Professional Documents
Culture Documents
- H * H O
D
W f
u
i
h
F i
t 1
- f f
i
il
Il **
? r
T
k an
V
> 1
*>-
- ri 6
<7
n ?
,43
fct-J ^ l C rrr
III -
-> 1 1 ?
I l
w
s >
-
a
/1
96
> *
. . . Ill-
-w H
* I
?
* V
f
V -
n>rt
*
o-
*
f
c
<=>
O
- ^
O - > O o o o
i
(- )
n
7 V
?
Hf
lU
W ; ;
J .7
- t=
=
O
3 1
s
+
r i i.
- T
II
:
e
m r
H *
1
?
?
<P ?
- K
- o -
1 1
r + y
? 1
o -
>;
D 3
t
s
;
*
*
W w
W w ^
}
>
t
* X +
+ +
X X
r "
_ _
H-X 4
X - -t
i 4 t f * -M
IX ? I C
'JL
I
e
(P)
f i l l )
Fig. 5 The Ugaritic script in relation to the Western and Southern scripts
( Di et r i c h - L o r et z 1988a, 102)
Fig. 6 The Alphabet tablet from Beth Shemesh
( DI E T RI CH - L ORE T Z 1988a, 285)
Fig. 7 Tablet with the South Arabic Alphabet
( BORDREUI L - PA RDE E 1995, 856)
Beth eme H L H M
Q.
w
Ugarit H L H M
Q.
w
{J . Ryckmans H L H M
Q.
w
R TS N U [] F
R T D K N U S S
R B(G) T S H S F}
Beth eme ' ' G D G D T
Ugarit ' ' D G D G Y
{J . Ryckmans ' ' D G D G(B) D Y T S/Z}
Fig. 8 Deciphered Alphabets of the South-Eastern A-/-^-m-Tradition
with the traditions of Beth Shemesh and Ugarit gives the following
results (Fig. 8)in the third line the South Semitic alphabet is given
in brackets for convenience, as established by R y c k mans ( 1985) from
texts dating to the first millennium bce.
Thi s comparison shows clearly that the sequence of letters of the
cuneiform alphabets attested in Beth Shemesh and Ugarit as well as
the South Arabic-South Semitic alphabet reconstructed by Ryckmans
show very few divergences. The fact that the signs, as shown by
hand-copies and photographs, vary slightly as well, leads to the con-
clusion that the traditions, certainly not least in view of their geograph-
ical separation, must to some extent have developed independently.
These divergences are basically so slight that their common origin
never completely vanished from view.
This report on the discovery of the two cuneiform alphabets as trans-
mitted in Ugarit as well as their summary comparison should show that
the commercial centre Ugarit in the third quarter of the second mil-
lennium was a turning point in the early history of the alphabet in
two ways:
1. With the earliest recorded alphabet so farwhether in the '-b-g
sequence of the north west tradition or the h-l-h-m sequence of
the south eastern traditionwe are quite unexpectedlyor rather,
as was to be expectedat a point in its development which already
has the appearance of the conclusion to a forerunner. J ust when
we thought we were close to the origin of the evolution of the
alphabet and finally were able to propose a date for the 'discovery
of the alphabet', we have to envisage a world with two alpha-
bets (Fig. 9).
2. The origin of the cuneiform alphabet from Ugarit also reflects a
history of two alphabets: a Levantine tradition with 22 letters was
shall we say overlaid by an Arabic tradition so that, with some
additions, a 30-letter alphabet was derived. Thus we find our-
selves in the midst of a historical process on which it is worth-
while to reflect a little: the inhabitants of a city who towards the
middle of the second millennium had migrated from south east-
ern Palestine to the northern Levant, had developed a commer-
cial ruling dynasty in Ugarit which in the history of literature
and the art of the scribe had thus created a lasting monument,
so that on arrival its native tongue could be inserted into an exist-
ing scribal school and writing tradition and thus the alphabet
already discovered could be expanded. The authentic Ugaritic
alphabet which arose in this way is ultimately to be perceived as
a witness of inter-cultural activity with branches as far afield as
Cyprus (Hala Sultan Teke).
With the exami nati on of the cunei form alphabets transmitted in
Ugarit we find that in terms of the history of the alphabet we are
not, as many would argue, at its inception. I nstead, we are once
again at the conclusion of separate developments which nevertheless
in terms of their significance represent an i mportant step in univer-
sal history. Although we find ourselves in the mid-second millennium
bce, we have still not yet reached a point at which we can specu-
late on the origin of the alphabet.
(Translation: W. G . E . Wat s o n)
,8f*S
-Halet>/Ateppo
SfTre
Sarafand/Sarpta,
#Ruweisah
.0$
HWj
Heni J
.ArstaiTai
W Bars
Hamm
Ris amrj/Uqarit
/larnaka/Kition Uj
Hata Sultan Tekke CQ
"TK3md ei-Lz/Kumidi
Damaskus
f is
Netii Mwd/CLadeS.
Palmyra/Tadncr
.QakSBarnea
Sean
Mountains of
s G ILE AD
Oer
.Balu'an
A Ugaritic cuneiform
Proto-Canaanlte Inscriptions
Ancient Canaanite Inscriptions
Ancient Phoenician Inscriptions
(up to the end of the 8th cent. BCE)
Ancient Aramaic Inscriptions
(up to the end of the 8th cent. BCE)
Ancient Hebrew Inscriptions
(up to the end of the 8th cent. BCE)
0 i s ill 7S 100kw
drawing: G. Neuber
Fig. 9 The spread of cuneiform alphabets in the Eastern Mediterranean
( DI E T R I C H - L OR E T Z 1988a, 359: Map)
3 U g a r i t i c G r a mma r
J o s ef T r o p p e r
3.1 Introduction
3.1.1 The classification of Ugaritic
Ugaritic, the local language of the city state of Ugaritic, is one of the
Semitic languages. The classification of Ugaritic within Semitic is still
a matter of dispute.
The Semitic languages can be broadly divided into an East Semitic
branch (Akkadian) and a West Semitic branch. West Semitic can be
further divided into a South Semitic and a central Semitic branch
(Canaanite, Aramai c and North Arabic). Of the central Semitic lan-
guages, Canaani te and Aramai c can be traced back to a common
former stage which is called 'Northwest Semitic'. There is hardly any
doubt nowadays that Ugaritic is more closely related to Canaani te
and Aramai c than to North Arabic.
1
Thus Ugaritic is shown to be
a Northwest Semitic language. Since Ugaritic is closer to the later
Canaani te languages than to Aramaic due to more important linguis-
tic isoglosses, either it belongs to Canaani te or it is the (only) repre-
sentative of a separate language branch of Northwest Semitic closely
related to Canaanite.-
3.1.2 Current research in Ugaritic grammar
3.1.2.1 The four most i mportant overall summaries of Ugaritic
grammar published so far are:
1. C.H. G o r d o n , Ugaritic Grammar (Rome 1940) with two further edi-
tions: Ugaritic Manual (Rome 1955) und Ugaritic Textbook (Rome 1965).
2. S. S eg er t , A Basic Grammar of the Ugaritic Language (Berkeley, Los
Angeles, London 1984).
' The opinion maintained in the early period of research that Ugaritic is par-
ticularly close to North Arabic can no longer be held today. The two most impor-
tant arguments for this theory, the extensive phoneme inventory of Ugaritic and
Ugaritic-Arabic isoglosses have been substantially modified by the results of recent
research.
2
For most recent discussion see especially I SAKSSON 1989 and TROPPER 1994b.
3. D. S i v an, Ugaritic Grammar (Encyclopaedia Miqra'it 9; J erusal em
1993) [in Hebrew],
4. D. S i v an, A Grammar of the Ugaritic Language (HdO 1/28 Leiden,
New York, Cologne 1997).
By now, Gordon's summaries have been largely superseded. The
later grammars listed merely present a concise grammatical outline
of Ugaritic. As yet there is no complete, modern reference grammar
of Ugaritic. I n his Habilitation submission presented in 1997 at the
Freie Universitt Berlin with the dtie Untersuchungen zur ugaritischen Gram-
matik. Schrift- Laut- und Formenlehre
3
the author has laid the foundation
stone for such a grammar.
3.1.2.2 I n spite of research spanning several decades, a large num-
ber of problems of Ugaritic grammar remain unsolved, due to the
following factors:
(a) Ugaritic is a dead language attested only in writing.
(b) Closely cognate contemporary languages are known only sketchily.
(c) The corpus of Ugaritic texts is recorded in a writing system with-
out vowels, except for a few words in syllabic spellings.
(d) The range of grammatically i mportant Ugaritic texts is restricted.
(e) Many texts are of uncertain interpretation.
(f ) The corpus of Ugaritic texts contains a set of very different gen-
res, each with its own grammatical features.
3.1.3 Aim of this grammatical outline
Here follows a brief grammatical outline of spelling, phonology, mor-
phology and morpho-syntax of the Ugaritic language. It contains
only the central topics of grammar. Facts on which scholars are
widely in agreement are described without reference to secondary
literature. However, areas where there are problems are provided
with a short commentary. I n this way the outline of grammar will
describe the present state of research on Ugaritic grammar.
3
Research on Ugaritic Grammar. Script, Phonology and Morphology.
3.2 Orthography
3.2.1 The principles of consonantal orthography
The basic principle of the Ugaritic alphabetic script is that each con-
sonantal phoneme of the language is equivalent to one sign in the
script. By the introduction of the three additional signs of the Ugaritic
alphabet, <i >, <u> and <s>, the principle is violated in two ways:
the phoneme / V is represented in Ugariticdepending on the fol-
lowing vowelby <a>, <i > or <u> (cf. 3.2); the phoneme /s/ is
represented by <s> or <s>.
4
Lengthened (doubled) consonants were not differentiated from sin-
gle consonants. They can be determined only by comparative philol-
ogy or on the basis of syllabic spellings.
3.2.2 The aleph signs
a. The most remarkabl e feature of the Ugaritic alphabet is that
it has three different signs for writing the glottal stop /V, i.e. an
a-aleph = <a>, an z'-aleph = <i > and a w-aleph = <u>.
b. It is generally agreed that the three Ugaritic aleph signs are used
in syllable-initial position: <a> represents the syllables a/ and /'/,
<i > represents / V , / , and probably also / W (sh
c
wa) and
lasdy <u> represents I'ul, / and /'0/.
c. The way in which syllable-final, i.e. vowelless aleph is written is
a matter of dispute. There are quite different theories. The extreme
views are as follows: 1.) Any syllable-closing aleph is represented
by <i >. 2.) The choice of sign for syllable-closing aleph depends on
the quality of the preceding vowel. 3.) Syllable-closing aleph is no
longer expressed in Ugaritic: /V becomes / / , / f / becomes I I I and
/u
}
/ becomes //. The aleph signs <a>, <i > and <u> act as vowel
letters (matres lectionis) for the resulting contracted vowel: / / , ll and
II?
4
For the phonetic value of this grapheme, which gained entry into the Ugaritic
alphabet only at a later date, see SEGERT 1983 (<s> = [su]) and recently TROPPER
1995. Thus the grapheme <s> has the value ['s]. It was inserted after the Ugaritic
phoneme /s/ written with <s>, which originally (also) had the phonetic value ['s],
had been deaffricated to [s] in certain phonetic contexts.
5
For the proponents of these theories see VERREET 1983a, 223- 6.
d. The theory of the position of aleph defended here is more com-
plex than the proposals mentioned above.
6
On the one hand it envis-
ages the possibility that the syllable-closing glottal stop in Ugaritic
was not always strongly articulated (= quiescent aleph). On the other
hand it follows that in Ugaritic /aV after the loss of a syllable-closing
glottal stopmost probably irrespective of stressbecame either / /
or /0/ (cf. Heb. ns't < *naa
>
t as distinct from Heb. ro < *ra
>
).
On this basis the following 'rules' can be formulated: the (articu-
lated) syllable-closing glottal stop is written with an <i >, irrespective
of the preceding vowel. If the glottal stop is not articulated, i.e. the
aleph is quiescent, then the following applies: <a> stands for / / <
*a
}
; <i > stands for III < *i'; <u> stands either for // < *u
}
or
for loi < V .
e. The graphic notation of a syllable-closing glottal stop is non-homo-
geneous in the corpus of Ugaritic texts, as some alephs evidendy
represent a strong aleph, others a quiescent aleph. The former are
phonemi c spellings, the latter phonetic spellings: e.g. yihd lya'fyud-l
'he takes/took' (KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+5.155 1, etc.) againstyahd
lyhud-I <*ya
}
(}ud- (K TU 4.44= RS 9.453:28) or yuhd(m) lyffVd-l
<*ya'hud- (K TU 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+3.341+3.347 iv 16; K TU 1.22
= RS 2.[024] ii 17*; K TU 1.103+ = RS 24.247+: 17) and tuhd-
/tfj. Vdl<*ta'hud- (KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367 i 40).
7
Within a word there
are more spellings with strong aleph, but at the end of words there
are more with quiescent aleph.
3.2.3 Vowel notation
I n principle, in alphabetic spelling vowels are ignored, apart from
the aleph signs which in syllable-initial position express the vowel
following an / V (as well) ( 3.2.2b). Exceptions are rare. The spo-
radic use of <y> as a vowel letter (mater lectionis) for / / is worth
emphasizing, especially at word-close, e.g. ily ugrt /
}
il
3
UgaritV/ 'the
gods of Ugarit' (KTU 2.26 = RS 16.264:4-5).
