH;t I might
dahll that I could march to his measured steps. Hut 1 am HOW
cOllvinced of my shortcomings and acknowledge his pre-eminence.
It is impossible to improve upon, or rival, the master's work, thoqgh
I may claim in self-defence that it was impossihle, sword in hand,.
to conquer the kingdom of another with greater snccess... J have
eOinposcd this 11!aS/1.aL'i (iIla;tIlm Laila) in order to awaken the peo-
ple of these days; the .sentirrient that inspires it is the same as of
its well-known predecessor. The reputation of my master lives for
ever-if not, I shaH hring him to life again. The great poet ,is
worthy of praise. lIe has collected all that was exeellent ill his
songs without leaving anything for me. TInt T, too, deserve (,()ITl-
niendattou for having constructed my 1110SIlfId Ollt of thc stHIT dis-
carded hy him. Nizami confhwd hiniself to a single hrmll:h of poeir.v;
instead of frittering away his cncrgy in all dircetions, he strove in
the m(!st1ar;i alone. lIe was a man of onC' art; so in that art he
excelletl the whole world. Snrely, a man of discrimination will
himself only to the work for which he has all aptitude I And to
his one task the poet of Gaura dedicatecl hiS wi\olo life. He said
'good-bye' to the world and its attractions, antl retreated to a quiet
comor. His nwsnad was the only demand 011' his time, the onl\'
burden on his heart. A secluded life, a mind Imltlmcd by distracting
cares, his livelihood provided hy the generosity of princes and great
men-how could a cOinhination of such !lapp" ehnents fail to pro-
duce .poetry of the highest cxcelleuce? "Bnt 'J, mhappv nian, h()il
with Jr.iy worries like a canJdr'on. From morn night and from'
night to niort1 T have never a m(llrient of poaee; Ill\' lI11hl'id1cd world-
ly ainhition compels me til stand with folded hands before a patron
no hett('r than nivself; and nothillg' comes into m\' lnmls till T hmT
sweatecl in lah()u'r fl'Onl head to foot. The pavilwnt macle to me,
moreover, is regarded as '1 gift, not a reml11lcration for mv toi1--,
like dlC ass which, after carried Hs load, ha; its j'f\tionerl
)!rass thrown hcfore its fae') with contempt'. Jr, IInder \'.hese <'1rcl11n-
stances, I can find a wee,k or so of leisure. am '/ to df>\'olc to
praising iIi)' kindh' patron or to e"pressinl! the pOIlie ;11'
mv mill? And what sort of pn'cions stones can (lile div. ont of ntf'
rockl: in such a short time? ]l.ry good fortnne coniists in Il\e
of my pen; I have onlv to rap my heael and irNas come
forth, while mv verses are co'nprisecl with 11 rapi"lity that H1,V
tholl:e:hts hchineJ. I have mana)!,:d to write all this.,'in spite of
ablp distrflctions, 'Vere the a:'dllolls task of /!arning a livciihoo(j
l'oeUeal \" orks of Klrusrau
335
to leave me ,inore leisure, I could show. what I am capable of.
III spite of all tl1ese drawbacks, a fair critic will acknowledge the
talent displayed in my Pan; GClII;; and if he .does not, well, I am
not ignorant of the value of my rnbies,"53
According to the general opinion of later critics, Khusrau has neither
equalled 1101' surpassed Nizami, but he is, beyond doubt, the best of
Nizami's many iinitators. A man of, his talents was SIll'C to fare well
in everything he undertook. But the plan of the Pan; Gani was un-
fortunate, Nizami had sucked all the blood out o( the old Persian
legends and Khusrau would have been well-advised to explore a new
field. 'fhe mythology of the Indians is as. interesting and as capahle
of poetie intClvretation as the traditional tales of the Persians; and
the Hasht Bihisht; in which Khusrau allowed hinisclf to incorporate
a numher of Indian stories, is the best of his romances. But the
lvlussalmans of his day had not discovered the poetry that lay cn-
shdned in the Ramayana and the Mahabhal'(Ifa; Khusrau could not
have forestalled Faizi an,. more than Alauddin could have forestalled
Akbar; and the Pan; Can; is condeinned hy the staleness of its themes
rather than the style of its story-telling. Nothing that was in Khusrau's
power to write could have ever equalled the litet.'!,r)' excellence of
the Khamsah; hut he' eould have told us dilTerent and better tales.
Great respect has heen, and always will be, paid to Khusrau and his
1I1asnavis, hut not one of his ten volumes stands pre-erriinent as a
classic. They have been rcvered but .seldom reacl. It w,as not
hy such imitation that Nizami had improved upon tl/e Sh(/h Namah,
, A few extracts in En)!lish may give the r.ader an idea of the sort
of st'ories Khusrau tells, though not of the way in which he tells {11ei:n :
The Three Pl'illccsof Ceylon
"Once Ilpon a !tinie there reigned in Ceylon a jllSt and wise' king,
whose pOWCl' was acknm,vledged up to the precincts of Ghazni. He
had three sons, who excelled in knowledge and learning as well as
in bodily strength, One clav the father, in order to If his
sons had any designs a{!,ainst him, callecl eldest prince to a ptivate
interview and said: 'J haH> reached an acl,iancecl age and must retire
to a corner ancl worshIp hiy God. YOH. arc the heir to the throne.
Direct the affairs of the st-ate with jllstiee so that your suhjects rnav
he 10\'nl and your God pleased. He a good shepherd and do not
Ic;ve to the wolf: I ..
Ibid" PI"
336
Politics and Socfety dllring tlw Early Medieval Period
"The rrince, placed the ground, 'An ant may crcC]j
to t Ie ,throne, but It cannot become- a Solomon', he tq)lied, 'I
wl},l ,not of such a thing while Your Majcsty is alive.'
kmg was pleased at heart with the hcir-apparent's answer, hut
he to be, angry and drove him from his liresence, Next
called second SOn and offered the throne to him. But he also
lCfused. It would be wrong of me', he protested, 'to talk of the
and .the throne during Your Majesty's life. And when the
passl11g of tIme has brought Your Majesty's happy reign to an end it
IS, my cldcr brother, not I, who mount the throne. Small pcdr!s
l.lOtllt OInaments. a crown. The youngest hrother, when called
III IllS turn, gave 5111111al' answer. Pleased though he was with their
loyalty and affectI0I1, the king det0\mined to test his sons still further
and ordered them to leave the kingdOiri.
"The princes were staggered hy their order hut the
oheyed it; packing their belongings, they pas;ed throllg6
clhes an,d hll they. had crossed the frontier of the kingdol11
and w{)!e wlthm .the territory of another ruleI', Now it happened
that. when the pnnces well' near the cal)ital of this kincrdom a
Etlllo . . f I " , <11
" plan i'll11nmg rom t le, opposite- direction. His face was
hlaek as tar. Gentle travellers I he cried 'Have
camel?' " ' you seen my
:: ?Iad lost one of its eyes?', asked the eldest prince.
.. ,Had .It lost one of its teeth?', asked the second.
.. ,""Y'as It lame in one of its legs?', asIs,<xl the third.
. you have seen it', cried the Ethiopian, 'tell me
find It?
:: 'Go stra.igh.t and quick', the three princes replied
Etlll.oplall in search of his canicl, while the princes,
aftel havellmg some dIstance fmther, lay down to rest in the. shadd
of, n large trec. They were still at the spot when the Ethiopian
r ;'r ::-nc(l, and complained in a voice sharp as til(' edge of a dagger:
I hnve \'1m a whole f(1/'s(1l1[!, over hill and plain, hl1t I have not sr,pn
even the dust of mv camel's feet.'
.. 'Hcar l1S, I'cp!ied the first prince, -'It will not he right
to conceal from yon anythlll<T we know Docs )'0111' can C"I'I'.\' .
or .. on one side of its'hack"and a jar hm;e)' Oil tI:e a Jar
.. ,And not a woman on it also?', asked the second prince ..
And IS not that woman m the last stage of P' k 1
the third. y , as C( ..
"These qliestions confirmed the Ethiopian's suspicion. He caught
l'oelicaZ Wcnks of KTwsrali 337
. .
hold of the princes and raised a CIY that they were thieves, thugs,
badllwshes, who wandered up' and down the country and stole the
caniels and property of honest people. A number of men collected
together at the, Ethiopian's cries, and, as was natural, all talked at
the same. time, so that nono ('ould h<) heard. After 111IlCh altercation,
however, it was decided to take the princes to the king of the city
fe}r the punishment they were thought to deserve.
"When the caSe' came up for trial, the Ethiopian related exactly
all that had happ.ened and the king asked the princes to state their
side of the case. 'May Your Majesty's reign be prolonged to the end
of time!', replied the- wisest of the princes, '''Ve are three poor travel-
lers whom an irrei)l'cssible longing to see the world has been driving
over hill and plain, \Vhile we were coming towards Your
city, this black-faced Ethiopian ran up to us and insisted on our
telling him the whereabol1ts of his camcl; and we,. on our part, by
way of' spOlt tried to niake guesses about his camel in order to
inc;'ease his anxiety.' _ '.
"The king was enraged. 'Not one guess in ten proves true', he
said, 'Give back what you have stolen, or prepare for the punishment
you deserve.' And he sent the three princes to prison, where they
passed a miserable night in the company of thieves, robbers and
cut-throats.
"Next motTling a wood-C'l1tter found the camel (with the woman
on it) straying in the forest and brought it back to the Ethiopian,
ran to inform the king. llhe king felt sorry for
the miscarriage of justice ancl ordercd the princes to be released and
brought before him.
.. 'Out with your secret! " he thundered, 'How did van know so
much ahout tlie canicl since YOU had never seen it? 'Telt me the
whole truth, or I will Cllt off ):our heads.'
"The prince", howed their foreheads to the ground. 'May Your
l\..fajesty be always happy and PI'osperous I', the eldest prince replied,
'I discoyercc1 that the camel was half-blind by I1sing my own ey.es
with care, As we walked towards the city, I saw that the leaves
and branches on one sicle of the road had been catcn by the animal
while those on the other side were left untol1ehed.'
"'And 1', replied the second prince, 'carefully stndied the impres-
sions left by the camel and saw clearly that it had been painfully
dragging one of its legs.' _
.. 'On taking up some of the twigs and leaves left half-eaten by the

338
Politics alld .society during the Early Medleenl Period,
camel', added the third, 'I was left hi no dOli bt that one of its tedh
was missing.'
"'That is good', said the king; 'Now tell me what led you to make
your other three remarks.'
"'Drops of liquid had trickled down from the camel's back and
fallen on the roa,d', the first prince replied, 'On' one side there was
a swarm of flies mid on the other a troop of ants. This could have
only been due to honey and oil: ,
"'At one place it appeared from the impressions on the ground
the camel. had squatted for a the second prince explained,
And by the Side of the marks left bv the camel I saw the delicate
impressions of a woman's shoes.' -
. by the side of the' observe-d' by my brother, I saw
ImpreSSIOns of her hands also, the third prince addcd, 'The woman,
must be advanced in her pregnancy, I concluded, if she has to crawl
on all fours in order to get on to the camel's hack.'
king was' mightily pkased at the intclligcnce displaycd by
the them with rohes of honour and )rave
tl1('m hOlls
e
wltlun the palace compound to live in., Oftcn when
th.e afhllrs ?f the state loft him some leisure, he dropped in to chat
With thepnnces and marvelled at their wisdom and power of observa-
tion.
"Now one evening the king happened to sC'nd the princes a prc-
of roast lamb and wine, and the .. three hrothers sat down to
partake of it.
"'This wine seems to have a mixture of human blood in it', re-
marked one of the princes.
"'Nor is the flesh of this lamh pure', said the second, 'It seems
to have been nomished on the ,milk of a hitch:
"'''Vh
y
complain of these trifles,' added the third, 'when om king
, himself is not the renl son of his predecessor. lIe has a butler's blood
in veins:
"l'v[eam:hile king, who had 'hidden himself in an adjoining
room, hke a snake at these remarks: and, quite .unahle to
control hnnsc1f any longer, he enterocl the chainher of the princes.
They respectfully rose up to receive him. '
"'Speak out before me what vou have been tellin!! each other
now'. he ordered. The princes, that they had been overheard, '
soul!ht safety in truth. Tlw king kept on drinking while thev rcneat-
ed their previolls remarks, He was boiling with'rage. But he knew
Poetical Works of Klwsrau 339
them to be shrewd and intelligent; and though he said nothing at
the time, he made a diligent inquiry into the truth of their assertions.
"The keeper of the royal cellars confessed that he had obtained
his grapes from a Vineyard, which had once been a graveyard.
"This discovery weighed heavily on the king's mind, and he be-
came anxious lest the other remarks of the princes should also turn
out to be true. He called for the shepherd who had sold the lamb
to the royal kitchen. The fellow swore emphatically that the Iamb
had been' brought up on its own mother's milk, but the king refused
to believe him. 'Out 'with the truth I " he shouted, 'Or I will cut off
your head like a blade of grass: Finding at last that only chm'tce
of escape lay in confessing the truth, the shepherd that one
of his lambs having been carried off by a wolf, he had Illt .upon, the
nove!' lfvsig'l of getting the motherless kid suckled by a bitch. She
was a fine dog', he explained, 'She flew like an arrow, it was
with great difficulty that I induced her to give suck to the kid along
with her own puppies:
"The most perplexing problem still remained. The king was seized
with a sort of fever and would not rest till he had discovered evCly-
thing. lIe hastened to his mother's chamber and in a tone
of extreme rudeness: "Vho is my real father-the late kmg or some
one else? Tell Ine the bitter truth:
"The queen-mother was shocked ancl surprised by her son's ques-
tion. 'What is the matter with you', she asked, 'that you put such
questions to your own mother? Who but king could have touch-
ed me? You ought to feel ashamed of yourself:
"But her son refused to be put off this and cast at his mother
a look of bitte/ hatred and contempt.' 'Nothing but the truth', he
said, 'will save you from the punishmerit your sins deserve.'
"The cowardly mother knew her son to be capable of every act
of justice and at last confessed in a trembling voice: 'For years I
have kept my secret undisclosed, but you shall hear my story, if
your ears cal; stand the shock. It was the seasOn of the spring. The
king had gone out hunting. I had been sleeping alone in my
bel', when on opening my eyes 1 saw a, butler enter the door WIth
my food on a tray. I was young, in the vigour of my health and the
blossom of my beauty; inspired by a pasSion. that vanquished my
self-control, I' Hew at him like one drunk and would not let him
go till he had done my that union you, ,my son,
wete born. It had been so inscrIbed, In the book of my fate.
"The king hung his head low at this confessiOn of his mother's
Po/iti,.., ""'/ SoC/e,y dl/rillg tlw E"r/!! Period
shallie; and, hilterly regretting the question he had asked, dragged
himself awav from her chamher in ore dead than alive.
"In the he visited the house of the prinecs, aud, after a
few rounds of the wine-cnp, he addressed them thus: 'I have in-
quired into the assertions yon made last night. All of them are per-
fectly true. But do tell me how .yQn manag(,d to discover these

{ : r I l{)gan to fed sad and gloomy the mohwnt I tasted your wine
last night', the first prince replied, 'and on incll1iring 'from oth('r5
I found that it had thc samc effect on them also. The natmal cIfect
of wine is to bring hilarity and jOy, I argued; the grape, froili which
this wiuc has been made, must have drawn its n011l'ishlliellt from
the 'hloocl amI h()(lv of the dead.'
," 'As SOOIl as I li'a(l put a inorsc\ of the ron.st-niutton into my
mouth', ]'('pliecl the seccllIcl prince, 'my heart hegan to hurn and
:mel ill.V mouth was filled with saliva. The mlltton, niorc-
ovcr, smelt like the hlood of flcas. Thi,s is the flcsh of a clog, I ('on-
dmktl, or of ,a Tamil hrought up on tlw milk of a bitch.'
"'I, too, will speak ont my illind if 1 am promised forgivelH'ss',
the thire! prin('e The king assure[1 him on a thousand oaths
that his life :md libert." were in no danger.
"'I have emefully observed all acts of You!' fllajcsty evcr since
I hm'e hecn at the court; and though I found them inspired hy ex-
perience and wisclOlri, I failed to discover in thcm any 'of the traits
which clistingnish princes of royal hlo()cl.., "rhat particularly att-I'adccl
my att!'nlion was the fact that Your Majesty seldom usecl a scntcnce
in which them was no refercnce to hread anel This elHihlecl
nil' to trace Your rVfajcstv's desccnt to a ll11tler.'
"Th(' king kept silent for a momcnt after these disclosures. 'I il1ust
avoid sheddinl! innDcC'nt hlood', he thcll1ght within himself, 'It would
he best to sen'd orr my guests hefore 1111' anger gds thc hctter of inv
sense of justice.' Th('n t111'ning towards the princes he forc,cd hiniself,
into a cheerfullau/!h. 'I congratulate you on rC111arkablc in-
tclligcnC'c', he said, 'Bnt it "'mild be cmel to kcep hirds of passagc
like yOll within thc walls of a 'single cit)'.' And with many snelt"
apoJ(igies, and a pr('sl'nt of a hundred gold picccs to each prince,
he hack thern a corelial farf'\vcll.
"The, thrce prinef's rf'tu1'1lf'cl to the, kingdoili of their father."
The Death af.M a;mrtl
"The narrator or this ancient story will nciw ('xplain how Laila"
when (lead; ean:ied hn Jover with her,
i'oetleai Works of Kil!lsrrili Ml
"Laila's molher wept bittcrly she realizc'll that her daughter
was no more. She tore her hair and they were strewn about like
camphor-flowers on her daughter's corpse. Friends and relations also
col'ef'/p([ with their weeping eyes. Among them MajnuJl,
who had Heard of her illness, came to their house in a stale of utter
dcjection to elHll1il'c ,how was doing. ITo hcarc1 the sounds of
wailing in the house, and illimedialely afterwards the funeral, fol-
lowed by a procession of 1l10lll1lCrS, issued out of lhe door and be-
gan to move slowly ,through the streets.
"The sight of the funeral transformed Majnun all of a sudden, lIe'
rushed forward and walked before the funeral in a condition of
ecstatic joy, dancing and singing. The gladness of his heart found
vent in extempore and joyous verse. 'God be praised for the day
on which I h\\ve bcen freed from the torture of separation and bless-
ed with a tllli(in so close that there is no place for body or lire be-
tween us! I have found my salvation without being obligeel to
others and mvel in my love without fear of criticism. We will lie
in lhe sanie chamber, face to face, slcep in the smrie bcd, ann in
ann. And from that sleep, which the sound of human' voices cannot
disturb, I will not raise my head till the Day of Hesurrection. The
pure soul will flyaway with the pure soul; the dust wiII mingle ,With
the dust. ])0 make our grave as small as possihle, so that om bodies
may be squcezed together; nor lIeed 1 fear the closeness of the
grave, for the gardcll of inmiorlality is extcnsive ['l1 ough . , .'
"Sonic there were who coulcl ullderstand the purport of flJajllun's
song; others smiled at his inadness even their tears, b1lt lhey
tllOught he was insane, and consc'clucnty took no serious notiee of
his actions.
"\Vhen tho procession reached the graveyard, the corpse was laid
in the newly dug grave, and tlle moumers wore preparing to close
,J it for ever. 'At that instant Majnun.rushed out of the Ci"owd and
jumped into the grave; he lifted up the corpse and was seen press-
ing it against his face and bosom. This was too much for the relatives
of the deceased girl. One or two of them jumped into the grave with
drawn daggers to punish the desecrator for his crime. They twisted
his neck and' drew his lips away JrolTi the lips of the eOll)se; his
vacant e\'es looked at theni with a cold, lifeless stare. Thev shook
him; the i'e was no sign of life in his lin1bs. His body had joined for
ever the bock of his beloved; his soul had flown awa\, with her. And
the arm he l;ad wound rOl1nd her waist refl1sed to sb'aighlen.
"They wished to separate the two dead bodies bllt some old and
:142 l'olitlcs and Soc/ety during tile tarly Medieval Period
,. " r'-
experienced men present wamed them against it. 'This is a symbol
of divine mystery', they said with their weeping eyes, 'and not a
human passion, for who would give up his life for the sake of a
mere desire? They retained their self-control in life; and in death
their purity is clear to all. Be the responsibility of it on our heads,
but do not separate in death those whose souls love had joined
together.'
"So they closed the grave above the two lovers and returned
weeping to their homes."
The Hindu and M!;slim Pilgrims
"A Muslim lwji proceeding to Mecca. met a Brahman pilgrim going
to Sorrtnath. O\'ving to the strength of his devotion, the Brahman
was measuring the .with his b,ody and the. of the
had torn off the skill of IllS brcast. . Whereto, f\'lcnd?, thc IUllt in-
quired. 'I have been travelling like this for several yoars', the Brah-
man replie<1. 'But God has given you your two feet; why do you
crawl on your breast instead of walking upon them?' 'Ever since
I have dedicated hly life to my idol, 1 crawl towards him on my
breast and my heart', the Brahman replied.
"And you, who laugh at the Hindus for bcing idolators, at least
condescend to take a lesson from the sincerity of their faith. Granted,
the arrow of the idolator is shot at a wrong target; btit towards that
target it was moving straight. How much niore pathetic the condi-
tion of one I who, knowing the true object of life, nonetheless shoots
in a wrong direction I Go on thy path like a strai&ht arrow, 0 m:;:
master so that the v may ri,ghtly call thee warnor of the Lord.
geniUS" was not but .lyric. It is in
his ghazals that we see him at and It .IS hy IllS ghaza[s. that
he is chiefly remembered. The mvenhon of of IS as-
crihed to Shaikh Sa'di of Shiraz, whose wandenng, msectlre hfe had
made him familiar with every variety of human emotion. Khusratl
inlilaled Sa'di in the ghazal as he had imitated Nizami in the mas-
navi but this time there was no slavishness in his imitation. His four
pontierous Sighal', Wastrtl lla!/at, Ghlll'l'at,."
Kamal and Baqiah Naqrah-have, no douht, many defec.ts. TheIr
voluhie is too great a hurden on the shoulders of postenty.54 He
composed too rapidly and too carelessly, and as most of the ghazals
54, "The flrst dlwan of Aniir Khu,rau is, the ru"'atu,. Slg',ar (The Present
Youth) containing the poems wllich he wrote from the 16th to .the 19th year of
Th
I' the time of Sultan Balban and contam several panegyncs
age. ese were \:'V.I n n .' h f I
addressed to hirrt. In compliment to his sovereign htle, he ere requent Y' assumes
roetlcai Works of kllUsrdU
"" .343
were written not from "the fulncss of the heart but the emptiness
of the pocket", an endless repetition of the sanie idea and phrases
could harcHy be avoided. Three-fourths of the mass, at least, is pure
hack-work, a useless versification of commonplace ideas. For this
Khusrau is not to blanie. His princely patrons wanted a basketful
of ghazals every day and the poet was' compelled to provide the
fare. But as the reader traverses page after page, some of the ghazars
shine out brilliantly from the dull mass; they are the poet's genuitie
and inspired work; and Khusrau would have been well-advised to
pick up the pearls and throw off the shells as Ghalib and Virgil have
to hiniself the poetical designation of Sultan/. Most of the qas;clas in this which
ore not devoted to the Sultan, were written in' celebration of new year festivals and
Ids, or addressed 0 the king's eldest son, Nusratuddin Sultan Muhammad Khan,
known better as the Kllan-I Silo/lid, or the "Martyr Prince', and to contemporary
ministers and nohles, The tarfl" nrc addressed to the author's spiritual tencher, Nizam-
uddin Auliya, Snltan DRlbnn, nnd his son above nanied. It Indudes also il poem
III praise of Mnlik Ikhtiyaruddln, the Ariz.
"The second eli",an is the Wru-tul lIar/at (The Middle of Life), containing the
poeniS written from the 24th to the 32nd year of his life. These are in pniise chie/ly
"r Nizamuddin Auliya, nnd the prince above named, then governor of the Punjab
nnd Multan, who was .Iain in an Rctlon with the Mongols a> Dipalpur, at tho! close
or the year A.H. 683. The poet was In hl. servfce. One panegyric Is addressed to
Sultan Mu'izuddin Kaiquhad, and another to IkhtiyaruddRulah Chajiu Khan-i Muazzam,
the son of Kishlu Khan, nephew of Sultan' Balban, and governor of Kara-Manlkpur.
Others are addressed to the Ariz, Tajuddin Fathul Mulk Sharafuddln, Alp Khan
Gbazi, son of Azhdal' Malik, Shah Malik Ikhtiyaruddin Ali hin Aibak, and other
nobles.
"The third cliwm. is the Ghurratul Kamal (Perfect Light), containing poems written
from the 34th to the 42nd year of his life. It opens lllith an interesting preface, con-
taining some autohiographical netices. These poenis comprise panegyrics upon Niza-
muddin Auliya, Sultan Kaiqubad, Shaist. Khan, who for a short time ruled the state
in the name of Shamsuddin, the son of, "':uiquhad, and afterwards became king under
the title of Jalalllddin, Sultan Rukllllddin Ihrahim, youngest son 'of Jalalncl ..
din, who sat for a short tiine on the throne of Delhi after the ;'ul'de1'
of his rather, Sultan Alauddin, Ikhr ,aruddin Ali bin Saifuddaulah Bar-
hak, Tajuddin, Alp Khan Ghazi, and Tajmldnulah Malik ehajiu, an elegy upon the
death of Khan-i Khanan Mahmlld, Lultan Ikhtiyaruddin, the son of Jalaluddin, and
lwncdictiolls addressed to his other sons, Khan-i Mua7.7.am Arkalai Khan mid Khan-i
'Azam QadI' Khan. This dii"on, contains also, odes all new year festivals and the Ids,
"nd, besides the masnavis nientioued above, the poet addresses one to his brother,
Zahld Khan, descriptive of his n' ,companying the royal army In A.Jr. 687 to Awadh.
Another is in praise of the pal9.'c at Kilukhari ana of its founder, Sultan Kaiqubad.
Size of the work, 4to., 694 of an average of 15 Iincs. '
"11m 'fO\uth diwan is called the Bllqlah Naqla" (The Pure Remnant), 'containing
poems ,,,,itten by Amit Khusrau from the 50th to the 64th year of his age. 11lere
aro In it panegyrics on N'tamuddin Auliya, Shaikh Alauddin, grandson of Shaikh
Faridnddin GanJ-i Shakar, Sultan Alauddin, Sultan Qutbuddin Muharakshah Shanisul
:H4 Politics a"d Soclely durl"g lIte Early Mer/leval Period
done. Unfortunately, he adopted the 0f)pOsite course, edited all his
gTwza[s according to the period of his ife at which they were writ-
ten and, with a kind cruelty to himself, his biographers and his critics,
insisted on the prcservationof every line. But even the educated
public has refused to read his diwalis and knows him only through
'selections'.
As a writer of glwzals Khusrau has been equalled but not stir-
passed. Ilis mind held in a happy proportion the two clements re-
quired to produce lyric poetry of the highest excellence-a fine
era for music and a heart that feels and can express its feelings.
He began as a young gallant and ended as a mystic. lIe knew
wohlen, and the feelings that women inspire, but his horizon was not
confined to that world alone. There is a swectncss in his \vords-a
harnionv and flow in the mere soimd of them-that is found in Hafiz
but, pei'haps, not in any other Persian poet. If there was not a shred
of sense ancI meaning in the of Khusrau's finest lines, their
rhythm and sound alone would suffice to make them immortal. He
is 'the favourite poet of the mystic singers (qarelcals) who have loved
to sct his lines to music,. and advanced mvstics have often fainted
and yielded up the ghost at thcir recitatio;l. In him, for the first
(though not for the last) time, Persian poetry reaches its high-water
mark-the sustained ghazal. .
Translation will give. no idEm of the rhythm and beauty of the
original:
1
55
o thall, beyond all comprell1Jtision
How can my thoughts e'er reach to Thee?
IIa,y! Khizr Khan, eldest son of Snllan AI"addin. Nasiral lTaji, I1amiclelalllah.
Taja.!daulah. Fnkhr1l!ldin Palad Taghlik, lIag'!, Azalll Alp Khan, Malik Ikhti-
y:uuddin Sadi. l\lnlik 1I1Isammldin Khan-i Azorn and Nasinn1clin. l:herc is an elegy on
tho Sultan's death 011 the 8th of Shawwal. A.It. 715. anel 501110 ",",,"ad., on the mar-
riage of the princes all (1 othe,' !naUer." (Ellint & DOI"SOIl, Vol. iT, Pl" 534-36.)
Some finty manuscripts of .Klmsr:1t1's work to he found 1 in the India Office
Lihrary. 'I1w fOllr diw'/II.I J. have examini" are """ntiflllly \\Titten alld almost com-
plete. The gllG=als are written in the centre of the page and the masnavis on the
Jllargin. The prose introdllclioT1f; arc in J\1l11srau's usual style. The ditcmlS have not
let heen printed. wleclions of Klmsra,,'s glrazal., were abundant in Ihe
!-.!idclle Ages and testify 10 his popalarity; and one often comes across them even
now. 0110 !'Illch InnrHlscript has ptintf'(l hy tlw Nnwal Kishore Pref's, LlIcknow, .
but the selection seems to have heen indiscriminately made.
55. KlI/liyat, puhlished hy Nawal Kishore Press: Ai zi kl'iyal rna binm bar ttl klriya/
kni rasacl.
Poel/cal Wo,ks 'of KllUsrdU
/
/
Or my vain intellect understand
" Thy attribute or quality?
Alld oeer the creation stands
The spaceless pillar of Thy niight.
My soul, a fee7Jle, wingless bird,
How shall it climb that endless height?
A thousand martyrs likfJ II ussain
Have perished in the endless strife,
Yet human lips have never touched
Thy water of eternal ,life.
And day ancl night Thy Ught doth. shine
Upon the tTirone of human heart,
Although ow' intellect never can
Thy vision to our eyes impart.
To eamest, humble pilgrims come
The words of mercy tram Thy seat;
Khusrau, to idol-worship given, ,
. Gan but Thy outward symbols greet.
II 56
Pleasant the grove, pleasant the fields,
pleasant the adoent of the spring!
Pleasant beneath a poplar tree '
To hear above the bulbul sing,
To pass the Clip fl'Oht hand to hand
'Vhile music ill our ears doth ring!
Fly, Zephy,', nimbly to her side .
. And softly with this message greet:
"Pleasant the lawn, pleasant the clew,
pleasant the mnning. water sweet I"
And TJI'ing her qUickly to my arms
That in soft lace ollr lips may meet.
'Tis pleasant with wine-heated blood
To kiss, to caress and ca;ole:
Frollt her the wantonness of youth,
The cry of pain fmllt Klwsrau's soul.
56. Qlranlls Sa'clain, Aligarh edition, p. 72: bal,OI' 0 shud chaman (J lalal.-zat
I
"
Politics and Society during tlte Early Medieval Period
III 57
Thou takest life out of our clay: \
And yet within our hearts doth) live-
Inflicting OIl us pimg ,on pang
Doth yet a palliative give. '
Thy flashing sword has laid all, waste
The troubled garden of my heart;
Yet what a glory to this wreck
The rays of Thy great throne impart I
"The two win, empty world", they say,
"Is price that all must pay for Thee.';
Raise IIp the value, mise the cost,
This is too cheap-as all can see.
From this vain tenements of clay
, My soul one day shall freedom find;
And yet my he(l1t tOl" ever shall
Remain with Thy great love entwined.
Khusrau! Thy grey locks and old age
Sort not with love for idols young I
And yet for such a senseless quest
Thou hast thy SOIlZ for ever flung.
III. PROSE WORKS OF KIIUSRAU
Poetry was Amir Khusrau's mother-to'11gue; prose he wrote with
difficulty and, effort, and ,he would have been well-advised to leave
that reign of literature to more pedestrian intellects. But suql con-
siderations could not check his exuberant genius. Apart from the in-
troductions to his diwalls, two of his prosc works, differing in voluine
and value, have survived to us. The first, J'iaz-i KTll/sravi (Mira<;les of
Khusrau) is a long work ill fiye volumes on figures of speech.
58
It treats
of variety of 'miracle' known to the writers of the age-petitions
to lugh officers comp(lsed of vowels only, verses which are Persian
if read from right to left and Arabic if read from left to right, com-
positions from which all letters with dots are excluded, and many
such tOllrs de force which may have deHghted and consoled the
(. " r
57. Klliituat, Nawal Kishore press edition, p. 275; Jan za tall hl/rell tea dar jalli
hanauz. '
58. P,ublished, with marginal explanations, by the Nawal Kishore Press, Luclaiow.
Prose 11>'arks of l<JlUsra!l
author's contemporaries but make no appeal to modern taste. SOme
of the letters included in the volumes 11ave a solid historical value.
An application to a government officer for a post or com-
plaining against the misbehaviour of neighbours was sure to attract
attention if drafted by Khusrau; and the poet was too inventive not
to have a new 'miracle' ready for every occasion. It is easy to under-
stand that supplicants flocked to his door.
59
He seems also to have
beguiled his leisure hours in discovering new literary hicks and often
sent them as presents to his friends. The I'iaz-i Kllllsl'lIvi is the accu-
mulated ,mass of these miraculous prose compositions, which Ainir
Khusrau had been amassing for years and edited in the later part of
Alauddin's reign. Most of the pieces are tiresome and frivolous, but
others throw a brilliant light on the social life of the day. Amir Khus-
rau's second prose work, the KTwza'itlfll Futuh, is the official history
of Alauddin's campaigns. ' '
Amir Khusrau was a man of wit and humour. His fancies are often
brilliant. Nevertheless, nothing but a stem sense of duty will induce
a inodern reader to go through Khusrau's prose works in the original.
His style is artificial in the extreme;' the similes and metaphors are
soinetimes too puerile even for a schoolboy; at other places the con-
necting link between the ideas (if present at all) is hard to discover.
Prose is the natural speech of man for ordinary occasions, but Amir
Khusrau's ideas seem to have come to him in a versified forin. So;
while his poehy has all the beauties of excellent prose, his prose has
all the artificiality of velY bad verse; it is jejune, inSipid, tasteless and
wearisome. Failing to realize that the true of prose lies in its
being simple, direct and effective, he. tries.to surprise his by
a new trick at every tum, attacks 111m With words the of
which he is not likely to know, or offers him metaphors and Similes
calculated to shock and disgust. His'one desire is to convince the rea-
der of his own inental powers and in this, so far as contemporaries
were concerned, he certainly succeeded. But AmiI' Khusrau, all
his nrlistic talent, never comprehended that a book of prose, lIke a
should be a thing of beauty and of joy.
The Khaza'illul Futuh very well illustrates the general character of
Khusrau's prose. It is dividei:l into small paragraphs; every paragraph
has a heading informing the reader what allusions he is going to find
in the next few lines. A single example will suffice.
59. Olle of the letters has been translated in ElUot & Dowson. There :ire others
\If equal (or greater) v .. lue.
348 Politics and Society during iile Early Medieval
Allusions to Wate,'
"If the of my life was given the boon of etemal existence, '
even then I would not olIer the thirsty any drink except the pI'aises "
of the Second Alexander.
flo
But as I find that human life is such that '
in the end we have to wash OUf hands 01I it, the fountain of words ,:
will only enable the reader to moisten his lips. Since the achievement' ,
of my life, from the cradle to the grave, cannot be more than this, ,
I did not think it propel' to plunge to the bottom of endless oceans,
but contented myself with a small quantity of the wate,. of life."
And so it goes on, wearisome and artificial, from beginning to end.,
It is obvious that such a procedure detracts much from the value'
of an, historical work. Only such facts can he stated as will permit
Khus.rau to bling in the requisite allusion; the rest will be only par-
tially stated or ignored. Khusnm's only resource \vas to make his pa-'
ragraphs as sniall as pOSSible; otherwise his prose would have march-
ed along routes quite different from those selected by Alauddin's
generals. The reader, who wishes to discover the true historical fact,
has first to solve Khusrau's literary conundrums and then critically
separate the clement of fact from the colouring imparted to it by ,
Khusrnu in ordcr to bring in the allusions. At times the literary trick
makes us ignore the fact at the bottom.
Allusions to Virtue and Vice
"Though the giving of water ,(to the thirsty) is one of the most
notable vi,.tues of this pure-minded Emperor, yet he has removed
wine with all its accompaniments from"viciolls assemblies; for wine,
the daughter of grape. and the sister of sugar, is the mother of
( !{ And wine, on her part, has washed herself with salt,
and sworn that she' will henceforth remain in the form of vinegar,
freeing herself from all evils out of regard for the claims of salt."Ol,
This would have appeared a mere literary floUlish if we had ndt
been definitely told by Ziyauddin Barani that Alauddin carried
through a series of harsh measures for the suppression of
hi Delhi. Conversely, the allusion may have no hasis of fact
Allusions to Sea and Rain
"The sword of the righteous monarch cOtnplctely conquered
province (Cuiarat). Much "lood was :yTwd. A general invitation
00. Alluding to the first Alexander's efforts to discover the water of imrnorltality:
61., '<Vine and sugar 'may he hoth produced from the same grapes, and the
of salt turns wine Into vinegnr. '
Prose 'V O/'ks of KllIlsmu 349
issued to all the beasts and birds of the Ol'est to a continuous feast
of meat and drink: In' the rnarriage banquet, at which the Hindus
were sacrificed, animals of all kinds ate them to their satisfaction."
This would seem to indicate a general and intentional massacre. But
there was no such massacre, and Khusrau himself goes on to aSStU'e
us; "My object hi this simile is not real blood, but (only to show) that
the sword of Islam purified the land as the sun purifies the earth." The
Khaza'inrtl FlItuh has to be interpreted with care, and, in the light of
other contemporary material; it would be dangerous and misleading
to accept Khusrau's accounts at their face value. Still, the labour of
intetlJretation is well repaid by the new facts we discover.
The Khaza'inul Futllh naturally falls into six parts-{l) the intro-
duction, (2) administrative reforms and public works, (3) campaigns
against tho Mongols, (4) the campaigns in IIindustan, (5) the cam-
paign of \Varangal and (6) the campaign of Ma'ahar. The space devot-
ed to the various sections is unequal. About two-thinls of the book is
devoted to the vVarangal and Ma'abar campaigns, while the other
nicasurcs of Alaudc1in's reign are summarized ill the remaining third,
The reason for this is, perhaps, not impossible to discover. A remark
of Barani{l2 sceins to throw light on thc real character of the Khaza';-,
11111 Flllllh as well as the Tarikh-i F;rrtzi. "The other great histotian of
the'tillie (oLAlauddin) was Kabintddin, son of Tajuddin Iraqi. In the
art of composition and eloquence he surpassed his contemporaries, and
became the amir-! dado; lashkal' in place of his revered father. lIe
was held in grcat honour by Alauddin. He has displayed wonders in
Arahic and l)crsian prose. III the Fath Naifwh (Book of Victory),
which consists of several volumes, he does honour to the traditions
of prose and seems to sUll)ass all writers, ancient and modern'. But
of all the events of Alauddin's reign, he has confined himself to a
narration of the Sultan's conquests; the-se he has praised with exagge-
ration aIHI allorncd with figures of speech, ancl he has departed from
the tradition of those histl;rians, who relate the good as well as the
bad actions of every \lian. But as he the history of Alauddin
during that Sultan's reign and every volume of it was presented to
the Sultan, it was inipossihle for him to refrain from praising that
terrible king or to speak of anything but his greatness."
