Running head: SHARING THE POWER 1

Sharing the Power: Conversations with Two Adult English Language Learners
Brian J. Rice
University of Kansas

Sharing the Power 2

Sharing the Power: Conversations with Two Adult English Language Learners

I became the teacher of record for English language learners (ELL) and students with
disabilities in 2002. The diversity of this student population, in addition to their English
proficiency levels as well as their ability levels made it important that I find ways to connect
with students and they with their peers. Many of my students found it difficult to navigate the
culture of the school, including administration, teachers, and peers creating what Dewey (2007)
identifies as a non-educative experience. I believe that for my students to be successful, in the
academic sense, they need to know who I am as their teacher as much as I must uncover who
they are as individuals. From this perspective we can then turn our focus to curriculum,
engaging lessons, and learning, but with the understanding that revealing who we are is a
discovery process that requires time, effort, and safe spaces for both knowing and becoming.
Inviting ELLs to Share their Experiences
For this project I examined ways to better understand the particular experiences of
diverse ELLs within the educational setting. I chose my participants specifically because of my
experiences working within the Hispanic population and my lack of experience with Native
American populations. My intent was to compare and contrast the participants educational
experiences in hopes to, as Amanti (2005) describes, create more than a casual familiarity. In so
doing an improved pedagogy can emerge as opportunities to develop socially, academically, and
linguistically (Heneda, 2006) position me, as the educator, to create space for useful and
meaningful learning experiences
Introducing the Participants
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In conducting the interviews I chose to focus on experiences of ELL students during their
language acquisition processes specifically with their interactions with teachers and peers.
Through a friend who works at a local university I was introduced to Shawna, a Native
American. She received her undergraduate degree in social work. I invited a former Hispanic
student to participate. Diana has earned her associates degree from a junior college. All names
used are pseudonyms.
Shawna is a thirty-one year old female from New Mexico. She is the mother of three
children, the two oldest are daughters and the youngest is a son. Shawna attended a local
university and completed a four-year undergraduate degree in environmental science. During
her studies she enlisted in the Army Reserves.
When asked about her plans to return to employment as a social worker Shawna admits
that her experiences in this area were not as expected and has no desire to return in this capacity.
However, she does plan to return to the workforce. Shawna foresees herself returning to school
to study pharmacy. This will occur after her husband completes his doctoral studies.
According to Shawna Navajo is her first language. She considers herself fluent in
speaking and reading Navajo, but expressed difficulty in knowing which symbols to us when
writing. Her parents are bilingual, but she was not exposed to English until she entered first
grade at a majority white school where she and her brother were the only Navajo students.
Shawna grew up speaking Navajo with family members and English with teachers, friends, and
peers.
The interview took place in the front room of Shawnas home. Her eldest daughter was
at school, her second daughter was in the adjoining room playing, and her son was down for his
midmorning nap. The interview lasted approximately thirty minutes. I was seated on the couch
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while Shawna occupied a window seat across from me. There is a wedding picture on the shelf
and a family picture hanging on the wall. During the course of the interview Shawna laments
that her children are not able to speak Navajo although she has made efforts to teache them.
Diana is a twenty-four year old female from Mexico. She arrived in the United States
when she was a thirteen-year-old adolescent on what she describes as a student visa. Initially
living with her uncles family. She has returned several times to Mexico to visit family. Dianas
visits to Mexico became less frequent when her immediate family moved to the United States.
Upon the ultimate arrival of her immediate family Dianas visits to Mexico occurred with less
frequency, limited to winter breaks and extended family events such as funerals, quinceaeras
(15
th
birthday parties), and weddings.
Currently Diana is married and is mother to a single child, a son who was playing in the
room throughout the interview. Diana attended a local junior college where she earned an
associates degree. Upon her graduation Diana was employed as an office assistant for a local
high school. She ended her employment during her pregnancy and has not sought reemployment
since. When asked about her plans to return to work Diana admits that will not happen until her
son begins school and even then she is unsure.
Dianas first language is Spanish. She began to study English when she entered the
American public school system. Diana considers herself fluent in both Spanish and English and
claims literacies, speaking, reading, and writing, in both languages. As a child Spanish was the
language spoken in the home, even after moving to the United States, as her parents are
monolingual. Outside of the home the language of choice was dependent less upon the setting
and more upon who was within the setting. School became an English dominated environment
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because her teachers could not speak Spanish. Her social interactions were a mix of English and
Spanish depending on the makeup the individuals within the social group.
