ndice

Ecological jewel in danger Who will control immigrant labor? Signs of life? Witch hunting and children Authority Intelligent life beyond the solar system Earths temperature is rising Comets Stigmatization Temples War Intelligent children Neanderthal man Equality of educational opportunity Art and cities The functional education Strong massages to censors The birth of modern dance Answer

Ecological Jewel in Danger

Instrucciones: Lea cuidadosamente el siguiente artculo e indique si cada uno de los enunciados que lo siguen es verdadero (V) o falso (F), segn lo dicho en el texto. Madagascar is an island off the East Africa coast and it is to todays naturalist what the Galapagos Islands off South America were to Charles Darwin, a study in evolution. But the islands unique and diverse plant and animal life is under grave threat as man continues to torch the forest to clear the land in what one newspaper calls a kind of national pyromania. As a result, heading off the destruction of Madagascars fragile habitat has become the premier goal of many international environment groups. After Madagascar split from the African mainland more than 150 million years ago, its plants and animals went on their own evolutionary course. Some became extinct, like the pygmy hippopotamus, elephant bird and giant lemurs. There was a tremendous explosion of different forms from very, very few ancestors, said Dr. Martin Nicoll, a zoologist who represents the World Wildlife Fund here. Madagascar lets you look at the limits of adaptability. You can make really nice biological comparisons. What do the plants have to do, for example, to live in a desert? Madagascars terrain ranges from rain forest to prairie to desert. Ninety percent of the plant and animal species on the 226,658 square mile island are found nowhere else: from the lovable lemurs to hundred of species of orchids and more than 350 species of amphibians and reptiles. There are 29 species of lemurs, primates whose name comes from the Latin word for ghosts because of their largely nocturnal habits. The closest living descendants of the common ancestor of humans, monkeys and apes, lemurs were displaced by monkeys elsewhere in the world. Here they had a chance to survive in isolation. Madagascars equivalent of the woodpecker is a lemur called an aye-aye. It detects insect larvae moving in decaying trees with its sharp ears and then uses a skinny middle finger to reach in and pull them out. The largest lemur is the indri, a black-and-white creature that weights about 15 pounds at adulthood and can leap 20 feet from treetop to treetop.

The indris, whose haunting calls are reminiscent of sounds emitted by great whales, are the main attraction for the small but growing number of tourists who visit this small reserve about 60 miles east of the capital of Antananarivo. A short walk through a rain forest, led by a guide, inevitably turns up a family of the indris, staring down with their Teddy-Bear-like faces, bemused but not much interest in their visitors. The humans, whose slash-and-burn agricultural methods now threaten wildlife and the nations watershed, are late arrivals, coming from Africa and the Malay Archipielago only 1,500 years ago. Fourteen species of lemurs have become extinct since humans arrived, and ecologists fear other are in danger of joining them. The islands population has more than doubled since 1950, and now exceeds 11 million. Farmers are so desperate for land they are felling trees on 70 degrees slopes. Four-fifths of the islands land is barren and its forests have been reduced by half in the past three decades. The governments agriculture department long encourage farmers to cut trees and burn the stumps to clear the ground for cash crops. The savanna is burned to produce tender shoots for an estimated 10 million zebu cattle. In the West and in the East, not far from the capital, the fires continues to burn, says US Ambassador Patricia Gates Lynch. Sometimes you see the smoke trapped right here in the city. The government and environmental organizations are working together now to discourage slash-and-burn land clearing, through the education proceeds is slow. Its primarily a human problem, says Prime Minister Victor Ramahatra. We must teach people that the natural environment is their principal source of wealth.

QUESTIONS
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Madagascar es comparable a las islas Galpagos en que en ella tambin se podra estudiar la evolucin. La vida silvestre de Madagascar est amenazada por la quema de bosques. No se pone suficiente atencin a Madagascar. Madagascar tiene una vida semejante a la de frica. Los lmures gigantes habitan Madagascar actualmente. En Madagascar se puede estudiar la desaparicin de plantas por desertificacin. El paisaje en Madagascar es variado. La mayora de plantas y animales de Madagascar procede de otros lugares. Hasta ahora se ha registrado la desaparicin de cientos de especies de orqudeas de Madagascar. V F V F V F V F V F V F V F V F V F V F V F V F V F V F V F V F V F V F

10. En Madagascar viven los ancestros ms prximos del hombre. 11. Los monos han desplazado a los lmures en esta isla. 12. El aye-aye es un lmur que extrae larvas de insectos de los rboles para alimentarse. 13. Los indris son una atraccin para in gran nmero de turistas. 14. Los indris huyen ante un gran nmero de visitantes. 15. El hombre lleg a Madagascar antes de Cristo. 16. El hombre ha ido destruyendo las selvas de la isla en las tres ltimas dcadas. 17. El departamento de Agricultura de Madagascar se opuso a la quema de zonas verdes. 18. La sabana es el lugar donde se produce el alimento del ganado

Who Will Control Immigrant Labor?

Instrucciones: Lea el siguiente artculo una vez hasta el final. Despus relalo y escoja de la lista de palabras presentadas ms adelante la que corresponde a cada espacio en blanco.

The ever greater role of Mexican and other immigrant workers in the US economy and their exploitation at the hands of agricultural, industrial and service employers produced two interrelated developments in the late seventies. On the other hand, there were numerous efforts by the immigrants to organized themselves into unions and other forms of class organizations. On the other hand, federal, state and local governments moved to better control and manipulate the immigrant population and to keep the disorganized divided from the larger working class. The most visible recent (1) of Mexican immigrant workers to (2) themselves date back to the (3) protests against the dragnet (4) pf Chicago barrios begun under the (5) administration. Thousands upon thousands were (6) including many who were legally in the (7) but had no documents to (8) it but the INSs tactics also triggered a (9) and organized response from the (10) and Latino communities, who (11) the slogan, an injury against one is an (12) to all. Community-run legal aid and barrio (13) began to offer their (14) to the undocumented. The defence of the (15) arrived immigrant became relaying cry (16) Chicano/Mexicano student in high schools and (17). And grassroots organizations of (18) workers sprang in Los Angeles, San Diego, Chicago and other (19) to protest their vicious (20) by police and employers. With militant (21) through downtown street picket lines (22) INS headquarters, legal (23) and the garnering of (24) from progressive Anglo and (25) organizations and several trade (26), they let the White House know (27) if it continued this (28) if would have war on (29) hands.

1. a) rebellions b) efforts c) opposition 4. a) houses b) raids c) protection 7. a) studies b) unions c) US 10. a) federal b) Chicano c) class 13. a) policeman b) newspapers c) centres 16. a) two b) many c) no 19. a) governments b) immigrants c) areas 22. a) in the b) far from c) in front of 25. a) employers b) Hispanic c) police 28. a) organization b) president c) tactics

2. a) disorganized b) organize c) attack 5. a) Chicano b) Nixon c) Mexican 8. a) exploit b) prove c) manipulate 11. a) adopted b) attacked c) explained 14. a) control b) movement c) services 17. a) governments b) universities c) primary schools 20. a) studies b) treatment c) alcoholism 23. a) suits b) books c) workers 26. a) unions b) offices c) enemies 29. a) Mexican b) employers c) its

3. a) government b) individual c) mass 6. a) organized b) protected c) deported 9. a) militant b) government c) police 12. a) injury b) service c) protest 15. a) old b) never c) newly 18. a) undocumented b) bad c) deported 21. a) classes b) newspapers c) marches 24. a) support b) opposition c) undocumented 27. a) that b) immigrants c) never

Signs of Life?
Instrucciones: Lea cuidadosamente el siguiente artculo y escoja la opcin que representa con mayor exactitud lo dicho en l.

Scientists disagree on whether the appearance of life on earth was an extraordinary accident or part of an evolutionary process that could have also occurred elsewhere in the universe. One thing is clear, however. Nothing remotely resembling the higher forms of earth life -or an ET- could survive elsewhere in the solar system itself. No other planet in earth's immediate neck of the universe has its benign temperatures, chemical make-up or its air. Other planets have atmospheres, but earth's present lifesustaining mixture of oxygen, nitrogen and carbon dioxide is unique. In a sense, the largely gaseous outer planets are all atmosphere with abundance of methane, nitrogen and ammonia. Their composition has probably changed little since their formation. By contrast, the atmosphere of Mars, Venus and earth itself have undoubtedly undergone big transformations. Initially, all these inner planets must have been cloaked in hydrogen and helium of the solar nebula, but the sporadic, violent outburst from the new-born sun would have stripped much of these primary atmospheres away. Eventually, secondary atmospheres would have formed and gases seeped out of the rocks of the planets and gradually accumulated. Probably the secondary atmospheres consisted initially mainly of water vapour, carbon dioxide and nitrogen -their detailed composition varying with that of their rocks. Today, however, the atmospheres of earth, Mars and Venus differ greatly. Mars has a pitifully thin cloak of nitrogen and carbon dioxide with barely discernible traces of water vapour. Venus is shrouded by dense clouds of sulphuric acid droplets suspended in an atmosphere of carbon dioxide and water vapour; this brew is so thick that its pressure would crush any terrestrial organism on the planet's surface. This difference in atmosphere contributes to differences in the surface temperatures of the planets. The reason is that, while many of the atmospheric gases are transparent to incoming sunlight, they interfere with a return of heat into the space. The upshot is what is known as the greenhouse effect. Venus thick atmosphere bottles up so much heat that (although Venus does not receive much more sunlight than earth) temperatures at the planet's surface reach a searing 1,000 F. Mars, by contrast, is cold although its surface temperature can climb above freezing at times. Such extremes do not rule out any form of life; on earth there are bacteria that can survive extreme cold condition. Britain's colourful astronomer, Sir Fred Hoyle, has revived and polished an old idea that microbes are spread across the galaxy -indeed, that life on earth originated in space. Most biologists are unconvinced, to say the least. Still, the idea that some form of life may exist elsewhere in the solar system persists.

