Collection directed by Jos Manuel Prez Tornero andJosep Llufs FECE

Latest editions:
30. T. A. Sebeok and J. Umiker-Sebeok - Sherlock Homcs \ ' Chaites S. Pcirce 31. J. Abadia Martinez -Lntroduccin tothe / ('c/1ologa audiovisual 34. M. Rodrigo Alsina - I ~ construction of news 36. 1. Tuson - EI / ow! I ('n ~ UAJ (' 37. D. Cassany - Descnbir ri write 38. N. Chomsky - Barriers 39 K. Krippendorff. Ml'Iodo Now or! -! [U anisis of ccmtenido 40. R. Barthes - The avemuru sl'mio / gin.l 41 T. A. van Dijk - ta news as di. \ TUr.I 'O 4.: 1. R. Banhes - The lucid cmara 44. L Gomis - Theory dei Journalism 45. A. Mattelart - Lu advertising 46. E. Goffman - Moments vtheir hombrcs 49. M. DiMaggio. Escrihir for tecvisin 50. P. M. And J. Lcwis Booth - EI half invshle 51. P. Weil-Ui Global contunicacn 52. I. M. Floch - Semi.nica, markctng And comunicacin 54. J. C. Pearson andanother, - Communication and Gender 55. R. Ellis and A. Mclintock - Theory and prcca of human comunicarem 56. L. Vilches - [A tclrvisin 58. R. Debray - life and death of the lmage W. C. Baylon andP, Fabre - Semantics 60. T. H. Qualter - Advertising vdemocracy in the society mass Ol A. Prutkanis and E. Arcnson. The era of 'propaganda

Paids Gomunicacin

Dick Hebdige

Subculture
EI meaning of style

62. E. Noelle-Neumann - The spiral! silence

fi}. V. Price - UJ opnin phlica M. M. Keene - Pnotica of laji! {Ogrf.1fa of prensu 67. F. Jameson - Aesthetics KC'Opo / itim 69. G. Durandin - UI InjOrmaciln, ta esinformactn vthe realidod 71. J. Bree - Children, ri ('M1SI/mo vmarketing 74. T. A. Scbeok - Signs: a introduccin to scmilica 77. M. McLuhan - The average comonicacion Comnrendcr 79. J. Bryaru and O. Zillman - Efeetos media 82. T. A, Van Oijk - Critical analysis of 10.1 Racismoy stockings 83. A. Mucchielli - Psu-ologla of comunicacan 8i1. P. J. Maarek. Political Markl'ling crmrunicacin 90. J. Curran and others (cornps.r- Cultural studies and communication 91. A. Mattelart andM. Mattclart -Ltstorias of communication theories 92 O. Tannen - Gncro R ' speech 97. J. Lyuns - Semn! If'lj linguistic 99. A. Manelart -The mundializacin of comunicacin 10 (). E. McLuhan and F. Zingrone (cornps.) - Mcl.uhan e, I '(' r / II, ", '('. I'I'IIC1'ales 101. J. B_Thompson - LOI 'media and modernity LOS. V. Nightingale - EI audience research 109. R. Whitaker - EI jln of pnvacdad 112. J. Langer - The tabloid televisin 121. P. Pavis - fi Analysis of esprrtcuos 122. N. Bou YX. Perez - Eltiempo dei hcroe 123 J. J. O'Donnelt. Avatars dc the patahra 124. R. Banhes - The Eiffel Tower 125. R. Debray -Lntroduction to medoogia 132 A. Mattelun - Socicdod historiographical of the irfnrmacin 136. R. Banhes - Variations literature Sohre 137. R. Barthes - Sohre Fariaciones writing 138. l. Moreno - Muses and new technologies 143. C. Barker - Trtevisin, x1ohali: ation and idemidudcs cultural 144. M.-L. Ryan - The narrative C0/110 Virtual reaiidad 147. J. Gilbert and E. Pearson - Culture and politics of dance music 148. J. Puig - The Municipal comumcacin iOS cmpcc citizens 153. A Mattelart and E. Neveu - tmroduccin to 10.1 'cultural rstudias 157. D. Hebdige - Sutxuttura

Barcelona Well Aires Mexico

PAIDS

Original title: Subculture. The Meaning of Style Published in English in 2002 Routtedge. an imprtnt of the Taylor and Prancs Group, London and New York Originally published in 1979 by Methuen &Co. Ltd.

Summary

Rache translation Carles

Cover Mario Eskenazi

Acknowledgements. . . . . . . . . Introduction: subculture and style

UNO. From culture to hegemony

11 13

Free Culture
Quedao strictly prohibited without written aulorizacin dei holders copyriKhl, low esrablecidas sanctions on teyes, the total or partial reprodllccin this work by any means or process. including photocopying and eltratarniento infonntico, and distribute copies of it through public rental or lending.

17 17

Dick Hebdige 1979 2004 translation. Carles Roche 2004 all editions in Castilian Paids Bdiciones Iberian, S. A,

PART ONE: Case studies DOS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Holidays in the sun: e1 win Mister Rotten
Yawning in Babylon. . . . . . . . . . . . .. 39 39 43

Mariano Cubi, 92 - 08021 Barcelona

http://www.paidos.com

ISBN: 84-493-1609-X Legal deposit: B-31.208/2004 Printed in Hurope, s. L., Lima, 3 - 08030 Barcelona Printed in Spain - Printed in Spain

THREE. Back to Africa. The solution Rastafarian.

49 49
53

SUMMARY

SUMMARY

EI reggae andRastafarianism. . . . . Exodus: a journey in two directions. FOUR. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

55 60 69 69 76 79

EIGHT. Style as homology. _ EI as signifying practice style.

157 157

162
NINE. Alright, Culture. But Les Arts? . CONCLUSION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Letters. Bibliography. . . . . . . . . . Further Reading 175 175

Hipsters, beats andteddy boys. . . . . . . National production Elegance: the style of the mods. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . PIEI white, black mask. . . . . . . . Glam andglitter rock: the camp albino andother
amusements. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Discolored roots: the punks andidentity white ethnic. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..

183
193

85
89

223 235
247

Index andName . . . . . . . . . . PART TWO: AN INTERPRETATION FIVE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Function of the subculture. . . . . . . Specificity: two classes teddy boy Sources dei style. . . . . . . . . 103 103

112
117

sms .................
Subculture: unnatural rupture. Two forms of integration SEVEN. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . EI as intentional communication style. The style and DIY. . . . . . . . . . A boost for the style: style repulsive

I~

125 128
139 139 142 147

Acknowledgements

Many people, in one way or another, have colrado in writing this book. In particular, I would like thank Jessica Pickard and Stuart HalJ time granted generously reading and commenting Dei manuscript. Thanks also to the teachers and students dei Centre of Contemporary Cultural Studies University of Birmingham and Geoff Hurd, the PoliWolverhampton technique, for keeping in touch with key debates. I also want to thank the Erica sefiora Pickard for all time and talent investment ARE COVERED in the preparation of this manuscript. Finally, graences to Duffy, Mike, Don and Bridie to live for so many years within the limits of the law without encasilJarse.

Introduction: subculture and style

I could get a score of photographs andI have stuck with chewed bread crumbs back ai dei regulations cardboard hanging from the wall. Some are pierced with pieces of brass wire that brings the boatswain andin threading which I colored glass beads. With these same accounts that inmates ai make co-side mortuary neurons, have made, for the most purely crimitions, star-shaped frames. At night, as vosotros abris the window overlooking the street, turn to me dei back regulation. Smiles and grimaces, and a relentless other, I enter every orifice offered ... Presiden my most hackneyed customs (Genet, 1966a). *

* Jean Genet, Santa Maria de las Flores, Madrid, Debate, 1994, andDelladrn Journal, Madrid, Debate, 1994. (N. dei t.)

14

Subculture

INTRODUCTION

15

In the first pages dei Journal dei thief Jean Genet describes how, after a raid, police Engconfiscates the tube of Vaseline. That "miserable and dirty object "found in his possession, which proclaims its hornosesexuality ai world becomes for a special Genet cie warranty, "the sign of a secret grace pronto save dei would scorn 'discovery of EI Vaseline is greeted with laughter at the registered office ters of the police station and the cops, "smelling of garlic, indor and to oil, but ... had their security force morai, "he launched a barrage of hostile indirect. EI author laughs - "painfully" - with them, but then, in his cell, we confess: "The image of the vase-tube lina and would not let me. "

He was, however, sure that this puny object so humble, challenge them, only their presence know rile police dei whole world, would attract sober if contempt, hatred, anger virulent andmudas (Genet, 1967).

I wanted to start with these extracts Genet because he is one of those who have explored further, both in his life and in his art, implications subDEI versivas style. Come back often to large Genet issues: the status and significance of the revolt, the Style treated as a form of rejection, elevated crime to do art form (although in our case the "crimes" limited to a mere breach of codes). As to Genet, we are interested in the subculture, forms and rituals expressive of those subordinate groups -Teddy boys, mods, rockers, skinheads andpunks- as soon contemptible

ciated and denounced as enthroned, these groups that, as the winds blow at the time, are seen as threats to public order or harmlessness you buffoons. We also intrigued as to Genet, the obmost trivial subjects, a safety pin, a toe shoe, a motorcycle-Whatsoever objects charged as tube of Vaseline, a symbolic dimension, and end becoming a kind of stigma, in tests of a self-inflicted exile. And finally we, as Genet, try to recreate the action-reaction dialectics gives meaning to those objects. Because, like the conflict ai between sexuality "unnatural" and unworthy of Genettion "of the police legftimax may condense on an object unique, tensions between dominant groups and groups subordinates can be reflected on the surfaces of subculture, in some styles made from obeveryday subjects endowed with a double meaning: on the one side, say ai "normal" world of the dangers of sinister presence-Ia-difference and bring upon yes vague suspicions, uncomfortable laughs, "virulent anger and dumb. " Moreover, for those who erect icons and wield it as gospel or as anathema, these obsubjects become signs of prohibited identity, sources of value. AI remember their humiliation maus from the police, Genet finds comfort in the tube vaselina. It becomes a symbol of his "victory", "I would beaten to death rather than deny this ridiculous utensil "(Genet, 1967). So the meaning of the subculture always dispute is central, and style the area where the conflict between lines the more dramatic definition. For this reason, much of the pound is dedicated to describe the

16

Subculture

process by which the objects are attributed signs cance within the subculture and made to mean in form of 'style'. As in Genet's novels, the proprocess begins with an attack on the natural order, although which in the present case the deviation may appear rather mild: grow a toupee, buy a scooter or disk or certain kinds of clothing. Anyway, the process results in the construction of a style in a gesture of defiance or rejection, a smile or a grimace disdain. Indicates rejection. I believe that the rejected zo has reason to be, that these gestures have a signified, smiles and grimaces that are of some value subversion sive, although ultimately, ai as the Genet photographs of criminals, not otherwise the dark side of the rules, as the graffiti in the prison wall. However, the graffiti reading may constitute a fascinating. Attract your attention. Express both impotence as true power, the power of defibrillation gure (Norman Mailer says, "Your presence in the Prepresence of them [...] leave written your alias in its territory " [Mailer, 1974]). With this book I intend to decrypt graffiti, elucidate the meanings inscribed in different ing postwar youth styles. But before moving to subcultures examined one by one, we must first define key terms. The word 'subculture ture "is full of mystery. Suggests something secret, oathMasonic cough, an underworld. And also invoked withconcept, broader and less convoluted, of "culture." We must begin, therefore, with the idea of culture.

ONE

From culture to hegemony

CULTURE

Culture: culture, care, Christian authors, adoration, action or practice of cultivating the soil tillage agriculture, crop or raising certain anima'les (fish: for example); development artificialde organismosmicroscpicos andorganisms so produced, growing or developing ment (of the mind, faculties, manners), improves or refinement by education andtraining; conditions tion dei be formed or refined, intellectual side of civilization; special prosecucino atencino study dedicated to any issues or activities (Oxford
Enf? Lish Dictionary).

18

Subculture

From culture to hegemony

19

As demonstrated by this definition, culture is a conrather ambiguous concept. Refracted through centuries usage, the word has acquired a number of significant two quite disparate, often contradictory. Even as a scientific term, refers either to a proprocess (desarrol1o artificial microscopic organisms) as a product (organisms so produced). * More isSpecifically, since the late eighteenth century dei intellectual tual and British writers have employed to direct critical attention to a range of quesTIONES controversial. The "quality of life", the implications in human terms of mechanization, the dividei mission work and the creation of a society of masses have been discussed in the broader context of what Raymond Williams l1am discussion of "Culture and society ity "(Williams, 196 \). If sueio of a "society organic '-Ia society as an integrated whole and has of meaning-has been so longevity is mainly graences to this tradition of dissent and criticism. EI suefo has had two primary paths. A drove of Back ai feudal past and the notion of a community structured hierarchically. Here culture assumed a bordering on the sacred function. His "perfectly harmonious (Arnold, 1868) was wielded against the wasteland dei contemporary life. The other path, much less crowded, we e1 leads to future, towards a socialist utopia where distinction between work and leisure would be annulled. Two defibasic nitions culture emanated from this tradition,

although not necessarily congruent with respect to the underlined above two paths. The first-seguramente aquel1a with which the reader will be more familiarizado-is essentially classical and conservative. Represent culture as aesthetic standard of excellence ca: "The best that has been thought and said in the world" (Arnold, 1868), and derives from an appreciation of how aesthetic "classical" (opera, bal1et, theater, literature, art). The second, whose origins go back as Williams Harder and until the eighteenth century (Wil1iams, 1976), has a anthropological point. Here, the term "cultural ra "means

[...] A specific way of life that expresses certain two meanings and values not only in art and eduanza, but also in institutions and behavior daily treatment. Analyze the culture is, according this definition, to elucidate the meanings and values implicit and explicit in a particular lifestyle, a particular culture (Williams, 1965).

EI scope of this definition is, of course, much greater. In the words of T. S. Eliot, covers [...] All the activities and interests of a people. EI dei derby day, the Henley Regatta, Cowes, the August 12, the cup final, the dog races, the exhibitor badges, the target and darts, cheese Wensleydale, boiled and chopped lime, the remolachaen vinegar, Gothic churches dei abbreviation XIX, music Elgar [...] (Eliot, 1948).

In Castilian we would refer, naturally, to "culture" and *

not to "culture." (N. dei th.)

20

Subculture

From culture to hegemony

21

As noted Williams, the only way to support a definition of characteristics was found a Tajes emnew theoretical prey. Thereafter, the theory of culture imply the "study of the relationships between elements within a way of life as a whole "(Williams, 1965). EI emphasis shifted from the immutable criteria historical, fixed to the transformation:

[...] An emphasis that from studying Dei meanstwo andspecific values, aspire less to compare as estableceruna form scale, but, for the study their methods of change, causes descubrirciertas general and "tendencies" that allow us to understand better social processes andwhole cultural (Williams, 1965).

ras childhoods (Leeds Hoggart in the case of [1958], one can Welsh mining block in Williams [1960]), but their work glimpse low predilection for the letters andliteracy, Imoralism and an equalpalpable mind. Hoggart deplored how the cotraditional working-class community-a community ity of tested and proven values despite stern aI landscape that was a lie, was being undermined and replaced by a "World Cotton Candy" of noveluchas and cheap thrills, a world so tasteless as sordid. Williams defended timidly new mass media, but what worried him was primarily affirming Tues aesthetic and moral criteria for distinguishing Valid products 'junk', the jazz - "A form authentic musical "- and football -" a wonderful gameso >> - against the "noveluchas of sex and violence, the tiSunday and the last flush of popular music memez (Williams, 1965). In 1966 Hoggart foundation upon which were founded cultural studies:

What he proposed Williams was therefore a formulation much broader relations between culture and society tion, that by analyzing the "significant and values specific res "treats of exposing hidden bases of history, the "general causes" and "trends" soGeneral cial hiding behind appearances manifiestas of 'everyday life'. At first, when they began to take root in the uniuniversities, cultural studies occupied a bastant uncomfortable on the border between these two definitions opposite-Ia exceIencia culture as standard, the culture as "a way of life as a whole" - without opt for any of them as research Inea tion more profitable. Richard Hoggart and Raymond WilIiams developed a chronic sense of working-class culture as nostalgic tales of their prime-

First, without appreciating good literature no able to understand fully the nature of the sosociety, secondly, literary critical analysis can applied to social phenomena besides the liteture "academically respectable" (for example, popular arts, mass communications) and this mode will illuminate the meanings they have for individuals andsocieties (Hoggart, 1966).

Paradoxically, the implication of which was being necessary for a literary sensibility "leerx the society with due subtlety and that the two ideas of cul-

22 ture could ultimately reconciled would also to report the first French writer jobs Dei RoBarthes, although in his case came from validation semiotic method-Ia-treated as a form reading signs (Hawkes, 1977).

Subculture

From culture to hegemony

23

Barthes: MYTHS AND SIGNS

Using models derived from the work of linguist Dei Swiss Ferdinand de Saussure, Barthes' wanted to put relieve the character arbitrary of cultural phenomena, revealing the latent meanings of everyday life that, for all purposes, was "perfectarnente natural." AdiConference of Hoggart, Barthes was not interested in disdistinguish between good and evil in the modern culture of masas, but just wanted to show how all the forms and all rituals, spontaneous supuestarnente of contemporary bourgeois societies are subject to a systematic distortion, always likely to be de-historicized, "naturalized" become a legend:

All France is awash in this anonymous ideology: our press, our films, our theater, our liteture of large circulation, our ceremonies, our justice, our diplomacy, our conversations, the temperature makes the crime that is judged, the housetion that moves us, the kitchen is sueia have, l1eva clothing that everything in our daily lives, is Tax representation is made that the bourgeoisie and us relations man dei andthe world (Barthes, 1972).

Like Eliot, for Barthes traspa the idea of culturesa limits library, theater andopera for a whole of daily life. But this life Barthes is charged daily for a transcendence more insidious andmore systematic organization. Partiendo with the premise that the "myth is a type of speech" in Mythologies Barthes proposes to examine the whole usually hidden, regal, codes andconventions which cause significant characteristic groupspecific social groups (those in power, by example) become universal and"Given" to the rest of society. In such disparate phenomena as a wrestling, a writer on vacation, a guide tuistic, Barthes finds an artificial nature cial, the same ideological bone. Each ha Bia been exposed to identical dominant rhetoric (the DEI rhetorical sense) to become myth, pure element of a "second semiological system order '(Barthes, 1972). (Barthes gives the example of a Photography Paris-Match in which a black soldier saluda the French flag, which has symbolic connotation ca first andsecond order: [I] gesture of loyalty, pear tarnbin [2] "France is a great empire, andall sons, without color discrirninaciones, faithfully serve under its flag.) The application by a method Barthes basado on other linguistic distinction speech systems coughing language (fashion, film, food, etc.) opened completely new perspectives for studies contemporary cultural. It was expected that the invisible suture between language, experience andreality could be localized andunmasked by a semiotic analysis

24

Subculture

From culture to Hegemony

25

tico of this type, and find out what the meaning the gap between the alienated intellectual and "real" world, and that it would disappear as if by miracle in the same time. In addition, under the baton of Barthes, the semi otic promised nothing less than to reconcile the two definitions opposite of culture on which was so ambiguouslyron postulates cultural studies: a marriage between moral conviction (in this case, Marxist beliefs Barthes) and popular topics: the study of all mode of life of a society as a whole. That does not mean that semiotics would fit with faciliity within dei project of cultural studies. By Barthes share more than literary concerns Hoggart and Williams, his work introduced a new "prolem 3 Marxist tradition outside British dei "Social commentary" and largely committed devoid of theoretical basis. As a result, repente, the old debate seemed limited. It gave the impression sion, in the words of E. P. Thompson, that only reflected ba the concerns of a small group of "gentlemen dilettantes. " Thompson wanted to replace the definition williamsiana of the theory of culture as "a theory relationships between elements within one mode life as a whole "by its very formulation, more rigurosamente Marxist: "The study of the relationships dena mode tro conflict as a whole. " It took A more analytical, had to learn a new vocabulary. As part of that process of theorizing, the word "ideology" over adopting a range of sigings much wider than before. Barthes, as we have seen, had found an "anonymous ideology ' that permeated all levels of social life possible,

that was part of the most mundane rituals, certain ing the most eventful of social relations. But i, how ideology can be "anonymous" and how can be of such importance? Before testing whichdei reading any subcultural style, we define more precisely the term 'ideology'.

Ideology: a lived relationship

In The German Ideology, Marx shows how the foundation of the capitalist economic structure (the goodwill Godelier deftly defined when said that "The benefit [...] is unpaid labor" [Godelier, 1970]) cs hidden from the consciousness of the agents of proproduction. Inability to traverse the opacity appearances to see the real relations underlying them is not a direct result of any operation tion executed deliberately masking by individues, social groups or institutions. All contrary, by definition, ideology runs by bejo of consciousness. Is there, in terms dei "meaning cocommon ordinary ", where ideological frameworks cos are more firmly settled and where more are effective, because that's where their ideological character logic is disguised more effectively. In the words of Stuart Hall:

It is precisely their "spontaneity", transparency, its 'naturalness', its refusal to examine the premises on which it is based, its resistance to carnbios or modications, the effect of instant recognition, and

26

Subculture

From culture to Hegemony

27

closed circle which moves determining common sense is, at once, "Wife? taneous" ideological and unconscious. With no common sense can discover how things are; at most, they learn of where they fit in the existing scheme of things. Thus, it establishes its apparent unquestionableness as a medium whose transparency is supposed object back invisible its own premises and budget positions (HAL1, 1977).

Since ideology saturates everyday discourse in form of common sense, can not be placed between. parntesis andseparate from everyday life as a set to separate "political opinion" or ~ <Points d.e. partisan view. " Nor can be reduced to the diabstract dimensions "vision dei world" or ~ Mployed in typical Marxist sense of "false consciousness tion, "as Louis Althusser He pointed out:

[...] Ideology has little to do with I ~ 'Withscience "[...] is deeply unconscious [...] Sm doubt ideology is a system of representation, but in the Most cases such representations have nothing to do with the 'conscience' are usually images and seeces concepts, but it's mostly about structures as are imposed on the vast majority of men, not working see his "conscience>. They perceived cultural objects two-accepted-suffered Yfuncionalmente act in men through a process that remains madverTido for them (Althusser, 1969).

etc.., to illustrate the point we can easily assert mind physical structure as an example. Most of modern schools, despite the apparent neutrality quality of the materials they are constructed (Iadrillo red, white tile, etc.) carry ideological assumptions cal implicit literally inscribed in the very architecture. The categorization dei arts knowledge and science plays in the system of power, which alberga different disciplines in different buildings, and the mamajority of universities maintained traditional divisions tions and a plant dedicated to each specialty. Furthermore, the hierarchical relationship between teacher and student is enrolled in design itself dei classroom lectures, where the distribution tion-seat tiered staggered banks with a raised dais-dictate the fiow of information and serve to "naturalize" professorial authority. Thus, all a series of decisions about what is possible and what not in education may have already been taken, albeit unconsciously, even before deciding the contaken from each of the courses. These decisions help establish no limits only what is taught but how is taught. The ediings reproduce literally in concrete terms notions (ideological) ruling on what the education, and through that process the educational structure tion, which of course can be changed, passed oca pair unquestionable and is presented as "given" (Ie, as immutable). In our example, the isburning our thoughts have been translated into actual bricks and mortar. So the only people they endorse the rerelations and social processes through the ways

Although Althusser is referring here to stru: t.uras as family, cultural and political institutions,

28

Subculture

From culture to Hegemony

29

they are represented them. As we have seen, these forms are not transparent at all. They come inturns into a "common-sense that endorses ai time the adulteress. These "cultural objects perceivedaccepted-suffered "are precisely those that the semiotic policy aims to "examine" and decipher. All aspects of culture have a semiotic value and phenomena unquestionable apparently can work more como signs, ie systems elements comtion governed by rules and semantic codes not dirightly apprehended by experience. These signs are as opaque as the social relations that the produce and that they represent. In other words, all significance involves an ideological dimension:

A sign does not simply exist as part of reality ity, but reflects andrefracts another reality. Thereto, can distort that reality or be faithful, or perceive from a particular viewpoint, and so on. Every sign is subject to ideological endpoints ca [...] EI domain of ideology coincides with the dominant nio signs. Both are comparable. When a sign is present, ideology is too. All has special ideological semiotic value (Volosinov, 1973).

Then Hall describes these codes as "maps of meaning "that are necessarily the product of a selection. Roam across a number of potential meanings, releasing some of them and excluding other dei pitch. We are accusbrates to inhabit these maps with the same certainty with who inhabit the "real" world: we "think" in the same ma extent that "think", and if this proves quite "natural." All human societies reproduce themselves thereby, by a process so of "naturalization" Through this process-luck of inevitable reflection of all social life, sets concrete social relations, forms concrete of organize the world appear to us as universal and eternal. That refers Althusser (1971) says'm cu that "ideology has no history" and ideology in this general sense is always "an essential element of any social formation (Althusser and Balibar, 1968). However, as the complex societies our, operated by a sophisticated division (ie, specialization) dei work, key everything has to do with specific ideologies, which represent the interests of groups and classes predominant donors at a given time in a given situation. For address this issue should first be considered how power is distributed in our society. That is, we have to ask what groups and classes involved in the definition, management and classification dei social world. For example, as soon as we think of it will realize that access to the media of ideas in our society (that is, mainly mass media) is not same for all classes. Some groups

To expose the ideological dimension of the sigwe first must be treated desentra'ar codes employees to organize meaning. Special importance have codes "connotative". As stated Stuart Hall, "[...] cover the face of social and vuelare classifiable, intelligible, meaningful "(Hall, 1977).

Subculture

From culture to Hegemony

31

30

pos have more say andmore votes, more options to dictate rules more, to organize meaning, while the situation other is more unfavorable, are less able to produce ai cir world and impose their definitions dei world. So, when we look below dei level the "ideology-in-general" to see how they operate the specific ideologies, and how to acquire some

This is the basis of the theory of Antonio Gramsci hegemony, which provides the most effective explanation how to maintain the domination of capital companies ists advanced.

others remain in the marginalization, we found that

in advanced Western democracies field ideological is not in any way neutral \. Returning codes "connotative" mentioned by Stuart Hall, we can see that these 'maps of meaning' are carPollack explosive transcendence because they are drawn andalong the lines overdue established by the speeches dominant carried on ity, ideologies dominant. So they tend to reprelay, by dark andcontradictorily that is, the ingroup interests dominant society. To understand the question we have to quote Marx:

Hegemony: BALANCE IN MOTION

"Society can not share a communication system common education while facing class-divided followdas "(Brecht, Small organum for the theater).

The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch, the ruling ideas, ie the class which is the force mamaterial dominant society is both its force intellectual dominant. The class that has at its disposal position control means to produccinmaterial Once mental production means, so that, in Generally speaking, the ideas of those who lack megod of mental production are subject to the \ a. Ideas are more dominant than the ideal expression of the redischarged into dominant material relationships formof ideas; relationships which make the one class the ruling are the same ideas become dominant (Marx and Engels, 1970).

EI hegemony term refers to a situation where provisional alliance of certain social groups can exert 'total social authority' over other subordinate groups, not only by coercion or imposition direct dominant ideas, but "earning and configuring acceptance so that the power of the dominant classes appears both legitimate andnatural ' (Hall, 1977). Hegemony keep only condition tion of the ruling classes "get to do their definitions aside all opposition "(Hall, 1977), with which are all subordinate groups, if not, monitored, then at least one space are contained within ideological not look at all "ideological": which, however, will show up as permanent and'Natural ral "outside history, as if more aliyah specific interests (see Social Trends, No. 6, 1975). This is how, according to Barthes, the "mythology" perworth their vital role in naturalization andnorrnalizacin, being Mythologies the most convincing demonstration barthesiana dei scope of such forms andnormal meanings

32

Subculture

OF CULTURE TO HEGEMNA

33

malizados. However, the important afiade Gramsci clause that says that the hegemonic power, precisely you because DEI requires consent of the majority domined, can never be permanently exercised by the same alliance of "class fractions" As have pointed out, "the hegemony l ...] is not universal and "Given" to the perpetual domination of a certain class nothing. You must be conquered, reproduced, sustained. As said Gramsci, hegemony is a "balance modvile "containing relations of forces favorable or desfavor of this or that tendency "(Hall et al, 1976a). Similarly, it is possible to normalize perpermanently forms. They can always be deconstructed, demystified, by a "mythologist" as Barthes. Furthermore, the goods may be symbolically mind "recovered" in everyday life and equipped with opposite meanings implied by Quietions originally produced them. The symbiosis between ideology and social order, between production and reproduction tion, and is neither fixed nor guaranteed. May be vulnerable Rada. EI consensus may break, or be questioned or canceled, and resistance to dominant groups not tiene to be always more or discarded without automatically incorporated mind. Although, as Lefebvre wrote, we live in a society where "l ...] in practice objects become signs and signs and objects a second ranks nature of the first, initial layer of discernible reality "(Lefebvre, 1971), always there, as he argues, 'objections and contradictions that hinder the closing circuit dei "inbetween sign and object, between production and reproduction.

We can now return ai meaning of subcultural j ras uveniles since the emergence of these groups has marmarket failure dramatically Dei was consensus on postwar. In the following chapters we will see that it expressed in the subculture are precisely obtained jeciones and contradictions Dei type described by Lefebvre. However, the challenge to the hegemony represented by the subcultures not emanate directly from them: in reality expressed obliquely in style. Objections and contradictions are raised and displayed (and, as we'll see, "rngicamente resolved ') in the deep-level superficial mind of appearances: that is, at the level signs. Since community-sign, the community myths consumers, not a homogeneous corpus. Como wrote Volosinov, intersects with the classes:

The class does not match the community-sign, namely all users with a single set of comunicacinideolgica signs. So arranged classes inks used one andonly language. It is of This orientation different accents which intersect at every ideological sign. The sign becomes the scenenario of the class struggle (Volosinov, 1973).

The struggle between different discourses, different definitions tions and meanings within ideology is always accordingly and ai the same time, a struggle within signification: a struggle for possession Dei sign extends to the areas of the most trivial. daily lifetarget. Returning once more to our examples introduction, safety pins and Vaseline tubes, seeWe open such items certainly a double

34

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inflection: to use both "legitimate" and "illegitimate." These "humble objects" can be magically incautados 'stolen' by subordinate groups that were adjudicarn meanings 'secret' meanings expresan, in code, a form of resistance ai order guarantees the continuity of their subordination. EI style in subculture is therefore loaded signing. Its transformations go 'against nature', interrumpiendo the process of "normalization". As such, are gestures, movements towards a speech which offends the "silent majority", which put in jeopardy the principle of unity and cohesion, which contradicts the myth dei consensus so. Our task, like Barthes, consist of dissift the coded messages that are hidden behind shiny surfaces dei style, plot them as "madei pas meaning 'which, veiled, represent those same contradictions that are designed to resolve or disguise. Scholars who adopt a point of viewmiotic are not the only ones to read meanings into the fertile surfaces life. The existence of subculture ras spectacular opening incessantly these surfaces other potentially subversive readings. Again Jean Genet, archetype dei "unnatural" deviant, exemplifies practice dei resistance through style. In mamanner, is as convinced as Roland Barthes dei caideological character of cultural signs. Feel in the same as he, oppression seamless network forms and meanings that includes and excludes ai missame time. Like him, his reading is partial. Develops its own and draws his own conclusions:

Wowed so severe that building whose details united against me. Nothing in the world is irrelevant: the stars on the sleeve of a general quotes bag, the olive harvest, the style of ju-system rdico, dei wheat market, the beds [...] Nothing. This order [...] had a meaning: my exile (Genet, 1967).

This alienation to the fallacious "innocence" of the apences that is injected into teddy boys, mods, punks, and certainly in future groups 'deviant' today unimaginable today, the impetus to move from the second "Fake nature" man dei (Barthes, 1972) to a mancio genuinely expressive style truly underground. As symbolic violation burn dei social , a movement of this kind attracts and continue to attract the attention, causing strictures and acting, we will see, as carrier fundamental significance in the subculture.

No subculture has sought more actively separated dei landscape of supposedly unquestionable as the normalized forms of the punks; one like They have sought to draw upon himself the disapproval more seehemente. For this reason we will begin with the era punk and return to it throughout these pages. Maybe reRefer to the appropriate punks, claimed that both the illiteracy and irreverence that led to such radical ends them, we now serve to test some methods we 'read-developed signs in the century-old debate on the sanctity of culture.

Part Case studies

DOS

April 3, 1969, Marrakech What takes the rags are bespoke and expensive mariposean all around crazy guy dressed wild. There are costumes that seem Bowery stained urine and vomit, and when you look closely you discover that are intricate fine embroidered gold thread. There tramp costumes dellino more delicate, refined and desgastadsimos costumes [...] shadowros of felt decorated by former junkies [...] pimp suits garish and cheap that turn out not to be so cheap and also it Howler is a subtle harmony of colors that you only find in Chico's best shopping dei Poor [...] is the second hand and many go much further, until the sixth hand (William Burroughs, 1969).

Holidays in the sun: the triumph of Mister Rouen * EI British summer of 1976 was excessively dry and hot: an unprecedented summer. From May to August London died of thirst, smothered under a white sky and unavoidable mist exhausts. Acclaimed private merely as a divine blessing and "tonic" for the national press and television (i, i finally broke "rnaldicin British?), the sun was a brief balm after the monotonous fatalistic cycle holders during the winter storage had campado freely through the tabloids. The

"Holiday in the suo" is the title of an item of the Sex Pistols.

(N. dei th.)

Case studies

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40

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nature desempefi its inevitable ideological function of "substitute" for the rest of "bad news", supplied strating tangible evidence of "improvement" and relegated to a Secondly strikes and strife. With prepredictable regularity, the final note of optimism News at Ten was occupied by "radiant creatures" who sobrevolaOxford Street ban with their bags Harem and shorts, their bikini tops and polaroids. The sun was the comment "rogue" to the crisis: an epilogue casual fillpromises not tropical. Until the crisis could leave vacation. But i run the weeks and months andGuir heat wave, the old apocalyptic mythology dei deTaylor was amply confirmed. In the blink of eyes, "milagre-became commonplace, everyday matterDiano, until a maana, mid July, was renamed as "unusual condition" means a terrible, latter end, unexpected decline factor dei Great Bretaa. The heat wave was officially declared drought August, water was rationed, crops took to perder and lawns of Hyde Park was roasted in delicate shades siena. The end was near and imagery of Latter Days turned to appear in the press. Economic categories cas, cultural and natural phenomena were victims of imprecations tougher than usual until the bedrought took almost metaphysical significance. Named a Minister for Drought, for then Nature had already been officially declared "unnatural", and conclusions are always a necessary afiadi plus of irony not to overstep the limits dei senTido common. In late August, two facts of scale have coincided completely different mythical lasts for confirm the worst predictions: they showed that the ex-

cesivo heat was endangering the structure myma of the nation's households (cracking his foundation) and e ~ Notting Hill Carnival, traditionally a forparadigm of racial harmony, there was an outbreak of violence The festival caribefio, with all its connotations tunst. CAS ~ Body happy and joyful calypso dancing motley c ~ n exoncas clothing, became suddenly, and inexphcablemente, in a threatening congregation of neg: o ~ furious and police harassment. Hordes of young bricolor tamcos Soweto put the note on the screens national television and conjured the alarmingtampa of other blacks, other confrontations, others' longgos and hot summers. " The humble cover cubes b.asu! A basic ingredient of all percussion band canbena that price, symbol dei 'dei carnival spirit acquired an ominous meaning when soft cops cos she was employed as a shield against a desperate furious rain of bricks. It was during that summer when extrafio and apocalyptic the punk made his impressive debut in the music press. 1 In London, especially in the Southwest and specifications mind near King 's Road, was curdling one new movement that combined elements baked a range of heterogeneous youth styles. Of done the punk claimed a dubious origins. Da strands: Bowie and vine glitter-rock were interwoven with elements DEI cough prot ~-punk American (Ramones, Heartbreakers, Iggy Pop, Richard Hell), faction Dei pub-rock londiinspired by the subculture nense mod sixty (the 10l-ers, the Gorillas, etc.), DEI revival Canvey Island dei of forty-gang r & h dei South London (Dr. Feelgood, Lew Lewis, etc.), Dei northern soul and dei reggae.