So Amir Khusrau, though the poet-laureate; was not the court-
historian of Ahiuddin Khalji; that honour helonged to Kabiruddill,
who was considered to be the greatest prose writer of the day. The'
official history, through which Alauddin expected to be remembered
62. Tarlkll-f Flruz Sloa/.', 1" 361.
350 Politics and Soc/etl! durIng the Earlv Med/eval Per/ad'
by p6stcrity, was not tJle thin volume of Amir Khusrau but the
derOlls Fath Nalllah, which was prepared under the Sultan's personal
supervision. The Fath Na11lah has disappeared; its manuscript may
have been intentionally, destroyed during Timur's invasion or
under the early Moghul emperors, for it must have bc{)n full
of contcmpt and hatred towards the Mongol barbarians;63 Ferishta
and other later historians do not refer to it;, its great length would,
in any case, have made its preservation difficult. But Barani and
Khusrau had the Fath Namah before them and accommodated their
histories to it. Barani, who was essentially a man of civil life, allowccl
Kabiruddin to speak of Alauddin's conquests and confined his own
history to an account of administrative and political affairs, merelv
adding a paragraph on the campaigns here and there for the logical
completeness of his work. Amir Khusrau was more ambitious. lIe
J Il.jinself against Kabirnddin's great, if transient, reputation and
on Kabimddin's own ehosengt;oulld. Hitherto his pen, "like a tire-
woman, had gencrally curled the hair of her maidens in verse", but
it would 110w bring "pages of prose for the high festival". Let not cri-
tics dismiss him as a poet, living in a mock paradise and in-
capable of describing the affairs of government and war. If he had
wings to fly, he had also feet to walk. He would even surpass Kabir-
uddin, whom shallow critics considered "the greatest of all prosaisls,
ancient and modern". lIe would excel wherever Kabiruddin had ex-
celled. The four virtues (or defects) which Barani dcploring!y attri-
butes to Kabiruddin are all painfully preJient in Khusrau's work-an
artificial style adorned with figures of speech, an exclusive devotion
to wars and conquests, the elimination of all facts that wcre not
complimentary to Alauddin, and, lastlv, an exag,e:crated flattery of
the Sultan. In the Pan; Gall;. he Ilad hnitated the Khamsah of Nizami
and walked, as far as possihle, in his predecessor's footsteps. It was
a mistake, but he repeated it once more in thc Kllaza'inul Futllh. \Ve
do not see Khusrau's prose in its natural dress; it is draped and dis-
figured into an imitation of Kabiruddin's extinct composition. For Amir
Khusrau, if a scholar, was :tlso courtier, and the courtier is a devotee
, to the fashion of the passing ho\ll'. The fashion had heen set by Kahir-
uddin and his predecessors. Khusrau blindly followed it.
The Kha,za'hllli F",,,h is not merely a chaJlenge to the Fath Namah
63. The same fate has overtaken other medieval histories. for example, the first
volume of Bollw'li, tI,e Autobiography of }.f"l"Im.mLId bin Tllgh/llq and the last chapter
cf Afif's Tarlkh-i Firuz Shahi, which was, a violent attack on Tim"r and is found
(9fD or missing in most yoh\fY\es,
Prose Works of Khusrau
351
of it is also a of it. Barani seems' to imply
that was a surVlVor from the preceding age and he may
have !tved to complete his voluminous work. If so, the dispropor-
tionate length of the Decc:m campaigns in the Khaza'inul FlIttlh be-
comes intelligible. It is essentially a history of the Deccan invasions.
Alauddin may have asked Khusrau to continue Kabiruddin's work, but
Khusrau's introductory remarks make it probable that he wrote on his
own initiative and expected the Sultan to aeeept it as the official
a.edJu:,C of eJle .reign. The Fath-i Namah had made a detailed descrip-
tIon of the earher events unnecessary, and Khusrau merely summarizes
theni to enable his book to stand on its OWn feet. But the Deccan
campaigns are given in detail, probably after the manner of the extinct
Fall! Na11lah.
Amir Khusrau wished his work to be an official account of Alaud-
din's reign and the KhaZIl'inlll Futul! has, consequently, all the merits
and defects of a govemment publication. It credits Alaudclin with
every variety of virtue and power, and his officers also come in for
their share. All govemments live on lies,,or, at least, a partial suppres-
sion of truth. But ,AmiI' Khusrau's hyperbolic exaggerations were less
deceptive and dangerous than the insidious propaganda of modem
governments. IIis exaggerated flattery neither deceived nor was in-
tended to deceive; it was Simply a current fashion and nohody attach-
ed anv significance to the words used. Exag/!eration is not a commend-
able habit; but understand it as a habit, and it will no longer veil the
true mcaning of the author. "
Ziyallclclin Barani complains that Kabiruddin sihlplv confined him-
self to those events which were creditable to Alauddin. This is cer-
tainlv true of Khusrau's work. He will utter a lie, but neither will
he speak 'the truth and the whole truth'. On the 16th Ramazan 69.5
A.H. (9 July 1296 A.D.) Sultan Jalaludin was assassinated on the bank
of the Ganges by the order' of Alauddin Khalji, who was then gover-
nor of Kara. It was an atrocious mnrder, but Amir Khusrau simply
ignores it. "As Providence h:tcl ordained that this Muslim Moses was
to seize the p,?werfuI swords from all infidel Pharoahs ... he mounted
the throne on 'Wednesday, 16th Ramzan, A.H. 695." What else was
there to say? He was not brave enough to condemn the murder of
his patron nor mean enough t6 praise it. He simply turned away his
eyes. Similar omissions strike us in' the, chapter on the MOngols.
Nothing is said of the campaigns in which Alauddin's armies were
defe(lted. The Mongols twice besieged Delhi and Alauddin's position
c
I'
I
1!
I.:
\i
j
"
.1
352
Politics and SOCletll during tI,e Earlll Medieval.Period
became extremely criticaI.64 But Khusrau has not even indirectly
(al}uped, to. m?mentous events. We are able to make up for some
of the ()/nISSIOIlS wIth the help of Barani and other historians, but we
cannot certain that. all the gaps have been filled.
In of these serIOUS shortcomings, the Khaza'inlll Flltllh is, for
the cnhcal student, a book of solid worth. Amir Kitusrau exaggcratcs
and we can make allowance for hiS' exaggerations. He leaves blanks
whi?h other historians enable us to fill up. But he is too honest and
to tell a lie, and we can safely rely on his word. He
IS exact 111 detatls and .and enables us to make a fairly complete.
chronol?gy of s reIgn.65. spite of the artificiality of his
IllS. descrIptIOns have tlie vIVId touches of an eye-witnes's.lIc
IS a, solcher at home in military affairs, in the constmction of siege-
engmes and the tactics of the hattlc-field; and a careful examination of
the Khaza'inul Flltllh will enahlc us to obtain a fairly good ide!! f)f the
art of war in the early Middle Agcs. Even where hc tells us nothing
new, he SCi'Ves to confirm the accounts of othcrs. IIc did not sit and
brood in a corner. He mingled with the highest and the greatest in
thc land, ancl when he took up his pen, it was to write with a first-
hand knowledge of affairs. His chapters on the Deccan campaigns
are a perinanent contribution to Indian historical litcrature. They
embody the romance of a jingoistic militarism, no doubt, but a
romance ,?nd heroic marchcs across "paths morc
uneven than a camel s back, temples plundered, 1'a;as suhdued and
the/ hoarded wealth of c;lnturills bi'ought at a swoop to the tCl"ibJe
Sultan of Delhi. It was a mad dance of rtlpine, ambition and death.
"The Hindu rawots came riding in troops but were laid low hefore the
Turkish horses. A deluge of water and blood flowed forward in order
to for mercy hefore Caliph's. troops. Or, you might say,
that owmg to the great happmess of the infidel souls the beverage of
blood was so delicious, that everv time the cloud rained water Over it
thc fcrocious earth drank it up the avidity. But in
of the great intoxicating power of this wine, the saqi poured hcr clear
liqUid out of the flagon of the sky to increase its intoxication further.
Out of this wine and beverage Death had manufactured her first de.
licious draught. Next yOIl saw bones on the earlh/'
M. In the fir.,! invn.,inn th" Mongol. \Vere led by Qutlugh k1l\vaja nnd in the
.,cond by Tnrghi. Barnni, who is brief nnd hasty .. in hi. aecollnt. of wars, give,; a
d,tailed account of the two of Delhi, probnhlv because Kabinuldin and Amir
Khnsra" had preferred to be silent about them. . .
65. Barani, our standard historian for the period, is very parsimonious lind incorrect
h. dates.
Prose Works 01 Ami, KTlIIsrau
353
If Amir Khusrau had been writing in the age of the PW'anus, he
would have relJresented. Alauddin as an incarnation of Vishnu and
described his opponerits as malicious demons. That is how the Aryans
hlackened the character of their enemies. and justified their own ag-
gression. A inodern writer' Would whitewash the same cruelties by
talking of liberty, .justice, the' duty of elevating backward races and,
with solemn, unconscious humour, adv!1Iiee' the most humane argu-
ments to justify the inhumanities of witt'. ;But Amir Khusrau was not
a hypocrite; he saw life through plain gl!\sses and the traditions of
his day made hypocrisy unnecessary. The Deccan expeditions had one
clear object-the acquisition of horses, elephants, jewels, gold and
silver. Why tell lies? The Mussalmans had not gone there oil a reli-
gious mission; they had neither the time nor the illclinatiml to enrol
converts, and they were too good soldiers to allow an irrelevant con-
sideration to disturb their military plans. Of anything like an idealis-
tic, even a fanatic, religiOUS mission the Deccan invasions were com-
pletely innocent. Of courSe the name of God was solemnly pronoun-
ced. The invaders built mosques wherever. they went and the call to
prayer resounded in many"a wilderness and many a desolated town.
It was their habit.
But it would he a. serloils mistake to intell'ret the political inOVe-
ments of those davs in the li<1ht of modem national feelings or of the
religiOUS of the Saracens. The fundamental social
and political \JfinC!ple of the Middle. was to. the
It overrode al raCIal, communal and consl<ielahons. lhe
Raia's Muslirri servants followed him against the Sultan, just as the
Sulfan's Hindu servants followed him agai.nst the Raia. Loyalty to the
salt (nal1wk halali) was synOnymOUS witli patriotism; disloyalty to
the salt (tlamak haimni) was a crime hlacker than treason. IrratIonal
as the principle may seem, it prevented friction. and
workecl for peace. Conversely, for the mler all hIS subjects stood on
an equal footing. The Hindu subjects. of a ne!ghboming Rata wer,e
the proper and inviting ohjects of 'a wal'" not the
own Hindu suhieets. They were uI)der Ius protectIon, and hIS pros-
perity depended on. their prosperity, writers may call .
zimmis (payers of tnbute) 111 books of relIgIOUS law. But mcn. of plac-
tical. affairs knew the ground they stood on ancI the powel: of the
inass of the people. The temples in Sultan's doininions were .lie!:
fectly safe. "It is .not permissihle to a of standmg: .
'was the fattOa (judgment) of a qazt m the of Lodl,
and it undoubtedly expresses medieval sentiment on the mattcr.
f8-33
I
i.:.:
.,
.,
I:
1 ;
I
I
3M
Polilirs alltl !'ioc/ell! rTfll'llIg ti,e EOl'iy Mcr/lcI'nl pcl"/ntl
The Sultan could prohibit the building of a new temple or mosque,
though, apart from occasional vagaries, the right was rarely cxer- .
cised; but the destruction of a standing temple is seldom, if ever,
heard of. It was, however, dillere'11t with a temple standing in the
dorrlinion of another ruler; it has n<:> imperial guarantee to protect it
and could be plundered with impunity because its devotees wcre not
the Sultan's subjects and their dislpyalty and sufferings could do him
no harm, The outlook of the age was essentially secular. Religion was
a war cry-and nothing more,
A superficial reader of tht' Khaza'inul FlIl!lh would be inclined to
think it inspired by bigotry and fanaticism, But this would he a
serious error, Amir Khusrau's religiOUS outlook was singularly tole-
rant: an examination of dircans can leave no other impression
on the critic's mind, Ev()n in the most bitter expressions of the
Klwza'iTlul Futl/h,there is a veiled suggestion, Of what? "So the tein-
pie of Somnath was made to bow towards the noly Mecca, and as
the temple lowered its head and jumped into the sea, you may say
the building first said its prayers and then had a bath, The idols,
who had fixed abode midway to the House of Abraham (Mecca)
and waylaid stragglers, were broken to pieces iii purs11ance of Ahra-
ham's tradition. But one idol, the greatest of them all, was sent hy
the 11/aliks to the Iniperial Court, so that the hreaking of. their help-
less god may be demonstrated to the idol-worshipping Hindus."
"They saw a huilding (the temple of old and strong as
the inlldelitv of Satan and 0nchanting like the allurements of worldly
life" Yon might sav it was the Paradise of Shacldad, which, after he-
ing lost, those llCl1ites had found, or that it was the golden Lanka
of Ram , ,. The foundations of this golden temple, which was the
'holy placc' of the Hindus, were dng, up with the greatest care. The
'gloriflers of God' broke the in(hlcl building, sO that 'spiritual birds'
dcscc1J(kd on it like pigcons fron] the ail'. The 'cars' of the wall 0lwn-
cd at the sound of the spack, At, its call the sword alSo raisc(l its'
head froni the scahhard; and the heads of Brahmans and idol-wor-
shippers caine dancing from their trl1nks at the flashes of the sword,
The golden bricks rol1()d down and brought with them their plaster
of saiHIaI-wood; the yellow gold became re(l with blood, and the
white sandal turned seilrlet, The sword flashed where the jewels
had once heen sparkling; where mire used to h() created hv rose-
water and musk, there was now mud of hlood and dirt; the
col(mred doors and walls assnniecf the colour of hronze; the stelleh
of bloocl was emitted hy ground once fragrant with musk. And at
,/
Prose 'Vorks of A'mir Klmsrau
, ' , Hn
tillS sniell the men of Fa'tl " . ' .
lity ruined," . < I 1 were lI1t
o
xleated and the inen of Infide-
-Is this the trunipet of a bloated fan " . ' '
melody of the tragic muse? \Vas A ,atIelsm. or excruciating
. breakers or bewailing their lack of prmsmg the idol-
gotten that a courtier resentin a ue. alt,? It must not be for-
no freedom of opinion; and Amfr om,eml history: to the Sultan had
willingness to recast his bool emphatIcally expresses his
M h
{ aceorc mg to the S It' . I
as. u amrriad ibn-i Khawind. Shah Mil' u an s WIS les, 13
t
l
t
zatus Safa remarks the om ' I I' (. khond), the anthor of Ratl-
t
' '<, lem llstonan should b I' "
IOns, ovelpl'aise and such otlle d ' , Y llllts, lI1Slllua-
f
'I . ,r eVlees as may c tIl
m to express his true 0 ' , I . , orne 0 lanc, never
by his illiterate patron, willie remaining undetected
gent and the wise, Amir Khusr' I 0
1
. e u.n?erstood by the intelli-
Kafur-i Sultani whom he I lah no hkmg for the Malik Naib
of the and poet.' a Julses III t ,e D?wal Rani, His keen sense
. I Ie e ement III life caul I t b '
agall1st t Ie senseless vandalism of tIle De . c ,no ut revolt
gruesonie realism of his sket h . H ccan campaigns, IIel1ce the
t f bees. e mayor I
ears 0 lood Over the fall of an' an ' , " not wept
of e:,pression leaves little dOllht that but hiS mode
service of the Lord was th ' " g of gam, and not the
thing alone was clea'r after ITPlrl}lg mohve of the iilVaders. One
On the em'th," < < e ( ay 0 stormy battle: "Yo" saw bOIl&s
.
(11,is monograph was published in 1927 b ' .,
The first el)apter of this work apP?ared iti y TP' & Co:' Bombay.
-EoITon.) Ie gal I in May 1.925
SHAIKH NASIR UDDIN MAHMUD CHIRAGH-I-DEHLI
GREAT HISTORICAL PERSONALITY
I
IT WAS A LITILE BEFORE NOON on a hot summer day in in
early years of Sultan Alauddill Khalji's reign that Shaikh. Nlzamucldm
Auliya, the gl'eatest -Indo Muslim saint of all times, left Ins comfOl:tles
s
room on the upper storey, which was burning like an oven, negotIated
the clumsy and dangerous stairpase, and was about to to a,
little room that adioined his lama'at-Khana, a large hall With tall,
clumsy pillars in which his disciples liyed, and slept. '
to the principles prescribed for the commumty hfe of the mystI.cs. ,nut,
the great Shaikh, who kept his nights alive prayers:
and 'recitations of select verses, was not to enjoy
needed midday rest. For, casting his {'.res around him, he dl
a inart of about forty-five or so standing in the courtyard under
banyan tree, which, some ,years later was to
the roof of the lama at-Khana, so that the Shmkh and hiS
sit comfOliablv ill the shade. Something in the man, one of hiS
1. In this short hiography of the Inst of great .Chisht I
confined myself. exclusively to contemporary Amlf. Hasan"
Fawa'icl-ul Fu'ad 'refers to our saint only once, hut WIth alfcchon as. AZIZI
ddi'; Mahmud", Amir Khurd In bis Siya,ul Auliya (Chirnnji Lal edibon)
to oui- Shaikh in the Bab (chapter) on 'the "Successors of Shaikh ""_.on,,,,],Hn
Anliy,,". He and his family had been for yea," on intimate with
His work, begun some years earlieI', was completed soon after the,
in A.D, 1356. In 1353-54 Hamid Qalandar compiled a record 1,00, CO,"Ivel:sationj
01 the Shaikh; he added n- supplement giving a sketch of the Me some
( _ 'I-r the Shaikh's death. This book, known as the K',a{l'fI! Maralls, has not
- pri.{tcd'l",t I have heen ahle to obtain a copy 01 MS"
kindness of Dr. Yusuf IIl\sain of the Osmania UllIveTSlty. Shalk!' J.amah In
S
l
uar-III-'Arlji.n copies this sUPl'lcmcnl, word fot word. !he Chlrngh-I.
, to him hy Jatt'1' ener.tioos' his contemporanes dId not know hIm
wus g1ven
t)lat
S/ItI{k/. Nasiruddin Ua/,mud Ct.ll'ag/,-I-De1ti1 357
disciples, attracted the great Shaikh, fpr possessed, in a remarkable
degree, the 'intuitive intelligence', (nats-i gim) of the mystics., The
new disciple had come' to his master, even as Shaikh Bahauddin
Zakariya had gone to Shaikh Shihabuddin 'Umar, the founder of the
Suhrawardi silsilah, after years of study, preparation and self-training.
He was, to quote a metaphor of the great Shaikh2 himself, like "dry
wood" which the mystic-master had but to breathe on and it would
burst into flames.
The great Shaikh gave up ,the idea of his midday rest, turned to
the gate-room (dihliz) and sent one of the servants of the khanqah to
summon the new disciple. '
"Sit down", said the great Shaikh, surveying the man with those
red, sleep-laden eyes of his, well aW,ai'e that even his khanqah was
fortunate in the advent of such a mystic.' "What is in your heart?
What is your aim? What work did your father do?"
Frorri all his higher diSciples Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya ruthlessly
demanded the complete severance of all earthly ties. ,They must have
nothing to do with kings and high officers. They must not earn' any
livelihood; a feeling of security about his means of livelihood would
imply that the .disciple depended upon something other than Allah,
So no playing for security, if you are a mystic, Starve and be the
guest of Allah I Earlier Chisti mystics had only permitted two
forms of livelihood-zamin-i ahya, the cultivation of barren land by
the mystic's own hand, and futl/h, the unasked charity of his neigh-
bours. But the great Shaikh apparently, disapproved of the former
as it made the mystic dependent upon the" tax-collector. Unasked
charity was the only livelihood he would permit.
The new diSciple was prepared for all that the human mind and
frame can hcar in the search for htlq or the Absolute. lIe had already
cast aside aU earthly ties, though he belonged to a well-to-do family.
"l"'v father", Shaikh Nash'uddin Mahmud replied, "had slaves who
;,1 \SoolIen cloth. The object of my devotions is to pray for
'the long life of the Shaikh, to attend to the shoes of the durweshes,
and to serve them with my head and eye-balls."
2. !I,lest writers taken the privilege of giving (\ title of their own to Shaikh
Nizamuddin, Amir KllUl'd in his Siyarul Auliya (Live" of the Sahlts) gives him the
title of Sultan-ul Mtlshaikh. But the people of Delhi in utter diSl'Cgal'd of Arahio
grammar, have given him the title of 'Nizamuddin Auliya after the book, Siuarlll
A ,IIi!!,,'. I suppose it is too late to protest against this mistake; [or Alllilla means
not saint but 'saints', which is absurd. I have, following my friend, Dr, Mohammad
Sa!iIll-Eal'lU l1Mol'U of tlte Clt/sllll Sllsllalt In India-called him 'the Shaikh',
(
358 'Politics and Soc/ety dlll'lng tIle, Eari
ll
M Period
" The great Shaikh's mind inev!tably went back to those far-off days' ,
when, though the most distinguished of Delhi students and one whom
everyone expected to have' "a, fine career", he had, almost without an
effort, cast all worlelly temptations aside and presented himself at the
/al1la'af-Khalld of Shaikh Fal"idllddiil of Ajllc1han, determined to tread
the mystic path. He possessed nothing, absolutely nothing, in those
days. A kindly lady3 had lent hini her clladar to wind round his
\vaist while she washed his only pair of garments. He had not
a copper coin to buy a little paper on which to jot down his master s
instructions. '
the great Shaikh could not fail to sec, was a bue successor
to him, to Shaikh Fatiduddin and to all the great Chishti mystics of
the past.
"Bravo! Now hcar me", the great Shaikh said, "When after finish-
ing my studies I 'Wcnt to Shaikh Farid at Ajlldhan, a an:l class-
fellow of mine, with whom I used to have academIC dISCUSSIons (at
Delhi), came: and put lip at an inn. lIe had a servant to to
his needs. Seeing me in my grimy and tattered clothes, he exclaimed:
'Malliana Nizamuddin 1 What misfortune has befallen you? Had you
taken to tcaching work at Delhi, you would become t!le
scholar (muitahirl) of the time with prospenty and suffiCient lIvell-
hooel.' I said nothing in my justification but merely apologized and
returned to Shaikh Farid. 'What would be your answer to such a
question?' Shaikh Fatid asked. 'As the Shaikh directs', I replied.
'Tell him', Shaikh Farid replied
4
:
.J y. J'.r Y- .1) , 1 J' ..J".r" ..,;
IS}... ,Iv' ' I
He thE'll asked me to order a tray of every variety of dishes from
his kitchen and to take it on my head to my friond, who, genuinely
surprised, came to see Shaikh Faric1ud,din, and .was. hy
his conversation that he entered the CIrcle of IllS dISCIples.
There was no stopping 'the great Shaikh once he had started 'on
his favourite theme. He went to the heart of every problein-to the
heart of every man., Tears flowed down the Shaikh's cheeks as in
3. \Vir" of l\1ahm1l<1 Kirmani .md grandmother or Am;" KllItI'<1. Shaikh
1"ari,hiddin di,d, .he came wilh her h"shand to the great SI1nikh and lilOk(',1 nftcr
to's' household for years.
4. Yo" ore not my travelling companion. Seek your own poth. Cet olong. May
prosperify be your portion in life and misfortune mine.
Shaikh Nas/madin Mallmud Chlragll-I-DeMI
- 359
that room expounded' principles of mysticism
to the new diSCIple, who, on his part, took in everything and under-
stood everything.. '
'This is how, woven round a simple story and a plain verse the
of the great Chisli inystics re<:eived the spiritual benec1ictio;ls of
1115 master.5
II
Khaifltl Ma;(llis of the inestimable flamid Qalandar enables us
to p.lCce some events about the family and early life of Shaikh
NaSIrnddm. He came from a fainily of emigrants to India and l;is
Latif Yezdi, was born in the district of Lahore;
1lligrated to Awadh and Shaikh Nasiruddin was born in
t lUt of Hindu culture. His father, Yahya,6 died when
he nlI1e years old, but tIle family was in aIIlucnt circumstances
and Ius mothel'. him a good education, He studied the Hidayah
and Bazudt With Maulana Abdul Karim Sherwani; and after the
latte.r s he completed his studies in all subjects at Awadh under
of Maulana Iftikhamc\clin Gilani. IIis relations wanted
IUIn to take 'tIp some work, but he would not hear of it, and at the
age of twenty-five he definilely chose the mystic path. .
, later A.D. 1353) he gave an account of his life at that time
and Ius. of a weIl-spent day. "There were pleasant mauso-
leums (111 AwaC\h} In ,those days and well-laid out niango-grove,s. Now
both ,the mausoleums and mango-groves disappeared. ,Every
mornmg I would go out of rriy house with my brother-in-law, Khwaja
Mahmud, father of my nephews, Muinuddin and Kamaluddin,7 recit-
5 .. 11>i. incident is rc.1atcd hy Am.ir Khurcl on authOrity' of his uncle, Saiyyid
who was, present at the conversation. Years Jater, when Sniyyid iIusain lay
tiY"'I<, he sent hIS nephews to remind Shaikh Na.iruddin of the incident.
0, There is a confusion here ahout names. Maulana Ghulam Sar",ar ill his Sa{mat-
ul-A;'fi!la, p. gives the name of 'Abdul-Latif Yczdi to the Shaikh's grandfather ancl
01 to hIS I\ly ('opy of the Khrrir-1I1 Maia/i, .'a},s that tI", Shaikh was 11",
.on of 1 usuf. of Lahori. The priniccl text of the Siyar-r,z-'Al'ifin sa,'s
that the Sh",kh s grandfather s name was y.hya. '
In technical language of the mystics, Shaikh means a p0Tson who hns received
B Certrficate of Succession or Khllafat-Nama from his master or Pir' and is a th . I
to enrol disciple5. I ' 11 oTlse{
.7. SIU"'''[ Alifill, p. 90 .ays that Shaikh Nasirucl(lin hod ouly one sister olcler than
and, Zainuddin and Kamaluddin were her sons. But the supplement to tile
lI.1Im:"1 says that he had two sisters. Zainnddin and Kamaluddin lived in the
.lama of t.he Shaikh in his last years, hut nothing more is known of the third
nephew, Mu lIludd",. lIe may have died early.
. .:.' '0';::.::;; .',; ,
, "p!'i';/c$ 'and tl.8 Eari y' ..
. , . . . '" .... ;. ) ;: ,', . " ',.: ", .. ;,
ing my wazifa (religious fo!mulae).,'Oureaching lhe I
would say to' him, 'Khwilja, you caJ! g6 home or pray in bil(;'!Of the
mausoleums like me.' He would select one of these alternatives. I said
my zuhl' (afternoon) prayer there. At ast-time I gave the call to prayer;
about ten or twelve persons would collect together and I led the
congregational prayers. After saying my and '.isha
(night) prayers there, I returned home, recItIng my wazlfa all the tIme.
I could get a short afternoon nap '(qailulah) under the mango-groves
where the weavers had spread their nets between the tree-trunks;
there was no fear that a thief would steal my shoes or my water pot.
011 reaching home, I would retire to my roorri, on the roof anci
spend the whole night in my religjous devotions. Years passed
like this."
It was not till the death of his mother, who was buried behind
(1l6 of Ajodhya (or Awadh), that Nasiruddin Mahinud coul<!
come to Delhi at the age of forty-three and establish himself in a
comer of Shaikh Nizamuddin's !ama'at-Khana to share in its com-
munity-life. But family ties still bound him to Awadh. His youngcr
sister, Bibi Lahori, was' dead and her son, Kamall1dclin, was being
brought up by his elder sister, Bibi Buha-Abadi, along with
son, Zainl1ddin Ali. These two nephews were destined to hve With
him till the end of his days. He often went to visit his surviving sister.
Our records only give us an incomplete account of these !ounleys.
"Once", he tells us, "I returned from Awadh with my brot lers and
the father of Khwaja Yusuf. In those days II had reduced my diet." TIe
has given up his diet, my brother said to Mubashshir, the servan.t
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliva. Please repOit the matter to the Shmkh.
Mubashshir went to the grent Shaikh and exaggerated the matter
still further. The Shaikh sent me a lo'af of bread weighing two seers
and hitwG, (sweetmeat) with instructions that I should finish thein."
He fOlll1d the task difficult owing to the delicate condition of his
stomach but carried out the Shaikh's order nonetheless.
On another occasion he reached Delhi in mid-winter and found
the Shaikh's !ama'al-Khana crowded. "Putting you up is no burden
or trouble to me", the great Shaikh apologized to him. "But there
are so many travellers here. Your relations in Awadh will also be an-
xious about you." rhe sentence was probably a rcference to the
impending Mongol attack under Targhi. Shaikh Nasiruddin squeezed
himself into the Jama'at-Khana soitiehow, but a week later orders were
received ftom Sultan Alauddirl summoning everyone within the city-
walls. Shaikh Nasiruddin found in the house of Malllana Bur-
S!Wfkl. Naslmridi" Mal'n/tiel Cl,irngi . i-Del.tl
hanuddin Gharib, who was destined years later to lay the founda-
tions of the Chishtiyah-NizUlTJiya silsilah in the Dcccm}. The two
became very close friends.
On another occasion whcn returning from Awadh, Shaikh Nasintd-
din saw a ruined gate (dcwrhi) by the side of the river Gumti, and
took it into his head to pull it down and build a mosque on the spot
with the material. The name of the placy is not given in our records,
but it may safely be identified with Jauras, where the mosque still
stands. The inhabitants of the place claim to be descended from the
sisters of Shaikh Nasirudclin. The work took him some months, and
before it was completed he heard of the death of his sister, Buba-
Abadi. He left his servant or companion, Qazi 'Arif, to complete the
work and went hack to Awadh. After staying thcre for forty days, he
started for Delhi with his nephews .. He was not destined to see Hs
native town again. "You are coming from the right side", Shaikh Niza-
l11uclclin saicl to him, "you have clone well in bringing your nephews
along." lie now clcfinitolv seUled in thc house of Shaikh Burhanucldin
Gharib ill the city, which was at a considerable distance from the
great Shaikh's !ailla'at'-Khalla at Ghiy<lSpur. His visits to the great
Shaikh were therefore infrequent, but according to the Shaikh's own
pIinciples, meeting ol1e;s master too often was not necessmy.
There followed some fifteen years of externally uneventful life,
during which Shaikh Nasirnddin Mahmud's reputation grew steadily
among the mystic circles of Delhi. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya was
one of those few persons who have never be.n troubled by sex-desire.
He had even a. theory about it. "Marriage", the great Shaikh said,
"is permitted but celibacy is a matter of courage. If a man is so
absorbed in thoughts of God that he feels no promptings of sex-desire
and not conscious of. what it is, inevitably his eyes, and tongue
and limbs will be protected (mahfllz). He ought to remain unmarricd.
But if a inan cannot be so absorbed and his heart is prompted by
then he should get manied. The essence of the matter
is 'cosinic i;!motion (1l1ohabbat). If a man's heart is ahsorbed in God.
this will influence his hody, lmt if his hemt is distracted, then his hody
will be distracted also." Fo]1owing the example of the great Shaikh,
some of his distinguished disciples, like Maulana Fakhruddin Zarradi,
also dedcled to live a celibate life. Shaikh Nasilllddin r..hhmud, who
had not the great Shaikh's constitutional irrimunity from sex-desire.
had solved the prohlr.m for himself while still in Awadh. "In those
early davs", he says, "sex-desire hegan to troll hIe me, and I felt very
ckpresscd. In order to suppress this desire I drank so much lemrin-
(' ,
, ,
Politics and Soc/e.tv dl/,rlng ti,e lEarlu Medieval Period
I. bbll'Ought t.o the verge of death. Still I said to myself
, 1.IS plO ela e to a lIfe of sex-desire'." ,
to the standards prescribed by the Great
. ' povelty and resignatIOn being the chief of them for "ti
mystics at the st ag f. . ( Ie
. 1 I ' e 0 Ieslgnahon rada, fawakklll) is like tI
Ie. lands of the undertaker". Like thc reat SI'k! Ie
Cillshh predecessors, he would ha I . g 1m .1 and all IllS
ones of this earth. "There. are two te
ve
, lIIb1g to do wIth the great
he loll II . l' I ' lIDS 0 a use among the mystics"
mystic
t
lis "Muqallid and iil'rat. MllqaUid is
mone I . 0 er. lI'1'at is a mystic who asks people for
,Y, w 10 wlaps himself up a costly cloak (khirqah) t.
l1l?,sh
c
cap and goes to kings and high officers vVhy? I ' puds. on ,a
Give me. something."8 . am a UI wes t.
The great Chishll mvstics had I 'd
and we find Shaikh Na'sin;ddin of kings,
the subject. II g aIm a story On
upon a time tllCre was a king who had it a rule that
dUl";al' have to when he was sitting in the public
. I lOners came With their applications in thei h d h' h
taken by the chamberlains (haiibs) and handed o:er : ''k-
IC
lele were gate-keepers (darbans) at the e t b I' mg.
stop anybody. ' n rance ut t ley did not
clad in a patched cloak (khit'qah) came to the
, , au WIS Ie to pass accord'U t tl
hesitation. " ,I g 0 Ie custom without any
:: 'Tum back I' the gate-keeper shouted. :.
The durwesh was perplexe(J 'Khwaja' h k d t1
keeper, 'Is it not the clIstom of cOUrt ease. Ie. gate-
entrance? Everyone is going in Wh d 't no pone .IS forbidden
f f 'r'. I' -' Y 0 you s op me Is It on account
o ,,:1) ';J!Ol'0 ant msignificant cloak (khit'qah)?'
Yes, replied the gate-keeper, 'that is exactly the reaSOn why I
am preventmg your entrance. You are wearing the garb of saints'
and. do flot come ill this garb to this door. Go hack. Take 0 '
Y?z1l1 saml'y garb, ,
mt
on the dress of worldly men and then I wig
a ow you to enter. But respect for this arb (of tT .
me froln permitting you to come in.' g le 3amts) prevents,
"The dlll'tvesh gave up the request (to the king) I' I hId
mind 'I \\'11 t' I' w lIC 1 e la in
. 'I no !pve np t Ie garb of the dllrweshes,' he replied."
In the years to come Shaikh Nash'uddin's principles vi-S-a-vis the
8. Khail'ul Ma;an!, Un/Ii. xxiii.
Si.aikl. Naslruddln Mal,mud CI,lragl,.I-DeMI
kings of the day were to be sternly for the present his
one desii'e was to live the life of a mere devotee. "For years," he says,
"1 had entertained the desire that with a loin-cloth (mil'za'i) round
my waist, a coat round my body and a cap on my head, I might
wander from mosque to mosque on hills and plains." He asked his
fliend, the poet Amir Khusrau, who saw the great Shaikh almost
every day after dinner and was allowed to talk of almost everything
he liked, to intercede for him with the great Shaikh, so that he
might be allowed to worship God in a corner. But Shaikh Nizamud-
din, whd even then was contemplating appointing him as his chief
khalifa or succesSOr at Delhi, would not hear of it. "TelI Nasirudc1in",
he told Khusrau, "that he ought to live among the people, submitting
to their cmelties and and responding to them with humility,
generosity and kindness." Of his eminence among the disciples of the
great Shaikh there can he no doubt. Muir Khunl, the author of the
Sir/al'Lll Auliya', who passed his early years in the precincts of the
great Shaikh's /o11la'at-Khana, says that "among the diSciples of
Shaikh Anliya", Shaikh Nasiruddin was like. the mOOn
amol1g the stars.
III
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya died on 18th Rabi' II, A.II. 725 (March
1322; cndLllis funeral prayers were led by Shaik!l Ruknuddin, grand-
son of the famous Suhrwardi saint, Shaikh Baha'uddill Zakariya of
Multan, who happen.ed to be then at Delhi. Some thrce mooths or so
before his death,9 he had at the instance AmiI' Khusrau and others
ordered certificates of seecession to be prepared.
The first mystic to receive his certificate was Shaikh QlIthuc1din Muna-
war, grandson of Shaikh Jamal of, lIansi, the senior disciple of
Shaikh Fariduddin of Aiudhan. Shaikh Nasiruddin came second, but
the' great Shaikh made> it clear that precedence in t11is matter was
irrelevant and ordered them to embrace each other. In accordan('c
with the dircctions of the great Shaikh, his successors left for various
palis of India. Shaikh Burhanudc1in Gharib went to Gtilbarga, Akhi
Siraj, whose descendant, Shaikh Nul', was to make a great provincial
reputation for himself, went back to his native province of Bengal;
and Shaikh Qutlmddin Munawar to IIansi, where his grand-
9. TI,e certiScates are dated 20lh nhilhajia, A.H. 724. They were fa ired out by
Sayyid ,Hmain. TIle text of the certiAcnte given to Shaikh Sham.uddin Yahya i.
'luoted by Amlr Khurd in his SIVaru! AI/liva.
c
3(\4 Politic, and Society elurlng tlla e" .. ly Madleval Perloet
father ,;as still tenderly remembered. Shnikh Nasiruddin Mnhmud
along.wlth a Shaikh Shams uddin Yahya, was left to lead
the gleat Shaikh s dIscIples and to continue his traditions at Delhi.
Thc the Shaikh was claimed by the descen-
. IllS by nght of mheritance. Shaikh Nash'uddin took up
liS lesldence 111 a house where his matisoleum now stands prepared
to face and all other misfortunes. "Today", he told' Hamid in
A.D. 135.'3, I a number of followers and also guests at my meals.
at that tIme I fasted one day (without i[tar-food) and then
01 day. I had a fnend, named Nathu of Patwa. He brought
two pieces. of bread, God knows whether of mash or barley. He had
place;l a httle over one piece and the other piece of bread
Ovcr It. He unhed the cloth in which he had brought them and placed .
thcm before me. What' a joy it was! ... And how delightful it was'
when I no lamp in my house and no fire (in my kit-
the clay .. 1 ho number of my relations was so large that
t1r.: y c HI\.\ have proVided for ten persons like me; but I gradually
thcm my mind and thcy gave up the thought of
mal'11lg any provISIon for me. If a man of the world came to see me
I would put on the cloak (khil'qah) of my Shaikh to hide my poverty::
. It was conditions that Shaikh Nasiruddin' was driven
mto a confltct wIth Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq. ..
. requires s?me "To the mystics of all creeds
It IS fOll)ldden to aSSocIate WIth kmgs and govemment officers", sa's
thc apocrn)hal m.alfuzat of Shaikh of Ajnrlhan. The
kncc vn)' Ilcatl);, the traditions of thc Chishti silsilah. We
find Shaikh Naslruddlll at one place making a distinction between
what we would now can the revollltl'Oll"ry st"t
n
1'1 ). I . '. - . u ... ,.. I W llC 1 govern-
ment posts are a m?ans. of service, and the class-state, which is found-
ed Oil power, ?ommahollS and the of the governing class.
But the rcvo!utJollmy state, according to him, had only existed durin
da):s of the Prophet and the Pious Caliphs. All political
hons then have class-states, or rather class-governments.
Now It IS OIlO of the pnmary duties of the mystic to kccp away frnm
a for a gov.el'Ilinent servant or a government pen-
sIOner Will not have a soul whICh he call his own. A gift of Nathu
of Patwa (God him!) is welcome 'because it is unconditioned.
A. gIft can never he, unconditioned. You cnnnot, if yon
me a govclnmcnt search for the Lord with a care-free soul
you are decelvlIlg yourself-and. oth6rs-if you think you can.
selve God and mammon at the sanie hme. The tradition of a centmy'
Sliaikl. Ntlslrue/eUn Mtllmltld ehimgll-i-Dehll
365
and a quarter in India, and of a iTIuchlonger period ili foreign
deniaIided that the Chishti Shaikhs should avoid the courts of kmgs.
On the whole, one should be grateful for the fact that islam came
into India through the peaceful immigration of mid(lle-c1ass men
and workers; and not as ari appanage of the kings, their coi.ll'tiers,
their armies and their harems.
Shaikh Fariduddin had lived at distant Ajudhan, far from the
atniosphere of kings and courts, and on the only occasion when he
was visited by a high officer, Ghiyasuddin Balban Ulugh Khan
(Iator on, Sultan Balban), he absolutely refused a gift of foul' villages
offered by the latter. Shaikh Nizamuddin, living at Delhi, had to face
\h';; but he i'efused to relax his principles. If high officers CaInE
to see him, he did not refuse them an intclvicw. But he was alway!
annoyed. "They waste the time of this dul'tvesh", he would say., It \Va!
with the greatest dimculty that Malik Qara Bcg, a high officer oj
Alauddin, succeeded in inducing the great Shaikh to go to an aucli
Hon-party (sama') which the Malik had arranged in his honour. Bu
that was the absolute limit. At a time whcn the great Shaikh and hi
companions were starving, Sultan Jalaluddin sent him the grant of :
village as a gift. But he wotild not accept it and told his coropa
nions that if they wished to leavc hini, they were welcome to do Sf
Owing to Amir Khusrau, who was Ja:laluddin's Keeper of the Qurar
and poet-laureate, the Sultan developed a desire to see the Shaikl,
But the great Shaikh would not hear of it. "My rOom has two doors
hc said. "if the Sultan comes through CJIe door, I will leave h? th
other." Ultimately, in to avoid a surprise visit of the S1111[11
the Shaikh left Delhi and went to visit Shaikh Fadd's tomh [
Ajudhan.