The traditional favourite candidate for aliens is Mars. When an Italian astronomer claimed in the nineteenth century to have spotted mysterious markings -canali- on the red planet, the wealthy American. Percival Lowell, declared that Mars was criss-crossed with a network of canals built by Martian engineers to bring melted polar ice to the arid but warmer equatorial regions, and built a magnificent observatory to chart the canals. Alas, the Mars fly-by in the early 1970s by America's Mariner spacecraft and subsequent landings by two Vikings failed to show any trace of the romantic canals. There was brief excitement when analyses of soil scooped up from Mars and fed with nutrients seemed to produce some chemical reactions consistent with the metabolic activity of earth-like microorganisms. But most scientists reckon the Viking experiments were negative. That does not, of course, prove that there is no life on Mars. Perhaps Martian life is restricted to regions where water is trapped in the soil. Perhaps it has a novel chemistry. Only further analyses of new samples of Martian soil are likely ever to decide the issue. None is now scheduled. Interest now is shifting to the gaseous outer planets and their satellites. After all, life on earth probably first evolved when earth's atmosphere was still a reducing one, devoid of oxygen and rich in the hydrogen, methane and ammonia characteristic of the outer planets. It is possible that life on Saturn, Jupiter or Saturn's huge moon, Titan, is even now at a formative stage. A recent theory even proposes that life in the form of single-celled plant organisms exists on Europe, a moon of Jupiter which is entirely covered in ice. The idea is not so daft as it may seem; organism; are known to live beneath the frozen wastes of Antarctica, trapping the energy of the weak sunlight that manages to penetrate the ice. On Europa, admittedly, the ice is 5km. deep, but gravitational tug-of-war between Jupiter and its big moons, lo and Ganymede, has fractured the icy shell of Europa. There is a tangled mass of crevasses hundreds of kilometers long and dozens wide. These "skylights" would enable the distant sun's feeble light to penetrate deep into Europa's ice sheet, to provide just about enough energy to support rudimentary plant life. It is even possible that there might be enough heat accumulating in such crevasses to create a layer of melt-water which would remain trapped beneath the ice. The result would be a bizarre Darwinian-style "warm little pond" conducive to organic development. All this is sheer speculation. Apparently irresistible speculation. Despite the accumulating dissappointments, man seems determined that he must have company of some sort somewhere in the vastness about his own earth- if not company formed in God's image.

QUESTIONS
1. Los cientficos, segn lo planteado por el artculo. a) tienen dos posiciones distintas sobre la aparicin de la vida en la Tierra. b) coinciden en que la aparicin de la vida en la Tierra se dio, de manera accidental. c) piensan que la vida en la Tierra se dio en forma semejante en cualquier otro lugar del sistema solar. 2. Algunos planetas cercanos a la Tierra a) tienen una composicin qumica parecida a la de nuestro planeta. b) carecen de una atmsfera come la terrestre. c) tienen temperaturas benignas. 3. Los planetas exteriores a) han cambiado poco desde su formacin. b) han sufrido grandes cambios desde su formacin. c) han sufrido cambios distintos a los de los planetas interiores. 4. La atmsfera de Marte a) desde sus orgenes fue distinta a la atmsfera terrestre. b) tiene actualmente semejanza con la atmsfera terrestre. c) ha sufrido cambios por la accin del sol. 5. La atmsfera de Venus a) tiene los mismos componentes bsicos que la atmsfera de Marte. b) podra permitir la vida de organismos terrestres. c) tiene una presin atmosfrica que no permite la vida de organismos terrestres. 6. El efecto de invernadero a) no se da en Venus. b) se produce en Venus y en Marte. c) se debe a que gases impiden la salida del calor de la atmsfera. 7. El aterrizaje de naves estadounidenses en Marte a) confirm, la teora de los canales sustentada por Lowell. b) no resolvi las dudas sobre las posibilidades de vida en Marte. c) descart la posibilidad de vida en Marte. 8. El autor del artculo opina que a) un mayor nmero de anlisis del suelo marciano permitira determinar si hay vida en este planeta. b) el anlisis del suelo de Marte permite concluir que si hay vida all. c) la existencia de agua en Marte permite suponer que si hay vida en este planeta. 9. El hielo que cubre Europa, el gigantesco satlite de Jpiter, a) impide la vida en el satlite. b) podra contener algunas formas de vida. c) contiene algunas formas de vida unicelular. 10. La capa de hielo de Europa

a) presenta pequeos estanques tibios. b) tiene grietas producidas par el color solar. c) tiene grietas que permiten el paso de la luz solar.

Witch Hunting and Children

During the centuries of witch hunting in Europe, hundreds of people were sent to their death because of the wanton mischief of undisciplined youngsters. England was especially afflicted with such little monsters, and American children copied their antics. In France, this particular delinquency took the form of girls accusing priests of immoral conduct. Germany was so absorbed with mass executions that childrens evidence was incidental. One example, however, surpasses English parallels. In Hagenau (Alsace), the disasters of war and bad harvests were linked to witchcraft, and for witchcraft, on July 16, 1627, three women and a fourteen-year-old girl, Marie Niethin, were executed. Among others, Marie inculpated a thirteen-year-old boy, Peter Roller. Under examination, Roller displayed a fertile imagination, inventing fantastic stories of sabbats, and accusing everyone he knew of being present there. Under torture, those ace used could do little except confess and name other accomplices. To protect his own life, the boy claimed he was bewitched, a ruse which sent him to hospital instead of a death cell. After nine months, on March 23, 1628, Peter Roller was questioned. He was quite able to cope with the situation -in the name of Christ he had just driven away the devil, who came to tempt him outside the hospital window. This brave act was well thought of by the judges, who assigned two Capuchin friars to complete his good beginnings. By May 17, Peter was freed from devils, and in June returned home. This thirteen-year-old was responsible for twenty-four people being burned, three suicides in prison, and three being dismissed after torture -permanently crippled. Most examples of young people telling lies under oath ocurred in England. They start with a celebrated trial in 1593 of the Warboys Witches, when five hysterical girls sent an old couple and their daughter to the gallows. Four years later, a young impostor, William Somers, the Boy of Nottingham, coached by a false exorcist, John Darrell, accused thirteen women of bewitching him. Exposed before his testimony convicted them, Somers confessed he had studied a chapbook on the Warboys Witches in order to manifest the appropiate symptoms. In 1603. Anne Gunter used this same pamphlet to learn how a bewitched child should act. The circumstances surrounding a thirteen-yearold boy, John Smith, in 1614, at Leicester, so much resembled the Warboys case that direct stimulation seems likely. Nine persons had been hanged as witches on Smith's evidence before King James I ordered an investigation, discovered his imposture and released those still in jail. American children also proved impostors. The four Goodwin children of Boston recall the Warboys children. In 1688, they accused an Irish charwoman of bewitching them, going into convulsions at her approach. The Irishwoman was hanged as a witch. In

1720, three young girls at Littleton (Massachusetts) convinced their neighbors they were hexed; eight years later, the eldest daughter confessed it was all a hoax, the girls having picked a woman at random to accuse as a witch. But the classic American example is Salern. Twenty-four people there died from the prank of several witch bitches. The reason was admitted by one of them: They must have some sport Fourteen years later, the ring leader of the girls, Ann Putnam, confessed the fraud: it was a great delusion of Satan that deceived me in that sad time, whereby I justly fear I have been instrumental...to bring upon myself and this land the guilt of innocent blood. Yet, the rantings of these young women were considered by Governor Hutchinson so exact as to leave no room for doubting the stories of previous possessed children. Among the English clergy who fought against accepting childish ravings were Archibishop Samuel Harsnett, author of Discovery of Fraudulent Practices (1599), refuting John Darrell, and Bishop Francis Hutchinson, who probably gave the practice Its death blow in 1718.

QUESTIONS
1. El tema general del articulo es a) las ejecuciones de nios y jvenes acusados de brujera. b) las ejecuciones y juicios de personas acusadas por nios de ejercer la brujera. c) las ejecuciones de nios indisciplinados en la poca de cacera de brujas. 2. Si se comparan los cases de Inglaterra y Alemania, se concluye que en Inglaterra a) hubo mayor nmero de casos que en Alemania. b) hubo aproximadamente el mismo nmero de cases que en Alemania. c) hubo menor nmero de cases que en Alemania. 3. En Hagenau, Alsacia, a) se ejecut por brujera a tres mujeres, una joven de catorce aos y un muchacho de trece. b) hay evidencia de ejecuciones masivas de nios. c) se atribuyeron a la brujera las malas cosechas y la guerra. 4. Peter Roller a) caus la muerte de ms de veinte personas con sus acusaciones. b) fue ejecutado tras haber confesado su participacin en aquelarres. c) fue torturado y confes el nombre de sus cmplices. 5. En el caso de William Somers a) se conden a un falso exorcista. b) se conden a trece mujeres por brujera. c) se descubri un fraude. 6. Anne Gunter y John Smith a) se inspiraron en el caso Warboys. b) aprendieron brujera en el panfleto de Warboys. c) participaron en el caso de Warboys.