8
6
On this see TROPPER 1990b.
7
Cf. Heb. yhz (18x; alongside 3 X ye"hz).
8
On vowel letters in Ugaritic see BI .AU - LOEWENSTAMM 1970 and DI ETRI CH -
L ORETZ 1973c.
3.3 Phonology
9
3.3.1 The consonantal phoneme system
According to the Ugaritic alphabet, which comprises twenty-seven
'ordinary signs' and three 'supplementary signs', there were at least
27 consonantal phonemes in Ugaritic. This relatively wide range of
consonants can be subdivided into obstruents (plosives and frica-
tives), nasals (/m/, //), liquids (///, /r/) and semi-vowels (/w/, /y/).
Depending on how they were articulated (unvoiced, emphatic, voiced)
most of the obstruents can be arranged in rows of three columns,
as follows:
unvoiced emphatic voiced
labials /p/
-
/b/
dentals /t/ /t/ /d/
interdentals /t/ /z/
/d/
(alveolar) sibilants /s/ /s/
/z/
(palato-alveolar) sibilants //
velars /k/ /q/
'g'
uvulars
/ y
-
igi
pharyngeals /h/
/ 7
laryngeal /h/, / 7
3.3.2 Comments on uncertain consonantal phonemes
a. The Semitic phoneme / d! is written consistently with <d> only
in texts K TU 1.12 = RS 2.[018] and K TU 1.24 = RS 5.194. I n
the other texts it is written predominantly with the sign <d>apart
from specific phonetic environments
10
which indicates a conditioned
coalescence of /d/ and /d/ in Ugaritic.
b. Etymological / / usually occurs in Ugaritic spelling as <z>. How-
ever, there are a few words in which <g> stands for etymological
/ / . " I ncontrovertible examples are Ingr, 'to guard', Vgm\ 'to be
thirsty' and gr, 'mountai n'.
9
On this topic see FRONZAROLI 1955b.
10
Often in the vicinity of Irl (cf. UT 5.3), /m/ and /n/.
11
See FRONZAROLI 1955b, 33-5, / 5.7 and DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ, 1967, 312-4.
RSSLER 1961 has a different view.
c. Ugaritic has four sibilants, i.e. / s / , / s / , / z/ and / / . The first
three phonemes stand out by their distinctive feature of affrication
and should have been realised as ['s - 's
5
-
d
z]. I n contrast, // is
a fricative palato-alveolar sibilant, i.e. [].
d. The lateral phonemes /s
2
/ (= / / ) and / / / attested in other
Semitic languages are regularly represented in Ugaritic spelling by
the graphemes <> and <s>. Rarelyfor instance in K TU 1.12 =
RS 2.[012]etymological / / / appears in Ugaritic as <?>.
3.3.3 Equivalence table of selected Semitic consonants
12
P S O S A A r ab. U gar . Heb.
early
A r am.
late
E t h. A kk.
t t t t t s
? g*
s s t s s
d d d d, d d
s
3
s
3
/s s s s s s s
s
1
s'/s
s s
s
2
S
2
/ s s
d d s, z* s
q
c
d s
X h h
b
h h h h
y g g g
c c <
3.3.4 The vocalic phoneme system
Proto-Semitic has a) three short vowels, / / , //, / / , b) three long
vowels, / / , / /, / / , and two dipththongs, /ay/ and /aw/. Ugaritic
has preserved the pri mary vowels / a/ , /i/ and /u/ as both long
and short. The PS diphthongs *ay and *aw, however, have been
contracted to monophthongs: *ay > //\ *aw > // (see 3.3.5.3a).
3.3.5 Sound changes
A large number of sound changes are documented in Ugaritic spelling
following phonological rules. The most fundamental are set out here.
12
OSA Old South Arabic; Arab. = Classical Arabic; Aram. =Aramaic; Eth. =
Ethiopie; Akk. = Akkadian; PS = Proto-Semitic.
3.3.5.1 Consonantal sound changes
(a) Sound change *w > lyl at word-initial, e.g. \ybl < *wbl, 'to
carry, bring'.
13
(b) Voicingdevoicing,
14
especially with labials, e.g. yb
c
l /yib'alu/ 'he
makes' (KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] vi 24; <p'l) and tpky /tapkiyu/
'you (sg.) weep' (KTU 1.107 = RS 24.251+: 11; <bky).
(c) Regressive assimilation: *dt > /t t /, e.g. aht /'ah(h)att-/ < *'ahadt-
'one' (KTU 1.48 = RS 1.019:13 etc.); *nC > /CC, e.g. ap = syl-
labic spelling ap-pu /'appu/ < * 'anpu 'nose' (KTU 1.2 = RS
3.367 i 13 etc.); *IC > /CC/, only in qh 'to take' (see 3.4.4.4c).
3.3.5.2 Vocalic sound changes
1
'
1
(a) Vowel harmony: *qattv\l > /qv\ttv\l/, e.g. ibr /'ibbr-/ < *'abbr
'bul l ' (K TU 1.10 = RS 3.362+ iii 35 etc.); *>
Vi
C.v
2
C(C) >
^V2C.V2C(C) ( V = short vowel), e.g. urbt /'urubbat-/ < *'arubbat-
'opening, hatch' (KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ 61, etc.), irt irit-/
< *>arit- 'wish' (KTU 1.104 = RS 24.248:1, etc.).
(b) Vowel syncope: pretonic: (Cv)CvCvC.v > (Cv)CvCC.v (V = short
vowel), e.g. rit /ra'sat-/ < *ra'at- 'heads' (KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367
i 23.24, etc.); post-tonic: C.vCvCvCv > C.vCCvCv or C.vCCvCvCv >
CvCCvCCv (V = short vowel).
3.3.5.3 Sound changes in diphthongs and triphthongs
16
(a) Contraction of diphthongs: *aw > /<?/; *ay > /<?/; *iy > //\ *uw
> //.
(b) Preservation of some types of tri phthong (/uwa/ , /iyv/, /aw/y/,
/vw/yv/) as opposed to the contraction of other types of triph-
thong (*awu> //\ *aw> //*ayu > //; *ay > / f / ; *awa> //\
*aya > //; *uwu > //).
13
However, word-initial /w/ is preserved (a) in the conjunction w, 'and', (b)
before the vowel lui (D-stem infinitives of the I-y < I-w roots, e.g. wld lwullad-1
'to bear (a child)' [KTU 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+ iii "48 etc.] and wpt-m lwuppat-1 'to
insult' [KTU 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ vi 13]).
14
On this topic see GA RR 1986 and V OI GT 1991.
15
For syllabic spellings see HUEHNERGARD 1987b, 268-83.
16
For syllabic spellings see HUEHNERGARD 1987b, 288-92.
3.3.5.4 Sound changes within syllables
(a) Prothesis (to avoid a word-initial consonant cluster): e.g. usb
c
/(')usba
c
-/
< *siba
c
- 'finger (pi.)' (K TU 1.2 = RS 3.367 iv 14, etc.).
(b) Specific pausal forms: words at the end of a sentence occasion-
ally have a phonetically altered form (e.g. reduction of the end-
ing or special lengthening of the stressed syllable).
3.4 Morphology and morphosyntax
3.4.1 The pronoun
3.4.1.1 The personal pronoun
a. Nominative forms: l.c.sg. ank syll. a-na-ku anku/ (longer form)
or an /
3
an/ (shorter form); 2.m.sg. at = syll. at-ta /
}
atta/ < *
}
anta;
2.f.sg. at /
3
atR/ < *'anti; 3.m.sg. hw = syll. -wa /huwa/ < *hu
}
a;
3.f.sg. hy /hiya/ < ^hi'a; 2.m.pl. atm /'attum/ < *'antum; 2.c.du. atm
attum/ < *'antum; 3.c.du. hm /hum/.
17
b. Oblique forms (gen./acc.): 3.m.sg. hwt /huwati/ (KTU 1.3 = RS
2. [014] vi 20 etc.); 3.f.sg. hyt /hiyati/ (K TU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]
iii 10 etc.); 3.m.p1. hmt /humti/ (K TU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ iii 9
etc.); 3.c.du. hmt /humti/ (K TU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] 20.30; K TU
1.19 = RS 3.322+ iii 44).
3.4.1.2 Pronominal suffixes
l.c.sg. possessive suffix -0 or -y /- /, -y /-ya/;
R
l.c.sg. object suffix
- /-n/; 2.m.sg. -k /-ka/; 2.f.sg. -k /-k/; 3.m.sg. -h = syll. - /-h/;
3.f.sg. -h /-ha/; l.c.pl. -n /-na/(?); 2.m.pl. -km /-kurnu/; 2.f.p1. -kn
/-kun(r)a/; 3.m.pl. -hm /-hum/; 3.f.p1. -hn /-hun[n)a/; I .e.du. -ny
/-nay/; 2.c.du. -km /-kum/; 3.c.du. -hm /-hum/.
3.4.1.3 Demonstrative pronouns
- 'this' (adjectival): hnd (many); hndn (KTU 2.71 = RS 29.095:10).
- 'this' (nominal): hndt (K TU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ iv 62; K TU 2.38 =
RS 18.031:12; K TU 2.45 = RS 18.140:7).
17
l.c.pl., 2-f.pl., 3 m./f.pl. and I.e.du. forms are not attested.
18
After a short H-/ vowel and after various long vowels it is / -ya/, otherwise it
is /I /.
- 'that' (adjectival): hnhmt (KTU 3.3 = RS 15.128:8; perhaps also
K TU 4.659 = RS 19.166:6).
- 'that' (nominal): hnk (KTU 2.33 = RS 16.402:23); hnkt (KTU 2.41
= RS 18.147:13; K TU 2.21 = RS 15.174:10).
3.4.1.4 The determinative pronoun (relative pronoun)
The forms of the Ugaritic determinative pronoun, which also func-
tions as a relative pronoun, are: m.sg. d /d/ (Nom.), /d / (gen.),
/d/ (acc.) and d = /d/ (only K TU 1.24 = RS 5.194:45 [gen.]);
f.sg. dt = /dtu/, /dti/, /data/; c(?).p1. dt /dtV/. There is also an
indeclinable variant d = /da/(?).
19
3.4.1.5 I nterrogative pronouns
- 'who?': my /mya/(?) (several occurrences); mn (KTU 1.3 = RS
2.[014] iii 37; K TU 1.3 iv 4; perhaps K TU 1.5 = RS 2. [022] +
iv 23.
- 'what?': mh /mah(a)/ (several occurrences); mhy (KTU 2.14 = RS
[Varia 4]:9 only); mat (K TU 1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ i 38 only); mn
(uncertain occurrences: K TU 1.5 = RS 2. [022] + iv 23; K TU 2.45 =
RS 18.140:25; K TU 2.72 = RS 34.124:22; in K TU 1.16 = RS
3.325+ ii 19.20 it means 'how many?').
3.4.1.6 I ndefinite pronouns
- 'anyone': mnk (KTU 3.2 = RS 15.111:12 [mnk mnkm]); mnkrn (KTU
2.19 = RS 15.125:12; K TU 3.2 = RS 15.111:13); mnmn (KTU
1.123 = RS 24.271:22 [mr mnmn]);
20
mnn (KTU 5.9 = RS 16.265
i 2).
- 'anything': mhk (KTU 2.38 = RS 18.031:26); mhkm (KTU 2.30 =
RS 16.379:22; K TU 2.71 = RS 29.095:14 [<h>mhkm]); mnm (many
occurrences).
- 'whatever' (adjectival): ay (KTU 1.23 = RS 2.002:6; K TU 1.24 =
RS 5.194:44).
19
It occurs only as a determinative pronoun before a noun clause or as a rela-
tive pronoun before a nominal relative clause.
20
Cf. Akk. mammon < *man-man 'anybody' as well as the expression mar marn-
mana(ma), 'anybody's son' (CAD M/ l , 200-1).
3.4.2 The noun
3.4.2.1 Noun formation
Several different patterns are used for the formation of nouns (nouns
and adjectives) in Semitic: monosyllabic forms; polysyllabic forms;
forms with lengthened components; forms with prefixes, infixes and
suffixes. Most patterns can be assigned to specific classes of mean-
ing. There are severe limitations on identifying nominal patterns in
Ugaritic as the alphabetic spelling often permits no conclusions regard-
ing formation.
21
The Ugaritic noun forms attested in syllabic spelling
are rich in information.
22
3.4.2.2 Gender
There are two grammatical genders: masculine (masc.) and feminine
(fem.). Masc. nouns are basically unmarked, whereas as a rule fem.
nouns have a special ending.
By far the commonest feminine morpheme is -(a)t. The choice of
the morpheme variant -at instead of -t is largely dependent on syl-
lable structure. The -(amending also denotes nomina unitatis (singular
nouns), e.g. mnht '(single) gift' (K TU 4.709 = RS [Varia 13]:6) in
relation with the generic name mnh 'gift(s)' (KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367
i 38 etc.). Besides the feminine ending -t = /-{a)/ probably a rare
feminine ending y /-ayV/ is also attested: n
c
my 'the (exceedingly)
lovely' (KTU 1.5 = RS 2. [022]+ vi 6.28; K TU 1.17 = RS 2. [004]
ii 42). There are also grammatically feminine nouns without a fem-
inine ending, e.g. um 'mother'.
3.4.2.3 Number
There are three numbers in Ugaritic: singular (sg.), dual (du.) and
plural (pl.). The sg. is unmarked. The du. and pi. are denoted by
special morphemes.
