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Independent Study Mass Media & Nonviolent Movements

Erika M. Saca Cal State University Fullerton COMM 599 Supervisor: Dr. Andi Stein May 2013

Introduction The 20th century gave the world several nonviolent campaigns that changed the course of history. The Civil Rights movement, the Union of Farm Workers in California and Indias struggle for independence from British rule, were all extremely successful in shifting paradigms, equalizing power and leveling the playing field for those who challenged the establishment. Communications played a vital role in the success of all of these movements.

As Reuben states, the media have had a historical impact in shaping societal attitudes on issues and conflicts. In order for any issue to become part of public discourse, it has to be made relevant to a wider audience, that is where mass media come into the picture. The media often help determine what the public perceives the issue to be about, its causes and consequences, whether it is important, and how to think about it. (Reuben, 2009) The only way that a sit-in in Alabama could have had an impact in Washington was to gain massive support and momentum through the use of mass media.

As Gorsevski points out, Joining members of the media to foster an environment of critical thinking and debate is crucial to the success of a nonviolent social movement. At the same time, relying upon the media to announce the message supports the notion

that nonviolence requires certain preconditions for it to succeed. An open and relatively free media is one of those preconditions. (Gorsevski, 1999)

But access to media and coverage are not granted equally to all players. In the case of nonviolent movements, most of the time the participants are challenging the establishment, institutions, corporations or even countries that have much more power over the media, and whose interests are highly prioritized over their own. So, though coverage may be granted to the challenging group, that coverage can be minimal or even harmful to their cause, framed in such a way that it de-legitimizes the cause and its supporters. According to Reuben, News coverage can foster destructive escalation by promoting the denigration of one of the disputants, such as by marginalization or demonization. (Reuben, 2009)

Juluri suggests that media scholars have a unique position in which they should aid in the peaceful transfer of power, which is the ultimate goal of nonviolence. Nonviolence, ultimately, is not about the seizure of power (in the name of nationality, class, race, gender, etc.) but about the transformation of relationships leading to a peaceful transfer of power. (Parekh quoted by Juluri, 2005)

This paper will examine three of the most successful campaigns of Principled Nonviolence in the 20th Century:

1) Indian independence Campaign 2) The Civil Rights Movement 3) California Grape Workers Strike & Boycott

By researching these cases, this paper will answer the following questions:

RQ#1: What role did the media play in carrying out these campaigns? RQ#2: What strategies did they use to get favorable media exposure? RQ#3: What lessons can be applied to 21st century nonviolent campaigns?

Background The term Nonviolence has been misunderstood and commonly identified with being a passive and utopian approach to social issues. According to McCarthy & Kruegler, in the nineteenth century it was often times interchanged with the term passive resistance. Passive resistance was also contrasted with active resistance, meaning violence, which served to strengthen the sense that nonviolent approaches are a kind of passivity. (McCarthy & Kruegler, 1993) But nonviolence is not passive; it mobilizes people to become participants for change, without resorting to violence.

In canonical nonviolent action, activists initially seek to resolve problems through dialogue, but when the opponent refuses to discuss matters, operates in bad faith or uses violence; nonviolent action becomes a means to encourage the opponent to enter dialogue. (Nss quoted by Martin, 2003)

According to McCarthy & Kruegler, nonviolent action has a long history but it was only until recently, under Mohandas K. Gandhi, that it was studied more deeply. Calabrese writes, Through speeches, writings and by example, Gandhi articulated a set of principles and practices that reflect what seems to be an unimpeachable philosophy of nonviolent civil disobedience which was put to the aim of ending British colonialism in India. Although Gandhis role was not the single determinant in bringing an end to British rule, no one would argue that his moral and spiritual leadership were not fundamental. (Calabrese, 2004)

Gandhi expanded the understanding of nonviolence expanding its scope beyond civil disobedience and passive resistance. As McCarthy & Kruegler suggest, In the twentieth century, the person whose example comes closest to defining the ideals of modern civil disobedience is Mohandas K. Gandhi, whose sources of inspiration, in addition to Thoreau, also included The Bhagavad-Gita and Jesus Christ. (McCarthy & Kruegler, 1993)

Indian independence Campaign (1930-1931) According to Calabrese, 2,500 followers marched to the sea with Gandhi to defy the British monopoly on salt manufacturing and in India. The Salt Tax Act of 1882 did not allow Indians to make salt without British permission.