7. El texto describe a) tres casos de brujera en los EE.UU. b) cuatro casos de brujera en los EE.UU. c) cinco casos de brujera en EE.UU. 8. En los casos de brujera de los EE.UU. a) los acusadores confesaron en todos los casos haber hecho cargos falsos. b) los acusadores confesaron en dos casos haber hecho cargos falsos. c) los acusadores confesaron en un caso haber hecho cargos falsos. 9. Ann Putnam a) confes haber sido inducida a la brujera por Satans. b) confes haber hecho acusaciones falsas de brujera. c) fue una de las brujas de Salem que lograron salvarse. 10. El gobernador Hutchinson a) no acept que haba un error en la condena de las brujas de Salem. b) puso en duda las historias de las brujas de Salem. c) reconoci que haba un error en la condena de las brujas de Salem. 11. El obispo Hutchinson a) estaba a favor de la pena de muerte en casos de brujera. b) estaba de acuerdo con Harsnett con respecto a las condenas por brujera. c) estaba en desacuerdo con el arzobispo Harsnett con respecto a las condenas de nios por brujera.

Authority
In the seventeenth century, as at most times in human history, authority was easy to take for granted. It was resistance to authority which required rational -and even more, emotional- justification. Political authority was firmly knit into the whole cosmology, so that Copernicus found it natural, at the climax of his Revolution of the Celestial Orbis, to speak of the sun ruling the planets and to compare it with the election of a Holy Roman Emperor. Indeed, the belief that authority was divinely sanctioned was so much a presupposition of thought that perhaps one sees it better in the unconscious turn of a phrase than in the argumentation of a Bossuet or a James I. We will understand the political thought of the times better as we become more sensitive to the authoritarian assumptions which underlie even the most fervent appeals for freedom. The unconscious assumptions should be traced back to the great factory of unconscious ideas, the family, for the basis of all authority lay in the father's power over his family. The essence of the "divine right" theory was that monarchy was hereditary and that the king was entrusted by God with paternal power over his people. No matter how radical the thought or actions of almost all seventeenth century revolutionaries, they have the structure of authority in the family intact. In this respect the truly radical actions of the

century were those of the extreme English sectaries who seemed to countenance sexual relationships without marriage, and the truly radical words were those of Milton on divorce, which called a divorce law more liberal than those existing in most of Europe and America today. From the stronghold of the family, the justification of authority moved outwards to embrace the centuries of social and political power. It has been argued that the conception of simple natural laws governing all the matter in the universe was borrowed from that of absolute political sovereignity. Be that as it may, we can be sure that only in a heliocentric cosmology would the sunburst become the emblem of the Roi Soleil, Louis XIV.

QUESTIONS
1. According to the text, in the seventeenth century, authority was taken for granted because a) it was prescribed by the law. b) Copernicus discovered the heliocentric system. c) it permeated every aspect of everyday life. d) it resisted the authority of minor officials. 2. Resistance to royal authority in the seventeenth century was a) a petty crime. b) a crime against God. c) an act to protect your interests. d) premeditated felony. 3. Authoritarianism in general in the seventeenth century was a) a presupposition of the times. b) authority given to the king by his nobles. c) not divine in origin. d) a belief derived from the idea that the king ruled the planets. 4. According to the text, authoritarianism could be traced back in history to a) the king. b) the seventeenth century. c) Bossuet and James I. d) the family. 5. The author of this text compares the monarch to a) the head of a household. b) his subjects. c) the captain of a ship. d) the heavenly bodies. 6. The truly radical revolutionaries of the seventeenth century, according to the text, were a) the political agitators. b) the religious extremists.

c) sexual practitioners out of wedlock. d) Puritan refugees. 7. In the text it is argued that a) your home is a castle. b) monarchists were not compatible with religious and sexual revolutionaries. c) a king, like Louis XIV, was a monarch only because he was head and the father of his country. d) the challenge to the divine right of kings was made possible when the inviolable concept of family was questioned.

Intelligent Life Beyond Solar System

For thousands of years man has wondered whether he is alone in the universe or whether there might be other worlds in the universe populated by creatures more or less like himself. The common view, both in early times and through the Middle Ages, was that the earth was the only world in the universe. Nevertheless, many mythologies populated the sky with divine beings, certainly a kind of extraterrestrial life. Many early philosophers held that _1_ was not unique to the earth. Metrodorus, an Epicurean _2_ in the 3rd and the 4th centuries _3_, argued that to consider the _4_ the only populated world in infinite space is _5_ absurd as to assert that in an entire _6_ sown with millet, only one _7_ will grow. Since the Renaissance there have been _8_ fluctuations in the fashion of _9_. In the late 18th century, for example, practically all informed opinion held that _10_ of the planets was populated by more or less intelligent _11_; in the early 20th century, _12_, the prevailing informed opinion held that the chances for extraterrestrial intelligent life were insignificant, in _13_, the subject of intelligent extraterrestrial life is for many people a touchstone of their beliefs and desires, some individuals very urgently _14_ there to be extraterrestrial intelligence, and others wanting equally fervently for there not to be such life. For this _15_, it is important to approach the subject in an unbiassed frame of mind as possible.

QUESTIONS
1. a) life b) divinity c) origin 4. a) universe b) earth c) sky 7. a) grain b) fish 2. a) philosopher b) philosophy c) theory 5. a) not b) as c) probably 8. a) no b) any 3. a) B.C. b) after c) before 6. a) crop b) creature c) field 9. a) belief b) life

c) possibility 10. a) each b) evidence c) life 13. a) science b) fact c) time

c) several 11. a) worlds b) conditions c) beings 14. a) noticing b) not wanting c) wanting

c) science 12. a) by contrast b) in conclusion c) consequently 15. a) opinion b) reason c) probability

Earths Temperature Rising

Whether Earth is undergoing a slow warming trend has been debated for years. But now, in what is said to be the most detailed study yet, the evidence seems incontrovertible. Earth's average annual air temperature is now said to be 1.2 degrees Fahrenheit higher than it was 134 years ago, when the first good records were made. This is not a negligible change. By some estimates it has already caused enough glacier melting to raise global sea levels more than a foot. An increase of just six to eight degrees, some argue, could trigger an irreversible melting of glaciers that would flood most of the world's most populated coastlines. The three warmest years in the past 134 were 1980, 1981, and 1982. Five of the nine warmest years have occurred since 1978. Like many long range natural phenomena, the trend has not been perfectly steady. Temporary perturbations sometimes make one year cooler than the previous year without altering the long range trend. The new data have emerged from a study that takes into account air temperatures at sea, generally ignored in previous reports. These records have been made by sea captains travelling commercial routes since the early 19th century. Because land and sea temperatures can differ by different amounts each year and because oceans cover about three-quarters of Earth's surface, the newly recognized temperature readings make for a significantly more accurate accounting of global climatic change. The new findings were published in "Nature" by Thomas M. L. Wigley and his colleagues at England's University of East Anglia at Norwich. The group found little change in temperatures during most of the 19th century readings, then a marked warming until 1940, when the temperature virtually stabilized until the mid 1970s, when it began rapidly warming again. The period of stability poses a mystery, researchers said, because atmospheric levels of carbon dioxide, a "greenhouse gas," were increasing during that time.

The warming effects of carbon dioxide have been overestimated, Wiggley suggested.

QUESTIONS
1. Desde hace aos ha habido unanimidad de opiniones con respecto al aumento de temperatura de la Tierra. 2. Los primeros registros de temperatura, hechos hace 134 aos, indicaron un aumento de 1.2 grades Fahrenheit. 3. El cambio de temperatura terrestre no es un problema de consecuencias graves. 4. El cambio de temperatura podra ocasionar que se derritieran los glaciares en el futuro. 5. En los ltimos quince aos, ha habido ms aos calurosos que en todo el siglo pasado. 6. La tendencia general a un aumento de temperatura se ha mantenido en los ltimos veinte aos. 7. Los nuevos datos sobre el ascenso de temperatura se deben tomar del aire martimo. 8. La temperatura de nuestro planeta sufri cambios importantes en el siglo XIX. 9. En 1940 empez a aumentar la temperatura. 10. A mediados de la dcada de los setenta hubo una estabilizacin de la temperatura del planeta. V F V F V F V F V F V F V F V F V F V F