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Not surprisingly, the resulting mixture was somewhat unstable ble: all these elements constantly threatened with separation rarse and return to their original sources. EI glam rock contributed narcissism, nihilism and confusion of genderros. EI punk tabled American aesthetics minimal (eg, "Pinhead" by the Ramones or << 1 Stupid Crime), the cult of the street and a tendency to self-laceration. EI northern soul (A subculture verdaderamente secret middle class youth worshipers DEI acrobatic dancing and fast soul the American sixties were centered clubs like Wigan Casino) contributed his underground tradition of fast rhythms, staccato, solo dances and amphetamines, the reggae, exotic and dangerous aura of forbidden identity, their conscience, her braids and impassivity. EI rhythm 'n blues strengthened national and speed stridency Dei northern soul, returned rock contributed to its roots and a strong iconoclastia, one hundred percent British personality and very selective appropriation of inheritance Dei rock 'n'roll. This unlikely alliance of musical traditions in apence mysteriously incompatible verified in punk was also ratified by a wardrobe Eclectico reproducing the same kind of cacophony in the planonvisual. This literally attached by safety pins, would become the famous and very photogenic phenomenon known as punk which, along 1977, supplied to the tabloids a nice number of copies as predictable as sensational as the quality press one catalog of standards splendidly relieved thatbrantadas. EI punk reproduced the entire history of the indumentary of the middle classes in the form of post-war collage, combining elements that originally belong-

necan to completely different epochs. It was a chaos of ridges and leather jackets, military boots and rubber pointy shoes, shirts and coats, Skins to mod and strides to skinhead, tight pants and limecetines multicolored, short military jackets and boots metal toe, all bonded 'In place "and "Dei time out" by the spectacular fasteners (irnperdibles and clothes pegs plastic straps bondage and pieces of string), which many glances between horror and fascination brought upon themselves. The punk is, Therefore, an appropriate starting point singularly for a study like ours because his style has distorted reflections of all major subcultural postwar ras. But before we can interpret the signification of these subcultures, we must first decipher the sequence in which they occurred.

Yawning in Babylon Normal life bores me whenever I can while I iscapo (Steve Jones, the Sex Pistols member, quoted in Ilody Maker).

Nothing more appropriate than the synthesis' dei antinaturals

punk sweeping the streets of London during that extra-

fio summer. The apocalypse was in the air and rhetoric Dei punk oozed apocalypse: the classic imagery of the crisis and the sudden transformation. The truth is that the epifanas dei punk were somewhat hybrid, and represented the clumsy and unstable radical confluence of two languagesdifferent mind: the reggae and rock. While punks of

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hackles began to congregate in a store soSex mada, located on the corner of King's Road aperly called Worlds End, publishing Diamond Dogs (RC.A. Victor, 1974) by David Bowie the triumph of "humanoid superalienado" became coincide dir in one way or another with the Judgment Day dei dei reggae, with the overthrow of Babylon and to the alienation in general. We find here the first of the contradictions endemic dei punk since the visions dei apocalypse superficially fused to the punk came from radically antagonistic sources. From a series sources "artistic" recognized vanguard lite-Iararia and cinema underground-, David Bowie and bands dei punk New York had forged a decided aestheticmately irreverent and terminal. Patti Smith, punk americana and former art student, claimed to have invented a new form, the "rock poetry", and incorporated in their concert readings of Rimbaud and William Burroughs. Bowie also cited the influence of Burroughs and used zaba his famous art cut-up random juxtapositions sary to 'compose' letters. Richard Hell used texts Lautramont and Huysmans. British Bands punk usually younger and more willing proletarian almost always remained outside the litterture. Anyway, for better or for worse, the sources literarias had a strong presence, if implicit, in aesthetics dei punk UK. Similarly, there ties (through Warhol and Wayne County in Americas ca, and through bands emerged in art schools as the Who and the Clash in Great Bretaia) with film underground and the artistic vanguard.

In the early seventies, these trends were started to crystallize in an aesthetic nihilistic ,the emergence of the aesthetic, with his obsessions charactics (polymorphic sexuality and often decidedmately perverse, obsessive individualism, a sense I do fragmented dei, etc.), generated no little controversy among those who were interested in the culture rock (See Melly, 1972, Taylor and Wall, 1976). Del Jagger Performance (Warner Bros., 1969) as amended ai Bowie "White Duke" dei spectrum dandy "drowning in his opera itself "(Sartre, 1968) has harassed ai rock as they say from their own racks and, in the words of Ian Taylor and Dave Wall, "played the alienation of youth about itself "(1976). EI punk represented ta the most recent phase of this process. In the punk the alienation became almost tangible. You could almost touch the hand. He exhibited for the cameras as "passivity" as a gap in the expression (see any photowary of any group punk) as a refusal to speak and position. This path-solipsism, neurosis, furor cosmetic-had its origins in the rock. Again and again, however, dictates that irregular verente aesthetics were offset by the imperative musical moralizing otherwise: the reggae. EI reggae occupies the opposite corner of the broad spectrum channeled influences the punk. Already in May 1977 Jordan, the famous stores dependent punk Sex and Seditionaries, expressed his preference for the reggae against new wave on pages dei New Musical Express (May 7, 1977). "It is the only music dance [we, that is, Jordan and J. Rotten] "Although Rotten himself insisted on the relative autonomy Dei

46 punk andthe reggae, proved to be a connoisseur of

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arcana dei reggae in one series of embodiments interviews das along 1977. More than any other, the Clash noted between groups punk by the enormous influence dei visual iconography of street style black Jamaicans. Khaki suits with estarei campaigntwo of the slogans caribeios DUB andHEAVY MANNERS, tight pants 'Sta-Prest' shoes brogue andslipons, even hats pork-pie (Wide, flat and rounded two), all of which were adapted at different times by several group members dei. In addition, the group played "White Riot", the theme directly inspired by the Carnaval dei 76, before a printed background dedicated to disNotting Hill turbid, and shared a tour discoTheque reggae headed by Don Letts, the black dj Rastafarian who shot the documentary Punk while working Roxy Club in Covent Garden. As we shall see, even if they seem separate entities

Media andparental culture (that of one way or another have been treated more or less exhaustively tively by other authors, see for example, Hall andothers 1976) - andorient the scale, clearly underestimated mada in my opinion, race andrace relations.

and autonomous, the punk British and black subcultures

linked to i reggae were reported on a structural level ral deep. But we can not decrypt properly dialogue between the two forms without understanding throughout its amplitude internal composition andmeaning both dei reggae as of British youth culture working class preceding ai punk. This is imponen two major tasks. First, trace the roots dei reggae in Caribbean and, second, reinterpret history of postwar British youth culture as a suassignment of differential responses to the presence of the inblack migration in Britain since the fiftiesaccount. A rereading as it requires the emphasis away areas of common interest, school, police,

THREE

i, you there, pecha Africa bulky and oblong thigh? Africa lunate, wrought iron in the fire, Africa of the millions of royal slaves, deported Africa, drifting continent, i, isTAS there? Slowly you vanish, you take refuge in the past, in relation cough of castaways, colonial museums, works of scholars; pear tonight I call upon you to attend a secret party (Jean Genet, 1966b).

Back to Africa
The differences between the rock and reggae should be obvious enough to save his ex-documentation exhaustive. Mark Kidel leaves it crystal clear: "While the jazz and rock often reflect a frenzy anfetamniCO, reggae tune with the indolence of marijuana " (Chronicle of Bob Marley concert, New Statesman, 8 July 1977), EI reggae draws on experience quite specific (Ia of black in Jamaica and Grand Bretaia; whole generation of young British colar bands formed reggae in recent afias by example, Cimarons, Steel Pulse, Matumbi, Black Slate, Aswaad). It is formulated in a unique style and a language unico: Jamaican dialect, thus ghost "oxtail" to Love 'and mysteriously declined, "dismantled" and re-

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made on the route between Africa and the West Indies. Adopt slow rhythms and heavy, taciturn. It rocks dulcemenyou to take a more dominant bass line, while more austere than dei rocksteady. 2 Building your rhetoric is more dense and less diverse origins, in emanates largely from two sources: an oral culture cacharacteristically Jamaican and equally characteristic appropriation of the Bible. There dei pen-marked items tecostalismo Jamaican of "possession by the word" and the invocation and response scheme linking preaching ai Dor and his congregation is reproduced in reggae. ' The reggae addresses a community in transit through retrospective series of parameters (movement, rastafari [see p. 53-60], the subject dei Return to Africa), inverted reflection of the historical sequence of the miMigration (African-Jamaica-Oran Britain), It is the living record of a people dei trip ---- <him passing the slavery to serfdom-trip that can be traced in the verses of the inimitable dei structure reggae. Africa is echoed in the reggae through its Percussion feature. The voice of Africa in the West Indies has traditionally been identified with the insurrection and, where possible, silenced (see Hall, 1975). In concrete to, the safeguarding of African traditions, as drums, was interpreted in the past by the selfauthorities (Church, colonial governments and even some 'Postcolonial') as inherently subversive, as a symbolic threat to law and ordered these work proscribed conditions were judged not only antisocial and withtrary aI cnstiano spirit, but openly and radically pagan. Suggested unpronounceable foreign rites, positive bilitaban illicit alliances and rancorous discord smelling

future days. Pointed to the darkest of rebellions: the celebration of blackness. Le restituan to that "Africa deported "to the" continent adrift ", a privilegiado within black mythology. And the existing single tance of that mythology was enough to instill fear inmenso in the hearts of some white slavers. So came to represent Africa for blacks dei Caribbean forbidden territory, a lost world, a History left to the mercy of conflicting miWestern cough of childhood innocence and evil Consus deiai substantial man. He became an unrestricted continent Mental located at the opposite end of slavery. There stood a place where all values and anti-utopian ai European scope of dispossessed blacks could begin to congregate. And paradjicarnente, would be the Bi--- blia civilizing agent par excellence-the source of these alternative values and those suefios me a lifejor. Rastafarianism was where these two nuclei symbolic (Black Africa and the Bible dei Man Blanco), as ostensibly antithetical, were integrated with the maximum effectiveness. To understand how it was possible convergence as heretical, and how the meta-message of Christian faith (i love submission) was so radically transcended, we must first understand how it is transmitted ti that faith Jamaican blacks. The Bible is a driving force for both the muMusic reggae to popular consciousness in Antillean general. In the past, the colonial authorities had used the Scriptures to instill Western values and to introduce among Africans European notions culture, repression, soul, etc.. Under its auspices sacred prices would reach civilization: Western culture cum-

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plira its mission of conquest by divine command. Histempted by the persistent dualism of biblical rhetoric (the "Black Satan" and the "Lamb of God-nie-white see '), slavery could flourish with relative consciousness tively clean, transforming aI 'wild diligent servant-in People and filing the order and the divine virtues among Africans dispossessed and his rebellious "nature." However, the internal colonization could not be but partial and imperfect. Over the became afies increasingly evident among the hollow practice isslavery and the Christian ideology that initially "explained ed "Contradictions became increasingly difficult to contain. It was inevitable that the black community empezase to seek his own reflection in the biblical texts: the openness of the religious metaphors invited as many identifications. The Bible also had its dark side: an 'Africa' that lay dormant and forgotten dellenguaje inside white Amo Dei. Reading between lines, one could make the text free that Africa, the redeemed and returned to the "virtuous suffering" Of course, the biblical story readily admits ininterpretations exclusively black: Specifically, offerce a range of suitable metaphors to express the condition of the working class and poor black Antillean (Babilonia, the suffering Israelites) and a complementary series Taria metaphorical response to the problems defined nen that condition (release of the Righteous, punishment The wicked, DEI Judgment Day, Zion, the Promised Land da). Catalogs with precision and recall tests and tribulations of slavery (the history of the nation juday) and recommends an immediate and internal "cure-de open wound between pain and desire (through faith,

grace, the Holy Spirit, etc..). The deeper layers two West Indian consciousness were influenced not only by specific archetypes but modalities cacharacteristics of speech that usually convey (Parable, aphorism, etc.), Providing frameworks Reference completely flexible and expressive.

The solution rastafari

Thus, the Bible was merged with oral culture Jamaica, playing a primary semantic function maria, acting as a literary model (the Word of God). In the Bible you can "make equivocal meanmind all things "(Alfred Jarry, quoted in Shattuck, 1969). It means that the highly ambiguous for coblack community with absolute immediacy explain his position tion subordinated within an alien society. Rastafarians believe that the rise of Haille Selassie the throne of Ethiopia in 1930 was the fulfillment of the secular and biblical prophecies about the imminent fall of "Babylon-(ie, white colonial powers) and the liberation of the black races. Makes sense that a tradition of fervent heterodoxy as this, which generated many readings "containedof material conditions misrrimas jamaicaus, allthough producing Rastafarian solution: the gesture appropriation to tear the black pearl oyster European to discover an "Africa" stranded between pages of the Bible. Well Rastafarianism is a readra that threatens to challenge the sacred text itself, with challenge the very PaIabra Dei Father.

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The profound subversion of Religion dei man God summons white in Ethiopia and ai 'suffering' negro in Babylon has been particularly attractive for both working-class youth in the ghettos of Kingston and the communities of Greater Antillean Bretaa, given the context, explanations abound. Pertrechado with his "dreadlocks," and his "righteous anger", the rastaman dramatically resolves contradictions materials that oppress and define antilla communityna. He 'decrypts the sufferation, key term in the vocabuLario dei expressive culture ghetto, * naming their historical causes (colonialism, economic exploitation) and promising liberation through exodus Dei 'African ca ". Ei is the living refutation of Babylon (that is, the contemporary capitalist society), which does not deny history that was stolen. Stubborn and opinionated, makes poverty and exile "signs of greatness', symbols ** esteem, notes that \ levarn Africa back ai and Zion when Babylon be thrown down. And, even more important, draw their "roots" in red, green and gold, *** didissolving the abyss of centuries separating the community Antillean of his past and a positive assessment of its blackness. Until the late sixties least the dreadlocks were persecuted by accentuating those differences

of race and class that the newly independent Government of Jamaica was trying desperately to hide. "Howgo under the most favorable of Manley? the rastafaris were given some recognition that marks the beginning of what was described as a "cultural revolution tural "(interview with Stuart Hall, Radio 3, July 1977), widespread displacement in schemes deindustrial and ideological development "receding Europe and America to approach Cuba and the Third World. This shift coincided point for point with the evolution of popular music industry jamaicana, and reggae has proven to be an ideal for the "post- rasta.

EI reggae andthe Rastafarianism

Even disks ska early sixties under the 'rudeness' (Rudeness) light and compass and pointzante, ran a strand of Rastafarianism (Don Drummond, Reco, etc.) that became increasingly palpable as the decade progressed, until the quota rasta within dei reggae began to set, more or less exsively, the direction the music would take. The reggae began to slow his pace to adopt a metabolism almost African. The lyrics shifted to the Jamaican consciousness, while his artilation was going to evaporate in blurring "Dub-" and finally being replaced by the "talk-over" The "dread" (fear), the ganja (Marijuana), messianism This reggae 'Heavy' rhetoric of blood and fire, turbulent pace can be attributed to the influence ras-

Sufferation: disease, poverty, tribulations degree * end. (N. dei th.) ** "The most sordid signs became for me in the sigus of the greatness "Genet, 1967. *** The colors of the Ethiopian flag stamped on articles tandispares as badges, jackets, shirts, sandals, tams (Wool hats), sticks (vvaras corrective ').

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ta. And it was largely through Dei reggae, interpretation do in 'sound-systems "(nightclubs frequented by youngYOUNG working class) and only available to local through an underground network of small retailers, as the Rastafarian spirit, the "dreadlocks-and ethnic-identity nica is communicated to the members of the community Greater Antillean Bretaa. For black youth unemployment, the "heavy dub" and the "rockers"! "were an alternative soundtrack, thousand sometimes preferable aI music that plagued the new malls where they spent the day without hacer anything, *subject to random tyrannies Dei "their". ** But of course, the primitive religious meanings Rastafarianism Dei suffered in the transition adjustments. Somewhere between Trenchtown and Ladbroke Grove, Rastafari worship had become a 'style', a expressive combination of locks (Braids), Camouflage Khaki and "grass" he said aloud alienation experimentada by many young black British. The alienation could barely avoided: it was recorded in the lives of young working-class West Indians as poor housing, unemployment and police harassment. Already 1969 they knew that their white counterparts were five times more options to find skilled jobs (Ohserver, July 14, 1968). Porlo other along sixty relations with the police had seennest steadily deteriorating. Mangrove EI process, in

1969 marked the beginning of a long series of bitter conconfrontations between the black community and the authorities (Carib process, the process Oval Carnival 1976) leading to a progressive polarization. It was during this period of growing animosity in a time when the conflict between young blacks and the police was openly acknowledged in the press, when music reggae began treating imported didirectly the problems of race and class and revive African heritage. EI reggae and forms that preceded it had always had alluded to these problems mabiased manner. The mediation between opposing values discussion curred through a series of archetypes rebels the "rude boy "," the gunman, the Dodger, etc., who remained strongly linked to particular and tended to celebrate status individual of the revolt. With the dub and heavy reggae, this rebellion multiplied circulated: was generalized and theorized. Thus, the Iroico rude boy immortalized by the ska and rocksteady - The offender lonely, desperate, throws against implacable authority was supplanted as the core identity by Rastafarian who breaks the law in a plane deeper and more subtle while. The rasta not only put aI endpoint somber solo cycle rejection and condemnation officer in the context of Jamaican history absent but banished him forever moving the conflict to Elsewhere, the forgotten areas of everyday life na. AI put into question the neat joints DEI sense (the aspect ellenguaje, etc.), the rasta led the crusade beyond obvious Dei the battlefield law and order to the realm of the "obvious" itself. It was here, literally in the "skin-social formation where

See Corrigan, 1976, who argues that the main problem * ma experienced by "boys" is like "killing time. " ** Arrested under the Act "suspects" (SuspecTed Persons): see Time Out, August 5, 1977.

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frankly the Rastafarian movement was more innovative, system polarities refracting white-black, haciendo of blackness as a positive sign, an essence-pleted rich in meaning, a lethal weapon while sanctioned by divinity. EI adjustment process that intensified the interiorizndolo conflict was reflected in the music and found its mirror image in the musical form. As already said, reggae became darker and African dialect more impenetrable, more obvious threat. At the same time, "Orange Street Battles" (<< Battle [s] on Orange Street "album ska Prince Buster), object-lite ral, bloody and, despite everything, humorous chronic sixties, were replaced by a generalized "War in Babylon" "<War inna Babylon" Max Romeo, Island, 1976). This "war" was twofold: was fought in tornot ambiguous issues a series of designated relationships both real and imaginary (race-class nexus / Babylon economic exploitation / suffering Bible) was both real and metaphorical battle, he described forms a world mired in an ideological maraa where appearance and illusion were synonymous. Clearly, the war also had its dubious comcompensations: a feeling of solidarity and projects to, an identity, an enemy more or less clearly defined. Even the tension between violence and religion as possible "solutions" could decrease if the conconflict between "Cops and Robbers" "that terrifies the nation with their weapons and ammunition-'<Police and Thieves "JuMurvin juniors, Island, 1977) was considered not only as complement but as the meaning the bloodless battle fought by the Rastafarians in the ideological field. This shift was much easier the more

moved away one of the original sources dei reggae and Rastafarianism. In Great Britain, in each "sound-system 'local, in every major city where immigrants immigrants had settled in sufficient numbers, a army of righteous beings, victims militants themselves congregate Garia to swear allegiance to the flag of Ethiopia. EI "sound-system-was perhaps perhaps more than any other institution in the lives of work-class West Indians jadora, ellugar where blackness could be explored of formore comprehensive ma, where better and could freely expressed. For a community besieged by the disdiscrimination, hostility, suspicion and the blindest incomplete understanding, the "sound-systemx came to represent, on especially for young people, a valuable free sanctum outside influences, whose black heart beats, ifby following the rate unchanged dei dub, could return you to Africa. In clubs like the Four Aces, in Seven Sisters Road, north London ai, an exclusively public black eyes looked into Babylon face to face resonant line drawn by a low trans-turn cover by 1000 watts of power. The energy almost podays with fingers touching. Hung in the air, invisible and electricity, channeled by a battery of speakers fahome manufacture. Was present in all and each of dei spells 'toast'. "In an atmosphere of sound vibrante, smoky and Nemesis, did not cost imaginar that "Judgement Day dei-was just around the corner, that when, finally, "shine the relmpayment ", the" weak heart would fall and would just black standing <Lightning Flash "Big Youth, Klik, 1975), blinas lived by fear, "forgotten his former suffering ment.

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That was how the 'sound-system' became associated with Stronger forms and "entrenched" Dei reggae. The two struck up a mutual dependence, and indeed wasrum, to all intents and purposes identical. The music had to bebeen virtually banished from the airwaves. I could only viThanks vir ay by a bulky computer network and cables, valves and microphones that were the "system ma "and that, although legally owned by an emSingle presario, were in a much more procommunity-owned farm. And it was through the music, rather than through any other means, as communication with the past, with Jamaica and is asto Africa, considered vital for the maintenance of black identity was possible. EI "system" let fluyese the sound, the sound was intimately linked to the notion of "culture" and if someone attacked aI system, intonces the community itself felt symbolically threatened. EI system thus became sacred land, territory to defend against possible contamination of white groups. The police interference was, of course, harshly received as an insult and in some cacases the mere presence of the police was enough to unleash the violent reprisals of black youth. The riotbios of Notting Hill in 1976 14 and the incident Dei Carib Club in 1974 15 can be interpreted in this light, as symbolic defenses Dei community space.

London, At least, there was a whole network of underground channelsranean which for years had connected margins of the indigenous population with their counterparts in the subWest Indian cultures. Open from the beginning aI traffic illegal "grass" and jazz, those were the internal channels basis for much broader cultural exchanges. EI time and a common experience of deprivation, the lives spent in proximity around resemblance joint to concerns, estrecharan ties. Even preservedo each his own distinctive way, the two cultures in their shared loyalties tuned to faily and the street, aI pub and aI neighborhood. With significant exexceptions (Nottingham and Notting Hill in 1958, and Hoxton some areas dei East End in the seventies), began to dibujarse a pattern of relatively peaceful coexistence. Fifties and early sixties were the best cn time this regard. In general, the first generation of West Indian immigrants had too much cultural space ral in common with their white working-class neighbors to allow the development of open antagonism cough. Anglophiles declared even when they were "in their Home Jamaica, shared the same objectives, looking ban the same amusements (a pint of beer, a game of darts, a dance on Saturday night) and more Alia Dei foreign accent, resorted to the same "languagedei je fatalism ', 16 resigned to its lower position, withtrusting that their children would enjoy better prospects, better lives. Things, of course, did not improve aI ritmo scheduled early seventies and full employment seemed a remote possibility indeed, a moment little remembered today, not at all representative of British economic trajectory since the war.

Exodus: a journey in two directions

Fortunately, the white community relations generally not used to be so tense. In certain areas of

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Meanwhile, black niios born and educated in Great Britain felt much less likely than their parents to accept the inferior status and narrowness of options open to them, nor to submit to the mainstream definitions of blackness. The reggae sumiMinister core around which could crystallize another culture, another set of values and definitions of one same. Such changes were subtle in the isLinden black youth, the gait, the ways, the voces appeared, almost overnight to maiiana, less inglesas. Even moving mode of young black new trust betrayed: a 'fresh' more aware cient, more elastic, less shuffling. "El costumes had also experienced a number of significant adjustment over the years. The aspirations tions of the first immigrants resulted in the trajes rainbow mohair and ties with drawings, bright patterned dresses and shoes chaleading role in his arrival in Great Bretaia, Each snowy cuff reflected a desire to succeed, to "leave adeLante "in traditional terms dictated by the white society, while, with tragic irony, all hopes were actually fit inadvertent mately betrayed by the stridency of each sleeve American, overly gaudy and garish for British tastes of the time. Thus, the de-dreams and senganos of a generation were enrolled in the own court (as ambitious as unlikely) of the garments with which chose to make his entrance. The trip to Grand Bretaia was, like most voluntary migration, an act of faith: an exodus. ExiGi a specific combination of motivations against-

dictory: less anxiety desperation or when the host country, faith in the efficacy of the action, desire elevate the status and confidence that the Motherland recomnocera their obligations, would welcome and recomHis lost children would think. In the first wave of immigrants, mostly composed of skilled and semi-skilled men, the momentum of success was tempered by the conservative conservatism: the belief that Great Britain was bound by decency and justice that would normally be attributed Buia in Jamaica, to provide a reasonable standard of living those willing to work. The vast mamajority, the West Indian immigrants of the fifties wanted jobs, houses, respectability, a place for his family settled once and forever. On the other hand, those who came later, in the sixties, used carecer qualification and perhaps were more rotundamenyou desperate: dissatisfied with how little Jamaica had to offer (Hiro, 1972). For them, moving to England represented a desperate attempt arafiaryou something valuable to life, while a solution "Macal "to their problems. Perhaps because they had less than lose, put more into play with their transition from Greater Antilles to Bretaia: hopes of character and intensity Dad almost religious. Therefore, the disappointment that befell on this second wave of immigrants was, in identical measure, deeper, more radical and expressed with magreater immediacy. In any case, while the immigration migrants began to congregate in the cin-impaired peripherals polecats major cities of Great Bretaa, began to emerge a new West Indian style. Dieho style was less painfully limited by the

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British influence, less torn between sobriety and "covalue "and the idea behind llata (unwelcome soft eyes cos) that failed Great Britain when deliver the promised goods, and that immigrants, disenchanted, had thrown in the towel. On the outskirts of West Indian society, ai least, produced significant changes look. Rustler and Street types, perhaps spurred by the rise of clubs and black nightclubs in the mid-sixties, began take care of their appearance, combining hats, sunglasses and Italian suits to create an Indian equivalent dei look "Soul brother" of the United States; clothes cefiida, agile, nevertheless black and urban. This Soul Brother i moved pace with the sleek lines dei jazz, the ska and r & b norteamericano. Reproduced the timbre and the scansion of these forms in his gait and his slang. I tried to shelteris, in dark interiors, dei world of "normal people" and whites. Thus, reread their own ills and caribefa became tacky in the main statement ples and foreign, in sign of his Otherness. It was in goodna measure under its auspices as blackness is recovered Ro and i was symbolically reach of young Antilleans. This would leave blackness and deployed from a through the music of the sixties; emerged in the jazz of vanguard (John Coltrane, Miles Davis, Pharoah SaunSanders, Archie Shepp, for example), and (most importantly for our purposes) in the duh and heavy reggae " Naturally, this phenomenon had its visual corollary in the locker room. In the seventies the "youth" was developed oping unique and inimitable style: a form refracted aesthetics of Rastafari, copied from the covers of the alImported bumes reggae and declined to meet

the needs of second generation immigrants tion. Rastafarianism was a mediated, ADO despoj almost all their original religious meanings: a distilled hand, a highly selective appropriation all internal elements ai Rastafarianism which stressed the importance of resistance and black identity, and served to put ai black man and his "queen" of saltvo of the dominant white ideology. EI whose central axis pivoted around all the style rasta was a difference lilaterally registered in the EIP dei black people, and that diConference would spread, be prepared, be made through image. These young black men who passed ai "Humble Lion 19 began cultivating an image "narural "African clearer." EI hat pork-pie disappeared to be replaced by the "tarn" coarsemind tissue. The tonic, mohair and Terylene-materials premiums glittering midnight blue suits Electric - were replaced by cotton, wool and Texas, who gave more practical and informal clothes. Almost all major arteries had English military surplus store that provided ai Army combat their clothing fair: all a wardrobe of sinister chie guerrilla. EI cut dei hair brush rude boy grew and burst allowed in a curled "Afro" ethnic, or braided in "dreadlocks" or "Knots" (the ubiquitous styles natty orknotty). The girls began to stop hair straightening, cuttingwhat trenzndoselo in intricate arabesques or parceled, tribute to an imaginary Africa capillary. All these features were infected members the white working class living in the same areas, work down in the same factories and schools and drank

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pubs contiguous. Specifically, the path of "regressionSW Africa young immigrant culture in second generation was closely watched by white youth dei neighborhood interested in forging their own sub-options cultural. Naturally, both in Great Bretaa as in America relations between white youth cultures andBlack has always been delicate: they are charged a meaning potentially explosive, indepenthat you have actual contact between the two groups. Given strong symbolic ties that can lead to empaAunt '<For us all the colored race was sacred [George Melly, 1970]) or emulation (for ejernplo, the conconsumption of hard drugs in the modern era dei jazz)? , Both Paul Goodman (1968) and Jock Young (1971) characters ai curled black as quintessentially underground aquelios embodiment of all values (the search for adventure and emotions) that coexist minndolos with formal and positive aspects of society majoritarian ria (routine, safety, etc..) In this context, often positions "jovem> and 'black' are twinned by dominant mythology. As writes Jock Young (1971): 'They attributed the same ambivalence: indifferent lazy, hedonistic and dangerous " Naturally, depending dei time and cirstances this affinity can be made more or less visible, be perceived and felt more or less active going. In general, the identification of both groups may be open or closed, directly or indirectly, supported or unsupported. It can be recognized and prolonged gada on real bonds (the mods, skinheads andpunks) or suppressed and inverted as antagonism (Teds, greasersi. Either way, the relationship is a crucial factor

in the development of youth cultural forms andin the ideology conveyed by these forms and 'represented' by its members. On another scale, rejection schemes andassimilation between host and immigrant communities can refollowed along the spectacular lines drawn by youth cultures of the white working class. The succession of white subcultural forms can readis a series of adjustments in the structure prosymbolically sheath harbor or eliminate the presence CIA black in the host community. In the plane aesthetic (the costumes, dance, music) in the rhetoric dei style as a whole, is where the dialogue between blacks white and will be recorded with greater subtlety and amplitude, even in code form. AI describe, interinterpret and decipher these ways, we can build a biased description of trade between the two cocommunities. We see how, in the dense surcies of youth cultures of the British working class, Virtual emerges a history of race relations since World War II.

FOUR

After dark, I walked with every muscle aching, inlights between 27th and Welton, the black neighborhood of Denver. He wanted to be black, with the feeling that the best the white world had offered was not enough for me, no enough life, joy, fun, darkness, music, not bastant night (Jack Kerouac, 1958).

Hipsters, beats andteddy boys The popular music scene chroniclers Nortea deimericano has long recognized the lances to join white youth cultures with working-class Black dora cities. There is an abundant tradition dantemente mestizaje documented in jazz. Murights white musicians have gathered enjams with artists black, while others have borrowed (some dilaugh: stolen) music, translating and TRANSFERRINGDoia a different context. The structure and meaning Dei jazz have been modified with the process. AI go felldo in mainstream popular culture during the years twenties and thirties, the music was purging, emptying of erotic excess, and all trace of anger or recrimination tion integrated in his verses "hot" was subtly

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screening to crystallize in the sound harmless dei club night. The swing White represents the climax of that process: safe, always discreet, attractive to all kind of audience, a product was bleached without hollow Tthe subversive connotations of its origins negros. ' These meanings suppressed, however, is carried triumphantly would sign the be-bop. ' mid and fifties a new white audience, younger, began to be recognized in the dark, dangerous, uneven dei surface mirror of contemporary art, even though the musicians responsible dei New York Sound J pugnasen for identifying limit creating white unjazz difficult to hear and further dicult to imitate. The beat and hipster however, Getting Started, ron to improvise their own unique styles to take to a less compromised jazz: a jazz of "Pure abstraction" that "short-circuited the obvious' This unprecedented convergence of black and whitecos, aggressively and unashamedly proclaimed, awoke the inevitable controversy centered on the eternal themes race, sex, rebellion, etc.., which would lead to faster moral panic. All classical symptoms histeria linked ai dei later rise rock 'n' roll! was already present in the hostile reception the American conservative dispensed ai beat and ai hipsteti: meanwhile, Liberal observers developed an entire mythology dei Black Man and Culture. In it, the black played free, safe from the gray-slavery conventions vizaban more fortunate members of society (Writers, for example), although trapped in a ruthless grimy urban environment, by a curious investment also appeared as the final winner of lu-

cha. Escaped castration and shortage of options of life in the middle class. Blameless in poverty, incarnaba an escape route for blocking an entire geeration of radical white intellectuals. Man Black, seen through a filter sentimental prose Norman Mailer topical affectedly or panting panegyrics of Jack Kerouac (whose idealization of the culture black novels sometimes borders on the ridiculous) could White youth to serve as a model of freedom dentro dei captivity. Santo and outlaw, the Black Man reriding, like Charlie "Bird" above its meA condition, expressing and transcending through their Contradictions art either alone declared mados (IY how!) punished for his sax. Although subcultures hipster andbeat evolved from the same basic mythology the two islindens were inspired differently in black culture and their attitude to it was also different. By Goldman,

[...] The hipster was [...] the typical lower-class dandy vestido a pimp, that was cold andbrain to distinguish it types guirse rude and impulsive in their environment in the ghetto, andaspiring to the best of life: "hierba. quality, the best sounds, eljazz or Afro-cubathroom [...] [while] [...] the beat was from the beginpio an academic middle class would like Kerouac, suffocated by cities andby their cultural heritage and I wanted everything to scoot would plant to distant places
and exotic, where he could live as the "people", writ-

bir, smoking andmeditate (Goldman, 1974).