The volunteers marched to the Dharasna Salt Works on May 21, and were met and brutally beaten with batons and riffle butts by 400 police, resulting in the injury and hospitalization of more than 300 persons, and the deaths of two, but they held the principle of nonviolence and did not fight back. This famous incident was a decisive moment in discrediting British rule in India in the eyes of the world. (Brown, Beck, quoted by Calabrese, 2004)

Civil Rights Movement The 1960s were an active decade for the Civil Rights movement. Its leaders called for a change of unequal policies that treated black Americans as second-class citizens. The movement was split into two: those who retaliated with violence, by instilling fear and widening the divide between black and white Americans, and those that made use of

nonviolence through tactics such as civil disobedience. The leader of nonviolence in the Civil Rights movement was Martin Luther King Jr.

One of the most successful examples of civil disobedience strategy was used in the civil rights struggle in the 1960s. Martin Luther King had stressed to his followers and the public that the struggle for racial equality would be nonviolent. Even when the protesters were beaten with clubs they refused to respond in kind. (Wolfsfeld, 2011)

California Grape Workers Strike & Boycott (1965-1970) Gene Sharp wrote that the farm workers of California were among the lowest classes of the American social ladder, for much of the twentieth century. He stated that most worked without union representation, suffering poverty and extreme economic exploitation. As Gene Sharp notes, by the 1960s the prospects of unionization for farm workers looked bleak, since any attempt at organizing was met with brutality and strike breaks.

In 1965 a large protest began in Delano, lead by Cesar Chvez, who called for nonviolent protest. But many of the farm workers were too scared to participate because of physical reprisals and fear. After four

weeks of enduring brutality some began to act out violently. Chvez knew that he needed support from outside Delano. (Sharp, 2005)

RQ#1: What role did the media play in carrying out these campaigns? Mass Media have played a vital role in carrying out campaigns of Principled Nonviolence. The messages and actions of Gandhi, King and Chvez would not have reached the masses, if it were not for their strategic use of media. As Reuben wrote, In a democracy, societal conflict is particularly important, and newsworthy, because these conflicts are the disputes over which society itself, acting through its many constituencies, disagreespart of the news medias function in a democracy is to facilitate the publics consideration of public issues. (Reuben, 2009)

The right kind of press coverage was necessary in order to make their causes resonate with the rest of the world and form part of the public discourse of the time. Only then, could the causes of these challengers be considered important. According to Martin, communication is essential in order to convert the core values of the opponent.

Since principled nonviolence is founded in a belief that behavior flows out of the core values of a person, it is only sensible to conclude that conversion namely, changing the opponents core values is the mechanism by which nonviolent action should bring about change If conversion is the means, then communication is essential.

(Martin, 2003)

Juluri suggests that the perseverance of the challengers alone will not change the perception of the attackers. This requires a mutual understanding, which he suggests can only be brought about through communication. He writes:

The calm perseverance of satyagrahis in the face of brutal assault can lead to attackers reassessing their own values, but of course this requires that the attackers actually perceive the behavior of the satyagrahis. Pilots in a plane dropping bombs, or scientists designing the bombs, are unlikely to see protesters at all. But more than information flow is required: as well, the activists behavior must create or resonate with opponents understandings; otherwise there is no prospect of conversion. (Juluri, 2005)

News media can either perpetuate the status quo, or become tools for shifting paradigms. Reuben states that the role of news media is vital for the resolution of conflicts in democratic societies. He writes:

Across the globe the resolution of such questions can contribute to the difference between world stability and instability. The news media, for example, played an important role in fueling the fires of hatred that led

to the extermination of Jews during the Holocaust and Tutsis during the Rwandan genocide, but also in helping to secure peace in Northern Ireland. (Reuben, 2009)

According to Reuben, the news medias ability to reach masses of people grants them the unique capacity to escalate conflict either constructively or destructively. In this way, the news media serves as a moderator of disputes, stoking escalation that may be more constructive or destructive, depending upon what is reported. (Reuben, 2009)

Media Challenges There were several challenges that the movements had to overcome in order to gain access to the media. The resistance to change was one of the biggest. According to Gerbner, As a cultivating agent, TV does not change culturally prevailing conceptions but reinforces themits "chief cultural function is to spread and stabilize social patterns, to cultivate not change but resistance to change." Thus, "stability may be the significant outcome" of the system (Gerbner, 2005).