Comets
Halley's comet and the countless others that blaze across the night skies have had a profound effect on history. They have influenced literature, art, religion and warfare, perhaps even evolution and the very beginnings of life. For centuries comets were widely regarded as harbingers of disaster, omens of death, pestilence, wars, drought, earthquakes and floods. Modern science has dispelled many of these myths, but some persist today. In a bizarre twist, scientists themselves are beginning to attribute great cataclysms of the past to what the ancients called hairy stars. The Chinese, who recorded the appearances of comets as early as 613 B.C., thought that the glowing specters were celestial brooms wielded by the gods to sweep the heavens free of evil, which then fell to earth bringing wars, floods, droughts and other disasters. Comets have borne that stigma ever since. Aristotle thought the night visitors were earthly "exhalations" that rose into the atmosphere and were ignited in fiery upper

regions, causing drought and high winds on earth. On its pass in A.D. 66, Halley's in the words of the Jewish historian Flavius Josephus, hung like a sword in the sky and presaged the fall of Jerusalem in A.D. 70. Halley's return in 451 was thought to portend the defeat of Attila the Hun's armies at Charlons by Flavius Aetius. Comets came to be so closely associated with the deaths of great leaders, says Astronomer Donald Yeomans, that historians waited expectantly for celestial sign every time a monarch died. When Emperor Charlemagne expired in 814 and no comet appeared, Yeoman says, historians made one up and inserted it to history. Halley's appearance in 1066, complete with a forked tail, was stitched into the renowned Bayeux tapestry, which depicted the Norman Conquest. Behind the comet's tail, above six cringing and pointing figures (apparently Saxons), are words THEY ARE IN THE AWE OF THE STAR. While the Saxons may have attributed their defeat to the comet, William the Conqueror probably forever afterward considered comets to be good omens. In 1301 Halley's so inspired the Italian artist Giotto that in his famed nativity scene he portrayed the star of Bethlehem as a comet. The comet heralded the descent of Turkish armies on Belgrade in 1456, and in the same year was blamed for the birth of twoheaded calves. Shakespeares works reflected the cometary myths of the late 16th and early 17th centuries. In Julius Caesar, for example, the Emperors wife, after seeing a comet, warns the noblest of Romans, When beggars die there are not comets seen; the heavens themselves blaze forth the death of princes. But in the same play, as Cassius and Brutus plot Caesar's assassination, Cassius says, "The fault, dear Brutus, is not in the stars but in ourselves. The winds of change, however, were slow to reach Boston, where in 1682 the Puritan minister Increase Mather, awestruck by the same comet that inspired Edmond Halley, asked the members of his congregation if they would continue their evil ways until God sends his arrows from heaven, to smite them down into the grave. Indeed, superstition about comets has persisted into the 20th century. As Halley's came into view in 1920, some residents of Chicago prepared themselves for death by cyanogen-gas poisoning when, as it was widely predicted, the earth passed through the comet's tail. As recently as 1970. Vietnamese peasants quaked at the sight of the Sky Broom, the unexpectedly vivid passage of Bennett's comet. The 20th century has spawned some notions about comets that seem more fantastic than the ancient myths. British Astronomers Fred Hoyle and Chandra Wickramasinghe have suggested that over hundreds of years, primitive biological entities, perhaps even cells, developed within some comets. These may have been delivered to the earth as the first form of terrestrial life by a comet that impacted billions of years ago. Francis Crick, co-discoverer of the DNA molecule's structure, and Organic Chemist Leslie Orgel have proposed a less fanciful theory: Comets brought with them the chemical precursors of life, in the form of amino acids and other molecules.

That comets do occasionally strike the earth seems certain. Some scientists think a tiny chunk of a comet, exploding in the atmosphere above Siberia in 1908, caused a tremendous blast and fireball in the Tunguska region, felling trees in a 200-sq-mi. area and knocking the nearest residents (40 miles away) off their feet. During the post few years. evidence has been accumulating to support Physicist Luis Alvarezs theory that a giant comet (or asteroid) struck the earth 65 million years ago, pulverizing a huge area and spewing so much debris into the atmosphere that the skies darkened for months, temperatures dipped, and much of the life on earth -most notably the dinosaurs- perished. It was the demise of the dinosaurs, many evolutionists believe, that enabled man's tiny mammalian ancestors to emerge from hiding, occupy the environmental niches left vacant by the great beasts and other destroyed species, and evolve into Home sapiens. Impacts by comets may have been responsible for moss extinctions of life at other times in the past And scientists are certain that it can happen again.

QUESTIONS
1. Actualmente la ciencia ha dado un cambio con respecto a los cometas y empieza a considerarlos como a) inofensivos e injustamente calificados causantes de desgracias. b) un tipo de estrellas con cabellos. c) algo que podra tener relacin con grandes desgracias del pasado. 2. Los chinos a) pensaban que los cometas eran escobas usadas por los dioses. b) pensaban que los cometas caan en la Tierra y traan males. c) registraron la aparicin de las cometas antes de 613 A.C. 3. Aristteles a) pensaba que los cometas eran de origen celestial. b) fue el primero en atribuir desgracias a la aparicin de cometas. c) pensaba que las cometas no eran de origen celestial. 4. Los historiadores de la poca de Carlomagno a) inventaron la aparicin de un cometa. b) al ver aparecer un cometa, predijeron la muerte del emperador. c) no se dieron cuenta de la aparicin de un cometa que presagiaba la muerte del emperador. 5. Guillermo el Conquistador a) fue derrotado por los sajones. b) derrot a los sajones. c) mand representar el cometa Halley en un tapiz. 6. En las obras de Shakespeare a) los cometas no siempre intervienen en el destino de los hombres. b) los cometas aparecen hasta en la muerte de los limosneros. c) se niega la influencia de los cometas en el destino de los prncipes.

7. El ministro puritano Increase Mather a) coincida con lo que se haba dicho antes sobre los cometas. b) consideraba al cometa Halley un castigo divino por el pecado. c) se maravill ante el cometa e inspir a E. Halley a estudiarlo. 8. En el siglo XX a) el cometa Halley puso en peligro la vida de residentes de Chicago. b) el cometa Bennet provoc un temblor en las regiones rurales de Vietnam. c) sigue habiendo prejuicios sobre los cometas. 9. Hoyle y Wickramasinghe a) estn de acuerdo con la teora de Crick y Orgel acerca del origen de la vida en la tierra. b) plantean una teora opuesta a las nociones fantsticas de otras pocas. c) plantean que un cometa trajo formas vivas a la tierra. 10. El suceso de Siberia en 1908 posiblemente se debi a) al choque de un cometa con rboles y su posterior estallido, en Tunguska. b) a un incendie en la regin y no a un cometa, como se haba dicho. c) a la cada de un pedazo de cometa en la zona de Tunguska.

Stigmatization
Stigmatization describes a process of attaching visible signs of moral inferiority to persons, such as invidious labels, marks, brands or publicly disseminated information. However, it defines more than the formal action of a community towards a misbehaving or physically different member. Degradation rituals, such as drumming the coward out of the regiment, administering the pauper's oath, diagnosing the contagious illness and finding the guilty as charged may dramatize the facts of deviance but their success is gauged less by their manner of enactment than by their prevailing consequences. The point is commonly illustrated by the initial court appearance of the errant juvenile. The ancient ceremonial there may strike him with awe and fear, but if nothing much happens as consequence, the memory fades or is retrospectively rationalized. Whatever the deviance, it remains primary. An assertion, by no means new, is that for stigmatization to establish a total deviant identity it must be disseminated throughout society. Lecky spoke strongly on this point, contending that the solid front of public opinion against the slightest fraility among women in mid-nineteenth century England did much to add to the ranks of habitual prostitutes. To this view the terrible censure of opinion and the deep degradation of unchaste women caused the status of prostitute to be irrevocable, and likewise contributed heavily to the associated crime of infanticide.

Much the same thought was voiced by G.H. Mead, who first approached a theory of criminal stigma in terms of the amount and kind of punishments inflicted upon law violators. His thesis, generically similar to Durkheims, stressed the function of punishments in persevering group cohesion, but went further to show that deterrent punishments, conjoined with pursuit, detection and prosecution, are incompatible with reinstatement of the criminal in society. Such a system, by suppressing all but aggressive attitudes toward the lawbreaker, effectively destroys communication and generates hostility in the criminal. Mead's conclusion, clearly a recognition of secondary deviance, was that a system of deterrent punishments not only fails to repress crime but also preserves a criminal class.

QUESTIONS
1. Segn el texto, las rituales de degradacin son efectivos cuando a) son dramticos. b) sus consecuencias prevalecen. c) se llevan a cabo en pblico. 2. El autor del texto describe el efecto que el ceremonial de la corte puede tener en el delincuente juvenil que comparece por primera vez. Esta situacin es descrita por el autor con el fin de a) ilustrar el argumento de que la eficacia del ritual de degradacin estriba en las consecuencias posteriores. b) sugerir que se les trate de una forma que no se atemorice a las jvenes sino que se las ayude a reformarse. c) demostrar que cualquiera que haya sido la desviacin sta disminuir gradualmente. 3. Lecky opina que la estigmatizacin social a) si se difunde extensamente, establece una identidad negativa. b) ayuda a evitar la degradacin profunda de las prostitutas. c) es un factor muy positivo que frena la delincuencia. 4. De acuerdo con el texto, el nmero de prostitutas y de infanticidios en Inglaterra a) se mantuvo estable, pese a la moralidad victoriana. b) aument sensiblemente a mediados del siglo XIX. c) disminuy, durante el siglo XIX. 5. El texto se refiere a afirmaciones de Lecky en cuanto al papel decisivo de la opinin pblica inglesa. A esa opinin l atribuye que a) se haya acostumbrado el pas a la existencia de prostitutas. b) disminuyera el nmero de prostitutas durante el siglo XIX. c) se haya vuelto permanente el estatus de prostituta. 6. Se puede decir que la teora de Mead es a) idntica a la de Lecky. b) contraria a la de Lecky. c) similar a la de Lecky.