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The style hipster forged relatively close negro dei ghetto was the formal expression of a link senTido, shared with him some space in common language in common and revolved around similar concerns Basic. EI beat, meanwhile, lived an imaginary relationship ria with the Black-and-noble savage, with the black heroico located, according to mythology, from a "life of perenne humility "and an" ever-threatening danger " between servitude and freedom (Mailer, 1968). So Therefore, although subcultures hipster andheat is organizedrum around a shared identity with blacks (Symbolized by the jazz) , The nature of that identity, evident in the styles they adopted the two groups was qualitatively different. Suits "Zoot" and light "Continentals" Dei hipster encamaban aspirations classic (out dei hole, prosper) black dei street, while beat, jeans and sandals with their caredosamente shattered, expressed a magical relationship with poverty was to him as a divine essence, a state of grace, a sanctuary. As Iain says Chambers, in both cases, "[...] are integrated into the culture black on black music, opposing values in a new context become symbol and symptom of the contradictions and tensions in the subculture active Juvenile [white] "(Chambers, 1976). Naturally, as indicated Chambers, that transfer tion of values and meanings is also valid for British youth culture. However, should not surprising we light too that only the subculture beat, produeto a rather romantic tune with blacks, survive the transition from America to Great Britain in fifty. Without a significant presence of ne-

gros in British working-class communities, the equivalent hipster was sencillarnente impossible. EI inWest Indian immigrants flow was still very incicontainer, and when i finally began to be felt its influence ence on British working-class subcultures to early sixties, tended to be articulated in and through caribefas specifically forms (the ska, the bluebeat, etc.). Meanwhile, another spectacular convergence had produced off Dei jazz, in the rock, and it was not until the fusion Dei gospel and hlues black with country and western blank which would result in a complex form istering new --- the rock 'n' roll- when the line between two attitudes (the British working class youth and black) could be surreptitiously erased. However, in the early days DEI rock no existing Tian symbolic guarantees for this alliance. The music had been removed from its original context, where the implications tions of explosive identification inbetween 'black' and"Jovem> had been fully recognized DAS parental culture:'' transplanted to Great Britain, Dei emerged as core style teddy boy, He had an existing tance, say, isolated world dei dei rest as a way stolen identity focus of underground and illegal. It isCucho in no man's land of new cafes Brittechniques where, despite an atmosphere seep into typiEnglish I boiled milk and hot drinks, followed resulting foreign andfuturistic as baroque as eljuke-box emanating dei. And i like those other artifacts sadegrees-the toupees, flared skirts, and the hair gel cine eventually mean America, a continent imaginario of westerns and gangsters, luxury, glamor and of autornviles.

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Indeed excluded and isolated nature of the respectable working class, virtually doomed to a life of unskilled labor (Jefferson, 1976a), the teddy boy fantasized lived an exile. He 'put himself clearly aI outside the gray school routines, laboral and domestic, adopting an exaggerated style that blatantly plagiarized juxtaposed two forms (the rhythm and blues black and Edwardian aristocratic style no) (Jefferson, 1976b). In such a context, any soundtrack better than the effect of "empty cosmos" which, as Hoggart (1958), marked the first recordings tions dei rock: with barely audible voices in a language dei recognizable only through film, describing a world distant whose appeal due to be considerably increased by its very remoteness, its unattainableness (Escchense, for example, "Heartbreak Hotel" by Elvis , Presley, or "Be Bop a Lula" by Gene Vincent). In the midst of what could not be but an appropriation something raw and cerebral, subtle dialogue between musical formsblack and white lime, under that set of voices trmules, had to go unnoticed, of course. It was difficult to hide the true story of the construction dei rodo Apparently, it was only the last Eslacoal in a long chain of American news (the jazz, the hula-hoop, the internal combustion engine, the popcorn), in concrete ways that encamaba impulses 'liberated' capitalism dei dei New World do. AI break into British society in the late fifties, rock seemed born for generation spontaneous, as an expression of youthful energies immediate, transparent, clear. Thus, when teddy boys, away from host welcomed the recent immigrant

black migration, started would take with her, nor are they crossed my mind that they could be making a contradiction. Whatever it is, 'the teds were stuck to melump in unwarranted attacks Antilleans and protagonizaron riots of 1958. Neither relationships with beatniks were all friendly dei , and despite the Giles cartoons they used to show beats andteds closing ranks against the legions of "gents" (Knights) with his bowler hat and his perpetual nervousness, fraternization no evidence worthy of mention between the two youth groups. The two subcultures were literally worlds apart. He had to take several buses to go from college campuses and cafes and pubs Soho dei dimly lit and Cheleither to the favorite haunts teddy boys in the coreason dei working class areas south and east London. While the beatnik educated in a culture growing,is interesaba the forefront (abstract painting, poetry, French existentialism) and adopted a cosmopolitan bohemia tolerance, the ted was irreducibly proletary and xenophobic. The styles were incompatible, and when the trad jazz emerged as a major focus of subBritish culture in the late fifties, "these differences ences became even more palpable. EI trad fed on an environment "colleagues" and smell a beer that had little to do with the character-corner do, nervous, tense dei first rock 'n' roll!, and aesthetics blatantly contrived of teds -Aggressive combination of exotic paraphernalia (suede shoes, moleskin and velvet collars, neckties) - lived in sharp contrast to the mixture 'natural' beatnik train-

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cas, sandals and CND. *Maybe the teds feel still more alienated by the implicit affiliation of heats with the black cause, occasionally augmented by the intercanutos change and jazz to become modern real contact.

National production Elegance: the style of mods In the early sixties, however, had immigrants settled in large communities working class areas of Great Britain, which was made posble some relationship between blacks and groups white neighbors. The mods were the first in a long list of youth cultures that grew close working c1ase of West Indians, responded positively to his present ence and tried to imitate his style. As the hipster americano described above, the mod was "the typical dandy c1ase low "(Goldman, 1974) obsessed with underdei clothing sizes (Wolfe, 1966), which, like the dotresources of New York lawyers Tom Wolfe, 9 defined by angle a collar dei calculated with the same ma precision cuts his jacket measurements made da, or the shape of his handmade shoes. Unlike teddy Hoys, They noted that insolently, the mods were more subtle and withhad: apparently conservative suits lIevaban respectable colors were neat and orderly until it

maniac. They used! Weigh short hair and clean, and preferred laugh maintain impeccable stylized contours "French crew 'lacquer using invisible in place of the obvious glitter unequivocally favorite of virithem rockers. The mods invented a style that will allow ti deftly sidestep the distances between the school, the work and leisure, and hiding in the same way as proclaimed. In a tacit dei sequential break that lIeva ai dei significant meaning, mods betweencomillaron the conventional meaning dei 'neck dress and tie ", exacerbating the neatness to the absurd. It transformed themselves as pawns discontent Ronald Blythe cough, "in 'masterpieces' were a little too ready, their eyes -a bit too do open, thanks to amphetamines. And as highlighted Dave Laing (I969), "there was something about the way he moves that adults were unable to decipher "-a detail intangible (ellustre on the tongue of a shoe, the mark a cigarette! him, how to tie a tie) that paREECE extrafamente misplaced in c1ase or office. On the way between home and school or work, mods "Is pcrdan 'were absorbed by a" midday Underground "(Wolfe, 1969) of clubs, discos, tends das clothes and records hidden in basements, under that "Normal world" that was the mirror opposite. A part substantial "secret identity" was built here out dei limited scope of bosses and teachers was a emotional affinity with blacks (both here at Through music soul, in the United States): an affinity translated in style. In 1964, the mod dei staunchest Soho, inscrutable behind his dark glasses and somary "stingy brim" deigned only continue with your feet

*CND:
(N. dei t.)

Stands for the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament.

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(Sheathed in "basket weaves. ORaoul ' soriginais) the pace of imports dei most arcane soul (<< [I 'm the] Entertainer-Tony Clarke, "Papa's Got a Brand New Bag "by James Brown," [I'rn in with] The In Crowd "of Dobie Gray or ska Jamaican ['Madness' of Prince Buster]). More slidarnente rooted that teds orroc.kers in a series of jobs II bwhen estnctos in astante to look at requirements, costumes and "behavior to general "as well as schedule, mods put a proportionately greater emphasis on the weekend. They lived, as it were, between the leaves DEI calendar laboRai (hence the meetings on holidays, acts in order week, the "all-niters-or all-night parties), in those bags of free time that they are the only alwork according aI sense. During these periods of leisure (in sometimes painfully prolonged amphetamine) had real "work" to be done: scooters I openedllantar, hard to buy pants that board, istrechar or pick up the laundry, to wash hair and blow dry and brush (which did not serve a hairlike, according to a mod interviewed by Sunday Times in August 1964 had to be "one with cap"). Amid this flurry of activity, the Man Negro was constantly exercised by the symbolic role dark tunnel toward an imaginary 'underworld [...] beneath the surface of family life "12 where surfaced another order: a wonderfully intricately market where values, norms and conventions worId "normal" were reversed. Here, safe from the world dei slights, the priority ties were different: the work was insignificant, irrelevantvant, the vanity and arrogance were qualities allow

sible and even desirable, and could intervene sense of masculinity more furtive and ambiguous. The man Black had made it possible: a kind of magic, by sleight of hand, by its "soul", had escaped circle of understanding dei dei white man. Incluso in his role Entertainer remained as the mods, Man ai dei service without abandoning their condition of old master in the subtle art of subversion

sion and leakage. And rules could be molded to fit them

their own purposes, could develop their own Codigos and private skills and language-shine you and opaque at once: a mask of words (one << crest and spurs-) 13 could inhabit a structure, and ineven change its shape, without ever having possessed, and Aoos during the sixties was the spirit, inspiration hidden (<< outta sight "invisible, I would say James Brown) for all style mode In 1964, a mod could say:

Now our idols are Spades: can dance and sing [...] Bailamos the shake andthe hitchhiker all pastilla, pear glued back to dance because Spades do (Hamblett andDeverson, 1964).

PIEI white, black mask

By 1966, the "movement" mod, subject to means coordinated pressures, forces dei-mer market and the internal contradictions of rigor (maintain privacy or become public, stay young or crecer) began to disintegrate in a number of styles dis-

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reds. First of all there was a polarization between 'hard mods-and mods openly interested in fashion and look sixties. As noted by Stan Cohen (1972b), "The mods extravagant [...] involved in the scene rhythm and blues, camp, Carnaby Street [...] [they were] [...] The melting hippies followers of fashion and the incipient Underground, while "hard mods" (Wearing heavy boots, jeans with suspenders, hair cuttings to [...] and they were nervous [...] the paranoid edge ai) 'empezaron to set aside the ornate arabesques dei acid rock to promote ska, the rocksteady and reggae. The skinheads arise from the latter group, and to finesixties and they were a subculture identity ficable. Aggressively proletarian, puritanical and chauvishareholders, the skinheads dressed, in marked contrast to its predecessors mod, a uniform which Phil Cohen (1972a) described as "a caricature dei worker model 'cropped hair, suspenders, baggy jeans and levis or functional short pants Sta-Prest, Ben shirts Sherman plain or striped with collars buttoned to the Doctor Marten boots shirt and highly polished. EI uniform me skinhead, as Phil Cohen points out, seems to represent "A metaproclama on all process dei mosocial mobility "created by systematic accentuated tion of the most distinctly proletarian dei style mod, and an additional full-suppression bourgeois influence commissioning (suit, tie, lacquer, "bonitismo ') Phil Cohen goes a little further, and interprets this transformation in terms of options "upstream" or 'Downstream' << [...] while mods explored the option of upward mobility, the skinheads exploRaron the lumpen-(1972a).

To express an identity 'Iumpen-stricter the skinheads resorted to two sources markedly incompatible: the cultures of the West Indian immigrants and the white working class. An image, somewhat mythical at root, traditional working community and classical ing concerns, their strong sense of territory, its aphard experience, his dour "machismo" (picture as Cohen says [1972nd] had been "distorted by perceptions of the middle class ") was coated with eledirectarnente elements taken from the West Indian community (And, specifically, the subculture rude boy, the young black offender). Overlapping, these two traditions merged in such different visual style skinhead, Simultaneous embodiment both: ellook Offender Ironing should carefully pulero and at least as much to rude boys as a "formalized and stereotypes very "hard" white males as a lumpen-dei often invoked in descriptions of the phenomenon skinhead (Clarke and Jefferson, 1976). In these descriptions, the black contribution tends to rninimizada be relegated to the influence of music reggae, while skinheads borrowed specific items of apparel (Crombie coat, the haircut), slang and style of directarnente ai his counterparts Antillean groups. Thus, even when the According to John Clarke and Tony Jefferson (1976) in which "This style was simblicarnente revive some of expressions of the culture of the traditional working class tion "(see tarnbin Clarke, 1976), it seems necessary River was the only highlight what and how paradoxical saying revival could be fulfilled. If the skinheads could "Recover the lost-magically sense of community

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working-class community, it was not just congregating in football bleachers exclusively white, but withBefriending the Antilleans in youth clubs the city and in the corners, copying their gestures, adopted Tando their tacos, dancing his music. We find here a categorical proof of the proposition advanced in ResisThrough tance Rituais (Hall et al, 1976a), whereby "response subcultural" represents a synthesis in the plaStylistic not among those "forms of adaptation, negotiation tion and resistance developed by the parent culture "and other forms' more immediate, short-term, specific youth and their status and activities. " In the case of the skinheads, "things" (costume and goes systemvalues) from the parent culture were not limited to ai turn be placed in a group context, po specific generation in some cases, were radically subverted. The vocal largusimas Alf Garnett, absolute epitome of the stubbornness and intolerance racial working class, were inflected (and mined) by the brushstrokes dialectal (And raas!) that all skinhead which collected preciase of discs reggae Antilleans and colleagues at school and workjo. Even the 'uniform' skinhead had origin ~ s deepambiguous mind. The dialectical interplay of 'Ienguajes black and white (clothing, slang, major concerns: islinden) was expressed clearly in boots, Sta-Prest and in the radical haircut: a uniform compound in vertex between two worlds, incarnation of questions isthetic common to both. The irony is that those values conventionally mind associated with white working class culture (vaLords of what John Clarke [1976] calls "the collective

vo defensively organized "), which had been eroded vided by the time, by the relative prosperity and the experienced changes in the physical environment in which were rooted in the culture were rediscovered neAntillean gra. Here was a culture shielded against influences pollutants, protected against the assaults more Direct mainstream ideology, a culture that was denied access to the "good life" because dei Color of EIP. Their rituals, their language and style erigieron models for white people alienated from parental culture for alleged commitments postwar years. The skinheads, then resolved or at least reduced tension between a present lived (the ghetto mixed) and an imaginary past (the classical white co slum) to start a dialogue in which ambos is rebuilt each other. But it was inevitable that this "conversation. crease certain problems. At last, and after ai, the most visible sign exchange (the black presence in areas traditionally white working class) was being used by the skinheads to restore continuity with a past broken, to rehabilitate a damaged integrity to resistTirse other less tangible changes (the aburguesamiento, the myth of classlessness, dismemberment clan dei, dei replacing private space by the community space, etc.) that threatened the structure traditional community in a much more deep. Needless to say that the alliance between young black and white was extremely precarious and provisional: only an incessant control spots (the distribution of white girls, for example) and Busremaining scapegoats other outside groups (<< ma-

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rich ' hippies and Asian) helped avoid conflicts internally. Specifically, the 'paki-bashing' (harassing Pakistanis) can be interpreted as a maneuver displacement where fear and anxiety generated the timely identification with a black group is transformed in aggression directed toward another black community. Less easily assimilated than the West Indians in the cohost community as caring for seialar Clarke (L976a, p. 102) and Cohen (l972a, p. 29-30), clearmind not only differentiated by the characteristics Raciathem but by religious rituals, food taboos and a value system that advocated deference ence, frugality and the profit motive, the PakistaniDaron individualized by the brutal attacks skinheads, both black and white. Whenever intervena the boot, hid a contradiction, is dissimulaba, was made "disappear". AI approach seventies, the line between pass do and present, between black and white cultures, it became increasingly difficult to maintain. Ian Taylor and Dave Wall (1976) highlight the increasing erosion of many institutions tions prewar workers (the same institutions that the skinheads tried to resurrect), citing the "failure dei weekend, "the" gentrification "dei football dei general leisure and awareness dei 'capitalism consumer regarding a ready market for oriented product classes-(for example, glam rock) fundamental factors dei decline subculture skinhead. There were also ideological shifts logical within the music reggae that threatened to exclude white youth. As the music was more engaging with issues of race and the

Rastafarianism, started this! long big contradiction tion on the surfaces of life contradictions stormed the field of aesthetics and isLinden, right! li where initially had signed the truce between the two groups. AI go increasingly focusing plus reggae in his blackness, began losing appeal for skinheads, increasingly displaced in a moment in which the cycle of obsolescence of this subculture ture had almost closed. Wall and Taylor (1976) speak dei summer of 1972, when the skinheads joined other white residents to attack immigrants second generation in the area of Toxteth, Liverpool, as "a crucial date in the" natural history "of the skinheads " Certainly, the early

[...] The skinheads will turn away in disbelief, i listen to the rastascantando on "the dispossessed seeking harmony "and to dee-jays in his speeches exhorting black brothers to be "good neighborhood" [...] AI close ranks the rudies, parecerque had had camBiado sides and the doors were closed doably for the Perplexed skinheads [...] EI reggae had! legacy of age and skinheads is were condemned to perpetual adolescence [...] (Hebdige, 1976).

Glam andglitter rock: the camp albino and other entertainment The segregation of black culture in British early seventies, and Taylor for Wall symbolized by the Released in November 1973 in a magazine called-

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da Black Music market specifically aimed ai antillano led to the youth culture of the working class a sort of white impasse. At last, and after ai, all indicaba that "(It's a) Black Man Time" of I-Roy-popularsimo among black youth was not going to attract tooTOO to white kids. With the tightening of Rastafarian ideology in the jump to Great Britain and its confollowing sclerotization, black youths cost them very little start to despise their white peers among teachers, police officers and chiefs: they were "Babyloniansnia "were" crazy baldheads'. " Left to their own devices, the pop tended to atrophy in ballads and disco beats insubstantial acarajams, while the glam rock, representing a synthesis of two subcultures dead or dying --- the Underground and skinheads- began to pursue a exclusively white receding dei soul and dei reggae; line carrying at least by Wall and Taylor, the claws dei consumer capitalism, the autorref! eEuropean obsessions xivas described above (pp. 43-47). Bowie, in particular, in one series of embodiments "Camp-(Ziggy Stardust, Aladdin Sane, Mr. Newton, the White Duke, and more depressing, the Blond Fuehrer) achieved something of a cult status at the beginprinciples of the seventies. Attracted a massive young audience (More than quinceaiero) and set out a number of precedents visual in terms of personal appearance (makeup, tefiido hair, etc.) that created an image sexually ambiguous for those brave enough guys and dischallenge stereotypes made clear pedestrian that men and women of working class had to reach. Each Bowie concert held in gray

provincial theaters and village halls attracted Victorian a host of amazing Bowie lookalike, conscious ing to be cool with his gangster type hats who hid (At least until the opening of doors) a Inventory hair! ejos of bright vermilion, orange or Escarpo wicks can with gold and silver. These creatures exquisitas, perched nervously in their shoes platform or dragging (as the Boy in his more recent advertising campaign) plastic sandals fifties, and holding the cigarette, the manmembers at such an angle, participating in a fantasy game constem and horrified that some commentators scene rock, concerned about "authenticity" and the mensage rebellious youth culture. Taylor and Wall, by example, are very outraged by the alleged "Emasculation-of tradition carried Underground Bowie performed by:

Bowie, in effect, has colluded with the insustenance, by consumer capitalism dei, to recreate Teen subordinate class, implicated as conqunceaeros passive consumers purchase leisure Before the assumption of "maturity", instead of being a youth culture of people who question (from the prospect of any class or culture) value and meaning of adolescence andtransition ai world do adult work (1976).

It is true that the attitude of Bowie lacked significant tered obvious in political or countercultural, and that messages filtered through screens distraction were usually strongly objectionable

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(<< Hitler was the first superstar. Really knew how to do it "message transcribed by the Temporary Hoarding, periodical of Rock Against Racism). It was clear that Bowie did not care the quescontemporary policy issues nor the social or the life of the working class in general, indeed, his evangelio aesthetic was based on a deliberate circumvention dei world "Real" and dei prosaic world used language that emplear to describe, experienced and reproduce. EI metamessage Bowie was flight - class, DEI sex, personality, commitment Dei obvious --into a fantasy past (Isherwood's Berlin, poBlado by a ghostly casting Bohemians curse cough) or a science-fiction future. When addressed the "Crisis" did obliquely contemporary, repremetamorphosed tndola shaped like a world without humanoid life, ambiguously celebrated and denostado. For Bowie (and the Sex Pistols with it), the "No future for you, No future for me <God Save the Queen " Virgin, 1977) was a perfectly feasible option and, nevertheless, he was responsible for were raised sexual identity issues hitherto repressed ignored or merely hinted at in the rock and culture youth. In the glam rock, least among artists located, as Bowie and Roxy Music, on the wing more sophistiticada dei glitter, subversive emphasis away from quesTIONES class and youth to stand on sexuality and sexual typology. Although Bowie was not released Majority radical in any sense, in his predilection by disguise and dandyism-what Angela Carter (1976) characterized as "the triumph of ambivalent oppressed - c-"above any significance

'Genuine' dei sexual role play, he and, by extension, who copied his style, if that 'Questioned value and meaning of adolescence and the transition aI adult world of work "(Taylor and Wall, 1976). And hicieso unique rum, cleverly confusing picgenes of men and women through which traditionally fulfilled the transition from childhood to mamaturity.

Discolored roots: the punks and white ethnic identity

'A reminds me Estate, TV series, when I see

those chains and neck dog collar ai "(The mother a punk interviewed in Woman ' sOwn, Oct. 15 1977). "The punks are black" (Richard Hell, musician punk oninterviewee in New Musical Express, 29 October 1977).

EI glam rock tended to alienate most young working class precisely because it contravened as fundamental expectations. In the mid seventies His followers were divided into two factions. One isba composed almost entirely of quinceafieros that major bands followed dei glitter (Marc Bolan, Gary Glitter, Alvin Stardust). The other, comprising adolescent adolescents more aware of their identity and old, areprofessing a reverent devotion guide for artists cult (Bowie, Lou Reed, Roxy Music) that because of

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its extreme sophistication and elitism incipient morbid artistic and intellectual aspirations, not a public lIegaron PUBLIC massive. Lyrics of the songs and styles of life of the latter groups were disconnecting each more mundane concerns of adolescence and everyday life (although this discrepancy was The initial source of his appeal). Aesthetics punk made in space each time separating wider audience ai artist, can interpreted as an attempt to express the contradictions tions implicit in the glam rock. For example, the "conditions tion workers' sloppiness and openness dei punk arremeTian directly against arrogance, elegance and Superstars verbosity glam rock. Which was not obstacle, however, that both forms shared Tieran some common ground. EI punk proclaimed himself dei spokesman electorate of white youths cornered dellumpen, but almost always done by rebusdei language market glam and glitter rock - "Translating" metaphorically in working condition and mussel chains lias sunk, clothes' dirty-(teidas jackets, improprietysas blouses) and a rough language. Recovpening to parody, this generation 'blank', 'the classified as null society "(Richard Hell, New Musilime Express, October 29, 1977), he described themma as a generation chained by Surtidarkly comic signifiers do: straps and chains, narrow and rigid postures jackets. Although their accents proletarian rhetoric punk oozing irony. Thus, the punk represents an apostille scribblesi purposely walk da dei 'text' dei glam rock aiming was dynamite the extravagant style ornamental dei glam rock.

The rhetoric rogue dei punk fixation with class and distinction, were expressly diseiadas to weaken intellectualism of the previous generation of musicians of rock. This reaction, in turn, brought back to the new wave towards the reggae and related styles, initially excluded by glam rock. EI reggae attracted to those punks that wanted to print a tangible form to his alienation. Conhad the necessary conviction, the political poignancy, as clearly absent from most white music dei time. EI dread (Fear) was, in particular, a well sought. It was the medium that was used to threaten, and the elaborate confratemidad that kept him on the street and communicated --- Colors, dreadlocks, dialect - was impressive and intimidating, and suggesting an impregnable solidarity, an asceticism mo dei child suffering. EI concept dread provided everything a secret language: a semantic space closed irrevocably exotic refractory crystals sympathies tian white (ie, blacks are like us), whose very existence confirmed the worst fears chauvinistic whites (ie: no blacks nothing to do with us). Paradoxically, it was right here, in the exclusive Antillean dei black style, in the virtual impossibility of genuine white identification, where more attractive showed the reggae for punks. As we have seen, the DEI coagulated language was deliberately Rastafarianism dull mind. It had grown from a daily variation lectal, and that variation in turn had been spoken for centuries without Master to understand. It was a language cadrilling peace friendlier white ears, and Back to Africa dei issues and Etiopianismo, concluded

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in the reggae, made no concessions to the sensitivity dei white audience. Blackness dei reggae was proscriptive. It was an alien essence, a body that threatened extrao implicitly majority English culture from inside "and as such, echoed the values adopted two for the punk (The "anarchy", the "surrender-and the" declive '). For punks, find a positive meaning to so flagrant renunciation of Britishness equivalent a symbolic act of betrayal that complemented, and ineven completed, the irreverent program undertaken by itself punk rock (See "Anarchy in the U. K. and "God Save the Queen, the Sex Pistols, the version of Jordan of "Rule Britannia" in the movie of Derek Jarman, Jubilee). The punks alienation capitulated, lost among strangers aje profiles formna. Thus, the same factors that had been issued recoil skinhead to facilitate late sixties involvement punks a decade later. So as styles mod andskinhead had reproduced sesgadamente the look and attitude "of coolx rude boys Antilleans andsymbolically stood in the same megave ideal (Ia big city, the violent slums), the isthetic punk part can be read as a 'translations CIOR 'white' ethnic identity 'black (see p. 65-66). This parallel 'ethnic identity' was defined white given by contradiction. For one focused, so even iconoclastic, in the traditional concept tions of Britishness (the Queen, the national flag, etc.). It was "local". Recognizable scenarios emanating located in inner cities Great dei Bretaa. He spoke with

urban accents. On the other hand, however, was based on dei denial instead. Arose in anonymous blocks subsidized housing, standing in queues unknown, dei quintessential slum. It was empty, expressionless, desarraigada. In this subculture punk differs from the West Indian styles that were their basic models. Mienafter that city black youths could catapultare, by reggae, towards an unattainable and imaginary More aliyah" (Africa, West Indies), the punks living subjects ai present time. They were chained to a Big Bretaia without future expectations. This difference, however, might be magically circumvented. Magically, the coordinates of time andspace could be dissolved, transcend, become signs. That was how the punks ai espetaron world your deadly pale face, a face that was and was not
'There'. As Roland Barthes myths, these 'victims

more murdered 'emptied and inert--also had his alibi, a "more aliyah" literally built Vaseline and cosmetics, hair tefiido and mascara. But paradoxical Paradoxically, in the case of punks, that "more aliyah" tamalso was a 'nowhere'-twilight-zone, an area made of negativity. As Andr Dada Breton, the punk seemed to "open the doors" but those doors' onto a circular corridor "(Breton, 1937). Once inside this circle desecrated, the punk was sentenced for life to embody the alienation, play the role of his condition imagined, to develop whole series of subjective correlates to the archetypes officers of the "crisis of modern life 'dei figures unemployment, the Depression, the Western way of life, the

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TV, etc.. Turned into icons (the pin, the clothes torn, and air ellado starving wild), these paradigms of the crisis could live a double life, fictitious tion and real time. Were the magnifying glass for lived a condition: a condition of absolute exile voluntarily assumed. But although poseye-exile ra a specific meaning and imply a solution specific (and, moreover, magic) in the context dei Rastafarianism and Black history, applied ai metaphorical cally British White youth could only draw a hopeless condition. Neither could promise a future could not account for a past. Trapped in the paradox subordination of the "divine" as "Gene san!" 17 when "Chooses" Fate dei that, like it or not, he has done depositary, the punks were masked, eager to recreate themselves in caricature, by "disguisedczar-his destiny by his true colors, by replacing hunger by diet "and relocate ellook ragged (<< Neglected "but meticulously crafted) HALF way between elegance and extreme. After hallar its perfect reflection from broken glass after have spoken through jealously Donut Hole-shirts readas, having sullied the good name of the familylia, "the punk is again found in the output box: a "lifer" in state "incocommunication 'despite fierce tattoos. These contradictions were literally re-presitting on the relationship dei punk with the reggae. A true level, punks openly acknowledged the importance dei dei CIA contact and exchange, sometime to raise the cultural contact to the category of commitments so political. Some groups punk for example, included

prominently on the Bell Rock against Racism [Rock Against Racism] to combat the growing cient influence dei National Front in the areas of class working. "But on another level, deeper, it seems correlation was repressed, displaced by punks in favor of a white flatly music and inBritish flatly even further. During the process, certain features were directly I copied the styles rude andrasta of anti-black plains. For example, a typical hairstyles punk consisting of a petrified mane and maintained in vertical tension with Vaseline, spray and soap, resembled to styles "natty" or dreadlock of blacks. Some punks Ethiopian wore colors and rhetoric rasta started to appear in the repertoire of some groups punk. In Specifically, the Clash and the Slits interspersed slogans and temore reggae in his material, and in 1977 the group reggae Culture presented a song about the impending Apocalipsis entitled "When the Two Sevens Clash" ["When the two sevens clash "], which became a kind of ineludible hose in circles punk finest. Some some groups (Clash, Alternative TV, for example) incorporaron songs reggae at concerts and dei link born a new hybrid form: elpunk dub. " From the Initially, when the first punks began withgregarse Roxy Club in Covent Garden, London, the heavy reggae had occupied a privileged position within the subculture as the only alternative tolerated ai punk melodic oasis before the frantic Sturm und Drang New Wave music. Partly for reasons of convenience (ai beginning there was music punk recorded) and partly by choice (it was clear that the reggae was "rmisi-

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ca rebel "), cult Jamaican imports personregularly at many clubs ban punk during the inintermediates of live performances. The identification of the open punks with culture British and West Indian black served to promote antaversus gonismo teddy boys revivalists, and battles between teddys andpunks fought every Saturday afternoon in King's Road in the summer of 1977 showed spectators larly tensions between both subcultural Satin EI July 5 of that year, Rockin 'Mick, teddy boy of 19 years (fluorescent socks, creepers black suede and jacket embroidered with the legend 'Confederation Rock You "and" Gene Vincent Lives ") expressed before a pedei journalist Evening Standard outrage at the lack of patriotism punks, associations adding: "We do not We are against blacks, but we are not your favor to say ...'(July 5, 1977). However, despite the high affinity, both forms -Punk andreggae- scrupulously kept his inintegrity, and far from mimicking the shape and tone dei reggae, music punk as all other aspects dei style punk tended to develop as a direct antithesis respect to its visible sources. From the beginning, the opposition between reggae andpunk coming and by the ears. EI punk treble trust, the reggae was based on bass. EI punk launched frontal assaults to the systems of meaning established, the reggae communicated meby means of ellipses and allusions. The truth is that, by the way both forms were rigorous, almost obsessively segregated, everything seems to indicate the existence of an idenhidden amount therebetween, in turn susceptible to illuminate general patterns of interaction between communities

immigrant and host. Drawing vocabulary aimiotic, we could say that punk includes ai reggae as "present absence" as a black hole whose is structured around the punk. The idea can be extended metaphorically to cover issues of race and rerelations between races. It could be said, therefore, that the IRGida demarcation drawn between punk rock andreggae no only symptomatic of an "identity crisis" characteristics ca of subculture punk but these contradictions tions and broader tensions that inhibit the develop110 of an open dialogue between immigrant culture strong ethnic and indigenous culture-class work jadora technically the "circles". We are now in a position to review the signified of the uneasy relationship between rock andreggae propia dei punk. We have seen how the belligerent insistence dei punk in class and distinction responded, ai least in part to excess ethereal dei cult glam rock, and that concrete form taken by such insistence (aesthetics ragged, musical singularity) was also indirectly istering subcultural styles influenced by the comblack immigrant community. This dialectical movement white to black and vice versa is not in any way exclusive sive of subculture punk. On the contrary, as we seen, the same movement is "captured" and deployed by the styles of each and every one of the Youth-cultures them spectacular postwar working class. Specifically, the music runs rock (And, before this, by jazz) since the mid-fifties hereinafter dictating each successive change of pace, and style contenidode letters. Finally, we are in provisions tion to describe this dialectic.

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As the music and the various subcultures it supports or plays are adopting schemes ritected and identifiable, creating new subcultures are requesting or generate the corresponding mutations in musical form. In turn, these mutations have lugar at a time when the forms and imported items contemporary black music dissolve (or "sobredeterminam 'existing musical structure, forcing the lIegada new configurations for its elements. For example, stabilization DEI rock in the early sixty (the bland bop teen, ballads romantic, the gimmicky instrumental) encouraged migration tion mod towards the sou / and ska, and subsequent reaffirmation tion of themes and rhythms black by groups white r & b andSOU / 22 aI helped revive Dei rock to mid-sixties. Similarly, as soon as g / am rock possible permutations exhausted dentro its own distinctive structure concerns, punks retreated to earlier forms and vigorous Roses rock (Ie the mid-fifties and isSenta, the era's most influential black) "and also attended later forms like reggae contemporary (Dub, Bob Marley) to give a music more accurately reflect their sense of frustration and oppression. However, as usual in the punk here mutation seems deliberately forced. Given the differences ences between the two, maybe the synthesis between languagejes Dei rock and reggae not easy. The fundamental lack of harmony between the two languages (costume, dance, language, music, drugs, style, history) manifested by the growing blackness Dei reggae, dinrni-generated

ca singularly unstable within the subculture punk. The tension given aI punk that quality extraiamente stony that / Ook paralyzed, that "passivity-he found his voice iflenciosa on smooth surfaces and rubber molded plastic, in the bondage and robotics for the world aI mean "Punk." Because, in the heart of the subculture ture punk perpetually motionless, nests that dialectic blocked between black culture and white culture, a daymost aliya dialectic some extent (that is, the identity ethnic) is unable to renew, living as live cautive of their own history, trapped in their own and irreversible ductibles antinomies.