According to Wolfsfeld, authorities have an advantage over the challengers when it comes to media coverage, because of journalists focus on the issue of law and order. In many conflicts, the weaker side is attempting to talk about some type of injustice while the more powerful side will stress the need for law and order. This is true about workers strikes, protests about issues such as discrimination, and

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human rights, and even when a weaker country challenges a more powerful country. The challenger wants to talk about their demands, while the news media are interested in the action. (Wolfsfeld, 2011)

Challengers are in a compromising position when it comes to news media, since they may be tempted to act in a way that would call the attention of the news media. But those actions can backlash. This is well-illustrated in the protest paradigm which states that, the more protest groups threaten the status quo by attempting to change current conditions, norms, and policies, the more negatively they will be treated by the news media. This harsh coverage both marginalizes the protest group and reinforces the status quo. (Reuben, 2009)

According to Reuben there are several protest paradigm characteristics, which include: Derogatory news frames, reliance on official sources, the invocation of public opinion that frames protesters as an isolated minority, de-legitimization (such as by treating the protesters cause as futile or a failure), and demonization of the parties (such as by focusing on the negative consequences of the protest). (Reuben, 2009)

RQ#2: What strategies did they use to get favorable media exposure?

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The leaders of these campaigns had to figure out smart strategies in order to get the right kind of exposure from the news media. The fact that they were challengers meant that they needed to gain more supporters for their cause. As Reuben suggests:

This can also motivate the protesters to devote more resources to their efforts (time, money, energy), to raise the level of their tactics in an effort to be heard and taken seriously, and to strengthen their resolve with respect to conflict issues. (Reuben, 2009)

All three campaigns of Principled Nonviolence that this paper examines made use of Public Relations in order to obtain the publicity and exposure that they needed. According to Murphee, public relations history often focuses on corporate efforts, rather than nonprofit. This makes the study of the cases presented in this paper, valuable for the field of Public Relations. An examination of the role of public relations in social movements significantly broadens the historical outlook and understanding and provides insight about the essential relationship between social causes and communication. (Murphee, 2003) The case of the civil rights movement is a good example. Murphee points out that the oppressed, black population had no significant representation in the media. The movement relied on the strategic use of public relations in order to be heard.

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The people who led and participated in the movement recognized their oppression and fought to overcome it. And again, in many cases one of the primary weapons of the battle was the productive use of public relations. Such tools gave the movement and its leaders a voicea voice strong and loud enough to be recognized throughout the nation. (Murphee, 2003)

Civil Disobedience The common denominator in all three campaigns was the use of civil disobedience as a tool for transforming relationships. Mobilizing sympathizers in a civil manner allowed the movements to retain the credibility and respect that they needed in order to be taken seriously. Any nonsense or violent action could and would have been used against the cause, escalating the conflict in a negative manner.

According to Calabrese, King argued that practicing civil disobedience was a form of moral responsibility to disobey unjust law as it is to obey just ones:

One who breaks an unjust law must do so openly, lovingly, and with a willingness to accept the penalty. I submit that an individual who breaks a law that conscience tells him is unjust and who willingly accepts the penalty of imprisonment in order to arouse the consciousness of the community over its injustice, is in reality expressing the highest respect

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for the law. (King quoted by Calabrese, 2004)

Birmingham, Alabama was the stage for a major protest in which participants endured police brutality and arrests. By publically denouncing those unjust attacks, the participants made their cause a part of public discourse. As Wolfsfeld writes, the march of May 4, 1963 in Birmingham, Alabama made history:

The Police Commissioner Eugene Bull Conner decided to set the attack dogs on the protesters leading to some terrible pictures of police brutality. One of the most famous pictures was published on the front page of the New York Times and showed a fifteen-year old boy being viciously attacked by German Shepherds. (Wolfsfeld, 2011)

Wolfsfeld stresses the importance of those pictures and their impact on the politics of the Civil Rights movement. According to him, the images provoked an almost immediate response both locally and in Washington. Locally it gained more supporters for Martin Luther King from the Birmingham Negro leaders who had not supported him until then. In Washington it moved President Kennedy to send representation from the Justice Departments civil rights division to Birmingham.