I n Ugaritic the du. is productive and is marked by the morpheme
- 0 = / / which always coalesces with the case ending: nominative
-a, oblique (gen./acc.) -e. In the absolute state the ending is length-
ened by mimation: nom. -m /-mi/, obi. -m /-ma/ (alterna-
tively: /-mi/). As a rule, the dual ending is added onto the singular
21
Cf . SEGERT 1984 43; SI VAN 1997, 60.
22
On this topic see HUEHNERGARD 1987b, 302 17.
form. It comes after the gender morpheme -t /-(a)t/ of (marked)
fem. nouns.
The pi. is marked by a morpheme which causes vowel lengthen-
ing. With fem. nouns the plural marker comes before the gender
marker and the case endings: nominative /-tu/, oblique /-ti/; in
the masc. noun it merges with the case endings: nominative /- /,
oblique /-/ (absolute state: /-ma/, /-ma/). The nominal base of
the pi. is mosdy the same as the sg. I n certain nominal patterns and
certain weak root classes, the plural basis differs from the base of
the singular. It should be emphasized that <qVtl>-forms generally
have a bisyllabic base <qVtal> in the plural (e.g. pi. ram/1 /ra'as-/
of sg. ris / ra's-/).
3.4.2.4 Case
a. Ugaritic has three main cases: nominative (nom.), genitive (gen.)
and accusative (acc.). They are marked by vocalic morphemes which
follow the gender marker in fem. nouns.
I n the (masc. and fem.) sg. the three mai n cases are mostly
differentiated by three different vowel endings: nom. -u, gen. -i, acc.
-a (triptotic endings). Nouns of certain patterns (including certain per-
sonal names) have only two different case-endings in the sg.: nom.
-u, gen./acc. = oblique (obi.) -a (diptotic). I n the du. and masc. pi.
the inflection is exclusively diptotic: du.nom. -, du.obi.-; m.pl.
nom. -; m.pl. obi. -f.
23
b. Besides the three main cases, Ugaritic has two further cases with
primary adverbial function, i.e. the terminative and the locative. Both
are comparatively little used.
The terminative functions as an independent adverbial case, pri-
marily for denoting direction. It is marked by the --ending which,
in connection with the so-called 'he locale (locative h) of Hebrew
grammar is probably to be vocalised as /-ah/. The terminative end-
ing is probabl y added on to the uninflected noun stem: arsh =
/',arsah/ 'towards the earth' (KTU 1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ i 29). It only
occurs for certain in the abs. state.
The locative is marked by the ending /- /, e.g. sbu p /sabVu/
23
Occasionally the oblique ending seems (already) to have assumed the function
of the nominative ending, e.g. ily ugrt (= /ill UgaritV/) tgrk tlmk 'may the gods of
Ugaritic guard you (and) grant you well-being' (KTU 2.16 = RS 15.008:4-6).
'at sunset' (K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+:47.53). Examples are difficult
to identify as the locative ending is only evident from spellings in
forms of I I I -' roots. There seem to be several different functions of
the locative. It denotes place (locative), time, the ablative, the instru-
mental, measure and quantity, final nuances (with infinitives or ver-
bal nouns) and the paronomastic infinitive (e.g. bt krt bu tbu, 'she did
enter Ki t's house' [K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi 3]).
c. The form of the noun in the imperative and in direct address
the vocadveis expressed by various syntagmata: (a) by an unin-
troduced noun, (b) by the noun introduced by the particle /, (c) by
a noun introduced by the particle y or (d) by a noun with a 1st
pers. noun suffix. There is no explicit information on the case-endings
of the vocative in Ugaritic in spite of a few occurrences of I I I -' rad-
ical nouns. It is uncertain whether a noun in all the constructions
just mentioned (a-d) has the same morphological form. It is also
uncertain whether the vocative has the same form as one of the
three main cases. There are indications that in the singular the voca-
tive can be expressed without any case-endings and that the accusative
case serves as a vocative.
d. I n the corpus of Ugaritic texts there are occasionally m.sg. nouns
without any inflection.
24
This could be a relic of what is known as
the 'absolute case',
25
comparabl e with the 'absolute state' of Akka-
dian grammar (cf. GAG 62 c-j).
3.4.2.5 State
The noun has two states which depend on the syntactic position of
a noun: 1. the absolute state (abs. st.), 2. the construct state (cstr. st.).
The abs. st. is unmarked in the singular and so is the same as the
cstr. st. I n the dual and plural it is sometimes marked by a final
-m, known as nominal mimation. The cstr. st. is unmarked for all
numbers and differs from the abs. st. in the dual and plural by the
lack of mimation. Both states in Ugaritic have (the same) case-endings.
24
f or syllabic spellings see HUEHNERGARD 1987b, 300-1.
25
On the absolute case in Hamito-Semitic see SASSE 1984.
3.4.2.6 Determi nati on/I ndetermi nati on
Ugaritic has no morphological marker for determination or indter-
mination. There is neither a definite article nor a specific determined
case, and mimation on nouns has neither a determinative nor an
indeterminative function.
26
3.4.3 Cardinal numbers
a. The cardinal numbers 1-10 are as follows:
one' ahd /'ah(h)ad-/; aht/'ahhatt-/
two' in /tin/ (nom.), /tin/ (obi.); tt /titt/ (nom.), /titt/ (obi.)
three' tit / talf, tilt /taltat-/
four' arb'/'arba'-/; arb't /'arba'at-/
five' hm /hami-/\ hmt /ham(i)at-/
six' It / M- / ; ttt //tittat-/
seven' b' /sab'-/; b' t /sab'at-/
eight' tmn / tamn/ < *tamniy-; tmnt /tamnt-/
nine' ts" /ti
e
-/\ t' t /lis'at-/
ten' 'r /'a(a)r-/ < *
C
aar-; 'rt /
C
as\a)rat-/
The uninflected (masc.) forms of the cardinal numerals 3-10 can be
coupled with nouns of either gender. I n the Baal Cycle, the Aqhat
Epic and a few other poetic texts, however, fem. numerals are gen-
erally used with masculine countables (syntax with 'polarity of gen-
der'). I n prose, fem. numerals are used exclusively with the ellipsis
of tql 'shekel' and ym 'day'.
b. The numerals from 11-19 are made up of the units 1-9 and the
expression for 'ten' (
C
r /
C
rt /
e
srh). The sequence is mosdy 'unit
ten', e.g. (a) hm
C
r, (b) hm
C
rh and (c) hmt
C
rt '15'. Type (a) is only
used together with masc. nouns. Type (b) occurs with fem. and masc.
nouns. Type (c) is used only with the ellipsis of tql 'shekel' or ym
'day'here as an ordinal numeral. Numerals 12-19 can also be con-
structed in the reverse sequence ('tenunit'). In these cases the unit
is always followed by the word kbd which can be rendered 'plus',
e.g.
c
sr arb
c
kbd '14'.
c. The numeral 20 is formed from the dual or plural form of
C
r
' 10', the tens from 30 to 90 from the plural forms of the numerals
3 to 9:
C
rm, tltm, hmsm, ttm, sb'm, tmnym, ts'm. The cardinal numerals
26
Against SEGERT 1984, 52. 6, 62. 6, 73. 21.
21-99 comprise two or at most three words: the ten, the unit and
usually a word linking the ten and the unit, e.g. tt I ttm '66' (KTU 1.4
= RS 2. [008]+ vii 9) or tmnym tmn kbd '88' (K TU 4.179 = RS
15.103:14).
d. '100' is mit /mi't-/, '200' mitm (dual of mit). The hundreds from
300 are formed by connecting a unit and mat /ma'at-/ (pi. of mit),
e.g. tit mat.
e. '1,000' is alp /
c
alp-/, '2,000' alpm (dual of alp). The thousands from
3,000 are formed from a unit and alpm (pi. of alp), e.g. hms alpm
'5,000' (K TU 4.181 = RS 15.106:2).
f. The word for '10,000' (or 'myriad') is rbt or rbbt.
3.4.4 The verb
3.4.4.1 I ntroduction
The inflected verb differentiates gender, number, person, aspect/tense
(imperfective or perfective; antecedent, contemporaneous, subsequent),
mood (indicative or volitive [imperative, jussive]), diathesis (active, re-
flexive, passive) and aspect (e.g. factitive, causative). Gender, number
and person are differentiated by various prefixes and/or suffixes. Various
verb stems differentiate diathesis and aspect (see 3.4.4.3); aspect/tense
and mood are differentiated by a) subtypes of the prefix conjuga-
tion, b) the imperative and c) the suffix conjugation.
Alongside the genuine (finite) verbal forms two nominal (infinitive)
categories occur in connection with the verb system, i.e. participles
and infinitives. They are morphologically and semantically directly
related to verbal categories. Besides gender and number their inflec-
tion also differentiates diathesis and aspect.
3.4.4.2 Morphological classes of the basic stem
3.4.4.2.1 The imperative
a. The imperative (impv.) is the mood of command in the 2nd pers.
Morphologically, it is identical with the short form of the prefix con-
jugation without the prefix and phonemically monosyllabic, i.e. <qtVl>
(V = / a/ , / i / or //; the same thematic vowel as in the prefix con-
jugation). As a word-initial consonant cluster is not tolerated, the
impv. becomes bisyllabic, usually by insertion of an auxiliary vowel
after the first radical ( anaptyxis), generally /2/, more rarely //:
e.g. isp /
}
isfn/ < *'
V
sup{f.sg.) 'collect!' (K TU 1.107 = RS 24.251+:33
etc.); uhd /"hud/ < *>hud 'seize!' (K TU 1.82 = RS 15.134:6).
b. The inflected endings of the impv. are the same as the endings
of the 2nd person of the short form of the prefix conj ugati on: qHVl,
f.sg. qHVl, m.pl. q'tVl (f.pl. not attested); c.du. q'tVl.
c. Besides the uninflected form of the m.sg. i mpv.i n line with
Hebrewthere is probabl y a l engthened ('emphatic') form qUVla,
marked by the suffixed morpheme /-a/,'
21
e.g. sa /sa'a/ < *sa'a (^Ins
3
)
'raise/lift up!' (K TU 1.5 = RS 2.[022]+ 13; K TU 1.14 = RS
2. [003]+ ii 22).
3.4.4.2.2 The prefix conj ugati on
a. 'Prefix conj ugati on' (PC) is the generic term for various different
morphological subtypes which have differing verbal meanings. Inflection
is by means of prefixes and suffixes. I n morphological terms and
functions the following subtypes of the PC can be distinguished (cf.
3.4.4.2.5):
Form Function Abbreviation
short form a) perfective aspect, preterite PC
s
p
b) 'jussive' mood
PC
s
j
extended short form jussive/cohortative mood PC
s
e
long form imperfective aspect, present PC
1
b. The prefix consonants of the PC are: 3.m.sg. y-\ 3.f.sg. and
2.m./f.sg. t-; l.c.sg. 3.m.p1. t-/*y-;
26
3.f.p1. and 2.m./f.p1. t-\ l.c.pl.
-; 3.m.du. y-/1-;
29
3.f.du. and 2.c.du. /-.
27
It is the same morpheme as occurs in the PCfe (cohortative mood); see
3.4.4.2.2f.
28
Normally a /-prefix (see DOBRUSI N 1981). There was also a variant with a
jy-prefixprobably attested only in two cases (KTU 1.4 = RS 2-1008]+ 17: yblk
'they should bring' || tblh, KTU 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ 38.40:yblnn 'they brought').
This variant is no (longer) productive and only attested in grammatical parallelism
with the 'normal' /-prefix form.
29
Forms with the y- and /-prefix both occur (with almost the same frequency).
c. The personal suffixes of the PC are the endings of the short form
of the prefix conjugation (PC
S
): 3.m./f.sg., 2.m.sg., l.c.sg./pl. -0;
2.f.sg. /-/; 3./2.m.pl . /- /; 3./2.f.pl. /-a/(?);
30
3./2.du. /-/.
d. The PC in the basic stem of the underlying 'strong' roots has the
following structure: <CV\qtV
2
l> (paradigm root Vqtl; C = any prefix
consonant; V| = prefix vowel; V
2
= thematic vowel). The thematic
vowel (TV) is / a/ , /z/ or //, the prefix vowel (PV) either / a/
(before TV /u/ or til) or lit (before TV /a/). The following PC-
patterns occur: <Caqtul>, <Caqtil> und <Ciqtal>.
3]
The choice of
TV is essentially dependent a) on the semantic class of the root (roots
with a fundamentally stative meani ng usually have the TV / a/ , roots
with a fientic basic meani ng have either tul or ti t as a TV, b) and
on the phonetic quality of the third and second root consonant (roots
with gutturals in second or third position often have /a t as TV).
e. The paradigm of the PC
S
is therefore (paradigm root ^lqtl, TV /ul ) :
Singular Plural Dual
3.m yaqtul-0 taqtul- y/taqtul-
3.f. taqtul-0 taqtul-na(?) taqtul-
2.m. taqtul-0 taqtul- taqtul-
2.f. taqtul- taqtul-na(?) taqtul- (as masc.)
I.e.
c
aqtul-0 naqtul-0
- ( ? )
f. The forms of the PC
S
without endings have a morphological vari-
ant with the suffixed morpheme I-at instead of -0 (= PC
s
e).
32
It is
only attested in connection with jussive forms and so can be termed
a lengthened or 'emphati c' jussive. The lengthened jussive is attested
in an unequivocal spelling a large number of times only in the 1st
p. sg. I n analogy with Hebrew this form can be called 'cohortative'.