Sultan Alauddin Khalji, a tenible master for the bui'eaucracy, kc]
in stern check the qadis (judgcs) and slIdu!' (guardians of charitah
endo\Vrrients) who drew a salary from his treasury, aild the histdri(
Ziyauddin Barani, writing in the earl v Firuz Shah's reiF;
laments that as Alauddin had subjected the JuchclaIY to the exccutl>
that bad custom had contimied in succeeding reigns. But though 13
rani hirrtself a disciple of the great Shaik}l, forgets the teaching UI
of his mastel' far as exprcss his surprise 'that, A,lamlll
never called great Shaikh to IllS court 01" went to see him , :
sures liS .atthe same time that no words evcr passed the Sultan s II
fo which the Sllaikh .could object. Thcre was, in spite of I
indefensihle crimes, a dcep religiOUS strain in Alauddin's mind a
.he .all<)\'\;'ed of in his couiltry to worshIp th
.. .:.:.,.. t;.... :, ... : .. .. ":\.i.:.:.,
.::';.'/15t.);I
c
366 Politics ant! Society during tire Early Medieval Petlod
God-and his-in whatever way they liked. He was prepared to help
the Chishti mystics when they were in real need, but except in one
case his assistance was not accepted .. And where no paynient had
been made, Alauddin demanded no services.
Matte'Ts, however, came to a head in the reign of Sultan Mubarak
S}';,lf. Khizr Khan, the Sultan's elder brother, whom he had
ordered to be murdered in cold blood in the Gwalior fort, was a dis-
ciple of Shaikh Nizamuddin. But Shaikh Nizamuddin was not COI1-
cCl1led in the struggle of princes and seems to have taken no notice
of the affair. Unfortunately an ex-disciple of the Shaikh, who had
Iwen trained hy the Shaikh in his ]ama'al-T<hana, one Shaikhzada
Jam, wanted to attain to great.!1ess through palace-intrigues and even
dreamt of setting hiinself up as a rival to the Great Shaikh. It was
said lhat Mllbarak had obtained the throne through Shaikhzada Jam's
prayers. The Great Shaikh's prayers, of course, were not available for
such matters; they were the exclusive- monopoly of the poor, the
helpless and the oppressed. One thing led to another and the bitter-,
ness in Mubarak Shah's heart increased. He had built a gl'eht mosfJue, '
the Masjid-i-Miri, and wanted the to come there fe}r his Friday
prayers. But the Shaikh not hear of it. "The mosque nearest
to my house has the greatest claim on me," he remarked and went
for his Friday prayers to the Kailugarhi Mosque as before. The
Shaikh and the Sultan eamo together at one assemhly--the SiY",,1n
of Maulana Ziyauddin Rluni-but though two accounts we have
of the incident are slightly different, it is clear that neither the
Shaikh nor the Sultan cared to take any notice of each other. Muharak
Shah went So far as to station his to seo thaI no government
servants went to the Jama'af-Khana, hut Shaikh Nizamuddin
ordered the expenelitl1re on his kitchens to be e10uhlcel ancl the crowel
of visitors to his !(/./Ila'(/f-KT!rllla inerqased. ,JImt to the fJllick, Muha-
rak Shah declared Ihat he would SUlnmOI1 the Shaikh bv an admini-
strative order, to he executed by for,ce if necessary, on the first day
of the new month. It was it ell s toni in those e1m's, after the new
nioon had be0n seen, for all the high officers and distinguished men
of the Citv (Delhi) to assemble at the Palace to congratulate the
Sultan. The Great Shaikh, of course, never went, hut he used to
sCl{cl his servant, Iqhal, to represent him; and IfJbal stood among
the greatest officers of the land and congratulated the Sultnn. It is
not known whether this custom of the Shaikh was an inhClitance
from the dnys of Alnueldin Khilji; if so, it hetokens a great tolerance
on the part of that tenihle monarch. Mubarak Shah, however, had
Slraikh Nasirr/(lditl MalJnlUd Ciril'ag'r-i-Delll/
367
been receiving Iqbal's during the four years of his
reign; LIt be declared that he would submit to the insult no longer.
The Shaikh triust eoine personally, or he would be brought. Of
course kindlv intermediaries anxious to work out a eOinpromise or
to find a were not' wanting; and there was much coming
and going of high officers between the Imperial Palace and the
Shaikh's Jama'at-Khalla. But they found the Shaikh adamant; far
froln accepting a compromise, he would not even ?ondeseend t.o
discuss the matter. All he did was to go and pray III tears at IllS
mother's grave. The inmates of the waited in
of the approaching day. But' the day never arrived. On the Illght
previ6us to it, Muharak Shah was assassinated hy the Barwars and
his head was thrown amongst the crowd from the roof of the palace.
':Vith the accession of Muhammad bin Tughlaq, the policy of the
Empire once more underwent a The .SultaJ! was a
of Shaikh Alauddin, a grandson of Shmkh Fanduddm of
Now Shaikh Alaudclin had passed his whole life between hiS house
and the mausoleum of his grandfnthcr. Strictly speaking, he enrolled
no diSciples himself, btit gave them caps and on hehalf of
his grandfather after they had been placed on grave. lIe
regarded kings and high OffiCNS as filth and vVhen Shmkh
Ruknllddin on his wav to Multan from the DeIhl Court, took the
trouble of' going to Ajudhan, Shaikh would
him to stav nor offer him anv hospitality. &hmkh RuknucldJ11. nclmg
in his and Iw his disciples, just caught Shaikh Ala-
uddin while he was on his \;'ay to his house from the mausoleum of
his grandfather, and the Intter had no altemative but to emhrace
Shaikh Rukllliclclin. But on returning to his house, he hathed and
changed his clothe-s, "This man", he said, "has hrought to mv
Khnnqah the stench of the r:0111't." No influ.ence of Shnikh Alauclclin
is Iraceahle in the polin' of Muhammad hill TughI1lf(. The Sultan
wns verI' hen on supporting the rationalists (Ahl-i lI-fa'q,tlnf) against
the- t'raditionists (AM-i, ldanflu7af); This prohlem elid not interest Ihe
mvsties and centuries hefore thcy had determined to nass it I;v. Sultan
Muhailimad was. it has hec11 said, vcrv crncl to Qaelts and all
'extc111alist scholars' (U7nmn-i Zahiri) who were in thC' sC'rvicc of the
But his altitude t.he different. He
wantcd them to march in tl11lP WIth the lmpenal pohcy and to become
officers of the Slate. No Delhi S1Iltan was strongC'r or mom nowerful
than Sultan Muhammad hin Tughl1l,q at the heQ'inning of his rehrn;
his resources were great, and the nnnexation Of .. a large part of the
c
c U
308
and Society dUl'/ng tllO Early ModleGal Pm'/oel
Deccan having put plenty of jobs at his disposal, he was in a position
to pay handsolliely for services rendered. The mystics were required
to discard their Khirqah (patched frock) for the silken gown and
broad waistband of governnient office-rs. The Sultan said that he
wanted their advice and guidance, but everyone knew that the Sultan,
Olily wanted discussion in order to have an opportunity of defeating
and overpowering his oppononts and that in the cnd he would be
guided by his own opinion. Still, for the starving mystics, living on
the charity of their neighbours, the temptation of a guaranteed liveli-
hood through government service was great. The elderly mystics;
who had starved and prayed for years, were obviously incapahle of
cither directing a campaign or supervising ol!lce-work. But it was
dilferent with young men belonging to. distinguished mystic familics,
who had completed their education hut had not yet gone through
the prolqngctl mystic discipline of the Chishli sUsilah. They could
shift on to worldly things. For dctails of personal cases I must refer
thc rcadcr to. the Siyal'lll Auliya of AmiI' Khurd. Alinost all the
descendants of ShailJl Faridudc1in were enrolled in the Impedal
Imreaucmey; the descendants of Sayyid Mahmud Kirillani, a much-
loved disciple of Shaikh Fluidudclin, who had later established them-
selves ronnel the Ja11la'at-Klwna of Shaikh Nizamuddin, fnllowecl the
same path. Of the smaller fry there was no reckoning. '\Theil years
later the Tughlu(1 Empire in the Deccan and the distant provinces
collapsed, most of them were threateried with material anel spiritual
min, as the Great Shaikh had predicted. The historian, Ziyauddin
n,uani-perhaps representing the niajority.Lwas too. far gone to re-
cover; the iron of worldly desire had penetrated too deeply into his
souL Others, like AmiI' Khurd, .came back to the mystic path again.
Only three important disciples of the great Shaikh-Shaikh .Sham-
sIHltlin Yahya, Shaikh QlIthndclin Munawar and Shaikh Nasirudclin
MahirtlHl-ventured to ignore the Sultan. The hrunt of the struggle
fell on Shaikh NasiruclcHn.
Shaikh Shamsudclin Yahyil, ))l:ohahlj, the oldest of the great Shaikh's
disciples, was stimmonec1 to the Sultan's court. "YVhat are you doing
he was told. "Go and Islam among the temples of
Kashniit:; Now cOl1verting non-r\{uslims was no part of the mission
of Chishti silsiTaTI; the grent Shaikh himself had made no COIlVCltS.
As Shaikh Shanisllc1cJin sho\vcd no intention of leaving Delhi, the
Sultan appointed officers to take him to Kashmir. But Sharnstldclin
. drcamt that the great. was. him to He deve-
lor
ed
an ulcer in the hack The Sultan suspecterl a tnek and order-
Shaikh N(/slmcldin Malimllcl Cl.irag"-i-DeMI 369
ed Shamsuddin to he brought on his cot to the court, but on
himself that the man was. at death's door, the Sultan perforce allowed
the Shaikh to die peacefully in Delhi. . '. " .
Shaikh Nasiruddin's trial came next. The, Sultan had collected some
370,000 horsemen for the conquest of Khorasan. The death of Sultan
Abu Sa'id, the last of the II-Khans of Persia, had left no central power
, in the land and pretenders were succeeding each other in quiek
succession. The assassination in A.H. 727 (A.D. 1326) of Tarmshirin
Khan, the last of the Khans who wielded any real autI;'o-
rity and who at the height of his power had invaded India, had
plunged Mawaraun Nahr into civil war. The prospects from this
point of view were Rot bad. But a lot of questions, political and
military, could have been asked. Why must you conquer Khorasan?
What good are you going to do there? Can you really establish
yourself petwanently in that distant land? Will your amiy not be
entirely annihilated in the terrible dasht (steppe) that divides India
from that region because no proper arrangements for conveyance and
supply can be made?
But Shaikh Nasiruddin had no intention of discussing politics or
military affairs when he was summoned to the court to help in the
enterprise. The Sultan was whipping up public opinion in favOur
of the campaign and from that point of view Shaikh Nasiruddin had
his value. But the Sultan's plan of summoning the Chishti Shaikhs
to the court was a novel idea. Nothing like that had happened
hefore. Of course it was impossible to avoid the summons; the
Sultan would use force, if necessary, as he dia, later on, in the case
of Shaikh Quthuddin Munawar,lO . .
So firmly, with quiet determination and full preparedness to meet
the consequence"" Shr.ikh Nasiruddin went to the palace determined
to insult the Tughluq Sultan as no great Sultan of Delhi had been
ins1llted before. .
Muhammad hin Tughluq, to do him justice, was very anxious to
please his guest, quite- forgetful of the fact that the Shaikh was not
of the stuff. that courtiers are made of. He seated Shaikh Nasiruddin
on his right hand and wished apparently for an opportunity to explain
his plans. B.llt the Shaikh was determined not to hear them.
"I wish to march in the direction of Khorasan", the Sultan said,
"I want you to aecoinpany me." ,
10. Amir Khurd in his Siyom! AIII/ya,tell. us how Shaikh Qnthnddin wa. needlessly
hrongilt from IIansi to Delhi. The Sultan had no alternative hut to allow him ,to
reillrt1.

370
Politics and Society dlll'ing tloe Eal'lu ... Medieml Paim/.
"Insha'llah-God willing-", replicd' the Shaikh. The Sultan
that this reply was really a refusal and complained that. tho tIlls
well-known phrase indicated the dcsire to put off a thmg (lab nf).
The Sultan and the Shaikh-both of them Inen of academic learn-
ing-quarrelled about tho use of this phrase. The atniosphere. natu-
rally hecamo unpleasant and the Shaikh brought the altcrcalI.on to
an end by his final declaration. "No cntCl}1risc can succecd
the use of this (conditional) declaration. It indicates affirmatlOlI, not,
avoidance".
Puzzled by his guest's attitude, the Sultan ordered the midday meal
to be served. But if he thol,ght that the Shaikh would consider this
an hOllour, ho was mistaken. No Chishti Shaikh had dined with a
Sultan before and Shaikh NasllUddin, we are told, extended his hand
to the dishes before him with the greatest reluctance.
"Give me sOlne advice on which I mav act", the Sultan asked him
while they were dining. .
Shaikh Nasirllddin had no intenti()n of mincing words like his erst,
while acquaintance, the histoJian-courtiCl', Ziyauddin Bamlli. lIis reph-
came pat: "Get rid of this passion of wild hcasts which has taken'
posseSSion of your soul."
The Sultan conld have ordered the Shaikh to he hehea<le<l, hut he
had not called the Shaikh for this purpose and the Shnikh, in any case,'
had no fear of such an end. The continuation of anv C01l\'Nsalion,
however, was no longer pOSSible. .
When the meal was over, Sultan lvluhh1nmad ordered a hag of
tallkas and two pieces of green and black woollen cloth to he plac('c1
before the Shaikh. But the Shaikh paid no attention to the Sultan's
presents. At,that moinent a secretary of the Sultan. Khwaia Nizam
by !iaino, who was a, disciple of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya and a
pupil of AmiI' Khusrau, steppe<l forward. lIe took 'up the Shaikh's
shoes, placed them hefore him and then carried the presents outside
and assigned them to the Shaikh's seivant, obviouslv for distrilmtion
among the Delhi poor. Then placinp: his forehead on the ground
hefore the Shaikh, he retumed to the Sultan.
lIe found the latter in a towerinf! rage. "You short-slatllred fellow
of a secretary (elalHr-i'-lcotah) I W1Jat happened to vou that yOIl carrierl
the presents' of the Shaikh and picked up his shoes in my prescnce?"
Sultan Muhammad's han(l went to his sword-hilt.
"Had I not taken up the presents", Khwah Nb:am. who was also
prcpare(1 to he n martyr, exnlaltH'(l. "the Slwildl would not havr
touclle(1 thrni and the), would hove remainc(1 on yOllr cnrpd
Shaikh N(/.\iYllddill Malrlllud Chlrngll-i-Delrll 37i
(eluleha). As for picking up his shoes, it was an honot'lr for me: If you
put me to death, I am willing; it will rid me of the torture of your
company." Sultan Muhammad, we are told, inflicted no punishment.
on his erring and insolent secretary. , '
One man against an empire I It was obvious that the underlings of
the administration could make the life of a private citizen impossible,
and Shaikh Nashuddin had to meet the of his attitude.
Ferishta records a tradition that Muhammad bin Tughluq decided
that the great mystics should render hiin token services and the duty
of tying the Sultan's dastar (turban) before he went to the ell/fha!'
was assigned to Shaikh NasilUddin, The Shaikh refused and was
thrown into prison, but after three months he reflected that his pre-
decessors had submitted to force in such matters and that he should
'do the same. I am not iilclined to put any trust in this latter-day
tradition, but the following incident which is well authenticated,
throws light on the working of the administration. ,
Khwaja Qiwamuddin, a disciple of Shaikh Nasiruddin, who had
entered govemment service, is said to have declared: "I was faced
with a tenible time and subjected to' governlnent demands and
punishnients duringth6se days of my suspension from govemment
service. If I appealed to friends for whom in previous days I had all
affection or wished to talk to them, they tumed away their faces and
would not hear my words. If I sent anything to be solGI in the market,
no one would purchase it. I was helpless and gloomy." The only
person who would still venture to receive }litn 'was Shaikh Nasir-
uddin. The Shaikh could do nothing for him so far as the administra-
tion was concemed; but he could at least extend his htlinari sympathy
to the persecuted man whom, from fear of the govemment, society
was boycotting. So Qiwamuddin called at the Shaikh's lama'at-Khal1a. , '
"But before I could explain the object of iny visit", Qiwami.lddin
continues, "the Shaikh with his usual'kindness began to ask me about
my affairs and recited thE) following quatrain"ll: '
(,5'" I .;;.j}! jj)
,"-I I x.:S
lJ '
I.!' I J.u.. J:- t"t.).
" ,
I.! I J.i;"..I.u
11. The worle! is predestined, it is hetter not .to 'mak" ,,noise ahout it. Your Iiveli-
will rcach you at the appointed time; hetter lessen yonr efforts for it. If people
will not pIIl'chase s<>mrthing, it is ],elter not to attempt to sell it, If they will not talk
\n yOll, it is better to remain silent.
r
,.
372 1'olllles atul, Society d"rlng 'he Em'lI! Medlet'ol f'erlnrl
"In short the Shaikh by his intuitive mind had discovered my inner
thoughts and revealed them to me. I placed my head on the ground.
The same ideas which the Shaikh has revealed were revolving in my
mind, I said, 'The Shaikh's worels have given strength and firinlless
to niv heart: "12
Olir records give no details of the persecution to which the Shaikh
was subjected. In his conversation in the Kha;I'1l1 Maialis, the Shaikh
makes no reference to Muhammad bin Tughluq or even to his life
in those days. No rankling bitterness of any sort was left in his mind.
Sultans come and go; it is no use bothering about them. God alone
is pel'manent. 'Ve have to be content with the following cryptic
statement of Arnir Khurd, who was then in government sel'vicn ,ill
the Deccan. "In the beginning of his reign Shltan Mnhammad hill
Tllghluq, who had established his, power throughout the length alHl
breadth of India. inflicted ir.juries on Shaikh Nasirnddin, who, ac-
eCirding to the general consensus of opinion, was the Shaikh of the
age and had the whole world for his obedient disciples. Dllt that man
of eminent piety, according to the tradition of his 1);I'S, considered
it his duty to be patient and did not retaliate in any way. 'The Sultan
persecuted you so much', they asked him, '''Vhat was the reason?'
'There was an affair between me and my God', Shaikh Nasiruddin
replied, 'They settled it like this.'''
, Towards the end of his reign when Muhammad bin Tnghlu<J had
gone to Thatta in pursuit of Taghi, he needlessly summoned a Ilumher
of religious men and scholars, among Shaikh NasinHldin ivJah-
mud, from Delhi. They had to travel 'a distance of 1,000 karohs (2,000,
miles).' It is not necessary to helieve with AmiI' Kh11l'd that the death
of Sultan Mnhamniad hin Tnghluq was due to the fact that he did
not pay to the scholars and the mystics respect that was their due.
Shaikh Nasiruddin, a pacifist without reservation, was not one of
tl!", (;alali) saints. The whole of his life mav he consiclerc<l
a comuient on a line often recited by the great Shaikh: 13
Sultan Muhammad's death left the army leadcrless, and Darani -
says ,that Shaikh Nasiruddin was one of the leading men who called
12. All;;,' Khllnl, who was then in the Deccan, relAtes the incldent On the allthority
of a conimon friend, named Kafur.
13. He who puts thorns in my path ont of enniity-May every rose of hIs life
hlossoms without
Shaikh .. M"lrmucl Chimgh-I-Ve/./'
373
on Firuz Shah and requested him to ascend the throne. Like his
friend,_ Shaikh Qutbuddm Munawar,14 he could have had no illusions
about that pompous ruler, who was destined to bring the elilpim of
his predecessors to ruin. But with the almy attacked by the' Sindhk
on one side and the Mongols on the other, the immediate election of
a king was absolutely necessary, and Firuz Shah was the best of a
number of bad alternatives. Barani does not refer to any further con-
tacts between the _ Sultan and the Shaildl and the stories set all6at
about the relation of the Shaikh and the Sultan and his officers in later
day's must be dismissed as mere fabrications. Though the conversa-
tions of t,he Shaikh do not refer to Firuz Shah by name-he was not
worth mentioning-tliey contain a scathing criticism ,of the condition
of the countty during the regime of Firuz Shah and his officei;:l. A
person who spoke so fearlessly could hardly have been in touch with
the Sultan and the bureaucracy.
IV
On returning to Delhi in A.D. 1353 Shaildl Nasiruddin once mOre
took to his old profession-the professiOtl of a Shaikh or Fann-i
Slwikhi, as Barani calls it. There were-, of course, great religiOUS
scholars who basked in the royal favour; but though Shaikh Nasirud-
din, like his predecessors, had tq face the criticism of a large city, as
a leader of religiOUS life he had no rival ill India. His Jalllll'at-Kluma
.f'll"wded with every kind of visitor frofn morning to night, and
it seemed if the great Shaildl had come to life again. Shaildl Nasir-
uddin had no material favours to bestow, but his Ja11la'at-Khatla was
a spiritual refuge for all. AmiI' Khurd, having lost his job in the
U. Shams Siraj 'AM, Ta/'Ikh-i Fimz S/",1.i, pp. 78-82.
, On his way from Sind to IIansi, Firuz Shah called on Shaikh Qutbmldin just when
the Shaikh had come out of his house to go for the Friday prayers. The Shaikh -was
nalnrally irritated. \Vas he to serve His Majesty or to go to his Friday prayers?
Still, talking to Firm: Shah while standing, he asked the: to give up drinking
as it interfered with the performance of his responsible and delicate duties as the
hc;(l of the state and not to kill, while hunting, more animals than were required
for [om!. It was clear from Firuz's attitude that he had no intention of changing his
ways of Hrc. On the second occasion of their meeting, Firuz ordered n fine 'silk dn'ss
to ho presented to Shaikh Quthuddin.l11c lntter flatly refllsed it as \Vearillg silk
dress is not permitted to ?vJussalmons.
Shaikh Nasirutldin, who was moving with the camp, met his old friend in the
mystic manner (pp. 82-87). '
c
374 Politics and Soc/ety, during tl.e Eady Med/ecal Per/ocl
Deccan and anxious that his spiritual life should not perish along
with material prosperity, found that the influence of the Shaikh once
more brought him to the right path. "I rememher", he says, "hearing
my uncle, Saiyyid Hussain. declaring that 'today. the high position
of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya is, occupied by Shaikh Nasirudd.in
Mahmucl. Outwardly and inwardly, ,so far as is possible, he docs not
deviate, the' path of the great Shaikh. In this work he has sur-
passed all other diSciples of the great Shaikh ane1 attained to per-
fection.''' His personal contact with the Shaildl confirmed the truth
of his uncle's assertions. "The fragrance which used to emanate from
the 11la;lis (company) of Shaikh Nizamuddin has also come to the soul
of the author from the mailis of Shaikh Nasirucldin and has revived
his dead soul after more than thirty years. Mystics who have seen
the maiNs of Shaikh Nizamuddin and appreciated its deep Signific-
ance agree with this proposition." A little after the death of Shaikh
Nasiruddin in A.B. 757 (A.D. 1356) Amir Khurd penned the following
lines: "The external and internal devotions of this dignitary are more
than the pel1 can describe. Those who have had the honour of kissing
his feet have realised that his countenance was the picture of perfect
piety. Towards the end of his life his work reached perfection; he
became a pure soul. vVheIl 1 saw this miracle, I snid to Il\yself: 'Since
h8 I.,G rq:.)Ched perfection, it would be strange if they allowed such
a pure existence to remain in this world.' "15
Fortunately for us, a scholar calling himself Hmnid. the Qalanclar,
SOil of l\Jaulana Tajuddin of Kailugarhi, presented himself at ,the
Shaikh's ]a/1/a'llt-Khana and olfereel to compilc his conversations
(111a1fuzat) even as Amir Hasan Sijzi had compiled the great Shaikh's
conversations in the Fawaidrtl-Fru/{l. Both Malllana Tajllddin,and his
son, Hamid, were disciples of the grcat Shaikh, who had on one occa-
sion said to the father: "Your son will be a qalandar." So Hamid when
he grew up shaved off his heard-an intolerable worldly burden-and
also shaved his head, moustaches and eye-hrows, and put on the saf-
fron garh of thc qalaJldars. lIe had, of course, nothing to do with the
qalandars, properly so-called, and ,knew little about them. Like many
others he had left for the Deccan, attacl,led himself to Shaikh Burhan-
uddin Gharib, and began to compile his conversations.
I6
But his work
could not be completed owing to that Shaikh's death in FebnlalY
1341, and twelve years later Hamid offered to render the same service
15. Amir Khnrd: Siual'lll AuliUa. section on Shaikh Nnsiruc1din.
16. IIamid showed the incomplete volume to Shaikh Nasil'uddin. 'Our",esl>!. You
have written well', the Shaikh remarked ns he read it. The work has not survived.
SI",ikJ. NlIs/l'lle/elill Mal'mucl CI'/I'agl,-I-Dcl,1I :i75
to Shaikh Nasiruddin. Tlie offer was gratefully accepted. Hamid
compiled a recoi'd of one hundred conversations or ma;lises of the
Shaikh and named it Klwirul Maialis. "I have narrated things correct-
ly", says Hamid, "and Shaikh Nasiruddinhas revised my work. From'
the beginning to the end there is not a word that has not received
the consideration and approval of the Shaikh and has not been spoken
by him." After the Shaikh's death Hamid added a supplement to the'
Khdil'ul Maialis giving a sketch of the Shaikh's life. Shaikh Nasiruddill
,obviously kept his biographer under stern control and insisted that
he should be presented to posterity as a religiOUS teacher and not as
a miracle-mongcr. "He never tried", Ha!l1id complains at the end of
his supplement, "that anyone should consider him a great man. He
has supprcssed his ego to such an extent that if I call him a Shaikh,
H'Jt pleased; and if I attribute miracles to him, he rcsents it and
bcgiIis to I\tJlect."
The Khainrl Maialis is a worthy successor of the Fawa'idlll-FlIad,
hut it is a work of inexpressible sadness. 1 confess that 1 can never
read it without tears. But this sadness is clue to the Shaikh and not
to Hamid, who loved the innocent joys of life and seems to have
becn blessed ,vith plenty of vivacity. He composed verses like eV01),
one else, and so long as they rhymed, he could enjoy them withont
hothering about their quality. His qalandarship, apart from the fact
that he never married and had no personal property, was only a pose.
"I am a (J<llandar in appearance", he says at one place, "but I associate
with mystics." It was different with Shaikh, Nasitllddin. The sorrows
of all mankind were reflected in his heart.
1. A mystic, who merely prays, whatever the quality ()f his, prayers
and whatever his spiritual stature, is not, correctly speaking, entitled
to be' called a Shaikh. To be a Shaikh a mystic had to live and work
alllong the people, to sympathize with their sorrows, to partake of
their joys and to teach them the principles of mystic and religious
life. Occasionally he might be able to help them financially and in
other ways, but this was the exception rather than the rule, for the
Shaikh, if true to his principles, could not generally approach high
officers for any favours to his diSciples. Many stories arc told of the
prcscnts that came to the great Shaikh, but the fact is that they never
sufficed. "Gifts flowed into the ]ama<at-Khana of Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliva like tne waters of the Labia (a branch of the Jumna) that
flowed before Shaikh Nasiruddin tells us, "People came from
morning to ,sunset and evert at the time of the night prayer. But
those who came with requestS'alWIlYS':.' those who came with
,\ ',', '
I "-
376 Politics and Society during tIle Early Metlieral Perl"d
. ...
and who brought something alsQ got something."17
Shmkh Namuddm, though he seems to have been the recipient of
sufficient gifts, was not so fortunate and he did not consider it a part
of his duty to be the collector and distributor of money. "The head
of a (mystic) community", he says, "needs tlu'ee things. First, wealth
so that he may be able to give to people whatever they ask. The
qalandars of these days demand sherbet. If a (lIl1'lvesh has nothing,
ho\y to give anything? And then they go out abuSing him and
are' puniS...led for it on the Day of Judgment. Secondly, learning, so
that if scholars conie to him he can discuss' academic matters wilh
them. Thirdly, cosmic emotion (Jazaba), so that he may hc ahlc to
inspire the dttrweshes. But I say: "Wealth is not necessary. Learning
and the cosmic emotion are enough:"
A Shaikh's means of work were thus purely spiritllUl, and the p're-
COll(lition of all his work was the posscssion of the Ilafs-i glm 01' thc
'intuitive intelligence: He must, first, be able to enter into the heart
of every man and this was only possible if he had great, IInbounded
human sympathies. Secondly, his experience should be wide enough
to enable him to understand all classes and conditions of men. The
early mystics had ,recom'mended travelling as a means of spiritual
development. But the Chishti mystics, after settling in India, gave
up the habit of travelling. Shaikh Farid. went alit of India. Thc
great Shaikh's peregrinations were limited by three pOints-Badaun,
Delhi and Ajudhan. But the city of Delhi, with'its teeming population,
could show him all that he wanted to see of human life. Shaikh Nasir-
uddin, apart from his compulsory journey only travelled from
Ajodya (Awadh) to Delhi and back. Unlike the SlIhrawardis, the
Chishtis did not indulge in needless travelling. The third elemcnt the
'intelligential' is hard to define. It was a divine gift; it could he de-
veloped but not acquired by one who had not been endowed with it
by nature. .
vVhether his yisito!'s spoke, of their sorrows or not, the Shaikh would
be able to understand them. Inevitably his own mind would also be
affected by their stories of misfortune and woe, told or untold. The
great being infornied !n a particl1lar"cOJilpan);, ther
had praised the mner calmness of IllS mmd, deelared: ,No one m thIs
world is more sad and gloomy than I am. So many people come ancl
tdl me of their misfortunes and it all pierces into my soul ancl mv
heart. It would be a strange heart that was not affectecl by the
17. Khairttl Malall." Majlis LXXXVI. Unlike Amir Hasan Sijzi, Hamid docs not give
the dates of the conversations 'or but m..-eJy numbers them. ,
Shaikh Nasiruddin Mal,mud CI'iragh-I-DeT.l1 ,377
/
of hE, U;-,'slirJ brothers. And then a great city with a large population I
Dll1'weshes have sought refuge in the hills and the deserts iil the
desire that no one may come to put the burden of his heart upon
them."lB It was the same with Shaikh Nasiruddin. "A visitor who
comes to mo", he told Hamid, "is either a worldly man or a mystic. If
he is a worldly man, his heart is attached to earthly things. When he
enters (my room) and my eyes fall upon him, I ask him about his
affairs. Even if he is silent, everything in his mind is reflected in my
heart, and I am overpowered with sadness and gloom ... 19 And others
come terror-stricken and demand: 'Hurry up and do this: (If I don't),
they speak evil of me and are insolent. The dltl'tvesh should be patient
undcr all circumstances."20
II. Of course people were not wanting who wished to utilise the
Shaikh for their worldly needs, but Shaikh Nasiruddin would not
waver from the mystic path of tawakkul or resignation. I have only
space for two cases.
"A duftvesh came", Hamid records in majlis' xlv. "Some oile had
bcen cruel to him. The Shaikh said, 'Dul'wesh, be patient. If they are
cruel to you, behave like it dtll'wesh and forgive them: " lIe related a
pertinent story of Hazrat Ibrahim Adham, but seeing that the chtrwesh
was still dissatisfied, he added: 'The path of the dunvesh is what I
have explained; otherwise you know best:"
But others would not allow themselves to be dismissed so easily.
On another occasion Hamid' records: 21
"When the Shaikh had completed this story, a mystic came. He
was a disciple of my Pit', Shaikh Nizamuddii1 Auliya. As soon as he
sat down, he began to complain bitterly of the times. This is not the
tradition of the Shaikhs of my silsilah: I was surprised. What has
happcned to this cZlll'tvesh? Ncverthelcss Shaikh Nasirl1ddin, with the
virtues that should belong to a mystic, heard him and gave suitable
replies.
"The visitor then related the following anecdote: 'Once a friend
of mine, who was a disciple of Shaikh Fariduddin, came to Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya. 'I am the father of girls', he said, 'Do sQmething
for me:22 'Go and be patient,' the great Shaikh replied: 'Shaikh I'
he said, 'If you had one unmarried' daughter, you would realise my
18. K. U., XXXI,
19, My copy of the Kltairul Ma;alis is not clear at this place.
20. K. M" XXXI.
21. IMd.
22. Prohably referring to the Hatlis j.Ji'Jj:"'..:.'=:II,y,1 (The fathers of girls shall
have their livelihood). .
Politics ",,,I Soc;ety '!""Iug tl.e jnrlg Medieval PCI'fud
distress.' 'What do you want me to do?' 'Recommend me to some-
body: At that moment the grandson of Zafar Kha11
23
happened to
come and the great Shaikh spoke to him. 'I have a flat (semi) avail-
able in my house?, the latter replied, 'please ask the Maulana to come
and put up there. I will be at his service: 'Now go, Maulana,' the .
great Shaikh ordered. The Maulana went (to Zafar Khan's house) and'
his life was happy thereafter:
"Shaikh Nasirudclill on hearing this ':Maulana f In those
days there were pfenty of discipleS. To whom can one speak now?
Olle should be patient: . .
" '1 know that one should he patient and not complain', thcdll1'wo8h
replied, 'But today you are in the place of my Shaikh and it is pcr-
missible that I should speak to you of the sorrows of my heart. 1 have
a slave-boy, who works as a labourer. I give him two-thirds of his
wages and keep one-third for myself: "24 ..
III. Like his great master, Shaikh Nasiruddin also condemned
government service, but also like his master he seems to have made a
distinction. GovennlJcnt servants who were in the clerical line and
had to do with ?fthe ac;lniinistratiOl!. \;orc entitle?
to be enrolled as mere diSCiples, bke. AmiI' Hasan SI)Zl and Amir
Khusrau.But the Shaikh insisted that the higher spiritual achieve-
ments were not within the reach of such people. "AmiI' Hasan and
AmiI' Khusrau", he says, passing a severe but just judgment on his
d""l';d friends, "wished to compose (poetry) after the manner of.
!"':ljn Sa'di. It proved impossible. W-hat Sa'di has written is due
lo the Cosmic Emotion (Sin-I. Hal). Khac\atli and Nizami wcre men
of piety. But Khwaja Sana'i wa.5 one of t Hl hermits (muqati'an)
had completely severed his relations with the world and the people
of the world."20
But on the plan of ordinary discipleship he had no objection
stich people. At one place we find hiirt approving the work of
educated visitor, who declared: "I sit in the Diwan the whole
and they consult me about the wocedure of every order that is
23. Zorar Khan wa. Sultan 'Alallddin Khalji's Minister of War ('Arid-I
during the early years of his reign. lIe died while Ilghting against the Mongols
RiB-a place not far from DelhI-after he had defeated them and W)lS fol/owing
pllnmit. ..
24. K. M., xxv. From varions instance. of the time it "I;'pea" fhat this was
usual nrrangement; the slave kept two-third. of his wages and gaVe one-third to
.
25. K, M., XLIV.
STw{k" Mal"nud CIllrag'I-I-Det.l1 .
....
,
ed."26 At another place. we find him considering whether he. 51-
enrol among his diSciples a clerk (nawishula) who was a Smyy
lIafiz and a man of devotions, and deciding the case in the alf
tive. l'Govemment service will be no obstacle in his path", he dec
"Ile will be a mystic on account of his
It was different, however, with the great executIve officers ()
government. Two examples should suHice.
1. "An educated man with the respects of a Malik,28 whe
in trouble and said, 'He is being kicked 011 account of govcn
deni<tllds.' The Shaikh obselved, 'Government service bears
fruit, especially ill these In the early days (of Islam) ?1I 0
were marc devoted to the service of God than to the alhms (
world and most 9 them hml attained to the stature of Shih
J unuid: "29 ..
2. "There came, next, to the Shaikh a great man of thIS worl
,11<td heen imprisoned and, appealing to the Shaikh: had bee;l g1
owing to bis.prayers. The ,Shaikhfe}t,ver):' happY. h
'Congratulations I sitdoWll. Owmg. to blessmgs .
Shaikh', he replied, They set, me free l?st mght. If th;lnl P
man's foot or an ant bites it, the Shmkh observed slgmficant
ought to know that it is the result of his own actS. And nomisf(
shall befall you except wflat hands haDe earned: "30
At another place be observes: "When people obtain a littlc \
office they treat the people of God as they like and are not af
wOUl;ding the hearts of men. all, the sighs of the PI
have .some elIcct."31 .
"Ve find many instances of persons not in se
businessmen, traders, farmers, to .the
Hc asked them to be honest in the pursuit of their callmg
s
,
thev did so their livelihood would be blessed. "It is a virtuous
of Ule Jand", he declared on one occasion,
farmers have heen men of mystic emotion." And he
recapitulate what a farmer told the great Imam, Ghazzalt: .!
the seeds on the soil with a contented heart and a tongue roc! I
praises of the Lord. My home is that every(,me who eats of the 1
K. M., xxv.
27. K. M., l..xvlll.. .
28. Malik in those days was an officer who commanded one thousand men
tf he commundcd ten thou,,,,,d men (a Tuman), he wa" It Khan.
29. K. M., xxv. .
30. K. M., LXI. The Ja!1 sentence is II quotatiorn from tbe Quran.
31. K. AI., XXXI.
i(
!
, 380
l'ollUcs' and dut;"id tl16 fpt1v Med;eo'1ll Perloel
he blessed, and will til .
1Il to the Almighty."32 e shength that he gets from it
IV. SIllCO the revolutionarv state 'of tl ' ,
would concentrate all l'ts . . '. Ie mystic dream-a state that
G 1
" " enelgles to the .' , f' I
Oc -was not within the' r' ' vIce 0 t 10 people of
ignored tIte king and 1'1 b eglOn of practIcal politics, the Shaikh
J
. . ' Ie ureaueracy of tI I, I d '
lapplIlcsS Was to be found'l tl Ie (,jY an( eclarcd that
only found in ihe house 'of alone. "Happincss is
had ('Olne to ask for Ill' g pOVCl ty. He told a visitor who
. sprayer concer' I . I
was p.ending official consideration "In l;lllg liS app ication which
there IS only sorrow :111<1 sad T'I " .t Ie house of worldly men,
ness in religious poverty als:
1
\ IS, .of.course, sorrow and sad-
the Ahsolute (h((g), not to th ff:" fULII,t IS clue to the sean:h for
ence of this sadness, there is to
a
anSI 1 world; and in cOllscqu-
(blessings on him r) was a 111m y 'fallc ,( e Ig It. The Prophet Of Allah
fiectiOlls,"34 ' , l 0 pi olonged alld deal' J'e-
Nevertheless ill his middle a Co I I'
a well-organised state in tl < l' t t Ie had seen something of
!ism of 'AJauddin KIlal" . leI s a e-capItallsm and cOlllrollcd-capita_
) 1
' . <)I, w lell every beggar ' D II . ( <
us lad a qllilt (lill(/f lilJall" ) , <, 1Il C 11 as he tells
1
. " Cia orCVCll two B t .
am socJety.:....cven m sUe s 't : 11 now government
the Shaikh's s:uI. OCle y-were faIImg to pieces. The sight
, In these days', he declamd 'D' l:
Ume of Shaikh Nizamuddin ( 'I,ll/was I(JS ]Iavc decreased, In tilt
dlmveslws-real 0 ,IUIIC
I
Aflaudcd!in Khalji) twenty or thitt"
I J
, --c U ( Je 'oun (in D 11') SI . '
nlUC (1I1 would invite them n I' ' , C H, larkh Niza-
were those I' Tlw Shaikh days, What days
Ihose clays-a wall of ,,,Ileat f' 7" '" l JZ e Itrtud
e
aad dwal)lless of
, '., < or "1' :(/ 8"" of { I
lal/1., of ,{!,III' fol' less thaI /'t l I I , . 5ug,lr OJ.' Htlf a dir-
]
,., ' 1 a In" all( tIe pnce of I II '
commo( ItrCS 111 the sallIe )1'0 )ortion ' '. COl and other
nl1lll1wl' of friends to a fI tIt . If,f a man WIshed to invite a
. eas, wo to our t" ' I '
, ctl(ltIgh food for all: Then he referre an ((IS Watt d IHM'ide
of tllOse days in the cit\1 and 'l't to tho I' langars (free kitchens)
Q
'I
" "' s enVlwns-t Ie 1m ' f
11 an( aI', Malik Yar Jnrran and .'lOm' 0 ' ,,'ga., 0 RUl1lzan
Samarqandi,36 WllO lies burie ItS e/_ I tIllels. '. Badnlddill
, (a an ,0 a 1, was a fl:lend of Shaikh
32. K. M" XLVTtr.
33: From the m)'stic vlewpoint n '''11.' lla' hcell delin d "
nothmg and i. pnssc",cd by nothillg." If I', 'f' c,'" a man who possesses
. 34. K. M" XXX!. ,e II' t Ie ree man, properly So enlled.
35. ]I!,,[ is the eoppe,r coin of thos I TI ,
l\f INt IE' . e "'}s. Ie si veT cow tl
, I P.o 10: .!.1lllHre find" succeeding ngc" 11' ,l(! ancestor of the
36. A Shaikh of th" Flrdausl Bll;li,;.:ns en "d fflnk",
Sha/kT, Nos/rtlddln Ma1mltld Chlragh+Dehll 381
...