7. De acuerdo con el texto, un sistema de castigo correccional preventivo impide la reincorporacin del criminal a la sociedad porque a) slo permite actitudes agresivas hacia el criminal y genera hostilidad en ste. b) hace que el delincuente suprima toda la comunicacin con la sociedad. c) solamente suprime las conductas socialmente agresivas del criminal. 8. Las medidas correccionales preventivas conservan la clase criminal sin detener el delito, de acuerdo con el pensamiento de a) Durkheim. b) Lecky. c) Mead.

Temples
Japanese temples, which were inspired by Chinese in function, do not rely upon monotonous repetition of similar features as in China, but owe much of their distinctive character to a well-balanced symmetry of component parts. Interiors are largely dependent on the justly world famous decorative art of Japan. Decoration, with lavish use of gold lacquer and brilliant colouring, can cover both walls and ceilings, and is particularly suited to subdued lighting of temple buildings. Shinto temples can be distinguished from Buddhist by the characteristic torii or gateways formed by upright posts supporting two or more horizontal beams, under which, it was considered, worshippers must pass for prayers to be effectual. Buddhist foundations are entered through an elaborate two storeyed gateway, surmounted by a munient room under an ornate roof. Temples usually have a columned loggia, either around three sides or forming a face to the main building. Frequently, there is a portico over the approach steps which rest upon timber columns, held together at the top by horizontal tie beams. In the large temples and halls, the interior columns are provided with elaborate compound bracketing to support the roof. Buddhist temples at Horiuji, Nara and Nikko, like other examples, underwent little change from Chinese prototypes. The mountainous character of the country made it possible to utilize natural terraces for temple sites, instead of having to rely upon artificial, built-up platforms which are the rule in China. In Japan, avenues of trees, and rows of lanterns in both stone and bronze, produce picturesque and imposing effects in conjuction with buildings when viewed against the sombre background of wooded landscapes. Generally, temples comprise isolated structures within concentric enclosures, the outer enclosure and formed by a low wall, the second as a promenade for priests, and the third enclosing the main temple building surrounded by a lofty, roofed screen wall. Temples are invariably raised upon a stone foundation to a height of approximately 1.5 m. (5 ft.), and the sanctuary is reached by steps leading to a verandah covered by the projecting roof of the temple in the centre.

QUESTIONS
1. La forma distintiva de los temples japoneses se debe, como en la China, a la repeticin montona de rasgos similares. 2. Se entra a los recintos budistas a travs de una entrada muy elaborada de dos pisos. 3. Algunos temples estn construidos sobre plataformas artificiales y otros sobre terrazas naturales, como es comn en China. 4. Los temples sintostas son estructuras de un solo piso. 5. Generalmente, los temples japoneses constan de estructuras aisladas dentro de bardas concntricas. 6. El carcter distintivo de los temples japoneses se debe a a) su monotona. b) la inspiracin china. c) estar muy decorados. d) que tienen una simetra bien equilibrada. 7. Los templos son mundialmente famosos por a) su arte decorativo. b) el uso de oro y colores brillantes. c) sus paredes y techos. d) el tratamiento de la luz interior. 8. Los temples sintostas se distinguen de los temples budistas por a) los postes. b) los cimientos. c) el torii. d) los trabes. 9. Las entradas budistas son a) columnadas. b) de piedra. c) de dos pisos. d) habitaciones con techos muy adornados. 10. La fachada del edificio principal del temple japons generalmente a) tiene tres lados. b) tiene logia con tres columnas. c) tiene una entrada elaborada. d) tiene un techo muy ornamentado. 11. Los templos de Horiuji, Nora y Nikko a) son ejemplos chinos. b) no son ejemplos de templos chinos. c) usan plataformas artificiales. d) usan plataformas naturales. V F V F V F V F V F

12. El autor explica cmo el japons logra efectos pintorescos por medio de a) materiales de piedra y bronce. b) la utilizacin de la naturaleza. c) los edificios. d) hileras de rboles y linternas.

War
Konrad Lorenzs book On Aggression lends some support for the proposition that social organization is at least as important as instinct in driving men to make war. However the book has been misread to mean that man cannot help fighting in groups against his fellow men. It seems that the view of man as a natural warrior offers a certain bizarre comfort because it absolves individuals of responsibility for identifying the specific political. organizational and economic causes of militarism and war. If human beings, males particularly. have biological urges to slaughter their own species at regular intervals, there is nothing to be done. Here we argue that the struggle of domestic. political. economic, and social forces within a nation is the primary determinant of the national interest. In short. despite what statesmen say and many believe, foreign policy is more an expression of our own society than a programmed response to what other nations do. Obviously, outside events play a role in the shaping of the interest, but these events are filtered through American prisms. The policies that evolve in response to what goes on in Russia, China, Cuba, or anywhere else, are primarily a reflection of American values. There is nothing inevitable about the way a nation responds to the outside world. The world offers an infinite variety of plausible threats. Why do some become obsessions and why are others ignored? Is not the explanation to be found in the internal processes by which a society perceives and handles threats?

QUESTIONS
1. According to the text, the book On Aggression supports the idea that a) man is instinctively aggressive and warlike. b) man cannot help making war. c) social organization and instinct together drive men to make war. d) social organization is more important than instinct in causing wars. 2. According to the text, a) the author believes that men are natural warriors. b) some people believe men are natural warriors. c) Lorenz believes men are natural warriors. d) statesmen believe men are natural warriors.

3. According to the text, if war is inevitable, then a) man stops fighting his fellow-men. b) man stops helping his fellow men. c) man helps his fellow men. d) man fights his fellow men. 4. According to the text, if man is a natural warrior, then a) we must identify specific political, organizational and economic causes of war. b) there can be no solution to the problem of war. c) he probably feels comfort in his biological urges. d) we are responsible for identifying the causes of war. 5. The national interest is determined primarily by a) what statesmen say and citizens believe. b) programmed responses to other nations' actions. c) external events. d) internal forces. 6. Foreign policy is primarily the result of the internal forces of a nation, according to a) the author of the article. b) Lorenz. c) men. d) many citizens. 7. Outside events, including other nations actions a) are perceived through American prisms b) directly shape the national interest. c) are not usually taken into account. d) are determined by their reactions to U.S. policies. 8. According to the text, Lorenzs book has not been a) read. b) interpreted. c) understood. d) falsified. 9. Specific foreign policies are an expression of a) programmed responses to other nations actions. b) obsessions with real and imaginary threats. c) primarily domestic values and characteristics. d) inevitable processes which result from interaction with other countries. 10. Lorenzs book has been misread to mean that a) it is impossible to avoid war. b) men do not help to avoid war. c) men do not avoid war. d) it is improbable that war can be avoided.

Intelligent Children
When we talk about intelligence, we do not mean the ability to get a good score on a certain kind of test, or even the ability to do well in school; these are at best only indicators of something larger, deeper, and far more important. By intelligence we mean a style of life, a way of behaving in various situations. and particularly in new, strange. and perplexing situations. The true test of intelligence is not how much we know how to do. but how we behave when we don't know how to do. The intelligent person, young or old, meeting a new situation or problem, opens himself up to it; he tries to take it with mind and senses everything he can about it; he thinks about it, instead of about himself or what it might cause to happen to him; he grapples with it boldly. imaginatively, resourcefully, and if not confidently at least hopefully; if he fails to master it, he looks without shame or fear at his mistakes and learns what he can from them. This is intelligence. Clearly its roots lie in a certain feeling about life, and one's self with respect to life. Just as clearly, unintelligence is not what most psychologists seem to suppose, the same thing as intelligence only less of it. It is an entirely different style of behaviour, arising out of an entirely different set of attitudes. Years of watching and comparing bright children and the not-bright, have shown that they are very different kinds of people. The bright child is curious about life and reality, eager to get in touch with it, embrace it. unite himself with it. There is no wall, no barrier between him and life. The dull child is far less curious, far less interested in what goes on and what is real, more inclined to live in worlds of fantasy. The bright child likes to experiment, to try things out. He lives by the maxim that there is more than one way to skin a cat. If he can't do something one way. he'll try another. The dull child is usually afraid to try at all. It takes a good deal of urging to get him to try even once; if that try fails, he is through. The bright child is patient. He can tolerate uncertainty and failure, and will keep trying until he gets an answer. When all his experiments fail, he can even admit to himself and others that for the time being he is not going to get an answer. This may annoy him, but he can wait. Very often, he does not want to be told how to do a problem or solve the puzzle he has struggled with, because he does not want to be cheated out of the chance to figure it out for himself in the future. Not so the dull child. He cannot stand uncertainty or failure. To him, an unanswered question is not a challenge or an opportunity, but a threat. If he can't find the answer quickly. it must be given to him and quickly; and he must have answers for everything. Such are the children of whom a second-grade teacher once said, But my children like to have questions for which there is only one answer. They did; and by a mysterious coincidence, so did she. The bright child is willing to go ahead on the basis of incomplete understanding and information. He will take risks, sail uncharted seas, explore when the landscape is dim, the landmarks few, the light poor. To give only one example, he will often read books he does not understand in the hope that after a while enough understanding will emerge to make it worthwhile to go on. In this spirit, some of my fifth-graders tried to read