Second An interpretation

FIVE

Function of the subculture So far we have described the subcultures presented in the previous chapters as a series mediated response in the presence of Great Britain a large black community. As we have seen, the proximity of the two positions-white youth working class and black-invites identification, and even when this identity is suppressed or openmind fought, black cultural forms (muca, for example) are determined by exerting an influence nant on the development of each subcultural style. It time to explore the relationship between these spectacular subcultures and the other groups (parents, teachers, police, youth 'respectable', etc.) andcultures (Adults of working class cultures andmiddle class) fren-

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to which you so blatantly defined. Most author still tends to attribute a significant excess ed to the opposition between young and old, between children and parents, citing the rites of passage that, even in societies most primitive activities are used to mark the transition tion from childhood to maturity. ' In these studies, no But absent any notion of specified historical capacity, any explanation of why these forms concrete occur at that particular time. It is almost a clich to talk dei period after the Second World World War II as a time of great changes in the traditional schemes life Great Britain were swept away and replaced by a system new topic superficially less governed by the elases. In particular, sociologists have emphasized disintegration of the working class community 'and have shown how traditional demolition deiCheap houses around local shops and only made the changes were more profound and intangible. As noted by Berger (1967), the references are not unically "geographic but also biographical and personal tions "and the disappearance of family references after war presaged the collapse of a whole way of life. However, despite the confidence with which political cos both Labor and Conservatives claimed that Great Britain was entering a new era of prosperity unlimited and equal opportunities and "We had never had it so good ', classes are resistieron disappear. Yes drastically transformed, however, the manner in which the classes if you lived mymore, that is, the various ways that experience

class found expression in culture. Advent of EI the mass media, changes in the constitution of the family, the school organization and work, changes in the relative status dei work and leisure, all served to fragment and polar curling to the working-class community, generating a series of marginal discourses within the broad limitsing class experience. The evolution of youth culture should be seen as a mere part of this process of polarization. Specific cally, we can cite the relative increase in the popurchasing power of the working class youth, 'the disefiado creation of a market to absorb the excess resulting dente, and changes in the education system derived from the Butler Act of 1944 as factors contributed to the emergence, after the war, a conscience among the young generation. This consciousness was rooted in a widespread experience elase, but expressed in ways other than traditional tions and sometimes downright antithetical to them,
The persistence of class as significant category

youth culture will, however, not been recognized generally do until relatively recently and, as we shall see, the seemingly spontaneous eruption of youth styles has led some authors haveblasen of youth as new class, understanding as a community of undifferentiated Consumers Teens. It was not until the sixties, when Peter Willmott (1969) and David Downes (1966) published two separate research on the lives of working-class adolescents, "when the myth of a juvenillibre class culture began to be seriously

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questioned. This question is best understood in the context of a wider debate on the role of subculture, which has long been concerned to sociologists specializing in the theory of deviation tion. It seems appropriate to include here a short wide screen mica on some of the approaches to youth subculture born in the course of this debate. EI study of subculture in Britain evolved not from a tradition of urban ethnography whose aI back early nineteenth century: the work of Henry Mayhew and Thomas Archer, 'and the novels of Charles Dickens and Arthur Morrison. "However, until the decade 1920 would not arise given a more "scientific ca "to the subculture, with its own methodology (Ia obconservation participant) was when a group of Chicago sociologists and criminologists began to collar data on youth gangs and groups marginal (professional criminals, smugglers, etc.). In 1927, Frederick Thrasher reported about a thousand street gangs, and then WiIliam Foote Whyte described extensively in Street Corner Society rituals, routines and occasional hazafias of a band. Participant observation remains the source of some of the most interesting and evocative descriptions tions of the subculture, but the method also carries a significant number of ills. In particular, the absence of schemes analytical or explanatory work has always endowed this kind of work marginal status mostly within the positivist tradition mainstream sociology. ' And, most crucially, the absence is responsible for that, but provide great ri-

queza of descriptive detail, based on reports participant observation obviate or at least substation Ripped, the meaning of class relations and poder. In this work the subculture tends to appear as an independent body whose operation stranger to the social, political and economic wider. As a result, the description of the subculture is often left incomplete. By chandleriana that out his prose, meticulous they were true and the details provided by participant observation, it soon became apparent that the method required the support of other analytical procedures. Over the years fifty, Albert Cohen and Walter Miller tried to supplement the existent theoretical perspective tracing continuities and ruptures between systems dominant and subordinate values. Cohen put the emphasis in the compensatory function of the boy band: adoworking-class adolescents unaccountable enough in school bands joined in their free time to develop alternative sources of self-esteem. In the band, core values worId Normal ---- containment , ambition, conformity, etc. - were replaced by their opposites: hedonism, defiance of authority and pursuit of pleasure (Cohen, 1955). Milier also be focused on Ei value system of the young band, but in this case highlighting the similarities between cultures band and parents, arguing that many of fringe dei values only reiterated the fordistorted or augmented ma 'great concerns' of the adult working class population (Milier, 1958). In 1961, Matza and Sykes used the notion of values underground to explain the existence of cultures juve-

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niles both legitimate and criminal. Like AI Miller, these authors acknowledged that the objectives and goals potentially subversive were present in system more generally judged as perfectly respected tables. Youth culture found in the same vaLords underground (risk-seeking, emotion) that served to shore, and not to undermine the ethos diurnal production (delayed gratification, routine etc..) (Matza and Sykes, 1962; Matza, 1964). 8
Later these theories be tested

dres [...] and the need to maintain identifications with parents "(Cohen, 1972a). In this analysis, the estithe mod, ted andskinhead were interpreted as intencough mediate between experience and tradition, between the familiar and new. And, for Cohen, the "latent function" of the subculture was' [...] express and resolve, albeit magically, the contradictions which remain hidden tas or unresolved parental culture "(Cohen, 1972a). The mods, e.g.

developed in fieldwork in Britain. In sixties, Peter published his research WilImott sober range of cultural options available to working-class boys in the East End of London. Far from frivolous claims of authors such as Mark Abrams (1959), 9 Willmott concluded that the idea of a youth culture completely alien to the idea of class was premature and meaningless. He noted, however, that leisure styles available to youth modulated through the intrinsic contradictions and divisions a class society. Meanwhile, Phil Cohen was the commissioned to explore in depth the ways in which the class-specific experiences were coded in estithe leisure which, after all, had originated mostly in the East End of London. Cohen also became interested in the links between youth culture and parental and played different styles juveniles as adaptations partial changes that had disturbed tofull Dei Community East End. He defined subculture as "[...] a compromise between two conflicting needs: the need to create and express autonomy and difference from the pa-

[...] Actually tried to do while in a relationship imaginary, living conditions dei worker nonmanual social mobility [...] [while] [...] its slang and its ritual forms [...] [continued underlining] [...] Many of the traditional values of the culture of parents (Cohen, 1972a).

Finally a reading took into consideration all ideological, economic and cultural, in its interaction influence the subculture. AI cement his theoria in ethnographic detail, Cohen could insert the developin their analysis is a much more complex before. Instead of presenting the class as a whole Abstract external determinations, showed in the action, as a material force in practice disguised by so to speak, in the experience and displayed in style. The maraw material of history could refract, maintained and "Handled" in the line of a hunter mod, in the a shoe soles dei teddy boy. Uncertainties class and sexuality, tensions between conformism and diversion, family and school, work and leisure, were attached so both visible and opaque; Cohen developed

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the system in order to reconstruct the history of meteris under the EIP dei style and rip their meanings hidden. Cohen EI work remains the model appropriate that we have to read the subcultural style. However, to emphasize the importance and significance class was forced to concede weight may excesivo the links between working-class cultures dora juvenile and adult. There are also differences significant to be recognized. As we seen, emerged in the postwar period really awareness generational youth, and even where the cxpeexperience was shared between parents and children that expeence was likely to be interpreted, and expressed handled differently by both groups. In this Similarly, while obviously there are points where the "Solutions" of parents and teenagers converge and ineven overlap, i try not spectacular subculture we have accorded absolute preeminence. And i try to connect with his style subcultural context generative ought to be careful not to emphasize too the harmony between culture respectable class working and forms, globally more marginal here involved. For example, it is clear that skinheads reaffirm maron values associated with traditional working community tion, but they did counter a widespread redenunciation of those values by the parent culture, and in a time such a statement of classic existential concerns of the working class considered inappropriate. Similarly, the mods and changes faced simultaneous contradictions

neously were affecting the parent culture, but made in terms of their own problems to some extent autonomously, by inventing "other place "(the weekend, the West End) defined counter of spaces dei family home, puh, Club dei worker, the neighborhood (see p. 77). If we focus on the integration and consistency tion at the expense of dissonance and discontinuity, we run the risk of denying the very manner in which the sub-way Cultural crystallizes, objectifies and communicates the experience dei group. We would be in trouble, for example, to found in the subculture punk a symbolic attempt AC "recover socially cohesive elements desparentalx truidos in culture (Cohen, 1972a) beyond mere cohesion of itself: the expression of identity highly structured group, the visible and solidZOS binding. More seems, however, that the punks study seen parodying the alienation and emptiness that both have unnerved sociologists, \ O \ Heaving deliberately the blackest term predictions of social criticism alarmist, and celebrating in the death of satirical key community and the collapse of traditional forms tional meaning. Therefore, we can only accept reservations theory of Cohen dei subcultural style. Later work Terah to rethink the relationship between parental cultures and Juvenile paying greater attention to the whole process significance in the subculture. For now, however, we must not allow these objections discreditable to the global importance of the contribution of Cohen. No exaggeration to say that the idea of style as response ta coded changes that affect the community

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whole has literally transformed the study of culture spectacular youth. Much of the research produced in Resistance Through Rituais (Hall et al, 1976a) were based on the fundamental premise that the style could be read in this way. Using the inGramscian concept of hegemony (see pages 30-35 of this book), the authors interpreted the succession of youth cultural styles as symbolic forms of resistance, symptoms most spectacular dissension wide and, generally, all underground characterized the postwar period. This reading raises dei style a number of issues that we discuss, and approxition to the subculture adopted Resistance Through Rituais provides the basis for much of what if. gue. We begin with the notion of specificity.

Specificity: two classes teddy boy

Taking as its starting point the definition of culture used in Resistance Through Rituais, Culra is that area in which social groups develop different patterns of life and printed expressive form binds will their social and material experience "(Hall et al, 1976a), discover that each subculture represents a handle different 'raw material of social existence cial "(Hall et al, 1976a). But i, what is exactly mind that "raw material"? Marx says: "The Hompoor create their own history, but not just your taste, not create it under circumstances chosen by them themselves, but under circumstances directly interposed tas, given and transmitted from the past-(Marx, 1951).

In effect, the material (ie, social relations) that becomes steadily culture (and hence, in subculture) is never 'raw' is never crude. Siempre is mediated, influenced by the historical context in which gives, posed before a specific ideological territory cific giving it a life and a meaning withcretos. Unless we are willing to spend some paessentialist paradigm of the working class as ineluctable carrier of absolute truth and transhisring, II we should not expect the answer subcultural ral infallible as to the real relations that given in capitalism, even that is necessarily you contacting in any immediate sense, with the position that physically occupies within dei capitalist system List. The spectacular subcultures express it by defmicin is an imaginary set of relations (see pages 108-109). The raw materials that are made is both real and ideological. It is transmitted to members Individual subculture through a variety Channel: school, family, work, media communication, etc. Moreover, this matter is subject to historical change. Each "instance-represented subcultural ta a "solucir" to a specific set of circumences, about specific problems and contradictions. By example, the "solutions" mod andteddy boy were Elaboharbors in response to different situations that situation rum in different positions relative to the formations existing cultural (immigrant cultures, culture parental, other subcultures, the majority culture). We will focus on an example to appreciate it better. There were two great moments in the history of the subculture teddy boy (The fifty and seventy years). But

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while maintaining the same ratio of antagonism black immigrant community than their counterparts fifties (see p. 74-75), the teds more repatients were positioned differently with respect to the culture of parents and other youth cultures. The early years the last seventy fifty share some obvious features: the vocabularies of "Austerity" and "crisis" without being identical, are similar and, what is more important, the potential anxiety black immigration effects on employment, the viHousing, and the "quality of life" is accentuated via both periods. The differences, however, are much more decisive. The presence, in the second period, a alternative youth culture and predominantly working (The punk) many of whom advocated active tively certain aspects of life in West Indians, sirseen to clearly distinguish the two moments. The primere teds had marked a new beginning. In words of George Melly (1972), they represented "the dark forefront of culture pop and, despite their scarcity Numerical were almost universally attacked by Press and parents as a symptom dei imminent decline of Great Britain. Meanwhile, in the years seventies withvery concept of revival gave the teddy boys an air of lelegitimacy. At last, and after ai, in a society that seemed generate a staggering number of fashions and fads, the teddy boys were practically an institution: one part authentic, though doubtful, of British heritage. So young people who participated in this revivalles acceptability was granted a certain bawe, if only limited. They could be viewed with tolerance, and even a veiled affection by those

working-class adults, were in their times teds or normal kids, felt a certain nostalgia for the fifty years whose memories are fragmented evoked a simpler past and stable. EI revival rememoraba a time that seemed surprisingly lejano and comparatively safe, almost idyllic in its stolid Puritanism, in its sense of values in his conviction tion of the future might be better. Freed dei timpo and dei context, these teds Second generation allowed to float innocently, rocked by nostalgia seventies, halfway between the Fonz TV Happy Days and an ad-Ovalti recycling ne. Paradoxically, then, the subculture that initially I had provided such dramatic signs of change could end up providing some continuity in their revived form. Overall, the two solutions teddy boy ressponded to specific historical conditions, formuadas ideological totally different atmospheres. In the late seventies there was no possibility of reCabar the support of the working class for the optimists imperatives of reconstruction: "We will have to dilutetar "," Wait and see ", etc.. Disenchantment extended EIbetween the working class by the Labour Party and the parliamentary politics in general, the decline dei State welfare, the faltering economy, the continuing lack of employment and housing problems, the wear of the cocommunity, consumerism dei failure when satisfacer real needs and the endless round of conindustrial conflict, closures and pickets, all served to generalize the feeling that yields disminuan, in radical contrast to the combative optimism

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mo dei previous period. Certainly supported by construction ideological retrospectively cough located in the second da World War (instigation, around 1973 and in response to the protracted industrial disputes Trials, the oil crisis, the three-day work week, etc.., a patriotic spirit in need of enemies, more typical of wartime; dei replacement withconcept "German", more specifically, by 'fascist'), totwo phenomena are combined with the visibility of black communities to make racism a solution tion much more credible to the vital problems of the working class. In addition, clothing and behavior teddy boys had different connotations in the seventies. Of course, the "Theft" a style belonging to the upper class in Initially all the style made possible teddy boy had long forgotten, and with him was lost irrevocably the exact nature of the transformation tion. Moreover, cocky and aggressive manners aresexual had different meanings in the two periods. The narcissism of the first teds and carnal gymnastics dances jive a weapon had been launched against which Melly (1972) describes as 'A world gray, monochrome, where the good guys were playing pingpong " The incombustible loyalty teds Second generation to traditional stereotypes of "boy mawhat "is revealed, however, as obvious as reactionary. AI disks are worn from use, dressed in ropas that were true museum pieces, these neoteds resurrected a series of sexual conventions (the gallantry, courtship) and arrogant machismo - that 'Picturesque' combination of chauvinism, glitter and

outbreaks of violence, which already had parental culture been enthroned as the behavior model male: a model of the feverish excesses 'Permissive society' had kept postwar intact. All these factors approached subculture teddy boy in its second incarnation to the parent culture and helped over other options would define culturejuveniles were dei time ipunks, dei followers northern soul, rockers heavy metal, 12 football fans, pop mainstream, "respectable", etc..) For these reasons, llevar a jacket with a flag on his back in 1978 not the same nor dei As in 1956, although the two groups teddy boys idolizeran the same heroes (Elvis, Eddie Cochrane, James Dean), cultivate them and occupy approximately toupees. mately the same social stratum. The concepts inseparables of conjuncture andspecificity (Wherein each subculture represents a "moment" badge, a resparticular setting a particular set of circumCIAS) are therefore essential for a study dei subcultural style.

Sources dei style We have seen how the experience encoded in subcultures is configured in different areas (work, home, school, etc.). Each of these places imputs his own unique structure, its own rules and sigings, its own hierarchy of values. Although these isstructures are interconnected, 10 make syntactically.

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Both bind differences (home versus school, isschool versus work, home versus work, private public address, etc.) as the similarities. By decide in terms, somewhat rhetorical if you will, of Althusser constitute different levels of the same shape, social tion. And even if, as Althusser strives in sealar 'relatively autonomous', these structures still articulated, in capitalist societies, in volume to the "general contradiction" between Capital and Manpower (see, in particular, Althusser 1971a). The complex interaction between the different levels of the forsocial formation plays in the experience of both as dominant groups of subordinates, and this exence, in turn, becomes "raw rnateria" which finds an expressive form in culture and subculture ra. Today, the average per-communication pefian a crucial role in defining our experience ence to ourselves. We provide more accessible categories to classify the social world. Basically, the press, television, film, etc., Are the that allow us to organize and interpret experience and give her, shall we say, coherence in contradiction. Shortly should surprise, then, to discover that much what is encoded in the subculture has been previously subject to certain manipulation by communication medium. Thus, in Great Britain after the war, is likely that the rich content dei subcultural style is depending on what Stuart Hall has called the "effect ideological "13 of the communication medium in reaction tion to the change experienced in the institutional framework tional life of the working class. As Hall said,

Sox 'have progressively colonized the area cultural and ideological '

While the groups andsocial classes live, if not in productive relationships in the social self, lives increasingly fragmented and differentiated media communication are increasingly responsible for (a) provide the basis on which these groups and classes construct a picture of the lives, meanings, practices and values afros groups andclasses, (b) provide cionar images, representations and ideas to which alaround can consistently captured all social compuestapor all these separate pieces and fraginsults (Hall, 1977).

So, you can only stay a credible picture social cohesion through the appropriation and redefinition tion of cultures of resistance (eg, cultural working-class youth ras) in terms of that image. Thus, the communication stockings groups provide only basic images other groups, but also return to the class working a "portrait" of their own lives is "Content" or "enrnarcado" by ideological discourses cos that surround and lie.
Clearly subcultures are not forms privi-

legiadas, not out production reflective dei circuit and reproduction linking at least in the plane simbolic, separate and fragmented pieces of the totality social dad. Subcultures are partly ai least repretations of these representations, and the elements dei taken "portrait" of the life of the working class (and

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dei social set in general) should definitely have atguna resonance in the signifying practices of the dissubcultures inks. There is no reason to suppose only claim that subcultures spontaneously "Readings- Blocked excluded from the radio, television and the press (awareness of a subordinate status, modethe conflictive society, etc..). Also articulated, at greater or lesser extent some of the meanings and ininterpretations preferred those who are favored by and transmitted through the authorized channels mass communication. Typical members of a working-class youth culture partly replicated and dominant part accepted definitions of who and what are, and there is a substantial amount of ideologically They shared not only between adult culture and class working (with its underground tradition of resistance) but also between them and the dominant culture (at least in its most "democratic" and accessible). For example, making up options ai and downstream extent of working-class youth Dora does not necessarily indicate any significant difference cant in the relative status of the jobs available to dei typical mod 1964 and dei skinhead , 1968 (although a perhaps census were to indicate that difference). And even less reflects directly the fact that the opemployment opportunities ai scope of working class youth bajadora generally one to really diminish another date. What happens, rather, is that different styles and ideologies that structure and determine negotiated responses represent a contradictory mythology class. In this mythology, "the desvanecimiento class' is paradoxically offset

by a "class pride" pure and simple, a conception dei romantic traditional lifestyle (working class bajadora) twice weekly revived programs television dei type Coronation Street). Then the mods and skinheads were, each in his own way, "manejando "that mythology as well as the demands of their own material conditions. They were learning to live in or out of that corpus of images and amorphous typifications served by the media where the class is alAlternatively obviated and exaggerated, denied and reduced to a caricature. Furthermore, punks Not only responded directly ai rising unemployment, changes in morals, i rediscovery of poverty, depression, etc..: thisban dramatizing what became known as "the decline of Great Bretaa-by building a language that, in contrast to the predominant rhetoric dei thisblishment rocker, was clearly relevant and realist (hence the swearing, references to "Hippies greasy ", the rags, the lumpen poses). The punks endorsed the rhetoric of crisis that had filling the airwaves and the publishers of the time and translated Jeron to terms tangible (and visible). In the bleak, apocalyptic atmosphere of the late seventies - perment mass violence ominous carnival Notting Hill, in Grunwick, Lewisham and Ladywood-nothing better that punks be presented as "degenerate", as signs of that vaunted decomposition, as reperfect presentation of atrophy of Great Britain. The various styles adopted by punks expressed. without doubt, aggression, anxiety, frustration and genuine. But these claims, for which someone built extraiamente

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see, were couched in a language that was aI reachce worldwide, everyday language. EUO explains, first, that the metaphor punk applies both to members of the subculture as their opponents and, second, also explains the triumph of subcultures ture punk as spectacle: such was his ability to erigirse in whole problematic symptom of contemline. Capacity is thus understood that this subculture was to attract new members and to cause the necessary angry response from parents, teachers and bosses to those whom he addressed the moral panic, and part of "moral entrepreneurs" - municipal eoncejales pales, experts and members of Parliament dei-i-responsible ble of directing the "crusade" to combated. To comcate the disorder, you must first choose a language appropriate, although the aim is subverted. For the punk could be rejected as chaos, he must first be "Readable" in noise. We begin to see now how the cult Bowie ran articulating about general topics ro and no class, and critics question the linking the legitimate concerns of the "authentic" culture of elais working exclusively with the sphere of production tion. Clearly, the followers of Bowie grappled directly in any way with the problems typical of workers or the classroom: problems orbiting take to relations with the authority (rebellion against deference, ascending versus descending options, etc.). But they were trying to conquer a space sigcant interrnedio halfway between culture parental and the dominant ideology: a space where pugive discovering and expressing an alternative identity. In

this measure were driven to that specific search ca a certain autonomy that characterizes all sub (And against) youth cultures (see the pg. 200, n. 6). In sharp contrast to his predecessors skinheads, SEBowie challenged the followers of chauvinism more obvios (sex, class, territorial) and, more or less nor enthusiasm, strove to elude, subverted or demolished. Simultaneously, were (I) challenging the traditional working-class Puritanism as firmously rooted in the culture of their parents, (2) resisaI tend way means that purita-made mechanism the sign of the working class and (3) adapting images, styles and ideologies propagated everywhere in television and movies (for example, the cult of nostalgia for the early seventies), magazines and presssa daily (haute couture, feminism in emergency Dei a consumer, for example Cosmopolitan) for the purpose of construct an alternative identity to communicate one visible difference: an Otherness. They were, in short, developtrusting in a symbolic level the "inevitability", the "naculturalism 'stereotypes of class and gender.

SIX

Subculture: unnatural rupture

"I felt dirty for 48 hours' (one councilor dei GLC after seeing a concert by the Sex Pistols [cited in New Musical Express, 18 July 1977]).

Of all social institutions, language is the mewe open to the initiative. It merges with the life of the sosociety, andthe latter, inert by nature, is a strong za conservative fundamental (Saussure, 1974).

Subcultures represent 'noise-(in contrapoposition ai sound): interference in the orderly sequence of events leading andhis real phenomena representation on the medium of communication. It shouldwe underestimate, therefore, significant power

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spectacular subculture not only as a metaphor potential anarchy 'out there' but as a mechanism actual semantic disorder: a kind of blocking temporal representation in the system. As he wrote John Mepham (1972):

So tenaciously rooted in our speech and thoughts ments about the world distinctions and identities, either by the role in our lives dcsempefian practical policies or because they are cognitively powerful constitutional DEI yen an important aspect of how we provide sense of our experience, which theoretically questioning mind can be traumatic.

Any elision, truncation or convergence of caprevailing linguistic and ideological gories can settledeep is a disorientation. Such deviation tions reveal, in short, the arbitrariness of the codes underlying all forms dei speech configurations rndolas. As he wrote, in a context of diversion explicit policy, Stuart Hall (1974):

New developments, momentous pace that "insignificant" compared to standards endorsed by most, pose a challenge to the world standards mativo. Not only call into question the definition Dei world, but how it should be. "They open a gap our expectations "[...].

caps. These taboos ensure uninterrupted 'transtransparency "(unquestionable) dei meaning. Not surprisingly, therefore, the transgressions consensus standards that are used to orgaTsar and experience the world have considerable caability to provoke and disturb. From everywhere the accused of 'sacrilege', as Mary Douglas pointed (1967), and Levi-Strauss has pointed out that in certain myths primitive a mispronunciation and misuse dellenguaje have the same status as when incest terrible aberrations able to "unleash storms and storms' (Levi-Strauss, 1969). Similarly, contents spectacular subcultures express prohiceived (class consciousness of difference) in forms prohibidas (violations of codes of conduct and label, lawlessness, etc.). Expressions are profanas, and are often censored, significantly, as "unnatural". The terms that the press sensation cionalista used to define those young people who, in their behavior or dress, proc1aman assignment to some subcultural group (efreaks ',' animals [...] that as rats, only emboldened when hunting in manada ')' suggest that the most primitive fearsderivatives of the sacred distinction between nature and culra can be evoked by the emergence of such groups. Without doubt, the breaking of the royal is mistaken for a "no royal", which, according Lvi-Strauss (1969), "appears to offer the best criterion isguro to distinguish a natural process of a cultural one. " Indeed, the official reaction to the subculture punk in ispecial to the use of "foul language" by the Sex Pistols in televisirr 'and on disks.' and to vomiting and Spitball-

Notions concerning the inviolability dei language are closely linked to ideas of order social. The limits of acceptable linguistic expression are imposed by a number of taboos apparently uni-

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jos at Heathrow airport, "suggest that these basic taboos remain settled in the prodepths of contemporary British society.

Two forms of integration i, not this society saturated aestheticism, not integrated and old romanticism, surrealism, existing tencialismo and even, to some extent, Marxism? Well, it has, through trade dei, as goods. What yesterday was criticized becomes modern commodity culture, and thus the conthat engulfs most of what was supposed to give meaning and direction (Lefebvre, 1971).

We have seen that subcultures "a wedge in our expectations "and represent symbolic delenges to a symbolic order. But i always subcultures can be integrated effectively? i, and how? EI emergence of a spectacular subculture is accompanied accompanied, inevitably, by a wave of hysteria the press. That hysteria is, of course, ambivalent, ranging between fear and fascination, between the scandal and the intainment. The covers are filled with headlines impact tives or disturbing (eg, "Rotten razored" Daily Mirrar, June 28, 1977) while in the interior editorials are full of comments 'serious'? and PAcentral pages or delusional supplements have reportages on fashions and rituals of late (see, for example, color supplements dei Observer dei January 30 and July 10, 1977, And12 February dei

1978). EI style, especially, causes a twofold response: is alternately praised (in page mode) and attacked and ridiculed (in articles that define subcultures and social problems). Almost always, what first attracted the attention of media are the stylistic innovations of the subculture. Then, the police, the judiciary, the press' disbreu "deviant acts or" antisocial "-vandalism profanity, fighting, "animal behavior" - and these acts are used to "explain" the original transgression, by the subculture, commonly codes accepted. In fact, both deviant behavior as identifying a distinctive uniform (or more often, a combination of both) may be catalytic MOWERS dei moral panic. In the case of punks, the moment in which the media perceived the style punk coincided in practice with the discovery or invention the deviation of punk. EI Daily Mirror published its firstra batch of centerfolds alarmist about subcultures ture, focusing on what extrao of clothing and complementos in the same week (29 November-3 December 1977) in the Sex Pistols broke publicly in the program Today of the Thames. For its hand, mods, maybe because of the discretion of the isLinden, were not identified as to group fights Bank Holiday in 1964, although at that time the subculture was already fully developed, as London minimum. Whatever the issue triggering na sequence amplification, it invariably ends mind with simultaneous propagation and deactivation dei subcultural style. As one subculture starts acufiar

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own eminently marketable pose, as his vocabulary (visual and verbal) is becoming more family, evidenced the reference context cial in that it can fit more comfortably. In the Ultimately, mods, the punks, the glitter rockers are integrated two ai Ilamados order, located in the "realities map des social problems "(Geertz, 1964) more conveniente where the boys are just lipstick 'Children who dress-and girls-dresses tex are "daughters like yours-(see p. 136-137, 211 212, n. 8). As noted by Stuart Hall (1977), media not merely record the resistance, but "the place within dei dominant framework of meaning "and the young tions who choose to live in a spectacular youth culture At the same time are reinstated, as represents on television and in the press, ai space diet common sense (as 'animals', true, but alsoalso "family", "on the dole", "ai day", etc..). Through This incessant repairs recovery process order fractured, and the subculture is integrated as entertainment within the dominant mythology in emanates part: as "folk devil-['group fucking l, as Other as Enemy. EI recovery process takes two characteristic forms:

The commodity form

Both journalists and academics have infully loaded try this first form. The relationship between a spectacular subculture and diversas and industries that exploit serving is exemplarily ambiguous. At last, and after ai, a subculture of this type is concerned first and mainly by consumption. Opera exclusion sively in the area dei leisure (and I do not dress in punk to go to work, there is a time and a place for everything " [See n. 8]). Communicates through the products, although the meanings associated with these products hasllen deliberately distorted or abolished. Result therefore difficult in this case to maintain a distinction absolute between commercial exploitation on the one hand and makeactivity / originality on the other, although such categories emphatically are encountered in going-systems values of almost all subcultures. That's right: the creation and diffusion of new styles is inextricably linked ai production process, advertising and image inevinately lead to deactivation dei power subversivo of subculture: innovations mods and punks fed directly haute couture and fashion isstandard. Any new subculture sets new trend ences, generates new looks and sounds which feed the corresponding industries. As noted by John Clarke (1976b):

(I) The conversion of subcultural signs (dress,

music, etc.) in mass produced objects (ie commodity form); (2) the "labeling" andredefinition of conduct deflected by dominant groups: the police, the media, the judiciary (ie the ideological form cal).

The spread of styles from youth subcultures hastoward the fashion market is not a mere "cultural process tural "but a real network or new infrastructure types of commercial institutions andeconomical. The

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record stores, record labels, boutiques and Manufacturing companies formed by one or two rnujeres, all these versions dei capitalism craftsman determine the dialectic of "rnanipulacin 'eatCCIA greater extent than more generalized phenomena two and indeterminate.

It would be a mistake, however, to insist on autonomy processes absolute "cultural-and commercial. As said Lefebvre (1971): "Trade is EI (...] a faithas social and intellectual phenomenon "and lle-products ai gan market loaded with meaning. They are, in the words Marx (1970), "social hieroglyphic"? and meansare modulated by two conventional usage. So, as soon as the original innovations signify 'subculture-are translated into goods and ai are set to all, are inrnovilizadas" Torn from their private contexts by the small emdam and the interests of the great fashion that produced centered on a massive scale, are encoded, understandable laps ble and presented as public property at the same time as profitable merchandise. It can be said, therefore, that the two forms of integration (Ia semantic / ideological and "real-/ commercial) converge in the form of commodities. Although youth cultural styles begin to pose challenges symbolic invariably end by establishing new going series of conventions, generating new rnercanences, new industries or rejuvenating old (Just think of the boost that punks should give the haberdashery). And all that, irrespective of the political orientation of the subculture: Restaurants macrobiticos, craft stores and 'markets

antiques' era hippy were easily recondischarges in boutiques and record stores punk. And alsoalso independent of the degree of aggressiveness dei style: dress and emblems dei punk could purchased by mail and in the summer of 1977, and isber of the same year Cosmopolitan published a chronicles the latest collection of oddities signed by Zandra Rhodes, integrally formed by variations on the theme punk. The models were burning low montafias and plastic safety pins (the safety pins were jewelry, the "plastic" was wet satin finish) and article closed with an aphorism - "To shock is chie "," scandalize is chic "- announcing the immigrant nent death of the subculture.

Ideological form

Those who have tried the second best form of intetion-Ia ideological sociologists have been operate with a transactional model of behavior target. For example, Stan Cohen described thoroughly pregnancy and the spread of a particular moral panic (the surrounding the conflict mod-rocker is the midSenta). ' Although this analysis c1ase often offer elaborate explanation of why subcultural ras spectacular outbreaks always cause these hisTeria, tends to overlook more subtle mechanisms employees to manage and contain potential phenomena especially threatening. As the use dei term 'folk devil. suggests, are given priority sensational excesses tionalists of tabloid reactions against am-

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biguas, aI order andout the most typical aI. We have seen that the representation of the media subcultures shown andboth less exotic than it actually sono mind is formed say dangerous aliens which in turn are nios unruly, wild animals that both are naughty pets. Roland Barthes gives us a key to this paradox in his description of the "identified tion "of the seven figures of speech that according Barthes, define the metalanguage of bourgeois mythology. AI pequefioburgus characterized as a person "[...] Another aI can not imagine [...] the Other is a scandal that threatens their existence "(Barthes, 1972). Two strategies were developed to address this threatza. First, the Other can be trivialized, skimmed turalizado, domesticated. Here, the difference simplemenI refuse (<< otherness is reduced to sameness "). Another possibility is that the Other is transformed into something exotic andmeaningless, a "pure object, a spectacle, a clown ' (Barthes, 1972). In this case, the difference ence is banished to a place unreachable for the analysis It is precisely these terms siso those used to define spectacular subcultures. The Hooligans Dei football, for example, are often located more aliyah "of Imites of decency common " c1asificados as 'animals'. (<< Those people do not belong aI human gender hand, "said the coach of a football team News at Ten Sunday March 12, 1977.) (V Ease the Stuart Hall makes treatment of the media reporting tica of hooligans in Football Hooliganism [Edited by Roger Ingham, 1978].) For its part, the press tended to relocate punks in the family, perhaps because members of this subculture strove to conceal their

origins, family and interpreted rejected lovetwo paper folk devil, appearing as pure obsubjects, as clowns perverse. Certainly, like anyany other youth culture, punk was considered a threat to the family. In some cases the threat was represented in literal terms. For example, the Daily Mirrar DEI August 1977 I published a photograph of a child fallen into the street after a confrontation punk-ted under the headline "PUNK victim of the fight. The Horde Umbrage with the child. " In this case, the threat DEI punk the family was transformed into something "real" (that podria be my son) through the ideological scheme Dei photographic evidence, is popularly considered inquestionable. However, at other times, it takes the path otherwise. For whatever reason, the inevitable overdose Items that are pleased to report the latest atrocity of punks is counterbalanced by a number equally extensive articles on the pequefieces of family life punks. For example, the numNumber of Woman ' sOwn DEI October 15, 1977 publication ed an article entitled "Punkis andMothers' which affected the less c1asistas, costume party over, DEI punk. RPhotographs showing the punks with their moms smiling, lying next to the pool house playing with the family dog, a tex-acompafiaban to that abounded in the normality of the punks as inviduals: "It is not the horror that seems '[...]' EI punk may being family thing "[...]" Just so you know, the punks are apolitical "and, more insidious but truthful, "Johnny Rotten is a name as famous as Hughie Green. " During the summer of 1977, both People as

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News of the World articles on children pulled punks, hennanos punks and punks and weddings teds. All-Sir

saw to minimize that so stridently Otherness proclaimed by the style punk anddefined the subculture right on the same terms as vehemently tried to deny and reject. Again, we must avoid drawing distinctions absolute tas between 'manipulations' ideological andcommercial of subcultures. The symbolic return of the daughters ai home of the wayward ai fold, was undertaken in a at which time the "generalized capitulationmusicians punk dei market forces was the argument to that wielded all means to illustrate the fact that, "after all, are just punks beings human. " The music press was full of the typical history of winners who went from a poor jump the rich (Y without removing the rags), musicians punk that were going to America, bank employees who condischarging into magazine publishers or record producers, of suffered seamstresses transform the Mafia nightna triumphant women in business. Clearly these

andoften do impose their own ideological conditions Logical: in this case, it is a form artistic replace tica 'ai scope of all consciences "9" the story Fairy creativity dei artist "!" anda "Noise- (One self-created chaos with consistency andlogic procopies) by a "music" that will be judged, despised or marketed. And finally, replaced a subculture product of history, of a historical contradictions real cas, by a handful of brilliant inconfonnistas, satanic geniuses who, in the words of Sir John Read, President of the EMI, 'With the full-time return acceptable andmay contribute greatly ai development of modern music. ""

success stories had ambiguous implications. As any other "youth revolution" (the boom dei beat, blast mod andthe Swinging Sixties) the relative success created a few printing energy, expansion unlimited upward mobility. Ultimately, it reinforced the image of an open society that prepresence of the same subculture punk - With its rhetoricalphasis on unemployment, housing degradation andthe lack of -originally had contradicted opportunities. As Barthes wrote (1972): "EI myth can always, as ulthymus resort, signify the resistance which is opposite "

SEVEN

EI intentional communication style as I speak through my clothes (Eco, 1973). EI cycle leading the opposition to deactivation, resistance to delimit any subsequent integration subculture. We have seen what the role of the media dei market and in that cycle. We now focus on subculture itself, to assess exactly what communicates mind subcultural style and how. Two questas should consider that, combined, present us with a kind of paradox: i, becomes how comsubculture understandable for its members? I as logra disorder that means? To answer these questions we further define the sigcance dei style.