It tells us that, despite the close association between power and media access, there are cases in which news media play a more

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independent role in political conflicts. We also learn that shocking visual images can have an important effect on the political process and that this is true even before the creation of the Internet and Youtube. (Wolfsfeld, 2011)

Politics of Shame The nonviolent campaigns made use of politics of shame against their attackers. They let the whole world see the atrocities that they had to endure in their daily struggles. The Salt March, led by Gandhi is a great example of the strategic use of politics of shame. The purpose of the march was not the production of salt but rather to shame the British raj publicly. This historic march made headlines around the world, where support for the Indian independence movement grew, as did the pressure on the British government to end the injustices of its rule on India:

The raids were not intended to get salt but to force the government into violent retaliation, even to the extent of firing to unarmed crowds, to show not just the local sightseers but to a world-wide public the fangs and the claws of the Government in all its ugliness. (Brown, quoted by Calabrese, 2004)

Reverend Martin Luther King Jr., transformed what could have been a shameful

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experience for him, into a shame on you lesson for those that questioned his actions. It was the spring of 1963, and according to Calabrese, the Reverend was arrested for participating in a demonstration in Birmingham, Alabama. His fellow clergy members had published statement that his activities were unwise and untimely. His response was the famous Letter from Birmingham Jail. He claimed that nonviolent civil disobedience was needed now because patience would mean acceptance of injustice. He wrote: We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor, it must be demanded by the oppressed We must come to see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that justice too long delayed is justice denied. (King quoted by Calabrese, 2004)

In the case of the California Farm Workers, the strategic use of news media was vital for the movement to gain traction. The politics of shame were used in order to make public the injustices of the farm owners, the local forces, and the consumers of the goods produced by the exploited farmers.

According to Gene Sharp, Chvez found an opportunity to get more attention for his cause when the County Sheriff stated that strikers would be arrested for disturbing the peace. He then decided to publically challenge the Sheriff. In the following days, the arrests began to take place with the cameras rolling. The first arrest was that of David Havens, a clergyman, after a dramatic reading of Jack Londons definition of a

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strikebreaker. Following his arrest, were those of 13 workers who defied the Sheriffs ban on the word huelga (strike). He garnered support from students at Berkeley, following the news of the arrests.

We took every case of violence and publicized what they were doing to us By some strange chemistry, every time the opposition commits an unjust act against our hopes and aspirations, we get tenfold paid back in benefits. (Chvez quoted by Sharp, 2005)

The campaign called for people throughout the United States to boycott the products of the corporations that were exploiting the farm workers. This offered a concrete call to action for those that sympathized with the cause and wanted to help. Chvez said:

"The boycott is one of the most powerful weapons that poor people and people who struggle for justice have in this world. It's so powerful because it's really nothing more than the extension of love from one human being to the other. It makes it possible for people in the east coast and in California and in other places, in Texas, in Austin, and all over the world to help one another in a very direct way" (Csar Chvez quoted by Zompetti)

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Publically shaming the opponent was a fundamental strategy when there were no other possibilities of dialogue. In such cases, nonviolent action is a means for power equalization, which can be seen as preparation for a dialogue between equals, in which rational discourse is a more reasonable prospect. (Martin, 2003) There are situations in which the opponent has no respect whatsoever for the challenger, such was the case in the Indian campaign against the British. Martin writes:

Because the British colonial rulers and their agents had so little respect for the Indian population, direct communications from satyagrahis had little impact. The news reports took Gandhis message to a more receptive audience in other countries, members of which were able to communicate directly with those running Britains colonial empire. (Martin, 2003)

According to Martin, the endurance of the satyagrahis upon the brutal assaults by police was not what led the police to alter their beliefs. If anything, the acquiescence of the satyagrahis made them become more ferocious in attack. The effectiveness of the campaign came from another communicative process. (Martin, 2003)