Nizamuddin. lIe often came to SHaikh Nizamuddin and the Shaikh
went to see liim in return. Shaikh Badntddin was often invited to
feasts; people considered his presence a blessing. lIe was a man of
ecstasy, At the lI1'S (annual death-festival) of his' Pir,. Shaikh Badrud-
din nsed to invite all the anny-col1imanders (ldshkardaran), and DII/,-
washes also came from aU sides. joy and comfort, hlessing and,
grandeur I Now neither those army-commanders, nOr officers nor
llIen are loCt. AU have been ruined I' , ., The Shaikh's eyes were
filled with tears of Iliemory and he wept for a little while."31
To UndCl"stand this passage we must study the so-called 'reforms'
of Fintz Tughluq and bear in mind the pOWCi' of the
lml'cmtcracy, which the Sultan was unable to control. "vVhat a time
is this with which we are fa('()(l", the Shaikh obscrved. "If the workl
smiles on anyone, that man tlll'll his back 011 othel"S, and will not
permit anyone to share his good fortune, Though he Iliay know his
ndghhonr to he poor and starving, yet the smell of his food will not
reach his neigh hour. Snch is our genenltioll."38 But oue section of this
decomposing society still maintained Its old ideals and standards-the
student community. "The strldellts of those days were good", declared
Shaikh Nasiruddin, "but students of these days are good also."39 And
again:' "AU students of those days were piOUS, but most students of
these days have also a good deal of piety,"40 Students always found
a warm welcome in the lama'at-Klw.na of the Shaikh, especially senior
students who had studied the Mashariq of Raziuddin Sa"
ghani (or Chighani), the lIIost reliable. collection of the Prophet's
lI(/dises (Sayings), the Kashshaf of the Mu'tatilite, Zamikhshari which
,though condemned hy the orthodO)( for its heretical opinions, had to
he studied none-the-less for its sound 'scholarsbip afong with the
Nalw-i MII/ass((l of the same attthOl. The Shaikh, in spite of his old
a!1:
e
, Ii.ked discussing academic prohlems with students and they took
advantage of the opportunity of asking him to explain the difficulties
of their text-hooks. This was the only silver lining to the cloud, The
century that followed was not destined to have any political achieve-
l1l('Hts to its ermlit. But in the realm of scholarship and religions thou-
ght the nneenth century of Indian history is unrivalled.
37. K.' M., J:,V,
38. K. M., J:,XV.
S\}, K. M., I.xV,
40. K. M., U!XVll.
382
Politics anel Socletll' elm/rig 'tl,e E' ar!U
-.. Medleu;'! Perlad
.".
Primarily the melanchol '1 I '
r ' 'y ant sac ness of the SI 'kh' 'C
IOns are due to the ise f tl lUI s onversa-
not forget the purely m ersry 0
1
lIe world around him, But We must
tl I P . ona e ement He wa a' A II
lat Ie was expectecl to follow tI t' ' bl < s < gemg, (( to this
Auliya, which left no time 'f .10t Ime-Ita e of Shaikh Nizamuddin
I 1 or les or s eel) The SI 'kl f
(ays, as S laikh Nizamucld' I' If I . . lUI IS 0 earlier
eeived visitors betweel tl
lll
.1,nnse to I cI Amn' Hasan Sijzi, only re-
SI
'kl 1 Ie IS lI'aq all{ zuhl' I) . b I .
lUI 1 refused to adhere t tl' < - layers; ut t le great
time he cm'ed to come A
O
lIS custom and would see anyone at anv
barNy enough time for 'his s the stream of visitors left hiI;l
that thev should devote tIl It was a tradition of the mystics
tl
' - e Ime Jetween mict. . I t 1
lelr prayers but since.I' lIg lane moming to
II
' seep IS necessary for I'f d I II
genera y set aside some oth . t fl' I e an lea t 1, they
Tahrizi, a discil}le of Shaikell
I
sleep. Shaikh Jalalllddin
. I . < 11111 l!( III Suhrm . I' I
aelOSs norl Will Inclia in the t' of II . I < VUI e I, w 10 pasw'd
tI . I < Ime tutmls I used t I b
Ie IS Iraq and chasht-1'rayers. Shaikh N' '. 0 seep etwccn
of tho Firdausi used to t Kubra, the founder
(lIIughrib) prayer ,and I t 0 s e;1' I.mmediately after sunset
just before midnight tl 0 e tIme for his pravcl'
example. He locked If Ie mkh would not follow
I I se up In liS room after the . h
peop e saw lis light burning throu ho t th ' . IS a prayer, but
vant of the khanqah knocked 'tl gl . u ,. 1.1Ight, and when the ser-
. f WilliS sa lin III the e 1 I
mOn)mg- or the great Shaikl f t I I m y lOurs of the
,. I I '. ' 1 as e( t Iroughout th . I
IIlle lIIn Wide awake. The whole J I e yem- Ie would
sorts, and the only slee h t {ay lie --talked tf} visitors of all
ft I . " p e go was a s lOrt midda B
o en liS VISitors left no tim fo tl 'y nap. ut verv
say how far mystie devotio l
e
r I lat evebn. I will not undCliake
t SI kl' I can )e a su stitute fa I b
grea lai 1 s eyes were. always red ancl thOt r .s eep, ut the
vanced age, he was alwavs ill "TI' SI' Igh he hved to an ad-
til" I " . . . Ie gl'eat latkh" Sha'l IN' II
e ; \IS, was a wayS sulFerill/! from . tho ", 1(1 aSlru( e in
due to wiriJ in tI;e bowels (kh l mg or other-stomach_aeh
e
He was never well Once'. tIlt a "Ieverf' head-ache (sada') or }}i1es
I
. In Ie ml{ st 0 l'f .
Ie was overcome and paral\lsecl b t aln aliI( I IOn party (sama')
< , y s Omac l-ac 1e."41 '
Shaikh Nash'uddin in his old a .
follow the of t' found it difficult to
the Shaikh early in the . that, calling on ..
in spirit; on one occasion the lei wou k n{ lJIn 1;l'Oken (shikasta)
. s le spa e were qlllte unintelligihle
41. K. M., LXxXvr.
Slwikl. N{/.drudclill Mal,mud e1.!,agl,/.Del.ll.
383
to lIamicl.42 The following eonversati011 between him and Hamid
throws some light onwhat the Shaikh felt:
"After this the Shaikh heaved a sigh. 'I and you-:- we are like the
hungry dunvesh who passes before the shop of a cook, sees fine food
prepared ancl smells it. He stops and says: "At least those who have
the food should eat it.' Now I have no time for devotions 01' solitude.
1 havoto interview l)eople all the day, and have no time for mv mid-
clay rests (qailala) even. Very often I \vish to rest at midday,ln;t they
wako me up and say, a visitor has come. Get up. You (Hamid) have
leisurc, why do you not give yourself to devotions?' .
"'The Khwaja', I replied, 'though apparently busy (conversing)
with men; is in his heart engaged with God:"
" 'At night', he said, 'I can find some time for devotions, study and
prayc,r. But during the day nothing is pOSSible. Still I do not give up
hope.
"This he said in despair (shikaslawar) and wept. Then he recited
the line: "TIre basket which I have 'loWe/'ed into the well, il am not
in despair that it will come out quite fttll one day."
Some time after the Khairlll Ma;alis had been compiled, a curious
atterript to assassinate or wound the Shaikh was made by a qalandat
named Turab. According to Hamid; the Shaikh as usual said his zulli'
prayer in the Tanw'at-Khana and then retired to his room for his de-
votions. It was the time of afternoon rest and the few inmates in the
kll(l11qah were either away in the city or resting. Finding the Shaikh
alone; Turah entered his room with a knife and inflicted eleven
.. on him. The Shaikh rel:riained motiitnless, and it waS not till
his b100(1 {lhwed otit of water-hole 6f the room, that his disciples
began to suspect On entering the room they found the
qalandar slahbing the Shaikh. They would have punished him on the
'spot, hut the Shaikh would permit nothing of the kind. Determined
\0 aeler generosity to forgiveness, he summoned one of his favourite
disciples, Qadi 'Ahdul-Muqtadir of Thaneswar, along with a physi- .
cian, ShaikhSadlwddin, and his nephew Zainuddin Ali, and asked
them to administer an oath to his disciples that they would not seek
to harin the qalandar. "1 hope yotlr knife has not injured your hand",
he asked the latter, and him with twelve tankas advised
him to fly off as soon as possible. The ways of the medieval qalan-
dars were strange and inexplicable, and since the Shaikh . himself
would permit no investigation, it is useless speculating now on Turab
and his motives.
42. K. M., JroI'.
c'
384 Polttlcs and SocIety d",'/ng tIle MeeT/evdl Pet/oel
Some three years after this incident, Shaikh Nash'uddin breathed
his last on Ramazan 18, MI. 757 ,(A ,D. 1356).
It is not correct to say that Shaikh Nasiruddin gave no certifi-
cates of succossion. Hamid, for example, tells us of the certificate he
gave to Maulana Husamuddin and the instructions with which it was
accompanied. But people naturally expected that like the great Shaikh
he would distribute a number. of succession certificates before his
death to his disciples who had been anxiously waiting for them and,
in particular, that he would appoint a successor for Delhi, who would
also be the senior saint of the silsilah. His nephew, Zainuddin Ali,
appealed to him to appoint such a succesSOr so that his spiritual line
might not come to an end. The Shaikh asked him to draw ltp a list
of the persons whom he considered worthy'of the honour. But when
Zailluddin drew up a list in onlel' of merit and placed it before the
Shaikh for consideration, the Shaikh Simply refused to consider it.
"Maulana Zainuddin I" he said, "Thev have to bear the burden of,
thcir own faith; it is not possible for' them to hear the burden of.
others." The great line of all-India Chishti saints, which had stmtcd
with Shaikh Mu'inuddin of Ajmer, was thus hrought to an end. The
futUre Chishti saints-and there were many of them-could not
to anything beyond a provincial reputation.
'''Alter 4naking this observation", Hamid continues, "Shaikh Nasi-
ruddin made the following 'will: "At the time of my bUl'ial, place
the khil'qah I have received from Shaikh Nizamuddin on my breast,
hiy the staff of my master in my grave by my side; the rosary of In)'
Shaikh is to be wound round by forefinglr and his wooden bowl is
to be placed under by head instead of the (usual} clod of earth. His
wooden shoes are to be placed by my side: The persons present
according this will. S,ayyid Muhammad Gai.su Daraz washed ShaIkh
Nasiruddin s body. He then took out, the tWIsted ropes from the cot
on which he had. washed the Shaikh's body and wound them round
his neck. 'This is a sufficient khirqah for, me', he declared."
(11lis article nppenrtKl in Islamic Culture, in April 1940--EnrroR,)
CHISHTI MYSTICS RECORDS
OF THE SULTANATE PERIOD
TilE IDEOLOGICAL HISTORY OF ISLAM, including Islam in India, will
never be Scientifically apprehended unless it is clearly bome in mind
that Muslim progress in almost every sphere of thought had reached
its culmination by the first quarter of the thirteenth century. There-
after >if:hin the socially pl'escribed limitations to thought
insisted upon hI] dogmatic theology, which was mctonous
ooer all l'ivals-no futther progress was possible. The old ideas could
he summarized Or re-stated or they could be put in a different juxta-
position; but any real fonvarcl movement of thought was out of the
question. Stability, not progress, was the thing really desired. Islam
had ceased to cxpand. Social security \vas the thing aimed at, and
there was a widespread fear of new ideas. In almost every branch
of knowledge a great text-hook had appeared; it consolidated
ous gains but also blocked all further progress. Unless somethmg
could hreak the established modes of thought and of life either at
the highest level of metaphysical speculation Or' at the level ?f
production instruments, SOCiety would, broadly speakmg, remam
static. But the great revolution in sci,ence and industry.was destined
to start not in Asia but in Western Europe thrce centUrles later. Pro-
gress in India during succeeding centuries was only possible in the
, applied arts like architecture, music, and paintin/!, or in thOse
of practical life, like the land revenne system, where mere repetItIon
and accumulation of expel;f'nce leacls to imprcivement. Muslim ide<r
logy of the dghtcenth and tllf' nineteenth centuries, which the impact
of Europe shook to its foundations,. was on the whole worse, and not
better, than it had becn six centnries earlier.
, Of no of Muslim thought is this more true than of tasawwuf
or mysticism. The twelve Muslim mvstic schools, which we find at
the beginning of tIle tenlh century, were finally consolidated into two,
\ opposed systems dminj! th.e th!rtcenth century and
both systems fdtind theIr;e 5j, '" claSSIcal text-hooks-the
l ' ..
J,di!'
PS-2.
(
386
Polilies {/l/d IlIe Early Medieval Peflod
,,'
FUSIISlIl IIikam of Shaikh Muhiuddin ibn-i 'Arabi ana the 'Awarifttl
}.Ja'al'if of Shaikh Shihabuddin Suhrawardi. For the Sultanate period
in India the philosophy' of Ibn-i 'Arabi does not count. India was ex-
clusively in the sphere of the 'Awarif, which is a text-book of mystic
-but not of 1iwlla-orthodoxy. Muslim mysticism was brought into
India as a complete system at the beginning of the thirteenth century
or, probably, a century earlier. India has addcd nothing to mystic
thought, for no substantial to it was really lIer
contrihutions have been plimanly to the field of mystic practice, to
( t!Hr of mystic living. It is this faet which lends singular glory
to the life and work of Shaikh Nizmriuddin, the greatest of Indo-Mus-
lim mystics, whom I have hereafter respedfully referred to as "the
great Shaikh". .....
It was natural that the cuhrill1atlOn of t\'fushm mystIc thought III
the early thirteenth century lead to th.e organization of
mystic orders or silsilahs, whose pnmary function was to reduce life
tei logic. Of the mystic silsilahs founded at t!lis only
Suh1'llwardis and the Chishtis-stlcceeded 11I g(,ttl1lg a foothold 111
India. A third silsilah, the Fil'datlsia, estahlished itself in Delhi for
some time but was later on driven to Bihar.
The Suhrawal'dis wrote books on myshc theory from the very begin-
Jling; its two great leaders in fhis work in India, Shaikh Ibrahim
'Iraqi and Qazi Hamid Nagori, had come into intimate .with
Shaikh Shihabuddin Suhrawardi himself and the fanner IS Said to
have been his nephew. The Chishtis, on the other hand, wrote no
books bllt were content to teach the 'ifw(//'if and other SlIhrawal'di
works' their aim was not writing on mysticism bl,lt living according
to it, ;n<1 in this sphere. they scored a definite success their SI/hra-
wa/'di rivals. It was not till the heginning of the thIrteenth century
that the first Cllisllti work, the Fawa'id-1I1 FI/'ad of Amir Hasan Sij:t.i,
appeared.
TUE GENUINE TEXTS
1. The Fawa'id-ul FH'ad of AmiI' Hasan Sijzi-On Sunday, 3 Sha-
ban A.H. 7m (January A.D. 1307), the poet, AmiI' Hasan Sijzi, called
on Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliva at Ghiyaspur, and on returning home
decided to write a summary of what he had heard from the Shaikh
dav and to make a sin;i1ar record of all succeeding meetings or
After he had made some proe:ress, he informed the .Shaikh
of what he was doing. The I!reat Shaikh blessed the enterpnse. He
told AmiI' Hasan that when living in the lama'at Kllana of Shaikh
7'he Genuine Texis of Chls"li Mystics of the Sultanate Pefiod
387
Farid, he also had made a record of his master's conversations and
that he had then prepared was still with. him'! But
whe{eds lfle \sreat Shaikh's record of his master's teachings was merely
a memorandum for personal use, AmiI' Hasad.'s work .was, from tlie
very beginning, planned for publication. As he proceeded with the
work, the pages were revised by Shaikh Nizamuddin, who filled up
the lacunae (bayaz), which AmiI' Hasan had loft wherever he had
been unable to follow the Shaikh's conversation.2 The work, completed
in five thin volumes, was brought up to 19 Shaban, A.II. 722 (A.D.
1322)-3. Accurate manuscripts of the book have been always available.
Hasan proved to be an excellent and accurate recorder. He
avoided the futile ornamentations, figures of speech and artifi-
cialities of language which were so dear to the Persian prose writers
of those days and concentrated his efforts on preserving, so far as was
possible, all the characteristics of the great master's teachings. The
style of the work is simple, direct and lucid; its chief excellence lies
in its accuracy. The Fawa'id-ttl Ftt'ad was an immediate and
success. Hitherto the Suhrawal'di mystics had written a good deal
on the principles of mysticism. Amir Hasan, for. the first time,provided
the Chishtis with a manual in the form of the recorded conversations
of their greatest teacher of the Middle Ages. Incidentally he also laid
the foundation of a new type of mystic literature, known as the
malfltzat. He has found many followers and imitators, but has never
been equalled. For the research scholar of the present day, the
Fawa'id-t/l FtI'ad has a great. historical value it is a standard work
concerning the life and the teachings of the Chislzti mysticS with re-
ference to which the accuracy and genuineness of all other works
can be judged. It enables lIS to throW aside as of little o(no value
a large mass of later fabrications. Many references will be made to
it as we proceed.
4
II. The Khair!ll Majalis5 of Hamid Qalandar-In A.D. 1353 a man
well past his prime, clean-shaved after the manner of the qalandal's
and wearing their saffron garb, appeared at the khanqah of Shaikh
1. Fu'ad, 3 Shahan, A.H. 707; 27 Shawwal, A.H. 708.
. 2. IIJid., 24 Moharram A.n. 714; 15 Rama?.", A.n. 717.
3. Ibid., 19 Shaban, A.n. 722.
4. ,The Fawa'id-1l1 F".'ac! has hcen' printed hy many Indian p"csses, including the
Nawal Kishore PI'CSS, Lucknow. I have referred to it by the dates or'the conversations
and not hy. the. pages, which will naturally differ in different edition .
5. The Persian text of the Kiln/ruT l\iafalis has not yet been printed. The references
to it have been made according to the of . the mai1iscs In Roman numerals ..
c
388 Politics mid Society during tTIe,.E<trly Mecl/ev<tl Periocl
Nasimddin Mahmud while he was celebrating the tIIs of hi!l.. deceas-
ed friend, Shaikh Burhanuddin Gharib.6 The Shaikh was unable to
recognise him till the visitor reminded him that he was Hamid, son
of Maulana Tajuddin, !md that both he and his father were disciples
of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. "But", the Shaikh asked, "ain.l to call
6 .. Literally, the qalandar is a person who is n.cle in behaviour, IIncolith in mari-
ners ftnd free from this world and the world hereafter (NflY!lI-lugl.at). In Mllslim
mysticism, ti,e tenn has a special signiflcanoe. It denotes the member of a silsi/a"
(religiolls order) called qalandaria, fOllnded hy a Spanish Arah of Egypt, namcel Y.nsllf
(Encyclopaedia of Islam; p. 675) or hy Mufti Shaikh Jamalliddin Sawji (Klwirui
Maia/is, No. xxxvnr).
There is n difference of opinion among writers al>OlIt the place nnd the timo of the
origin of the order. There are many who helieve in enrlier days the order origi-
nated in Central Asia (Encf/c/optled/a of Is/am, p. 676) while Maqrezi tells liS thnt
it came into existence in the sixth century of our and appeared in DamasclIs in
610 A.D. 1213 (p. 3(2). There are reaSons for thinking that the order had come to
India milch before the Muslim ron'luest for we flnll it fairly well estahlishee\
in the reign of Iltutmish.
TI,e order has SOme special features of its own which distingnish it very deAnitcly
('"Om the other orders. Firstly, it is necessary for its memhcrs to shave off their heads.
eyebrows, beards nnd moustaches (Slua .... / ArI{i:n, p. 1()''3). TIl is was the practic" of
fne onlct from t\,o time of Shnikh Snwji (Klwlrlll Uctialls, No. XXXVl.1.;
lb,,-I Battuta, pp. 20-21; SlyarfJl ArI{in, p. 119). Secondly, its memhers did not wear
the mystic .kllirqa or patched frock. Generally they wrapped their hody with a hlan-
ket and fastened either a piece of hjanket or a small sheet of cotton round their
(K"afrlll Molal/s, No. XXXVUl). Those who wrapped the blanket round their
hody were called iawollqs. Thirdly, there were many amoni; them who Pllt on collars
nnd hacclets of i.-on nnd wero Hyderla Flt'"d, 25 Jamaeli I, A.T!. 708).
Fourthly, unlike the mystics, the qolanclars were neither ascetics nor devotees. They
were very irregulnr in their religious ohservances, whether co'mpulsory or
gatory, and often ignored them altogether (Ma'lrezi, Al-Klwtat, Vol. IV, p: 30l). Even
those qalnndnrs who said their prayers, with some "xception, did not helieve in offer- .
ing pray"rs in congregation (Slr/aTlIl Arlfi'" p. 97). The ronsmi for their violation of
the Slwri'ot was that they claimed ihat their ohject Was Allah nneF that their hearts:
always devoted to Him (Ma'lrezi, p. 300; B"rT.an-i Qate, p. 184). Fifthly, they
u<ually lived on the charity of others, hlld no private property except their personal
helongings, and were always celibates. They were mde in their manners, lacked polite-
ness nnd were notorious for their uncouth hehaviour, abusive language nnd hot tem-
per (Ma'll'ezi, p. 301). ,
It mllst he confessed, however, thnt In the present state of Our the
origin of the qalnnclar., is hard to explain. They were found in nil countries of the
East-in the lands of the Arabian as well as the Persian and the Turkish tongues;
they were found hefore the fourth century Qnd many of the.ir customs nre inexplic-
able except as continuation of Hindu and Buddhist traditions, specially the tradi-
hons bf tbe Mahayana Buddhist sanghas.
The fJrs is the of a mystic Shaikh. Prayers arc said for his soul
and food is offered to the poor .
l'J.e Gemlllle texts of eI'isl.t! Mysllcs 01 tile Sultanale i'er/oel
you a qalandar or a sufi? How can I call you aqalandal'? You are a
This gave Hamid an opportunity of saying something about
Wh.en a boy, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya,
willie breakIng hIS fast In hIS small house opPQsite the Kailugarhi
Juma Mosque, had given him one half of a piece of bread. As Hamid
caine out of the dihliz (gate-room), a number of qalandars induced
him. to part the Shaikh's gift and breaking the bread into pieces,
ate It up. Hamid s father in distress took him back to Shaikh. "Maulana
Tajuddin", the great Shaikh remarked, "set your mind at peace. This
son of yours will be a qalandal'." So Hamid, in spite of his excellent
education, shaved off his beard-"an intolerable worldly burden"-
and. adop.ted the garb of the wheli he came of age. Shaikh
Naslruddlll was ?eegly .touched. You are a of my irjaster
n
,
he up and smd, I did not know, Come, I wIll einbrace you." The
affectIOn was mutual, for Haniid declares in the Intl'Oduction to his
w?rk: ':!f Shaikh Nizamuddin is dead, Shaikh Nasimddin is still
WIth us.
In general exodus. to the Deccan during the reign 9
mad bIn Tughluq, Hanlld also seems to .have accompanied the emi-
grants. How he fared there we do not know, but he had ultimately
attached himself to Shaikh Burhanuddin Gharib at Gulbarga and be-
gan to record his conversations. But Hamid's work was cut short by
. that, Shaikh's death he returned with the incomplete manuscript
of work. to land of his At his second meeting with
Nasllllddm he showed hIm the lllcomplete manuscript. The
Shmkh glanced through the pages and remlrked: "Durwesh r You
have written well." Hamid, thereupon, undertook to render a siinilar
service to Shaikh Nasiruddin. The offer was gratefully accepted ancl
the Shaikh offered to guide Hamid in the prosecution of his work.
This time, Hamid was destined to complete his ven-
ture. He prepared a record of one hundred conversations of the Shaikh
in the year A.D. 1354-55. Unlike Amir Hasan, he does not give the dates
of the conversations hut simply numhers theni as majalises, Left to
hinisolf I1ainid might have made a hash of the whole thing, but the
Shaikh sternly kept him within bounds and carefully examined what
he wrote, . Shaikh Nasiruddin was naturally desirous that his mas-
ter's teachings as well as his own should find an accurate expression
through Hamid's pen and he sternly prevented the latter from in-
dulging in miracle-mongering and flattery. Hamid complains in the
last page of his work: "Shaikh Nasiruddin has so broken his Mts
(aniinal spirit) that if I call him a Shaikll, he resents it; if I attribute
a miracle to him, he gets angry." . ,
,: I
:i'
i,
['olltlc" and Society c/''''Ing tilt- tar/y Medieval i'eriod
The Khail'ul Maialis of Hamid Qalandar does not come up to the
standard of the Fawa'id-ttl Fu'ad of Amir Hasan. But it does run a
close second. It has also independent merits of its own, not because
Hamid Qalandar was a better recorder than Amir Hasan but because
Shaikh Nasiruddin had. a deeper insight into the great Shaikh's teach-'
ings than Amir Hasan. Wlwreas Amir Hasan, a government officer,
had belonged to outer fringe of Shaikh Nizamuddin's circle, Shaikh
Nasiruddin the most distinguished member of the Shaikh's band
of thorough-going disciples. He suffered from none of those worldly
trammels which seem to have created a sort of inferiority complex
.in Amir Hasan." He had also lived for considerable stretches of time
in the great Shaikh's ]ama'at Khana while Amir Hasan was only an
infrequcnt visitor. It would be safe to assumc that Shaikh Nasirud- .
din, like everyone else, had' studied the Fawa'id-ttl Fu'ad and Hamid
Qalandar had certainly done so. Nevertheless, Shaikh Nasiruddin
quotes Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya directly from personal memory and
with great accuracy; his accounts often enable us (as in the case of
the advent of Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabrezi at Badaun) to fill up the
blanks that AmiI' Hasan has left. The fact that thirty years had passed
since the great Shaikh's death did not really make a clifference, for
Shaikh Nasiruddin had spent most of that time in keeping the memory'
of his master green. '
Nevertheless there is an atmosphere of inexpressible sadness about
the Khairul Majalis. This is in no way due to Hamid, who possessed
in an uncommon degree the capacity of enjoying the innocent delights
of the passing hour and was always with enthusiasm. But
Shaikh Nasiruddin was old; he was often ill. The daily time-table
imposed upon him by his master's tradition left him little" opportunity
for rest, sleep or even religious meditation. But these circumstances
alone do not explain the sadness of Shaikh thoughts;
The cause of it lay deeper. The Shaikh may not have liked Muham- '
mad bin Tughluq, but that monarch had a terrible driving force; he
also knew how to keep his officers under strict control. With the.,
advent of Fimz Shah everything harl changed for the worse. The.
public was now a helpless prey at the mercy of the heartless
of the government. Everything was going downhill rapidly.
Shaikh in the Khainrl Ma;aUs never refers to Firuz Shah by n
but his repeated comparisons of the Delhi of A.D. 1353-54 .
Delhi of Alauddin Khalji-"when every beggar had his quilt
the winter season, and some of them even two"7-leave us
7. Kllain,l Maia/i,f, No. xxx';
Tile denulne texts ot eilis/llt Mysllcs 01 1/", SlIltanale Period
doubt ns to whnt he thought of the government ovor which Firuz
Shah presided. The Shaikh had, of course, no interest in politics,
but the unfortunate citizens of Delhi, each with his tale of suffering,
. unhappiness and want, "spoken or unspoken", crowded to the Shaikh's
lama'at Khana for such sphitual strength as he was able to give. Their
unhappiness seared his soul.
His record of 100 ma;alises completed, Hamid, who was destined
to outlive the Shaikh, added a supplement to his work, giving a short
biography of the Shaikh and bringing it down to the time of the
Shaikh's death.8 He then disappears fr01Ii our vision for ever.
III. The Siya1'll1 Attliya of Amir Khurd-About the time when Hamid
Qalandar was preparing his Khaiml Maialis, another visitor also
returned from the Deccan to remind Shaikh Nasiruddin of old davs.
Sayyid Amir Khurd, Son of Sayyid Mubarak, son of
of Kirman, belonged toa family which had long been connected
with Shaikh Fariduddin and' Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. Aniir Khurd
had been made a disciple of Shaikh Nizamuddin AuUya beore reach-
ing the age of puberty.9 He was too young to receive any instmctions
from the gmat Shaikh himse.lf but he had grown up in the Shaikh's
circle and had sat at the feet of his Jea'ding khalifas and disciples,
many of whom, like Manlana Fakhruddin Zarradi, he could remember
years afterwal'ds.lO 'Vhen the Shaikh's friends dispersed owing to
the Deccan policy of Muhammad bin Tughluq, AmiI' Khurd also took
the route to Daulatabad. And here, he frankly tells us, owing to
the longings and desires inseparable from yOAlth, he took a path which
the great Shaikh would not have approved. AmiI' Khurd was a good
son, a good husband and an affectionate father. His 'sin'-for so he
calls it-apparently consisted in nothing more than entering the service
of the state like his two uncles, and in harbouring those worldly ambi-
tions that inevitably find a place in the heart of a governnient officer.ll
But the Deccan administration of Muhammad bin Tughluq collapsed'
and his officers had to make their way back to the north in such
manne-r as was possible.
vVhether my conclusion that Amir Khurd's 'sin' consisted in entering
govemment service he correct or not, he insists that he returned
. to Delhi in a condition of mental worry and distraction. His mind
'1 h:, d,))le of Hamid's "Supplement" has heen copied hy Shaikh Jamaluddin
in his Siyal'u/ Arifin.
9. Si!/aml Auliya, p. 357.
10. Ibid" p, 289.
11. Ibid" p. 363.
c
\
39.a l'o/Itics and Society i/.mng the Early Medieval Period
, ;.i,.; ....".
naturally .turned to the days of his youth and the circle of the
ShaIkh .. He tri:d again and agairi. to see tile great Shaikh in his
but eIther hIs dreams were too hazy or else people prevented
lum m. the dream from approaching the great Shaikh.I2 In earlier
t.e.,. befo!'e going to the Deccan, he had refused to becOiIie a
of ShaIkh Nasiru.ddin on the ground that he. was already a
dISCiple of the great Shalkh,13' But Shaikh Nasiruddin was now the
chief of the gmup in which Amir Khurd had passed his
haPRY a I'emark of his uncle, Sayyid
AI1III II,lsan, that Shaikh Naslrnddll1 was the real successor of the
great Shaikh".14 So, in due course, be bimself at the
khanqah Nasiruddin and was not disappointed. "1 have".
he found the pcrfume of the majalis of Shaikh Nizamuddin
Aultya once mOre in the ma;alis of Shaikh Nasimdclin Mahmud."15 At
tl;e same time he succeedcd in seeing Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya in
his .dreams, and t?ey :vel'e complete dreams in which the 'great
Shmkh regarded lum With favour.l6 .. .
His mind now comparatively at peace, AmiI' KimI'd sat dowll to
a of the Chishti. si/silah in India to make up for the
Sill of Ills youth. He had CO!lSldcrable qualifications for such a task.
His father lwd given him a sound education in Arabic and Persian.
He had access to Shaikh Nizamuddin AuHya's private papers. He had
h!s earlie: days associated with a large number of the great Shaikh's
diSCIples. Ills parents as well as his uncles had a considerable stock
of old memories which they had passed on to him. Thus fairly well
equipped, AmiI' Khurd proceeded to prepllre his work.
Compared with the works of Aniir Hasan and Hamid Qalandar,
the Siyarul Auliya lacks simplicity of style. VVhat makes it at times
a definitely unpleasant reading is the large number of verses (his own
as well as of others) which Amir Khurd has needlessly thrown in;
:dew of them are of any worth and all of them mar the conti-
nuity of tHe prose narrative. While Amir Hasan from a strong sense
of duty had confined to narrating what he had heard and
seen, and Hamid Qalandar's miracle-mongering propensity had hcen
strongly checked by Shaikh Nasirudclin, Amir Khurd was suhject
to no internal or extel11al checks. As a result his work, though very
12. Ibid., p. 363.
13. Ibid.. p. 361.
14. Ibid,.vr. 33537.
15. Ibid" .P, 241-
16. Ibid., p. 364.
, .
tl.e Genuine texts 01 ellls/,tI MlisllC8 oj '/.e Period
... -
informative and quite indispensable, is not an equally safe guide.
For the 6rst time the miraculous element begins to appear in the
life as well as the sane anderitical philosophy of the great Shaikh.
Thus, while stating, 011 the one hand, that none of the great Chishti .
shaikhs had gone to the Hllj pilgrimage, Amir K.hurd, nonetheless,
invites us to believe that a Hying camel used to come to the windows
of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya every night, take him to the Holy
Mecca and bring him baek in time for the pre-morning meal or sahari.
Nevertheless, one cannot help being grateful to Amir Khurd for
what he undertook and accomplished. He gives us a lot of
tion which is based on the stateDients if reliahle eye-witnesses and
which, but for him, woidd not have heen preserved. As has been
remarked already, he knew many successors and disciples of the great
Shaikh and could add his personal reminiscences to what he had heard
from others. In addition to this, he has' incorporated the larger part
of the Fawa'id-ul Fu'ad in his own work, generally without any sort
of acknowledgement. The Khairul Mafalis was not known to him,
though it had heen completed before he finished bis own work. He
never seems to have met Hamid Qalandar. The few references he
makes to the conversations of Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud are based
on what he had himself heard from that Shaikh; they are n6t. taken
from the Khail'ul Ma;alis.
17
These are the three principal works on which a critical stu.dy of the
Chishti silsilah has at present to be based. though other genume
discovered in due course. These three works derive thelr
value frontlthe fact that Shaikh Nizamuddftt Auliya. who was born
in A.D. 1236, reached Delhi in A.D. 1252. Owing to the large and
increasing number of refugees fr0In: the northe,m climes, flocked
to the great capital as well as Indians who came to Delhl from the
provinces. the great Shaikh was able to collect a valuable mass
of information about thc mvstics and scholars of IllS own as welt as
of the two or three preceding generations from
Though recorded vears afterwards, the information given. by him is
trnstworlhv. lIe had relkcted upon it and talked ahout It so often
that it wn; indelibly iinpl'cssed upon his memory.
Some other works appertaining to the period also deserve to be
examined. here.
17. Lala Chiranji La! edition, DeihL No other E'il.i!ion at .presen
available. Lala Chiranji Lal, a Hindu devotee of the ChosJ.ti sifsllah,. dId hlS. ;"orl<
. k bl II Bu' t the scholarlv l.ttla's work is difficult to procure; ,t was prtnted
remar a y we '. . I b 'ttl"
after the mutiny on brown paper, which hat become extreme Yt n e.
I
c"
"
IV. The Siyarul Arifin of Shaikh Jamali
18
-Shaikh JamaIi (or Jamal-
uddin) was a mystic of the SlIhrawardi order who flourished in Delhi
from the reign of Sultan Sikandar Lodi to the reign of Humayun.
IIe was a pupil of Shaikh Samauddin. Sikandar Lodi was a personal
friend of the Shaikh but during the time of Ibrahim Lodi the Shaikh
had to "face many difficulties. Ibrahim's power, however, was short-
lived. Shaikh Jamali was held in high regard by Babur arid he
accompanied Humayun in his Gujarat campaign and died in Gujarat.
His mausoleum adjoining a mosque still stands in Delhi. He left
two sons, Shaikh Gadai and Shaikh Hayati; the former occupied the
office of Sadrus Sudur during the regency of Bairam Khan. A short
biography of the author will be found in the Akhbal"Ul Akhyar.
Unlike the Chishtis, the St/hrawardis were great travellers, and true
to the traditions of his order, Shaikh Jamali travelled the Muslim
lands right up to Egypt in search of good mystic company. He
just in time. At Herat Amir Ali Sher, the minister of Sultan Hussain
Mirza, had established an academy by undertaking to provide houses,
pensions and manuscripts for the scholars chosen by him. Muhammad
ibn-i Khwand Shah was commissioned to write the Rat/zatus Safa
a\ld rJcccedecl, in spite of his failing health, in completing all but
one of his monumental volumes on the history of Islam.1
9
, IIis son,
Khandamir, added the last volume to his father's work, and compiled
a history of his own, the Habibus Siyar, in three volumes. Another
scholar, Ali bin Hussain al-Wa'iz-ul Kashifi, sat down to collect the
material for the history of the Silsilah-i fhwajagan or the Naqsh-
bandia O/'dc/', which has survived to us in the book Rashahat. But
thesc writers were all thrown into the shade hy ti]() greatest Muslim
scholar of the day, Maulana Abdui: Rahman Jatui, who had been
commissioned to prepare an encyclopaedia of mystic biographies, the
Nafahatu/ Uns.20 progress with the work was very slow.
18. Hizvi press, Delhi.
19. The first of the se"en volulnes of ROllzatus Safa is devoted to. the history of
tpe world hefore Islmn; the other volumes appertain to Islamic history proper. An
n('('onllt of Hre nll(l dealh or AmiI' Ali Shrr \\'('11 :1.'\ or Iho sc1lOlnrs or Ikr:1t
\\ ill be found in pages 85-87 of volume YIf, which W<1S written hy Rhnndnmir to
complete the work of his father, His notice of Maulana Jami is hrief but he does
not hesitate in acknowledging the eminence of that great scholar, mystic and poet,
20. The basis of his work, Maulana Jami tells us (Introduction, Nafa/wtttl ViIS,
pp. 1-4), was the TnT,aqat-i Sufinh of Abdnr Rahman ns-S111nmi, who in the
tenth century A.n, It is one of the earliest works On mystie biographies and was
written in the local dialect of Herat. Maulana Jami confesses that he could only
grasp the general Bense of the author. But as he proceeded with his. work, Mauhna
c
ti,e Genuine fexts 0/ c/JisJ.u Mystics oi the Suitanale i1er/ocl
All sorts of visitors disturbed him, attracted by his scholarship, his
conversational powers and his influence with the administration. When
his friends protested against his allowing his work to be disturbed,
Maulana Jami would reply: "The unkindness of one's fellowmen has
to be borne."21' I
One of these visitors was our cquntryman, Shaikh Jamali. "The
residence of this humble individual at Herat", he says with pardonable
pride,' "was the house of Maulana Abdul' Rahman Jami."
As was to be expected, Maulana Jami showed round the sights of
Herat to his Indian visitor. But there was an acute' difference of
opinion on one point, which reveals to us the character of both the
mystics. Maulana Jami happened to state in the cou;se of a cO.n-
versation that the profoundness and depth of the LWlla at of Ibralum
, 'Irrqi' ',':""$ due to the inspiration he had received from Shaikh Sadrud-
din of Qurilya, the successor of Shaikh Muhiuddin ibll-i 'Arabi. The
statement was correct, but Shaikh Jamaluddin considered it his duty
to claim that 'Iraqi had been inspired by the Suhrawardi' saint of
Multan, Shaikh Sadruddin son of Shaikh Bahaucldin Zakariya, who
was also 'Iraqi's brother-in-law. ',Vas it courtesy and good
which led Maulana Jami next day to admit that he had seen a dream
. - in which the superiority of Shaikh Sadruddin of Multan was
Persian politeness can go to extreme lengths and there are no Wit-
nesses to a dream. '1 have referred to this incident because it
a bearing on what follows.
On retuming to India Shaikh. J amaIi was asked by his friends to
write an account of his travels. He decidedtto write a history of the
Indian mystics instead,22 The Siyuntl Arifin, the result of his. labours,
is a book of about 150 pages. Though.a Suhrawardi himself, Shaikh
Jamali gives a fair accouilt of both the Chishti and Suhrawardi silsil"hs.
There is no partiality of any sort, apart fr?m the that (a)
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya does not speCify the szlstlah of a mystIc,
Shaildl Jamali coolly appropriates him to the order; ?nd
(b) occasionally he adds a few sentences of hiS own to the
accounts to show the eminence of the SllhrawO/di saints.
The only authorities qllotcd by Shaikh Jamali arc the three Chishti
Jami incol-pOrated material froll) many other source.. The Nala"a!ttl Uris, AS an
latet' critics have achi,ittcd, is hou, discriminating and scholarly. Its real defect
)ies' in the somewhat limited material in Ma,ulana Jmnfs hands due inevitably to
the limited resources of the kingdom of Herat. Shaikh Nizamllddin Auliya and
Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya are the only Indian mystics noticed in the Nafahatul Vns.