The interview occurred in the afternoon. Diana was seated on the couch. Her television
has an impact crack. She is quick to explain that her son was swinging his fathers nightstick,
but that the television still works. There are multiple pictures of her son throughout the room
accompanied with a few family pictures. The interview lasted approximately twenty-five
minutes. There is a large painting of lilies over the mantel. There are childrens books scattered
on the floor. These books appear to be written in English. During the interview Diana interacted
with her son in both English and Spanish. She considers herself to be bilingual and is teaching
her son to also be fluent in English and Spanish.
Learning from Conversation
Each participant was the first in their families to continue their education after graduation
from high school. For Shawna her motivation to study at the university was motivated by her
belief that she could do it. There was no pressure from her family nor was their support to
continue her education beyond high school. This is similar to Dianas experience, We came to
the United States for a better life. That meant work and education in that order. It was expected
that once I graduated from high school I would start working and contributing to the familys
income (Field Interview 2, 2014). It was Dianas boyfriend who encouraged her to attend a
local junior college.
Although Shawns parents are bilingual they made a conscious effort to teach and
maintain the Navajo language within the home. She remarks that her younger siblings are not as
fluent in Navajo as she is. I think because we had left the [reservation] it made it easier for us
to speak English (Field Interview 1, 2014). This is in contrast to Dianas parents who are
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monolingual and as a result Spanish was the dominant language of communication within the
home.
Diana, upon her arrival in the United States, was enrolled into a public school where the
majority of students were identified as speaking English as a second language (ESL). I was put
in an ESL class and we read Dr. Seuss books. I didnt want to read Dr. Seuss books. I wasnt a
baby. I knew how to read. I just didnt read in English yet (Field Interview 2, 2014). Dianas
experience aligns closely with Shawnas entrance into public schools from Navajo schools.
The school was mostly white. My little brother and I were the only Navajo
children. They stuck me in a low class. I hated it. I knew I didnt belong there.
Every thing was so slow. Even though I couldnt speak English yet I understood
more than they were teaching us. It was so frustrating (Field Interview 1, 2014).
Each participant perceived their initial placement into the American educational system as
inappropriate and misrepresentative of their abilities.
This is where advocacy becomes an important element in creating an academic identity.
Shawnas parents, in addition to speaking English fluently, were familiar the American education
system having attending public high school.
My parents came to the school and talked to [the principal and teacher]. They
tried to explain that my class was too easy and I needed to be with the other,
regular kids. They said I needed the class. Many times my parents tried to talk to
them. Finally, they just pulled me out and we went back to the [reservation]
(Field Interview 1, 2014).
Diana had no such advocate. Although, the school employed staff who were bilingual neither
her uncle or parents could miss work to communicate their concerns about Dianas continued
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placement in ESL. As Diana explains, I finally just did it on my own. I didnt need that class.
It wasnt for me. So I signed up for other classes instead of ESL. For the first time I realized I
had control over my life (Field Interview 2, 2014). This sense of control can be empowering.
Yet power often resides outside the scope of ELLs and their families. Shawnas above
narrative concerning her and her parents inability to convince the school personnel to remove
Shawna from her remedial class is an example of this. However, Shawna does present a counter
narrative where a shift in power occurs. She describes an experience with her honors teacher at
a predominantly white high school illustrates, My teacher took me aside. She told me on the
first day the class was too hard for me. She wanted me to change to a regular class (Field
Interview 1, 2014). For both participants the educative experiences was perceived as one of
repression both academically and linguistically. Diana also shared an example of a negative
experience with educational power. Her math teacher assigned homework,
I didnt know what I was supposed to do. I didnt understand what odd and even
meant. I was too afraid to ask. So I did all the problems. The teacher got mad.
She said I was making more work for her. She gave me back my homework
without a grade. I guess I didnt make more work for her since she didnt grade it
(Field Interview 2, 2014).
Both of these experiences illustrate well the issues, limitations, and obstacles many ELL students
face in acquiring what Fillmore and Snow (2000) describe as the skills and language necessary
for successfully completing high school, attending college, and procuring employment.
When probed for examples of linguistic repression each participant provided an example
of the devaluing of their native language. According to Foucault (1982) this is a type of power,
which is exerted over Others (Daz-Rico, 2008). He suggests that those who have access to this
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power possess the ability to modify, consume, and even destroy the beliefs and identity of the
Other. Diana was surprised by the ways in which her Spanish-speaking peers made fun of her
for speaking Spanish. I couldnt understand it. It didnt make any sense. I was like, I dont
speak English. I speak Spanish. You speak Spanish. Why are you making fun of me? (Field
Interview 2, 2014). Shawnas experience echos Dianas. I never felt prejudiced against from
the White kids. I got it from other Navajo girls. They made fun of me whenever I spoke
Navajo (Field Interview 1, 2014).