Martin wrote about Webb Millers reporting of the campaign to an international audience:

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Information about the attacks caused outrage in countries such as Britain and the United States. The nonviolent action thus had its biggest impact on third parties those not directly involved in the confrontation via messages produced by an observer. (Martin, 2003)

Weber, an author quoted by Martin, concluded that conversion was not the central means to Gandhis success, but rather through mobilization of third-party opinion. (Martin, 2003)

RQ#4: What lessons can be applied for 21st Century campaigns New media has brought about more possibilities and channels for broadcasting nonviolent campaigns. But there are several limitations that come with this newfound access to media. Although there has been great excitement over the possibilities that they bring to the table for social causes, it is important to reiterate that new technologies cannot replace the principles of nonviolence. Calabrese writes:

The politics of shame, which are central to the practice of civil disobedience, constitute an appeal to public reason about what is morally just, and it should come as no surprise that such activities have migrated to the Internet, a medium that has fast become an indispensable and influential political tool in many levels and contexts. However, much of what is described under the label of electronic

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disobedience is not faithful to the tradition of Thoreau, Gandhi and King. Much is conducted anonymously, and yet public accountability is a defining characteristic of civil disobedience. (Calabrese, 2004)

Good examples of electronic disobedience include hacktivism and virtual-sit-ins. Regardless of how good the cause for bringing down a government site may be. these kinds of actions violate the basic principles of nonviolent, civil disobedience. In acts of civil disobedience laws are broken but those that break the laws take accountability for their actions. In taking responsibility for breaking unjust laws, there can be an open debate about the nature of the injustice. Martin Luther King Jr. said about civil disobedience, One who breaks an unjust law must do so openly, lovingly, and with a willingness to accept the penalty. (King quoted by Calabrese, 2004) The kind of actions taken on by hacktivists are destructive in nature, and unlike nonviolent actions, seeking to transform relationships in an upfront manner, these actions merely vandalize in a cowardly manner.

It is important to remember that the credibility of the cause depends on the actions of the group, If the activists are seen as behaving stupidly or bizarrely, there is little prospect of understanding or sympathy by the opponents. In communicative terms, a requirement for the effectiveness of nonviolent action is that channels are open and that relevant meanings are produced. (Martin, 2003)

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Another important lesson for todays nonviolent campaign leaders is that traditional media are still the most important. New media have not taken the place of traditional mass media, which continues to be the best way to make a cause resonate and reach a broader, public discussion. Wolfsfeld compares introducing social media to a campaign to the idea of the campaign getting a megaphone. He says that it allows the participants to make their voice louder, but that they must be aware that they are not the only ones using a megaphone. Other causes use the same tool to make their voices louder, so it turns out to be a battle of who can shout louder. (Wolfsfeld, 2011)

Anyone can start a blog, but the odds of that blog creating a buzz online are miniscule. A recent study quoted by Wolfseld showed that only a small fraction of major news stories come from the blogosphere:

A mere 3.5 percent of all major news cycles were initiated in the blogoshere and then moved to other media. The majority of the news stories ran in the opposite direction: the blogs and alternative news sites were following stories that first appeared in the traditional media. (Wolfsfeld, 2011)

Social Media can also be deceiving. In todays media-scape nonviolent campaigns are competing for attention at every level. Most organizations use Twitter, Facebook and

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other platforms to gain followers. But how many of those likes or re-tweets actually mobilize sympathizers? Being popular on social media does not guarantee the success of any social movement so it should not be seen as the silver bullet, but simply as a tool to be used as part of a larger media strategy.

Suggestions for future research Future research could examine more closely the failures of new media in social campaigns. Since these kinds of media evolve every day it will be most helpful to learn from the mistakes of other new media social campaigns. One idea is the further examination on the effects of Hacktivism on different social causes; what it can do for the reputation of a cause. Another interesting area for research could be a case study on the dangers of Slacktivism for a specific cause.