21. Sil/a .... l Arlfin, pp. 139-40. ' .
22. See the Preface of
c
I; .:
Po/ltlcs alld durlllg tI,e trvlv M edle'val Pel"/ocl
texts we have already mentioned. He does not uSe the fabricated
which will be. discussed later. No mention is made Of any
llIstory, malftt.zat or of the Stthrawardi silsilah by name. Never-
theless, the Styaml Al'lfin contains considerable information not found
in the Chishti texts. It draws upon a considerable amount of oral
Suhrawal'di tradition. .
his travels in Sistan and Persia, Shaikh Jamali tried to
colleCt inu>rntation about Shaikh 'Usman, Hanmi and Shaikh MlI'in-
uddin Ajmeri. Shaikh Nizamuddin is silent about the former
and he only refers to two descendants of the latter whom he had
pcrsonally met.23 Shaikh Nasiruddin gives some stories about Shaikh
Usman Haruni but does not mention his authority.24 Now Shaikh
Jamali did succeed in collecting some infOlmation about these two
saints in his lands of their birth. But the question naturally arises-
what reliance can we place on oral tradition that is over two and a
half to three centuries old? Shaikh Mu'inuddin Ajmeri did not live
for long in Sistan. Soon after he had left, the province was attacked
by the Ghuzz Turks and the Mongols ransacked it later on. Mirlhaj-us
Simj leaves us in no. doubt that the massacre of the Mussalmans by
the .Mongols was very thoI'Ough.
25
Then the province came under
the II Khans, and after the decline of, their power it was very tho-
roughly sacked by Timur. This brief sunimary of the fortunes of Sistan
takes no account of the purely local revolutions in that unhappy.pro-
vince. The ,Chishti slIlsilah had left absolutely no mark whatever in
Sistan or the other provinces of Persia. Nawtdid any unwritten tradi-
tion .the. two ChishU saints really
or was It Persian courtesy that gave the Indian vIsitor mformatIon
without which he would have heen deeply disappointed? Be this as
it may, the legendary lore which has come to surround the person-
ality' of Shaikh Mu'inuddin.of Ajmer seems to begin with the SiYOI'lll
Al'ifin. Later ages have added to it with zest. And not a single item
of this mythology is reliable. .
While incorporating in his work all that Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya
sars about 'Shaikh Bahalllldin Zakariya and other SuJu'awardi
mystics Shaikh J am ali gives us a lot of supplementary information
about the founder of the Suhrawardi order, his friends and Immediate
successors. No written auth9rity is quoted but here, I ani iDclined
23. Fawa'id-1l1 Fu'ad, 15 Muharram, A.I1, 709; Shahan, A.I1. 720.
24. KI.alrul Un/alL" No. lCT.
. 25. Ta1xrqat-1 NMirl, p. 325.
TI,e Gelluille Texts of elilsliU Mystics of tIre Sultanate pcrlo,/ 397
.to assume, the balance of probability is in favour of the correctness
of Shaikh Jamali's statements. lIe was heir to a living. tradition. It
wa! \.gj' lijely, even if no written records were prepared, but the
family and successors of Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya at Multan and
Ueheh would strive to pass on from father to son, and from master
t.O disciple, some account of his work and the work of his friends and
successors. Shaikh Jamali had spent a good many days at Multan and
was in a position to make all necessary investigations; also through
his own pir he was connected with Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya
through a chain of reliable witnesses. He does not at tinies hesitate
in giving facts which do not show Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya, spe-
cially where his treasures were concerned. in a very creditahle light.
In the second part of the Siyarul Arifin, which is devoted to the his-
tory of the Suhrawardt mystics, there is, apart from a few stories, little
that is impossible or improbable. Here Shaikh Jamali, on the whole,
neatly fills up the gaps in the information given to us by Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliva.
26
,
V. The Akhba;ul Akhyar Ii AS1'ar-U Ahrar of Shaikh Abdul Haqq
of Delhi-This is a biographical dictionary of Indo-Muslim mystics
ancI it is planned on the same lines as the Nafahatul Uns. The author
is one of the niost distinguished traditionists (f1luhadcZis) our country
has produced and he brought to his work a fine critical sense and
capacity for examining evidence. Owing to the plan he drew up for
his work, Shaikh Ahdul IIaqq could not go into details. Nevertheless,
he is the safest of guides. A traditionist, by the very nature of his
training, is incapable of developing a appetite for the mira-
cles of later-day saints, and a careful student of the history of Indo-
Muslim mystics will find the author's suggestions (isharat) extremely
valuable for. niore detailed explorations. Unwilling to enter into the
bitter as well as futile controversies between the suh-sections of the
silsilahs that raged in his days, the author writes. with caution ancI
care; hut to the discerning students his meaning is clear enough.
27
VI. The Kashflll Mahiub of Shaikh 'Ali IIajweri
28
-The author lies
buried at Lahore and is generally known as "Data Gani Bakhsh". The
work was written in India, for in his notice of Abu Halim bin Salim
,
26. Most of Ferishta's account of the Indo-Muslim myslics in the second
of his famous history is copied verbatim from the Siya",l Arifin. The only exception
is his accounts of Shaikh Snlim Chlshti.
27. Printed, Mujtabni Press, Delhi.. ,
28. The Persian text has been printed in India by the Gulzar-i-Hind Press, Lahore
it ha.'l also been translated into English hi' Dr. Nicholson (Glbb l\{ettII)r/ol .
\ . '.,
',>'
c'
C c b
Politlc,1 and Society during' tl'6 Medieval
ar-Rai the author states: "My Shaikh had further traditions concern-
ing.him, but I could not possibly set down niore than this, my books
havmg been left at Ghazni (may God guard it r) while I myself had
become a captive among uncongenial folk in the district of Lahawar
(Lahore), which is a dependency of Multan."29 Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya refers to the complaint made by Shaikh Ali Hajweri in his
Introduction that his Arabic verses had been, stolen, but confesses
his ignorance of the silsilah to which Shaikh IIajweri belonged and
merely states that he was sent to Lahore by his pir.
30
The fact is
Shaikh 'Ali IIajweri floUlished before the organisation of, the
szlszlahs/ and he could not have belonged to any of them.
Little is known of Shaikh 'Ali IIajweti's lifc. "I conjecture", says
Dr. Nicholson" "that the author died between 465 and 469 A.II. His
birth inay be placed in tIle last decade of the tenth or the first decade
of the eleventh century of our era, and he must have been in the
prilllC of youth wIlen Sultan Mahmud died in A.II. 621 (1030).31
Though the Shaikh's mausoleum and his book have been respected
throughout the ages, he seems to have left no band of diSciples to
G6ntinue his traditions as a mystic teacher.
Dr. Nicholson declares the Kashfttl Mahiub to be "the oldest Per-
sian treatise on Sufism". This, ineyitahly, raises the question-since
treatises on mystic principles at that time were rarely, if ever, written
except in Arabic-did Shaikh Hajweri write his book in Arabic or in
Persian? I am inclined, owing to the somewhat jerky style of the
Persian prose, to conclude that what we have is the Persiari
translation of an Ar\lbicOl'ig:inal, which has been irretrievably lost.
, The Kashful Muhillb as a treatise on' mvstic theory has' always
been held in high respect by the mystics. In spite of the bold title
of his book, Shaikh 'Ali IIajweri wields, his pen with extreme care
and, so far as it is possible fur a mystic, rema{ns within the four
corners of the formal Shari'at of the mullahs. He is reluctant to in-
dul!!ein the hold language for which his contemporaries, Shaikh
Abul Hasan Khanplli :md Shaikh Abu Sa'id Abul Khair, are well
known. The Kashflll Mahillb covers the whole range of mystic theory
and is one of our best on the subject.' '
VII. TIle Misbahlll TTidatfnh of Shaikh 'Izzuddin Mahmud-Very
little is known ahout the author. Malllana Jaini tells in the Nafa-
'2,9. Persinn p. 72: Nicholson's trnn,\ntion, p. 91.
30. Farva'id-I/l FI/'ad. 29 Zi'ln<1, A.TI. 708. '
Sf. Dr., to the Kashflll Mahillb, p. xi.
TIle GelIlI/lle Texts 01 Chls"l1 Must/cs of tIle SIl/t{ltIate' Per/ad 399
hatul Uns that he was the of a disciple of the great saint and
mystk teacher, Shaikh Shihabuddin Suhrawardi, whose 'Awariflll
Ma'arif was the acknowledged text-book .for the mystics ,Of al\
silsilahs.' '
The intellectual and spiritual gl'eatness of Shaikh Shihabuddin
Suhrawardi lies in the fact that, while remaining true to basic prin-
ciples of Shaikh Junaid, the Sayyidul Taifa or leader of orthodox or
centrist mystics, he has managed more than any
cessor or successor to build up the pre-existing elements of mystic
thought into a single and consistent system. He has avoided those
painful expressions which horrified the ordinary Mussalman in the
works of his great contemporary, Shaikh Muhiuddin ibn-i Arabi.:
12
The success of the 'Awa!';f was both immediate and permanent. With-
in a generation of its composition it was heing taught by the most
emincnt mystics to their disciples through the length and breadth of
the Muslim world. Among 'others, Shaikh Farid taught it to his dis-
ciples at Ajudhan in East punjab. ' ..
Shaikh Mahmud tells us in the Preface of his Misbahttl Hidalfah
that friends interested in inysticism but not wen aGfJuainted with 'the
Arabic language had requested him 'to translate the 'Awariful Ma'a!'if
into Persian. But as he proceeded with the work, he realized that a
translation would not meet the l"eal need of his friends, and so he
composed what he calls a nianual or snmmary (khltlasa) hased 011
principles of the 'Awarif but in no sense a translation. Shaikh Mah-
mud's 'intellectual qualifications fitted him "Xell for the task. Though
he docs not mention plato or Aristotle anywhere, he was certainlv
trained in their categories of thought. The"Platonic doctrine of
(aims) is the very essence of his systein. A train cd logician, he 1s 'a
master of careful and COllcise definitions. Deductive and intuitive in
its method, the Misbnli proceeds carefully from argument to argu-
ment till the philosophy of Shaikh Shihnbuddin is revealed to us as
a consistent whole. Ahout onc-half of the hook is devoted to mvstic
philosophy and and the other half to mvstie trainIng.
Unlike other manuals, the Misbah is neither superficial nor obscure.
TIle author is prepared to discuss all problems though, so far as pos-
'32. TIl" works of Shaikh Mnhil]{ldin Ihn-i Arahl-the Fai"lIal-i Makkiya and the
FIt.", .. ul Hikam in particular-though now well known, did not sllcceed in 'ohtaining
n hearing in India during the Sultanate period. They were universally condemned as
hereticnl and orten bllmt. It is only by n detniled commentnry thnt his works can he
mnde i"tdligihle even tn the students of mysticism. An Urdll translation of the
'Awari! has been pointed by the KawaI Kishore Press,
400
PoUtics and Society during ITre EaCly 'Medleval Perlo,l
sible, he will remain within the bounds of the Shari'ar. The work is
rationalistic and requires no commentary. To illustrate his
the author together all the terse and significant say-
mgs of the great mystIcs from his very extensive study. The Micldle
have bequeathcd to us no better mystic text-book than the
MISTJah, though its studv requires a constant and unflagging attention
on the part of the reader. An unfortunate feature of book is the
fabricated traditions (hadises) of the Prophet it incorporates,33
,vIII. The Maktribat o{ Shaikh Shrtrafucldin Yahya of
will be seen from what has been said above, Ml1slim mvstie philo-
had into '1 fairly complete system in the lands of
buth. The Inchan Mussalnians of .the Sultanate period could do
little to add to system. there was still n place for works
that would popularIze the pnnclples of mysticism in plain and simple
language and help the devotee in the cultivation of his religiOUS life,
The known of medieval works is the lIfaktubat (Letters)
of ShaIkh Sharafuddm, a mystic of the Firdallsi order, whose mauso-
leum at Bihar Sharif. (Patlla district) has always hem held in great
respect by the mystICs. The Maktllbat consists of letters addressed
t? .one "br?lher Shamsuddin" and deals with various mystic and re-
hglOus tOpiCS. Shaikh Nasimddin Chiragh once told Hamid that there
can no stability .in mere (saltlk) unless accompanied by
emotIonal culture (Jazba); Sharafuddin, ,his junior con tempo-
seems to have kept tIllS principle always in mind. The MaktulJat
IS an excellent work to place in the handS4iof a voung mystic; it is
san:, and .extremely weU balanced. The large number
of Its manuscnpts. wIlIch we come across testify to its papularitv
throughout the Middle Ages. The inner evidence of the Makf1l1Jlit
tells us, nothing about the author or the person to
whom the letters were addressed. There are no personal reminiscences
or anecdotes. The may have been eollectC'rl hy the Shaikh's
diSciples or planned by him as a complete work. Their total number
differs in various mannseripts.:J4
33. Here is an "The Shaikh. of Islam are th" hrid,,,, of Allah on this
enrth"-(the original Pc"ian text, p. 330). The M/.slJah has h""" printed i,y the
Kishm'e Press LllCknOW, There is an English tmnslation of the work which
cnmpletely misses all that is of value in the original.
34, Very little i.' known of the life of Shaikh Sharafuddin. The printed Nnwn!
Kishore text contains 100 letters. The text printed hy the Kutuh Khann Islamia.
Lnhnre. al.o contains the s.nic 100 lett"xs. hut it adds two Supplement. callcd Mak-
fn],at-i 'awahi nnd MGktubat-i DII Sadl, It is not possible to be equally snre of the
r;1IlsIIU MysHcs Records of tI,e Sultanate Period 401
IX. The Sahaiftls Sulttk35-The editor of this work, Maulvi Ghulaili
Ahmad Biryan, who has translated a large number of mystic books
into Urdu, attributes its authorship to Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud.
But this is a plain error. Shaikh Nasiruddin, true to the tradition
of his order, wrote no book and the author of the Sahaifus Sulak is
the Shaikh's Pesh Imam (prayer leader), who definitely gives his name
as Ahmad, the FaqirJ36 Regarded as a. composition of the Shaikh's
PeshJmam, the work seems quite genuine so far as internal evidence
goes. Maulana Ahmad, it seems, was quite fond of writing letters,
and this work is a collection of fifty-seven letters written by Min.
This work does not come up to the standard of Shaikh Sharafuddin
Yahya's Maktubat, but MauJana Ahmad may be regarded as a fair
of the teachings of his great master to whom he occasion-
ally refers. This lack of personal and biographical references is dis-
appointing.
THE FABRICATED WORKS
There has survived to us from fairly early times a mass of litera-
ture about the Chishti and other Indq-Muslim mystics which we have
no alternative but to dismiss as fahrieated' in spite of the fact that
it is, and has been, widely current. The reasons for such a iudgment
are threefold: First, this fahricated literature of the Chishti silsilah
inculcates "principles" which are at variance with what Shaikh Nizam-
uddin Auliva and Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud expound in the Fa-
wa'id-ttl Fu'ad and the Khail'tll Maialis. SecQTldly, the real authors of
these fabricated works commit blunders about well-known facts and
dates of Indian history of which the Chishti Sha:ikhs, to whom they
are attributed, could never have been guilty. Thi1'dll/, in acldition to
this internal evidence, We have conclusive external evidence about
the fact of fabrication. Only the prInted and the more popular of
these fabricated works can he exainined here. A large number of
these works have not yet been printed. In the interest of medieval
Indian scholarship, it is very necessary that the investigation here
undertaken be pushed ahead by other hands.
Amir Hasan records on 'Wednesday, 15 Muharram, 709 A.H. (June
1309 A.D.) in the Fawa'id-ttl Fu'ad:
dJ ;hc Intter. They al'C alicged to have heen of a type but
contain nothing really confidential. The total is hrought up to 300 letters.
35. Printed Matha-i-Muslim, Jhajjar.
36. Salmll" .. s"r"k, p. 69.

c
402 Pol/lies mId Society during tT.o Etlriy Medlot)(ll Period
.
"A friend was present. He said; 'A man showed me ,a book ih
, aad said it was written byyou: Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya
replied, 'He spoke wrongly, I have not written any book:" ,
Hamid Qalandar records in Majlis No. XI of the Khairttl Ma;alis:
, "A frieild represented after this: "There is a difficulty in the
, 'tnalftlz (conversations) of Shaikh Usman-i Barnni. It is this. lIe
says, 'He who kills two cows, COlliinits one murder, and he who
kills foUr cows, commits two murders (klwn). lIe who kills four
goats, commits one murder and he who kills twenty goats, COlli-
'mHs two murders/ '
, "'First; Shaikh Nasiruddin replied, 'the word is not Harunibut
Harooni.' Haroon is a village and Khwaja Usinan used to live in it.
','It llas been said about him and about II,eople like him, 'Men live
in villages.' Many Shaikhs and men of God are to be found in
villages:
he added : 'These malftlz are not his. I have also cottle
across this manuscript; there are many statements in it that are
not worthy of his conversationS' (aqwal): " '
, "Then he ,added ; 'Shaikh Nizamuddin AtiHya has said, 'I have
writt,en no book, because neither Shaikh'ul Islam Fariduddin, nor
Bhaikh'ul Islam nor the Chishti saints (khwa;agan), nor
any of the preceding Shaikhs of my ordcr has written any book'.' ,
,"I represented: 'It is stated in the Fawa'id-ul Ftt'ad that some
one came to Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya said that he had heard
a man declare that he had seen a book written by the great Shaikh
and that the Shaikh replicd 'I have written no book and my mas-
, ters (also) have written no book'.' '
,"The Shaikh said: 'Yes, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya has written
no book: '
"1 asked again, 'These manuscripts that have appeared in these
< dL/:, of Shaikh Qutbuddin and the malfuzat of
Shaikh Usman Haruni-did thev not exist in the time of Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya?' , ,
"Shaikh Nasiruddin replied: 'They did not; otherwise the great
Shaikh would have ordered and they would have been found:"
111is conversation calls for some ohservations.
1. Shaikh Nasirnddin is qu'ite emphatic on one point. NeIther
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliva nor anv of theShaikhs. whose names occur
in the genealogical tahle' of Chishti silsilah; had left anv works behind
them. He is quoting Shaikll Niznmuddin Auliva direct; it is Hamiel
C/olsT.1i Mystics Records of the Sidtanate Period
who reminds him that a corroborative statement is found in' th'
Fawa'id-'ul FIt'ad. e
2: The passage to which reference is hel:e made occurs in
(Mailis No. XI), a thin book in which Shaikh MIl'inuddhl
AJmen IS aIIeJ?;ed to have recorded some events of the life of his
SI.laikh Usman Harooni, along with the instructions given
him, hy Ius master at Baghdad. In spite of tbis condemnation6f
Shmkh Nasll11ddin, which repeated On his authoritv hv Shaikh
Ahdul Haqq,37 manuscrints of this hook are easy to find and it has
of,ten be:n, printed. Shaikh Nasiruddin condemns' it on two grounds l
It 15 a fake, a fabrication, a for!!erv, no such book was ever
wntte,n by, Shaikh Mu'inuddin: secondl,/, 'its teachings are not the
te?ch1I1P.'s of his silsi7ah anr] it attributes to Shaikh, Usman many
thmgs . which, as a S.haikh, he could not have said. It repre-
sents, 111 other words, mystIcism of a lower grade. ' ,
T?e absence of written works in an organised silsilah, like' the
CTushtl-S, would create a vacuum, which many people would desire
to liP .. If a which he had not written could be attributed to
Shmkh N1Zamuddll1 ,:"hile he was still alive to it,
we not he sm-pnsed If after their death. hooks were written
,and attnbuted to !Jim and to other great CTtishti mystics. .
4 .. What would ?e the form of these fabricated compositions'i A
fabncated manuscnpt Oil the principles of mysticism. which is attri-
buted to Shaikh Mu'inuddin is to he found in manv libraries;, never-
theless, writing on mystic pIinciples was not matter. A man
who write a. long hook on slIch a tough subject wonld; we may
safel" hS5111ll:J, aspIre to have the credit of being its author for him-
self. But Amir Hasan Sijzi had opened up a new field of mvstic lit6-
rature an.d him (with some knowle(lQ"e of his work) was
comparatIvelv easICr. So a lm'!!e number of fahricated works took
,the forin of malfuzat or rccorded cOllversation. It was not to' be ex-
pected that the fabricators of the 1nalfuzat wOl1ld take lllllCh' tronble
over their eomnositions; their volumes are thin; they show onlv a
scanty knowledge of the orirrinals: thev refer to some books which
did."?t exist and to, others of which thev had only heard the names;
thClI' Ignorance of historv is stupendous and gives them away.
5. Hamid refers to the malfuzat of Shaikh- Outbuddin. book
is now known as the Fawaidus Salikin and its authorship is attributed
to Shaikh Fariduddin of Ajudhan. Had Shaikh Fariel really written a
404 Politics' and Society (luring the Medieval. Pl)rlarl
book, it is inconceivable (apart from the general staterrient of Shalkh
Nasiruddin that the great Chishti .mystics have written no books) that
Shaikh Nizamuddin should have told us nothing about it in the
Fawa'id-ul Fu' ad.
Many fabricated mal!lIzat and other works attributed to the great
Chishti mystics have appeared after the conversation between Shaikh
Nasiruddin, his visitor and Hamid Qalandar in 'A.D. 1353 which I
have quoted' above from the Khaiml Maialis. Apart from fabricated
works, which have not heen printed, the Persian texts and the Urdu
translations of the malfuzat discussed below have been printed and
are widely known .. Educated mystics have always questioned their
authenticity, hut this has not apparently interfered with their general
acceptance and sale.
I. The AniSl,z Anvah-Conversations of Shaikh USrrian Haruni, al-
leged to have written by Shaikh Mu'inuddin of Ajmer.
Shaikh MlI'inuddin is madC' to describe his cnmlment as a disciple
as folIows:
"This well-wisher of the Mussalmans, a humhle faqi1" and the
weakest of men, Mu'in Sijzi" had the good fortune of kissing
(::L feat of Khwaja Usrrian Hanmi in the mosque of Khwaja Jl1naid
at Baghdad. Manv !Treat Shaikhs were present. I placed mv henrI
on the ground and then got l1p. 'Say tW() m7((/fs of praver', Khwaja'
Usman ordered. T dirl so. 'Sit with VOlll" face towards the Ka11a:
I sat down as ordered. 'Recite tIle Haaa,.: I recited it. 'Re-
peat the words. SuMan-allah (Holy God) twenty times.' I re-
peated them. Khwnja Usmnn then got l1p nnd turning his face to-
wards the skv, took mv hands in his own. 'Come', he said, I will
take you to Goel Almightv.' 'Vith these words he took a scissors
iii blessed hands cut off my hair. He placed his cap over
mv head and gave me his wollen dress. 'Sit down.' I sat down.
'Recite the SlI1:a-i lkhlas one thousand tirries.' r recited it. 'The
tradition of the silsilah now require a ni!!ht and day of prayer', he
said, 'go and keep this night and day alive with vour devotions.'
I passed It nigllt and day in prayer according to the order of my
master.
"When the next dav dawned I again presented. myself before
the Khwaja. 'Sit down', he said. I sat doWn. 'Raise your eyes.'
I looked towards the sky. 'What do you seeP' he ask;ed. "I see up
to the Great lhrone ('Arsh-i Azam)', I replieJ, 'Look below.' I turn-
ed my eyes towards the ground. 'What do yOI1 seeP' he asked. 'I sec
e'lis'lti Mllstlcs Recorcls 0/ the Sultanate Period
405
down to the depths of the Earth', I replied, Then he said, 'Sit down
and the SUJ"a-i Ikhlas one. thousand limes.' I recited it. 'Raise
up your eyes again', he said. I did so. 'How far do, you see nowP'
'Till the curtain of the Highest', 1 replied. 'Open your eyes and
look in front', he said. I did so. He placed two of his fingers be-
fore me. "What do you seeP' he asked. '1 see eighteen thousand
spheres (alam)', I replied. 'Go', he said, 'your work is accomplished:
A brick was lying before him. 'Pick it up', he said. I picked it up
and found that it was a handful of gold coins. 'Take them to the
durweshes and distribute them in charity.' When I had returned, he
said, 'Remain with me for a few days.' I replied, 'Your order is
supreme, I will stay.' "38
Well might Shaikh Nashuddin protest against this sort of wild talk
about "the sight of the Divine Throne" and "the curtain of the
Hightest" being put into the rriouth of the founder of his silsilah in
Ind{It.( r.
u
The wanderings of Shaikh Mu'inuddin with his master are then
described:
"Khwaja Usman. llext started on his travels and proceeded to
Mecca. It was the first journey I undertook.
39
In one city we met a
number of persons who, we were toM, had been in the 'world of
intoxication' (alam-i tahayytll') all their lives and had Ilever come
into 'the world of sobriety' (alam-i saltv). They had no consciousness
of themselves. We passed a few days in thflir company. Finally, we
reached the Ka'ba. Shaikh Usman took my hand and assigned me
to God and prayed for me under the aqueduct (nawdan) of the
sacred building. 'vVe have accepted Mu'inuddin Hasan Sijzi", a
heavenly voice replied. From the Ka'ba we proceeded to Medina.
At the grave of the Prophet, Shaikh Usman said to me, 'OlIer your.
Salaam." I obeyed. 'Salaam to thee, QutlJ (Axis) of the Shaikhs', a
voice frOrri the grave replied, 'go thou hast attained to perfection.'
"We then returned to Badakhshan. 1:here I met a holy man, who
was a descendant to Khwaja Junaid Baghdadi and was one hundred
and forty years in age. He was always absorbed in his devotions
and had only one leg. I asked him how he had lost the other leg.
'Once in my life through the promptings of the appetitive soul
38. AnLml Arwah, pp. 2-3. .
39. Quite inexplicable if Shaikh Mu'inuddin had been born in Sistan (Sijistan) as
Shaikh Jamaluddin declares.
(
Politics' ""eI Society d" ..illg dIG F;'!.1Jy Mcc/leiy'/ Pe ..loc/
(lwlVa-i 11Ills)", he explained, "I wished to go out of my cell. 'Oh
pretender', a voice said to ine as soon as I stepped out, .'you have
forgotten your covenant not to stir out of the cell.' I had a large
knife with me. With it I cut off my leg and threw it away. This
happened forty years ago. I am lost in the worlel of wonder and
do not know how tomorrow, on the Day of Judgment, I will be
able to show my face among the dul"tceslzes.'
. "We theli proceeded to Bukharn amI met the holy men of that
place. Everyone of them was living in a dilTerent sphere (aZam).
,The pen cannot describe their virtues. I h'avellecl with the
for tenUyeai's more and then we returned to Baghdad, where he
secluded himself for prayers. After a little while we stmted on our
. travels again. For ten years more I walkod behind the Khwaja
. ,vith his bag and bedding on my head. When the twenty years
(of wandering) were over, we returned to Baghdad once more and
the Khwaja adopted the life of a recluse. 'I will not come oilt (of
my house) these days', he said to me, 'conie to me every day at
clzasht time (forenoon). I will direct you in faqr (mysticism) so that
you may remember me by it: As directed, I went to the Khwaja's
retreat every day and have written down what I heard from hiin.
It is divided into twenty-e,ight majlisM (conversations)."40
The reader is welcome to believe what he likes about the rest, but
Amir Khurd tells us on good authority that none of the Chishti Shaikhs
performed the Haj pilgrimage
41
, Shaikh Mu'inuddin's pilgrimage to
Mecca and Medina is a creation of the anonymolls writer's imagi-
nation.
majlises or recorded in the Allisrd Arwah are
very brief but they cover a varicty of topics-rules of faith, repent-
ance. of Adain, the nawiz-think
42
, earning a livelihood, long sleeves
and thc folds (71aiclw) of trousers (shalwar), sending lamps to mos-
ques, etc. Many of the opinions expressed are sane and unobjection-
able; others are startling.
"If a man in his night clothes his wife to him, and she does
not go to him hut takes herself away, she gets rid of all her past
.virtues even' as a serpent comes out of his skin."43
40. Ali/SIll Anvol" pp. 3-4.
41. S:!lo ..111 Allliya, p. 407.
42. A slightly intoxicating drink made from' date palm.
43. Anislll Ancoll, p. 8.
Chi.vlttl Mystics lI.eco,'c/s 'of the Suliotlate Period
407
"He who abuses a trile believer; it is as if he had (!omniitted
incest with his mother."44
"If a man says, 'I earn my livclihood by my lai>our'; he
diately becomes an infidel for he has forgotten the Giver of his
lr"d;}':;::)o<l;) If a man says. 'I work like a servant and eat like a.
master', this also is infidelity. Snch words are bad.':45
"He who kills an animal. for the satisfaction of his physical
desire, it is as if he had helped in desolating the Ka'ba-exeept on
occasions when this is permitted."46 '" '.
"He who spends olle dirham in the acquisition of knowledge,
God will give him the reward for a thousand years of prayer; he
who takes one step forward in the search of knowledge, God will
advance him a hundred grades in paradise and bestow one
thousand houris. upon him."47 ..
The book covers some forty pages and ends with these words:
"With these illstmctioJls he gave me the staff WaS lJing
before him along with the J?rayer carpet and patched frock. 'This
is the symbol of my silsiZah, he said
l
'take it and. assign it to the
individual you Sui! de.s!'!rving after you.' "48 . .
The AnisuZ Al'wah" refers to a number of books. Among others re-'
Ference is made to two books, one on Fiqh and at/sala of ShaikhYusuf
Chi'shU, which, if Shaikh Nasiruddin is to be believed, could never
have existed. B,ut the anonymous fabricator gives himself compld:ely
away by making Shaikh Usmanrefer to !\pmad Mashuq, a mystic
who, according to Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, flourished in the suc-
ceeding century, and by making Shaikh Usman quote from the Ma-
shariqul Anwar, which was written at least. a generation after his
death.49
44. Ibid., p. 8,
45. I bi<l_, p. 9.
46. Ibid.; p. 11.
47. Ibid., p. 8.
48. Ibid., p. 40.
49. Ahmad Mashuq is referred to by Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya in the Fawa'id-III
Fu'ad, 26 Rabl II, 722 A.II. The life of Maulan" Rnz/udc1in Hasan Sighani, the a;,thor
of the MosTlor/qul An";,,r, brieRv descrihell hy Shaikh Niz'lmuddin on the hasis of .
relinhle tradition (see Fowo'i<l-ul Fu'ad, 27 Jnmadi II, 713A:U.). Maulana
was hom and educated at Badaun He worked at first as assistant. to the revenue
officer of Aligarh (Koil), hut resigned as his hoss thrcw on inkpot at himiri anger:"
Later On ho served for a year as private tuhll' to the son of the governor of Aligarh; .
An tnis could only have heen possihle after Aligarh (Knil) had been conquered by
c'
Polil/cs and Socletu during t"e Earlu Medieval Period
'.
I have quoted from tIle Ani.sul Arwah at SOme length bocause the
passages cited give some idea of the sort of stuff the authois of the
fabricated malfuzat composed when they were not ni,erely repeating
the Siyarul AulilJa and the Fawa'id-ul Fu'ad. Similar passages abotmd
in the other fabricated works but it should be unnecessary to quote
them at length.
II. Dalilul Al'ifin-Conversatiol1 of Shaikh Mu'inuddin Ajmeri,
alleged to have been written by Shaikh Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki.5o
Here Shaikh Qutbuddin is made to declare that he met his master,
Shaikh Mu'inuddin, in the mosque of Imam Abul Lais Samarqandi
at Baghdad on Thursday, Rajab 5, 514 A.H. (A.D. H20). Now it is
highly improbable that the two saints met each other at Baghdad.
Shaikh Qutbliddin was born at Aush 'in Mawaraun Nahr and came
from there to Delhi da Multan. The date A,II. 514 (or A.D. H20) is,
of course, absurd. But admitting that they met at Baghdad, this must
have happened some time before A.D. H91, that is, before Shaikh
Mu'inuddin came to India But has our author any idea of the tilne
and the places to which he is referring, or merely jots down the
thoughts that come to his ill infoimed mind? Eleven mailises or con-
versations are recorded at Baghdad. In mailis No. II we coni,e across
the following impossible statement:
"Once I was at among the externalist scholars (dastal'
bandan). I heard the following anecdote from them: "Once tlJO
Prophet saw a man saving his prayer and not bowing and prostrat-
ing himself as in the proper Muslim prayef. The Prophet stood there
and when the man had finished his prayer, the Prophet askf'd, 'How
many years is it since you have been praying like this?' 'l'rophet
of Allah', he replied, 'it is about forty years since I have been
praying like this.' The Prophet's eyes were filled with tears. 'You
have said no proper during these forty years. Had you died
(during this period) you would not have died according to my
traditions (slmnat).'''
Now we may be sure that Shaikh Mu'inuddill could not have said,
nor Shaikh Qu-tbuddin recorded, anything so absurd. As all educated.
Mussalmans know, the traditions of the Muslim prayer were not forty
years old at the time of the Prophet's death.
At the end of ma;lis No XI the sCl1ne suddenly shifts to Ajmer:
Shihabuddin Churi. TI,e Mashar;qlll Atltvar was written years later after the Maulana
had studied the Prophet's Traditions at Mecca and Baghdn,l.
50, Printed by the Nnwal Kisrtore Press, Lucknow.
e/lis/,tI Mustlcs lteco/'cls of tl.e Sultanate Period
"When the Khwaja came to these teachings (fawa'id), his eyes
were filled with tears. 1 have to travel to the place where I am to
be buried, that is, I will p;o to Ajmer.' He said 'farewelf to
one. I was with hini, during the two months of the journey till
came to Ajiner. In those days Ajmer belonged to the Hindus. There
was not much piety or Islam there in those days. When the
feet of the Khwaja reached the place, Islam was promulgated WIth-
out limits." ,
The twelfth and the last conversation (ma;lis) takes place at the
Juma Mosque at Ajmer: . - .
"When the Shaikh had finished these teachmgs, he wept and saId,
'Oh DUl'wesh, they have brought me here; my grave will be
here. I will depart in a few days.' Shaikh Ali Sijzi was present. He
was ordered 'Write out a certificate (misal) and give it to Shaikh
Qutbttddin Bakhtiyar Kaki so that he may go to Delhi. I have
given the khilafat (succes.sorship) to hi.m .. Delhi is his place.' After
the certificate was completed, he put .It mto my hands. : . I
to Delhi and put up there. All religIOUS scholars, mystics (ahl-t-
suffah), religiOUS leaders (aimma) and others came to see me .. I had
been for forty days in Delhi, a traveller came and saId that
the Shaikh after sending me away, had lived for twenty days and
then gone to the mercy of the Lord." ,
Now this story of Shaikh Qutbuddin proceeding directly with his
master to Ajmer from Baghdad twenty before
his death, lands us into inextricable ddfilll!lhes. Accordmg to the
Akhbaml Akhym', Shaikh Mu'inuddin died in Rajab, A.H.
1236), the last year of Iltutmish's reip;n. Shaikh Qutbuddlll had
soine months before him on 14 Rabi II in the same year. The Dahlul
Arifin, thus, hardly leaves Qutbu?din. any peri.od of work at
Delhi. The evidence of the Fawa tel-ttl Ftt ad IS conclUSive to the con- .
trary. Shaikh Qutbuddin lived and worked at Delhi for .ma,!y years ..
A few other errors, conclusive as, to the fact of fabncahon, may
also be referred to here:
1. The lawamiul llikayat of Awfi was completed about the year
A.H. 630 (A.D. 12.'32-33).51 Nevertheless, Shaikh Mu'inuddin while still at
Baghdad-that is. before A.D. 1192 for certain-is made to say in
mailis No. v: "I have read in the lawamiul Hikayat .,. :: And he pro-
ceeds to narrate that when a worthless young man ched, they saw
51. Professor Brown's "Introduction" to the Lubabul Albab of Awfi, p. 9.
410
l'olillc.' alld Society during 1,.6 Early Medieval Period
"'Ifn,'.
a !hat lIe was happy in paradise, his salvation being due to
the respect he had once paid to Quran.
2. There are evidences of plagiarism from the Fawa'id-ul Ftt'ad.
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, for example, says that his teacher, Mau-
lana Kamauddin Zahid, fell down from his horse because he had
forgotten to recite the Sura-i Yasin. Our anonymous author attributes
the same accident from the snme cause to Maulana Raziuddin (Matlis
No. vn).52
3. In matUs No. x'I, travels of Shaikh Mu'inuddin are further
confused by a statement put into his mouth while he was still at
Baghdad: "1 was at Multan once."
4. Of the degraded type of mysticism which we find in the fabri-
cated 11lalfuzat let the follOWing suffice:
"Then Shaikh Mu'inuddin said, 'The status of the people of love
is such that if you them, 'Have you said your night prayer?'
they will reply, 'We have no time (for it) for we are wandering
with the Angel of Death nne! we catch his hand whenever he
stops.' " -(11lai1is No. XII). '.
This was certainly not the Chishti tradition which Shaikh Nizam-
uddin AuHya represented.
53
'
III. The F'au'a'idtts Salikin-Conversations of Shaikh Qutbuddin
Bakhtiyar Kaki, alleged to have been written by Shaikh Fariduddin
Mas'ud of Ajudhan.
The reasons for thinking tbis work to a fabrication are conclu-'
sive. It is impossible that Shaikh Farid should have written a book
without Shaikh Nizamuddin', Auliya (and his circle) COining to know
of it or referring to it. There is no such reference. We have already
quoted NasilUddin's statement to the effeCt that this book
52. FtlIc,,'icl-ul FU'od, 19 }nmadi I, 813 A.II. Obviously a slip of memory. Our
anonymous author confuses Maulano. Kamaluddin Zahid with Maulana Raziuddin'
Slghani. .
53. Tne following fact is a bit perplexing. The Slya",z Ai,ziya has borrowed only
one jncident from the Doli/Ill AI'If'n-.the account of Shoikh Mu'inuddin Ajmed's
death. In, general the au tho. of S'um'1I1 Alllil/a avoids the. works but this
is an unfortunate exception. Shnikh Ahdul lIaqq has horrowcd this nccount frOni
the Sluol'IIl AuljUG, thinking it to he genuine. Now the accotlnt of th" death of
Shaikh Mu'inuddin given hy the Dalllul Arlfin is almost word for word the same as
the Tazkil'Glul AuliVll account of the death of Shaikh Baya7.id Bustami. I can only
explain this hy the assumption that the author. of both fahricated works were guilty
of plagiarism from the same original. and that no reliance bo placed on the account
of either. .
C!rlsf,ti Mystics lI.ecol'(/s of the' Sultallate' Period 4
did not exist in the time of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. An examin
tion of the character of the book leads tis to the same conclusion.
Shaikh Farid is made to refer to himself as Mas'ud Ajudhar
though he did not settle 'at Ajudhan till years afterwards. But th
might be explained as an error of the copyist. The place of meetir
between the master and the disciple is not stated, but in view of t1
persons who are declared to have been presented at various times-
Qazi Hamiduddin Maulana Shamsuddin Turk, MauiaI
Alauddin Kirmani, Sayyid NUlUddin Mubarak Ghaznavi, Shai1
Nizamuddin Abul Muwayyid, Shaikh Mu'inaduz-we have to aSSUll
that the author wishes us to understand that the place of meeting w:
Delhi. These persons could not have been prcsent either at Han
or at Ajudhan. The references to Shaikh Qutbudclin leave upon ,
the impression that the author wishes us to understand that he w:
alive at the time the book was written. The conversations are recol'<
ed for five days in A.II. 584 (A,D. 1186). The date, of course, is absur(
the error may have been made bv the author or a later copyist.
Ra11lazan 2, 584 A.H. (A.D. 1188)-Shaikh Farid meets his pi,., wh
gives him his four-comered cap (ktllah-i chahal' tlll'ki). Conversatior
are of the type usual in the 11lalfuzat. For aft(
commenting upon the virtue of the reduction of sleep, dIet, and taU
ing and associating with men, the Shaikh remarks that perfee
man can see everything up to the Great Throne and everytlung dow
to the bottOI'n of ' the earth. The Prophet Jesus, we are told, could ll(
rise higher than the fourth heaven because he had taken three errrthl
things-a wooden bowl, a needle and hi! patched frock-with hLI
When he reaUsed his mistake of depending upon anything excep
God, it was too late; he was asked to stay where he was.
Saturday {Shawwal 584 A.H.)54_A deSCription of the "unseen mCII
(mardan-i ghaib) is given; it is cleady modelled 011 the paragraphs 0
Fawa'id-ul Fu'ad on the suhject.
Shaikh Qutbuddin is made to state when he and Shaikh Hami(
were circumambulating the Ka'ba, they met II very old man, a slav(
of Khwaja Abu Bakr Shibli, who used to recite the Quran "word
word" ten thousand times II day. Apart from the fact that Shaikl
Quthuddin never performed the. Haj pilgrimage, had our all)
idea of that precious condition of all our human experience: Justo,.!!
time? A slave of Shaikh Shibli would have had to be ahout 250 01
c ,;\ . .
54: 'fhd-lcnpyist has probably forgottcn to note the date. The unpardonablc c"rOl
.hout the year, wh.ch is rcpeated several times, is prohal)ly dllc to thc gross ignor_
ance of the author himse\!.