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In "The rhetoric of imagem>, Roland Barthes withtrapone image advertising "intentional" with the photography press supposedly "innocent". Both are complex articulations of specific codes and practices cas, but the press photo seems more "natural" and transparente the ad. Barthes writes: "The significance image is certainly intentional [...] the image advertising is clear, or at least emphatic. " Analogmind, Barthes's distinction may serve to mark the difference between subcultural style and style "normal." Subcultural stylistic sets - such emphatic combinations of costumes, dance, slang, music, etc. kept more or less the same relationship with the formulas more traditional (suit and tie "normal" clothes inforbad, sweater and jacket sets, etc.) as the picture guardian ad press photography with less visiblemente elaborate. It is not necessary, of course, that the significance is intentional, as semioticians have repeatedly charged proximately seralar. Umberto Eco writes that "all objects to, and not just the object explicitly communicative intention cionado, can be seen as a sign "(Eco, 1973). For example, the conventional clothes man and the woman down the street lIevan comment is chosen within some economic constraints of "taste", preferences, etc.., and such election is undoubtedly significant. Each set sits on an internal differences ences-conventional modes Dei discourse on -dress that fits with a corresponding number of roles and socially prescribed options. 1These options containnen a range of messages transmitted via the subtle distinctions of a number of interrelated concepts

lated: c1ase and status, self-image and attractiveness TiVo, etc.. Ultimately, when no other express thing expressed "normalcy" as opposed to the "deviation tion "(ie, are distinguished by their relative invisibility, its suitability, its "naturalness"). Communication intention tion, however, is a different command response Dei moves away to, is a visible construction, a biased choice. Draws attention to itself, there is to be read. That's what sets the visual sets sets spectacular subcultures employees by / s culture / s adjoining / s. The former are obviously mind manufactured (to mods, precariously situated between the worlds of the normal and the deviant, ended aI expressing difference congregate in groups against the dance halls and the banks Dei sea). Proclaim their codes (eg t Torn the punks) or At least show that there are codes to be used and exploited (are designed and improvisas, for example). In this culture preclude dominant principal whose defining characteristic isaccording Barthes, is a tendency to masquerade as natural ture, to replace the historical forms by forms "normalizadas "translate reality into a world Dei worId image which in turn is presented as studies composite seeing as "obvious Ieyes Ias Dei order natural "(Barthes, 1972). In this sense, we have seen, it can be said that the subcultures violate the laws of "second nature DEI man "2 AI repositioning and recontextualizing on goods cos, aI subvert their conventional uses and uses them new subcultural stylist gives the lie that they Althusser Liamo "false obviousness of everyday practice

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na "(Althusser and Balibar, 1968), and opens the world of objects to new and covertly oppositional readings. Communicating a difference significant (and paa communication ralela identity Group) will be intonces 'key' hidden behind the style of all subcultures tures spectacular. Is under the superordinate term which are grouped all other meanings, the mensage through which speak dei all other messages. Once it has been given to this initial difference ofPrimary completion of the entire sequence generation stylistic and dissemination, we reexamine the structure internal structure of each of the subcultures. Returning our earlier analogy: if the subculture is spectacular intentional communication, whether by taking a term of linguistics, is "motivated", i, which is exactly what is communicating and advertising?

ings prohibited. It's the way that goods are used subculture in which, basically, the distinguished from more orthodox cultural formations. Advances in the field of anthropology we will be useful at this point. Specifically, the concept DIY can be used to explain structuring of subcultural styles. In EI pencessing wild Lvi-Strauss shows how fashionbilities that use magic to primitive peoples (Superstition, witchcraft, myth) systems can be considered more implicitly coherent, though explicitly you puzzling connection between things that give their users everything needed to "think" its proown world. Such magical systems shared connection Have a trait: they are capable of unlimited growth because its basic elements can enter a variety ity of improvised combinations to generate new meanings within it. DIY EI has been described in Consequently, as a "science of the concrete" in a recent definition that illuminates the anthropological meaning Original gico Dei term:

EI style as DIY It is conventional! Lamar "monster" to any comcombination of discordant elements [...] I call "monstruo "all be! original and inexhaustible Leza (Alfred Jarry). EI refers DIY way i thought no technical nico, uncultivated Dei! lamado man "primitive" response aI weighted world around him. EI process involves a "Science of the concrete '(against our science" civiLizada 'from the' abstract ') that, far from lacking logic ca, in fact orders with precision and accuracy, and c1asifica distributed in the structures minutiae a "logic" that is not ours. The structures, 'improvised' or invented (these are approximate translations dei proprocess bricoler) as responses ad hoc to an environment,

Subcultures we tried sharing a rasgo together, and belongs mainly to the working class. As we have seen, are blatantly cultures ably consumerist-even when, as in the skinheads and punks, certain types of consumption are visiblemente rejected, and it is through rituals DEI distinctive consumption, through style Dei, as the subculture reveals his identity "secret" and communicates its sig-

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then serve to establish homologies and analogies between the management of nature and society, and thus "explicam> the world so satisfactory ria, making it habitable (Hawkes, 1977).

The implications of structured improvisationsDIY dei tions for a theory of subculture spectators cular understood as communication system have been explored. For example, John Clarke has insisted highlighted how some forms of speech (especial, fashion) are radically adapted, subverted and extended by bricolador subcultural:

Purpose and meaning together constitute a signo, and within any culture these signs are insamblados, repeatedly, in characteristic forms of speech. However, when the changes bricolador significant object in place and take it to a position different in that speech, using the same reoverall repertoire of signs, or when the object is resituatesdo in an entirely different, it creates a new vo speech, a different message is transmitted (Clarke, 1976).

Thus theft and transformation by dei

prescribed to treat neurosis were used as ends in themselves, and the moped, initially a meTransport gave respectable as anyone, was transformed in menacing symbol of group solidarity deipo. Identical improvisation made metal combs, razor-sharp, become narcissism in offensive weapon. Waving English flags sewn to the parkas grimy back, if they were cut and converted into nifty jackets. With greater discretion tion, the classic emblems dei business world -The suit, collar and tie, short hair, etc. - Waswere cut off from their original connotations-efficient science, ambition, respect for authority-e-and mutated in fetishes "empty" objects of desire, cherished and valuedtwo own right. At the risk of sounding melodramatic, could used here Umberto Eco's phrase, 'guerrilla warlias semiotics "(Eco, 1972) to describe such practices subversive. Never mind that the war free below consciousness of individuals belonging to the subspectacular culture: no longer subculture to another level intentional communication [see p. 139-142]), with the emergence of groups like the surrealist list "declaring war in a world of surfaces" (Annette Michelson, cited in Lippard, 1970). Indeed, the radical aesthetic practices of Dada and Surrealism-The dream, the col / age, the "ready mades', etc. - are relevant here: it is the way classic speech "anarchic"; 'manifests Breton (1924 and 1929) established the fundamental premise dei surrealism: a new 'surreality' emerge dei subversion with common sense, with the collapse of

teddy boy Edwardian dei rescued early

Savile Row's fifty for young rich city can be understood as an act of DIY. Of Similarly, one may say that the mods acted as yourselfers when appropriated another range products by placing them in a symbolic set that served to eliminate or subvert their original meanstandard two. Thus, the medical tablets

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OposlclOnes categories and dominant logics (sueIOI / reality, work / play, for example) and with the celebration tion of the abnormal and the forbidden. The key to achieving

was, above all, in "a juxtaposition of two realities

more or less remote des "(Reverdy, 1918), exemplifiesgives as Breton in the unusual phrase Lautramont: "Be-

110 as the random encounter between an umbrella and a

typewriter on a dissecting table "(Lautramont, 1970). In The crisis dei object Breton reinforced the theory of this "aesthetic dei cal / age ' arguing no little optimism that an assault on the syntax of life that uses daily diet of most objects would lead worldly

anarchic ways. The punk treatment also through of 'distortion and deformation "of descoyuntar and reorize the meaning. Also pursued the "union explosive ". But I, which was intended to mean, if it is intended to mean something, through these practices subversivas? I as we will have to play? If isolation We the punk and we devote special attention, I canwe look more closely at some of the problems raises dei reading style.

U fi boost for the style: style repulsive

For us, nothing was sacred. Nur not moving was neither mystical nor communist or anarchist. All these movements had some kind of program, while ours was beginning to thin nihilistic spatWe above all, including us. Nur sign was a nothing, a void (George Grosz on Dada).

[...] A Total revolution dei object: Speaking desroad for the purpose of matching it with another name and formalizing. [...] A distortion andone ofFree training are essential here [...] Well reconstructed objects share the characteristic derive from the objects around us and yet they differ by a simple changing role (Breton, 1936).

We are pretty, but pretty ... empty (The Sex Pistais). Even still often downright offensive (camiconsteladas mushrooms taco) and threatening (clothing terrorist / guerrilla), style punk primarily defined mind through the violence of their 'Cut-ups' As the "Readymades" of Duchamp - {) manufactured bjetos it was art because he proclaimed as such-the bland and unexpected objects, a safety pin, a plastic clip for clothes, a spare of a televisor, a razor blade, a tampon-could be earnesttered to regions (anti) fashion punk. All

Max Ernst (1948) comes to the same thing so more cryptic: "Whoever says cal / age says the irrational. " Obviously, such practices are its corollary in DIY. The bricoleur subcultural, as the "author" a cal / age Surreal, is distinguished by "juxtaposing two allegedly incompatible realities (ie, "bandera "t'cazadora"; "Agujero'Y'camiseta"; "Comb" f'arma ") seemingly incongruous on a scale [...] and [...] there Explosive bonding occurs "(Ernst, 1948). The punk this is a diaphanous example uses these subcultural

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reasonable or unreasonable could become part of what Vivien Westwood called 'confrontation wardrobe

tion "as long as the split between the contexts

"Natural" and was clearly made visible (ie that seemed regia: the less fit, the better). Objects given dei contexts seedier haLlaban sets a place punk: WC chains hung in graceful arcs on lined breasts garbage bags. The safety pins were exiled from their context of "utility" and taken home as opium truculent us on cheeks, ears or lips. Materials maios and "cheap" (PVC, plastic, lurex, etc.) with designfios vulgar (EIP faux leopard, for example) and colors "horrible" had been discarded by aios the fashion industry as serious kitsch obsolete, were rescued by punks and made into garments looktir (tight pants for boys, skirts 'Community tions ") offered comments on the self-reflexive notions of modernity and taste. Conceptions consensus of beauty jumped into the air, along with female tradition of cosmetics. In the antipodes than recommend any women's magazine, the male and female makeup proclaimed loudly. Faces became abstract portraits: study God meticulously executed on alienation, fruit to an acute observation. EI tea tone hair colorful (yellow straw, jet black or orange glowyou with green tufts or discolored as integrated rrogante), and T-shirts and pants had the historia of how they were developed, with multiple zippers and external stitching full view. Thus parecida, some elements dei schoolboy uniform (shirts

white bri-nylon, school ties) were symbolically cally desecrated (IAS shirts were covered graffiti or fake blood; the tie unknotted left) and juxtaposed with tight leather pants or Scandalosos tops pink mohair. He appreciated the intrinsic value Dry the perverse and the abnormal. In particular, it turned to sexual fetishism dei underground iconography, with the expected effects. Masks and costumes rapist latex, leather and corpios tights, shoes implausibly sharp stilettos, all the paraparaphernalia dei bondage - <; Inturones, belt and chainwas exhumed dei dresser, closet and dei dei film pornographic and put out to the street, where it maintained its connotations tions prohibited. Some punks Young came to seetir dirty raincoats - the most prosaic of symbols of "perversion" to express sexual and its deviation conveniently in terms proletarians. Naturally, the punk not merely stir the guardarropa. Sabotaged all the speeches of some envergadura. EI dance, usually a participatory phenomenon expressive for rock British and cultures pop reiNantes, became an awkward display of robotics empty. Dances punk bore no relation slightest tion with spontaneity dei frug *and with passiontwo embraces, according to Geoff Mungham, characterized the proletarians rituals dei decent Saturday night at the Top Rank or Mecca. "Of course, the open manimanifestations of heterosexual interest often received with contempt and suspicion (~ Who BOF has let aI /

"Wimp"?) 5 and the classic patterns of courtship had no

Frug: dance derived dei twist. (N. dei t.)

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site on track with dances like the payment the pose and robot. Although the pose left a glimmer of sociability ity (ie, could be danced to two), the "couple" was so General dei same sex and physical contact was descartado as the relationship described by the ball was cacharacter 'professional', one participant took a thisreotipada pose fashion while the other crouched in the Classic style "Bailey" to take an imaginary Instance ous. For payment however, this interaction exigua and was too much (although it would still provoke a virile number of assaults against scenarios). In fact, payment was a caricature, a reductio ad absurdum, all styles of dance associated solitary to music rock. It seemed ai "anti-dance" of the "Leapnicks "Melly described in connection with the boom dei trad (Melly, 1972). The same gesture strictly salttar in the air, hands glued to the sides, as to head an imaginary ball-was repeated invariable ably in time aI strictly mechanical rhythm music. Unlike dei dance hippy languid and liber, and dei 'idiot dancing "of heavymetaleros (see pg. 208, n. 12), payment left no room for improvisa: the only variations the changes imposed of tempo in music, and rapid topics were "interpreted "with manic abandon and frantic gestures motionless dei site, while slow danced with an indifference bordering on catatonia. EI robot, refinement that only occurred in the meetings punk more exclusive, was more "expressive" while Iwe 'spontaneous', within very narrow margin dei tathey adopted the vocabulary terms punk. It consisted in head and hands shaking almost imperceptibly, or

well to give some extravagant lurch (~ Ios first Frankenstein steps?) that stopped abruptly in random points. The resulting pose is held for sevseveral seconds, even minutes, and the whole sequence is carried nudaba and recreated so unexpectedly as inexplicable. AIgunos punks enthusiasts took things a little further and choreographed whole evenings, converting tindose for a few hours, as Gilbert and George, "in robots, living sculptures. In a similar vein, the music was distinguished dei rock andpop majority. Its appeal was flat, primary and direct: it did not matter who aspired to demonstrate knowlmusical foundation or not. In the latter case, the punks made a virtue of necessity (<< What we want is be amateurs' Johnny Rotten). Almost always, a walknothing butt guitars volume and treble, accompanied an occasional sax bought on credit, lines ran machaconas (Anti) melodic based on a turbulent batteries cacofnicas and screaming vocals. Johnny Rotten synthesized attitude punk respect to harmony: "Ours is the chaos, not music. " The names of the groups (The Unwanted, The Rejects, The Sex Pistols, The Clash, The Worst, etc.) * and song titles (<< Belsen was a Gas "," If You I Do not Want to Fuck, fuck off "," I Wanna be Sick on You ') Reflected the trend markedly ** irreverence-

"The * No Wish " "The Waste " "Guns sexuality them, "" EI Shock, "" The Worst " (N. dei t.) ** "Belsen was a blast" (Gase-egozada "but also obpreviously, "Gas"), "If you do not want to fuck with me, fuck " "I want throw up on you. " (N. dei t.)

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ent and automarginatoria that characterized the whole movement treatment punk. Such tactics were, to paraphrase Levi-Strauss, "things for mom's hair gray." These "garage bands" dispensed with, at least in its inception, the musical whims and replaced by speak with the traditional romantic terminology, the "Technique" by the "passion", the cryptic poses elite ellenguaje dei existing common man, the notion bourgeois entertainment or the classical concept dei 'High art' by a frontal attack arsenal, now order ai dei day. Was in fields where groups live dei punk represented a greater threat to law and ordered It is undeniable that managed to subvert the conventional nalismos about what was a concert or entertainmenttreatment of nightclub. And, what is more significant, work Taron closer to your audience, both in physical terms as in the lyrics of their songs and their styles life. The thing itself has nothing exclusive: often revolutionary aesthetic (Brecht, the Surrealists, Dada, Marcuse, etc..) Has employed the boundary between artist and public PUBLIC as a metaphor for the wider barrier and intransigent sigente between art and sueo of reality and life under capitalism. ' Those scenarios 10 limes safe enough to house acts' new WaveX were periodically invaded by hordes of punks, and if by chance the local dei address refused to tolerate such blatant disregard for the label, then the groupgroups and their followers could be dragged into a cobaba collective communion and mutual abuse, when in May 1977 played the Clash "White Riot 'in the Rainbow Theatre, viewers ripped chairs and

i threw scenario. Meanwhile, every performance, by apocalyptic out, showed that things could change, and in fact were changing: they showed that act was, in itself, an option that no punk should rule. Abounded in the music press examples of "ordinary fans" (Siouxsie of Siouxsie and the BanShees, Sid Vicious of the Sex Pistols, Mark P Sniffin Glue, Jordan of the Ants) who had carried out the symbolic journey from the dance scene ai. Even the lowliest positions in the hierarchy dei rock could be a seductive alternative to monotonous Nia dei manual labor, office or youth unemployment. It account, for example, that the collected Stranglers Finchley Boys in the stands of a football stadium and gave them work as roadies. * Although these "success stories dei 'were, as heWe have seen, subject to interpretation "biased-in the press sa, there were innovations in other areas that possibility litaron opposition to mainstream definitions. The Foremost was the attempt, the first in a culture predominantly youth workers, to create a space alternative critical within the subculture itself so counteract hostile coverage, or at least ideological Logically tendentious dei punk in the media. The existing existence of a press punk demonstrated that the alternative clothing and music were not the only thing that could occur immediately and inexpensively from a resource-constrained two. The fanzines (Sni.ffin Glue, Ripped and Tom, etc.) magazines were published by an individual or a group, com-

Roadie: person responsible for transporting and mounting the device * of a band on tour. (N. dei t.)

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placed by resefas, editorials and interviews with punks outstanding small scale produced with minimal cost, stapled and distributed in a number of points Information related. Ellenguaje which framed the various manifiestos was resolutely "working class" (ie, seeNia generously sprinkled with profanity) and machine errors, misspellings and grammar Paging is left unclear as such in the version final. Corrections and deletions prior to publication left for the reader the descifrase at your leisure. All was an overwhelming sense of urgency and immediate complexion, newspaper produced maximum speed of notes scribbled from the front. This inevitably contributed to the crystallization tion of a raucous and intimidating prose, which, as the describing music, it was difficult to "digest-even pequefas dose. Occasionally seeped a Article more ingenious, more abstract (what Garfinkel Harvey, the etnometodlogo American would call "an aid to dormant imaginations "). Eg Sniffin Glue, the first fanzine and it reached a circulation more elevada, published perhaps the most inspired of the arArticles of propaganda generated by the subculture-Ia final declaration of principles of philosophy punk dei do-it-yourself-i-, a diagram showing three positions tions of fingers on the neck of a guitar with legends da "Here a Accordingly, here are two more, now form your own band. " Even the graphics and typography used in the album covers and fanzines were homologous dei subterranean and anarchic style dei punk. The two models

typographical were graffiti, resulted in a smooth letra "spray" and the note of kidnapping in the stickingban individual letters cut from sources variopintas (newspapers, etc.) in different typefaces for form a anonymous. The cover of "God Save the Queen" The Sex Pistols (which then would pass shirts, postres, etc.) incorporated, for example, both styles: the texto, crudely assembled, was glued on eyes and Queen's mouth, even more disfigured by strips Black used in magazines pulp detective for hide the identity (connotations therefore is criminal orcandalosas). Finally, the process of autodegradation ironic characteristic of subculture spread to his own name: in general, unconditional prefirieron the nickname of "punk" with its derisory connotations tions of "petty and insignificant turpitude ',' evil ' "Worthless", etc.., More neutral ai 'new wave'. "

EIGHT

EI style as homology We, therefore, that the subculture punk meant the chaos at all levels, pear because it could only be the style itself was carefully structured. The chaos had consistency in all endowed with sigcance. At this point, we can try to solve see the paradox initially referring to another concept employed by Lvi-Strauss: homology. Paul WilIis (1978) first applied the term "Homology-a subculture in their study of hipfeet andthe motorbike boys, andused it to describe the symbolic correspondence between the values, styles of life, subjective experience and musical forms that a group uses to express or reinforce its main pales concerns. In Profane Culture, WilIis shows

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that reverse ai dei popular myth subcultures where apPray as anarchic ways, the internal structure of subculture the entire order is characterized by one end: Each organically part relates to the rest and their corresponding spondence ai member serves for international subculture interpret the world. It was, for example, the homology between alternative value system (<< Tune in, turn on, drop out ',' Tune, enkindle, escape "), drugs aluand cingenas acid rock culture which cohered hipfoot as "any half of life" for the members of this group. In Resistance Through Rituais, Hall and other crisscrossed the terms of homology and bricolaje to give a systematic account of why one isparticular subcultural linden was attractive for a particular group of people. They wondered: "~ What specific meaning has a subcultural style for members of that subculture? . The answer was that the corresponding objects sets gathered in distinctive subcultural "Reflejaban, expressed and echoed [...] aspect dei group life "(Hall et al, 1976b). Objects were chosen, intrinsically or adapted forms das, homologs of the major concerns of the subculture, their activities, their group structure and as the collective image of himself. They were "objects in which [the members of the subculture] could see maintained and reflected its great values " (Hall et al, 1976b). As an example of this principle is quoted to skinheads. The boots, braces and cropped hair only withsideraban appropriate and therefore significant because they conveyed the desired qualities: "hardness,

masculinity and belonging to the working c1ase "This Thus, "the symbolic objects - the costumes, the appearCIA ellenguaje, ritual occasions, styles of interaction tion, music-were configured as unit beside relations, the situation, the experience Dei group (Hall et al, 1976b). Of course, punks seem to confirm this thesis. If anything has characterized this subculture is its cohesion. There was a relationship between the costumes homological andraadvantageous and heterogeneous and spiky hair, the pogo and amphetaminetaminas, spitting, vomiting, format fanzines, attitudes and frenetic music insurgents "Soulless." The clothes lIevaban the punks was equivalent dellenguaje perfect lens foul, cursing like seeTian, calculating the effect of obscenities spraying the texts of his records, press releases, interviews and the love songs. Wrapped in the chaos, were the incharged to the neatly orchestrated Noise Crisis of the daily life of the late seventies, a noise whose (non) sense Dei worked in the same way and same as that of a musical piece of avantdia. If I had to write an epitaph for the subculture punk best would be to repeat the famous maxim of Poly Styrene: "Oh Bondage, Up Yoursl-['Joh bondage, go to hell! '] or, being more precise: the forbidden is permitted but, equally, nothing, not even those prohibited signifiers (the bondage, safety pins, the chains, hair dyes, etc..), are sacred or inmutable. This absence of significant enduring sacred (Icons) creates problems semiotic aI. ~ How discern certain values reflected in objects that were chosen only

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to be discarded? We can, for example, say that in the beginning the punk said in its meanings, the "Modernity" and the idea of "working class". The imperdibles and garbage bags meant a relative material poverty experienced directly and exaggerated or assumed by sympathy, and that in turn had as significant ed the spiritual impoverishment of everyday life. In other words, safety pins, etc.., "representing" the lack symbolic transition to real-Paul Foot Cone (1969) has described as the movement of the "isempty stomachs-to 'empty spirits, and consequent you to an empty life despite dei chrome and plastic [...] dei lifestyle of bourgeois society. " We could go further and say that despite the parody of poverty, humor punk was razor sharp, that under the dei clown makeup shone through the disfigured face dei capitalism, and more aliya circus antics sinister beat a strong condemnation of a society fragmented and uneven. However, if we force the thing and describe music punk as "the sound of the Forma or Occidentalx Life pogo as "the jump of the affordable housing, "or speak dei bondage and reflect jo shortage of opportunities for youth class working, we are treading and less secure. Such readings are both too literal and detoo conjectural. Are extrapolations of the prodigious rhetoric own subculture, and the rhetoric is not trustworthy: even talk seriously, does not have to be diciendo it seems. In other words, is opaque: their cagories are part of their propaganda. Returning one again Mepham (1974), "the real text is not reconstructed by a decoding process progress

sive, but by identifying gen-sets neradores category and replacing ideological a different set. " To reconstruct the true text of the subculture punk to trace the source of subversive practices, we first have to isolate the "generator-set response responsible dei exotic subculture deployed. AlSome facts are indisputable semiotic. The subculture punk as any youth subculture, is constitutional I through a series of dramatic transformations tions of a range of products, values, attitudes related with common sense, etc.. Through these adapted forms, certain sectors of youth maworking yoritariamente could repeat his opposition to dominant values and institutions. However, when do we get to the specifics is when emPartn problems arise. /, Which was intended to express sar, for example, with the swastika? We know that the symbol came to punks through Bowie and phase "Berlin" by Lou Reed. It is also clearly reflected the interests of punks Ale-one mania perverse and decadent, a Germany no future. Evoked a time with a powerful fragrance mythological ogy. Conventionally, the swastika for Brits meant "the enemy." However, in the world punk the lost symbol meaning "natural": the fasracism. The punks not usually sympathize with matches extreme right. On the contrary, as I have argued (See above, p. 94-95), the conflict with the teddy boys second generation and the widespread support ai antifascist movement (for example, the bell Rock against Racism) suggests that the subculture punk

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was developed partly in response antithetical ai resurgir dei racism in the mid seventies. Only that wethen gives the most obvious explanation: that the swastika was wore scandal because it was guaranteed. (When the Time Out al23 dei 17 December 1977 asked to punk why wearing swastika, replied: "Is that punks we like hate.) It was more than investment or merely bend-Habi meanings tualmente associated with an object. The signifier (esvstica) had been deliberately separated from the concept (the Nazism) meant that by convention, anddespite recomlocarse (as "Berlin" in a subcultural context alternative value andits primary appeal derived precisely mind of its lack of meaning: its potential for deception. It was operated as a vacuum effect. The conclusion sion required is that the core value "rnantenido andrestrapping-by reported the swastika was the absence of all identifiable value. Ultimately, the symbol was so "absurd" as that aroused anger. The key dei style punk We still find, therefore elusive. In After reaching a point where it can start intender style, we have reached the place where the same sense vanishes.

notion of "message", a combination of elements uniquely refers to a fixed number of meanings) can not provide a "gateway" to hard andwithtradictorio dei text style punk. Any attempt to obtain a final set of meanings from a game apparently significant interrninables andoften fruit seem random dei say doomed. Yet eventually emerging a finished branch of semiotics that precisely addresses this prolem. In it, the simple notion of reading as revetion of a fixed number of hidden meanings are desletter in favor of the idea polysemy, whereby each text generate potentially infinite series of sigings. Therefore, attention is focused on that point
-RRO, to be exact, at the level of all text-

the principle that the meaning seems to be more into question trial. One such approach emphasizes not so much the primacy of structure anddei language system '<Language "), and if the posicin dei dei speaking subject within discourse "<talk"). It deals dei process Construction dei meaning anddei no end product. Many of these works, especially associated with French group Tel Quel, born of a commitment with literary texts andfilm. Involve an attempt to dei theories transcend conventional art (like memimesis as representation, reflecting transparent reality, etc.) to enter into place "the notion dei art as "work" as "practice" as a particular transformation in reality, a version of reality tion, a description of reality. "' One effect of this change in interest has been directing the attention of critics to the relationship between

EI style as signifying practice

We are surrounded by empty but is full of empty signs (Lefebvre, 1971).

It seems that the approaches to the subculture ture based on a traditional semiotics (which starts from a

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media representation and represented object, between traditional aesthetics that came to be called, respectively mind, "form" and "content" of a work of art. Of According to this approach, there can be no distinction absolute tion between the two terms, and in this sense is crucial to recognize, as a premise, that ways that things are said-Ias narrative structures employed das-imposed limitations regarding fairly stiff Qu applies. In particular, the idea that a contents Removable do can be inserted in a more or less Neutral us! -Postulate appears aesthetics base realistic-is considered illusory, because aesthetics as it 'denies its own status of joint [...] what it real is not articulated, but is (MacCabe, 1974), ' Inspired by an alternative theory of aesthetics whose roots are in the forefront and modernity, and tocommand as Brechtian idea dei model "theater epiCO ', 3 Tel Quel group wants to oppose the common ideamind accepted a transparent relationship between sign and referent, between meaning and reality, via dei concept signifying practice. Refiected expression of precisely the major concern for the group dei imideological complications of form, by the idea of a construction and deconstruction dei true meaning, and what has been called "productivity-dei language. This approach sees language as a force transitive active and configured and positioned ai "subject(As speaker, writer, reader) without ever leaving the state "procedural" susceptible of infinite adaptations NES. This emphasis on practice accompanies signifier a controversial insistence on the idea that re-art presents the triumph dei process on the immobility of the

disruption on the unit, the 'collision-on' coconnection "," triumph thus dei significant on signifified. It should be seen as a party to the insustenance dei group replace the values of "crackcontradiction and concern for the "whole-(isCIR, the words "conceived as closed structure" [Lackner and Matias, 1972] that supposedly characterized the classical literary criticism). Although many of these works are in a thisgave experimental undoubtedly offer a persdei perspective radically different style in subculture, i attribute a central position to the problems of lessons ture we have found in our analysis dei punk. Julia Kristeva's work on the significance is shown work in this respect particularly useful. In The Revolution tion du langage potique, Kristeva explores the possibility bilities dei subversive language through a study French symbolist poetry, and points out the "language poetic "as" the place where the social code is desstructed and renewed "(Kristeva, 1975). Rate of 'radical limes "signifying practices that deny and distort nan syntax - "status consistency and rationality "(White, 1977) - and therefore serve to erode the concept of 'position Actancial "on which, they say, rests entirely dei "Symbolic Order." * 5

EI "Order symbolic "AI I've been referring not to

confused with the "Symbolic Order" of Kristeva, employed in a specifically derived sense dei Lacanian psychoanalysis. Utilizo the term simply to denote the apparent unity
dominant ideological discourses active at any given time.

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Two Kristeva's interests seem to coincide with ours: the creation of subordinate groups by the positioning language (Kristeva is interested specifically women), and disruption dei process whereby said positioning is usually achieved. Aderns, the general idea of signifying practice (defined by her as "the set and their way or atravesar a system of signs ")" can help replanting tear more subtle and complex relationships not only between marginal and cultural formations majoritarian tions, but Peer subcultural styles. We see, for example, are all styles subcultural based on a practice that has much in common with the isthetic "radicai dei collage surreal, and soon we will see how different styles representing different practices significant. For my part, I will maintain that the practices significantes embodied in the punk were "radical-in Kristeva sense: pointed to a 'nowhere' and huscaron actively remain silent, unreadable. We can now examine more closely the relationship between experience, expression and significance in subculture, and the whole question of style and dei our reading dei same. Returning to our example, we have seen how the style punk homological fitmind thanks precisely to their mismatches (Hole: camiseta :: spit: applause :: trash bag: garment :: anarchy: order), for refusing to take to cohere a set of core values easily identifiable ble. Their cohesion, however, was elliptical, occurred Through a series of notable absences. Characterized not located anywhere, by their emptiness, and This style is distinguished dei skinhead.

While skinheads theorized and fetishized their class to consummate a "magical" retake to an imaginary past, the punks dislocated to themWe address the parental culture and left it: sobrepasaron dei understanding man and woman street, going into a science-fiction future. Exacerbate baron its Otherness, "happening" in the world as inscrutable aliens. Although the rituals, accents and dei objects punk conscientiously used for mean the working condition, the exact origins of the individuals punk were disguised or symbolic disfigured by makeup, masks and nicknames that, as the art of Breton, give the feeling of having been employed as a strategy "to escape dei main principle of identity. " 7
This working condition, therefore, tends to maintain,

even in practice, even in susformas concretized, the

dimensions of an idea. It was abstract, disembodied, descontextualized. Stripped "of necessary details-a name, a home, a story, he refused to be interTada, identified to be crawled its origins. It iftuaba in violent contradiction against that other great signifitrafficker punk the "perversion" sexual. The two forms of deviation-social and sexually overlapped to give a feeling secure complex plot that would embarrass aI more liberal observers, to quarantine the simplistic slogans of sociologists, radical they were. Thus, although the punks alluded again and Once the realities of school, work, family and class, these references only make sense ai transmitted through fractured dei dei style circuitry punk and be represented as 'noise', malaise, entropy.

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In other words, although the punks were converted to themselves in a deliberate reflection of what Paul Piccone (1969) called "precategricas realities' of society --- bourgeois dad inequality, powerlessness, alienation, This was only possible because the style punk had broken decisively not only with culture but with parental own situacin within experience. This rupture appeared, re-created, in the signifying practices incarnation das in style punk. The indumentariapunk, by ejernplo, was not so much a way of magically solve the contradictions lived as represent experience of contradiction itself as visual troops (the bondage, t holes, etc.). Thus, although True style symbolic objects dei punk (ImperDIBLES, payment hairstyles to electroshock) were 'configurations shaped Rados "Unit" with relations, situation tions and experience dei group '(Hall et al, 1976b), the unit was "rupturalx and" expressive. at a time, or to be More precisely, expressing itself through the rupture. This is not to say, of course, that all the punks were aware of the disjunction identical between experience and meaning that ultimately sustained all the style. Undoubtedly, the meaning luva that for the first wave of innovative concient of identity was subsequently inaccessible to those who did punks when the subculture had come to light and been publicized. In this the punk was not unique: the distinction between original and parasites is always significant in the subculture. With speaks frequently (plastic or punkipijitos punks, dreadlocks games, hippies weekend, etc. compared to

the "real"). The mods, for example, had a complex classification system where "faces" and "Stylists-were the original circle and defined before a majority without imagination, the pedestrian 'kids-and 'Scooter boys "accused of trivializing and degrading as precious style mode And what's more: individuas distinction coughing provide different degrees of commitment to a subculture ture. This may represent a fundamental dimension in the life of a person, a shaft erected in front of the familia around which you can build an identity immaculate and secret-or it may be a pure distraction, a balm to the realities small monoketones but nevertheless primary school, the hogar and work. Can be used as a means of escape, DEI radically environment of exile, or as a form of back to it and find peace after a weekend or a relief evening. In most cases emplea, as suggested by Phil Cohen, magically reachCzar both. However, despite these differences ences individual members have a subculture of share a common language. And if a style must imponerse if genuinely be popularized, has to say the right things in the right way at the moright time. Must anticipate or summarize feelings to a point. It should embody a sensitivity, and sensibility embodied by the punk was essentially disRENTED, ironic and self-conscious. AI like individuals belonging to the same ma subculture may be more or less aware of what they say with the style and how they are saying, the different subcultural styles have different degrees two of rupture. The punks, striking for its aesthetic de-

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salifada and "rnalsana" rose above dei landscape family of standardized forms more stridently that mods, significantly described in a periodic co then as "[...] people without pins, clean and maja ', even though the two groups addressing similar signifying practices (a calculatedly DIY subversivo). This explains in part, or at least endorse, the existing hostilities within subcultures. By example, the antagonism between the heirs of the teddy boys and punks transcended the limits of a mere indei compatibility level "content"-music and different costume, etc. - and even of different subsidiaries tions of both political and racial groups (see p. 96) or the various community relations parental, etc.. (See p. 113-117) to enroll in the very construction of the two styles: the way communicated (or refused to communicate) meaning. The teddy boys interviewed by the press criticized Sisternacally that punks 'Looted' symbolically fifty valuable wardrobe (pants adjusted States, pointe shoes, the toupees, etc..) and the sacnlegos ironic uses of such devices "sacred" i join col / ages be reworked and the like punk where, according to respondents, were contaminated two association (jponcrlos with "combat boots" and garments of ltexl sadomaso). "Behind the col / ages favorite of punks beat disorder, decomposition tion and confusion of categories: a desire not only to erode the boundaries of race and gender, but also of confusing detailed chronological mixing lles of different eras.