Moby Dick. But the dull child will go ahead only when he thinks he knows exactly where he stands and exactly what is ahead of him. If he does not feel he knows exactly what an experience will be like, and if it will not be exactly like other experiences he already knows. he wants no part of it. For while the bright child feels that the universe is on the whole a sensible, reasonable and trustworthy place, the dull child feels that is senseless, unpredictable, and treacherous. He feels that he can never tell what may happen, particularly in a new situation, except that it will probably be bad. Nobody starts off stupid. You have only to watch babies and infants, and think seriously about what all of them think and do. to see that, except for the most grossly retarded. they show a style of life, and a desire and ability to learn that in an older person we might well call genius. Hardly an adult in a thousand, or ten thousand, could in any three years of his life, learn as much. grow as much in his understanding of the world around him, as every infant learns and grows in his first three years. But what happens, as we get older, to this extraordinary capacity for learning and intellectual growth? What happens is that it is destroyed, and more than by any other one thing, by the process we misname education; a process that goes on in most homes and schools. We adults destroy most of the intellectual and creative capacity of children by the things we do to them or make them do. We destroy this capacity above all by making them afraid, afraid of not doing what other people want, of not pleasing, of making mistakes, of failing, of being wrong. Thus we make them afraid to gamble, to experiment, afraid to try the difficult and the unknown. Even when we do not create childrens fears, when they come to us with fears ready-made and built-in, we use these fears as handles to manipulate them and get them to do what we want. Instead of trying to whittle down their fears, we build them up, often to monstrous size. For we like children who are a little afraid of us. docile, deferential children. though not. of course, if they are so obviously afraid that threaten our image of ourselves as kind, lovable people whom there is no reason to fear. We find ideal the kind of good children who are just enough afraid of us to do everything we want, without making us feel that fear of us is what is making them do it. We destroy the disinterested love of learning in children by compelling them to work for petty rewards-gold stars, or papers marked 100 and tacked on the walls...

QUESTIONS
1. Para el autor del articulo, a) la capacidad de obtener una buena puntuacin o de salir bien en la escuela son los mejores indicadores de inteligencia. b) se puede hacer una prueba de inteligencia midiendo cunto puede hacer la gente. c) la inteligencia es una forma particular de respuesta a situaciones nuevas. 2. Una persona inteligente ante un problema a) piensa en s misma y en lo que podra pasarle. b) se siente avergonzada si no tiene dominio de s misma. c) se concentra en el problema. 3. El nio no inteligente o poco inteligente a) recurre poco a la fantasa.

b) no se atreve a probar soluciones. c) se deja convencer fcilmente para actuar. 4. El nio inteligente a) tolera el no encontrar respuesta a sus problemas. b) busca ayuda cuando se le dificulta resolver un problema. c) puede imaginarse como ser en el futuro. 5. La maestra del segundo grado a) tena alumnos que se comportaban en forma brillante. b) se inclinaba por preguntas con una sola respuesta. c) se comportaba en forma distinta a sus alumnos. 6. Algunos alumnos del quinto grado del autor, a) dejaron Moby Dick porque no lo entendan. b) son un ejemplo de cmo actan los nios brillantes. c) parecan entender Moby Dick desde un principio. 7. La educacin, segn se expone en el texto. a) es el factor ms importante en la destruccin de la capacidad de aprender. b) impide que los adultos destruyan la capacidad de aprender de los nios. c) impide los miedos de los nios. 8. El miedo de los nios a) es una consecuencia del trato con los adultos. b) disminuye cuando entran en contacto con los adultos. c) no es una consecuencia del trato con los adultos. 9. Nos gustan los nios que a) no nos tienen miedo y nos desafan. b) muestran su miedo hacia los adultos. c) nos obedecen por miedo. 10. Segn lo dicho en el texto. las estrellas doradas, las calificaciones altas y las listas de honor a) fomentan en el nio el amor a aprender. b) destruyen en el nio el amor a aprender c) acaban con el desinters de los nios.

Neanderthal Man
Neanderthal man has never quite found his place in history. His relationship to modern man remains obscure: was he one of modern mans ancestor, or merely an evolutionary dead end?

Sites in Europe -which seems to have been his original home- have not, so far, provided a conclusive answer. There are too few of them, and remains from them are not sufficiently well preserved or dated with enough certainty. Recent evidence. however, lends credence to the view that the division between Neanderthal man and the early men reckoned to be bonafide ancestors of modern man is not so great as has been supposed. In the absence of reliable evidence, different anthropologists have suggested all sorts of different models to account for Neanderthal man. The most widely accepted view is that Neanderthal man lost out to new emmigrants to Europe around 30.000 years ago. That theory holds that modern man's ancestors moved in from Africa via Middle East and proved somehow better adapted to conditions in Europe than Neanderthal man. who quickly disappeared. In short, modern man did not evolve in Europe at all but was a recent arrival. At the other extreme is the view that European Neanderthal man himself was modern mans ancestor: over the years Neanderthal features evolved to resemble those of modern man. A variant on this theory holds that one small section of the Neanderthal population in eastern Europe evolved into early modern man and expanded into the rest of Europe while the remaining Neanderthal population died off. A third point of view suggests that both Neanderthal man and early modern man were around at the same time; that while there was some intermixing, the two populations remained largely separate; and that early man eventually superseded Neanderthal man. Support for this third theory came initially from finds in Israel and Iraq made during the past 50 years. Two cave sites on Mount Carmel discovered in 1930s contained remains which seemed to date from around the same period -about 70,000 years ago- but which were startingly different. A skeleton in one of the sites, Tabun, resembled European Neanderthal man; skeletons in the other site. Skhul, looked more like modern man. Three more sites discovered in the 1950s and 1960s contained evidence of the same sort of differentiation among roughly contemporaneous populations. Those finds could be explained by the migration of Neanderthal man from Europe and modern man' ancestors from Africa. But much earlier sites in Europe suggest a different story. At Vertesszollos in Hungary. a site around 500.000 years old. only the back of a cranium has been found. But archaeologists believe that the tools found there, which are not like those used by Neanderthal, belonged to an early version of modern man. Not much can be concluded in the absence of better human remains. That is why a recently excavated site at Tautavel in the south of France is particularly exciting. An almost complete cranium has been found there, along with two jawbones. a hip bone, bits of a spinal column and a large number of teeth. The site dates back to around 300,000 years ago -long before Neanderthal Man was fully developed. The remains suggest that evolution in Europe may have been more complex than any of the clear-cut theories would allow. Rather than showing clearly pre-Neanderthal features, or features similar to those of early modern man, the bones seem to suggest a mixture of the two. While the jawbone looks solidly Neanderthal, the structure of the cranium around the eyebrows looks more like a relation of early modern man.

One cranium. however, does not make a theory. So archaeologists are looking for something more conclusive from a newly-discovered site in Belgium at Belie Roche. south of Liege. Unlike most sites, Belie Roche is not on a river bed. That means that the layers of earth there have probably been relatively undisturbed, so remains can be more easily dated. Stone tools found so far are probably half a million years old. According to one theory. that is about the time when the original homo erectus was splitting into branches. Neanderthal man and an early modern man. Excavations are just getting under way; With luck. they could bear results soon, turning up remains of the tool-makers.

QUESTIONS
1. Las evidencias ms recientes sobre el hombre de Neandertal parecen demostrar que a) no tuvo relacin con los ancestros de hombre actual. b) pudo haber tenido relacin con los ancestros del hombre actual. c) es el ancestro de hombre actual. 2. El punto de vista ms ampliamente aceptado sobre el hombre de Neandertal sostiene que a) se perdi en su inmigracin hacia Europa hace 30,000 aos. b) fue desplazado por otro grupo procedente de frica. c) sali de frica y lleg a Europa por el Medio Oriente. 3. Una variante de otro punto de vista sobre el hombre de Neandertal afirma que a) tuvo dos desarrollos histricos diferentes. b) se qued en Europa y desapareci. c) permaneci en Europa Oriental y, posteriormente, desapareci. 4. Un tercer punto de vista sugiere que el hombre de Neandertal a) se mezcl con otra poblacin contempornea suya y dio origen al hombre actual. b) no se mezcl con otra poblacin contempornea suya. c) se mezcl algo con otra poblacin contempornea suya. pero a la larga desapareci. 5. Los descubrimientos del Monte Carmelo a) apoyan una teora diferente de las anteriores. b) contienen restos humanos de ms de un tipo. c) son distintos a los encontrados en las dcadas de 1950 y 1960. 6. La zona arqueolgica de Vertesszollos tiene restos que hacen suponer que a) los ancestros del hombre actual proceden de frica. b) el hombre de Neandertal pudo haber habitado esa zona. c) aqu hubo ancestros del hombre actual. 7. El asentamiento de Tautavel a) contiene restos humanos que sugieren teoras ms complicadas sobre el origen del hombre.

b) contiene restos humanos que tienen una antigedad mayor a los 300,000 aos. c) contiene restos humanos de tipo claramente Neandertal. 8. La zona de Belle Roche a) tiene una ventaja importante en comparacin con otros sitios arqueolgicos. b) tiene una desventaja importante en comparacin con otros sitios arqueolgicos. c) contiene un crneo. que es evidencia insuficiente para sostener una teora.