412 Politics and Soclely during 1116 Medieval Period
300 years old at the time of Shaikh Qutbuddin, But a stranger _account
follows, Shaikh Qutbuddin is made to tell us that when he was with
Shaikh Mu'inuddin at Ajmer, Rai Pithora used to tell everyone that
it would be a good thing if this faqir (Shaikh Mu'inuddin) left the
place. When Shakh Mu'inuddin heard of the Rai's words, he with-
drew himself into religious meditation and these words came from
his lips: "We have assigned Rai Pithora alive to the M\lssalmans."
Only after a short period (the Fawa'idtls Salikin continues), the army
of Sultan Shamsuddin Muhammad Iltutmish invaded the territory,
plundered the city and took Rai Pithora alive. Is any proof needed
to show that Shaikh Qutbuddin would not have made a statement
so grossly inaccurate? Rai Pithora had been killed by Shihabuddin
Ghuri at Tarain some forty-three years earlier.
Shaikh Qutbuddin, ns is well knoWn, died owing to the elfncts of
sama (audition) at the khatlqah of Shaikh Ali Sijistani (after Shaikh
Farid had left for Hansi) where the qawwaZs (singers) recited the
lines: "To tht: victims of the dagger of submission, there comes new
Ufe at nioment from the Unseen World:'55 Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya, who reached Delhi some sixteen years after tHe saint's death,
gives us a detailed account of Shaikh Qutbuddin's death_ In the
Fawa'idtts Salikin, Shaikh Farid describes the sarna in the same way
as the Fawa'id-ul Ftt'ad; the place of audition and the lines recited
are the same. But the Shaikh is made to survive tlle emotional strain
after enjoyhlg it for seven days. ,This is an unpardonable error. 56
Saturday, Ziqad, .584 A.H.-Shaikh Qutbuddin says he had met
Shaikh Shihabuddin Suhrawardi at Baghdad'. This is absurd. The
opinion expressed by Shaikh Nizamuddin about the occasions ?n
which the takbil' (God is Great) should be recited are taken bodIly
from the Fawa'id-ul Fu'ad and attributed to Shaikh Shihabuddin
Suhrawardi.
The great Shaikh tells us that Shaikh Shibli in order to the
faith of a disciple had asked him to alter the well known Muslim oath
of afiu'lliUCiOlb and recite it as follows: "There is no God but Allah and
Shibli is His Prophet." When the diSciple did what he was asked,
55. KI/shtagan-l khaniar-I tasllm ra .
1/ar zaman az ghaib ian-; digar ast. .
56. Our earliest authority on the death of Shaikh Qllthlt(ldin 'Bnkhtiynr Knki is
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya (F/lw/I'id-tll Fu'ad. Saturday, 10 Ramazan 716jA.H.). 'This
hccotmt is repeated with alterations and ornamentations hy later works-
Sill"l'lll AI/lirlll, p. 55; Siyal'lll Adf!n, p. 31; Akhharul AkT'!Iar. pp. 26. It is unneces-
sary to refer to still Inter writers.
C'
CTlIshU Mystics Records of the Sultanate Period 413
.",'
Shaikh Shibli apologised for his insolence, explained that he was
making an experiment and declared that he was nothing but a humble'
slave of the Prophet,57 The Fawa'idtls Salikin makes Shaikh
din recite the sanie story with the substitution of the name of ShaIkh.
Mu'inuddin Ajmeri for that of Shaikh Shibli.
Sptlll'clay, Zil-lliiiah, 584 A_H.-The.following is a good example of
the 'insolence and stupidity of that low grade mysticism which has
induced manv Mussalmans to turn from it with horror. Shaikh Farid .
is made to state:
tumed upon the Hat pilgdmage. Qazi Hamiduddin
, Nagori, Maulana Alauddin Kirmani, Sayyid Nuruddin Mubarak
Ghuznavi, Sayyid Sharafuddin, Shaikh Muhammad Muinaduz,58
Maulana Fiqh Khudabad and others were present. Everyone of
them was so perfect that no veillIid anything from the Divine Throne
to the bottom of the earth from their sight. They were masters of re-
ligious intuitions and miracles. When the . conversation tumed to pil-
grims of the Ka'ba, Shaikh Qutbuddin remarked: 'There are such
creatures of God that while they remain in their cells, the Ka'ba-
temple is directed to go and circumambulate round theni: He was
saying these words when the whole audience got up in a condition of
intoxication, and in our emotional ahsorption we began to recite the
same words as pilgdms do when circumambulating the Kana. Blood
was trickling from the bodies of aU of t?eni the drops that feU
On the ground made marks of the takbtr (God IS Great). When we
(lve found the Ka'ba standing btfore us. We performed
all the prescribed rites and circumambulated round it four times. A
voice from the Unseen declared: 'Friends I We have accepted your
Haj and your circumambulation and your prayers-and (also) the
prayer of your believers' and followers:"
In the succeeding -paragraphs Shaikh Qutbuddill is made to state
that Shaikh Mu'inuddin went to Hai from Ajmer evel-Y year but when
his condition became perfect, he went and prayed at the Ka'ba every
night.
Shawwal, 584 A.H.-Here is given the well known account of how
Shaikh Farid was allowed to depart by Shaikh Qutbuddin, while
Snaikh Qutbuddin remarked that he (Farid) would not be. present
at the time of his death.
IV. The ASl'a1'll1 of Shaikh Farid Ganj-i
.57. Pawa'id-ul PII'ad, 26 Zil-Hliiah "itO A.II_
58. Or a!oza-doz, one who sews socks.
I
!
I
? '
Politics /llld SocM3ty 'dur/I/it tile Ea!,l" Medieval Period
Shakar of Ajudhan, alleged to /lave been written by his son-in-law,
Maulana Bndr hhRq,59' ,
Neither Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, who was a close friend of Mau-
lann Ishnq, nor AmiI' Khunl, whose family was intimately connected
with MauJana Ishaq, have attributed any such work to hini. Their
silence I.S significnnt., .
The work is than the preceding malfuzat and is divided into
twenty-three fasls on various topics. The date given for the first
is Monady, Shaban II, 6.'31 A.H. (A.D. 1233-34), which it is impos-
sible to accept. At the end of the work Maulana Ishaq is made to
state that its twenty-three conversations cover a period of twelve
years, i.e., till about A.D. 1246. 1110ugh at the beginning of every fasl
the author gives the names of some persons who were present, the
work is planned as a monolo!!Ue: Shaikh Fand is made to do aU the
talking and when he has finished, the company disperses. As in the
other fahlicatcd malftlz.at the miraculous element ovcrshadows every-
thing else
The following considerations are more than enough to prove that
the work isa pure fabrication.
. ttl) Tn the many stories. Shaikh. .AuUya of his
. master, w& never find Shmkh Farld In a foreIgn land. Amlr Khurd,
whose grandfather came from Kirman, never speaks of Shaikh Farid's
on travels abroad in the chapter he has devoted to the biography
of Shaikh Farid. The fact that Slmikh Farid . was not one of the
tl'avelJin!! mystics and be never stepped b9fond the Indian frontier.
But author of tlle A8rarul AlIliya is so ignorant of Shaikh Farid's
real life that he makes the Shaikh refer repeatedly to his travels to
Baghdad. Siwistan, Ghazni, Syria and Damascus .. Our author has
rea'd the FII'ad, but not carefully, for he makes Shaikh
Farid the hero of several anecdotes which Shaikh Nizamuddin, Ap,liya
had related, but in which no reference to Shaikh Farid was made by
him. That the author's study of the Fawa'id-ul Fft'ad had been super-
ficial is also proved eonclusively by the large number of errors he
makes. He also seenis to have read !:he Anistll Artvah and the Dalil-
ttl i\rifin, for he repeats some of their anecdotes and errors. He
never seems to have come across the Siyarol Attliya and was obvious-
ly quite ignorant of tIle political history Of the period. The MOngol
conquest of Central Asia seems to have been quite unknown to him.
(h) In fasl n, Shaikh Farid is made to say that he SItting with
59. Printed hy Nawal Klshore Press, LtlcknoW, 91 large si7.e pages.
eM,"t! Mystics Records of tire Sulta .. rne Peri()d
Bahaueldin Zakariya (obviously at Multan) when !:hey Saw
a vlSIon) the funeral of Shaikh Sa'duddin Hamwiya brou!
out of Baghdad. Now the fact is that Shaikh Sa'duddin Hamwi
died several years afterwards in A.D. 12523. If the dates given abo
for !:he compilation of the ASl'al'ttl Auliya are correct !:hen Shai
;vas alive when Shaikh Fadel is alleged to have seen tl
VISion of hiS funeral. Even if we discard these dates. Shaikh Nizal
uddin Auliya's testimony is enough to prove that Shaikh Farid nev
stirred out of Ajudban after/he had settled there, and that he cou:
not have been with Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariva at the time of Shaill
Sa'duddin Hamwiya's death. The whole sto;'y is a senseless fabric!
fion. .
, (c). The author mixes un the great Shaikhs witllout anv fc
:h&:ht:T aru1 the places where they lived. Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabre2
III the course of his journey in northern India saw Shaikh Fand a
Khatwal W!lC1l tatter was a young man. But ttJe AS1'al'lIl Auliyt
makes. Shaikh. f :nd nieet him at Baghdad in fast v. A.In1in in fas;
vr Shmkh Fand IS made to declare that he was in tIle maiUs of Shalk11
Shihabuddin Suhrwardi at Ba1!hdad with Shaikh Bahauddin (Zaka.
rlva) Suhrwardi, Shaikh Ta1aYnddin Tabrezi. Shaikh Aulladuddin
Kirmani and Sllaikh BurlJalluddin Siwistani. Not content with these
howlers. our author in fasl xx takes Shaikh Farid with Shaikh Talalud.
din Tabrezi to BadamI, so that he is declared to have been 'present
when Shaikh JalaludcUn c01lverted the Hindu robber, whom he named
Ali. Shaikh Farid is also made to that lIe was present at
Badaum wben Shaikh Jalall1i1din blessed the bov. Shaikh Usuli, who
later on became the teacher of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliva. Stupidity
could not have gone further. 'Ve have conclusive proofs of the fact
that Sbaikh Farid never visitod Badaun.60 .
(d) In fasl XI Shaikh Farid is made to state: "This weU-wii'her
had a brother, named Najihuddin Mutawakkil." Tl1is statement is
followed by some sentences descrihing Shaikh Najibuddin Mutawak-
60. See further the 1<1",{rul Maia/, No. Lvr: Shaikh Nasiruddin In reply to nkmid's
question says that Shaikh Jalaluddiri Tabrezi and Shaikh Nizamuddin Aul!y. never
met. The great Shaikh, it is cleat, was born .fter Shaikh Jalalllddin's cTeparture from
Badaun.
Our, genuine authoritl"" make it clear that Shaikh Farid never visited any to\VTI
of Uttar Pradesh atlrl that it wa$ from visitors .1""", t!lnt the tJoopJe of Badano came
to know of Shaikh Fari". The Il"eat Shaikh, tile Sfyarul Aullva tells us, Ilrst heard
ciShaikh Farid when he was only twelve years of age from a qawwal, who had recited
mystic \>erses Shaikh B.handdin Zakariya at Multan and Shaikh F'Irid at
Ajlldhan (East :Punjab). "):".'1,;,.' ',.: .""',(,.",
c
416 PoUlics and Soc/ety clurlng tTle F;fTly Mecllev'Jl Period.
kit which arc bodily taken from the Fawa'id-ttl Fu'ad. Only a very
ignorant forger could have put down such a sentence in a book
alleged to have been finished in A.D. 1246. When Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya reached Delhi in A.D. 1252 Shaikh Najibuddin was alive and
the two enjoyed each other's company for several years. When
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya returned to Delhi with Shaikh Farid's
khilafat nama after his third visit to Ajudhan, he found that Shaikh
Najibuddin had died.61 Sh:likh Farid also died soon after. Thus
years before he actmilly died, Shaikh Farid is made
to refer to his brother as one of the dead.
(e) Shaikh Farid, we may be sure, could not have made the follow-
Ing statement attributed to him is fasl xv: "During these
davs the army of Muhammad Shah came to Ajmer and captured
Pithora alive."
(f) In fasl xv both Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya and Shaikh Badrud- ,
din Ghaznavi are declared to have been .present and Shaikh Farid
is made to praise Shaikh NizamlHldin Auliva in wards which have
been copied verbatin from the Fu'ad. Now Shaikh Badr-
uddin Ghaznavi lived at Delhi and not at Aiudban and Shaikh NIzam-
uddin Auliya never met MOl. for he had died before the weat
Shaikh reache({ Delhi as a student, and all that the great Shaikh could
do was to prav at Shaikh Badruddin Ghaznavi's grave.62 The stupid
error of briniing these two Shaikhs together at Ajudhan is again
repeated in fasls XVI, XVIT, XVIII, and XIX.
(g) In fasl Xl the following words are ptlt In the mouth of Shaikh
Farid: "Sher Khan was Governor of Multan. He had no partJcular
faith in this well-wisher. Every time I told him In the best possible
rrimmer that it is not good to be an enemy of the durwashes as it In-
iures the state, he paid no attentiOn to it. Once the Mongols reaclt-
ed Uch('h. No one was killed except hini." Now Sher Khan died in
the fOtlrth veal' Of Balhan's rellm (A.D. 1263-65), that is, quite twenty
vears after the supposed date of the completion of this mecious work.
The statenient is, of course, borrowed from the Fawa'id-ul Fu'ad and
sadly mutilated in the process. Shaikh' Ni:r.amuddin Auliya attributes
this statement to Shaikh Fmid at a much later date-at a time wlten
Sher Kllan was actually dead.63
(h) Several othcr considerations also conclusively prove the work
61. iHI/ar"d Auliya, p. lB.
62. Fawa'id-ul Fu'ad, 11 Rajah, 708 HI.
63. Ibid., 9 Ramazan 719 HI
Chis,.tl My.!l/cs Record$ of the Sultonate Period
41'7

to be a fabrication. Where did the cOllversatiolls take If t'
HanS.; Ishaq had not yet met Shaikh Farid.' if at
dhan, then Shaikh. had not gone there by the year A:D. 1233-36 ..
The same face us about the time of the conversations.
If the dates In the work (1223-24 to 1245-46 A.D.) are to be taken
as correct, t en persons spoken of as dead were alive' even if We
forcibly fix a later date. then other people to alive were.
dead. .
arguments should suffice, for it is admitted even by believers
mIracles that there can be no miracles with reference to histo/y-
tlllie. The whole book, moreover, is full of errors and absurdities: Only
of them .need he referred to here. A favourite idea of the author
IS throw IllS fits of unconsciousness (tahayyur). In fasl II
Qutbu;d(lin IS smd to have stood in rapture for seven days
WIthout food .or drink; again in fasl VI the same saint;
wIllIe the Quran, IS declared to have fallen into unconscious.
n,ess tHousand. times the course of a day,. i.e. three
times l\l two mmutes. ShaIkh Fand also falls. into uncOnsciousness
again and while. talking. Sometimes the fit lasts a long turte,
?n occaSIons. he IS to take up the string of his narrative
ImmedIately. The 1I1lputatton IS as false as it is absurd. Shaikh Farid
was a great of the prinCiple of sahv (sobriety); he had nerves
of steel. Shmkh Nizamuddin Auliya leaves us in no doubt about the
matter.
V. The of SlJaikh Farid alleged to
have been wrItten by Shaikh Nizamuddin Auli a. '
,'oNe already referred to a treatise attributed to Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya, which a visitor sa,id that. he had seen in Awadh.
The.re of for pUl'ely personal USe which
Shmkh NlZamuddm Auhya Said he had compiled at Ajudhan and the
manuscript of which was with him when the Fawa'id-lll FIt'ad was
being written. The Ralzatlll QII[ub cannot be identified with either
'of theITi. It could not have been completed before the Fawa'id-ill Ftt'ad
for it contains Hiatter taken from the FawaU-ttl FtI'ad; the
however, does not borrow directly from the Fawa.'icl-ul Fu'ad, which
to have been out of his reach, hut illdire.etly thtoiigh the .other;
fabncated malfuzat. It also refers, as we shall see, to works whidi
could not have existed at the time of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya.
What happened to Shaikh Nizamuddfn Auliya's personal mem6rarida
it is, di!flcult to say; Amir Khurd did riot apparently find it among the
ShaJkh s papers for he does not quote' from it on any occasIOn. But
l'S-2'l
c .,.. r,'
- '- '
, '
418
1 M d/eval Per/Qr! . . d Society dur/llg tl.e Ear y e
PolItics all _,',
'itted the howlers we find Sl 'kh could never have com,m
the great lal " F 'a'id-ttl
in the Rahatul Qulub. .' es it uite clear in aw .'
Shaikh Nizamuddin atqAjndhan three ,hmes
FIt'ad that he went to Shmt
h
,F f the Ralzatlll IS it
the' the
1, '" (',0 1247:"')
from 'Wednesday, RaJah , h ork to be a fabricatIon:
' 1 'sivel" prove t e w "
The following facts e eCI, " '1 I Klwintl Majalis make. It
"d 1 Fu ad am tIe f cceSSlO1l
(a) Though Auliya got his. certificat:
clear that Shm)k.h1 his third visit to st'mded tmill()c!
(khilafat nama (un he had been propel y m. . ' enough.
Shaikh Farid's dcathj afte:ingle visit of less than
and tried, for O\tr aut lor. a rst meeting promises Shat. . 1 of Hin-
SI
'kh Farid at the VCl V fi , 1 t "the sl)iritnnl dom1llat\m
lat I I khilafat nallla )1\
Allliya not.oll y A'udhan was hroken
dustan Auliya's of
(b) to our author) i of Shaikh Qutbuddl.n,
by a a. d to have been a sen!or .I1ene ave sent Shaikh Fand
who IS .decl}ale Sh ikh 'Nizamuddin IS smd to
1
h tl y know me to he
d wIllIe t lere a . "F 'om the (ay Ie I k' I
:nletter containing thela<Jc::gtr:;:: eyehalls.!Ylour
J they are I) , I I am lOW
your IS tIred me; otherwise w mt, 1 'FIf'arl we will find that
ness las 'f we turn to the Fawa. III cnt bv the great
k w me? Now, I . I mentJOnc< was s '. 't 65
letter tth after
Shaikh to liS m" I arious specified e m, .. h as at Aill-
(c) 0111' author, Ull( er,v, 1 of Shaikh Fand while e ":", 11'I
. l' a visit the k wnqa I , that Shaikh Nlzamuc ( II
t:
Auli\'a was a t I tt linn the classes he too ane
. . from him, a cm '" 66
. tl e conrse of the dav. 1 "47 A n.) both Shaikh
' nl ttmes l\l I, I 1 655 A H.- 1 I t
sc, cr, .,. No II (16 S lU Jan, . 1'1' N gori are dec arc!
(d) In IIW/IS i and Qazi JIamidm (1\1 a succeeding
Ba(li-uddin Ghaznav , 1 declared present at s
heen present; they are a so
Z'I JfTah 7011 A.n. I
04 Ill/d., IO - I, h" then' at Ajudhan, quite C e-
05' lIJlcl. 12 Shahan, 717 AI,t. d whose fat er " .',
. . ,'. I-nce of Amir K mr t "
66. TIle f'VI(.... .
dsive on this !,omt. ,
eTa/shU Myst/cs Records of the Sultat.ate Period
meetings. As, a matter of fact they both died several ,
before Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya reached They coule
have been tIl ere with Mm.
(e) As in tIle ASI'OI'ul Auliya, Shaikh' Fadd refers to his trave
foreign landS-Baghdad; Bukhara, where be meets Shaikh Saifu.
Bakharzi; Multan after llis foreign travels, where he meets Sh
Bahauddill ZakaIiya; Ghazni; Badakhshan, wlIere he meets a p
of Shaikh Zun-Nun MisIi named Shaikh Abdul Wahid, though SI1:
ZUIl-Null Misri must have died before the year A.D. 900; and Siwis
He also says tlIat he passed SOme days with Shaikh Shihabuddin SuI
wardi at Baghdad. We have shOwn that all this was impossible.
(f) In the years covered by tIle conversations (A.D. 1247-48) Shu
Fmid is made to describe the death of Sher Khan, who died in ,
1264 (ma;lis No. VI); the death of Shaikh Bahauddin ZakaJ'iya, \1
died in A.n., 1263 (ma;1i:Y No. vu); and of Shaikh Saifuddin 13akhal
who died iiI A.II. 658 (A.D, 1259-60)67.
(g) Shaikh Fru'id is made to state : "Once the Mongols besieg
Y
e
men"-(IIU/jlis No. vu). Shaikh Farid certainly could not have be
guilty of a so preposterous. Again in majlis No. VIII
traveller is made to describe the desolation of Damascus by the Mo
gols; the desolation, he says, was so thorough that not mOre th:
twenty llOuses were left. The Mongols had. not attacked Damasc! tm
tIle date fixed by the book; they did not in any case succeed
capturing it; also the traveller must have taken some time in comin
from a place so distant. No traveller in A.D, 1258 <'ould llave tol
Shaikh Farid anything ahout the desolatiOn 'bf Damascus, specially
(thanks to the EgvptianBel'bers) there was no desolation.
(h) Shaikh Fmid is made to state that Jalaluddin Tabrezi told hir
that in Qarsh he met a mystic who told him that lIe llad met a mystio
in Isfahan, who was One hundred and fifty years old and was a discipli
of Khwaja Hasan Basri (ma;lis No. VIII). Now Khwaja Hasan be
101lg'ecI to the first century of tlte JIijra era. We arc soberly invitee
to beHeve that Shaikh Farid and Shaikh Jalaluddin were so Ignorant
(though they were pretty well aCflUainted with the era) as
to think that a mere space of lllllldred and Rfty years would enable a
disciple of Khwaja Hasan Basri to slll"yive to their tillies (i.e" to the
seventh Hijri). Similar/v, Shaikh Fmid is made to state that when at
Baghdad lIe met a mvstic, who a diSciple of Shaikh hUJaid (maiNs
No. IV). and at Badakhshitn a mystic, Shaikh Abdul Wahid. W110 was
a disciple of Shaikh Zun-Nun Misri (majlis No. VI). The only conclu.
rn. NafalJalu/ Un" N(I. 463, pp. 386-87, NaW!\1 Edition,
:';':', .
'"
PoUtlcs afld Soclei y Jut'lug the Medieval Period
420 ,
, l'k SI 'kh Jalaluddil1 Shaikh Fadel and
sian to be drawn is that, Ull I e 1m writer of' the Rahatul Qulub
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, th? unkntWt1 these earl), Muslim mystics
simply had no idea of the hme w len'
flourished. , . I 'f ho took one half of a money-gift
(i) The account of Shmk An 'Sw} 'kl Farid is repeated from the
' '0 le(1 to bnn g to lUI I , , I t
he was I. Shaikh Arif's name is change( 0
FauXl'id-ul. Fit ad but .wlth who sends the gift is not tho
ShihabuddlU Ghaznavl th Fawa'id-ul Fu'ad hut of Multan.
)'\ller of Siwistan nml UellC as IlS: e h d knowledge of either the
Obviously autho}r would have given him
Farva'id-ul Fuad or he .,Iymll .J. ,
the correct information.. t '1 tl t once. Qazi IIamiduddin NagOli,
(j) In mailis No. XVI[ it I.S sta e( Jalaluddin Tabrezi and, Shaikh
Shaikh Quthuddin devotion (i'tekaf) to a mosque
Badruddin Ghazll;;"1 .rehred]ote, is clearly an invention, for the
for several days. tner Sh;ikh Jalalllddin Tahrezi and Shmkh
Shaikh tells us defiJ11te hat 'J that the mectings wcre more or less
QlIthuddin only met tWIce, lim, "
fonnal.
6S
, k it that the abOve statements
It is as obvious I\S reason, cal n b
ma
Se
l
'kh Fariel nor recorded by
I I been mal e Y lUI
could neit lei' lave , \
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. , "lul, <lllitc <lilfc\'Cllt from the ,
The Shaikh Fnricl of the tho Kh(/il'1ll Ma/alis and the
Shaikh Fatid of the. Fal,va -',' '. 1 A"ii"a4< he falls into l1nconscious-
Sit/llnd A"li'la. As m tIe .s/(/1I
1
, predominates and tme
again and again; the its absence . Add to it, Shaikh
teac11ing is rather conspICUOUS f Y
lae
" (a/l;'ad) of reniarkahle
Fm:id here hc-gins to teach )Jfayter forinulae is probably
, , . e given 0 . ,
The - osition of the work.
the real )'eason for t \C ('omp, 1, f Howing fahricated works; Ihe
The Tl.al/(/t"l 0,,1,,11 rcf0l's tfoet
l
t? tIle 51/(/1'11111 A"li,/(/ of Khwaia
f KI a'a YUSlI lIS 1 I, . . 11
S7wl'11l11 ASl'{lf lW'I, " tl 1J of Khwaja, Usman Haroo11l, 1C
Mandnd ehishti, the 0lltll1 <?t." 1 tl e AI/mel of Shaikh Qnthuddin
A,:racl of Shaikh Mu'inudclin SljZl anc
f
author m'akes it imrossihle
Bakhtiyar. The general 0 1 of these hooks. JIG mav
t ' asS,;nie that he had persona, y rea
n
( t' 't's 1)
erha
1)5 not an unsafe
o ,.. f' the names \1 1 1.", I . I <
even he mann actllnn!! Z' Q ',' 1 1 elonds to, a g, eneration w lIC I
' . I t tl e Rahatll, ""') n' J'
assumptIOn t H\ I f' oervphal mystic Iterature.
I a large C(lIantttv 0 ap , POSSCSSC( , ,
(', r U : J 27 ZlrJ.d 715 A.l1.
ie' ' (l8. FlIlt'tlld-tll Ftl au, ",
(.'/,1.1.'1 MYstics ftecord$ of ti,e PerloJ

VI. The Alzalul Fawa'id,' 2' volumes-The second volume is also
the name of Ralzatttl Mtlhibbin .. The book is alleged to- have been
Written by the poet, Arnie Khusrau.
It is inconceivable that Amir Khurd who had met Amir Khusrau
like all educated persons of that was well acquainted
With the works of the poet, should have failed to refer to this book
it really be.en Khusrau's composition. On the otller hand, he
attnbutes to Khllsrau the statement that he was prepared to
exchange all IllS works for the Fawa'id-ul Fu'ad of Hasan, and
Khusr
a
? . could hardly have so had he llimself prepared a rival
composItIon of the conVersatIOns of the great Shaikh. None of our
authentic reconls on Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya Or Amir Khusrau
make, any reference to the Afzalul Fawa'id. The authentic prt,se works
of Amir Khusrau-the Khazainul Fllt,lIh, the I'iaz-i Khll,sl'avi and the
to his diw(/ns-are extremely ornate and artificial in
style; it is diHicult, therefore, to be sure what style Amir Khusrau
would have used when lIe condescended to ,write simple prose if he
ever did so. ,
Of all the composers of 'the fabricated ma1fuzat, the author of the
Afzalul Fawa'id is comparatively the ablest. But this by itself is not a
great complitrtcnt. He plans his work on the same lines as the Fawa'id-
1/.Z FII'ad and gives the conversations under various dates. The first
volume begins on 24 Zil-Hijjah, 713 A.H. (A.D. 1314) and consists of
a summmy of 34 conversations; the second volume begins on 20 Rajab,
719 A,II. (A.D, 1.319), and consists of 16 A number of the
Shaikh's friends are declared to have been present; the author has
taken their names either froni the Siyaml Auliya or a cOinpilation
based upon it or, more probably, from hearsay. But no facts from the
Siyan,l Allliya are recapitulated' anywhere. The persons present are
merely dummies; the author has nothing to say about them, and when
they open their mouths, it is only in a fonnal manner, The author is
ignorant of history and carefully avoids all historical references.
still nol all easy task he had undertaken. TIle virtue
of thc Farva'id-I/l F',,'ad is that it preserves the g"cat Shaikh's COI1Vel'-
sational style and eniotional moods so that the Shaikh's diSciples (like
Maulana Alauddin NiH) could use it to revive their menioryof the
great Shaikh and his 1/la;Ii,s69. TIle task was ObViously iillpossible for
a ma'n who had never seen the Shaikh and still Wished his book t6 be
as a work of India's greatest Persian poet and inan of letters,
69. Sivat'ul Auliya, pp. 275-78.
c
422
Politics and Society during tile i;;,.l y Medieval Period
At a few places (e,g" mailis No, XXXI, Audition) he borrows not only
lhe ideas but also the, words ,of the Fawa'id-1I1 Flt'ad, But such direct
plagiarisms are iuf1'loquent. Was our author conscious that a whole-
sale borrowing froini the Fmw'id-Ill Fu'ad would reveal the apocryphal
character of his work, though the stealing of an occasional paragraph
would escape the unwmy reader? Still if a repetition of the topics of
Fawa'id-Ill PI/'ad was to be avoided, there was very little left of the
grcat Shaikh's teachings, Our has, therefore, to strike out a new
line, Like many of his educated contemporaries our author was well
acquainted with books on the stories of the, early mystics, He selects
one or more topics for every ma;lis and inakes Shaikh Nizamuddin
AuUya a retailer of stories about the past prophets, the Arabian Apos-
tle, the' pious Caliphs, the early mystics and theSha,ikhs of the Chishli
sllsilah; as a digreSSion religiOUS topics, such as the sanctity of various
months, the cap and the khil'qa of the mystics are also discussed, The
peculiar personality of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya flashes through
the few passages purlOined from Amir Hasan's work; it is conspicuous
by its absence from the rest of the book, the larger part of which
consists of well known stories retold, But one new element appears
which we simply do not find in the Fawa'id-Hl Fu'ad-the potency of
the prayer fonnulae (allrad),which so often figures in our cheaper
literature during the succeecling generations, The great
Shaikh was certainly fond of prescribing prayers for the removal of
diseases and the fulfilment of wishes he advised his diSciples
to have faith in them,70 But he never tned to pose on his diSciples
like the manufacturers of rrtodem patent medicines and other varieties
(f "racks, In this respect the .l\fzallll Fawa'id totally changes his
characte't- and he is presented as a purveyor of prayer formulao, the
virtues of which are put so high as to become quite ridiculous, Thus
in 11Iailis No, v after prescribing a prayer of four genuflections (oE
no particular dimculty) to be recited on Sundays, he adds that it will
bring to the person who recites it the following rewards: "The re-
ward that is given for a year's devotion t<) every angel who has yet
lived plus tbe rewards of 1,000 holy warriors, of 1,000 prophets and
1,000 martyrs, In addition to it, on the Day of Judgment the dis-
tance between him and Hell will be as great as one thousand ditches,
everyone of these ditches being 500 years travelling distance in width,
God wiII also open the Eighth Heaven (or Paradise) for him," One
need not envy the blessings of the reciter of this prayer, but it is rather
hardoll the holy warriors, prophets and martyrs, After this the follow-
70, Pntca';rl-1I1 PH'arl, 26 Ziqnd, 711 A.H,
e/,lsl,t! Mystics Records 01 ti,e Sultanate Period
,
I11g reward promised a few pa a ' I I
a prayoI' of two g
C
111:nectiol < l' glap IS the same ma/lis fOI
verses (about fifteen minutes' fhe reC{ahOIl of Sotne Qurarii'l
give a person who recites this ' seems a most "God Will
with seventy houris (or mai(l )pllayet ,all palace in Paradise providec
f
' ens; Ie WI get the re I f
prayer 01' evcry existing fln I I I wart 0 one yeat'1
tyrs for every Qnranic t Ie reward of One thousand mar.
in the prayer hooks lies are, only toe
vmu for them in the authent' I btlt we Will look in
SI 'kl N ' ' IC conversations of the . t Sh 'kl
lUI I aSll'udc\in or tll w 'k f I ' glea m land
'J . e OJ sot Ie earlter mystics
1 Ie author of the Afzallll FClwCI'id take '
covery of his forgcry, But it is dUll' I s care to prevent the dis-
and crime books arc neve' t' 1 f Ct,' t" as moderJI detective works
I
" I ife( 0 l)omtmg out fo' "f
mun er, Uttenng, a forged b')ok is eve . . ,,' . co
roml
, a pcHect
an author, attcml)ting a task 't b n molrhe mfficutt, speCIally' When
, ' , . qUi e cyoll( is ' d
Ieconl, the conversatiOns of Shaikh Niza _, ld' powe,Is, un, ertakes to
of Amu' Khusl'au, The dilIerenc ' tI mu( 111 Auhya WIth the pen
Fu'ad and the Afzallll Fawa'id e til I of the Fawa'id-ul
student. s lOll ( e 0 )VlOllS fo every ctitical
A of considerations pi'ove the work to b f'
(a) Fll'st as to contradictions f l' t ' e a orgery,
110 miracles. . 'bol liS oly-hme, concerning which
, - 'U "m e POSSI e :
1. On 24 Zil-Hijjah 713 A H (A 1316)' 1
of the Amir Klltisrau is state;1I1 t Ie second paragraph
When I went to the Shaikh I had 4.: I ,. , .
would go and sit at his door-step' if my mmd that I
would become his j' 'I' I J' Ie 1m called me in I
, C ISCIP e, n s IOrt I ,"vent I h' d '
tlle Shaikh s servant Mubashshir came ottt sat at IS
salam and stated: 'The Sh'likll ) "I "T') Shmkh s
t
' I " , las sate lOre IS a T 'k 'tt' '
OU 'SIC e; ,call him in," '." ,,< U1 Sl lIJg
it can he proved that Khustau's relati. . , ,
wele of a much earlior date and that v '. WIth the Shmkh
Kaiqubrtd the Shaikh was t'lll'n' k,' < efen I,n the rClgn of Mu'izzuddin
b < ng 0 gomg and sett!' . . -
ecause Khusrau, w'as there; also that at the nientio mg at, Patiali
Khu,srau had a nght of access to the Shaikh . h hed (A.:D, 1316)
to hIS greatest disciple.s alld tlla"t h _ _ ',/ Sd
uC
as was evert
) , ' < e was alrea y a tnt r'd f th h 1
I
w
10m . he had praised in a' number of works I' .
0
1
eLs
I
, ahikI
ong before that date, 'e ane plI IS ed
ii. maiTis No, xxv Shaikh Nizamuddin Auli a '
state: I have heard from the lips of Shaikh N' Yj J IS made to
. apnue (in Sughra, , ,;.
(
424 Politics and Society during tIle Early Mec/leval PerIod
How could the great Shaikh have made a statement so preposterous?
Shaikh Najmuddin Sughra died in the reign of Sultan Iltutmish and
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya had not yetbeell bom till then.
iii. In maills No. XXVI, the great Shaikh is made to state that Hajjaj
bin Yusuf slew the brother of Shaikh Abu Sa'id Abul Khair. Since
,Shaikh Abu Sa:id was born about two centuries after Hajjaj's death,
,we may be sure that the great Shaikh, could not have made a state-
ment so inaccurate.
(b) S11aikh Nizamuddin Auliya is made to quote books which were
fabIicated after his time-the Asml'ul Auliya (Part II, lIwjlis No.
xm), the Allrad of Shaikh Farid (ParI; I, mailis No. XIV), the AUl'ad
of Shaikh Mu'inudclin Sijzi of Ajmer (Part J, mailis No. XII), and the
Allrad of Sliaikh Bahauddin Zakariya (Part I, mai!is No. u). The refer-
ence to the ASl'anil Auliya and the various aumds seems to show that
the Afzalrtl Fawa'id was written after the other apocryphal malfuzat
had app'eared. No reference to the allmd of Shaildl Shihabuddin Suhra-
wardi is made in the FatCa'id-Itl Fu'ad and the Khai11ll Ma;alis. But
the Siyal'ul Auliya refers to it and it must have appeared before A.D.
r
sIgnificant is the fael that our author tWice makes Sharldl
Nizamuddin Auliya: refer to the Tazkiratul Auliya, the atlthorship of
which is popularly attributed to Shaikh FaIiduddin Attar (Part I,
ma;lis Nos. I and v). I
A large number of the about the are
by our author from theQIsaslIl Ambia, a li.ook whIch In the Persian
Qriginal and the Urdu translation was destined to have popularity in
this land in later vears.
Lastly (Part J, l1ia;lis XXVI), Shaikh Nizainuddin Auliya is made to
state that "Shaildl Mu'inuddin Sijzi began to write the conversations
of Shaikh Usman IIanmi from the clay on which hc became the latter's
disciple; he recorded whatever he beard.". Now we have
quoted Shaikh NasiI-uddin to the effect that this malfuzat-the
Anvah-had not appeared at the time of the great Shaikh. Secondly,
even if the Shaildl had studied the Anisul AI'wah he would not have
made the douhle mistake of (a) stating that Shaildl Mu'inuddin hogan
writing his master's conversations from he became a disciple,
for the Allis"l Al'tvah clearly states that It IS a record of theconver-
of Shaikh Usman iustbefore Shaikh Mu'inuddin left him, and
(b) of attributing to AllislIl a not found in ft, v.iz.,
that Khwaja Hasan Basri was gtven Ius name by the Prophet s Wlfe,
Hazrat Uii:lm-i Salemah. Out authOr, apparently, had not read the
elllsllti Mustlcs llecords 0/ the sU/fanid
e
PerIod ,
Anisul Arwah and was depending on inaccurate and
information. .
(c) The. author also blunder (probably follOWing tit
Asl'al'ul ,\tdtya) of taking Shaikh Farid to Bukhara (Part II, mailis NO.1
and to KlrfiJan where he is said to have m,et Shaikh Auhaduddin 'Kh
II, mat1is No. Our author also follows the ASl'al'ul Auliy,
111 tlUOW111g Shalldl Fand mto recurrent fits of unconsciousness.
_author attributes to Nizamuddin Auliy
oplI1!Ons duectly contrmy to what he has said III the Fawa'id-ul Fu'aci
The Shaik!l, the Fawa'iel-Ill Fft'ad tells us, condemned Hallaj; h
also denIed pomt blank that Shaildl Bayazid had ever uttered th
or obsc?re m)istic sayings attributed to him.71 The
FalVa:ullllakes (juitc contrary opinions. In Part I, lIIai
li
NOi})T,,.th
o
Sharldl IS made to relate tlle well known career of Mansu
IIalhlj alld \(hen the Afzalul Fawa'id adds:
"Mter this the Shaikh, while ill tears, greatly praised the sincerit,
of the love of Khwaja Mansur IIallaj. 'How truthful the man' h;
said, 'who is slain on the first day, burnt On the second and
into the water on the third (' " .
, In Part I, ma;lis No. x, the great Shaikh is made to describe th(
or mi'ra; of Shaikh Bayazid; he is also made to quote Shaikl
Bayazld s savings on other occasions. The great Shaikh's attitud,
towards .government selvice was crystal clear; he would have nothin/
to Wlth tlle state and he took back his khilafat nama (successiOI
certIficate) from Maulana Muhiuddin Kashani merely because he hac
be:" offered the qaziship of Awadh. Ourauthor in his ignorane(
wntes:
"Conversation was about qazis. The Shaikh said, 'To have thE
office of a qazi is a good thing, provided one knows how to dischargE
its responsihilities,,,f0r t?e qazi is the Successor of the Prophet:"
rhe Fawa'tel neIther reveals the personality of Shaikh Niz.
amuddl11 Auhya nor shows a comprehension of his teachings. It n
impossible to accept it as Khusrau's, work.
71. IT>id., 29 ,Tmnn(li IT,. 718 A,n. Shaikh Rayazi,Fs words nre differently
related hy different authors, but hroadly they are to this effect. Shaikh Bayazic
went and pitched his tent on the Divine Throne (Arsh). lIe found it was like a
wolf with its mouth full of hlood. "Cod is on tny hack?", the saint asked the
Throne, TIle Throne was surprised. "They tell me He is the heart of man", the
Throno leplied, "the inhahitants of earth ask of Him from the inhabitants of Heav""
and the inhabitants of Heaven from the inhabitants of tne earth_" And so on (Taz-
b'atrtl AuUya, p, 107), Our author alters the custotnal)' words and makes the Throne
declare that it liad been told that "God was ill,. t\:Ie heart of Bayazid." .
" .... .
Politics and Socletf! during 'tile Early Pe.ind
VII. The Miftahul of Shaikh Nasiruddin
MalllllUd written by Muhibbullah. .
This is a thin volume (24 pages) of no particular value. No reference
is made to Muhibbullah by Our original authorities, but that docs
not necessarily prove his non-existence. The conversations recorded
are divided into ten hrief 1/la;lises. The author avoids dates, hut he
prays for the long life of Shaikh Nasiruddill at the of,his
f, 0: If anO expects us to assume that he wrote during the tllne
of the Shaikh. this is quite disproved by the internal eviuence
of the work itseU:
(a) Several stateinents attributed to Shaikh Nasiruddin arc taken
bodily from the Fawa'id-1I1 Ftt'ad, and a story related by Shaikh
Nasirt1cldin in the Khai,."l Maialis reappears in m(/iNs No. VIII. Bllt his
blunders slUM that the author had not studied these works and was
depending on secondary sources of information.