Perhaps the style punk was interpreted by teddy boys as an affront to traditional values of the class working as openness, plain language and puritasexual agency they had subscribed and redeemed. Like happened with the reaction rocker versus mods and the skinhead versus hippies, the teddy boy revival day the impression of a reaction 'authentication and working to improletarian position of the new wing. The way created meaning, I return with a magical past ai, the narrow confines of community and parental culture, to the familiar and readable, tuned to perfection with its inherent conservatism. "Los teds not only react Naron aggressively to objects and "meanings" punk also reacted to the way these obsubjects were presented and these meanings are constructed and dismantled. And they did it using a "languageje "much more primitive, going back to a 'then' that, in the words of George Melly (1972), was superior aI "Now", which, as Melly points out, "is a concept very anti-pop. " The difference between the two practices can be expressed with the following formula: A (that of punks) is kinetic ca 'transitive and focuses on the act of transformation done on the subject: the other (AI teds) is static ca, expressive and focuses on objects other. To capture better the nature of this distinction, perhaps worth valgala use another category of Kristeva: the 'significant cance. " Kristeva introduced the term to describe the DEI significant work in the text as opposed to the signing, alluding ai dei work meaning. Roland Barthes describes the difference between the two operations:

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Significance is one process during which time the "subject" text dei, escaping (conventional logic nai) and assuming other logics (dei significant, the contradiction) struggles with the meaning and is deconstructeddo <lost"), the significance-and that the distinguishing first sight of the significance-is, then, precisely you a job, not the job by cua1 the subject (intact and exterior) can try to master ellenguaje [...] but the radical work (which leaves nothing intact) with explores the subject-penetrating, not watching - the ellenguaje how it works and what undoes him or her [...] AI setback of meaning, significance can not be reduced to communication, representation, expression sion: ai stands subject (writer dei, dei reader) in the text projection not as [...] but as "loss", as
"Desaparicir '(see Heath, 1977).

Elsewhere, i try to specify different elases of meaning present in the film, Barthes mentions the "mobile game" of signifiers as "third significant do (obtuse) "(the other two being the" informacionab and the "symbolic", which, ai be "closed" and "obvious" often the only concern i semiotic). The third cer meaning works against (<< exceeds') the other two ai 'soften' filing the "obvious meaning" and provoking "the reading to slide." Barthes puts the example of a photograph of The Battleship Potemkin (Bronosenets Potemkin, 1925), Eisenstein, where apread an old woman with a handkerchief half befallen front, captured in a pose c1sica pain. On one level, dei obvious meaning, seems to typify the "noble discounting ground, "but, as Barthes notes, his extrafo touched, and stupid eyes, like fish, that typifies transcend-

tion to the point that "there is no guarantee any of intentionality "(Barthes, 1977a). This, the third significant market, say counter fleet Dei text, impidiendo it reaches its destination: a complete closure final. Barthes describes the third meaning as "Slashed interest [Sic] of meaning (meaning desire DEI) [...] That exceeds aI meaning and not only subverts its conhad, but the practice dei meaning as a whole ". The ideas of "significance-and" obtuse meaning " suggest the presence of a component in textintrinsically subversive. Our recognition of operations on the text in the plane dei signifisinging can help us understand how certain estithe subcultural seem to work against dei reader resist any serious interpretation. However little thoughtWe it is clear that not all styles subcultures tural "play" with language like: some are more "Direct-to others and prioritize construction and proinjection of a firm and coherent identity. By example, returning to our previous comparison, poDria said that while the style teddy boy expresses opinion in a relatively direct and obvious, and manhas a strong commitment to a meaning 'terminal swim "with what Kristeva Liama" significance ", style punk lives in a perpetual state of collection, flow. EI style punk presents a heterogeneous set of signitraffickers at all times can be replaced by other equally productive. Invites allector to "sliding zarse "in the" significance-to lose the sense of address, DEI sense. Left to the derivation going, detached Dei meaning, style punk is approximately ma ai well as state described by Barthes "Jlotar (The for-

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ma dei same signifier), a non destroys fiotar nothing but is satisfied with disorient the Law '(Barthes, I977b). The two styles, then, represent different practical allector significant policies faced with problems markedly different. Evaluate the extent of this difference (which, basically.'s a difference in the degree OD closing) by analogy. In Journal dei laDran, Genet distinguishes his relationship with the elusive Armand his infatuation with the most transparent Stilittano in terms that emphasize the distinction between the two practices "Armand liken the universe exexpansion [...] Instead of being specified and reduced to limits observable Armand deforms as it persigo. Instead, the image is already fixed Stilittano da "(Genet, 1967). The relationship between experience, expression and meantion is, therefore, a constant in the subculture ture. You can make the unit more or less organic ca, more or less oriented towards consistency ideal, or more or less disruptive, to the experience refieje ence of cracks and subculture contradicciones.Cada also may be more or less "conservative" or "progressive" be more or less integrated within the cornunidad be more or less continuously from the values of the cornunidad, or more or less extrapolated from it, defined against Parenta culture!. And last mo, these differences are not only refiect dei objects subcultural style but signifying practices that representing these objects and give them meaning.

NINE

Alright, Culture. But , Is Art? Painting is jewelry [...] the collage is poor (Louis Aragon). Ultimately, I have to interpret howtar subcultural style? One of the most obvious ways is "appreciate" in orthodox aesthetic terms. Much of writing about culture pop, although it was animated by the desire for revenge against the superficialition with the authors tried more conservative, has lost at one time or another his rebel bias, recovpening to the more traditional defenses: music pop and graphical output that accompanies are "at least as good as the high art '(see, for ejernplo, the final chapter dei otherwise excellent Revolt into Style of MeJly). Sometimes this treatment revealed

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ferential has extended even to a particular feature dei subcultural style: Few things dei world have been her teenMosas that adorned the jackets rockers. It displays in them the creative impulse in its fullness purity and inventiveness. Without sentimentality, we can say that are art-row, symmetrical, ritualistic, with a inimitable metallic brilliance and a high fetishistic power (Nuttal, 1969). '

turalista that both artistic expression and pleasure aesthetics are closely linked to the destruction of existing codes and the formulation of new codes:

Unable to communicate with this attitude. The subcultural ras are not "cultural" in that sense, and it impropio, useless addition, describe the styles with which identified as "first-rate art." Subcultures culture manifested in a broad sense, as systems communication, as forms of expression and represent tation. Conform to the definition that anthropologists Structural gave of culture as "intercarnbios reciprocal coded messages. "' Also, if the subcultural styles can be considered art, will Art in (and out of) some particular contexts, not as timeless objects, judged by the criteria teries immutable ble of traditional aesthetics, but as "APPROPRIATIONStions', 'theft' subversive transformations, as momovement. These styles, as we have seen, can be described as ways of signifying practice. But if the thesis Kristeva seems unnecessarily complex for our purposes (or maybe I damaged ai coherence tomaria split and descontextualizarla), there is consensus so among critics working from a structural perspective

r ...] artistic expression aims to communicate car notions, subtleties, complexities, which are still inmade so that when an aesthetic code comes to be perceived as a code (as a way of expressing notions that have already been made), the works of art tend to overcome as they explore their possible mutations tions and extensions [...] Much of the interest dei artwork is how to explore and modify codes which appear to be using (Culler, 1976).

Through a dialectic as described here Jonathan Culler, subcultural styles are created, adapted so and are finally ousted. In effect, the sequence of postwar youth styles can be represented in formal level as a series of transformations an initial set of elements (costumes, dance, music, ca slang) arrayed across a series of polarities internal (Mod against rocker, skinhead against greaser, skinhead against hippie, punk against hippie, ted against punk, skinhead against punlq ' and against a range defined parallel transformations "normal-(fashion 'elevation da '/ majority). Each subculture cycles from resistance and off, and we have seen how INSERTbe that cycle within large cultural matrices and trade. The deviation is taken subcultural "explains ble "and simultaneously makes no sense in the authe, courts and the media, while the objects ai "Secret" pass dei subcultural style exhibited in to-

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das record stores and boutiques chains. DespoJado its unpleasant connotations, the style becomes suitable for public consumption. Andr Masson has described to (1945) how this process contributed ai occasion so dei surrealism:

This encounter of an umbrella anda sewing machine on the operating table succeeded once. Calcado, repeated endlessly machining, takes the unusual vulgar [...] In the streets, the shop windows are inhabited by a miserable "fantasy."

Cut-ups andcal / ages, by bizarre, not change so much as to recreate the map of things and, clear, the "explosive bonding" longer occurs: all dei stylistic magic world can not alter the oppressive production method employed in the goods subculture. And yet, the moment lives his style, his show fleeting and scandalous, and in our study in style dei subculture inthis time we focus on the hecho transformation rather than the objects themselves. Returning to our jackets rockers, we can give Nuttal and reason to say yes, do constitute objects doStates of "high fetishistic power." We have, howHowever, be careful not to remove them too oftexts in which they occur and take. If we are to think in formal terms, it is more useful to consider the estithe subcultural as mutations and extensions of coexisting codes as an expression "pure" pulse creative, and above all should be seen as mutations significant. Sometimes these forms are-

shall distorted and, in turn, disfigure. In such moments, no doubt, that will be "password". Are conflicting ai symbolic order structured appearances: the syntax producer positions on ai and against than it produces. Faced with an order of this kind, it is inevitable that occasionally assume monstrous features and unnatural. Much of this book is based on the premise positions that "black" and "white boy class workers' be equated. This identification is not certainly capable of debate, there is no way of demonwould show the usual sociological procedures. This is undeniable that is there in the social structure, but is as immanence as possible submerged, as existential choice, and one can not scientifically verify mind an existential choice. O is seen or not seen. However, it raise other objections. Overassess the connection between the two groups makes it a thin favor a black community formed under centuries of unimaginable oppression: a culture that, for better or evil, is stamped with a unique history and also has finally begun to break dei Love and cohesive Narse as ethnicity. The relationships between young and old, between children and parents, will be structured so so different in black and white communities. EI reggae no is only a matter of young adults and although West Indians rhythms prefer lighter and less African, both young and old are part dei same group organized defensively, united by the same lack of opportunities, for the same limited mobility. Thus, although it is likely that the youngYOUNG white working class class remain

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worker all his life, eventually grow and achieveZaran a place, if not in the sun, even at least in the conconsensus. Blacks, meanwhile, never lose it in our society is the disability of being black. No papray, aI least inrnediato future, that will adejar occupy the bottom rung. Presumably, howHowever, the differences will progressively diminishing mind as to stabilize the black presence (already Signs give the black community a growing congenerational science between "young") and, while not lose sight of the differences, a comparison between black and white subcultures can be illuminating dora. We have seen, for ejernplo, generating similar reactions in the press and the judiciary. Reggae and punk have an equal chance of being despised by people 'serious' as meaningless or as a distraction from the big issues of life in the Great Bretai.a contemporary. Everywhere, both formore likely to be convicted or reduced to "a healthy and harmless fun. " But beware, we have visto a deeper correspondence: both reggae as punk rock born in the context of a subcultures born, in turn, in response to a conditional tions specific historical. That answer embodies a Rerejection: it starts with a movement away Dei consensus (and, in Western democracies, the consensus so is sacred). The untimely disclosure of the difference ence is what attracts members of a subculture ture hostility, contempt, "the wrath virulent and dumb. " Subcultures are therefore expressed forms Sivas, what ultimately expressed, however,

is a fundamental tension between those in the poder and those condemned to subordinate positions das and a second c1ase lives. That tension is expressed figurativamente as subcultural style, in this sense, a metaphor will support us in our definition end of the subculture. In one of his most influential essays ers, "Ideology and the ideological apparatuses of thisdo "Althusser describes how different parts of the social-Ia farnilia training, education, media media, cultural and political institutions cas-serve, all of them, to perpetuate the submission to the reigning ideology. However, these institutions perform their function through direct transmission of 'ruling ideas. " On the contrary, the way in which work together in what Althusser calls "Squeaky harmony" is what causes the ideology play reigning "precisely in its counterdictions'. Throughout have interpreted this Iibro subculture as a form of resistance where the antidictions and objections to the ideo-experienced ogy reigning represent a biased manner in the isLinden. Specifically, I have used the term "noise-to aI describe the challenge launched its symbolic ordersupposedly are these styles. It might be more accurate and eloquent thought that noise as the front of the "Squeaky harmony" of Althusser (Althusser, 1971b).

CONCLUSION

In the best life, like art, is revolutionary ria. At worst, it is a prison (Paul Willis, 1977). The prison serves no purpose [...] The time dei blues ended (Genet, 1971). This book opened with writer Jean Genet homenajeando their imaginary lovers, a collection of foai police cough artfully glued back of a prison rules sheet. We ended up with the same same author extramural before a different prison, contemplando another inmate youngest, George Jackson. His love by the young offender, but not least tiemo, magazines Now you a hint of compassion. It has become a bond with greater depth, by the decision of Another ai Genet recognize and share their suffering.

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Finally Genet reached holiness, but only ai transcend the terms in which originally conceived, replacing the self by the fraternity. Times

have changed. Thank ai Genet art has moved from practice dei dei crime offense to the idea, and from there to a theoestuary of the revolution. It has moved from individual causes to general. Now is a famous writer. Genet not no typical ex-con, but neither George Jackis was a common criminal. He too was a step dei recognition as a writer. Convicted 'of one year to life imprisonment " Iwhen I was eighteen afias for robbing a gas station and carried seventy dollars, Jackis was one of the first of a new breed of reclusos that took advantage of all the time and all soleity to educate, to theorize their attitudes and reread politically its own criminal career. In 1970, together two other inmates at Soledad prison, faced a trial and a possible death sentence for murborn of a prison guard. EI had claimed trial broader political significance because of the threefendieron together, the three were militants and three had a speech. And, what's more, all three were black. The Times had changed, of course. Introducing Genet Soledad Brother: the cartas of George Jackson Prison has a great theme: that black writers who struggle to express themselves in ellenguage dei love living a dilemma: "A new source of ananguish for the black, then, is that if written com-ignite be a masterpiece, is ellenguaje dei enemy, the treasure dei enemy, which is enriched by an additional jewel cionai, he has meticulously chiseled and both adio, and with so much love "(Genet, 1971). Genet detected

the work of black writers new two outputs for conflict. First, religion dei enemy can be esgrimida against the Enemy. Stripped of 'rags biblicos and Presbyterians', writers can learn to voices denounce "cruder, more black [...] not curse of being black, but to be captives. " Second do, but the new writers are doomed for life to speak in a language foreign to them about Jan-ai migo, should try to uproot ai love their own language. At an exile as Jackson, a victim, as he misMo says, of "Ia new slavery," he is a single resource: "OK that language, but with so-corrupt ta ability as whites to fall into the trap pa "and then symbolically aniquilarias power. Genet warns: these cards are not easy reading. It may cost us enter them. They were written with the jaw clenched, with harsh words and disturbing, "[...] Banned words, perverted words, words covered in blood, dangerous words, words disguised ered, dei missing words dictionary [...] (Genet, 1971). With Genet, therefore we are closing the circle. He ' us back to an image of graffiti, a group of negros, inmates dei language, kicking the whitewashed walls of two types of prison: the real and the symbolic. For this caindirect minority returns us, too, the meaning dei style in subculture and the underlying messages disfigurement. Elaborating on the metaphor, we could decir subcultural styles that we have studied, ai like graffiu prison, pay limited to hometribute ai where they occurred, and that "[...] it prudent President [...] is that any text that comes from the [...] Instead do as if maimed "(Genet, 1971).

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Throughout this book we have learned, as Ge. Net, to suspect the common sense category dei hover over the subculture. We have been forced two to expand our definition of culture for Abarcar all these expressive forms that form of significantly dei group experience. To lIegar this definition, we have come a tradition with talents as diverse as those of T. S. Eliot, Roland Barthes and Jean Genet. In a way, these three plan writers especially our study, giving baseline schemes. Elios us facilitate State lists very common phenomena, however, presented for each writer a particular meaning. In First, Eliot gives us our first definition of culture. Find, "in all activities and interests characteristic of a people "-be a day of derby, beets or dogs, coherence with meaning, "a whole way of life." Together, these elements result in an order, a character ingles that, in his opinion, deserves our support, a tradition he agrees to defend against advances mass culture: bad movies, comics, emotions miserable and petty lives of all "Hollow men" without faith. The list of Barthes, written with no less desapego, instead illustrates a somewhat different perspective. TamHe also adopts a prophetic tone, but where Eliot Anglo-Catholic and conservative shows, Barthes is matterlist and Marxist. The dark night soul dei eliotiana (<< Men and bits of paper, swirling the cold wind / blowing time before and after '[Eliot, 1959]) has been replaced by the "dark night of the

history "of Barthes, in which" the future becomes an essence, in the past dei essential destruction "(Barthes, 1972). Both distance themselves from the ways of the culture Contemporary, but while Eliot finds refuge in British heritage, in prayer and the Eucharist, Barthes' is unable to see the Promised Land. For him, the ponopositivity dei Marian is completely overshadowed by the dei negativity today "(Barthes, 1972). A Barthes not concerned to draw distinctions between high and low culture: everything from our theater and our murder trial to the kitchen where sofamos is cursed, tangled, according to Barthes, in a harmful ideology. All that we otter spoiled; every event or emotion are potential prey dei spontaneous myth. Barthes

can not offer a lifeline, but ai meThere we purgatory reading: myths are signs and if nothing else, the signs are legible. Barthes, therefore gives a method, a form of read style. Finally lIegamos Genet, which provided a metaphor and a model, since, despite the misfortunes initial birth and position, learned to live "Stylish". Genet is a subculture in itself. Their tastes are as refined as those of Barthes. It has the Barthes's eye for detail, his sense of the words. His style is as elaborate as yours. Also as Barthes, glimpsed secrets, works in the deep. His situation, however, is different. He's a thief, a liar, a "jerk".? Unlike Barthes, has been excluded by State dei opinion. Lives' incomunimarket ", took his first steps in Catholicism, but that not saved, because unlike Eliot he is illegitimate. His Catholicism is strictly dei Liano people: not going

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more aliyah dei icons and altar rail, is pagan and idolatrous. In addition, Genet sees in denial of their faith a substrate-a "seedy side" - that attracts you more. As their Bring up ~ s fiction, he becomes "exhalation unhealthy-tion of his Master. 'Puts the system upside down. "Pick-their crimes, their sexuality, and disgust isscandal aroused in the streets, and when he contemplates the world, "nothing is irrelevant 'contributions of bag, the style Dei judiciary, parterres have their meaning: its own otherness, his exile. As maniac Eliot is Genet as when dispensing his favors: the worst is only good enough for him, only the antrum more low and sordid will make you feel at home. Located always out (even when "Inside"), Genet not simply read the signs, but also the type. Subvert appearances, slips between racks to laugh them: on July 14, the day of the tricolor, "dresses in all other colors because despreciarons them (Genet, 1966a). It becomes, finally, to ellenguaje, but ago following a secret path. Penetrates a back alley with violence, for "one language-poseers heh he can not, any more than blacks, lIamar "Theirs". Once there it disrupts, infringes its words banned sites. The reform of its own and "antinatura1 "image." Of the three writers, whom Genet is closest aI object of our study. Throughout this book we have employee's life and work as a model for building tion Dei style in subculture. With this, we have the emphasis on the deformity, transformation and rejection. Hence, our book succumb undoubtedly a certain romanticism. It is true that our drift Ileva us-

do away from areas considered legitimate preserve the sosociologists, even radical. We wanted to give a systematic explanation dei "problem" of the deviation, nor thoroughly examine the various agents social control (police, school, etc.) that desempefan one crucial role in determining the subculture. By Moreover, we have tried to resist the temptation of retrotar subculture (as at one time some writers influenced by Marcuse tended to do) "as deposited ria of "Truth", detecting in some forms darkro revolutionary potential. Yes we wanted, in cambio, as Sartre would say, recognize the right of the c1ase subordinate (the young, the black, the working c1ase) to "Do something that makes them '" to embellish, decorate, parody and, if possible, to recognize and betteris above a subordinate position they never chose. Still, it would be foolish for us to think that tackling a subject as popular manifestly as the youthful style we have solved some of the concontradictions that underlie contemporary cultural studiesporary. Something like that would be, as Cohen says, pure "magic." It is highly improbable, such that the members some of the subcultures described in this book is rereflected knew him. Is even less likely that greet any effort to understand them by our work part. ' AI and AI order out, we, sociologists and sympathizers belonging aI normal world, threatMOS annihilate based kindness, those forms that tried to elucidate. Being as it is the first impulse Fanon Dei black man "say no to all that intentan definirIe "(Fanon, 1967), not surprising-

190

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us that our reading "sympathetic" to the culture subordinate were judged by a Member bras subculture with the same indifference and contempt ostentan hostile labels imposed upon them by the press and the courts. , In this respect, understanding and incomprehension end up in somewhat the same thing. Therefore, although either the clearest Genet incarnation of our subject, who walks closer to us is, finally Barthes. Barthes understands the problems dei reader dei 'rnitlogo "can no longer be one with the "Consumers myths", "For as Barthes, thisWe have to live a brain uneasy relationship with ellaberinto of life, with the forms and rituals world diseados damage to make you feel at home, tranquilizarnos and bridge the gap between desire and its satisfaction faction. For us, such forms and rituals evoke those same fears that conjure the rest. Your arbitrariedad becomes apparent: it is no longer apparent unquestionable. It has broken the umbilical cord were relePollack to a marginal role. We live in society but not within it, generate analysis of popular culture they are anything but popular. See condemned two to one "theoretical sociality" (Barthes, 1972) 'on target closed "with the text. Caught between the object and our reading

EI study dei subcultural style that initially ai back seemed real world, together with "the people ', confirming just simply the distance between reader and 'text', between everyday life and the "mythlogo "whom it around, fascinated and ultimately excluded. It would seem that, as Barthes (1972), we still "Condemned for some time to talk excessively mind of reality. "

(...] Sailed permanently between the object andhis demystification, powerless to achieve its entirety. If we penetrate the object, we liberate it destroyed pear we; andif we leave it intact, we respect, what response Pear tituimos also mystified (Barthes, 1972).

Notes

Chapter 1
I. Although Williams had postulated a new definition tion, broader culture, their intention was to complement, without contradicting the above formulations:

To my knowledge, none of these definitions is free from

value [...] the extent to which our knowledge of many DEI societies past and previous stages of our dedepends on the corpus of works dei intellect and imagination that has kept intact its poderde communication makes
the description of the culture in these terms is, if not com-

plete, if AI less reasonable [...] there are elements in the definition tion "ideal" that [... J I seem valuable (Williams, 1965).

2. In its Course in General Linguistics, Saussure insisted especially the linguistic sign Dei arbitrariness. For

194

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195

Saussure, language is a system of interrelated values two, in which a 'significant' arbitrary (words) are linked to a "meanings" too arbitrary '<Concepts [...] defined negatively by their relations with other terms dei system ") to form signs. Each element is defined by its position in system Dei relevance you-your relationship with other elements-through dialectic of identity and difference. Saussure argued that other systems topics of significance (fashion or kitchen, for example) poDian similarly studied, and that ultimately the linguistic ca end up being part of a more general science signs, a semiology. 3. That word has been fashionable in recent aos contributed to their widespread use. I refer here aI meaning, very precise, Louis Althusser claimed that "the problematic a word or concept consists in the frame theoretical or ideological in which that word or concept can used to establish, identify and discuss a range ispecfico of issues and a specific type of problem "(AIAlthusser and Balibar, 1968, see also Bennett, 1979).

1976 when the punk rock began to attract the attention of critics, and the start Dei moral panic can be dated SepSeptember 1976, when a girl lost part of his vista because of a pitcher of beer wheel during festival punk two days at the 100 Club dei Soho.

Chapter 3
1. See Black British, White British Dilip Hiro

Chapter 2
1. Although groups like London SS raided in 1975

way for the punk it was not until the emergence of the Sex Pistols when the punk began to emerge as a recognized style ble. The first criticism Dei group, At least for the press, embodied the essence always dei punk appeared in the New Musicai Express on February 21, 1976. EI better time domented this initial phase was the concert of the Sex Pistols in West Kensington Nashville in April, during the which is said to Johnny Rotten dropped to help DEI scenario a fan in a fight. Anyway, it was not until the summer

a brief but sharp dialect dei evolution Jamaican. Although the masters did not encourage communication (Mixing, for example, slaves from different tribes), the isnails learned to speak English a modified version Dei colloquial Dei XVII century by surreptitious means (reading lips and imitation, for example). 2. EI rocksteady (Literally, "balanced with smoothness Dad ' [N. dei t.]) was an intermediate stage in the evolution of Jamaican popular music, sandwiched between ska and reggae. Slower and cloying that ska, nervous and somewhat ESTRIdente, the rocksteady was replaced by the even more tense and heavy reggae, more "African", in the late sixties. 3. The recreation becomes literal in sessions of "soundsystem ", where parliament Dei DJ Standing on the product study and becomes what I-Roy, the same artist Dei "Talk-over" calls "the medium through which speaks Dei can block "(radio interview for the BBC issued July 1977). 4. Similarly, the black ghetto culture Nortea deimericano is steeped in biblical language. For a redefined nition of Christian terminology comparable to the appropriate tions of the Rastafarian movement, suffice it to mention the American concept Dei 'Soul' which discloses a genus musical (R & b black) as well as a range of attitudes black young black militants who were careful

196

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197

away dei 'blues-type and concomitant attitudes dei "Uncle Tom "(see Hannerz, 1969, Le-Roi Jones, 1975). 5. The "dreadlocks- (Dreadlocks), that long braided hair leading some Rastafarians, originally desempearon the mission to reproduce the look "ethnic" of some tribes dei East Africa. Later, the biblical exhortations to leavewas "unshaven locks and moral tale of Samson and Dali's also used to justify the singular aspect of Rastafarians. The braids became aspect style dei notorious "rasta" (along with the ganja, that is, the marijuana), drawing attention to the movement and largejendose widespread censorship. Braids became significant in a more easily identifiable differences ing important. The letters of reggae of artists 'rasta' dedicate an important space for dreadlocks: eg "Do not touch Locks I-Man", I-Roy (Virgin, 1976). 6. A Jamaica was granted independence in 1962. EI dei new government slogan was: "From many peoples, one." 7. Michael Manley government presided P.N.P. from 1972 (reelected in 1976). IE was responsible for injecting caribefia tar typically a mixture of populism and rhetoric Bible in Jamaican politics. He joined the reggae and metareligious metaphors in their election campaigns, and more recently you slogan, "Under Heavy Manners" (alluding ai State Emergency, 1976), has been registered in the vocabulary reggae as uniquely powerful and expressive formula, 8. This displacement is summarized transparently replacement in the touring dei reggae as the second inindustry dei country (after bauxite mines). The foundation of sugar cooperatives, funding schools and Cuban ai euphoric reception accorded the Cuban contingent the Cari-festa 1976, and even that Manley's reelection year, indicate a movement away over the old Euro-American influences.

9. EI dub is ridim-track instrumental, a free rhythm without words with the emphasis on bass. Again and again uses sound effects, especially the echo. It is, in the words of Dermott Hussey, a "pure dance rhythm ', the producer and engineer are over becoming the 'artists' dei recognized dub. On dub, the artist dei 'talk-OveRx improvises a ceremonia spoken, usually centered on themes "black". 10. 'Rockers' heavy reggae orreggae 'Ethnic'. EI terms was not released dei early summer of 1976. 11. The rude boys shaped an alternative subculture in Jamaica in the mid to late sixties. The types' rough and hard "urban corny glamurizados were in a seseries of successes reggae androcksteady: "Rudy a Message To You" Dandy Livingstone, "Rude Boy" by The Wailers, "Shanty Town 'by Desmond Dekker, "Johnny Too Bad" of lhe Slickers. 12. EI 'toast' is a monologue performed by a discjockey "Talk-over" while sounds dub instrumental in the 'Sound-system', see note 9. 13. Dread '<Fear ") is a polysemic term. It seems encompass justice, "anger" biblical and fear that the same inspired wrath. 14. Violence in the carnival of 1976 broke out because of the ostensible presence of large number of policemen in the area of Acklam Road, where under an overpass had been installed next several "sound-systems." The riots dei carnival 1977, less serious, also focused on this "pointto conflict "officially recognized as such. When Sir Robert Mark said public ai, 1976 after riots would not tolerate any "forbidden zone", one suspects referring specifically to the "sound systems" AcklamRoad. 15. A police raid on the Carib Club in autumn 1974 sparked a pitched battle which ended in the arrest and postinner acquittal of four black guys.

198

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199

16. See Tolston (1977), interested in how the contructos dei ideological type "get by", etc.., manifest in the speech patterns of the working class. 17. Ulf Hannerz has detected a transformation Parecigiven in the American ghetto culture, associating these Changes in physical movement dei schemes with a reajuste dei concept that young blacks have of themselves. EI author suggests that younger blacks are defined by culture contrast to simpler, their parents, and quotes identifying an interviewee explicitly the act of cashuffling undermine deference and submission procopies dei past: "They say [the" Uncles Tom '] "Yes, Mr.", "No, seor "Never cease to crawl" (Hannerz, 1969). 18. In the mid-sixties increased awareness racial of blacks in American cities, a phenomenon reflected in the work of artists like James "<Say it Loud, L'm Black and I'm Proud ") Brown and Bobby Bland. Charlie Gillet thoroughly documents this period in Sound of the City. 19. In May 1977, "Lior Humble" and "stepper-had replaced "rockers" as buzzwords to describe bir the "heavy reggae" and "dub-(see Black Echoes, 18, July 1977). 20. Concern rasta by "nature" and "manber naturally reflected in the lyrics. Big Youth Babylon despises materials in a celebrated talkover semihumorstico, "Natty not Jester" (Klik, 1975):

heroin addiction and inspiration jazz. Musicians young, eager to play the sound "hard" Charlie Parker and Fats Navarro (both heroin addicts) were drawn into what Hentoff calls "emulation needle ' Le-Roi Jones, in Blues People, defines heroin as "the ideal way to rise above the rest dei." The hipsters White, determined to translate their affinity with negros in real terms, saw an item in heroin attractive in an identical symbolic level (see also HaHarold Finestone, "Cats, Kicks and Colour" in The Other Side).

Chapter 4 I. There remain, of course, free of these charges the authentic black bands swing (Count Basie, Duke Ellington, etc.). 2. Charlie Parker (1920-1955) was the most famous exponent dei be-bop. EI style be-bop, developed later early forties and fifties, was long and elaborate improvisations are taking a sequencegive chord. These improvisations were experimental, to often seemed "and there was a deliberate disonantesx ruptura with the classical music tradition white (eg characteristic polyrhythmic drumming style was called "Ianzar bombs' dropping bombs, in jazz slang). Seaccording Hentoff, the term "white touch (Playing white) or "Ofay was one of the worst insults in the vocabulary dei jazzman. Charles Winick attributed "the coldness and distancetion 'dei bebop and jazz dei 'progressive' I ai-consumption Roina among musicians (see Winick, 1969). 3. Sound EI York (New York Sound) grew at partir a series of spontaneous jam sessions at Minton's and, subsequently, in other smaller clubs of 52nd Street

'Cos no jester natty dread I do not wear polyester no ... [EI young rasta no clown He has no polyester ...] 21. In The Jazz Life Nat Hentoff describes how during fifties the years developed a mythical association between

200

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201

(The Onyx, the Famous Doar, Samoa, the Downbeat, the Spotlight and the Three Deuces) to mid-forties. Charlie Parker, Dizzy Gillespie and Thelonious Monk are perhaps the most famous names associated with that sound and muca was the basis for a whole underground culture (dark glasses, beret, heroin, minimal communication with the public, etc..) (See Russell, 1972). 4. Albert Goldman, Ladies and Gentlemen, Lenny Bruce. This pound is essential reading for anyone who is interested in the cultural environment of the styles beat andhipster. Bruce Goldman flatly claimed as part of the tradition deljazz considers contemporary the inspired and largely improvised "raps-(or" spritzes ") of comedians like Bruce, Lord Buckley and Harry" The Hipster-Gibson "are part dei same process impatient to short-circuit the obvious to go a degree beyond the contion ". 5. The equivalence between 'jazz-and' drugs '/' offendCIA "was soon enshrined in the demonology of the press popular. The thing would lead to distortions of rigor. For example, Hentoff has a professional pianist arresState and charged with murder in 1957 in the city of Washington was tendentiously described as "pianist jazz by the tabloids. The annual convention beatnik in the Newport Jazz Festival during the fifties served as the focus of moral panic, and so did the "ininvasions-of mods androekers Resorts of the south coast of England in the mid-sixties. 6. EI term "counterculture" refers to the amalgamation of youth cultures 'alternative' middle class-the hipfeet, the flower children, the Yippie- developed in Sixty whose peak is in the period 1967-1970. As Hall et al (1976a) have been commissioned to point out, the counterculture is distinguished from the subcultures we have this-

been studying the profiles ex plicitly political and ideological logical opposition to the dominant culture (political action ca, consistent philosophies, statements, etc.) for his creation institutions 'alternative' (press underground, Community nas, cooperatives, "a-careers', etc.), its" extension-of more aliyah transitional stage of adolescence and its blurringnation of distinctions, as rigorously maintained in subculture, between work, home, family, school and leisure. While in opposition subculture, as we seen, decanted into symbolic forms of resistance, the rearound the middle class youth tend to be more articulated da and is more confident, more directly expressed, In short, as far as we are concerned, it is easier to "read". 7. Jefferson suggests that in the popular mind the West London dei ghettos were linked inrnigrantes ai the crimen organized and prostitution, which is why they attracted the hostility teds. 8. See Melly (1972) for an entertaining andwell documented Chronicle touted British jazz scene of the fiveaccount. EI revivalist jazz, the skiffle andthe trad are subjected to a thorough analysis. 9. In his book Realism, Linda Nochlin characterizes masimilar manner ai dandy jin-de-siecle as an obsessional character sionado for detail andnot the grand gestures stylistic

EI dei suit dandy, contrary to popular belief, is distingua by moderation: discrete colors and textures [...] the eranexcesivamente rich materials, and tendenciageneral was to avoid extravagance, the distinction nothing with details
or minima and refinements subtle visible only to others "Initiates".

202

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203

lO. John Grant, a retired farmhand eighty afias, recalls how the traditional deference of jomaleros could hide a strong sense of pride that layercited for "own-magically this work which, by necessity ity, sold in exchange for a pittance, "worked [...] to perfection because it was his job. Belonged to them(Blythe, 1972). I I. According Barker and Little (1964), the mod half earned about eleven pounds a week, used to be a worker semicuarecognized electrician or, more typically, an office, while the rocker half was not qualified and earning far less. In absent ence of a similar study for teddy boys, we can only inferred their class origins and employment status from descriptions tions of the time. However, Cohen and Stan Paul Rock on his study "The Teddy Boy" and Tony Jefferson in "The CulResponses of the Teds ral-agree this point out the lowyour social teddy boys, that would border ellumpen. 12. Goldman is referring here to the classic images Dei criminal underworld as exact reverse of values "norevils'

In this phase of universal conformism (the America of the cincount), it was believed that low family surfaces life
lurked a anachronistic underworld beings amoral and unsaturated

marketable. In its violent rebellion against rules Elase average, these beings reach heroic levels of intensity (Goldman, 1974).