As the lengthened jussive is not attested for every person and is not
in functional opposition to the ordinary jussive (= PC
s
j), it is not an
30
VERREET 1984, 317- 9 has a different view and postulates a P C
L
tqltn = /taq-
tulna/ and a PC
S
Iqtl = /laqtul/ for the 3.f.p1. However, a PC-form of the 3.f.p1.
without the -n ending does not exist.
31
For these vocalic sequences see already BARTH 1894, 4-5. For the validity of
'Barth's Law' in Ugaritic see especially VERREET 1983b.
32
It is therefore the same morpheme as probably also occurs in Ugaritic on the
lengthened impv. (m.sg.); see 3.4.4.2.1c.
autonomous grammatical category. In other words, unlike Arabic,
Ugaritic does not have a specific 'yaqtula-mood'.
g. The long form of the prefix conjugation (PC
1
) differs from the
PC
S
by an additional suffixed morpheme. Forms without an ending
in the PC
S
have the ending /- u/ in the PC
1
'; forms with a vocalic
ending in the PC'
S
(except for the 3./2. f.pl.) have the additional
ending -n = /-na/ or /-ni/ in the PC
1
:
h. I n earlier research the question was hotly debated whether in
Ugaritic there was also a long form of the prefix conjugation with
the pattern <CaqattVl>, comparabl e to Akkadian iparrVs, Ethiopie
y^qathl or similar formations in modern South Arabic languages.
33
F en t o n (1970) and M a r c u s (1975, 75-104, esp. 97ff.) demonstrated
independently, however, that this category does not exist in Ugaritic.
The Ugaritic texts published over the last twenty years provide
absolute proof of this.
3.4.4.2.3 The suffix conjugation
a. The Suffix conjugation (SC) is not a homogeneous category in
Ugaritic, as is also the case in other West Semitic languages. There
is a fundamental difference between SC-forms with stative meani ng
and those with a fientic (perfective, mostly preterite) meaning. The
former can be called 'statives', the latter 'perfects' (abbreviations:
'SCs' and 'SCp'). The subtypes mentioned also differ from each other
morphologically by different thematic vowels (see c).
b. The paradigm of the suffix conjugation is as follows:
Singular Plural Dual
3.m. yaqtul-u taqtul-na
3.f. taqtul-u taqtul-na (?)
2.M. taqtul-u taqtul-na
2.f. taqtul-na *taqtul-naa (?)
1 .c. 'aqtul-u naqtul-u
33
See esp. GOETZE 1938, 296- 309.
Singular Plural Dual
3.m. qatVl-a qat VI- qatVl-
3.f. qatVl-at qatVl-/ (?) qatVl-t
2.m. qatVl-ta qatVl-tum(Vf
4
qatVl-tum
2.f. qatVl-ti *qat Vl-tun(n)a qatVl-tum (also masc.)
I.e. qatVl-tu
35
*qat Vl-na/ qatVl-na/iy
c. The thematic vowels of the SC are / a/ , / i / and /u/. / a/ is re-
served exclusively for the fientic-perfective subtype of the SC (SCp),
/ u/ for the stative subtype of the SC (SCs). I i i occurs in both sub-
types. I n the fientic subtype, however, it is limited to roots with I I /
III guttural, where the thematic vowel of the PC is / a/ . The system
of thematic vowels in the SC and their equivalents in the PC can
be summarized as follows: SC qati/ ula - PC Ciqtal (stative); SC qatala -
PC Caqtu/il (fientic); SC qatila - PC Ciqtal (fientic I I /I I I -guttural).
3.4.4.2.4 Finite Verb Forms with Energie Endi ng
a. Besides the inflectional endings, finite verb formsespecially in
poetry and in object suffixesoften exhibit a so-called energic end-
ing,
36
spelled either -n or -nn. At least two perhaps even three different
alloforms of the energic morpheme can be distinguished (energic
types I /I I /[I I I ]). As the energic endings may occur, basically, on all
finite verb forms, whether they are indicative or volitive, the ener-
gic is not a mood in the strict sense.
b. By far the the most commonly attested allomorph of the energic
is -n /-()nnV/ (= energic type I). It may stand alone and or before
the 3rd pers. sg. pronomi nal suffixes. I n combination with 3rd pers.
sg. suffixes, the ending is -nh, to be vocalised as I-anna-hI or / -anna-
ha/ respectively.
c. There is also an energic allomorph: -nn = l-ninl(?) (= energic
type II). It occurs exclusively in combi nati on with 3rd pers. sg.
suffixes. The initial consonant, I hi, of the pronomi nal suffix is thus
34
Alternatively /i/- vowel, i.e. / qatVl-tim(V)/. Similarly for 2.f.p1. (/qatVl-tin(n)/)
and 2.c.du. (/qatVl-tim/).
35
Alternatively: /-t i l (as in Canaanite). In favour of /-t/ however is that the
independent personal pronoun l.c.sg. in Ugaritic also ended in /-/ (/'anku/).
36
On this topic see especially VERREET 1988, 79- 98 and K REBERNI K 1993.
always assimilated to the second /n/ of the energic ending: -nn
/-nVnn/ < *-nin-hu or /-nVnna/ < *-nin-ha respectively.
d. Perhaps Ugaritic also had a third allomorph of the energic, i.e.
-n = /-an/ (= energic type III). The orthographical proof for this
allomorph has not yet been produced.
3.4.4.2.5 Aspect and tense
Verbal aspects and (relative) tenses are mainly differentiated by the
subtypes of the PC and the fientic variant of the SC. The functions
of these categories can be set out in the following table (paradigm
root ^lqtl, 3.m.sg.):
perfective imperfective
anteriority yaqtul (PC
s
p) qatala (SCp) yaqtulu (PC
L
)
contemporaneous
*yaqtul(a) (PC
s
j/e)
*qatala (SCp) yaqtulu (PC
L
)
posteriority *yaqtul(a) (PC
s
j/e) qatala (SCp) yaqtulu (PC
L
)
All the fields on the right = imperfective column of the table are
filled by the long form of the prefix conjugation (PC
1
). The left =
perfective column includes the short form of the prefix conjugation
(PC
S
) and the perfective-fientic suffix conjugation (SCp). I n the field
'perfective anteriority', the PC
s
p and the SCp have practically the
same function. The field 'perfective-contemporaneous' is empty be-
cause facts which occur simultaneously are essentially imperfective.
Onl y a special function of the SCp, i.e. the function of the so-called
'performative perfect',
37
can be placed in this field. The field 'per-
fective-posteriority'with reference to indicative statementsis only
covered by the SCp. The function of the variants of the PC
S
also
in that slot is exclusively volitive (jussive).
The table shows clearly that the PC
1
is always imperfective and
the PC
S
is always perfective. As the PC
L
is used for simultaneous
situations, this category is conventionally labelled the 'present'. As,
on the other hand, the indicative PC
s
p generally expresses previous
events, this category is conventionally called the 'preterite'. These
labels, which suggest an opposition of tense between PC
1
' and PC
S
,
are not in fact correct, as the PC
1
- can also denote previous events,
37
E.g. I rgmt Ik hereby surely tell you . . .' (KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367 iv 7).
provided that they are imperfective. An imperfective presentation is
demanded especially for situations which are marked by the features
of plurality or repetition.
38
The PC
s
p occurs for certain only in nar-
rative verse and is used there as the usual narrative form for single
and instantaneous actions of the past.
39
In other genres perfective
actions of the past are obviously always expressed by the SCp.
However, the SCp also occurs in narrative poetry, sometimes as a
free variant of PC
s
p.
40
3.4.4.2.6 Moods
I n the Ugaritic verbal system the 'indicative' (=declarative mode) and
'volitive' (= wish and command mode) moods are differentiated. The
categories PC
s
p, PC
1-
and SC (SCp and SCs) are used for indicative
statements.
41
The following have volitive functions: a) the imperative,
b) the PC
S
] (jussive) and the PC
s
e (cohortative) as well asrelatively
rarelyc) both subtypes of the suffix conjugation, i.e. SCp and SCs.
There is no specific use of mood in subordinate clauses. Volitive
moods, i.e. PC
s
j and PC
s
e, occur only in subordinate clauses with
volitive (final) meaning. I n Ugaritic there is no specific 'subordinat-
ing mood', comparabl e to the Akkadian 'subjunctive', which only
occurs in dependent clauses.
42
3.4.4.2.7 Participles
The pattern for the formation of the active participle of the basic
stem (G-ptc. act.) is <qtil>. For the passive participle of the basic
stem (G-ptc. pass.) probably the pattern <qatl> is generally used,
as in Canaanite.
43
38
E.g. p'rih I tmgyn hdm / rih I ymgy apsh 'His feet did not reach the footstool,
his head did not reach as far as its (upper) end' (KTU 1.6 = RS 2.[009]+ i 59-61
[general-continuing event, expressed by the PC
L
]).
39
See for instance 1u ilm rathm 'the gods lifted up their heads' (KTU 1.2 = RS
3.367+ i 29). The morpho-syntactic autonomy of the category PC
s
p is, however,
questioned by some scholars; for discussion see M . S. SMI TH 1994, 39-41. According
to Smith, PO
s
p and PC
1
although in morphological contrastare free variants.
40
On the parallelism between PC
s
p and SCp see M.S. SMI TH 1994, 49-51 and
1995, 797-9. On other functions of the Ugaritic S C see M. S. SMI TH 1994, 45-57
and 1995.
41
For the use of these categories see 3.4.4.2.5.
42
For a different view cf. VERREET 1988, esp. 8- 10.
43
Over the years scholars have repeatedly stated that in Ugaritic there could
also or only be other patterns for the passive participle of the basic stem. The discus-
sion centres on the patterns <qatl> (G-Ptc. pass, in Aramaic) and <maqtl> (G-Ptc.
pass, in Arabic). So far, however, no proofs have been provided.
3.4.4.2.8 I nfinitives/Verbal nouns
As in Hebrew, an absolute infinitive and a construct infinitive may
be differentiated. The former corresponds syntactically to a noun in
the absolute state, the latter to a noun in the construct state or a
noun after a preposition.
The infinitive (inf.) of the basic stem generally has the pattern
<qatl>. Besides this there is in Ugaritic a series of differently con-
structed verbal nouns of the basic stem. Two patterns are notewor-
thy. One is <qitl>, which occurs several times in syllabic spellings, e.g.
ni-ib-r /nigru/ 'guard' (Ug 5, 137 = RS 20.123+ i 5').
44
The other is
<ti/al(a)t>, which occurs only in I - w/ y roots and ^1hlk, e.g. sat /si'at-/
'going out, expression' (KTU 1.4 =RS 2. [008]+vii 30.32); d't /da
c
at-/
'knowlege' (KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367+ i 16.32); Ikt /likt-/ 'going' (KTU
1.10 = RS 3.362+ ii 28, 29). Whereas the pattern <qatl> is used
for both the absolute and the construct infinitives, other patterns can
only denote the construct infinitive.
3.4.4.3 The system of verbal stems: basic and derived stems
a. The Semitic languages use a large number of different patterns
to express aspect and diathesis, called 'verbal stems'. The simple
basic stem of Semitic is morphologically unmarked. The 'derived'
verbal stems are, instead, indicated by specific morphological markers.
b. Ugaritic has the following ten verbal stems, which can be arranged
as follows:
symbol stem functions
G basic stem basic lexical function
Gp passive basic stem passive of G
45
Gt reflexive basic stem reflexive of G etc.
46
D intensive intensive, factitive etc.
Dp passive intensive passive of D
For further examples see HUEHNERGARD 1987b, 305-6.
45
On occurrences of the Ugaritic Gp-stem see MARCUS 1971.
4<i
E.g. reciprocal, durative and iterative. At times no clear difference in mean-
ing between Gt and G can be established. On the Gt and tD stems in Ugaritic
see KREBERNI K 1991.
47
In stative verbs the function is chiefly factitive/causative (e.g. 'be good': 'to
make [someone/somethingl good'). In intransitive-fientic verbs the D-stem chiefly
provides transitivity. In transitive-fientic verbs it strengthens or pluralizes the verbal
(table cont.)
symbol stem functions
tD
l
p
St
reflexive intensive
or causative
passive
reflexive
or passive
reflexive of D etc.
causative
passive of
reflexive of etc.
48
reflexive, passive
49
etc.
50
Four of the ten patterns can be called 'cardinal stems': G, D, and
N. G is unmarked (= Heb. qal); D is marked by gemination of the
middle radical ( Heb. piel); is marked by the prefix /- (= Heb.
hiphil in function);
51
is marked by the prefix n- (= Heb. niphal).
All the 'cardinal stems'except for have both a passive and
a reflexive variant. The reflexive forms have an additional element
t\ in the Gt it comes after the first radical, in tD (= Heb. hithpael)
before the first radical and in t directly after the causative marker
-. The passive forms, i.e. Gp, Dp (= Heb. puai) and p ( Heb.
hophal in function) are differentiated from the corresponding active
forms only by different vowels. As this characteristic is usually not
expressed in the alphabetic spelling, in most cases examples of the
passive stems can be determined only from syntax or context. Some
authors
52
doubt
53
their existence in Ugaritic.
c. The paradi gm of the verb stems (forms are vocalized; finite forms
are always 3.m.sg.; ptc. and inf. uni nfected; n.o. = no [certain]
occurrences):
meaning (plurality of agents or objects; repetition of an action). The D-stem is also
used for denominative meanings.