(b) Shaikh Nasiruddill, as we have seen, had declared that the
maltl/zat (Jf Shaikh Usman and the malfuzat of Shaikh Mu'inuddin
were forgeries, and he had quoted Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya to the
effect that the great Chishti Shaikh had written no books. Our author,
in his ignorance of Shaikh Nasintddin's real opinion\ eommits the
blunder of making the Shaikh refer to the following fahricated works
as authorities for the statements he makes: a Risala of Shaikh Mu'in-
uddin Ajnieri (ma;li.s No. II), a Risala of Shaikh Usman lIaruui (matlis
No. II), the All/SId Anvah (mailis No. VII), and the Dalilul Anfin
(mailis No. VII). 4-
(c) Shaikh Nizaniuddin Auliya justified si;dah or prostration to
human beings as permissible; Shaikh Nasimc1din, on the other hand,
condemned it. The difference between the master and pupil was per-
haps not so great as may be supposed. Shaikh Nizamuddin Aul.iya
diel not really like the practice of seeing a prostrate
self before mortal men, but felt that he should cont1l1ue. the practice
of his spiritual predecessors. Our author first makes Shaikh Nasiruddin
condemn the siic1ah to 11l1man beings on the basis of the tradition:
"He who performs the sildah to anyOne except God is guilty of in-
fidelity (kill")'" but, nevertheless, he makes the Shaikh declare at the
end that such si;dahs are permitted (ma;lis No. I). ,
VIII and IX. The apocryphal dirvans. of Shaikh Mu'inudclin Sijzi
and Shaikh Qutbudrlin Bakhtiyar. None of our genuine works have
rderred to any poetical compositions or diwalls of the f}hishti
But the lofiftalUil Ashiqin in No. II makes Shmkh Mu muddm
Ajmeri recite a gllazal 01 Shaikhul Islam Khwaja Qutbudclin, while
Chisllti Mystics necords of tIle Sultanate Period
4
in lr:af!cN9j VII Mllhibbullah (the supposed author) is IIiade to reci
a ghaza[ of Shaikhul Islam Khwaja Mu'inuddin. Later on comple
(liwans attributed to these Shaikhs appeared. They have now hel
printed along with a lliwan attributed to Shaikh Muhiuddin Abd
Qadir Jilani.
, It is impossible on the basis of internal evidence only to come
any conclusion about the authenticity of these diwans. There a
naturally no historical references in them and it would not be reaso:
able to 'look into them for any consistent system of thought as in tl
mal!uzat. But tile extemal evidence we get is sufficient. Indian seh
lars ill general have never admittcd the authenticity of theso diwCl1
.in this they have heen doubtless right. But regard for puhl
0pllllon has prcvellh.xl them from niaking a publie declaration lh:
these diwans are forgeries. Now it is quite likely that the Chish
mystics, like the great Shaikh, occaSionally composed a {luatrain or
few lines. All educated Mussalmans of the Middle Ages did sn. Bllt ha
Shaikh Qutbuclclin or Mu'inudclin left complete diwans behin
them, the mystic circles of Shaikh Farid, Shaikh NizaIIiuddin Auliy
and Shaikh Nasiruddin Chiragh would have preserved them as the
mnst cherished treasures. But their complete silence in the matter d<
finitely proves that no such elitvans existed in their days. The
of verses quoted in our genuine texts is remarkahly large, but n
verse of the first two Shaikhs of the Chishti silsilah finds a plae
among them. Even AmiI' Khurd, whn cannot write fiVe prose sentence
without quoting a verse, has no verse to qute from the Chishti my!
tics. The reason is obvious. They had left no "poetical remains" be
hind them. '
X. The Tazkiratul Aldiya, alleged' to have been written by Shaikl
Fariduddill Attar.
Among the fabricated works of this period, though it is not in an;
way connected with the history of the Chishtv silsilah in India, I hav(
no alternative hut to include the most popular work on Muslin
hagiology-the Tazkiratul Auliya. The work has, thanks to the pres,
tige of its supposed authol', heen translated into many languages an(
is believed to express the, tme principles of Muslim mysticism. Bul
it is realty a fake,' a forgery, a series of old wives' tales, ill-assorted
and inconsistent, which some anOnymous writer has tagged togethm
and passed off as the work of the great Fariduddin Attar. The se-
cnndmy authorities ill his hands IJad just that element of truth which
was needed to make it a market success and to deceive the unwary
reader. ' '. .
-C
Po/it/cs' and Soc/ety during dle E(!rly Medieval Per/od
It is to be regretted that the very leamed editors of the Tazkiratul
Auliya-Dr. Nicholson and Agha Abdul Wahhab Qazwini-never
thought of putting to themselves the question whether the work in
harids .was genuine. The latter is frankly distressed at the im-
stones the book contains-stories 'in which the Muslim mys-
hcs l'lln a close second to the magicians of Pharaoh and the heroes
of the Mahabharata. "I am not a disbeliever ill miracles", he says, and
then proceeds to point out that SOrrie miracles are not possible be-
cause they contradict the laws of space and time.72 The attitude of
the great Maulana Abdur Rahman Jami was ITiore cautious. 111 his
notico of Shaikh Fal'iduddln Attar in the Nafahatlll Uns he remarks
significantly that "the Tazkimtul Auliya is attributed to him."73 Not
kss important is the fact that Maulana Jami docs not utilise the
Tazkira(ul Auliya for the compilation of his Nafahatul Uns. Maulana
Jami was a shrewd and critical scholar, and as a record of the lives
and teachings of the mystics, the Tazkiraul AI/liya could not be ac-
cepted' by him as an authority.
Our Indian annals give us sufficient reas01lS for rejecting the au-
thenticity of the Tazkil'atul Ardiya. Relations between India and
Persia were pretty close in those days, and Shaikh Fariduddin Attar's
life and works were well known ,in the literary and mystic ciides
of Delhi in the student days of the great Shaikh. The stories we find
in tho Tazkiratul Auliya were current coin; the names of the heroes
of the first and second cycle. of Muslim mysticism-the legendary
"quietists" and the foundeis of the mystic., schools-were household
words. thongh other works aloe often quoted as authorities for
tho stones of em-Iy Muslim mystics, no reference is made anywhere
to the Tazkirautl Auliya. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, while discuss-
ing the books on early mystics, declared that the Rllhul Arwah was
thc best of them in Persian und the Qutul Qulllb the best in Arabic.74
Why does he ignol'C the Ta-.;kil'lltul Auliya? ObViously because it did
not exist at the lime. Bamni has given a long list of books On Muslim
mysticism which were sold in the inarket of Delhi in his Tarfkh-i
FiTI/Z ShaM. But no reference is matle to the Tazkimtlll AlIliya. The
great of. Maulana Hum h.ad in reaci1ing om land
from distant QUllla, amI the Tazklratlll AlIltya would also have done
so had it really been the work of Attar. Even the authors of the
early fab,ricate<l malfuzat, though in search of miraculous stories,
72. Introdtlcli.m, l'azlliraffll Aflliya, Persian text, edited hy n. A. Nicholson.
73. Nafa/wlIll UIlS, p, 540.
74. Fatca'ld-fil FfI'ad, 23 Munarrani, 712 A.H.
C11isJ.tI'Mystics Records of the Sultanate Period
4
know nothing about it. It is not till the. appearance of the Afzai
F awa' id that we find the first reference to the T azkil'lltul Auliyci al
even then it is not r.eferred to as Shaikh Fariduddin's work. And t
Afzalul Fawa'icl is pl'Obably later than t,he other fabricated malfuZ<
for it is not likely that a forgery like this woultl be attempted 1
through passage of time even Hterary inen had forgotten the pepuli
characteristics of Khusrau's prose. In other words, the first refere'll
to the Tazkimtul Auliya makes it possible to guess how such a literE
concoction was attributed to the great Attar.
As we read it, the Tazkimtttl Auliya seems a disjointed compilati
01', to be more accurate, a set of two disjointed cOrripilations. T
substance, if not the fonn of it, shows that strata of manufactur
legends have gi'adually settled, generation after generation, on t
Oliginal mystic records. And to this COrripilation, sOrriehow, the nm
of Shaikh Fmiduddin Attar got attached. Did an enterprising cai
grapllist or hoohseller, who flad too many copies of it, decide t1
it would be easier to sell it under the name of Shaikh Faridudc
Attar? This is highly probable, but of course not certain. But t
fact that no Indo-Muslim mystic is rrientioned, seems to indicate tl
the work carrie to us from abroad at the end of the fourteenth or t:
beginning of the fifteenth century, .. ,
HYPOTHESIS FOR FABRICATED WORKS
Only an exainination of some of the published forgeries has be
attempted here to show how such literatlolre should be tested. T
review of the 11llpublished material of the same type is a sepan
task and one of my lea1'l1ed comrades with a critical temper will ha
to undertake it.
But literature of this type raises, some interesting questions.
First, when (lid these fabricated works appear? Two of them, t
Anisrtl Al'lvah and the Fawa'idrls Salikin, existed in A.p. 1353-54. '
these two we may safely [ldd the hitherto unpublished Aumd
Shaikh Shihabuddin Suhrawarcli: On the other hand, these WOI'
though i)elonging to Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya's of the Chis!
silsilah, show no trace of the controversy between the Nizami al
5a1;iri which we find during the period. We m
safely conclude, therefore, that the last of them had already appean
before the Sabiria branch, led by Shaikh Abdul IJaqq and his dis(
ple"Shaikh Ahdul Ql)ddus,Gangohi, who, A.D., 15.38-.39, suecee
cd in ecHpsingthe Chi$htia-Ni:'l;(/Illia branch of the order. My colle
gue, Mr. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, is of opinion that when SuIt,

,
430 Pol/tics alld Society the Early Medieval Period
Muhahimad bin Tughlu<j's removal of the :; Deogir dispersed
the of Shai.kh Auliya's disciples and the "living
tradItion of the Clushti szlsflah was killed, a vacuum was created
which these fabricated works tried to fill up.
Secondly, why were the fabricated malfuzat at all composed? The
of. scholarship, as we have seen, is not high; in fact, the
Ignorance dIsplayed by. the authors is deplorable. No critical reader
could be deceived. But how many readers are critical? The lInknown
allthors were not conscious of any 01' mission. They have no
ideal 01' ob/ective, good or bad. Their mysticism is. secondary, low
grade. Also they are not earnest about inculcating it, and they give
only a homoeopnthic dose of it to the readet. They sometimes even
protest against current practices; the Asraml Auli1la, for example,
repeatedly and emphatically condemns mystics who frequent the
houses of the rich or associate with government officers. Ncverthelcss,
takcl? a ,:"hole: these no aim or object exccpt
provldmg lIght lIterature for religIOUS mmded people. Mystic stoJies,
from pOint of view, are very useful; a discussion of mystic me-
taphysICS would be above the heads of their readers and had to he
avoided.
A careflll examination of all relevant Circumstances leaves me no
a!temative bllt to concluci?, that th!s very lat'ge mass of forged mystic
irterature was pllrposely uUerecf by the T700ksellers of DeThi and
the provincial capitals for the purpose of "honest trade". And T!lI
"honest trade" I mean that the booksellers were not concemed tdth
anylhing except the sale of the books tTfty had got written fol' pay-
ment. They had no t,[tel';ol' motives. .
To hppreciate this we mllst consider the position of the medieval
book trade. Manv katiT7S or calligraphists went ahout calling at the
houses of the well to do, to see if they could goet any \vork; c6nve.rse-
Iy, persons who wished to have copies of hooks made had to search
for a kafi17 and provide him with paper, his customary wages and.
is many cases, also hoard and till the work was finisher!. nut
most kafibs, we may he sure, would prefer to get a permanent em-
ployhient on salary or piece-work hasis. if it could he had, for it
would gUal'ante'e a secure livelihood. There were hooks for which
there' was a constant demand-the Oman, for example, whether Wlit-
ten as a whole or in separate sipa,.ahs or in Nllectlons of the most
favoured chapters: the Gfllistan and the Bostan of Sadi and the like.
To studcnts of advanced classes the teachers dictate(\ notes amI ex-
plained them, and the students, mostly poor, had to depend to a very
c r'. b
.1:1':,
Chislotl Mystics Records of the Sultanate Period
431
large extent on the "notes" they took down ill the cIa-; room. But
the parents of children in the pl'lni,alY classes would have to
text-books for them along with katbas (calligraphy models), etc., need
ed by the chadren. To bling the purclIaser and producer
would be the work 6f the booksellers. He would, to suit the conve'
nience of the purchasers, have books which were in constant demand
ready for immediate sale, knO'Ying very:well that if he failed lOde
so, his rival in the trade would do it. But trading is always speeulativo;
. the bookseller would at times find his shop stocked with books for
which no were forthcoming while at other times he would
have katibs on his hands who would be whisked away by his rivals
if he did not keep them employed. Also, if he had beelt careful, he
waul? have a little capital to invest in the expansion of his business,
and III proViding books which you could not find in his rival's book-
shop. .
And then as now-for India has not yet cast off her medieval integu-
ment-the greatest demand seems to have been for text-books, books
on theology and works of fiction. Next td these came books of light
literature. The Shah Nama would have a very limited market; but
prose rescensions of the Shah Nama, written in simple language so
that they could be read out to a cOnipany after dinner, would he
slIre of a sale. And many such rescensions were in fact compiled.
Lastly, with the growth of the silsilahs and their sections and sub-
sections, there would he a demand by the disciples\ most of them
harely literate, for works appertaining to their favourite saints,
through faith in whom they expected to attam salvation. An enterpris-
ing hookseller could safely, from the business angle, proceed to prO-
vide every saint with a set of volulries-a book of malfuzat or con-
versations, a volUIile of a;.lrad or recommended prayer formulae, a
c7iwan (poetical wOI'k), and. if necessary, a treatise on mystic pIin-
dplcs. Of comse, rival hooksellers )nay provide rival works; and we
should not he surprised if a saint has more than one malfllzat or
c7iwan, or if later tag these separate pieces together (with
some slight alterations) as consecutive volumes of the same work, like
thf' two 'parts of the AfznTtll FalVn'id or Tazkfraflll Allliya.
'Ve tllrn next to tho authors. There was no and, cOnse-
fJubj]L\'.nrt,prolit in the book market for authors like Alberuni, Ferishta
or namni, who put in years assiduous labour at their self-chosen task
hecause they were impelled by an inner spilitual urge or wished to
leave their nah1e among the scholars' roll of honour, nut most men
of education and leaming belonged to the starving lower mkld10
c
. 432 Pol/ftcs and during tIle EIJ[JIJ' Medieval Perlad
class; not all of themcould write books. of the highest value, but mimy
of them could prepare "compilations" on various the
manuscripts of sHch compilations 'have- survived in large numbers-
for which a rich patron or an entelprising bookseller may be willing
to pay something. Normally the "compiler" would insist on having
his own name put on his work. But it would be different with works
of hagiology. There would be no sale value for such works unless
they were put in the market as the works of the saints themselves or
were pahrted off as his conversations compiled by another saint,
eqlially eminent. To put the name of the real author would deprive
the work of all sale-value. Similarly, a poet who had compiled a diwan
of his own may in a period of distress be willing to sell it to a book-
seller for cash down and 'accept the condition that he would substitute
the saint's nom de plume for his own in the last line of every ghazal.
Otherwise, the publisher may well have asked, "Who is going to pur-
chase the copies of your work as your own?" But so far as the forged
malfuzat are concemed, I presume that they were' written to order.
Had they been the result of the author's investigations or of his faith
and then sold for a lump sum down, they would have been more care-
fully written. But they are essentially jOtimalistic works of a very
low order. They often refer to the originals for statements not to be
found in them; non-existing books are often quoted or the names of
hooks manufactured It the spur of the mOment. Essentially it is
the khid of work "that took the eye and had the price"; careful and
painstaking scholarship could not be expE)6:tecl here. The purchasing
public had also to be kept in view. These books are small in size; the
authors were probably paid by the pages or the ;IIZ (16 pages) and
the hooksellers had not much money to invcst. Also the larger the
volume, the greater would bE; the cost and the lesser the number of
ttctif''l"du'lsers. Some purchasers may have intended to read them Or
to have read them out to themselves and their friends. But the larger
number of purchasers had prohably no other object beyond keeping
a memento of the favourite saint in the house for the sake of the
lwl'kat 01' blessing it would bring. The works arc planned essentially
liS literature-a mixture of mysticism, theology and fiction, the
last element preponderating over the others. With the progrcss of
time a new clement is also added to them-the stupendous reward
of the prayer forlYmlae. On the face of it the claims of the prayer for-
mulae are absurd. Thus, to take .a statement already made, that the
reward for a prescribed praver of four .j:renuflectirms is equal to the
reward of 1000 prophets, 1000 holy wamors and 1O{)0 martyrs and
<chMltl Alusties Reeo",/s af tire. Sultanate Period .
,even more, -violates the basic Muslim conviction that a
,the Arabian Apostle nothing any Mussalman may do will raise J
to the status of even one prophet let alohe 1000 of tl' It' .
. tl . II ' lem. IS ,
rna lematlCa y absmd; fol' it is inconceivable that a real prop
:should not have said any number of prayers of the same value.
the.re may be some truth in the Nazi dochine that the "bi lies"
told, are more effective than small lies. Most
IS well known, in their middle age and then they are
to find a mystIc teacher for their guidance and a set of sur
prayers and aU1'ad as. the easiest way to an aging mr
.paIadlse. Among such also the. fabricated works woull:l find urcha
. this sort of commel'cialised mystic literature, in i1self 0;1
1IltnnslC worth and thoroughly misleading, should have cOnie
by.-product of the work of the great mystic silsilahs was perha s
eVltable. \he tragedy lies in the fact that it has not been
:ore. by Muslim scholars,tin it has obtained the religi(
.anchty that the mere passage of bme casts on all things old C
great sc1lOIars, like Shaikh Abdul I-Iaqq, have kept away it
but the mass of om later writers have been unable to distin ui
potsherds and pebbles from the genuine works of
nes, on which alone a critical study of IndO-Muslim mysticism c
be based.
'Ibis article appeared in Medieval /rldia QuarterllJ, Vol. J, No.2, October 19
l)
,
.75. 'Ib
e
only exception is the paragraph on the death of Shaikh Mu'inuddin 0
A,lner (alrendy referred to) which was borrowed by the SIUMUl A II f th
Dalilul Arlfin and which Shaikh Abdul Haqq has boITowe4 from the"
PS-28 '
ABOAs, '101, 127, 230
Ahbasid, 28, 37, 48, 50, 56, 98, 1()(),
101, 102, 132, 229, 230, 231, 234, 242,
245, 251, 256, 257, 269, 270, 277, 278,
282, 283
Abdullah Ibn Almukaffa, '172
Abdul Haq, Shaikh, 49, 397, 403, 429,
433
Abdul Lotif Yezdi, 359
Abdul Malik, Shaikh, 238
Ahdul MuniOJ, Ahu SahI Ibn-; Ali Ibn-I
,Nllhtlt( ,30, 31
Ahd
u
l-Muqtac1ir4:of Thaneswar), 383
Abdul Qadir Badanni, 291
Ahdul Qadir, Shaikh (A.D. 1077-1166),
5.5
Ahdul Qmldus Gangoh;, Shaikh, 429
Abdul Wahhah Qazwini, Aga, 428
Ahdul Wahic!, Shnikh (.,ee Zun-Nun
Mi"ri, Shaikh) ,
Abdullah, 126, 127
Ahdullah bin Abil Hamasa, laO
Ahdur Rahman hin Ghazwan, 128
Ahdur Rahman Jami, Maulana, 394, 395,
428
Ahraham, 34, 12.5, 131, 135, 233
AIm Abdullah Mohammad (of Qazwin
known as Ibn-i Majah, A.D. 824-86), 49
AIm Ahdllllah M()hammad bin Hakim_
nl Tirmizi, 5'3, 286
Ab" Ahdullah Mohammad hin Ismail
(PopuJo;Jy kl1owl1 as 1m,,":'
A.D. 810-70), 48
Ahn Ahdullah Mohammad bin Khufalf
(of Shiroz), 513, 284
AIm Ahdullah Tusfar, 53
AIm A}"lur Rahman Ahmad Nasal (A.D.
830-915), 49
INDEX,
Abu Bah (Caliph), 55, 97, 128, 132, 13-3,
251,267
Abu Bah Shibli, Khwaja, 411
Abu Daud; 49
Ahu HaUm bin Salim ar-Ral. 31J'i
Abu Hanifa (Imam), 34, 115, 255, 257.
258, 269, 271, 276
Abu Hashim, Shaikh, 268
Abu' Mohammad of Tinniz (A.D,
824-92), 48
Abu Lahab, 126
Abu SaM (see Ahdul Munim, Abu Salli
Ibn-I-Ali Ibn-i Nuh-ut Tilllsl)
Abu Sa';d Ahul Khair, Shaikh, 398, 4ili
Abu Sa'id' (the of fhe II Khans of
Persia), 369
- Ahu Sa'id Harwi, Qazi, 242
Abu Sa'id f(harraz, 52, 160, 284, 287
Abu Saleh Hamadan hin Ahtrtad-aI
Qnssar, Shaikh, 52, 284
Abu Sufyan, Sl.a,'kh, 268
Abu Talib, ]28, 129, 1131. 132
Ahu U,baidlillah Haris hin AsaduI
Muhasibi, 53, 285
Abu Vaqub (of Sijistan), 14'3
Ahll-Yazicl al-Bistami, 162, 284
AI", 'yaj'!id "fair"r bin Isa hin Samsl,anul
Busta;"', Sbaikh, (see Abu Ya:tid :\\

AI", Zaid, 199, 203, 219, 226, 228
Ahul Abbas SaYyaI' (the Im'lm, of Merv"
53, 285 '
Ahul Fazl 6, 54
Abul 244
Ahul Hasan Burhnnuddin All hln 'Ahu
Bakr, (of Marghi'1an in ,Ferghana).
51 , '"
C'
436
Polit/cs ana Society during tlte Emlli. Medlel'lll Period,
Abul Hasan Kharqan,i, Shaikh, 266, 289,
398' ,
Abul Nuri, 53, 277, 287
Abul Lais Samarqandi, 'Imam, 408
Abwaih, 127
Abyssinian, 263
Achaemenian, 176
Adam, 406
Afghan, 19, 89, 1l0, 116, 200
Afghanistan, 16, 20, 24, 68, 71, 103,
lIS, 152, 191
Arif, 6
Africa, 37, 43, 54, 122, 239, 288
Ahmad (son of Nizamul Mulk), 240
Ahmad bin Sa'd, 132
Ahmad Chaffari, Qazi, 324
Ahmad, Imam bin Hanbal ,(A.,D, 780-
'855), 48
Ahrt;,\,[ ;{"lsh':jl, 407
Aibek, Qutbuddin, 16, 70, 72, 87, 104
Ajnm, 36, 37, 38, 43, 45, 46, 47, 49,
51, 54, 56, 57, 59, 60, 62, 66, 68,
71, 81, 84, 90, 93, 96, 98, 102, 105
Ajanta, 211
Ajmer, 384, 404, 408, 409, 412, 413. 424
Ajudhan, 306, 309, 385, 363, 364, 365,
367, 376, 399, 403, 410, 411, 414, 415,
416, 417, 418, 419
Aka Devi (sister of Solanki ruler, Vikra..
mnclitya), 219
Akbar (the Creat), 9, 10, 15, 22, 55, 117,
118, 335
J\khi Sir'j, MauluM, 277, 363
AI.mut (name of a fort in the Jibal
province, north of Qazwin), 239, 240,
241, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247
Alauddin, Shaikh (grandson of Sh. Farid
of Ajudhan), 343, 367
Alauddin' (son of Jalaluddin, Hasan), 246
Alauddin (see Khalji, Alauddin)
Alauddin Khwnrazm Shah, 70, 71, 152,
154
Alauddin Kil'mani, 411, 413
Alauddin Muhammad Kashli K'nan
'(known as Malik ChaUu), 297
Alauddln Nlli, MaulaUti, 421
Abu Rnihan, 6, 25, 26, 28, 29,
31, 32, 38, 57, 513, 61, 62, 63, 64,
66, 68, 73, 77, 114, 138, 139, 140, 141,
142, 144, 146, 147, 148, 149, 156, 157,
158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 164, 166, 168,
169, 170, 172, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179,
181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 190, 191,
193, 195, 196, 200, 201, 202, 204, 205,
206, 209, 210, 212, 213, 220, 221, 222,
223, 224, 22.5, 226, 227, 228, 431
Alexander (the Creat), 22, 71, 153, 318,
3M ,
Ali \jin Husain al-Wa'iz-ttl Kashill, 394
Ali Haza, Imam, 212
Ali Zikratul Islam (see Hasau, son of
Muhammad) :r
Ali, Hazrat, 55, 98, 99, 115, 229, 2.30,
235, 251, 267, 270
Aligarh, 32, 296, 300, 407
AI-Mamun, 101
AI-Mon..ur, 170
Al Mustansir Billah (Caliph), 238
Alp Arsalan, 236
Alp Khan (see Ulugh Khan)
Alp Khan Chazi (son of Azhdar Malik),
343
Alvl, Abu Hashim, 242
Ahvar, 187
Amara, (author of Am.rakosh), 169
Amin (8fi8-13), 101
Amina, 126, 127
AmiI' Ali, 298
Amir Ali Sarjandar (known as IIatim
Kimn), 301, 302, 303
AmiI' Ali Sher, 394
Amir Has.n, 299, 301, 309
AmiI' Hasan Sijzi, 76, 292, 356, 374, 376,
S78, 382, 396, 387, 389, .390, 401, 403,
421, 422
AmiI' Khurd, 77, 291, 294, 309, 314,
815, 356, 357, 859, 363, 368, 369, 372,
373, 374, 391, 392, 393, 406, 414, 417,
, 418, 421, 427
AmiI' Zarab, 238
Amroha, 327
An-Nasir-Jj-DinilJah, 245
Anandavardhnna Acharyn (author of
PI'tldnllaloka), 169
fort), 71, 153
I
., C,'
rndl?l
Anis.h, 126, 121
AnsaI', 116
Antioch (uarnc of n plnce), 2S9
Anusherwan (son of Qabad, Sassanian
emperor), 231
Anushinvan (a Hiudu raja), 44, 172
Anwari, 292
A papatras, 65
APostle (Mohammad), 125, 126, 127,
128 129, ISO, 131, 132, 133, IS4, 135,
251, <::''5C, (;34, 1360, 261, 262, 263, 266,
267, 268, 269, 277, 280, 282, 286, 321,
422, 433 .
Arah, 29, 36, 37, 49, 57, 61, 67, 98,
99, 100, 101, U6, 129, 130, lSI, 134,
139, 155, 170, 172, 177, 181, 202, 203,
212, 219, 254, 255, 269, 283
Arahia, 34, 35, 36, 49, 97, 98, 135, 235
Architecture, 59, 117
'A1if, Qazi, 361, 420
Aristotle, 278, 281, 282, 399
Arjnna, 164
Arkal.i Khan, 343
Amo1c1, 3
Aryan(.), 65, 193, 200, 207, 208, 212,
219, 353
Alyavarta (the territory of Kananj), 22,
23, 32, 140, 175
Asia, 41, 43, 65, 71, 204, 319, 385
ASia MiMI', 44, 54, 125
Asoka, 12, 190
Assam, 71
Aswira (name of n town), 200
Ata Yaswi, 55
Auhadi, 292
Auh.dnddin KimlUlli, Shaikh, 415, 425
Aurangzeb, 8, 72, 102, 293
Aush (in Mawar"nn Nnhr) 408
Anstra lia, 43, 122
Aviccnna (Shaikh Bn Ali Sinal, 2R, 57,
58, 204
Awac1h, 77, 85, 343, 359, 360, '3131
Awll,7 '
Azam Alp Khan, 344
Azeli, 132
Azcluddoulah Dailami (the Duwaihid
ruler), 58
BAEUll, 182, 894

Babylonia; 223
B"IIakhsha.n, 405, 419
437
22, 69, 89, 306, 376, 390, 407,
415
Badauni, 6, 299, 300, 303
Badhatau, 205
Badr Ishaq, Maulana, 414
Badruddin Ghaznavi, Shaikh, 418, 420
Baelruddin Samnrqandi, Shaikh, 380, 381
Bagabhatt, 169
Baghdad, 101, 102, 181, 235, 242,
345, 265, 269, 272, 283, 287, 288, 295,
403, 404, 400, 408, 409, 410, 412, 414,
415, 419
Dnghwl, 132
Baglana, 323, 324
Bahanddln, Shaikh Nllq_hhnnd (A..D.
1317-89), 55
Bahira, 128
Bahrain, 47, 130
Baihaql, 6, 132, 350
Dairam Khan, 394
Bnlndityn, 219
,B.lhan, Ghiyasucldin, 16, 80, 86, 89, 91,
105, 106, 107, 109, 294, 297, 298, 299,
301, 306, 308, 342, 343, 365, 416
(the Rashtrakllta kings), 227
Bulkh, 191, 200,270, 271, 274, 300
Bamiyan, 153
Bana, 211, 219
Danu Adi, i27
Ilnra Banki (n district in UP), 85
Darneln Revolt, 73
Barmakides, 100
Bnrnni (Ziyauddin), 6, 17, 18, 19, 80, 81,
82, 86, 91, 93, 94, lOS, 107, 109, 18.3,
259, 291, 292, 293, 297, 299, 301, 302,
304, 309, 313, 314, 315, 330, 348, 349,
350, 351, 352, 365, 368, 370, 372, 37.3,
428, 481 '
Banvars, 367
Basra, 52, 128, 130, 268, 270, 272, 273,
283 '
Basava (a Brahman) 188, 189
274, 276
Bayazicl, 266, 425
Dayazid (of Bustam), 148, 282, 289, 410
Bayazicl Taifuri, Shaikh (of Bustam), 52
Benares, 191
c'
'Politics O/"t Soc/elI/during lite Early Medieval Period
Bengal, 66, 70, 152, 315,' 363
Berlin, 26 "
Bernier, 102
Bhagvat Sect, 181
Bllagtc(ltgit(l, 29
<!W.1::; SrJtans (n Awadh), 77, 85
Bhamuha, 169
Bhargavn (one of the pupils of Vrnsn),
169
BhartrOwri, 169
Bhlm D,>(), 324, 325
Bhoj" (author of SWlIfs(/tl), 169
Bhopal (in Madhya Pradesh), 85
Bih; Buha-Ahadi, 360
Bihar, .55, 70, 75, 84, 152, 386
Ilihar Sharif (Patua district), 400
Ilijjala, 188
Bilahir, 17
Bodhisntva, 264
llrnhmagnpta, 181
Brahman(.), 20, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66,
67, 6\), 82, 137, 139, 140, 156, 157,
Hl4, Hl7, 178, 179, 182, 183, 184, 190,
Ull, 1!12, 10,g, 194, lOS, 19l1, 198, 199,
200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 200, 207,
208, 209, 214, 215, 2111, 218, 219,
220, 221, 222, 224, 227, 323, 342,
354
Brnhmannva (Brnhmanahad), 175
llrnhmandn, 164; 171
Brnhmapllhn, 152 '
llriha.spati (Lanka!lata, composed hy
Ilim), 168, 169
British, 9, 15, 60, 70, 111; 117,
1 t9, 120, 1.52
Bu Ali Sinn, Shaikh (.see Avicenna)
llllrlclhn, Cantllma, 10!), 177, 187, 192,
227, 264
Buddhism, 22, 66, 1O!), 1.58, 186, 191,
193
Buddhism (Mahayana), 265
Buddhist, 5.5, 103, 137, 147, 169, 175,
177, 189, 190, 191, 1\)2, 201; 202, 388
Bughra KhOll (.e" Nash'udelin Dughrn
Khan)
Ilnl<llnra, 84, 306, 406, 408, 419, 425
Bukhai'!, Imam, 49, 132 (see also Abu
Abdulla hin Ismail)
...,.
Bulandshahr (0. district in UP), 91
Burhanuddill Charih, Maulana, 361, 363,
374, 388, 389 '
Bt,rhanuddin Siwistani, Shaikh, 415
Bustam, 148
Buwahielis, 38
Buwaih, 245
Bllzllrchcmehr (vazir of a Hindu Raja
Anushinvnn the Great), 172
CAESARS, 4, 6
Calhoun, 39
Calipn, 28, 37, 38, .50, 101, 192, 132,
170, 173, 229, 2'10, 2'12, 2,'35, 2,'38, 242,
243, 24.5, 251, 2,56, 262, 321, 352, 361,
422
Caliphate, 37, 38, 68, 83, 98, 100, 102,
229, 234, 251, 255, 277, 283
Callignla, 4
Carlyle, 134, 154
Carmathian, 68
Carmawnti (name of a river in South),
200
Camatic, 175
Cathedral, 36
, Cenlra! Asia, 20, 38, 50, 66, 68, 115,
116, 152, 153, 294, 388, 414
Ceylon, 33"
Chandala(s) (low-ca,te people), 62, 63,
64, QP, 87, 01, 1.19, 20 I, 2015
Chaml.'agonUn (author ChanaI'{! V yaka-
rona), 109 '
Chane!w"r, 70, 71
Chandbaris, 85
Chengiz Khan, 66, 71, 152, '245, 294
Chihalgan! (forty families), 107
Chinn, 37, 4,3, 48, 94, 273, 321
Chisht (a city about a hundred miles
from Herat), 55
Chishti Order, 55, 5\), 364, 308, 392,
, 393, 300, 402, 403, 422, 427, 429, 430
Chishti mystics, 198, 358, 359, 362, 366,
376, 403, 404, 427
Chitor , 18, 72, 187
Christ (Jesus), .52, lIS, 125, 233, 252,
253, 202, 278, 411
Christinn, 117, 125, 128, 138, 141, 156,
185, 214, 220, 230, 251, 257, 261, 262,
263
1
SIt '
c'
{',r, b
'- '
95, 125, 128, 132, 144, 159,
178, 228, 253, 262, 263
Church, 33, 64, 262
Commodus, 4
Communism, 39, 44
DAmAr{ (name of a place near 6om-
Dath), 184
Daniascus, 126, 269, 270, 288, 388,414,
419
Dara Shikoh, 168
Durada., 6.5
Dosyus, 65
Da"d Tai, Shaikh, 258
Daulatabacl, 391'
Dnulat Shah, 291, 29S, 294
David, 322
Davis, W,C., 11'
Dawal Rani, 326, 328, 329, :355
Deccan, 20, 21, 67, 172, 187, 211, 220,
323, S24, S.51, 352; 353, 35.5, 3(H, 368,
372, 374, 389, 391, 892
Delhi, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 24, 27,
30, 49, 55, 59, 60, 72, 73, 75, 77, 78,
80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 87, 88, 90, 92, 93,
94, 105, 106, 108, 109, 110, 113, 115,
116, 120, 153, 232, 259, 277, 288, 291,
295, 298, 299, 300, 301, 302, 300, 307,
312, 313, 315, 316, 320, 322, 323, 325,
327, 328, 343, 348, 351, 356 357 358
360, 361, 363, 364, 305, 367: 368: 369:
370, 373, 376, 378, 380, 384, 386, 390
391, 393, 394, 408, 409, 411 412 416'
418, 428, 430 '"
Deo, (authOr of lIaravali), 169
Dcoglr, 74, 323, 325, 327, 328, 329, 430
Devala (one of the pupils of Vya"a)
169 <. ,
Didar Ali, 241
Dionysius, 3
Dipalpur, 343
Diwaldi (Diwal Devi) (daughter of
Kaunladi), 324, :325
Diwan, 7, 17
Doab, 152
Doma(s) (low-caste people), 139, 205
Dowson, John (Professor of Staff Col.
lege, Sandhurst), 5
Draper, 128
Dubois, Abbe, 177, 184
EAST, INDIA COMPANY,' 6
EgyPt, 44, 103, 130, 232, 238, 283 38
394 '
Elliot, Sir IIIJnry 3 4 .5 6 8 9 1
13, 25, 29, 39: 1155' , , , ,
Ellora Hill, 325
Engels, 39, 41
Englanci, 6, 10, 11, 154
Etawah, 70
Europe, 10, 16, 30, 38, 39, 41, .51
.58" 61, 65, Oil, lIS, 122 167, 20,
253, 263, 282, ,11f), 385 '
FAlzr, 335
Fakhruddin, Malikul Urn"ra (Kotwa! 0
Delhi), 87, 104, 301
Fakhntddin Pulad Tughlik, 344
Fakhntddin Zarro,di, Maulana, 361, 991
Falaki, Mnhmud Pasha (Egyptian scho,
Iar), 125
Faricludclin Attar, Shaikh: 160, 424,
427, 428, 429
Fariduddin Ganj-i Shakar, Shaikh; 76,
306, S07, S08, 311, 358, 363, 364, 365,
367, 368, 387, 399, 403, 410, 411, 413,
, 414, 41S. 416, 417, 418, 419, 420, 424,
425, 427
Fars, 45
Fatima (Prophet's daughter), 235
Fatimid, ,238
Ferish!a, 17, 172, 180, 291, SIS, 323,
326, 3.50, 371, 3f}7, 431
Fiqb (Muslim jlll'ispnltlellCc), 260, 261,
278, 280
Fiqh Khudahad, Maulllna, 413
Firdallsi, 292,
Firdaus! Order, 55, 382, 400
(n Jlistorian), 119
Fuzail bin Ayaz, 274, 275, 276
y,IDAI, Shaikh, 391
Gakkhars (name of a trihe) 212
Gandhi, Mah"hua, HI, 120: 177
Ganges, 63, 227 228
Ganjn (name of place), 330, 332, 334
Gauda, 108, ,
440
Pol/ties 011,1 Soclel!J during tIle EiIl'll/ Peilo,l
Cerman, 41
Chalil" 343
Charjistan, 153
Chaznavld, 38, 58, 61, 66, 68, 153, 235,
282
Ghaznl, 10, 22, 23, 28, flO, 71, 104,
153, 200, :398, 414, 419
C'nazzali, Maulan. (A.D. 1058-1111), 47,
50, 379
Chlyaspur, 307, 309, 313, 361, 386
.chlyasuddln (elder brother of Shlha-
huddln Ghurl), 104, 153
Chulam Ahrna(l Biryan, Maulvi, 401
GllIIr, 103, 104, 153, 1M, 200
Ghnrl, Shlhahuddln, 8, 12, HI, 20, 24,
09, 70, 71, 80, 87, 104, lOS, 100, 107,
152, 1M, 154, 155, 11l2, 302; 408, 412
Ghnrlnn, 61, 04, !l6, 69, 70, 71, 7:3, 74,
84, 85, 86, 87, 00, 102, 104, lOS, 100,
107, lOB, 152, 153, 154, 155
Chn??, 20, 45, OB, 115, 153
Glllho1l, 95, 107
Cilan, 242
GIlghit, 200
Clta, 150, 157, 101, 178
Copal, Nalk, 293
Copnman, 310
Creece, 29, 44, 101, 283
Greek, 16, 26, 31, 36, 56, 57, 65, 96,
120, 134, 135, 146, 1$3, ISS, 156, 165,
1'(1, 178, 181, 190, 204, 269, 278, 279,
280, 2Bl, 282
Cnllarwar, 69, 70
Glljara!, 69, 153, 183, 323, 324, 325,
327, 348, 394
Culharga, :363, :3B9
Cumti (nnlllc of R. rivPI-), nen
Gnpta Period, 156
Gnpta, Aspand, 1B8
Gupta, Brahmn, 56
Cwo Iior, 313, 327, 328, 366
IIAnrn AJAMI, 272, 273, 274.
lIahlh, Malik Ah;"ad (nephew of SIlI-
. tan Jalaluddin Khalji), 18
Hadi (low-caste people), 205
lIai, 137, 413
JInjjaj hin Ylls\1f, 270, 272, 273, 424
Ualw'e,;, Shaikh Ali, 52, 68, 283, 391,
398
Hakim hin Hizam, 133
lIaklm Tlrmlzl, 266, 286
Halakhah (author of A""irllwn Ratno-
lII(1llka), 169
'Halaku Khnn, 38, 232, 240, 247, 2H7
Halghan Khatnn, 247
Ha1lma Sa'diya, 126
HaHaj (see Mansur HaHaj)
Hamdan, 2,11
Ibmi" Mult.nl, Qatl, 92
Hamid Nagori, Qazi, 386, 411, 413,
41B, 420
lIaml,l Qnlm),!nr, 11, 1350, 350,
S75, 376, 377, 382, 383, 384, S87, 388,
GR\), 13\)0, sot, 400, 402, 40,',
404 .