14. "Crazy Baldhead" ["crazy bald '] became a common insult in the reggae at 1974-1975. It refers, literally mind, who do not have "dreadlocks", but can designate totwo "sinners" who are still tied to Babylon. 15. Carter deplores the ongoing recovery of fashion faithafias menina of forty, despairing face "iconspelling of helplessness "and accusing both diseadores as women wearing high heel 'revisionism ground level ' 16. Of course, the National Front thoroughly exploits "Implied threats, traditional British values. It seems, in fact, that Rastafarianism was identified como a kind of black bacillus by N. F. For example, a poster dei N. F., which showed a trail framed by black dreadlocks "merging" with the British flag, performs the preblack presence as something that literally "the cultural rnancillas British ra. 17. As well as being a stimulating gloss on the work of Genet, the celebrated trial of Sartre (1963) contains multiple rereflections on the psychology of the subculture in general. Sartre plays the stubborn rise to genetiana dei crime isDEI fera art as an act truly "self-heroicox transcendence. Born bastard, adapted by a family camPesina and charged with nine afias thief, Genet infringe systematically civic laws, sexual and moral aspirando to absolute turpitude, "which happens to be on the verge of holiness. " In own words dei Genet (1967), "inspired cultivating piety most repulsive wounds. We converscams a disgrace to your happiness. " As he writes Kate Millet Sexual Politics, On mortification of Genet, both carnal and spiritual, holy dei victory lies. " 18. EIlook punk was essentially malnourished: the escualiDez was a sign of rejection. The prose of zines was littered with references to "executive fat" and "capitalist

13. Genet compares slang of offenders to "Ienguaje caribefios men. " He sees them both as a boundary function nantly male: "[...] a secondary sexual attribute. It was like the colored plumage of male birds, such as multicolor silk garments that are the prerogative of the guerreros of the tribe. It was a crest and spurs "(Genet, 1966).

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205

culogordos'. Paul Weller, the Jam, categorically refused to take seriously the recent music of Roger Daltrey (singer the Who) because "you can not touch rock 'n' roll! with the belly of a beer drinker " (New Musical Express, 7 of May 1977). EI metaphorical way of referring to the lieral seems to be a crucial aspect in the process of "resolution tion magic "(see p. 109-110) common to all spectacular subcultures. 19. See Richard Hell, New Musical Express, 29 october 1977 on the meaning of being renamed punk: "I wanted to give ai rock'n ' role! Awareness that one invents himself. So I changed my nomBre '. In his search for an identity "immaculate", to methe knot punks adopted aliases: Paul Grotesque, Sid Vicious, Johnny Rotten, etc. 20. A punk tell me in October 1977 that the only political aspirations of the punks resided in the fact that "We are well in the black," crisscrossing the fingers and indicndome with this gesture that the interests of the two groups were inseparable. 21. Just listen, for example, "Watching the Detectives Elvis Costello, with its strong pace reggae. EI punk dub consists of a series of separate recorded tracks do, overlapping each other without actually perfect synchrony. Without forcing the comparison, arguably the dub alienates ai listener regarding the dominant aesthetic of naturalism transParente (dei polished product). Leave the door open is deistudy. 22. Groups r & b as the Yardbirds, the Them, the Animais, the Pretty Things and the Rolling Stones were not bones about Black American sources. Jagger often claimed that his famous dance steps derived ban the performances of James Brown. Groups like the Small Faces, the Who, Zoot Money and Georgie Fame and the

Blue Flames-all very popular modsversionaron classic dei aids soul (Especially subjects originally Mind recorded by Bobby Bland, James Brown, Otis Redding and Wilson Picket). See the excellent Sound ofthe City of Charlie Gillet for a comprehensive overview of the music aos black American in fifties and sixties. 23. Subcultural styles of those particular times intraron 'in mess' in groups punk and both letters as aesthetics of some American groups punk (Especially Mink DeVille and Blondie) deliberately influenced cn mind the theme of adolescence "and wildly proproblems "as linked to earlier times (see Shangri-Las).

Chapter 5 I. The trend among North American sociologists and psychologistsCanos has been doing hancapi in adolescence as a stage individualism and transition ritual marked by conflict:

Aunquelos terms 'child' and 'adult' differ by cultures, each culture requires a change in the fonmas usual thinking, feeling and behaving dei child, change involving a dislocation psychic and, therefore, constitutes a "problem" for the individual and for culture
(Kenniston, 1969).

EI comparative approach can be illustrative, but also can overshadow important historical differences and cultural. On youth can not generalize tooTOO. 2. See Hoggart (1958). EI debate on the alleged dedisintegration of consciousness of the working class was developed in the left especially E. P. Thompson and the

206

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207

Professor C. Wright Mills, then expand the Westergaard, Lockwood and Parkin. This exchange was cenTRADO on whether a series of post-war factors - the emergence dei consumerism and wealth prospects dei worker, the primary poverty reduction, erosion traditional community, providing educational echelons cant, the role of unions, the influence of mass average etc. - had served or not to 'gentrify' so permanent working class (see, in particular, Thompson are, 1960, and Westergaard, 1972). For an excellent summary and critique of the arguments posited by Lockwood and Parkin, see Brook and Finn (1977). The mixture of landscapes extraia bombed on riqueza, old habits and new appetites, was captured by the novels of the "angry young man" of the fifties, in conDecree: John Braine, Roam at the Top (Allen Lane, 1957); Stan Barstow, A Kind of Loving (Penguin, 1962), and Alan Sillitoe, Saturday Night and Sunday Morning (Signet, 1970). 3. During the period 1945-1950 is estimated that the incremental ment dei average real wages doubled teens adult rate (see Abrams, 1959). 4. Both Downes study of street culture in Stepney and Poplar as Willmott report on the opporopportunities of adolescents in Bethnal Green denied the myth of the classless teenager. Downes considered the "solution criminal 'horn a way for class youth worker agree to the objectives of the "adolescent culture cente "without having legitimate access to the media. Willmott emphasized the localism of youth culture dei East End: the Time and money are still investing dei entertainment in the area, and not in the newly opened boutiques and nightclubs in the West End of London. 5. Mayhew (1851) and Archer (1865) were among the firstros in trying to describe in detail the criminal underworld

the 'rookeries' dei East End of London (see Chesney, 1972, for a readable summary of his works). 6. Charles Dickens, Oliver Twist (1838) Arthur Morrison, A Child ofthe Jago (1896)

The Hole in the Wall (1902)

Dickens needs no recommendation. Instead, the novethose of Arthur Morrison surely are less known. Based on her own childhood experiences in tristemenyou famous "rookery" Jago, offer a fascinating, although deprimente, picture of life in the slums dei nineteenth century.
7. See Roberts (1976) for a comprehensive description

development work dei dei OP (participant observation) and problem generated: "The OP never been erected horn alterfull native ai positivism in sociology [...] Rather has constituted a "subculture" independent sociological tooth: a more humanistic enclave and "empathetic" within dominant trends. " See also Jock Young (1970), for an analysis of the contradictions inherent in the sociology of deviance. 8. In Delinquency and Drift Matza gives a twist to his thesis ai Original describe how adolescent boys "Slip it> to the deviation. The pursuit of goals and drag them subterranean values and this deviation is reinforced by the labeling process. 9. A Abrams was more interested in market research do that sociology and, in particular, wanted to open a market Young based on the American model. For him, the value differential more important in the booming postwar society but it was not the age class: "In terms of overall prosperity, the social study of society from the point of view ta class is becoming less illustrative. And his place is occupated by the age-related differences " 1O. Just listen, for example, "Roadrunner" (<< I'm in love with the Modem World ") of Jonathan Richman. To-

208

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209

two plastic aI hymns were unequivocally teidos of a strong irony. li. This seems to be the attitude attacked by Ros Coward "Class, Culture and the Social Formation '

This attitude poses a direct relationship theory where seasets Marxist to the Service socialist tendencies that elude

Elase any processing. This reduces the acute and complex problem of articulation between the theoretical and the polytic, and the possibility of a mutual determination between these
instances.

of the working class. Seems to represent a curious mix of aesthetics hippy and machismo of football stadium. 13. Stuart Hall (1977), John Fiske and John Ytambin Hartley (197S). EI role of media in shaping and mainner tolerance is crucial. Hall argues that "In societies like ours, means a permanent desempefian and crucial aI ideological work "classify the world" within dei "discourse of dominant ideologies. '"This is accomplished meby means of an endless drawing and redrawing the line between readings 'Preferred' and 'excluded', between what is and what is not sense, between the normal and the deviant. Incidentally, Hall also de[Me and establishes links between 'culture', 'ideology' and 'significant tion "Obviously, a footnote on page can not dojustice to him an argument of such scope and density, and only me is recommended to readers who go in search of his work.

Andcontinues: EI work on subcultures [... 1It based on a conception history understood as the progressive deployment of alaccording internal principle (in this case, the economic contradiction

ca) [...] which are confused consciousness and representations political and ideological tions and, ultimately, is based
in the "Faith" when workers are carriers of the solution

Chapter 6
I. The quote comes from a speech by the doetor George Simpson, Margate magistrate after fights between mods androckers Whitsun in 1964. For sociologists diversion, this discourse has become the example

tion ai conflict, and somehow represent the Masters Overall, the whole person that is expressed in socialism. Reflecting from a Lacanian attitude, Coward insistwhere you need to get away dei study of culture (which judgment is a construct "idealistic") to find an analysis of the Constitution Dei ellenguaje individual subject. (For a reply to this article, see Screen, Autumn of 1975, vol. IS, n. "3). 12. EI heavy metal is, as the name suggests, a form amplified strongly basic rock based incessant you repeat the classics riffs guitar. Their followers distinguished by their long hair, leather and Ei 'idiot dancing "(of Again, the name says it all). EI heavy metal has followers among the student population, but also among much

overdose classical rhetoric and entirely worth quoting:

"These gorillas hairy insignificant, mentally unstable ble, these Caesars with a head full of sawdust, as rats, only emboldened when hunting in packs "(quoted Cohen, 1972). 2. The I December 1976 the Sex Pistols appeared in Today, evening program of the Thames. In Elapsedso of the interview with Bill Grundy, used the words "Bastard", "bastard" and "damn" Newspapers published stories that spoke of switchboards saturated horrified parentszados, etc., some unexpectedly fetched. EI

210

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211

Duily Mirror (2 December) published a story about a

truck driver who was angry with both the appearance of the Sex Pistais that began kicking the TV screen in strain: "And I say tacos or I feel like, but Quiero that crap in my house when dei tea "
3. Police sued for obscenity, which is not

7. EI definitive study of a moral panic is Folk Devils and Moral Panics, Cohen. Mods androckers were only two
of 'folk devilsx - << gallery types that society condestroys their members to show the roles that evitare-s-peperiodically become the center of a 'moral panic'.

prosper, the Sex Pistols after the publication of his first LP Never Mind the Bollocks [We care about balls] in 1977. 4. EI January 4, 1977, the Sex Pistols staged an incident at Heathrow airport and vomi spit-ai tar with a staff of airlines. EI Evening News cited reported a billing clerk: "That group is the most disgusting I have ever seen. Were asquerosos, distasteful and obscene. " Two days after the incident came out in the press, EMI terminated the contract dei group. 5. The edition I dei dei August 1977 Daily Mirror contained just one example of this dubious sleepless edition torial. Paying attention "serious" problem was ailence between teds andpunks Kings' s Road, the author traced the obvious compared with the unrest of the early coastal earlier: "We must not allow the fights grow up become pitched battles as those mods androckers staged in various cities on the coast a few years. " EI moral panic is recyclable, and even the same events can be evoked in the same prophetic tone tico to elicit identical sense of scandal. 6. The features that give the seal products Mercanences, and whose establishment is a necessary preliminary to the movement thereof, have already acquired forms stability accepted natural and social life before man attempt to decipher, not their historical character, since their ajas are immutable, but their meaning (Marx, 1970).

Periodically parece0 societies fall into fits of Panico moral. A condition, an episode, a person or group of persanas appears and is described as a threat to

values and interests of society, the means of communication tion as presented in a stylized and stereotypical, editors, bishops, politicians and other people on the right are entrenched
then
8US

fighting moral experts-acre socially

ditados pronounce their diagnoses and solutions are sought alternatives to address the problem or (10 most frequent type)
uses them when already no more remedy; then condition disappears. dips or deteriorates and becomes more

visible (Cohen, 1972).

Official reactions to the subculture punk submitted all the classic symptoms of a moral panic. Cancelsron concerts, clerics, politicians and pundits denounced amously degeneration of youth. A Marcus Lipton, Former MP for Lambeth North, we owe this pearl: "If music pop will be used to destroy our insestablished institutions, then we should first would destroy " Bernard Brook-Partridge, MP for Havering-Romford, roared: "The Sex Pistols seem me and absolutely fullyou repulsive. In my view, his whole attitude is calculated to encourage people to behave badly [...] is an incitement ofreleased antisociab conduct (quoted in Former New Musical press, July 15, 1977). 8. See also "Punks have Mothers Too: They tell us a few home truths "in Woman (15 April 1978) and

212

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213

"Punks and Mothers" in Woman ' sOwn (15 October 1977). These items raised-drafted comments beef (~ Sign perhaps the staff recognized the need to reassure the troubled reader expectations Dei?). The iffollowing story appeared under a picture of two teddy boys dancing:

Surrealism Dei ros revolutionary acts was to attack the mito ... "(Max Ernst, "~ What is Surrealism? "cited in Lippard, 1970). 11. IE 7 December, a month before the EMI rescingive its contract with the Sex Pistols, Sir John Read, presidential of the Company will record, made the following declarations tion at the annual meeting of the company:

The other day I heard the comments of two major sefioras, frightened by a band of punks with sleazy that came across them:
"Imaglnate how will their children ' I am convinced that

Many people had to say the same about the teddy boys, as the photo [...] and mods and rockers. That made me wonder what happened to them aI finish that stage. Guess who had to leave their clothes or their bikes flagged and laid his head! heaving respectable lives and tranquilas, raising children and praying for not being involved in one of those terrible skirmishes of punks.

In its history as cornpaa label, MS! always has sought to respect the limits of decency and good tasteto their time, attending not only to the strict conventions tions traditional one sector of society, but also the increasingly liberal attitudes of other sectors (can that larger) [...] for each time [...] is decent or i.Qu tasteful, compared to attitudes do, putWe, twenty years, or even ten?

In social presentecontexto respucsta aI, MS! should emitir value judgments about the content of the discs [...] The Sex Pistols are a group dedicated to a new form of mu9. "Surrealism is aI EI reach all awareences "(quoted in Lippard surreal pamphlet, 1970). See Also Paul Eluard (1933): "The era of the individual exercises has dual past " Ironically, the very solemn and reverential exhibition on surrealism held at the Hayward Gallery in Lonents in 1978 wanted to enthrone artistically some names disefiada dei surrealism was to give recognition public to their "geniuses" For a comparison between the punk and Surrealism, see, below, the chapters entitled "EI DIY style as "and" repulsive style EI. " It is no accident that punk was absorbed by the time aI couture was inaugurated the first major exhibition of Dada and surrealist ism in Britain. 10. "EI fairytale artist Dei creativity is the last superstition of Western culture. One of the primeca known as "Punk rock." They were hired by the

EM! edited to a disc [...] in October! 976 [...] In this context, it should be noted that the recording industry has signed contracts with many groups pop, initially controversial, which over time have ended Dei volseeing totally acceptable and I have great contribuidoenaI measure development of modern music [...] The EM! should not erected in public censor, although defending the moderate tion (quoted in Vermorel, 1978).

Despite further disrepute aI (and nearly 40,000 pounds aI Pistols reimbursed to cancel the contract), the EMI and other compafias tended to turn a blind eye to the visible ble contradictions posed by the groups to hire admitan openly their lack of professionalism, knowledge musical procedures and commitment to profit. During the

214

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215

celebrated in the Rainbow interpretation of "White Riot" by the Clash in 1977, while the audience tore the seats and i threw them scenario, the last two rows of the room (which, by course, remained intact) were occupied almost exexclusively by record executives and cazataslow: CBS paid the damages without question. There is no better demonstration that symbolic attacks leave the truths deras institutions intact. Still, the record does not everything always went without a hitch. The Sex Pistols were embolsaron five figure sums as compensation both A & M as and when their LP EMI (eventually recorded by Virgin) lIeg finally in stores, including a scathing attack EMI that conveyed by moans nasal viperinos Rotten:

Estbarnos pretending you thought Lirnitbarnos we make money Not that we believe in serious
Because you could lose your cheap appeal.

GQuines? The EM! - The EM! Blind acceptance is a sign Irnbciles of which are formed row As the EM! -Ia EM1 "<EM!" Virgin, 1977)

tant strength by a rigid set of rules, codes and coninterventions (see, in particular, Goffman, 1971 and 1972). 2. Hall (1977) states: "[...] culture is the increase dei dei accumulated power over nature, matterlizado on instruments and practice as well as working dei signs, thought, knowledge and language used to be passed from generation to generation as "Second nature" dei man. " 3. The terms 'anarchy' and 'discourse' may seem contradictory discourse structure suggests. However, the Surrealist aesthetic is so well known today (through advertising ity, etc..) which is the kind of unity (of subjects, cocodes, effects) that the term "discourse" implies. 4. In his description OP dei dei dance Saturday night in a industrial city Mungham (1976) shows how the imposition tions life characteristic of the class is transferred trabajadara to the ballroom as courtship rituals, paranoia overCulina and an atmosphere of repressed sexuality sullenly. He paints a grim picture of past joy nights without the desperate search for "private and girls '(or' boyfriends and a romantic journey back home by bus') on stage controlled where "spontaneity is provided by managers and employees of the room mainly secuauthority-as a potential hotbed of rebellion " 5. BOF (Boring Old Far!, 'A fart "). Wimp 'soseras. " 6. Gilbert and George mounted his first exhibition in 1970 when, dressed in conservative suits identical, metallic hands and faces, a glove, a cane and a grabadora, it won critical acclaim perform ai carefully controlled series of movements and mechanical ONLY repeated on a platform while mimicked 'Alhe demeath Arches "Flanagan and Allen. Other pieces, with titles such as "Lost Day" and "Normal Boredom-have repre-

Chapter 7 I. Although structuralists would agree with John Mepham (1974) that "Ia social life is structured as a language ", there is also a long tradition of research tion of social encounters, role-play, etc. which demonstrates without appeal to social interaction (in Latin white middle class at least) is headed with bas-

216

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NOTES

217

sitting ever since in various art galleries around the world. 7. Naturally, the music rock always threatened to dissolve these categories, and the performances of rock have associated in the popular imagination with all kinds of disturbances and disorders of the cinema seats slashed by teddy boys Beatlemania through the Happenings and festivals hippies, where freedom was expressed less aggressive by nudity, drugs and a generalized "spontageneity ', The punk however, marked a new beginning. 8. EI term "punk" as the "funk" and "Superbad" of Black Americans, would seem to be part of that "special language of fantasy and alienation "described by Charles Winick (1959), "where values are invested and where" yourrible "refers to something good." See also Wolfe (1969), which describes the fashion "Cruising" in Los Angeles in the mid-sixties, a subculture of automobiles manufactured custom-Shirts "Perfect hairstyles picked up," where "rank" ['Foul'] was a term of approval:

Chapter 8 1. Sylvia Harvey, May 68 and Film Culture (British Film Institute, 1978). Ellibro is a very lucid introduction aI work low, particularly difficult, the semiotic of the "second wave "(the English translation largely ai follows slopeI). Harvey traces the development of film theory radical in France, from the appropriation Dei Russian formalism in magazines like Cahiers andCintique, at the beginning of the seseventies, until the beginning of "a significant Dei science 'just as developed by Tel Quel group in Paris. 2. The film magazine Screen was largely responsible for this debate was opened in Great Bretaiia. See MacCabe (1975) for another critical area representative deiism. 3. With his "epic theater" Brecht was "bring in" your audience in the "secret" of its construction by the famous "alienation techniques" designed to distance aI dei spectator and spectacle, At least theoretically, give reflect on social relations and the work described in on its dei position on (And not "inside") text. AI impublic Dei ask for identification with the character, and avoid continuity, resolution, etc. of the weft, it is assumed that the epic theater plays and makes public aI recognize that "Ia carried ity is alterable "(see Brecht on Theatre [Willett, 1978]). Brecht's concern for formal techniques and the role that in the politicization Dei desempeiian theater has shown profoundly influential in the formation of the new theory film (see Harvey, 1978). 4. As part of its attempt to bring down the unity of the traditional narrative, Eisenstein based his theory of montage (Juxtaposed surfaces on the film) at the beginning of 'Collision' and not the 'chain' (see Harvey, 1978, p. 65).

iThe Fetid! Fetid I drift rotten nature of [...] Roth and Schorsch grew in the Age of the adolescent Podrida ing of Los Angeles. The thing was to maintain an attitude complementary istering rotten to the adult world, which becomes all the system of people organizing their lives around an em-

ment, and that fits into the social structure which includes the coentire community. With the rotten, one tried to marginalize Dei Conventional competitive status for move ai underworld Teen Rotten and start its own league.

218 5. I can only refer the reader ai critical A. White (1977) for an explanation of terms Dei kristeviano use as "symbolic" and the dialectic between unity and process between 'symbolic' and 'semiotic', which forms the core tematic of his work:

Subculture

NOTES

219

The symbolic is l ...] that fundamental part of that Ienguaje names and related things, is that unit of competitionsemantic and syntactic allows the appearance of the communication

tion and rationality. Thus, Kristeva has divided the

language in two vast territories, the semiotic -Sound ritMo and movement aI prior sense and closely linked to the

pulses (Triebe) - and symbolic semantic function-withoutDEI tactic language necessary for all rational communication

nal world dei about. The latter, the symbolic, often "take
tooffice ai semiotic and UNIRIO in syntax and phonemes, but

can do so only from the words and movements Ie the semiotic presents. The dialectic between the two parties constitutes dellenguaje mise en scene the description kristeviana of poetics, subjectivity and revolution.

dei design unique and unified subject, and uses the terms "Significance" "Symbolic" 'Semiotic' and "imaginary" in the context of the psychoanalytic theory of Jacques Lacan. His definition of 'signifying practice', however, remains its value intact aI aI be transplanted context, very different, Dei Dei analysis style in subculture. 7. "Quin know if we will be preparing a somehow to escape Dei principle of identity? "(A. Breton, preface to the exhibition of Max Ernst, 1920). 8. See, for example, Melody Maker, July 30, 1977 and Evening Standard, July 5, 1977. The teddy boys betweeninterviewees often complained of the lack of stylistic integrity the punks: accused them of "ready-made". 9. "[... J how otic semi what relates to what symbolic and disfiguring, and how the symbolic reaunifying firm control of the semiotic, give us the basis of subjectivity as process-(White, 1977). If so, similar, how subordinate groups relate with the symbolic order and disfigure it gives us the basis of the subculture as a means of resistance.

(See also the introduction of G. Nowell-Smith "Signifying Practice and Mode of Productionx in Edinburgh

'76 Magazine, n, "1.)

6. EI establishment or creation of a system of signs

Chapter 9
I. AI descontextualizar quote I'm undoubtedly doing a disservice to Nuttall, much less culpable than Contemporaries of misrepresenting the style of the subculture. Despite outdated title aI, Bomb Culture remains a of the most reliable and entertaining "findings" of the "explosionpostwar youth. 2. Scholte (1970). Here Scholte contrasts the premises epistemological structural anthropology school Anglo, which operates with empirical models and functions tionalists.

requires the identity of a subject in an institution speaker recognized by the inspection social subject and support your identity. The traversal dei system occurs when the speaking subject
process enters and transcends obliquely so say,

the institutions in social previously had reknown. Thus coincides with the moment of rupture, renewable

tion and social revolution (Kristeva, 1976).

Again, what specifically interested Kristeva DEI is an Idea subject in process against traditional

220

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NOTES

221

3. The hostility between the punks and skinheads new homada was a turn too reei entity to earn a mentioned in the narrative. In October 1977 the skinheads had crystallized as an independent faction within of subculture punk with their own musical heroes (Skrewdriver, Sham 69, singers reggae) and their characters lumpen more openly. The hostility was quite unidirectional and punks, with the limitations imposed by their dress bondage, were no match for the beligerancia skin.

5. Contrary to this view, there is evidence showing cultures which sometimes actually serve resistance to strengthen, not to weaken, existing social structures existent. In his book Learning to Labour, Paul Willis explains that "the children of workers get jobs of workers' and follows that the "counterculture school" helps to reproduce unskilled labor precedence values ai traditional male working community (for example, pio, manual work against aI mental and physical strength astucia against scholarship, etc..). 6. Jean-Paul Sartre, in an interview published in the "New York Review of Books, (March 26, 1970):

Conclusions I. Finally it would be life imprisonment. In June 1970, Jackson was transferred to San Quentin where, one year later at 29, would fall shot dead by the guards of the prison "while trying to escape." 2. In the prison hierarchy of Genet, the "asshole" is what lowest of all. Even the "hens" may, if they wish, reChazar a "colleague", a pimp or a "big shot" the "giIipollas is freely available to all at any moment. [...] I have the conviction that you can always have a mancer something from what you make it. Such is today ellmite
would grant freedom: EI pequefo movirniento withpoured a absolutely conditioned human al-

someone who does not return all that his conditioning has given. That's what makes Genet a poet, when he rigorously conditioned to be a thief. 7. In Generation X, Hamblett and Deverson quote a mod 16 years South London Dei "hateful Serfa an adult you understand. That's all we have against them: you can desconcertarles and unconcerned. " 8. See Sontag (1970) for a particular diagnosis dei dilemma that gets caught anthropologist (urban or otherwise): "[...] man who submits to the exotic to withsign their own inner alienation just aspiring to beat his subject of study by translating it into a code purely forevil. " For Sontag, "the task of adventurous as vocationspiritual "is a phenomenon dei derived twentieth century works "globetrotter" as Conrad, T. E. Lawrence, SaintExupry, Montherlant and Malraux. Although the student of

3. Genet, 1963. Genet's theater explores EI so systematic arno-slave dialectic of degradation mutua. The Maids have been colonized to such an extent that have become monstrous, are the "underbelly" of their masters, their 'exhalations rnalsanas' live so lost in selfhate to see themselves as "bad breath" of the another. See also K. Millett Genet, in Sexual Po-

Phillies.

4. In his introduction to Santa Maria de las Flores, Sartre Genet ellenguaje described as a "Suefo of words [...] deeply injured, stolen, fake, poeticized '.

222

Subculture

deviation tucked in a OP work can hardly be considered a "Aventurem ', there are certain parallels. It same as the actual anthropologist, ai camp in an alien culture, in Sontag's words, "can never feel "At home" in one place and always will be, psychologically hasoft a cripple. "

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Wishart, 1970 (trad. cast.: The German Ideology, Valenence, University of Valencia, 1994). Masson, A., "A Crisis of the Imaginary " Horizon vol. 12, No 67, July 1945. Matza, D., Delinquency and Drift, Wi1ey, 1964. Matza, D. and G. Sykes, "Juvenile Delinquency and Subterranean Values " American Sociological Review, No. 26, 1961. Mayhew, H. and others, London Labour and the London Poor, 1851. Melly, G., Owning Up, Penguin, 1970. - Revolt imo Style, Penguin, 1972. Mepham, J., "The Structura1ist Sciences and Philosophy (1972), in D. Robey (ed.), Structuralism: The Wolfson Collel?, And Lectures 1972, Cape, 1973. -, "The Theory of Ideology in" Capital "' Workinl? Papers in Cultural Studies, No. 6, ofBirmingham University, 1974. Miller, W., "Lower-Class Culture as a Generating Milieu of Gang Delinquency " Journal of Social 1ssues, No. 15, 1958. Millet, K., Sexual Politics, Sphere, 1972 (trad. cast.: Policy sexual Madrid, Chair, 1995). Mungham, G., "Youth in Pursuit of Itself ', in G. Mungham and G. Pearson (eds.), Working Class Youth Culture, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976. Mungham, G. and G. Pearson (eds.), Working Class Youth Culture, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976. Nochlin, L., Realism, Penguin, 1976 (trad. cast.: Realism, Madrid, Alianza, 1991). Nowell-Smith, G., Introduction to J. Kristeva, "Signifying Practice and Mode of Production " Edinburgh'76 Magazine, No. I, 1976. Nuttall, J., Bomb Culture, Paladin, 1969. Picconne, P., "From Youth Culture to Political Praxis' Radical America, November 15, 1969.

Raison, T. (Ed.), Youth in New Society, Hart-Davis, 1966. Reverdy, P., Nord-Sud, 1918. Roberts, B., "Naturalistic Research into Subcultures and DeViance 'in S. Hall andothers (eds.), Resistance Through Rituais, Hutchinson, 1976. Robey, D., (ed.), Structuralism: The Wolfson College Lectours 1972, Cape, 1973. Russell, R., Bird Livesl, Quartet, 1973. Sartre, J.-P., Saint Genet, Actor and Martyr, Braziller, 1964. _,introduction to J. Genet, Our Lady ofthe Flowers, Panther,

1966. _,interview New York Book Review, March 26 1970. Saussure, F. of, Course in General Linguistics, Fontana, 1974 (Trad. cast.: Course language I? Eneral, Madrid, Alliance, 1998). Seaver, R. andH. Lane (eds.), Manifestoes of Surrealism, University of Michigan Press, 1972 (trad. cast.: Manifest cough dei surrealism Madrid, Visor, 2002). Scholte, B., "Epistemic Paradigms', in E. T. Nelson and Hayes Hayes (eds.), Levi-Strauss: The Anthropologist as Hero, MIT Press, 1970. Shattuck, R., The Banquet Years: Origins ofthe Avant-Garde in France 1885: World War One, Cape, 1969 (Trad, cast.: The time of the banquet, Madrid, Visor, 1991). Sillitoe, A., Saturday Night and Sunday Morning, Penguin, 1970 (trad. cast.: Saturday night and Sunday maiiana, Barcelona, Plaza y Janes, 1989). Sontag, S., "The Anthropologist as Hero ', in E. Nelson Hayes and T. Hayes (eds.), Levi-Strauss: The Anthropoligist as Hero, MIT Press, 1970. Taylor, I. and D. Wall, "Beyond the Skinheads', in G. Mungham and G. Pearson (eds.), Working Class Youth Culture, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976.

232

Subculture

REFERENCES

233

Thompson, E. P., "The Long Revolution" New Left Review, n "'9 and Lo, 1960. Thrasher, F. M., The Gang; University of Chicago Press, 1927. Tolson, A., "The Language of Fatalism" Papers in WorkinR Cultural Studies, n "9, University of Birmingham, 1977. Vermorel, F. and J. Vermorel, The Sex Pistols Tandem, 1978. Westergaard, J. H., "The Myth of Classlessness" in R. Blackburn (ed.), ldeology and the Social Sciences, Fontana, 1972. White, A., "L'clatement du sujet: The Theoretical Work of Julia Kristeva 'work available at the University of Birmingham, 1977. Whyte, W. F., Street Food Society; Chicago University Press, 1955. Williams, R., Border Country, Penguin, 1960. -, Culture and Society, Penguin, 1961 (trad. cast.: Sociology of culture, Barcelona, Peninsula, 1998). -, The Long Revolution Penguin, 1965. -, Keywords, Fontana, 1976. Willett, J. (Trans.), Brecht on Theatre, Methuen, 1977. Willis, P., 'The Motorbike Within a Subcultural Group " WorkinR Papers in Cultural Studies, No. 2, University of Birmingham, 1972. - Learning to Labour, Saxon House, 1977 (trad. cast.: Learning to trahajar, Princeton University Press, 1988). -, Profane Culture, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978. Willmott, P., Adolescent Boys in East London, Penguin, 1969. Winick, C., "The Uses of Drugs by Jazz Musicians' Social Problems, vol. 7, No. 3, winter of 1959. Wolfe, T., The Pump House Gang; Bantam, 1969 (trad. cast.:
The house band of homba and other chronicles of the era pop, Barcelona, Anagram, 1975).

-, The Kandy-Kolored Tangerine Flake Streamline Bahy, Cape, 1966 (trad. cast.: The aerodynamic flirty rock'n'roll rum caramel, Barcelona, Jonathan Cape, 1997). Young, L, "The Zoo-Keepers of Deviance" Catalyst, No 5, 1970. -, The Drug Takers, Paladin, 1971.

Further Reading

Given the spectacular Dei theme, surprising no one turn on the abundance of literature on subcultural ra. For the same reason, it is inevitable that the quality available for comments uneven. On one hand, many works "popular" are superficial and documentadas, and, moreover, serious work "respected tables "are written in prose as solemn as untimely. The following selection seeks to rescue the best of both traditions, academic and journalistic ca. Resistance Through Rituais (Hall et al, 1976) and Working Class Youth Culture (Mungham and Pearson, 1976) should not need further recommendation as I referred to them systematically. Both are essential reading. This list should be considered hismentary regarding references and text Dei bibliografa.

236

Subculture

Further Reading

237

Subcultural theory The Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (Glencoe, Free Press, 1963), Howard Becker, is a
"Classic-recognized in the field of studies of the

deviation and still remaining as one of the examples more valid principles dei transactional method, where the construction of deviant groups is interpreted as result of a dynamic process through which Quie-dei tions in power define the limits dei behavior acceptable and unacceptable treatment using dei labeltreatment (Eg, smoking marijuana = Lazy discontent, hairy and potentially violent, etc..). The theoretical discussion is integrated into a fascinating tour of the jazz life of forty and fifty years (Becker himself was professional musician jazz during about afias). Also written on the line dei transactional analysis, The Manufacture ofthe News: Deviance, Social Problems and the Mass Media (S, Cohen and J. Young [comps.J, Constable, 1973) examines, in words dei compiler, "Conceptions of deviance and social problems tions revealed in the media and vision society implicit underlying such conconceptions "The labeling process described here in terms of Selection, andpresentation media of News about the different groups (homosexuals, alalcoholics, the mentally ill, political deviants, withdrug consumers, etc.). In the last chapter, Cohen and Young valued effects produces such coverage on the groups themselves. See also S, Cohen (ed.), lmages ofDeviance, Penguin, 1971, e I. Taylor and LTay-

lar, Politics and Deviance, Penguin, 1973, recopilaciotions of papers presented at the National deviancy Conference, andP. Rock and M. McKintosh (ed.), DeViance and Social Control, Tavistock, 1973. Finally, Policing lhe Crisis (S, Hall, T. Jefferson, J. Clarke and B. Roberts, MacMillan, 1978) combines the theoretical and empirical approaches to study the increase dei 'fear' heists principias the seventies. The authors follow the path of a case espeI celebrated from arrest to final conviction of three youngYOUNG Birmingham, and examines the trial in light of the Law and Order campaign launched during the period. In paso, trace the origin dei term "mugging" [robbery] and show how a cocktail of circumstances - economic crises nomic, dei break consensus, changes in identity black, etc. - conspired to take e1 intended increase street violence to an ominous meaning.