These narratives of power may affect the educative experiences (Dewey, 2007) ELL
students have. Shawna has a single example where she felt her language was valued in
traditional American public schools. I remember taking a Navajo culture class. They had an
Elder, awoman who spoke only in Navajo. She would speak to all the little children in
Navajo (Field Interview 1, 2014). In contrast Diana had no narrative where she felt her
language or culture was valued by the school, its administrators, or teachers.
Reacting and Analyzing
A difficulty exists in creating a curriculum that is accessible and meets the linguistic and
literacy needs of ELL students (Echevarria & Graves, 2007). Participants felt trapped in an
academic setting that did not match or meet their personal interests or needs. As Diana was
reflecting on having to read Dr. Seuss books she sprang from the couch and reached atop a
bookshelf behind what appeared to be an instrument case. She presented a book to me saying,
This, this is what I had to read. It made no sense to me. It doesnt make any sense to me now.
I hate it (Field Interview 2, 2014). The book she extended toward me was Dr. Seuss Theres A
Wocket in my Pocket!
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When prompted to explain the positioning of this artifact high above the shelf, behind a
dusty instrument case, and away from her sons access is indicative of her teachers inability to
recognize her background knowledge or her educational background as a successful learner in
Mexico (Short & Echevarria, 2004). As Diana explained,
My teacher did not know me. He didnt care that I could already, that I learned
English. It made me so mad when he gave me that Dr. Seuss to read. And then
when I tried to read it I didnt not understand it. Then I felt stupid. So I put that
book up there because I dont want him (gesturing toward her son) to read it. I
dont want him to feel stupid. It doesnt make no sense (Field Interview, 2014).
In this narrative Dianas teacher appears to lack the ability, or possibly even the will, to select
appropriate materials for her engagement, growth, and learning (Fillmore & Snow, 2000). Daz-
Rico (2008) suggests that a teacher who does not recognize a native language (L1) as possessing
a lack of language capital may have an inability to recognize success in students and as a result
may create a academically, socially, and linguistically limiting classroom environment.
This devaluing of L1 by the peers of each participant can be explained as an extension of
the limiting environment created within the classroom by teachers. Because of their peers
ability to interact in a second language (L2), in this case English, a perceived high-status
language, the use of Navajo, by Shawna, and Spanish, by Diana, became disenfranchising (Daz-
Rico, 2008). As ELL students attempt to navigate an educational environment where limiting
factors are present Fillmore and Snow (2000) contend that students are not receiving the
necessary L2 instruction to master its structures and patters of use (p. 23). As a result ELL
students struggle both linguistically and academically and drop out of school prior to graduation
or lack the required credits to graduate. Even when ELL students experience success in high
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school a limited understanding of how the L2 operates results in a lack of ability to meet
university level L2 demands. Diana described herself as a good student in Mexico. However,
her description of her experiences in United States public schools was accusatory, They (the
school as an entity) didnt care about my learning. I wasnt taught the same things the other
students were and this hurt me. When asked to describe how her high school experiences hurt
her Diana shared, When I went to [a local junior college] I thought I could do it. It was so hard
though. I had to read and write so much. I never did that in high school and I think its because
they didnt think I could do it and it was really hard for me to do in college because I never did
before (Field Interview 2, 2014).
Shawnas experience with the honors teacher began with a similar limitation, specifically
that the honors class was too hard for her and she should transfer to another class. Shawna
dismissed her teachers admonition, and act of assuming power in the relationship (Foucault,
1982; Daz-Rico, 2008). Not only did I stay in the class. I had the highest grade. I earned
more points than anyone, Shawna states (Field Interview 1, 2014).
There appears to be a lack of understanding, by teachers, of the background, culture, and
what Gibbons (2009) defines as schema, the personal and cultural experiences (p. 83) of ELL
students. Neither participant felt there was space for culture and beliefs to become a part of the
classroom learning environment. Moll, Amanti, Neff, and Gonzales (1992) suggest home visits
as a means to acquire funds of knowledge existent within the students world and family (Daz-
Rico, 2008).
Students, like culture, do not present themselves in neat packages. Teachers must
uncover and utilize student background knowledge in creating frameworks for organizing
instruction (Short & Echevarria, 2009). What teachers must avoid is focusing on what ELL
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students lack in terms of L2 literacy in speaking, reading, and writing. In challenging the deficit
model (Haneda, 2006) a curriculum, which allows for funds of knowledge to exist in the
classroom setting can be empowering.