48
On the , p and t in Ugaritic see TROPPER 1990a, 21- 111.
49
Chiefly or only in prose texts.
50
E.g. reciprocal, ingressive and inchoative.
51
As non-sibilant causative morphemes occur in other Northwest Semitic languages
(e.g. the causative marker h- in the Heb. hiphil), repeated attempts have been made
by sholars over the years to prove these types of causative also occur in Ugaritic.
The attempts in question have not been convincing, however (see TROPPER 1990a,
113-82).
52
The most uncompromising opponent of the existence of the passive stem in
Ugaritic is VERREET 1985, 324- 30. It should be noted, however, that all the cen-
tral Semitic languages have passive stems.
53
There are no other verbal stems in Ugaritic. On the so-called 'lengthened stems'
(L) see under 3.4.4.4f and 3.4.4.4h, on the so-called 'reduplicated stems' see
under 3.4.4.4i. In Ugaritic there are no stems corresponding to IX, XI or XI I -XV
of Arabic.
PC
s
j impv. se ptc. inf.
G yaqtu/il q
1
tu/il qatala qtil (act.) qatl
yiqtal q'tal qati/ula qatl (pass.)
Gp yuqlal n.o. quti/ ala
Gt yiqtati/ al
54
('i)qtatil (')qtat(a)la muqtatil ? tVqtatil
55
D yuqattil
36
qattil qattila muqattil quttal
Dp yuqattal ? n.o. qutti/ala ? muqattal ? n.o.
tD yVtqattVl n.o. ('i)tqatti/ ala
57
n.o.
yuaqtil
39
aqtil aqtila musaqtil VqtVl
yuaqtal n.o. uqta/ ila muaqtal n.o.
St y Vtaqtil n.o. n.o. mutaqtil n.o.
yiqqatil
M
naqtVl ? naqtala n.o. naqtal
3.4.4.4 Morphological peculiarities of the 'weak' verbs
a. Five I -' verbs have irregular G-PC-forms of the type yuC
2
C
3
/yCi VC
3
/ instead of or as well as yiC
2
C
3
- /ya
C
C
2
VC
:
/ (cf. 3.2.2e):
^bd 'to perish', ^hb 'to love', ^hd 'to seize', kl 'to eat', yl'sp 'to
gather'.
61
b. I-h verbs usually have strong forms. Exceptions are verbs with / / /
as the second radical, i.e. ^lhlk 'to go' and ^hlm 'to strike, hit'. Both
verbs have G-PC-forms without /h/, e.g. ylk- /yalik-/ oryl m- /yalum-/.
Whereas the remai ni ng forms from VA/m are strong (e.g. G-impv.
him- /hum-/), ^Jhlk is weak in other ways, i.e. it produces forms with-
out /h/: G-I mpv. Ik- /lik-/; G-verbal noun Ikt /likt-/; Gt-PC ytlk
/yitalik/. -PC-forms from ^lhlk are instead strong: ashlk aahlik/
(K TU 1.3 = RS 2.[Ol4]+ 2, etc.).
62
54
In forms with endings there was probably syncope of the corresponding vowel:
/yiqlatl/ < *yiqtatVl (cf. 3.3.5.2b). The same applies to other forms of the par-
adigm with similar syllabic structure.
55
Occurrences: Imthsh 'her fighting' (KTU 1.3 =RS 2. [014]+ ii 19); trntbs 'fighting'
(KTU 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+ ii 29); tljtsb 'quarrel' (KTU 1.3 ii 20.30).
56
/y/t/nuqattil/, l.c.sg. but /'aqattil/ < *'uqattil (vowel harmony; see 3.3.5.2a).
57
Alternatively: /taqatti/ala/. The only certain example: w Ikms /wa-t(a)kamm Vsa/
'he fell to his knees' (KTU 1.12 = RS 2. [012] ii 54). Another possible example:
tmz' (KTU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ i 36.46).
58
Possibly /tuqattil/, cf. the uncertain syllabic spelling: tu-a-p-[ku(?)] /tuhappiku/
(Ug 5 137 = RS 20.123+ ii 23).
59
/y/t/nuaqtil/\ l.c.sg. however /'aaqtil/ < *'uaqtil (vowel harmony).
60
< *yinqatil (chiefly undifferentiated by spelling).
61
The same verbs also have similar forms in Hebrew (verbs with 'weak aleph'
as the first radical). On the topic see esp. TROPPER 1990b, 367.
62
On the morphology of I-h verbs see TROPPER 1990d.
c. I n I-n verbs and Mqh 'to take', the first radi cal when vowellessis
assimilated to the following consonant, e.g.ygr /yaggur-/ < *yangur- (Vngr
'to guard' G-PC) or yqh /yiqqah/ < *yilqah (Mqh G-PC).
63
I n most
I-n verbs the G-i mpv is formed without the first root, e.g. la/sa'a/
< *a
3
a (^ln' 'to raise', lengthened impv. m.sg. [K TU 1.4 = RS
2.[008]+ viii 5]). u /a'/ (VraT, m. pl. [K TU 1.2 = RS 3.367 i 27
etc.]), sk /saf/ (<nsk 'to pour', f. sg. [K TU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ iii
16 etc.]) as well as qh/qah/ ilqh, m. sg. [K TU 1.4 = RS 2. [008] +
ii 32, etc.]). The verb ^lngr 'to protect' constitutes an exception: impv.
m. sg. ngr /mgur/ 'look out!' (K TU 1.4 viii 14 [alternatively: N-impv.
/naggVr/ < *nangVra\).
d. I I I -
J
verbs arebesides \\\-w/y verbsof central i mportance for
understanding the Ugaritic verbal system as in principle in such verbs
the spelling allows verbal aspects and moods to be differentiated
clearly. PC
1
forms occurs with the spellingyC\C
2
u (3.m.sg); for forms
of the PC
S
, however, the spellingyC\C
2
i (3.m.sg) is expected. I n fact,
though, the situation is more complex as in Ugaritic word-final aleph
was no longer reliably pronounced.
64
On this basis only verbs with
the PC thematic vowel H/ permi t an unequivocal differentiation of
the underlying classes: e.g. P Q ysu /yasi'u/ 'he goes out' i^yf) versus
PC
S
ysi /'yasiV (or /yasV/ < *yas) 'he should go out / he went out'.
In PC
S
forms with the thematic vowels // and / a/ this differentiation
is not given with certainty: spellings such as ybu (yn') and yu (yn
1
)
can be understood as PC
1,
(/yabu'u/ or /yia?u/), but possibly they
could also be PC
S
forms (/'yab/ < *yabu', /yis/ < *yina').
65
e. Verbs with /w/ or /y/ as the first, second or third radical pre-
sent several forms which are irregular with respect to the forms of
the paradi gm of the 'strong verb', as the semi-vowels /w/ or / y / ,
dependi ng on position in the syllable, can occur either as consonants
or as vowels.
f. The paradi gm of I - w/ y verbs, which in Ugaritic includes ^lytn 'to
give', is characterised by the occurrence of forms both with and
without a (consonantal) first radical. If the word begins with a semi-
63
However, there is no assimilation of /// in the N-stem: SC nlqht /nalqahat/
(KTU 4.659 = RS 19.166:1).
64
See 3.2.2d (quiescent aleph).
65
On the grapheme <u> for /0/ < *a
J
see 3.2.2d. There are no attested forms
of the spelling ysi. On the topic see TROPPER 1990c.
vowel it is normally retained, as long as there no aphaeresis of the
whole initial syllable occurs as in impv. G. As word-initial *w in
Ugaritic generally becomes /y/ (see 3.3.5.1a.), except before a / u / -
vowel (inf. D), it is not possible to distinguish I -w roots from I -y
roots by spelling in most cases. I n non-initial position the semi-vowel
(Iwl) is retained only after a //-vowel (D-PC); in the other cases
either it causes a lengthening of the precedi ng vowel (e.g. in forms
of the stem) or it disappears unrepl aced (e.g. G-PC forms). The
function of the inf. cstr. is generally filled by verbal nouns of the
pattern <ti/al(a)t> (see 3.4.4.2.8).
Significant forms of the paradi gm for l-w verbs i^yrd < *wrd 'to
descend'):
66
PC
S
impv. SC ptc. inf.
G yard nd yarada yrid yard
Gp yurad
Gt yittarid
D yuwanid
S yusrid
bl
od sonda musrid wurrad
nrada
g. I n forms of II-w/y verbs, the second (weak) radical never occurs
as a consonant but always causes a l engtheni ng of the original
precedi ng or following vowel, G"PC' 3.m.sg. /yaqmu/ < *yaqwumu,
G-SC /qma/ < *qawama (yqurni).
68
The thematic vowel of the -
, is usually / / in II-; verbs (e.g. /yaqmu/), in II-y verbs usu-
ally H/ (e.g. lyatuI).
I nstead of the ('normal') intensive stems (D, Dp and tD), I I - wl y
verbs form stems which are marked by lengthening the vowel between
the first and second radical and reduplication of the third radical (=
Heb. polel, polal, hithpolel). They are conditioned variants of the
'normal ' intensive stems (D, Dp, tD) and have the same functions.
Here they are denoted by the symbols D*, Dp* and tD*.
69
66
The paradigm for I-y verbs is still blank at many points due to the lack of
significant forms.
6
' However, l.c.sg. /'a(md1.
<>8
Conventionally vocalized as /yaqmu/ or /qma/.
69
These stems are conventionally called 'lengthened stems' and denoted by 'L',
'Lp' and 'tL'. The term 'lengthened stem' has been taken from Arabic but is
Significant forms of the paradi gms for II-; and II-y verbs i^qwm
'to rise' and ^yt 'to place'):
70
PC
1
impv.(m.sg./pl.) SC ptc. inf. abs.
G yaqmu
n
qum/ qm qma
12
qm-(?)
73
qm-(?)
yatu it/t ta sat-(?) JSJK?)
D* yuqo/mimu qo/mim muqo/mim-
Dp* yuq/ mamu
tD* yitq/ mimu
yu(a)qmu aqim/aqm aqma mu(a)qm-
h. The paradi gm of I I I - w/ y verbs is marked by the occurrence of
forms both with and without a (consonantal) third radical. I n orig-
inally syllable-closing position (also when final) the weak third radi-
cal is always vocalic (contraction of diphthongs *iy > / / , *ay > //,
*uw > //, *aw > /0/ [see 3.3.5.3a]). I n intervocalic position it is
partly preserved as a consonant (e.g. ybky = /yabkiyu/ 'he weeps'
[G-PC
1
3.m.sg.]), partly the relevant tri phthong is contracted. Whi ch
triphthongs in particular remai n and which are contracted is still not
clearly explained
74
in spite of extensive research.
70
It seems that occa-
sionally paradigmatically identical forms occur both with and with-
out contraction.
Forms III-; and III-jy verbs are usually orthographically identical.
Some indications of different paradi gms of these two classes are pro-
vided however by forms such as atwt atawat/ (y'tw) 'she came'
(K TU 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ iv 32) versus mgyt /magayat/ ^mgy) 'she
arrived' (K TU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ ii 23, etc.).
misleading. Ugaritic 'L'-stems correspond to the III and VI verbal stems of Arabic
neither in form nor in function.
70
The II? forms in the derived stems are the same as II-w forms.
71
Shortening of the long vowel between the first and third radical when the syl-
lable in question is closed, e.g. PC * /yaqum/ and PC
L/S
3.f.p1. /laqumn/, analogi-
cally, impv. m.sg. /qum/, PC
S
I I -j /tait/, impv. m.sg. U-y /it/.
72
Before personal endings beginning with a consonant, either Iqam-I < *qm-
or /q/m/ (cf. Heb. bnt [byn 'to understand', G-SC l.c.sg.]). The same applies
analogously to the SC-forms of the derived stems.
73
Uncontracted forms of the type *qyim or *q'im are unattested.
74
See SI VAN 1984 and V ERREET 1985, 330- 41.
75
The rules concerning triphthongs in respect of noun forms (cf. 3.3.5.3b) can-
not be transferred to verbs without being modified.
On the basis of comparati ve linguistics, one can conclude that in
PC as well as in SC different themati c vowels existed (III-w: / u/ and
/a/; III^: /i/ and /a/). I n I I I -y the commonest type was definitely
*yaqtiy- (PC) versus *qataya (SC), in I I I -w *yaqtuw- (PC) versus *qatawa
(SC).
Significant forms of the lll-y paradi gm, basic stem (Ibny 'to build'):
PC yabmyu (PC
1
); yabnf
6
(PC
S
).
impv. b'n (m.sg.); niy or b
v
n (f.sg.); bVniy or bVn (m.pl.).
77
SC banaya or (rarely) ban (3.m.sg.); banayat or bant (3.f.sg.); banta
(2.m.sg.); banay (3.m.pl.).
ptc. bniyu/a (m.sg. nom./acc.); bniyi (m.sg. gen.); bnt- (f.sg.).
78
inf. banyu/i/a or ban//.
i. The paradi gm of weak gemi nate verbs (I I -gem.) still presents many
uncertainties. I n the basic stem they are both 'strongly' constructed
forms, i.e. forms with reduplicated 2nd = 3rd radical, and 'weak'
forms, i.e. forms with doubl ed 2nd = 3rd radical. Doubl ed conso-
nants, when final, are reduced to a single consonant. The distribu-
tion of strong and weak forms is not as in classical Arabic. However,
there are parallels with the Hebrew paradi gm for I I -gem.