Youth Culture See Whyte (1955) and Thrasher (1927) for a research early examples of "naturalist" in Chicago school. "Naturalistic Research into subcultures tures and Deviance "(in Hall et al, 1976a), B. RoRoberts, is a very competent critical report about dei development and theoretical implications of the research based on participant observation. For a discussion of sober and sources dei meaning and value system the main concerns of normal street gangs teamericanas, see A. Cohen (1955), W. Miller (1958) and D. Matza and G. Sykes (1961). D. Matza (1964) uses

238

Subculture

Further Reading

239

a transactional model to explain the "drift" dei juvenile offender to a "career" deviant. P. Marsh and A. Campbell updated the table in two arArticles about the recent gang activity in thisUnited States: "The Gangs of New York youth and girlgo go into business " New Society, 12 October 1978, and "The Sex Boys on Their Own Turf" New Society, October 19, 1978. EI first questions the idea asumeasure of gang violence in New York decliNot in the sixties after step "classic" West Side Story and examines how the alleged resurgence of violence, lence in recent years is being used as a memetaphor dei decline of America. EI second article, based on interviews with gang members Sex Boys, explores the main concerns of New York's modern bands and shows that the imtance of 'Rep' (Reputation) and Heart (Courage, gall: for the British, "bottle") have not decreased one bit. Although the amount distinguish between band criminal (Small with a specific recruitment and a series of loyalties dei neighborhood level, strongly commit heading to the 'macho' values and underground illegal activities) and subculture, and wider free less strictly defined by class and belongings ing at least one area and literally implicated in whichbreach of the law, there are obvious connections (for example, the bands as Quinton Boys, a group of skinheads dei Midlands, may occur within the subcultures), in popular mythology the two terms are virtually synonymous. Unfortunately, the confusion derived vada of this association (on classes, violence, etc..) is

has been played too often in the work low academic because, as we have seen, the analysis of subculture largely developed to partir dei study of criminal street gangs. See D. Downes (1966) and P. Willmott (1969) for empirical studies of youth culture of the British working class in the late fifties and earlyples of the sixties. See also P. Willis (1978a and b) for participant observation studies of hippies, the motorbike boys and cultures of resistance in the isschool. P. Cohen (1972) traces the history of posguerra dei East End, and interprets the succession of working-class youth styles as a series of rescreative proposals to changing conditions. Enter the notion that the style represents a "resolution macal "of contradictions lived. Awopbopaloobop Alopbamboom (Paladin, 1970; trad. cast.: Awopbopaloobop Alopbamboom, Barcelona, Ballantine Books, 2003), Nik Cohn, Revolt into Styyou (1972), Melly, and Bomb Culture (1969), Nuttall, chronicles continue enclosing most stimulating and evocadoras of the first two decades of music rock and British youth cultures that proliferated its around. Although limited to a few notable American field ai exceptions, all the work of Tom Wolfe worth reading. Combining observation and empathy, Wolfe manages to catch the unique flavor of each subculture, both his "sensitivity" as the exclusive meaning of the ritual, the slang and the value system that used to be defined. See Wolfe plus (1966 and 1969), Radical Chie and Mau-Mauing the FlakCatchers (Bantam, 1971), an amusing study of the ob-

240

Subculture

Further Reading

241

session, typical of radical intellectuals to cultivate friendships and causes marginal proscribed. Tarnbin The Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test (Bantam, 1969), where WolFaith keeps track of Ken Kesey and the Pranksters-gruanarchists po perpetual state of hallucination-a aboard a "magic bus" that crosses America era hippie. Written in the same vein, Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas (Hunter S. Thompson, Paladin, 1974; trad. cast: Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas, Barcelona, Anagrama, 2000), even without specifically addressing the subculture, is an extension dei After brilliantly subversivetranscendental American Journey (Ia Conquest West DEI) empinned by the author and his attorney under the influence of a wide array of drugs. Thompson tamis also responsible for a chronic, as observed tion participant, a North American-biker gang us, under the title of Hey! ' sAngels (Penguin, 1967; trad. cast.: Dei Hell's Angels, Barcelona, Anagrama, 1998) ends, so fed up convincing the Thompson himself seriously "trampled" by his "theme of study. " For a brief discussion Dei Dei meaning British subcultural style, see J. Nuttall, "Techniques of Separation "in Tony Cash (ed.), Anatomy of Pop, BBC, 1970.

to passing through the creation of an image, the distillate and promotion of a musical style to production and distribution dei actual musical product. The Story of Pop (Phoenix Press, 1975) and All Our Loving (T. Palmer, Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1976) are "coffee table books' [large format picture books] writing accessible and visually stimulating, although Palmer offers a rather tendentious and sometimes questionable. The Pop Process (Hutchinson, 1969), R. Mabey, is a "critical exploration" world Dei music pop sixties, although the emphasis on "goingvalue "of the letters seems pass now. See also D. Laing, "The Decline and Fali of British Rhythm and Blues "in Eisen (ed.), Age of Rock (Random House, 1969) and "Musical Developments in Pop "in Cash (1970). The Encyclopaedia of Rock (D Laing and P. Hardy [eds.]), Is a useful reference work containing information on all major international preters' compaas producers and record labels from 1955 to 1975. For soul American black, see C. Gillett (1969), P. Garland, The Sound ofSoul (Chicago, 1969) and "A Whiter Shade of Black" in Eisen (ed.), 1969. Also L. Jones, Black Music (ApoUo, 1968, trans. cast.: Black music, Gijn, Jcar, 1986).

Music Beats andhipsters The Sociology of Rock (Constable, 1976, trans. Cast.: Sociology dei rock, Gijn, Jcar, 1980), Simon Frith, offers the first detailed analysis of the industry music rock from discovery Dei young talents See bibliography attached to A. Goldman (1974), R. Russell (1972), H. Finestone (1964), L. Jones (1975), N. Hentoff (1964), N. Mailer (1968), J. Kerouac

242

Subculture

READING Sutras

243

(1958), H. Becker (1963 and 1964). Also, The Urban Villagers (Glencoe, 1963), H. Gans, is a study of American bohemia in the late fifties, and Hustlers, Beats and Others (Penguin, 1971), N. Polsky, and contain a fascinating research hustler on bile rooms includes an inessay on the role of marijuana in the world globetrotter beats and marginalized. For context-jaz zstico, see Jazz Masters of the Forties (Macrnillan, 1966) of I. Gitler, The Reluctant Art (Lancer Books, 1967) of B. Green and Freakshow (Atheneum, 1971), A. Goldman. For the literary context, see Junkie (Trans. cast.: Junkie, Barcelona, Anagram, 1997) and The Naked Lunch (Corgi, 1970, trans. Cast.: EI Naked Lunch Barcelona, Bruguera, 1981), by William Burroughs, and Dharma Bums (Panther, 1972, trans. Cast.: The bumstwo dei Dharma, Barcelona, Anagram, 2000), Jack Kerouac. Also excellent biography Kerouac (Picador, 1978), Ann Charters.

(1970), a study of the reactions in the co-media ai communication style teddy boy, and J. Sandilands' Whatesee happened to the Teddy Boys? "(in the Daily Telegraph Magazine, November 29, 1968).

Mods See bibliography for D. Laing (1969), S. Cohen (1972), D. Hamblett and J. Deverson (1964). "The Style of the Mods' of D. Hebdige, offers a reading style dei mod highlighting the simultaneous subversion and fetichizacin symbolic of goods by mods. EI study devoted to Gary Herman The Who (Studio Vista, 1971) is one of the first attempts to relate the style and success of a group pop with a specific subculture. See also "The Mods" of K. Hatton, in the Sunday Times Colour Magazine dei August 2, 1964, a photo tour with quotes drawn from interviews mods. After writing dei libro, there was a vai mod revi which attracted the attention of Who the press when recreated clashes mods-rockers for film Quadrophenia (See Ilody Maker, October 24, 1978).

Teddy boys See Jefferson (1976). Jefferson considered the style teddy boy as expressing reality as dei group aspirations. The Insecure Offenders (Chatto and Windus, 1963), T. Fyvel contains a ai contemporary response phenomenon teddy boy, View from the Boys (David & Charles, 1974), H. Parker, chronicles crime dei Clapham Common in 1953 who contributed so much to establish the reputation violent the teddy boys. See also S. Cohen and P. Rock

Skinheads J. Clarke (1976) interprets the style skinhead as an attempt to revive the weakened chauvinism of traditional working culture to counter the advance dei consumerism and gentrification. The Paint Hou-

244

Subculture

READING DTRAS

245

are: Wordsfrom and East End Gang (Daniel S. and P. MeGuire [eds.], 1972) contains transcripts of contalks with a group of skinheads London and composes a true (and depressing) portrait of lives trapped between school, home and work is not qualitative fied. See also 'Skins Rule "of P. Fowler, in Rock File (C. Gillett [comp.], New Ingls Library, 1970).

Reggae, Rastas andrudies For a complete description of the first time DEI Rastafarian movement in Jamaica and a detailed exposition of the aspirations and beliefs Dei movement, see M. G. Smith, R. Angier, R. Nettleford, The Ras Tafarian Movement in Kingston, Jamaica (Lnstitute for Social and Economic Research, UCWI, Kingston, Jamaica). Mirrar, Mirror (William Collins and Sangster, Jamaica, 1970), Rex Nettleford, and The Rastafarians (Heinemann, 1977), L. E. Barrett, put the motion in the context of an old tradition resistance colonization in the Caribbean. Composite conversations tions with Rastafarian Dread: The Rastafarians (Sangster, 1976), J. Owens, attests to the complexity and depth ity of religious convictions dreadlocks, as well as persuasive dei dei figurative language use by individuals Dei movement. For a DEI reggae in Jamaica, see Reggae Bloodlines (S. Davis and P. Simon, Anchor, 1977). For black youth in Britain, see D. Hiro (1972) and D. Hebdige (1976). Also C. McGlashave, "Reggae, reggae, reggae 'in Sunday Times Colour Magazine (February 4, 1973) contains interviews tas with musicians reggae and figures Dei 'sound-system', and as a description of a party 'blues-Saturday night. Black youth and the Survival Game in Britain (Zulu Press, 1973), V. Hines, is, as its youter, everyday experience of disadvantage. See also Hall et al (1978). In the music press apregular articles on the cen reggae and setting both British and Jamaican culture. See special-

Hippies A late sixties saw the light an enormous amount tion of books from and about the counterculture, but two stand out as representative of the experiexperience hippie: together PlayPower (Paladin, 1971), R. Neville, and The Making of the Counter Culture (Faber, 1971, trans. Cast.: The birth of a counterculture, Barcelona, Kairs, 1984) of T. Roszack offer reasonably complete chronicle Dei movement in Britain and the United States. See also J. Young (1971) and "The Hippies: An Essay in the Politics of Leisure ', in I. Taylor and L. Taylor (eds.) (1973). Other readings may be Do It! Scenarios of the Revolution, J. Rubin, criticism of "Arnerika" and deDeclaration of intent anarchist tone. Rubin was spokesman of the Yippies (A politically militant branch sentative of the hippies partially indebted to the foltuacionistas Paris). Who better explains the transition of hippie toyippie Rubin is himself: "The Yippies are hippies cops who have stuck in your head. "

246

Subculture

mind Black Echoes, Black Music, New Musical Express andSounds.

Index of names and

Punk It is still early to make a comprehensive assessment or existing reliable chronicles the subculture punk. While writing this book, only two studies seem pomore interest aliyah seer of the ephemeral. F. and J. Vermorel (1978) provide a description of the first acceptable year history of the Sex Pistols. The Boy Looked at Johnny (Pluto Press, 1978), T. Parker and J. Burchill is proclaims' dei obituary rock 'n roll " Written by exaggerated tabloid style, the book is a journey by the dubious ethics dei rock, that emphasis in the disjunction between aspirations dei punk and logros. The authors write with the fervor of those sour still have not recovered from a disappointment grau, but any case offers a genuine chronic ellibro "from dentro "of the subculture punk. See any edition tarnbin tion dei New Musical Express from November 1976 until June 1978.

Figures in bold indicate a primary reference. 100 Club, 195n Abrams, M., 206N, 207n Gentrification, see Class social, alleged disappearance tion of Angier, R., 245 Animais, The, 204N Ants, The, 153 Aragon, L., 175 Archer, T., 106, 206-207n "Shuffling", 62, 198n Asian culture, 84 Aswaad, 49

Battleship Potemkin, The, 172

Alternative T.V., 95 Althusser, L., 26, 29, 118, 141 142 181 194 n Transactional Analysis, 236-237, 237-238 Amphetamines and northern soul, 49 and mods, 77, 78, 144-145 Ylos punks, 159

Balibar, E., 29, 142 Young Band, 237-239 Barker, P., 202n Barrett, L. E., 245 Barstow, S., 206N Barthes, R., 22-25, 31-32, 34, 93, 134, 136, 140-141, 171-173, 173-174, 186-187, 190-191

Inflemo dei Angeles, The, 240

248 "Battlets) on Orange Street", 58 Beatlemania, 216N Beats, 69, 70-72, 75-76 bibliography, 239-240 and e1 Jazz Festival Newport, 200n and Lenny Bruce, 200n "Be Bop a Lula ", 74 Becker, H., 234 "Belsen was a Gas" 15t Berger, J., 104 Bible black consciousness, 51 53, 184-185, 195-196N Big Youth, 59, 198n "B1ack Man Time", 86 Black Slate, 49 Bland, Bobby, 198n, 205n Blondie, 205n Bluebeat, 73 Blaes, 73, 195-196 Blythe, R., 77, 202n Bolan, Marc, 89 Bowie, David, 41,44,45,86-89, 122-123, 161 Braine, J., 206N Brecht, B., 31, 152, 164, 217n Breton, A., 93, 145-146, 167, 219n DIY, 143-145, 146, 158, 169-170.219 n Brook, E., 206N Brook-Partridge, B., 211 n Brown, James, 78, 79, 198n, 204-205n Bruce, Lenny, 200n Burchill, J., 246 Burroughs, W., 39, 44, 242

SUBCULTliRA

NAMES AND INDEX

249 Dandy, 45, 88 fin-de-siecle, 201 n Daniel, S., 243-244 Davis, Miles, 64 Davis, S., 245 Dean, James, 117 Dekker.Desrnond, 197n Deverson, J., 79, 221n Diamond Dogs, 44 Dickens, c., 106 Disco, 86 "Do not l touch-Man Locks " 196N Doug1as, M., 127 Downes, O., 105, 206N, 239 Dread / fear, 55, 57, 59, 197n Dr. Fee1good, 41 Dub, 56,57,59,197 n punk dub, 98, 204N see also Reggae Duchamp. M, 147 Duke Ellington, 199n

Campbell, A., 238 Carib Club dei process, 56-57, 60, 197n Cari-festa, 196N Carter, A., 88, 203n Cash, T., 240, 241 Chambers 1., 72 Charters, A., 242 Cimarons, The, 49 Clapham Common, crime, 240 Clarke, J., 81, 82-83, 84, 131 132, 144, 237 Clarke, Tony, 78 Class social, 29, 30 alleged disappearance, 104-105,205-2060,207 n and glam rock, 86-89, 122 123 and punk 90-91, 93, 94-95, 96-97, 149, 153-154, 160, 167-168 And the reggae, 57 and hegemony, 31-32 and beats, 71 and hipsters, 71 and mods, 120-121, 202n and skinheads, 80-84, 106 109, 110, 167 Andthe teddy boys, 74 to 75.115, 116-117.202 n and significance, 33 C1ash, The, 44, 46, 95,151,152, 214 CND ,75-76 Cochrane, Eddie, 117

Cohen, A., 107, 237 Cohen, P., 80-81, 84, 108-111, 169, 189.239 Cohen, S., 80, 133, 202n, 209N, 236-237,242-243 Cohn, N., 239 Collage, 145-146, 177, 178 Colonialism and awareness negra, 50-54, 184-185 Coltrane, John, 64 Conrad, J., 221n Counterculture, 87, 200-2010 see also Hippies; Yippies Coronation Street, 121 Corrigan, P., 56 Costello, E., 204N Count Basie, 199n Country and western, 73 Coward, R., 208N 'Crazy ba1dhead "203n Crime, 42 Culler, J., 177 Culture, 17 to 22.2150 construct of "idealistic" 208N as a standard of excellence, 19.175 to 176, 193n as a whole way of vida, 19,20,24, 176 versus natura1eza, 127 and subculture, 176, 186 Culture, 95 Cut-ups, 147-149, 178 see also Punk

Eco, V., 139, 140, 145 Eisenstein, S. M., 172 Yel assembly 217n Eliot, T. S., 19, 186, 187 Eluard, P., 212n 'EM! "214n 'Entertainer (I'm the) ", 78 Slavery see Colonialism andblack consciousness School, counterculture, 221n, 239 School studies deviation tion of Chicago, 106, 111 Spectacle see Subcu1tura

Dada, 93, 145-147, 152, 212n

250 Style as appropriation, 33-35 as rejection, 13-16 black styles, 56, 62, 63-64, 64-66 Andrelations with the estiwhites, 64-67 and relations with the meCommunication days, Frith, S. 240-241 Fyvel, T., 242

Subculture

INDEX AND NDMBRES

251 and heavy metal, 208-209N and festivals, 216N and skinheads, 171, 177 Hipsters, 69-72 bibliography, 241-242 environment, 200n style, 72, 200n community relations Black, 72-73 and drug use, 198 199n see also Jazz Hiro, D., 63, 195n "Homology," 157-162 Hussey, Derrnott, 197n

Creasers, 66, 177

Green, B. 240 Grosz, G., 147 Grotesque, Paul, 204N Grunwick, 121

118-123,194-195 n
see also Subculture;

Mod, Rocker, Skinhead; Punk, rock Clam; Soul brother, Hipster, Beat; Teddy boy; Rastafarianmechanism, etc. Contemporary cultural studiesneos, 20, 22-23, 189-190 Labeling, 130, 189-190, 236-237 see also Analysis transaccional

Football hooliganism, 134 Canja, see Marijuana Gans, H., 242 Garfinkel, H., 154 Geertz, C., 130 Genet, J., \ 3-16,34-35,49,54, 94, 174, 183-186, 187-188, 190.202 n, 203n, 220n, 221n Gibson, Harry "the Hipster"

200n
Gilbert and George, 151, 215-216N Giles, 75 Gillespie, Dizzy, 200n Gillett, c., 198n, 205n, 241 Gitler, 1., 242

Speech, 163 Hall, S., 25-26, 28, 29, 30-32, 46-47, 82, 112, 118-119, 126,130,134,158-159,168, 200-201N, 209N, 237, 245 Hamblett, C., 79, 221n Hannerz, U., 196N, 198n

Happy Days, 115

Hardy, P., 241 Hartley, J., 209N Harvey, S., 217n Hatton, K., 243 Hawkes, T., 22.143-144 "Heartbreak Hotel", 74 Heartbreakers, The, 41 Heath, S., 172 Heavy metal, 117, 150, 208 209N Hebdige, D., 85, 243, 245 Hegemony, 31-32 cornunicacin and stockings, 118-119.209 n Hell, Richard, 41, 44, 89, 90, 204N Hentoff, N., 198-1990, 199n, 200n Herder, J. G. 19 Herrnan, G., 243 Hines, V., 245 Hippies, 80, 132-133, 150, 168 literature, 239, 240, 244 and dance, 157-158

Clam rock, 85.89

style, 86-89 disappearance dei, 89-90 and gender, 122-123 and punk 41-42, 43-44, 90, 97 and the "crisis", 88 see also Bowie Glitter, Gary, 89

Clitter rock, see Clam rock

Fame, Georgie and the Blue Flamonth, 204-205n Fanon, F., 189-190 Fanzines, see Punk Finchley Boys, The, 153 Finestone, H., 199n Finn, E., 206N Fiske, J., 209N Flower power, see Countercultural ture "Folk devil", \ 30.21 In see also Moral panic Four Aces, The, 59 Fowler, P., 244 Godelier, M., 25 "God Save the Queen (No Future) ', 88, 92, 155 Goffman, E., 215 Goldman, A., 71, 76, 2000, 202n, 242

Cospe /, 73
Gramsci, A., 31, 32.112 Gray, Dobie, 78

Ethnicity / eetnicidad , 56, 91-92 andthe punk, 89-96 see also Blackness Ideology 'Anonymous', 22, 24-25 as 'false consciousness', 26 as a system of representation tion, 26-28,125-126 as world dei vision, 26 ideology generally 29 dominant ideologies and hisbordinadas, 29-30, 31-32 ideological integration subculture, 132-137 and Althusser, 26-27 and the "ideological effect" of media, 118-119, 209N and reproduction, 27, 29, 32, 180-181 Common Ysentido, 25-26, 27-28

252 and significance, 27-28, 32 33, 34, 66, 82, 164-65

Subculture

NAMES AND INDEX

253 noted as a group, 141 in the media of communication tion, 129, 136, 170 DIY style as, 144-145 "Hard mods", 80

Youth ,45,82,103-106, 205n, 207n

see also Naturalization

"If Vou Do not Want to Fuck Me, fuck off ' 151 Iggy Pop, 41 "In Crowd, rne-, 78 Immigration experience, 61-67 and employment schemes, 56, 61, 63.64 I-Roy, 86, 195n "I Stupid ', 42 << 1 Wanna be Sick on You ' 151 Ken Kesey and the Pranksters, 240 Kenniston, K., 205n Kerouac, J., 69, 71, 242 Kidel, M., 49 Kristeva, J., 165-166, 171, 173, 176-177,218-219 n

Jackson, G., 183-185 Jagger, Mick, 45, 204N Jam, The, 204N Jarman, D., 92 Jarry, A., 53, 142 Jazz, 21, 49, 61, 64, 66, 97 be-bap, 70-71, 199n edge, 97 Newport Jazz Festival, 200n modern, 66, 76, 97 New York Sound, 199-2oon swing, 70, 199n trad, 75 and drugs, 198-199n, 200n and miscegenation, 69-71, 72, 74 Jefferson, T., 74, 81.201 n, 202n "Johnny Too Bad ', 197n Jones, L., 196N, 199n, 239 Jones, Steve, 43 Jordan, 45, 92, 153 Jubilee 92

Lacan, J., 208N, 219n Lackner, H., 165 Ladywood, 121 Laing, D., 77, 241 Lautramont, Earl of, 146 Lawrence, T. E., 221n "Leapniks', 150 Lefebvre, H., 32, 33, 128, 132, 162 Language, 163 Letts, Don, 46 Levi-Strauss, c., 127-128, 143, 152.157 Lewis, Lew, 41 Lewisham, 121 Butler Act, 105 "Lightning Flash (Weak Heart Drop) >>, 59 Lipton, M., 211N Livingstone, Dandy, 197n Lockwood, 205-206N London SS, 194n Lord Buckley, 200n

'Madness', 78 Mailer, N., 71, 72, 241 Malraux, A., 221n Manley, M., 55, 196N Marcuse, H., 152, 189 Marijuana ganja ,49,55-56, 196N "Grass", 56, 61, 71 Yetiquetamiento, 236 Mark P, 153 Mark, Sir R., 197n Marley, Bob, 49, 98 Marsh, P., 238 Marx, K., 24, 25, 30, 112, 132, 210N Masson, A., 178 Matias, D., 165 Matumbi, 49 Matza, D., 107-108, 207n, 237 238 Mayhew, H., 106.206-207n McIntosh, M., 237 McGlashan, C., 245 McGuire, P., 243-244 Melly, G., 45, 66,114,116,150, N 171,175,201, 239 Mepham, J., 126, 160 to 161.214 215N Michelson, A., 145 Miller, W., 107.237 Millet, K., 203n, 220n MiIls, C. Wright, 205-206N Mink DeViIle, 205n Minton's, 199n Mad literature, 246 decline, 79-80

mods originalescontra "Scooter boys' 169 clothing and style, 76-77, 144,145 and trade of fashion 131.136 and black style, 66, 76-77 and moral panic, 129, 209N, 21On, 211N and labor, 78, 110-111, 202n and parental culture, I10 111.221 n and music, 77-78, 98 andthe 'Option ascending " 80109120-121 and drugs, 78 and punks, 41, 42-43, 92, IOn 169 to 170.2 and teds, 113 Monk, Thelonious, 200n Montherlant, 221 n Morrison, A., 106 Matarbike boys, 157.239 Mungham, G., 149, 215N Murvin, Junior, 58

Mabey, R., 241 MacCabe, c., 164

Nashville Rooms, 194n National Front, 95, 203n "Natty not Jester" 198n Naturalization, 26-28, 29, 31, 34,35,125-126

254
subculture as resistance

Subculture

NAMES AND INDEX

255 and the fashion business, 131-133.212 n andRastafarianism e1, 46, 91 94.95 to 96 and reggae, 41-42, 45-46, 91-93,94-95,95-99,180 and the "crisis", 39-41, 43, 92, 93-94,121-122,159 parental and culture, 111, 167 and the swastika, 161-162 and 'modernity', 160 and measurement of communication you tion, 42, 121-123, 128 129, 134-136, 147-149,

the, 34, 125-128, 169-170 and apparel, 139-142 see also Sense cocommon; Ideology
Navarro, Fats, 199n

Nuttall, J., 176, 178, 219n, 239 240 Observaci6n participant, 106 107, 207n, 215N, 218.219 n, 237.240 "Oh Bondage, Up Yours! ', 159 Owens, J., 245

Negtitud, 50-51, 57-58 whites as myth, 70-72,78-79,91-92 dialect and skinheads, 92 Indian style in black, 63-65, 84-85 in eljazz, 64 in the reggae, 57-60, 62, 64 in the soul, 195-196N and language, 49-51, 54-55, 82-83, 91-92, 184-185, 195n, 202n see also Ethnic identity-

Palmer, T., 241 Moral panic, 122, 133-134 and eljazz, 70 and punk 194-195n, 209 21On, 21On, 211N and mods, 129, 209N, 210N, 211N see also Analysis tran-

saccional nica

Nett1eford, R., 245 Neville, R., 244 Newport Jazz Festival, 200n News at Ten, 40, 134 New Wave, Punk see New York Sound, 199-200n Nochlin, L., 201N Standardization, see Naturalization

"Papa's Got a Brand New Bag" 78 Parker, Charlie "Bird", 71, 199n,

200n
Parker, H., 242 Parker, T., 246 Parkin, F., 205-206N Performance, 45 Picconne, P., 160, 168 Picket, Wilson, 205n 'Pinhead', 42 "Police and (the) Thieves', 58 Polysemy, 163 Po1sky, N., 242 Po1y Styrene, 159 Pretty Things, The, 204N Prince Buster, 58, 78 Problematic, 194n Mangrove Process, 56-57

tion

Oval Process, 57 Pub-rock, 41 Punk dei style analysis, 158-162, 166-171,173-174 "Authentic" versus "punPlastic kis', 168-169 dance, 149-151 literature, 246 Elase, 90-91, 93, 94, 97.149, 153-154, 160, 167-168 as irreverent culture, 35, 127-128, 147-155, 159 as "spectacle", 121-122, 133-137 as 'noise', 122, 157, 159 160, 167 detivaci6n of the word, 216N dseo and typography, 154-155 fanzines ,153-155 clothing, 42-43, 46, 94, 141.147 to 149 influences on e1 and origins tions, 41-43 music, 41-42, 151-153, 159, 204N, 214n punk American, 42, 44.205 n "Empty" 34, 45, 90, 93, 99, 162.166 to 168 And "cut-ups" 44, 146-147, 159, 170.205 n and avant-garde art, 44, 145-147 black style and e1, 46, 66-67, 89 to 99.204 n and glam rock, 42, 90 to 91.97

2] On
and mods, 41, 42-43, 92, 169-170, 210N, 211N and skinheads, 166-167, 220n and teddy boys, 96, 114, 117, 161-162, 170-171, IOn 177.2 and moral panic, 194-195n, 209-2IOn, 21On, 211N and"Perversion" sexual, 149 Punk dub, see Dub Punk (The movie), 46

Northern soul, 41,42,117 Nottingharn, race riots at, 61 Notting Hill Carnival, 40-41, 46,57,60,121 and 'sound-systems', 197n Notting Hill riots racia1es of, 61

Quinton Boys, the, 236 Raees, 89 Rainbow Theatre, 152, 214n Ramones, The, 41 Rastafarianism "Authentic" versus "dreadlocks salon ", 168-169

256 literature, 245 as style, 56, 64-65, 196N, 198n emblems, 54, 196N
origins and relationships Edo the

Subculture

NAMES AND INDEX

257 Sham 69, 220n Shangri-Las, The, 205n "Shanty Town ' 197n Shepp, Archie, 64 Significance, 28.31 to 32.33, 181 comunicaci6n intentional 139-142 and ideology, 33, 34, 66-67 signifying practice, 162 165, 218-219n signifier and signified, 193-194n and class, 33 and connotative codes, 28 and sign, 144, 193-194n see also Semiotics
'Significance', 171-174

Christian mythology, 52 54, 195-196N yel reggae, 55-60 and soul, 195-196N and punks, 46, 91-94, 95 96 and skinheads, 85-86 Read, Sir John, 137, 213n Realism, 163-164, 217n Reco, 55 Redding, Otis, 205n Reed, Lou, 89, 161 Reggae bibliography, 245-246 'Humble Lion', 65, 198n influence of crystal ig1esia Tiana, 50 relationships with rock, 45 46,49,97-99 "Rockers" 1970 and punk 42, 43-44, 45-46, 91-92,98-99,180 and the Third World, 196N and 'Africanization', 50-51, 52.57-6O ,61-62, 93.196 n and Jamaican politics, 196N and skinheads, 81, 81-82, 84-85 and Rastafarianism, 55-60 see also Rastafarianagency; Rocksteady, Ska; Dub

Back to Africa, 50, 65-66, 91 see also Africanizationtion in e1 reggae Rejects, The, 151 Reverdy, P., 146 Revival Can the fortyvey Island, 41 Rhodes, Zandra, 133 Rhythm 'n blues U.S., 64, 74, 80, 195 196N British, 41-42, 98, 204 205n, 241 Richman, Jonathan, 207n Rimbaud, A., 44 "Roadrunner" 207n Roberts, B., 207n, 237 Rock acid rock, 80, 158 the establishment rock and punk 121 relations with the reggae, 45 46.49, 97-99 and riots, 216N Rock against Racism, 88, 95, 161 Rockers against mods, 76 to 77.171, 177 Andemployment, 202n and clothing, 177-178 "Rockers" see Reggae Rock 'n' roll, 70, 73, 74, 75 Rock, P., 235, 242-243 Rocksteady, 57, 80, 195n, 197n Rolling Stones, The, 204N Romeo, Max, 58

Roszack, T, 244 Rotten, Johnny, 45-46, 128, 135, 151, 194n, 204N, 214n Roxy Club, 46, 95
Roxy Music, 88, 89

Rubin, J., 242 'Rude Boy', 197n Rude boys, 57, 65, 81, 85, 87, 92.197 n "Rudy A Message to You ' 197n "Ru1e Britannia '. 92 Russell, R., 200n

Sandilands, J., 243 Sartre, J. P., 45, 189, 203n, 220n Saunders, Pharoah, 64 Saussure, F. of, 22, 193-194n "Say it Loud (I'm Black and I'm Proud) " 198n Scholte, B., 219-220n Seditionaries (store), 45 Selassie, Haille, 53 Semi otic, 21-22, 193-194n and ideology, 28 structuralist against postestructura1ista, 162 166 in Kristeva, 218n see also Significance Sense common 23, 25-26, 28 see also Ideology;
Naturalization

Sillitoe, A., 206N Simon, P. 245 Simpson, Dr. George, 209N Siouxsie and the Banshees, 153 Situationists, 244 Ska, 55,57,64, 73,80,98, 195n Skinheads antagonism toward punks, 2200 bibliography, 243-244 compared punks, 166-167 style, 80-85, 92 versus hippies, 171, 177 origins in e1 mod, 79-80 Puritanism, 80 and"Aburguesamicnto ', 80, 83, 84
and "perhaps the paquistaSunnis' 84

Sex (store), 44, 45 Sex Boys, The, 238 Sex Pistols, The, 43, 88, 92, 125, 127, 129, 147, 151, 153, 194n, 209-21On

258 and reggae, 80, 81-82, 84 85, 220n and black style, 66, 79-85 Andtraditional working community tional, 80-84, 110, 167 And the "option down" 80.120 to 121 Skrewdriver, 220n Slickers, The, 197n Slits, The, 95 Small Faces, The, 204N Smith, M. G. 245 Smith, Patti, 44 Sontag, S., 221-222N Soul, 77-78, 86, 98, 195-196N, 198n, 204-205n, 241 style hrother soul, 64 "Sound-systern ', 56, 59-60 see also "Talk-over ' Stardust, Alvin, 89 Steel Pulse, 49 Stranglers, The, 153 Subculture, 13-16, 33 as art, 175-179 culture as "profane", 127 as 'Noise', 125-128, 180 181 differences from the criminal gang, 238-239 domestication of, 130, 133-137, 212n ideological integration, 133-137 and class, 104-110, 119-120, 207n and performance, 14, 21, 121 122, 133-134, 178

Subculture

NAMES AND INDEX

259 "War inna Babylon ', 58 "Watching the Detectives" 204N Westergaard, J., 206N Westwood, Vivien, 148 White, A., 165, 218n, 219n "White Riot", 46.152, 214n Whyte, W. Foote, 106 Who, The, 44.204 n Willett, J., see Brecht Williams, R., 18-19,20,21,24, 193n Willis, P., 157-158, 183, 221n, 239 Willmott, P., 105-106, 108, 206N, 239 Winick, c., 199n, 216N Wolfe, T., 76, 77, 216N, 239 240 Worst, The, 151

and youth, 205n and communication medium, 117-123, 128-130, 133 137 Andgoods, 131-133, 175 178 and signifying practice, 119 120.169 to 174 And race relations, 46 47,64-67,81-83,96-99, 179-180 and resistance 34, 35, 65, 219n see also Style Surrealism, 145-146, 152 decline, 178, 212N, 215N

And the race riots of

Notting Hill, 75, 20ln Tel Quel group, 163-165, 217n Them, 204N Thompson, E. P., 24, 205-206N Thompson, H. S., 240 Thrasher, F., 106 'Toast' see "Talk-over '

Today, 129.209 n Tolson, A., 198n Cornrows / dreadlocks, 54, 56, 65, 65, 91,95,196 n

Unwanted, The, 151 Subterranean values, 66, 107 108, 181, 207n, 238 Vermorel, Fand V., 213n, 246 Vicious, Sid, 153, 204N Vincent, Gene, 74 Volosinov, V. N., 28, 33

"Talk-over ', 55, 59, 195n, 197n Taylor, 1., 45, 84, 85, 87, 89, 236 to 237.244 Taylor, L., 236-237, 244 Theatre 'epic', see Brecht Teddy boys literature, 242-243 second generation frenyou to the original 96, 113-117 style, 116-117 versus punks, 113-117, 161-162, 170-171, 219n Puritanism, 115, 116 AndEdwardian, 74, 116 117, 144 Andblack styles, 66-67,74-76 Andthe "crisis", 114, 115-116 Andparental culture, 114 115.116 to 117

Wailers, The, 197n Wall, O., 45, 84, 85, 87, 89 Warhol, Andy, 44

Yardbirds, The, 204N Yippies, see Counterculture Young, J., 66, 207n, 236, 244

Zoot Money, 204N