The educator, as they uncover the funds of knowledge existing within the students
world, can create space for that world to become part of the classroom learning environment
(Moll, Amanti, Neff, & Gonzalez, 1992). In this context, much of the learning is driven and
inspired by students interests and questions rather than a deficit model of instruction. Students
can make connections with what is being taught. Their topic interests act as a source of
motivation and can result in increased engagement due to their relationship with the knower in
this instructional context.
If educators are to know their students they must inquire. This may often require the
educator to leave the comfort of the classroom and to explore the richness of the families and
communities they serve. With funds of knowledge the community has space to participate in the
learning of their children. Whereas, the teacher acts as both the selector and provider of the
cultural knowledge students are exposed to within the classroom setting.
Conclusion
Power emerges as an important theme in the lives of ELL students. Shawnas placement
in a remedial class by the school was positioning her, according to Daz-Rico, (2008) as a have-
not. These were called gifted classes, but they were for struggling students. And I knew that
(Field Interview 1, 2014). The schools unwillingness to allow Shawna or her parents to
advocate for a more appropriate placement led to her parents withdrawing her from school, itself
an exercise of reassuming power of her educational wellbeing.
For students like Diana, where no advocacy is present from the home, the educator can be
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uniquely positioned to advocate on their behalf. This positioning would require the educator to
be actively engaged in uncovering student background knowledge, uncovering cultural relevant
information, and creating meaning full instructional curriculum. In addition, through identifying
funds of knowledge connections between culture, community, and classroom are present (Moll,
Amanti, Neff, & Gonzales,1992; Short & Echevarria, 2004; Echevarria & Graves, 2007; Daz-
Rico, 2008). In this way space is created in the classroom where students can gain proficiency in
the complex academic language that is crucial for school success (Short & Echevarria, 2004, p.
8).
It is important to recognize the ways in which power is perceived in schools. As
educators, collectively with students, families, and the community, work to create safe learning
spaces, students can be better positioned as successful learners. As students become more
engaged in classroom activities learning and language proficiency are likely to occur. As
students actively learn they can me repositioned socially from have-nots to haves thus creating
social capital (Daz-Rico, 2008).
Diana and Shawna each attempted to exert power over their educational reality. For
Diana, her expression of power was an active exit from ESL as she refused to enroll for another
semester. This was a conscious act to escape an environment where she felt devalued and
minimalized. For Shawna her act of power was in her remaining in the honors class even after
her teachers admonition to leave. Her entry into this privileged environment was empowering
(Daz-Rico, 2008) the result of which affected the power she was able to exercise (Haneda,
2006, p. 341) in future social, linguistic, and academic settings.
Teachers who implement content-based instruction do so as a means to integrate
language and academic subject matter (Short & Echevarria, 2004; Echevarria & Graves, 2007).
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When conducted in small group centers a safe environment can exist where ELL students can
engage with their native speaking peers. This allows the instructor to monitor and assess
students as they negotiate the activity and the tensions between L2 and the instruction received in
order to create a meaningful product.
Working with English language learners (ELLs) requires training (Short & Echevarria,
2004). An educator who is qualified in ESL instruction can make a difference in the educational
experiences of ELLs in ways a simple technician or untrained teacher cannot. Aside from being
knowledgeable about ways students learn a certified ESL teacher can properly assess their
students needs and progress. Specifically designed academic instruction in English (SDAIE)
can provide students with the structure needed to develop their English language skills in ways
the my districts ESL technicians with their sink or swim approach never could (Daz-Rico,
2008).
A trained ESL instructor can be positioned to both know the core curriculum being taught
in addition to the students needs and identity. In such a classroom environment cooperative
projects that include culturally relevant information (Echevarria & Graves, 2004, p. 225) can
be more readily designed where ELL students work closely with native speakers thus facilitating
language acquisition and content knowledge. This may lead to an increase in student/participant
motivation when located within Vygotskys (1978) zone of proximal development (ZPD).
The ZPD exists between the learners level of independent performance and the level of
assisted performance. The knowledgeable other is present to support and scaffold the maximum
the learner can achieve. The ZPD is what the student can learn with support from a more
capable other, be they educator, peer, or familial member. Through the activation of prior
knowledge, building of background knowledge, and providing multiple opportunities to practice
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(Short & Echevarria, 2004) the effect of power becomes a shared resource.
All children deserve highly qualified teachers who not only know the curriculum but also
know their students as individual and their academic and linguistic needs. According to
Echevarria and Graves (2005) such educators will facilitate student progress in a new language
developing questions and activities, in conjunction with research-based practices, which support
learning. I believe that if we train the classroom educator to be more aware and responsive to the
needs and effective strategies of teaching ELL many other current problems such as crime and
poverty could be resolved.



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