Equality of Educational Opportunity

Schools, among other functions. are avenues of social mobility in our society. They provide one of the means by which children of the well-to-do maintain their families' class position and children of the poor rise to new and higher slots in the social scale. Since our society is _1_ the ideal of a relatively open _2_ system, one in which _3_ has a chance to rise, the _4_ to which our public schools give everyone a _5_ to acquire the knowledge, skills and _6_ necessary for that mobility is a matter of public _7_. To the degree that the schools discriminate against _8_ groups, our class system is tightening up a little _9_. Social scientists have repeatedly _10_ themselves to this problem, looking _11_ the fact and consequences of _12_. The notion of equality of educational _13_ is extremely ambiguous and on its _14_ depends the diagnosis and treatment of the _15_. Does it mean that every child, _16_ of his or her class position, _17_ be provided with equal facilities of a material _18_, and then left to shift for _19_? Or is simply providing an _20_ number of books, teachers and schoolrooms, without taking into _21_ the differences in ability to learn what the school has to teach, only a more _22_ form of discrimination against the lower-class _23_ who has not been _24_ to take full advantage of these resources? Can we _25_ equality only by providing better-than-average _26_ for those of less-than-average _27_ as we do for the physically _28_? Or would this again fail to deal with discrimination, _29_ an educational program built around _30_ ideals, no matter what the facilities are, slights the possibilities of the handicapped child at the expense of those possessed by the middle-class child?

QUESTIONS
1. a) against b) committed to c) disputing 4. a) degree b) relations c) courses 7. a) life b) relations 2. a) institutional b) class c) political 5. a) chance b) scholarship c) program 8. a) lower b) well-to-do 3. a) no one b) someone c) everyone 6. a) position b) diplomas c) transportation 9. a) less b) equally

c) concern 10. a) addressed b) solved c) hidden 13. a) opportunity b) system c) ideals 16. a) regardless b) including c) submitted 19. a) himself b) transportation c) knowledge 22. a) subtle b) rectangular c) analytical 25. a) achieve b) fight c) go 28. a) handicapped b) middle-class c) absent

c) feminine 11. a) back b) for c) after 14. a) notion b) class c) definition 17. a) should b) cant c) was 20. a) difficult b) equal c) expensive 23. a) student b) teacher c) authorities 26. a) facilities b) students c) salaries 29. a) however b) together c) since

c) school 12. a) education b) discrimination c) mobility 15. a) society b) system c) problem 18. a) situation b) sort c) pedagogic 21. a) the classroom b) account c) definition 24. a) paid b) impeded c) trained 27. a) families b) universities c) resources 30. a) middle-class b) foreign c) irrelevant

Art and Cities

When we deal with cities we are dealing with life at its most complex and intense. Because this is so. there is a basic aesthetic limitation on what can be done with cities: a city cannot be a work of art. We need art, in the arrangement of cities as well as in the other realms of life, to help explain life to us. to show us meaning, to illuminate the relationship between the life that each of us embodies and the life outside us. We need art most, perhaps, to reassure us of our own humanity. However, although art and life are interwoven, they are not the same thing. Confusion between them is, in part, why efforts at city design are so disappointing. It is important in arriving at better design strategies and tactics to clear up this confusion. Art has its own peculiar forms of order and they are rigorous. Artists, whatever their medium, make selections from the abounding materials of life and organize these

selections into works that are under the control of the artist. To be sure, the artist has a sense that the demands of the work (i.e. of the selections of material he has made) control him. The rather miraculous result of this process -if the selectivity, the organization, and the control are consistent within themselves- can be art. But the essence of this process is disciplined, highly discriminatory selectivity from life. In relation to the inclusiveness and the literally endless intricacy of life, art is arbitrary, symbolic and abstracted. That is its value and the source of its own kind of order and coherence. To approach a city, or even a city neighbourhood, as if it were a larger architectural problem, capable of being given order by converting it into a disciplined work of art, is to make the mistake of attempting to substitute art for life. The results of such profound confusion between art and life are neither art nor life. They are taxidermy. In its place, taxidermy can be useful and decent craft. However. it goes too far when the specimens put on display are exhibitions of dead, stuffed cities.

QUESTIONS
1. The aesthetic limitation on planning cities comes from a) the complexity of life in cities. b) the disappointing efforts at city design. c) life and artistic confusion. d) the need for art in the arrangement of cities. 2. City design has produced disappointing results as a consequence of considering life and art a) limited. b) contradictory. c) different. d) similar. 3. In town planning, confusing life and art results in a) a useful craft. b) lifeless cities. c) disciplined works of art. d) better design strategies. 4. The reason a city cannot be a work of art is because a) art is produced by disciplined artists. b) we need art to explain life to us. c) we are not sure of our own humanity. d) art selects from life while cities are life. 5. With the help of art, life can be a) interwoven with the cities. b) embodied in cities. c) more meaningful to us. d) ordered and coherent.

6. Unlike an artist, a town planner must a) deal with life as a whole. b) select from life. c) live without art. d) put specimens on display. 7. The three elements in the process of creating a work of art are a) life, selection, and miracle. b) discipline. Inclusiveness, and selectivity. c) selecting, organization, and control. d) consistency, selectivity, and essence. 8. Unlike life, art is a) literal. b) inclusive. c) selective. d) meaningless. 9. The author compares taxidermy and town planning to show that town planning a) is a useful and decent craft. b) can produce dead cities. c) should combine art and life. d) will confuse cities. 10. The essential message the author wants to convey is that a) designing cities is not the same as creating a work of art. b) forms of order are out place in cities. c) art results from selection and organization of materials. d) city design is very disappointing because taxonomy influences it.

The Functional Education

There often is an air of defensiveness, when a sex-directed educator is asked to define. for the uninitiated, the "functional approach". One told a reporter: It's very well to talk big talk -intellectual generalizations, abstract concepts, the United Nations - but somewhere we have to start facing these problems of interpersonal relations on a more modest scale. We have to stop being so teacher-centred, and become student-centred, It's not what you think they need, but what they think they need. That's the functional approach. You walk into a class, and your aim is no longer to cover a certain content, but to set up an atmosphere that makes your students feel comfortable and talk freely a bout interpersonal relations, in basic terms, not high-falutin generalizations. Kids tend in adolescence to be very idealistic. They think they can acquire a different set of values, marry a boy from a different background, and that it

wont matter later on. We wake them aware it will matter, so they won't walk so lightly into mixed marriage, and other traps. The reporter asked why Mate Selection. Adjustment to Marriage, and Education for Family Living are taught in colleges at all, if the teacher is commited not to teach, if no material is to be learned or covered, and if the only aim is to help the student understand personal problems and emotions. After surveying a number of marriage courses for Mademoiselle, she concluded: Only in America would you overhear one undergraduate say to another with total ingenuousness, You should have been in class today. We talked about male roleplaying and a couple of people really opened up and got personal. The point of role-playing, a technique adapted from group therapy, is to get students to understand problems on a feeling level. Emotions more heady than those of the usual college classroom are undoubtedly stirred up when the professor invites them to roleplay the feelings of a boy and a girl on their wedding night. There is a pseudotherapeutic air, as the professor listens patiently to endless selfconscious student speeches about personal feelings (verbalizing) in the hopes of sparking a group insight. But though the functional course is not group therapy, it is certainly an indoctrination of opinions and values through manipulation of the students emotions; and in this manipulative disguise, it is no longer subject to the critical thinking demanded in the other academic disciplines. The students take as gospel the bits and pieces assigned in textbooks that explain Freud or quote Margaret Mead; they do not have the frame of reference that comes from the actual study psychology or anthropology. In fact, by explicitly banning the usual critical attitudes of college study, these courses give what is often no more than popular opinion the fiat of scientific law. The discussion on premarital intercourse usually leads to the scientific conclusion that it is wrong. One professor builds up his case against sexual intercourse before marriage with statistics chosen to demonstrate that premarital sexual experience tends to make marital adjustment more difficult. The student will not know of the other statistics which refute his point; if the professor knows of them, he can in the functional marriage course feel free to disregard them as unfunctional. (Ours is a sick society. The students need some accurate definite kind of knowledge.) It is functional Knowledge that only the exceptional woman can make a go of a commitment to a career. Of course. since most women in the past have not had careers, the few who did all exceptional -as a mixed marriage is exceptional, and premarital intercourse for a girl is exceptional. All are phenomena of less than 51 per cent. The whole point of functional education often seems to be: what 51 per cent of the population does today, 100 per cent should do tomorrow. So the sex-directed educator promotes a girls adjustment by dissuading her from any but the 'normal' commitment to marriage and the family. One such educator goes farther than imaginary role-playing; she brings real ex-working mothers to class to talk about their guilt at leaving their children in the morning.

Somehow, the students seldom hear about a woman who has successfully broken convention -the young woman doctor whose sister handled her practice when her babies were born, the mother who adjusted her babies sleeping hours to her work schedule without problems. the happy Protestant girl who married a Catholic, the sexually serene wife whose premarital experience did not seem to hurt her marriage. Exceptional cases are of no practical concern to the functionalist, though he often acknowledges scrupulously that there ore exceptions. (The exceptional child, in educational jargon, bears a connotation of handicap: the blind, the crippled, the retarded, the genius, the defier of convention -anyone who is different from the crowd, in any way unique -bears a common shame; he is exceptional). Somehow the student gets the point that she does not want to be the exceptional woman.