Significant forms of the I I -gem. paradi gm, basic stem iysbb 'to go
round'):
PC with endings: yasubb- (e.g. PC
1
3.m.sg. yasubbu).
wi thout endings: yasbub or yasub < *yasubb.
impv. sub < *subb (m.sg.); subb (m.pl.).
SC sabba (3.m.sg.); sabbata (2.m.sg.);
80
sabbanVy (I.e.du),
ptc. sbib-.
Forms of the derived stemsas far as can be ascertai nedare strong
throughout. I n agreement with Hebrew (plel = p
c
e
c
) it is possible
that instead of or alongside 'usual' D-stems (D, Dp, tD) the Ugaritic
I I -gem. verbs form so-called 'lengthened stems' (D*, Dp*, tD*),
8i
e.g.
76
Analogously III-w: PC
s
j 3.f.sg. tdu /tad'/ < *tad'uw 'she flew' (KTU 1.16 =
RS 3.325+ vi 6.7).
77
Analogously III-w: du /ds'/ (m.sg.) (KTU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ iii 28); di /di/
< *ds'iyi (f.sg.) (KTU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ 48); du /d$'/ < *ds'uy (m.pl.) (KTU
1.19 = RS 3.322+ iii 14).
78
Analogously III-;: dit /d't-/ (KTU 1.108 = RS 24.252:8).
79
II -gem. verbs which are also I- provide an exception: all the forms have a
reduplicated 2nd = 3rd radical, e.g. tlt/latut/ < *lanlut 'they (3.f.du.) trembled'
(KTU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ iii 33, etc.).
80
Cf. Heb. sabbot < *sabbt.
81
For the term 'lengthened stem' and the sigla see g.
D*-PC *yusabib- instead of D-PC *yusabbib- (vowel lengthening instead
of consonant lengthening). The orthography is ambiguous.
j . Onl y a few Ugaritic verbs have four radicals. The three most
i mportant formations are C
r
r/l-C
3
-C
4
,
82
b) Ci-C
2
-C
r
C
2
83 un
d c) C
r
C
2
-C
3
-C
3
.
84
The forms of types (b) and (c) are conventionally under-
stood as 'reduplicated stems' (R-stems) of roots with three or two
radicals.
85
3.4.5 Particles
86
3.4.5.1 Adverbs
a. Adverbs of place:
tm, tmt, tmn, tmny. 'there'; 7,
c
ln 'above'; I pnm 'before'; b'dn 'behind';
atr '(directly) after'; pnm 'within/inside'.
b. Adverbs of time:
ht, htm,
c
nt 'now'; idk, ap(.)hn, apnk, b km 'then; thereupon; a!}r
'after(wards), later', atr '(directly) after'; ahrm 'in succession'(P);
c
lm
'on the following/next (day)' (alternatively: 'further').
c. Modal adverbs:
k, kd, kmt 'thus, in this way'; Ibdm 'alone'.
d. I nterrogative and indefinite adverbs:
iy, i, 'where?'; an 'whither?'; ik, ikm, iky, 'how? why?'; Im 'what for?
why?'.
3.4.5.2 Prepositions
The Ugaritic prepositions mostly denote an adverbial position but
in connection with certain verbscan also be used directionally.
They can then fundamental l y express both directions, terminative
and ablative.
87
82
<grd (KTU 1.14 = RS 2.[003+] i 11.23: SC grd); ^lprsh (KTU 1.2 = RS
3.367 iv 22.25: SC [probably N-stem] yprsh).
83
<gtgl (KTU 1.13 = RS 1.006:33: SC glgl)\ -Jgrgr (KTU 1.23 = RS 2.002:66:
PC tgrgr); Ihmhm (KTU 1.17 = RS 2.[004] i 40.41: SC hmhmt); ylkrkr (KTU 1.4 =
RS 2.[008]+ iv 29: PC ykrkr, <qiqi)\ (KTU 1.114 = RS 24.258:5: PC yqtql).
84
ylshrr (KTU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ 17; KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ ii 24, etc.:
SC shut).
85
See t/T 9.41-2.
86
On this topic see especially AARTUN 1974, 1978.
87
On this topic see PARDEE 1975, 1976.
a. monoconsonantal prepositions:
b (also: by), syll. bi-i /b/ 'in, at, on, with, from'; / (also: ly), syll.
le-e // (or /l e / ) 'towards, for, against; from; away from; to';
k /ka/ with the (lengthened) variant km
m
'as, like'.
b. prepositions formed from bi- or triconsonantal roots:
yd /yada/ 'next to, together (with)'; 'm /'imma/ '(together) with;
towards'; bn /bna/ 'between';
c
d /
c
ad/('?) 'until'; 7 /
C
al// 'upon;
towards; down from; away from'; tht /tahta/ 'under, beneath'; qdm
/qudma/(?) 'before; in front of'; b'd /ba'da/ 'behi nd'; atr /'at(a)ra/
'in the wake of; (directly/immediately) after'; tk /tk/(?) '(right) in
the midst of; into'; qrb /qarba/ 'in the interior; into'.
c. Composi te prepositions: (preposition b or / + noun):
bd /bdi/ < *bi yadi 'i n/from the hand of; from'; b tk /bi tki/ 'in
the midst of'; b qrb /bi qarbi/ 'in the midst of'. I p /li p/ 'accord-
ing to, in the manner of'; I pn /li pan/ 'to the front of; before;
before (temporal); away from (spatial)'; I p'n /li pa
e
n/ 'at (both)
feet of; (low) before'; I ir /li in/ 'on top of; on; onto (move-
ment); from off/on (movement)'; I bl /li bal/ 'without'.
d. Prepositions can be lengthened by the enclitic particles -m or -
90
with no essential change in meani ng. The forms b-m, k-m, l-m,
c
m-m,
l-n und
c
m-n are attested. They are especially favoured in poetry.
3.4.5.3 Conj uncti ons
a. coordinating:
- w /wa/ 'and; but': copulative conjunction.
p /pa/ 'and then/thereupon/consequendy': copulative conjunction;
it marks a temporal or logical sequence.
90
- ap (extended variant: apn) 'thus, just as; even'.
91
- u /'0/ < *
}
aw 'or': disjunctive conjunction.
b. subordinating:
- ahr 'after': to introduce a temporal clause.
- id 'when; as soon as': to introduce a temporal clause.
c
d 'while; as long as; until': to introduce a temporal clause.
88
See d.
89
See 3.4.5.9.
90
On Ugaritic p see WATSON 1990e, 1994e.
91
Also functions as an asseverative particle.
- hm /him/ with the phonetic variant im /'im/ 'if, in case': to intro-
duce a conditional clause.
k /k/ (variant spelling: ky) 1. 'because': to i ntroduce a causal
clause; 2. 'that': to introduce an object clause; 3. 'as, when i f : to
introduce a temporal or conditional clause.
- km /kma/ 'as; as soon as'.
- him !; as; as soon as'.
3.4.5.4 I nterjections
- Presentation particles ('lo!'): hn (extended variants: hnn\ hnny); hi
(extended variants: him, hin, hlk); mk.
92
- vocative particles: y /y/\ l (cf. 3.4.4.2.4c).
i /'/ 'truly!' (only in oaths); an 'oh!' (exclamation).
3.4.5.5 Asseverative particles
- k, al, dm, I, m
c
: 'truly!; certainly!'.
3.4.5.6 Optati ve particles
- I /l/ (alternatively: /la/): proclitic optative particle before a jus-
sive (PC
s
j /e).
- ahl: 'alas!; if only!'.
3.4.5.7 Negatives
- / /l a/: for negating words and verbal clauses.
93
- al /'al/: for negating volitive verbal clauses (only before PC
s
j /e).
bl /bal/ (extended variant: bit): for negating words and noun clauses;
in verbal clauses only in an interrogative sense.
3.4.5.8 Existential particles
- it /'it/ < *'itay: 'there i s/are'.
- in /'na/ < *'ayna (extended variants: inm; inn): 'there i s/are not'.
92
Alternatively: 'then, after that' (adverb of time).
93
WATSON 1991C.
3.4.5.9 Enclitic particles
The most important enclitic particles in Ugaritic are -m,
94
-n, -y, -k
and -t. The enclitics -m and -n, which are by far the most frequent,
serve generally to emphasise certain constituents of a sentence. The
enclitic -y obviously acts as a marker of direct speech;
95
-k and -t
occur chiefly in connection with pronouns and adverbs.
96
(Translation: W.G.E. Wat s o n )
94
On which see WATSON 1992c, 1994F.
95
See TROPPER 1994a.
96
Note the special abbreviations: C =any consonant; c. =common gender; obi. =
oblique case; PC = prefix conjugation; PC
S
= short form of the prefix conjugation;
PC
s
e = lengthened short form of the prefix conjugation (cohortative); PC
s
j = short
form of the prefix conjugation with jussive function; PC
s
p =short form of the prefix
conjugation with perfective-preterite function; PC
1
' = long form of the prefix con-
jugation; PV = vowel of prefix; SC = suffix conjugation; SCp = fientic sub-type
of the suffix conjugation; SCs = stative sub-type of the suffix conjugation; syll. =
syllabic; TV = thematic vowel; V - any vowel.
4 U g a r i t i c L e x i c o g r a p h y
W i l f r e d G . E . W a t s o n
4.1 Previous work
Not unexpectedly, the meanings of Ugaritic words have been a mat-
ter for discussion and analysis right from the earliest days of Ugaritic
studies and it is due to the difficulties inherent in these texts that
many words remain unexplained to this day. Several surveys of pre-
vious studies are available
1
and there is no need to repeat all this
material here. As yet, the only complete dictionary is Aistleitner's
Wrterbuch der ugartischen Sprache (1963, etc.). The only other compa-
rable 'dictionary' is the glossary which formed part of Gordon's series
of handbooks to Ugaritic: with each new edition, the glossary was
revised as new texts were discovered and different solutions were
proposed.
2
Like the Wrterbuch, Gordon's glossary listed all the words
found in the Ugaritic texts discovered at the time, including per-
sonal and place names. Partial glossaries are to be found in Segert's
grammar ( S e g e r t 1984, 175-205) and in the various translations of
the Ugaritic texts now available.
3
Specialised glossaries are included
in studies on the following: the hippiatric texts,
4
the ritual texts.
5
Also
i mportant are the studies of prepositions
6
and the particles
7
and in
spite of its age, d e M o o r 1971 remains a mine of lexical information.
Of particular interest are the study of terms connected with tex-
tiles used in the Ugaritic texts ( R i b i c h i n i - X e l l a 1985)
8
and the
discussion of terms for sheep and goats ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1 9 9 3 ,
1 8 3 - 9 7 ) and of terms for sacrifice ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1995) . Useful,
too, are Pardee's listing of lexical items with bibliography ( P a r d e e
1987) and the studies of syllabic spellings.
9
The personal names of
1
DE MOOR 1973; DEL OL MO L ETE - SANMARTI N 1988; WATSON 1995a.
2
GORDON 1965 ( 1967) ; 1940; 1947 and 1955.
3
DRI VER 1955; GI BSON 1978; DEL OL MO L ETE 1981; T O I I and C A R T U but
not TO I .
4
COHEN - SI VAN 1983; PARDEE 1985. See al so SANMARTI N 1988b and COHEN
1996.
5
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 20- 1 = 1999, 00- 0; XEL L A 1981.
6
PARDEE 1975, 1976, 1979.
7
AARTUN 1974, 1978.
8
See the r evi ew by DURAND 1990.
9
HUEHNERGARD 1987b; SI VAN 1984a; see r evi ew by HUEHNERGARD 1987a.
Ugarit are also a source of lexical items even though their meani ng
may not have been noticed overtly either by those who gave them
or by those who bore them. The classic collection by Grondahl
( G r o n d ah l 1967) is a useful if somewhat dated reference work in
this respect. Some recent studies have provided additional material.
10
Toponyms also contribute lexical items but their origins are more
difficult to ascertain."
Several series of articles on Ugaritic lexical problems have been
written by various authors, some of which are to be continued,
12
as
well as sets of studies on Ugaritic semantics.
13
There are many notes
and articles on individual words or groups of words which cannot
be listed here.
14
It is very helpful when a study is devoted to words
belonging to a particular semantic field: sociology ( R ai ney 1963),
fabrics and dyes ( van S o l d t 1990), sacrifice ( del O l mo L et e 1995),
crafts ( S anmar t i n 1995) and the army ( V i t a 1995a). For various rea-
sons, some words receive more attention than others, for example,
words which occur in the mythological texts.
15
A reverse glossary
(English-Ugaritic) is provided in UT, 530-7.
16
I n recent years actual dictionaries are starting to be published.
One is the Diccionario de la lengua ugartica (DLU) by del Ol mo Lete
and Sanmarti n, a two-volume work of which the first volume has
appeared and the second is at an advanced stage of preparati on.
Another is Cohen's Comprehensive Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language, as
yet unpublished.
17
The third such lexicon (UHw),
] R
which was initi-
ated in Mnster at Ugarit-Forschungen several years ago, will soon
be ready for publication but is available in the form of a word-list
( D i et r i c h - L o r e t z 1996b).
19
10
WATSON 1990a, 1990b, 1993, 1995b, 1996a.
11
See ASTOUR 1987; cf . 12. 2.
12
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ and DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ SANMARTI N; bibliography in SEL
5 1988, 2-12. Many of their studies are concerned with differentiating homonyms.