Conclusion History as we know it is a record of the wars of the world . . . but . . . if this were all that happened in the world, it would have ended long ago. If the story of the universe had commenced with wars, not a man would have been found alive today. . . . The fact that there are so many men in the world still alive today shows that it is not based on the force of arms but on the force of truth or love. History is a record of an interruption of the course of nature. (Gandhi quoted by Juluri, 2005)

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Until the twentieth century, the history of the world had been a record of wars. A symbolic salt march, a grape boycott and other nonviolent actions showed the world that there were other alternatives to violence. The successful nonviolent campaigns of the twentieth century used smart media strategies in order to accomplish the transformations they aimed for. Their campaign leaders had the task of re-educating entire countries in order to gain sympathy and support for causes that challenged the status quo of the day; all of which was accomplished before the Internet and social media existed. There are significant lessons to be learned from their victories, which were achieved against all odds.

Thanks to television and newspaper coverage the speeches and writings of Chvez, King and Gandhi were now reinforced by strong visual representations of the situations they alluded to. Mass media took the endurance of suffering of a group of people and transformed it into a national cause. The brutality that would have otherwise been witnessed by only a limited group of sympathizers was made public for the masses to see. The whole world witnessed the look of horror in the black boys face as he was being attacked by fierce German Shepherds, or the British armed forces firing at unarmed Indian civilians. If it were not for the mass media coverage, the suffering would have been endured privately and no significant social change would have been achieved.

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As Martin noted, the case of Gandhis salt satyagraha of 1930, when satyagrahis endured police brutality, the act itself did not alter the beliefs of the attacking policemen. If anything, the acquiescence of the satyagrahis made them become more ferocious in attack (Martin, 2003) The change did not come through conversion, but through the mobilization of third-party opinion. (Martin, 2003) The satyagahis had gained the support of people from as far as the United States and Britain, escalating the conflict to the point of international shame for the British regime.

Csar Chvez, recognized the importance of these tactics and spoke about them openly. His group made use of the violence bestowed upon them, transforming it into newsworthy material.

We took every case of violence and publicized what they were doing to us By some strange chemistry, every time the opposition commits an unjust act against our hopes and aspirations, we get tenfold paid back in benefits. (Chvez quoted by Sharp, 2005)

Todays nonviolent campaign leaders and media scholars should keep in mind that new media is not a silver bullet. The excitement over its possibilities can be deceiving. Nonviolence campaigns have principles that cannot be ignored, regardless of the medium through which the actions are taken. It is important to reiterate that traditional

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media continue to be the most important sources of news for the masses, therefore new media should only be seen as part of a more complex and strategic media plan.

Communication is essential for nonviolence to work; its the fuel that powers creative solutions and alternatives to violent conflicts. And yet todays mass media continues to perpetuate the idea that violence is inevitable. The successful nonviolent campaigns of the twentieth century proved that myth wrong. May their example not fade away; may they inspire social campaigns of today and tomorrow.

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11. Martin, B., & Varney, W. (2003). Nonviolence and Communication. Journal Of Peace Research, 40(2), 213. 12. McCarthy, R., & Kruegler, C. (1993). Toward Research and Theory Building in the Study of Nonviolent Action. The Albert Einstein Institution. Monograph Series No 7. 13. Moala, K. (2011). 2. media--a destructive or constructive force in pacific peace and development?. Pacific Journalism Review, 17(1), 20-25. 14. Murphree, V. D. (2003). The Selling of Civil Rights: The Communication Section of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. Journalism History, 29(1), 21-31. 15. Murphree, V. (2004). black power: Public relations and social change in the 1960s. American Journalism, 21(3), 13-32. 16. REUBEN, R. (2009). The impact of news coverage on conflict: Toward greater understanding. Marquette Law Review, 93(1), 45-85 17. Sharp, Gene. (2005). Waging Nonviolent Struggle: 20th Century Practice and 21st Century Potential. Boston: Porter Sargent. 18. Skjerdal, T. (2011). The somali media and their peace-building potential. Bildhaan, an International Journal of Somali Studies, 11, 27-50. 19. Starosta, W. J., & Lili, S. (2007). Alternate Perspectives on Gandhian Communication Ethics. China Media Research, 3(4), 7-14. 20. Wolfsfeld, G. (2011). Making Sense of Media and Politics : Five Principles in Political Communication. New York: Routledge. 21. Zompetti, J. (2006). Csar Chvez's Rhetorical Use of Religious Symbols. Journal Of Communication & Religion, 29(2), 262-284.

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