QUESTIONS
1. Se infiere que el educador entrevistado piensa que los jvenes a) estn capacitados para optar por una nueva escala de valores. b) deben cambiar la escala de valores establecida. c) deben aceptar la escala de valores prevaleciente. 2. Teniendo en cuenta la definicin de enfoque funcional presentada en el artculo, la reportera piensa que la inclusin de materiales como Education for family living es a) encomiable. b) imprescindible. c) incongruente. 3. Por la conclusin a que llega la reportera de Mademoiselle se desprende que ella a) desaprueba las directrices de la educacin universitaria. b) defiende las directrices de la educacin universitaria. c) acepta las directrices de la educacin universitaria. 4. El autor piensa que el empleo de tcnicas de terapia de grupo en las aulas universitarias es a) vlido. b) cuestionable. c) inaplazable. 5. El autor considera que los cursos funcionales a) persiguen la indoctrinacin de opiniones. b) llevan a la comprensin subjetiva de problemas. c) fomentan el pensamiento crtico. 6. En los cursos funcionales, autores como Fred y Mead son a) excluidos totalmente. b) estudiados fuera de contexto. c) ledos crticamente. 7. En la discusin de las relaciones sexuales, el profesor mencionado utiliza las cifras estadsticas para a) llegar a conclusiones cientficamente fundamentales.

b) presentar los pros y los contras de las relaciones premaritales. c) convencer a los alumnos de un determinado punto de vista. 8. Segn el autor, el propsito de la educacin funcional parece ser el lograr que los estudiantes a) adquieran conocimientos exactos y definitivos. b) sean profesionistas altamente capacitados. c) se conformen a la sociedad convencional. 9. Los casos de personas consideradas excepcionales son en general a) admitidos en buen grado. b) ignorados lo ms posible. c) reconocidos por sus mritos. 10. El promedio de los estudiantes egresados de los cursos funcionales a) trata de ser excepcional. b) evita ser excepcional. c) acaba por ser excepcional.

Strong Massages to Censors

The decision came quietly, but the reverberations are now sounding around the world. On Nov. 14, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, an autonomous judicial arm of the 32-member Organization of American States, ruled 7 to 0 that a law requiring the licensing of journalists violated the right to free expression. Stephen Schmidt, an American reporter, had been found guilty in 1983 of practicing journalism in Costa Rica without a required license and had received a three-month suspended sentence from that nation's Supreme Court. In its landmark ruling, the human rights court, which sits in San Jos, Costa Rica, held that the compulsory licensing of journalists is incompatible with Article 13 of the American Convention on Human Rights insofar as it denies some persons access to the full use of the news media as a means of expressing themselves or imparting information. In Washington, Executive Director Dana Bullen of the World Press Freedom Committee declared, The ruling should have great impact. It's the best thing since the zipper. Eleven Latin nations and Spain are among the countries that require journalists to be licensed, typically through a colegio (similar to a trade union) controlled by the government. Advocates of licensing say the practice helps limit the profession to qualified candidates. Some journalists within the license-granting countries agree. Since doctors and lawyers must get their credentials certified, they argue, that requirement should be extended to professional journalists. The United Nations Educational. Scientific and Cultural Organization has debated licensing as a way to protect journalist operating in such dangerous circumstances as war and riots. UNESCO has even considered issuing internationally recognized press cards that would identify journalists in hazardous areas. But after acknowledging the threat to press freedom inherent in any licensing scheme, the U.N. agency has repeatedly rejected all such proposals.

Opponents of licensing argue that it is merely a cloak to cover government censorship and that it threatens independent reporting. As one example, they point to the 1983 expulsion from Honduras of John Lantigua, an American reporter for United Press International, on the ground that he was not a union member. Lantigua was expelled while working on a story about a secret jail where political prisoners were said to be tortured. In a deliberate effort to break the system, Schmidt, then an investigative reporter for San Jos's English language Tico Times and for the Spanish language daily La Prensa Libre, challenged the Costa Rican colegio at a San Jos meeting of the Inter-American Press Association (IAPA) in 1980. l'm covering this meeting illegally, he announced. Let me work or sue me. The colegio responded to the dare and a criminal sue followed. At his first trial in 1983, Schmidt was acquitted; a lower court ruled that he had indeed violated local law, but that he was exonerated by the higher authority of article 13. While the case was being appealed to Costa Ricas Supreme Court, Schmidt left 4 the country -and journalism- to become a financial consultant in Dallas. But he continued to fight. When the Supreme Court released its decision, Schmidt rejected the judges stipulation that the sentence would be suspended if he returned to Costa Rica and apologized to the colegio. Government attorneys indicated that he could receive a pardon. Of course I did not return, Schmidt snapped. I didn't want a pardon. What he wanted was a test before the human rights tribunal. He got it after the IAPA persuaded Costa Rican President Luis Alberto Monge Alvarez to petition the human rights court for a ruling. Schmidt triumphed. thanks in part to number of amicus briefs filed on behalf of groups that support freedom of the press, including one by noted Washington lawyer Leonard Marks Nonetheless, President Monge has pointed out, the opinion of the court is not binding, and in fact he is correct. The human rights court has no enforcement mechanism. Say Marks: There are no troops to back it up. Even so. free-press advocates are hopeful that the ruling will send a powerful message. starting in Costa Rica. We cannot imagine, editorialized La Prensa Libre that we requested an opinion only to lightly ignore it. Elsewhere, evidence Is mounting that the message will not be discounted. In the Dominican Republic, Six publishers are pressing a court challenge against that nation's colegio. And in Peru. Editor Enrique Zileri sees the Schmidt decision as the end of any oppressive threat from, licensing.

QUESTIONS
1. La Corte Internacional de Derechos Humanos a) absolvi a los periodistas acusados de violar leyes. b) se declare en contra de una ley. c) se declar en contra de un organismo judicial autnomo. 2. Stephen Schmidt a) viol el Articulo 13 de la Convencin Americana sobre Derechos Humanos. b) recibi sentencia con base en el Articulo 13. c) result absuelto con base en el Articulo 13.

3. Espaa a) aboga por la liberacin de Schmidt. b) exige que los periodistas tengan una autorizacin oficial. c) se opone al control gubernamental del periodismo por medio de un colegio. 4. La UNESCO a) no proporciona credenciales de identificacin a periodistas. b) proporciona credenciales a periodistas para protegerlos en circunstancias peligrosas. c) tiene actualmente un debate sobre si se debera o no dar credenciales a periodistas. 5. El caso de Lantigua a) es un ejemplo de que los permisos a periodistas encubren censura gubernamental. b) es un ejemplo de los beneficios de dar autorizaciones. c) concluy con el confinamiento del periodista en una crcel secreta. 6. Schmidt trabaja para a) La IAPA. b) la Prensa Libre. c) el colegio de San Jos. 7. Schmidt a) fue expulsado por exponer el caso de unos prisioneros polticos. b) perdi una demanda contra la IAPA. c) fue demandado por el colegio de periodistas costarricenses. 8. Schmidt a) cumpli con la sentencia de la Suprema Corte. b) regres a Costa Rica y pidi disculpas al colegio. c) no regres a Costa Rica. 9. Schmidt, finalmente, a) recibi apoyo de un abogado estadounidense. b) no recibi apoyo de abogados estadounidenses. c) recibi apoyo del presidente de Costa Rica.

The Birth of Modern Dance

The history of the classical ballet follows a straight path from court dance to Diaghilev. As an aristocratic art, performed both by and or the upper classes for a great part of its history, it was cocooned from outside pressures and carefully recorded. Only with the advent of Diaghilev did it become truly a _1_ art. In the earliest days of the romantic ballet, _2_ at the Paris Opera were drawn from a limited _3_ group and at its peak in St. Petersburg most of the _4_ were reserved for the Tsar and its court. Commercial

pressure and social _5_ widened the audience when Diaghilev first came to Paris. The only other _6_ performance available to the general public were _7_ acts within the framework of a variety bill, some of them of a very high standard. _8_ dance has no such cloistered history and its roots lie in many directions: _9_ expression, revolt against the establishment, a reaction to the formality of _10_ ballet. It has become primarily an American art, fitting to a _11_ country with no tradition of classical ballet, a fierce sense of independence and very _12_ ethnic mix. To define modern dance is not _13_. At its simplest it could be said to consist of heightened natural _14_ expressing a strong theme of real significance, but from this base it is _15_ to identify almost as many schools of thought as there are performers. They can be loosely grouped into schools but only that of Martha Graham has approached anything comparable to the structure and organization of classical ballet. The modern dance scene is one of constant change. grouping and regrouping, inevitable view of its intensively personal nature.

QUESTIONS
1. a) true b) noble c) public 4. a) seats b) dances c) theaters 7. a) ballet b) individual c) scientific 10. a) ancient b) real c) classical 13. a) strange b) common c) difficult 2. a) craftsmen b) patrons c) seats 5. a) stability b) revolt c) change 8. a) Modern b) Folk c) traditional 11. a) young b) wild c) conservative 14. a) exercise b) expression c) movements 3. a) social b) classical c) young 6. a) musical b) inexpensive c) ballet 9. a) individual b) aristocratic c) traditional 12. a) considerable b) rare c) small 15. a) probable b) possible c) difficult