AARTUN 1968, 1984, 1985, 1991; BERGER 1970; MARGAI .I T 1982; SANMARTI N 1977,
1978, 1979, 1980, 1988; XEL L A 1978b, 1980. See also DE MOOR 1965, 1979,
GREENFI ELD 1967, BADRE BORDREUI L MUDARRES AJ J AN - VI TAL E 1976, RENFROE
1984, WATSON 1978, etc.
13
See now DEL OL MO L ETE 1984; SANMARTI N 1973.
14
See, for example, WATSON 1996c.
15
E.g. lmm, which denotes a type of sacrifice, has 25 entries in PARDEE 1987, 410.
16
A semantic glossary is provided in C A R T U , 177-92.
17
As mentioned in SI VAN 1997, xix.
18
Ugatisches Handwrterbuch.
19
Supplemented by the extremely helpful 'glossary' in DI ETRI CH L ORETZ 1996a,
543926. Card indices of lexical material are also held in research institutes (see,
for example, RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A 1985, 11).
4.2 The texts
The texts under discussion are, of course, those in Ugari dc found
at Ras Shamra, Ras I bn Hani and elsewhere (conveniently collected
in KTU'
2
), supplemented by more recent discoveries. The Akkadian
texts are relevant chiefly for the lexical material they provide, either
directly (as in the lexical texts) or indirectly (see K h n e 1974, 1975).
Of particular interest is the treaty
20
(K TU 3.1 = RS 11.722+) of
which large sections in Ugaritic correspond to its Akkadian exem-
plars (RS 1 1.732, 17.227, 17.382; K n o p p e r s 1993 with previous bib-
liography). It can also be noted that some Ugaritic letters may in
fact be translations from Akkadian, Egyptian and Hittite.
4.3 Problems
Aside from the large number of words which are known from com-
mon Semitic (um, 'mother', klb, 'dog', etc.)
21
it is difficult to deter-
mi ne the meani ng of many lexical items in Ugaritic for several
reasons. For one thing, the corpus is small and the range of significant
contexts is accordingly quite limited. Also, vowels (aside from the
use of the three aleph signs, 'a, 'i, 'u) are not indicated, and it is there-
fore not always easy to distinguish homographs. While prose and
verse texts share much of the vocabulary (e.g. thm, 'message'), certain
words are found only in non-literary contexts (e.g. gzl 'spinner' [K TU
4.358 = RS 18.048:9]) whereas others occur only in verse (e.g klat
'both' [K TU 1.1 = RS 3.361 iv 10 etc.]; phi 'stallion' [K TU 1.4 =
RS 2.[008]+ iv 5.9.15, etc.]; rt 'dirt' [K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+
29, etc.]).
22
Many words are difficult or obscure, or have uncertain
etymologies, e.g. ilqsm, bnn, b^r, gml, gpr, ddym, dnt II, dqr, dnt, kb, kbm,
kdr, kmlt, knh, kpsln, krln,
c
bk,
c
prt,
c
rgz,
c
trb, gb, gbt, gprt, dmt,
23
tkt, etc.,
and the meanings of others (aktn, agzr, aqhr, askrr, idm, idrp, idt, udbr,
unk,
C
d, etc.) cannot as yet be determi ned. Some words occur in bro-
ken or difficult contexts, e.g. hkm, hnn, hsm, htn, kdt, gbz, gbt, gdm (see
DLU for details). With the discovery of new texts, previously unknown
words continue to be added to the lexicon but the meanings of these
20
Or letter accompanying a treaty (KNOPPF.RS 1993).
21
Even here there can be false assumptions, as SANMARTI N ( 1996) has shown in
respect of ahl which means 'town' (Akkadian alum) rather than 'tent' (as in Hebrew).
22
For the vocabulary of the Ugaritic letters see CUNCHI L L OS 8.1.5.
23
But see WY A TT 1992C.
can also be uncertain, e.g. udn, 'to give ear', ghr, 'to sound forth(?)',
zb, 'to foam(?)', qnn, perhaps 'to stand up', in RS 92.2014 ( P ar dee
1997a, 327-8)
4.4 Principles
In view of the vast literature on Ugaritic lexicography and the often
conflicting or at least divergent conclusions reached by scholars, there
have been several attempts to set out solid methodological principles
for the determination of meanings.
24
These are discussed here briefly.
Once the conect reading of the text has been established, the context is
of crucial importance. I n fact, all agree that context is the most
i mportant single element for ascertaining what a word may mean.
Syllabic spellings must also be taken into account,
25
and finally, com-
parative philology can be used. For this approach to be valid a set of
rules must be applied: context is more significant than etymology;
without context, etymology can only uphold a hypothetical proposal;
phonological rules should only be flouted with supporting evidence;
words in another language may not necessarily have the same mean-
ing in Ugaritic; homographs and homonyms should be assumed only
as a last resort; syntagmata and idioms as well as words need to be
compared; a distinction must be made between the (archaic) poetic
texts and the language of the letters, rituals and administrative texts;
in the poetic texts it is i mportant to determine stichometry and par-
allelism; in general, the rules of grammar and syntax should be
applied. Finally, non-linguistic evidence should not be neglected.
Some illustration of these principles is provided below.
4.5 Use of cognate languages
Compari son with other Semitic languages can provide a significant
contribution to determining the meanings of words, but a degree of
caution is required. Healey has surveyed the contributions availa-
ble from Hebrew, Phoenician, Arabic, Akkadian, South Arabian
26
and Ethiopie ( L esl au 1968), particularly Aramaic and Syriac 1988).
27
24
HEL D 1959, 169; DE MOOR 1973, 98; PARKER 1979- 80.
25
See SI VAN 1984a; HUEHNERGARD 1987b.
26
See especially RENDSBURG 1987.
His conclusion, though, is that context is 'the ultimate arbiter'.
28
Arabic has been much used (and misused) as a resource for deter-
mi ni ng the meani ng of Ugaritic words. Thi s approach has been
examined in detail by Renfroe
29
who has shown that there are many
genuine Arabic-Ugaritic isoglosses but an equal if not greater num-
ber of spurious ones. I n many cases we may simply have to say that
there is insufficient evidence for any firm conclusions. It always has
to be remembered that the meani ng of a word in a cognate lan-
guage cannot simply be transferred to Ugaritic and at times is no
more than a guide. The same applies to the contribution from Eblaite
( S anmar t i n 1991) .
4.6 Methodolog))
The first task necessary before resolving the meani ng of a Ugaritic
word is to survey all previous attempts, which is often very time-
consuming, with no guarantee of complete coverage. The scholar
must then establish the correct reading on the tablet, determine the
context, perhaps use etymology based on established language laws,
refer to a wide range of Semitic languages, if necessary, use other
languages (including Egyptian, Hittite, Hurri an, and even Sanskrit
and Sumerian) and avoid the multiplication of homonyms and homo-
graphs. These rules, however, are an over-simplification. I n practice,
several other factors need to be taken into account, as the follow-
ing examples show.
4.7 Selected examples
Some examples can help to illustrate the above. Evidence from cog-
nate (Semitic) languages can come from Phoenician ( del O l mo L et e
1986), Hebrew, Akkadian, Aramai c and Arabic as well as from such
languages as Ethiopie
30
and even Syriac. For example, the verb nsr,
parallel to bky 'to weep' (K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi 4-5), can be
explained from Syriac n'sar/nasar, 'to sigh, groan, murmur, howl,
shriek, lament'.
31
Choice of the correct cognate is i mportant; for
27
HEAL EY 1988.
28
HEAL EY 1988, 68.
29
RENFROE 1985, 1986a, 1986b, 1989, 1992.
30
See DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 199I d on 'r.
31
HEAL EY 1976; SANMARTI N 1978, 451. However, cf. WY A T T 1998C, 237, n. 280.
instance in the expression b bz'zm (KTU 1. 80 = RS 15. 072: 4) which
could mean 'from the booty of goats', in view of Heb. baz, 'plunder,
spoil' (HALOT, 117). However, in the contexta list of sacrifices
it is more likely to mean 'a young animal from the udder of the
goats', i.e. an unweaned kid, where Ugaritic bz is an isogloss of
Arabic buzz, J ewish-Aramaic bzz
3
, etc. all denoting 'teat' ( Sanmar t i n
1979, 723- 4) . Extra-linguistic evidence can also help determine mean-
ings, for example, glp may denote murex used as a body-dye, since
this type of shellfish was common near Ras Shamra (de M o o r 1968).
Correct syntactic analysis is important for determining the mean-
ings of words as shown by Husser ( H usser 1995) in respect of atr
in I'pr dmr atrh K TU 1.17 = RS 2.[004] i 27-8 (and par.). Thi s
expression has been understood in various ways but because of the
parallelism with the previous line (lars mssu qtrh, 'who makes his spirit
come out towards the earth'), which refers to correct burial, the
preposition I also means 'to(wards)'. It is probably to be translated
'who protects his step towards the dust', and therefore atr cannot
mean 'place', 'shrine' or even 'sanctuary'. The meani ng of a word
can depend on several factors including the structure of a text and
recognition of the correct meani ng of another word in the same pas-
sage. For instance, in K TU 4.392 = RS 18.130, prs means neither
'steering pole (of a chariot)' nor 'horse' but more probably a type
of 'ration': Ihms mrkbt hm
c
srh prs bt mrkbt, 'For the five chariots of
the five divisions: ten />r-rations from the chariot-house', since hm
C
rh does not mean 'fifteen' but 'five divisions (of the army)' followed
by the numeral 'ten' ( V i t a 1996).
32
It is also important to compare
not just isolated words but syntagmata in Ugaritic with those in another
(Semitic) language. Del Ol mo Lete has provided a list of syntagmata
common to Ugaritic and Phoenician.
33
Of interest, too, is the term
hrs which occurs in the economic texts in connection with chariots
(e.g. K TU 4.145 = RS 15.034:8-9) as a syntagm in the form w.hrs
and means 'precisely, exactly', a usage borrowed from Akkadian.
34
The personal names provide a wealth of vocabulary, with many
items not otherwise attested, e.g. rgln (KTU 4.619 = RS 19.047:7),
32
The text remains difficult because the term ant (line 2) is not yet understood.
33
DEL OL MO L ETE 1986b, 46~7 = 1996a, 32-3. For comparison with a syntagm
from Aramaic cf. WATSON 1992d.
34
DEL OL MO L ETE 1979; cf. VI TA 1995a, 57.
which is formed from the word rgl, 'leg'. The same applies to place-
names such as bir, 'well' (K TU 1.91 = RS 19.015:29, etc.). For both
types of names syllabic spellings can be of use in determining meanings.
4.8 Lexical tablets
Of considerable i mportance are the polyglot vocabularies which have
been found in Ugarit. These list the equivalents of words in four
languages (Sumerian, Akkadian, Hurri an and Ugaritic) and in five
of the eight tablets discovered so far, the Ugaritic column has been
preserved (details in H u e h n e r g a r d 1987b, 21-3). Accordi ng to
Huehnergard, about 114 Ugaritic words have been vocalized in syl-
labic cuneiform spellings. For example:
S umer i an A k k ad i an H u r r i a n U g a r i t i c M e a n i n g
UL et-lu u-ta-an-ni ba-ah-hu-r 'youth'
EZEN za-am-ma-r
35
hal-mi si-i-ru 'song'
36
The sources for the vocalization of Ugaritic are (1) the three aleph
signs, (2) syllabic spellings of Ugaritic words and to a lesser extent
(3) comparative Semitics. The aleph signs give some indication of the
associated vowels (or the absence of a vowel; see 4.3.2.2). The syl-
labically written Ugaritic words and names are particularly helpful.
The list of such items in v an S o l d t (1991a, 301-8) has 156 entries.
Huehnergard provides a glossary with approxi matel y 280 entries
( H u e h n e r g a r d 1987b, 103-94). Similarly, S i v an 1984, 185-295,
although his sources are not confined to texts found at Ras Shamra
(see 4.5).
3
' Reference to other Semitic languages can only provide
an indicadon of possible spellings and has to be used with caution.
4.9 Non-Semitic words in Ugantic
The city of Ras Shamra was a melting pot of several nationalities
speaking different languages and both court and administration dealt
with documents in several languages. I n ritual, particularly, sections
of text were written in Hurri an and Hurri an words occur liberally
35
As HUEHNERGARD 1987b, 97 notes, za-am-ma-r stands for zamru (the double
-mm- is incorrect) and all the forms are nouns rather than infinitives.
36
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 747- 53: 'Appendix C : The lexical texts at Ugarit'.
37
See VAN SOL DT 1989d for review.
in the Ugaritic texts. It is not suprising, then, that many words in
the Ugaritic lexicon are in fact borrowed from Hurri an, occasion-
ally from Hittite and more rarely from Egyptian or from other non-
Semitic languages. Over the years more and more such words have
been identified.
38
Thus, al though most Ugaritic lexical items have a
Semitic etymology, several are (or may be) of non-Semi ti c origin.
Some of these words are listed here under the following headings:
(1) Hurri an words, (2) Hittite words, (3) Egyptian words, (4) Sumeri an
words, (5) I ndo-European words, (6) words from other languages.