IIAmiduddln Multanl, Ivia1lkut Tujjnr,
259
JIamid ...d,lin Nagorl, Qazi (see Hamid
Nagori, Qazi)
Hlimiddalllah, 344
Hanall, 50, 255
lIanh.I, Imam, 49, 115, 257, 269
Hanhali, 50, 255
Hansi, 36:3, 3!l9, :)73, 411, 412, 411,
418
Harll, 127, 128
Haris, 126
Harsha (Harshavardhana), 12, 155, 176,
210, 219
Hanln Rashid, 270
Ha.,an (,on of Muhammad, aho known
A' Ali Zikmtul Islam), 242, 2413
lIasan (son of Sahhah), 237,
2:)8, 2!l9, 242. 244, 245
lIasan Bnsri, Shaikh, 270, 273, 274,
419, 424
"",an Qaini, 2:)9, 240, 241
Hathya (a sword,man),' 83
Hatim Kh"n ("pe Amir Ali Sarjandar)
Hawa?an, 126
Hayati, Shaikh, 394
flRza'!ah (known as Shima), 126
Hazara (Ghllr), 45; 103, 200
lIclmend (name of a river), 01
Heinnchandra (allthor. of . Abl,l,l"ana
.' .
Chin taman;, 170
'I1elliaehnndra (author of Kav!JantlSllO-
sana), 169
lIerat, 55, 103, 172, 394, 395
Hevo (name of a fort), 240
IJielaya, 51
Hind,,{,), 8,10,12,13,14, IS, 16, 17, 18;
19, 20, 21, 22, 2,'3, 24, 2.5, 26, 27, 28.
29, 30, 31, 32, 54, 56, 57, 58, 61, 63,
66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 73 74 75 76
77, 79, 80, 81, 83, 85, 86: 88: 89:: 90:
9.3, 94, 104, 108, 109, 112, 114, 115,
116, 117, 121, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141,
142, 143, 144, 145, 146; 147, 148, 149,
151, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 161, 162,
101, 1!l5, 167, 168, 1(1), 170, 171, 172
173, 175, 176, 177, 178, 181 182 184'
185, 186,187, 189, 190, 191: 192: 193:
1913, 200, 201, 205, 208, 209, 212, 214,
220, 221, 222, 223,. 225, 226 227 228
251, 281, 315, 325, 329, 342: 349: 352:
35,3, 354, 388, 409,415
Hinduism, 6, 18, 20, 23, 30, 31, 73, 75,
76, 77, 87, 114, 137, 138 159 176 179
184, 185, 189, 202, 221, '293 ' , ,
Hindustan, 18, 20, 21, 22, 139 295 298
307, 349 ' , ,
Hira (cave in Mecca), 135 .
Hizam, 133, 134
(transmigrationist or reincarnation_
"t), 283, 284, 286 .
Humayun, 58, 394
Hunas, 153
lIusamuddill, Maulnnn, 38,1
Husain Imam, 229
Ilusain Mirza (Sultan), 394
InN-l 'ADI, 132
Ilm-i Arahi, Shaikh Mohiuddin 54 288
289, 386, 395, 399 '"
IIm-i Asir, 183
Ilm-1 Ata, 279 .
Ii",-i Haban, 132
Ibn-i lIajar, lIafiz, 1.'32
I1"'-i IIi,h",n 131)
Ilm-i Kasl .. , 126
II",-i Khttnladha, 202
Ibn-i Muin, 132
11",-1 Majah, 49
I1",-i Zubair, 272
Ibn Ishag, 126
Ibn KhaldllD, 3
Ibrahim Adham, Hazrat, 270, 271, 272,
377
Ihrohim Iraqi, Shaikh, 386, 395
Ibrahim Lodi, 394
Iftikharllddin Cilan; Maulana 359
l"uaul 'Ulum (of Maulana Ghazzali) 50
Ikhtiyaruddaulah Chajj" Kh'ln-l
zarn (son of Kishlu Khan), 343
Ikhtiyaruddin Ali bin Aibak 343
Ikhtiyaruddin lIud, 303 '
IItutmish, Sultan Shamsuddln (A.D. 1211.
36), 16, 71, 75, SO, RO, 80; 105, 100,
294, 382, 388, 409, 412, 423 .
lIyas Ibn-i Mu'awiya, 220
Imadul Mulk (Balban', of war)
294, 301 '
1mtar' (a Mongol general), 299 '
Indus, 71, 200 .
[qbal, 314, 3(36, 367
Iran, 30
[I'aq, 52, 84, 191, 267 272 297
[sami, 81 "
[sfahan, 238, 239, 242, 269 419
[sha'l, Maulana 417 ' .
[slam, 10, 13, 19, 20, 2.3, 27 29 33 34
,35, 36, a7, 42, 44, 45, 48,' 49: 51: 55'
57, 64, 66, 67, 77, 89 94 95 98 99'
102, 103, 104, 100, 115,' I i6, 125 '128'
129, 132, 133, 134, 137, 138, 140: 144'
148, 157, 159, 178, 185, 191, 201, 228'
229, 231, 233, 2,35, 25,3, 254, 261, 262:
26!, 265, 266, 268, .269, 270, 272, 281 .
289, IU9, 3,19, 365, 36B 379 385'
394, 400, 409 '"
[smail,230
[smail bin Ahi Uwais laa
47, 57, 68, 71, 230, 231, 2.32,
33, 234, 235, 218, 239, 242 244 245
246, 251, 265, 283 '"
[srael, 229, 261
!zzuddin Mahmud, 308
JAnnatYA (nnme of n ,cct), 140 157
Jahangir (Emperor), 2.3, ,3,30 '
442
,ahi?, 132
,aimini, 168
Politics and Socletf! Jllring ti,e Ear/fl.,Medleval Period
Sultani (Malik Naib), 355
,ains, 137, 169, 187, 188, 189, 211
'aipal, 200
Iais (a small town in Rai BareH dishie!
of UP), 85
,.I"I"bnd, 200
'alalndelin I1asan, 245, 246
,.I.I",ldin, Q07.i, 259
,alaluddin, Shaikh, 89
Jalnluddin Khalji (see Khnlji, In!n1uddfn)
Jalaluddin Mankharni (son of Ja1aluddin
Khwarnzm Shah), 71
Ja1aluddin Huml, Maulana (A.". 1207-73),
54
Jalnl"ddill Tab";zi, Shaikh, 1182, 300, 415,
41\), 420
Jamal, Shaikh (of IIansi), 363
,amali, Shaikh (Jamaluddin), 394, 395,
306, 397
Iam.lmklin Sawji, Mufti Shaikh, 388,
405
Jami, Abdur Rahman (Maulana), 172,
274, 289
Jama-i SaMTI, 48, 49
lapan, 229
Jnxnrtos, 45, 54, 55
Jayaditya, 169
Jod"ah, 129
Jewish, 214 .
Jews, 134, 200, 311
Jihal, 239, 240
Jizya, 50
,1ogis, 7, 88
Juclaism, 144, 159
Junaid, Shaikh (of Baghdad), 53, 54, 97,
266, 267, 277, 279, 288, 399, 404, 405,
419
Justinian, 50
Juwayni, Alauddill Ata Malik, 2.32, 319
KA'nA, 129, 131, 404, 405, 411, 413
. Kahil', 311
Kabiruddin (son of Tajmldin Iraqi),
849, 8.50, 851, 352
Kalml, 901 L
Kaitll', (see 1.Inlik Kaitn)
Kaikhusrau (son of Sultan Muhammad),
301
Kailugarhi, 389
Kain (name of a fOtt), 240
Kaiqubad, Mu'b,mddin (A.D. 1286-00),
82, 107, 109, 801, 802, 312, 317, 320,
343, 423
Knlim8 (affirmation of faith), 36
Kamal udd in, 359, 860
Kamaluddin Kushi, 200
Kamaluddin Zahid, Maulana, 306, 410
Knmandnkn (nuthor of NIIIsara), 170
K.mbhaynt (name of place), 323
Kanauj, 69, 70, 113, 191
Knnhogns, 0.5
Kangra, 69
Kanishka, 100
Kapila, 168
Karn (Allahahad), 297, 303, 351
Kara-Manikpur, 343
Kara-Qitas, 70
Karmathians, 30
Kamatie, 188
Karnmlya (sect), 103
Karbala, 229
Knshghar, 239
Kashmir, 168, 175, 177, 188, 191, 200,
211, 368
Kathlawar, 183
Kaunladi, 324
Kautilya, 170
Kazim, Imam Musa, 2.30
Keshav' Swami (author of Na"" Vakil
Sanklan), 170
Khadija, 180, 131, 132, 133
KTwlrul Maialis, 77
Khalji, 16, 21, 22, 24, 60, 80, 86, a7,
91, 92, 94, 105, 109, 153, 304, 325
Khalji, Alauddin, 6, 9, 17, 18, 21; 22,
24, 72, 78, 85, 86, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94,
109, 110, 153, 259, 291, 293, 300, 304,
305, 309, 310, 313, 314, 321, 322; 323,
325, 326, 327, 328, 331, 335, 343, 347,
348, 349, 350, 351, 353, 350, 360, 365,
3BO, 378, 380, 390
Khaljf, Bakhtiyar, 70, 105, 152
Inc/ex
Khalii, Jalnluddin (Sultan), 18, 19, 80,
83, 86, 109, 302, 303, 304, 308,.312, .
G21, 343, 351, 365'
Khalii, Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah, 313,
3l4,' 323, 328, 329, 366', 367;
Khandamir, 394
Khanwn, 182
Khnqanl, 299, 378
Khayyam, Omar, 236, 237
Khizr Khan (eldest son of Alauddin
Khalji), 809, 813, 321, 323, 325, 326,-
327, 328, 329, 366
Kho ... san, 52, 70, 154, 181, 190, 191,
209, 230, 247, 274, 276, 321, 369
Khurrnmi, Bnhak (the Kurd rebel), 47
KllIIS[ (name of a fort), 240
Khusrau, Amir, 23, 81, 82, 84, 232, 291,
292, 293, 295, 296, 297, 298, 299, 300,
gOl, 302; 303, 304, 305, 307, 309, 312,
313, 314, 315, 316, 317, 320, 321, 322,
329, 330, 331, 8.32, 333, 335, 342, 343,
844, 346, 347, 348, 349, 350, 351, 352,
353, 354, 355, 363, 365, 370, 378, 421,
423, 425, 429
Khusrau Khan, 73, 315
Khusrau, Nasir (a poet scholar of the
12th .eentury), 47, 232
Khut, 17, 85
Khwaja Haji (the Naih-i Arz-I Mumalik),
324
Khwarazm, 25, 28, 30, 58, 70, 71, 154,
156, 181, 209
Khwarazmian, 38, 152
Khyber Pass, 201
Kia Buzurg Urnid, 240, 242
Kili, 78, 378
Kimiya-I Sa'aelat, 50
Kinas. 65
'.i6; bS, 229, 255
Kimtns, 65
Kinnani, Sanitl Mahmud (disciple of Sh.
learid), 368
Kishlu Knan (nephew of Sultan Bnlhan)
343 . ,
Kif"!,,,/ llilld, 25, 20, 28, 30, 156
Koil (Aligarh), 82
Krishna, 187, 227
443
Kshattrlyas, 6, 20, 61, 137; 164, 168,
202, 203, 204, 20,5! 206,207,
208,.21i, 213, 214, 216, 222, 225; 227
Kufa; .52, 99, 272, 274, 283
Kurd, 47
Kurd Koh (fort), 240
K ushanas,' 153
LAD (name of an idol of the Quniish),
133
Laehin . (nartie of a Turkish triIXl), 294
Lahore, 24, 68, 299, 359, 397, 398
Lahtld (magicians or jugglers, one of the
seven classes of IIindus), 203
Lakshml Dhnr (author of Smrlt/ Ka(,la-
!aw), 170
Lnkhnouti (founded by the Khaliis), 105,
298
Lambe, Harold, 119
Lnmaghan Valley, 200
Lamistar, 240, 241, 245
Lanka, 166
Lenin, 41
Leninism, 41
Llibabf/( Albab (of Awli), 7
LUeknow,82
Ludwig, Emile, 119
MA'ABAn, 349
Magadha, P4
Mahabh"ra!a, 22, 335, 428
Mahdi (the Seljuq kotwal), 239, 240
Mahdi, Imam, 115
Mahdiyah (a place ncar Tunis), 235.
Mahmud (Sultan of Ghazni), 12, 14, 18,
19, 20, 21, 25, 28, 29, 38, 57, 58, 60,
66, 68, 103, 139, 153, 154, 183, 191,
193,. 200, 203, 204, 235, 304, 323, 398
Mahm\,d, Sayyicl, 391
Mahmud Seljuqi, Sultan, 242
Mahmud, Shaikh, 399
Mnimun-Diz (fort), 247
Maklf/bat, 7
Malahar, 227
Malfllzat (tnhle-talk), 7, 8, 22, 76
Malik Ainul Mulk Mul!ani (govcl'I'or of
Mnlwa), 321 .
Malik Asadudelin, 313
Malik Chajju, 297, 298, 303, 301
'c'
, .
rolltlc. nlld Soc/etl/ dUI'il1g tIle Eartl/' Medieval Perli,,\
Malik Dinar, 270
Malik Fakhmddirl, Juno. (see Tughluq,
Muhammad hin)
Malik lIu.amuddin Knan-i Azam, 344
Malik Ikhtiyarudclin, 34.3, 344
Malik hnom AIm Abdtillah bin Anas (A,D.
715-(5), 48, 49
Mnlik Kaflll', 20, 31.3, 32,1, 324
Malik' Naib (see Malik Ka[nr)
Mnlik Qarn Beg (a high officer of Alaud-
din), 365
Mnlik Shah, 2,36, 239, 240
Malik Shah Seijuqi, 58
Malik Yar JI\I1'On, 380
Maliki, 50. 255
Mal",a, 175, .324
(ins,n,thcrn Sind), 1715
Ji,lamelnk. (Tnrki,h slavo,omecrs), 103
Mandeville, Geeffcry dc, 11
:vlangn Qa-an, 247
Mansur, 37, 101, 256, 257, 269
Mansur IIallaj, 52, 265, 266, 267, 279,
284, 289, 425
Mann, 22, 64, 169, 203, 208, 217, 218,
2l9, 221, 222, 223, 224
MmlUsnll'iti (code of Manu), 64, 94, 213,
214, 216, 218
Mao Tse-tung, 94
Ma'lrezi, 388
Manithas, 19
Marco Polo, 241
Margoliouth, 128, 132
Mal'"f c,:r..khil.J272
Marwor Rnd, 45
Marx, Karl, 39, 40, 41, 46, 60, 74, 78,
!)()
Marxism, 3g, 41
Marxist, 41, 42, 43
Moslwriqlll Anwar, 49
Masnacis, 7
Mas'nd (son of S"lt." Malml ud), 28, 60,
68, 1().'3
Matllllrn, 186, 211
Matilda, 11
Chishti, Khwaja, '55, 420
Mawaraun-Nahr, 16, 24, 38, 154, 191,
273, 291, 369
MU7.nnclran, 240
H, 2.'31, 232
Mecca, 34,54, 97, 125, 126, 127, 128,
129, 130, 134, 135, 137, 245, 263, 271,
276, 288, 342, 354, 393, 405, 406
Medina, 35, 96, 97, 98, 99, 127, 133,
154, 267, 277, 405, 406
Mediterninenn, 37, 43, 44
Meerut, 82
Megasthencs, 186
Merv, 237, 27t, 274, 275, 285
44, 99
MesSiah, 30
Middle Ages, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12,
15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 23, 25, 26, 27,
28, 33, 38, 41, 46, 47, 49, 51, 58, 59,
60, 75, 78, 8.'3, 95, 96, 100, 115, 116,
li7, li8, 137, 141,. 153, 167, 169, 170,
182, 194, 212, 214, 227, 2.55, 2.58, 269,
294, 296, 319, 344, 352,353, 387, 400,
427 .
Mihirakul (Hun Raja), 219
Minhaj-us Simj, 89, 104, 105, 319, 300
Misbahul md<lya, 52
49
Misur Noyan (Mongol governor of Hama-
dan), 247
Mlechchas (harharia,ns), 65
Mohammad bin Hajjaj,' 132
Mohammad bin Ishaq hin Yasar, 132
MohammAd Wa'sa, 270
Mohamrnfldim, 13, '14, 15
Mohammed (tbe Prophet), 125, 144, 159
Mohiuddin Kashani, Maulana,' 425
MOinahad, 240
Moinul lIaq, 316
Mongol, 16, 20, 24, 25, .'38, 45, 47, 59,
66, 7i, 72, 81, 84, 90, 115, 152, 246,
247, 251, 295, 298, 299, 300, 301, 317,
318, 319, 320, 322, 325, 343, 349, 350,
351, 352, 360, 373, 378, 396, 414,,416,
419
Moroco, 37, 235
Moses. 125, 2'33, 351
Mo.tll, 191, 268, 274
Mount M.em, 164, 165
Mu'awiya (Caliph), 37, (J8, 99, 134, 26@
MlIharnk, Khwaja (of c;"pamlln), 310
M"hnrak, . SaYYicl, 391
Shah (see Qn[hmlclin M,ibarak
Shah)
C'
. ..
Mubashshir, 360, 423
Mughal, 15, 54, 59, 102, 110, 116, 117,
350, 429
Mughlatai, Hafiz, 126
Muhammad, Imam, 258
Muhammad (the Prophet) see Moham-
med (the Prophet)
Muhammad (5011 of Kia Buzurg Umid),
242, 244
Muhammad (5011 of Zikratul Islam also
known as Hasan), 245
Munammad bin Abdul Wahhab Qazwini
232 ' .
Muhamma(\ bin Malik Shah, 240
Muhammad bin Qasim, 68, 15", 191,
194, 195, 273
Multo""""d Gaisu ))at'az, Sayyid, 384
MuhaniIriad Ibn-i Khwand Shah (Mir-
khond), 232, 355, 394
l'viuhamniad Khan, Nawab, 316
Muhammad Shah, 416
Muhammad, Shaikh, 288, 418
M"harram, 13
Muhibbullnh, 426,427
Mllhiuddin Abdul Qadir Jilani, Shaikh,
427
Mu'inch:",:,,%aikh, 41\, 413 ,
Mu'inuddin,
Mu'inuddin Ajmeri, Shaikh, 76,. 384, 396,
403, 404, 406, 4{)8, 410, 'H2, tl3, 426
Muir, Sir William, 128
Muizzul Haq'l, 344
Mukhtar, 272
Multan, 76, 9.3, 155, 177, 235, 259, 260,
299, 300, 301, 314, 343, 363, 367, 395,
397, 408, 410, 415, 416, 419, 42()
MU'Iaddam, 17, 24, 85, 92 '
Muslim, 10, 14, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23,
24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, 34, 36, 37, f38,
39, 46, 47, 49, 51, 53, 54; 55, 56, 58,
59, 60, 61, 66, 67, 68; 69, 70, 71, 75,
76, 77, 79, 80, 81, 82, 84, 85, 87, H8,
93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 102,
10.3, 106, 109, 112, 115, 116, 117, 128,
132, 1.37, 139, 146, 151, 152, 155, '156,
160, 161, 162, 167, 170, 172,179, 180,
J81, 182, 183, 185, 189, 191, 192, 193,
196, 199, 200, 201, 209, 212, 214; 220,
221, 222, 225, 229, 234, 235, 245, 251,
, .
254, 255, 256, 257, 260, 261,262, 2M,
264, 267. 268, 269, 270, 277, 219, 281"
286, 287, 289, 290, 293; 295, 300, 342,
351, 253, 377, 385, 386, 388, 394, 300,
,400, 408, 420, 427, 428, 433
Muslim" Inlam Abul Hasan bin Hajjaj of
N aishapur (A.D. 821-74), 48, 49 '
Musllad, 48, 49
412, 413, 426, 427, 433
Musta'li, 242
Musta'sim (Turkish chief), 269
Mustanslr (Caliph), 242; 243; 244
Mustarshid Billah,' 242
Mutawakkll, 37
M't'tasim (833-42), 101, 256
Mutazila, 30
Mu'lnzilite, 57, 282, 381
Mu'tazz (Caliph 866,69), 102
Multalib, Abdul, 126, 127
Muwaffiq Naishapuri, Imam, 236
Muwatta, 48, 49
NADDAR, 324
Nadia, '/0
Nagatjuna, 184
Nagarkot, 177
Nahrwala (Anhilwara), 323
Nahv-l Mufa..sal (claSSical Arabic gram-
mar), 48
Naik, Malii (a Hindu general of Alaud-
din'9 amiy), 18 ' ,
Naishapur, 46, 236, 271
Najihuddin 11utawakkll Shaikh 308,
415, 416 "
Najjar (tribe of Medina), 127
Najlliuddin, Sbaikh Kuhra (A,D, 1145-
1226), '55, 382 '
Najrrluddin Sughra, Shaikh, 423, 424
Nasai, Imam, J33
Nasihi Shahristani, Kh";'aja, 242 ..
Na.,iruddin, 344
Nasimddin, Shaikh, 92 '
Nasiruddin Bi,ghrn Khan (second of
Balban), 298, 302, 304
Nasiruddin Chiragh, Shaikh, 77, 356,
357, 359, 360, 361, 362,,368, 364, 368,
369, 370, 372, 373, 374, 375, 376, 377,
378, 382, 384, 388, 389, 390, 391, 392"
400, 401, 403, 40,4, 423, 426, it27
I ti,e tarll/ .Medleoal peruia
Politics and aUf'lng
( of Ghiyasud-.
Nasil1.ddn Mahmud son
din), 104, 106
Nasinol Mulk Haji, 344
. Nasiruddin 10.4
Nasr hin Salma Maruz., 133 38
( I k
nown as Il"luhall1l11ad), 2
Nazar a so
Naziri, 292 97 398 428
Nicholson, 52, 270, 283, 3, , ..
Nimroz, 153
Niralljall, 83
Nisai, 49
Nizam, Khwnja, 370 Q
Nizami Khaliq Ahmad, 4_9
Shaikh (of Gallja), 330, 331,
3
0 0 3fl3 334, 335, 342, 350
.,-,' : 301, 302 .
Nizanltlddm, 107, 109, 'd Shaikh
Ni;amuddin Abul lvluwayyl
411 I 'kl 23 60 76.
Nizamuddin Avliya, S lUI "4 '305 '306,
77 89 107 277, 291, 30 , ,
307
r
3011,..309, 310,311,312,313,314,
. : l" 34:3! )356, 357,.360,361, 363,
368' 370, 374, 575, 377, 380,
381' 382' 384' 386, 387, 388, 389, 390,
391: 392: 393: 395, 396, 397,
402 403, 404, 407, 410, 411, , ,
415' 411l 417 418, '419, 420, 421, 422,
403' 424' 425: 426, 427, 428, 429
MUlk Tusi, 231, 236, 237, 239,
(son of Mustansir) 242, 243, 244
Nur, Shaikh, 363 Ghoznavf, Stlyyfd,
Nllruddin Mubarak ..
411, 413
Nllshtigin, 240 . 23
Nusrat Khan', 109, 183, 3 . d Khan
Nllsratuddin .
(known as the Khan-i Shallld), 343
OlITA, G. S., 109, 186, 210, 219
On\ar (caliph I), 36
Ottoman Turks, 36
Oudh, 152, 301, 302, 402, 417,
Owni. Qarani, Hazrot, 276
Oxns, 24, 45, 247, 269
P 06
Pahlnvas (Persians), 65
Pakistan, 112
425
!.
!
Pall,/nama, 7
Panini, 169, 186
Panipat, 19
Panjab (see Punjab)
l'ataliputra, 113 '151 157, 161,
Patanjali, 141, 148, 150, ,
162, 168, 178, 186
l'aterculus, 4, 6
116
Patiali, 294, 301, 423
Paul, st., 262
Pendas, 65 24 34 38 44
l'crsia, 10, 14, 16, 20, '6 ioo' 191'
45, 59, 68, 152, 154, 17, ., .
229, 235, 239, 240, 241, 247, 265, 283,
292, 331, 396, 428
Persian,.4, 5, 13, 15, 16, 29, 37, 38,
47 49, 50, 65, 69, 83, 85, 91, 92, 9:,
100 107, 119, 125, 210, 229, 230, 23_,
236: 29-2, 293, 2!JR, 316, 317, 335, 340,
392, 398, 399, 404, 428
Persian Gulf, 67, 130
Pharaoh, 428
Phocians, 9' 7 281
I'lato, 32, 143, 146, 15B, 232, 2 8, ,
282, 399
Polytheism, 176
Priesthood, 34
Prophet, 23, 33, 34, 35, 37, 43, 44.
48 49 50 55 60, 69, 94, 95, 00, 97,
98' 00 100 i15 l44, 159, 198, 203,
229 230, 233, 239, 251, 253, 255, 261,
262: 268, 269, 277, 281, 288, 308, 364,
380, 405, 408, 412, 413, 433 (see also
Mohammed, the Prophet)
P 'ab 24 68 112 1.52, 153, 299, 343 un) , , , ,
Pythagoras, 146, 147
QABAD (Sassanian cniperor), 231
Qallr Khan (Khan-i Azam), 343
Qadria O",ler, 55
Qahistan, .240, 244, 247
Qnis (Turkish trihe), 318
Qanl1n-1 Masuc1i, 26, 28, 58
Qnra-Khi!n, 68
QarnQllrnm, 84. 247
419
Sa'dah, 132
r
i
, i
f I
tndex
Qasim bin Abdullah, 132
Qazi (judicial officer), 27, 28, 51, 60,
79, 100, 155, 252, 255, 257, 258, 259,
260, 263, 269
Qazwin, 49, 239, 242, 245, 247
Qiwmnuddill, Khwaja (disciple of
Shaikh NasilUddin), 371
Qiyas, 50
QlIhad, 41
Quictists (men of decp religious fect-
ings), 52, 53
Qunia, 54, 288, 395
Quraish, 116, 127, 128, 129, 131, 133
Qllran, 16, 26, 30, 33, 34, 3.5, 3B, 43,
48, 49, 50, 69, 85, 95, 97, 98,
130, 132, I.35, 137, 1.38, 160, 173, 182.
. H)(, 2.52. 253, 254, 255, 256, 260,
. 261, 263, 2(#, 267, 274, 275, 280, 281,
284, 291, 365, 379, 410, 411, 417, 430
Qulh Minar, 79,109 .
Qu!aiha, 273
Quthl1ddin (see Aibek, Qutubuddin)
Quthuddin Bnkhtfyar Kaki, Shaikh, 76,
408, 409, 410, 412, 420, 426
Qutlltlddin Mubnrakshah Sham.ul lIaq'1
Khizr Khan, 343
Qutbuddin Munawar, Shnlkh, 363, 368,
369, 373
Qutbuddin, Shaikhul, Islam, 402, 403,
408, 411, 412, 417,418, 426, 427
Qutlugh, 305 ,
Ql.ltlugh Khwaja, 78, 352
RAnTA BAsAnr, 270
Rai (a district I in UP), 85
Rai Jni Chand, 70, 87
Rai Karan (!he ruler of Nahrwala), 323,
324, 325
Rai Pithora, 19, 69, 87, 412, 416
Raihan, 106
Rais Abul Fazl, 239
Rais Muzaffar, 240, 244
Raisina, 16
Rajasthan, 20, 25, 116
RajPllt. 20, 24, 25, 26, 61, 77, 85, 87,
94, 116, 117, 1.39, 152, 192, 194, 201,
202, 324
RajPu!ana, 152, 220
Rnjshri, 219
c
Ram beo (Raja of Dcogir), 323, 3
325
Rania (king), 63
Ramayana, 22, 335
Ramanu/a, 187
Ram""n Qalandar, 380
Ramla (in Syria), 268
Hana (of C"oitor), 18
Rnnthambhor, 18, 72
Rnshid Bi1lah, 242
Rashid, S. A., 100
Rashtrakutas (A.D. 753-973), 67,
Ravi, 71, 153
Hawats, 61, 65, 72, 85, 86
Razia (Sultan), 100
Raziuddin nasan Sag],ani, MauIa!
(see Saghani, Maulana Raziudd
JIasan)
Roman, 16, 36, 50, 56, 68, 97, 99, 12'
129, 221, 256
Roman Catholics, 185, 186, 233, 261
nOnie, 50, 99, 101, 154, 186, 257
Rousseau, 42
Rudbar, 240, 244
Rudrata (author of KaVl/alanktlrtlsa"
grtlha), 169
lluknuddin Ihrahlm, Sultan (youngCS
son of Jalaluddin), 343
Ruknuddin Khurshah (son of Alaud
din), 246,' 247
Rukn\lddin, Shaikh, 314, 363, 367
Rum, 166
278
SABKAFRIA (one of the seven classes 01
Hindus), 202
Sachav, Edward C, 26, 29, 156
Sa'di, Shaikh, 161, 292, 295, 299, 342
Sadhuddln, Shaikh, 38.3
Sadiq, Hazrat Jafar (the 6th Imam),
230, 267
Sadniddin ATif, Qa,i, 259
Sadruddin, Shaikh (of Quriia), 54, 395
Sadl1lddin (Shaikhul Islam), 260
Sa'duddin Hamwiya, Shaikh, 415
Saravl (dynasty), 38
Saffarids, 38
Saghanl, MaulRnR Raziuddin Hasan
(A'D. 1185-1252), 69, 381, 407, 410
"'--.
c
Politics and Soclelu ,tilling tf", tl1.rlu Medieval I'er/oct
Sabara, 122
Sabib, 48
Suitl bin 132
Saif bin Mohammad, 1.33
Saifuddaulah Barhak, 343
Saifutldin (Khusmu's father), 294
Saifutldin BakilOrzi, Shaikh, 419
Sniyyid IIussain, 374
Sakas (Turks), 65
8,,:: (:l1i.<1
0
i, Shaikh, 397
Salnia hin Shuih, 133
Samana, 298
Samanids, 38, 50, 102
Samarqand, 71, 274
Snmarra, 101
Sa'IlUdrngllpta, 92
San ai, 299, 378
SandhUTst, 5
Sangal Deo (son of nam Deo), 324
SanjaT (Sultnn), 18, 68, 240, 241, 304
Sankolah, 380
Sanskrit, 393
Samcenic, 36, 38, 43
Sari Saqati, Shaikh, 272, 278
Sn,sanian, 44, 176, 203, 229, 231
Sawn. (name of n river), ]25
Sawihah (n slave' girl ot Abu Lahab),
126
Snyyid Ahlllnd, 306
Sayyid Ali, Khwaja (patemal grand-
father of Shaikh NizaitlUddin Auliya),
306
Schwapachas, 65
Seljuq(s), 20, 38, 68, 115, 2,36, 239,
240, 282
Semitic, 67
Sen, Rai Lahhman, 70, 87
Scna dYnesty, 66
Scronon, 19
Shadi (head of Muharnk Shah's guards),
328, 329
Shadi Khan of 'Alandditi Khalji),
313, 327.
ShaWi, 50, 255
Shah hin Ahdullah Tustm', 286
Shoh Johnn, 102
SllOh Malik Ikhtiynrlldc1in Ali hin Aihak
34,3 '
Shnikhzada Jam, 314, 300
Sha/sta Khan, 34:3
Shiktayan (Vyukamno was rearranged
by him), 169
Shamaniyyas (Buddhists), 100
Shamilan (mountains), 200
Shams Mu'in, Khwaja, 297
Shamsuddin Fazlllllah, Shaikh (son of
Shaikhul 'Islam Saclrucklin), 260
Shamsuddin TIUk, Maulana, 260,' 411
Shamsueldin Yahya, Shaikh, 30.1, 368,
369
Shankarncharra, 187
Shansahan; (Churian royal family), 10,1,
154
Shnqiq Ba Ikhi, 271
Sharaf Qai (revenue minister of Alauc1-
din), 92
Shnrafuddin Yoh),a, Shllikh (of Maner),
400, 401
Sharfuddin Qazi, :312, 4M
SIw,.I'at, 17, 28, .34, 44, 45, 50, 51, 72,
74, 79, 84, in, 94, 99, 100, 102, 117,
220, 232, 24.3, 244, 245, 256, 260, 278,
398, 400
Sher Khan, (coll.,in of Balhan), 299, 410,
419
Sher Shah, 10
Sherwani, Mnlliana Ahc\t,1 Karim, 359
Shla, 186, 2:30, 2:32, 2:35, 251
Shibli, Albu Kakr, 148 (see .iso Ahu Bakr
shihli) .
Shibli N urnani, Maulan., 2!'ll, 292, 2!l.3,
297, 300, 331, 397
Shihabllddin (son of AI.ildclin Khalji),
313, 327
Shihabuddin (see Churl, Shihahtldclin)
Shihah,lCldin, Shnikh, (see Suhrawa"li,
Shaikh Shih.lmc1din)
Shiltas (name of a town), 200
Shiraz, 53, 295, 299, 342 .
,Shi,va, 177, 178, 183, 18,t, 186, 187,
188, 189
Siberia, 122
Sidi Mauln, 83
Sijistan, 146
SikandaT LocI;, 35.3, 394
Sikhs, 112
Sind, 57, 68, 152, 155, 175, 184, .191,
200, 204,' 235, 273, 299, 373,.376
ludell
155, 170, 182, 281
Simi, Almn Najrn, 238
Sirohi, 181
Sistan, 396, 405
Siwistan, 414, 419, 420
Sirar, 8
S:ynl'fll AfllIya, 77
Snnitis, 72, 168
Socmtc., 28, 139, 156, 282, 283
Solomon, 322, 336
Somnafh, 117, 180, 18,S, 184, 323, 342,
354
Soviet Union, 46
S(;ain, 30, 54, 269, 288
Stephen, 11
Sulmktagin, 191, 200, 201
Succession (Khilafat), 55, 56
Sudrn(s), 62, 63, 64, 67, H6, 164, 168,
201, 20-2, 204, 200, 207, 208, 209, 223,
225, 228
Snctonins, 4
Sufism, 162, 283, 398
Sufynn Suri, 271, 272
SuhaH!, Imam, 128
Snhrawarcli, Shnikh Shihahuclclin (A.D.
1145-1234), 54, 55, 179, 196, 197,
288, 382, 386, 399, 412, 415, 419, 424,
ft9 .
Sukra (one of the pupils of 169
Snlrdmall. Aim f)nl1d of Si;istul1 or Siston
(A.n. 817-88), 48
Sultan Muhammad (eldest SOn of Balhan
known as Khnn_i Shahid, martyr'
prince), 298, 299, 301, 304 (see also
Nusrntnddin Sultan Ml1hnmmad Khan)
8u!tanpur, 324
Sumbul, 327, 328
Sunan, 48, 49
Sunnat, 23
Snnui, 4\), 50, 186, 230, 232, 235, 251,
255
Suri, Alnkh, (Kav!lnpmkaslw was COm-
pleted hy him) 169
Smi, Dco (author of Neeti Vakynmr/t),
170
Sutlci, 71
Suyuti, . 132
Swami, 16
Sykes, Percy, 232
Syria, 127, 130, 238, 268,
TABRrz, 89
Tabs (name of a fort), 240
Tafsir (Quranic exegesis), 61, 26(
Tafsir-i Zamakh,hr.ri, 48
Taghi, 372
TahiTids, 38
Tajiks, 200
Tajuddalllah, 344
Tajueldaulah Malik Chajjll, 343
Tnjuddin, 343, :374, 388, 389
Tajuddin Fath.tl Mulk Sharafuddi,
Tajuddin Im'}i, :349 ;,
Tak.sh (n name of a town In MIi"
, Nahr), 294 ,
'Tara/n, 19, OB, 70, 71, 152,' 153,
T"raz, Tnnihl, 71
Targhi, 360 .
Tarlklt_1 FI"HZ Slto1,1, 17, 19
Tnrmshirin Khan (last of ,the Ch,
Khans),369
TataTS, 20, 317, 318
Tnyannku (of Taraz), 154
Tazkirnhs, 7, 8
Tehran, 237
Terim, 45 '
'fhnkurR, 61, 62, 66, 67, 69, 77
105
Thnncswnr, 177, 383
Thotta, 372
TI'eology, 49, 50, 51, 52, 57
Tigris, 274
Timur, 15, 38, 350, 396
Timuricls, 38, 59
Trans-Oxinna, 24
Tsang, Huien, 210, 211, 219
Tughluq, Fhuz, 54; 55, 75, 365,
381, 390, 391
Tughluq, Chiyasi,ddin 6, 314, 315,
Tughluq, Muhamniad hi.ri, 294, 315,
333, 350, 304, 367, 369, 370, 372,
. '390, 391, .430
Tughlu'lahad, 109
Tughril (the governor of Lnkhnnllti),
Turiis, '235' ".
Turnb, 383
Turkan Khatun, 240
c.; {.C\ b
450
Politics and Society durIng tl,e Early "Medleval Period
Turkish, 16, 17, 21, 27, 28, 38, 45,
55, 64, 69, 80, 81, 82, 91, .95,
100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107,
108, 109, Il5, Il6, Il7, 152, 153, 154,
185, 200, 210, 219, 239, 265, 282, 283,
293, 295, 302, 320, 352
TUI'ki,h Anntolia, 288
Turkistan, 14, 16, 24, 37, 55, 68, 70,
154, 191, 235, 245, 265, 273
Turks, 14, 16, 23, 28, 37, 38, 45, 54,
65, 67, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 80,
84, 85, 94, 99, 101, 102, 107, 108, 109,
15.3, 154, 192, 200, 201, 230, 235, 239,
324
Tus (name of a fort), 240
UBAIDULLAH bin Jahsh, 132
Ubaidullnh, Muhammad, 235
Uchch, 397, 416, 420
Udunpur, 175
UJJnin, ll3
VIi'gh Beg (of Smnar'land), 58 .
Ulugh Khan (govemor of Cujarnt), 323,
324, 325, 326, 327 .
Umaithn bin Mughira, 129
Umar (Caliph), 98, 251, 267
Umayyad, 37, 48, 50, 52, 98, 99,' 100,
101, 126, 127, 132, 229, 230, 251, 268,
270; 277, 282' ,
Umm-i Salemah, Hazmt, 424
Und (see Wnihind)
United States, 39
U,JanisTwc1s, 1 ~ 8 , 178
Urll, 292
Usman (Caliph), 251, 267
Usman hinul Hawaris, 132
Usman Haruni, Khwaja, 420, 424, 426
Usuli, Shaikh, 415
Usman Haruni, Shaikh, 390, 402, 403,'
404
Usmnn, Khwaja,. 404, 405. 407
Uttar Pradesh, 75, 84, 85
Uzhegs, 38
Uzza(namc of an idol of the QUI'aish),
133
VAOAVAMUKIIA (name of an Island), 165
Vaishya(s), 62, 104, 108, 202, 203, 204,
206, 208, 216, 225, 228
Vnrnhniniliirn, 100, 170, 177, 100
Varanasi, 175 (sec nlso Bennres)
Vasudeva, 158, 164, 212
Veda(s), 22, 02, 137, 138, 147, 164, 167,
108, 193, 198, 201, 204, 210, 218, 224
Vedic, 120, 168, 176, lR6, 215
Vigyaneshwnr, 170
Vikramnditya, 219
Vishnu, 177, 178, IRS, 186, 187, 353
Vyasa, 29, 73, 158, 184, 109 .
WAHDATIlL WUfUD, 54
Waihind (nnme of n city on the hank
of the Inclus), 20l
Wail'ul Kashifi, 172
Walid bin Mughira, 129
Walid bin Abdul Malik (Umayyad
Caliph), 36, 37, 101, 208
Wnlis, 7 ,
Wamyat (name of n fort), 238
Wnrnngal, 349
WarqR bin Na\lfal, 132
Warqntni, 133
Wdlcsley, Lord, 4 .
Winchester (the biographer of Stephen),
11
YAGltiusH KUAN (cou.in of Sultan Ala-
1I(ldin); 328
Yahy. hin Mt.khlnh, 133
Yahya Maneri, Shaikh Sharafuddin, 55
(.,ee nlso Sharafudclin Ynllya) .
Yajnnvnlkya (one of the pllpils of Vynsa),
169
l"ald\lz, Tajuddin, 71, 104
Yamakoti, 166
Ynskn (n Hindu scholar of Kashmir), 168
Yavan<\.. (Greeks), 05, 190
Yazid, 37
Yemen, 130,' 419
rusuf, 388
Yusnf, Imam, 51
YIISU{, Imam Muhammad, 258
Yusuf Chishu, Shaikh, 407, 420
Yusuf, Khwnja, 360
ZUBULISTAN, 153.
Zafar Khan (Alnuddin K/,alji's minister
of war), 378