4.9.1 Hurri an words i ncl ude alhn, 'steward' (K TU 4.392 = RS
18.130:4; cf. K T U 4.102 = RS 11.857:25; K T U 4.337 = RS
18.024:11) borrowed from Hurro-Urarti an allae-hhi-nn, 'housekeeper',
all, '(festive) garment' (K TU 1.12 = RS 2.[012] ii 47, etc.), Hurri an
allu (Neu 1996, 314, . 22); itnn, 'gift' (K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244:74),
Hurri an uatnannuf grbz, 'helmet' (K TU 4.363 = RS 18.055:2), Hurri an
gurpisi; hdm, 'footstool' (K TU 1.3 = RS 2.[014] + ii 22, etc.), Hurri an
atm ( Wat s o n 1996b); hbrt, 'vessel, container' (K TU 1.4 = R S 2. [008] +
ii 9), Hurri an hubrushi; hptr, 'pot, caul dron' (K TU 1.4 ii 8), Hurri an
huppataru; hrd, 'warrior', Hurri an huradi/e ( S t i egl i t z 1981); kht, 'throne'
(K TU 1.2 = RS 3.367 i 23, K T U 1.4 vi 51 etc.),
40
probabl y Hurro-
Urarti an; kkrdn, 'chef ' (K TU 4.126 = RS 14.084:27); kmn, '(a sur-
face measure)' (K TU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ iv 38 etc.), Hurri an kumnw,
llh (K TU 4.363 = RS 18.055:5) denotes part of trappi ngs or har-
ness, Hurri an lulahhi, (DLU, 245); gr, 'total', Hurri an heyar; pg[n)dr,
'a type of fabri c' (K TU 4.270 = RS 17.111:10), Hurri an pahandam-f
tbl, 'smith' (K TU 4.790 = R S 86.2235:15), Hurri an tabid- ( D i et r i c h -
L o r e t z 1990); tgpt, 'fe1t(?)' (K TU 4.183 = RS 15.116 ii 10, etc.),
Hurri an tahape ( Wat s o n 1995c, 540); tkt, 'chari ot' (K TU 1.4 = RS
2. [008]+ 7, etc.), Hurri an uktu ( L o r et z 1996). Note that some
words are Semitic with Hurri an endings, e.g. hdgl, 'arrowsmi th' (K TU
4.138 = RS 15.016:2, etc.) whi ch is a Hurri an form of Ug. hz,
'arrow' with the Hurri an -(hii)li endi ng ( S anmar t i n 1995, 179). Others
38
See the list provided by DE MOOR 1973, 98. Not all are correct, of course.
For additional material the indices of Ugarit-Forschungen and other periodicals may
be consulted. For a survey see WATSON 1995c, 1996c. See also PARDEE 1996.
30
Borrowed through Middle Assyrian utnannu: cf. VON SODEN 1988.
40
However, cf. DEL OL MO L ETE SANMARTI N 1995.
41
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1977; RI BI CHI NI XEL L A 1985, 61.
are Semitic words in Hurri an guise, e.g. kid, 'bow' (K TU 4.277 =
RS 17.141:1) is a form of qatu, 'bow' ( D i et r i c h - L o r e t z 1978b).
4.9.2 Hittite words: ans, 'small of the back' (K TU 1.3 = RS 2. [014] +
iii 35), Hittite anaa ( de M o o r 1980) ; uiyn, '(an official)' ( K T U 6. 29
= R S 17. 364: 3) , Hittite ur(/i]yanni; dgt, 'incense' ( K T U 1. 19 = R S
3. 322+ iv 23, etc.), Hittite tuhhui-/tuhf}uwai-; htt, silver' ( K T U 1. 14
= R S 2. [ 003] + iv 1; K T U 1. 14 ii 17), Hittite (or Hai ti an) (fottu()-;
hndlt, '(coloured wool)' ( K T U 4. 182 = R S 15. 115: 17) , Hittite
siG
handala;
hsn, 'domestic' ( K T U 4. 137 = R S 15. 015+: 1.10), Hittite baann-;
mtyn, '(garment)' ( K T U 4. 146 = R S 15. 035: 5) , Hittite maiya\a
garment)' ( R i bi chi ni - X e l l a 1985, 52); spsg, 'glass' ( K T U 1. 17 =
RS 2. [004] vi 36-7 etc.), Hittite zapzagi-, which denotes precious
stones or a mi neral ( N eu 1995) ; tpnr, 'chief scribe' ( K T U 3. 1 = R S
11. 772+: 32; K T U 4. 44 = R S 9. 453: 28) , Hittite tuppanuri, etc.
4.9.3 Egypti an words:
42
br, 'boat, (war)ship' (K TU 4.81 = RS
11.779:2-3, etc.); ht, 'bread' (K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+:22), Egyptian
ht3 ( Wat s o n 1995a, 223-4); htt, 'silver' (see above), Egyptian hd; kw,
'dri nki ng vessel' (K TU 4.691 = RS 20.010:6), Egypti an kb; krk,
'pi ckaxe' (K TU 4.390 = RS 18.119:8 etc.), Egypti an grg 'pi ck'
( S anmar t i n 1987b, 151); ktp, '(weapon)' (K TU 1.6 = R S 2. [009] +
2); rr, pray' (enclitic of entreaty; K T U 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ i
20, etc.), tkt, 'ship' (K TU 4.81 = RS 11.779; K TU 4.366 = RS
18.074); etc.
4.9.4 Sumeri an words: ad, 'father' (K TU 1.23 = RS 2.002:32 etc.);
ilg, 'stone' (K TU 4.751 = RS 29.096:11); ksu, 'seat, throne', (K TU
1.3 vi 15 etc.), krs/su, '(a type of forage or fodder)' (K TU 4.225 =
RS 16.198 [a]+:16); plk, 'spindle' (K TU 1.4 ii 3.4), etc.
4.9.5 I ndo-European/I ndo-Aryan words: agn, 'caul dron' (K TU 1.23
= RS 2. 002: 15. 31. 36) may be cognate with Sanskrit agni 'fire'; mryn
probabl y I ndo-Aryan, e.g. Sanskrit marya, 'hero'; sm, 'king', (K TU
1. 22 = RS 2. [ 024] i 18); ssw/ssw, 'horse' ( K T U 1.71 = RS 5. 300: 7
etc.), Sanskrit asva ( D i et r i c h - L o r e t z 1983) ; tnn, 'archer' ( K T U
4. 35 = RS 8. 183+ ii 11 etc.) and perhaps others such as smrgt
42
WA RD 1961 now needs updating.
'emerald',
43
Sanskrit marakata and Greek smaragdos (also found as marag-
dos), both meani ng 'emeral d' (WY ATT 1998C, 91, n. 90).
4.9.6 Words from other languages: adr, 'door (?)' (K TU 4.195 =
RS 15.184:5), explained by anduru of uncertain origin;
44
irp, 'vase,
container' (K TU 4.123 = RS 13.014:20), is perhaps Hurro-Hittite,
unless to be explained by Egyptian irp, 'wine' and therefore, possi-
bly, 'wine-container'; utiyn (K TU 3.1 = RS 11.772+:30 has the syl-
labic spelling u-r[i-ia]-ni (PRU 3 203 = RS 16.257+ iv 21) and may
derive from Hurri an, Hittite or some other language (cf. DLU, 62).
Generally speaking, in the case of some loanwords it is difficult
to know whether they have been loaned directly, or indirectly through
another language such as Akkadian, or even whether they are in
fact Kulturwrter or Wanderwrter. Some words may even have been
borrowed back from the language which initially borrowed them,
e.g. kht, 'throne', from Hurri an keshi, itself a loan from Semitic ksu
(DEL OLMO LETE - SANMARTIN 1995) and the same may apply to
mgn, 'gift' and mryn, 'warrior' (O'CONNOR 1989). There were also
inner-Semitic borrowings,
45
and a distinction must be made between
cognates and actual loans, such as nmrt from Akk. namurratu, 'splen-
dour' (PARDEE 1988b, 115).
46
4.10 Homonyms
Homonyms can be distinguished by context, comparative philology
and occasionally from syllabic spellings. Simple examples of homonyms
are bt 'house' and bt 'daughter', both nouns; from comparati ve
Semitics and (where attested) syllabic spellings, it is possible to deter-
mine that the first word corresponds to /btu/ and the second to
/bi ttu/ (SIVAN 1984, 210.212). In the case of weak verbs it is also
difficult to determine the correct form of the root (e.g. does gl derive
fromgll, gly or gyl?). Since the Ugaritic corpus is so small, it is quite
possible that a 'word' which occurs only a few times may have as
43
K TU 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ i 32, which is read mrfrt in KTU
2
.
44
Listed as = daltu, 'door' in CAD A/2, 117; AHw, 51a (CECCHI NI 1984, 47).
45
I ncluding loans from Ugaritic to Akkadian, e.g. Ug. mit, 'oar', which was bor-
rowed by Ugaritic Akkadian (VI TA 1995b).
46
In KTU 1.108 = RS 24.252:21.24; nouns with preformative n- are Akkadian,
not Ugaritic, as PARDEE notes (ibid.).
many different meanings.
47
Examples include b'r I, 'to burn', b'r II,
'to abandon' (only in the D stem);
48
gl I, 'shout of j oy', gl I I , 'cup'
and gl I I I , '(type of field)'; ptt I, 'linen' and ptt I I , '(make-up) case'
(K TU 4.247 = RS 16.399:22; SANMARTIN 1987a, 54, n. 7).
A clear example of the i mportance of distinguishing homonyms
(and incidentally of correct word division) is provided by
yrk t
c
l bgr She climbed the mountain by the flank,
mslmt bgr tliyt by the incline, the immense mountain.
wfl bkm ban She climbed bkm, Araru,
bm an wbspn Araru, Sapnu,
bn'm bgr tliyt the fair, the immense mountain
(KTU 1.10 = RS 3.362+ iii 27-31)
Although the sequence bkm looks like the particle bkm, 'thereupon',
this is impossible here as such particles are never postpositive: they
always come first in the clause (RENFROE 1992, 58). I nstead, here
km means 'hill, mound' (as proposed by AARTUN 1968, 291) and it
is preceded by the preposition b (as part of the syntagm
c
ly + b, 'to
climb').
49
Hence the third line should be translated 'She climbed the
mound, Araru'.
50
4.11 Ghost words
Non-existent words are due to scribal error, false readings, incorrect
analysis or incorrect word division. Examples of words written incor-
recdy are any (K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ i 7-8) which is to be read
liny, a pl ace-name and tdrs (K TU 1.45 = RS 1.008+:5), to be read
tdrq, 'tread'. The word ski, 'vizier' in K TU 3.1 = RS 1 1.772+:38
(KNOPPERS 1993) may have to be read skn (so KTU
2
). A classic exam-
ple is ulp, taken by some scholars to mean 'noble, chief or the like',
though it is really to be understood as u, 'and' + Ip, 'like'
51
or as
u + / + p, 'whether from the mouth of (see 13.6.2). I n some cases,
the word division is uncertain, e.g. the sequence grbtil (KTU 1.19 =
47
See especially the studies by DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ and DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ -
SANMARTI N.
4,1
DI ETRI CH L ORETZ SANMARTI N 1975.
49
Cf . PARDEE 1975, 362.
50
However, cf. DLU, 107.
51
Where tp is the preposition I + p, 'mouth'; cf. DE MOOR - SANDERS 1991,
291- 2, with bibliography.
RS 3.322+ iii 47) could be analyzed as gr bt il 'resident in the house
of I lu', as grbt il, 'leprosy of I lu'
52
or even as grb til 'may you seek
asylum as a leper';
53
kgmn may = k + gmn, 'like a funeral offering(?)'
or kgmn = Hurri an 'three-year old'.
54
On the other hand, in K TU
1.96 = RS 22.225:1, most scholars corrected
c
nn to
c
nt
[
'Anat', thus
eliminating a previously unnoticed word which may mean 'evil eye'.
55
4.12 Future research
Although the core vocabulary of the Ugaritic texts is now under-
stood to a large extent, there still remain many lexical items which
either need to be determi ned or require further clarification. For ex-
ample, in the Keret epic, msb'thn bslh ttpl, 'The seventh of them fell
by (the) sW (K TU 1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ i 20-1), it is uncertai n
whether the deaths described refer to his wives or to his children or
indeed to the way the last victim died. The word slh could mean 'a
throwing weapon', 'a sword', 'war', 'lightning', the god 'Salhu', 'para-
pet' or a disease which affects babies (Babylonian ulhu). If the last
meani ng applies, then this death must have affected Kirta's children,
which in turn is significant for the meani ng of the epic (WATSON
1997c).
However, the task of determi ni ng the meani ng and or etymology
of individual words is not simply a luxury for students of Ugaritic.
Scholars in other branches of Semitic studies or in other disciplines
frequently need to consult reference works on Ugaritic for their own
purposes. Examples include the compilers of DNWSI and HALOT or
of encyclopaedias of various kinds or of comparative studies (e.g.
HOCH 1994). It is i mportant, therefore, to establish as accurately as
possible what Ugaritic words mean. Our mai n difficulties in under-
standing correctly many a difficult passage are principally that there
is no similar passage in Ugaritic or that the context is uncertain. In
other words, the Ugaritic corpus is simply too small owing to lack
of texts. Future discoveries and conti nui ng research are our only
hopes in this exercise.
52
HI L L ERS 1985.
53
RENFROE 1986, correcting amd, the first word of the line, to tmd. See WATSON
1989a, 47~8.
54
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ SANMARTI N 1976.
55
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992b; L EWI S 1996, WY A T T 1998c, 375 n. 1. See SPRONK
6.5.3.
5 UGARI TI C WORDS IN SY LLABI C TEXTS
J OHN HUEHNERGARD
Embedded within the syllabic cuneiform texts written by scribes at
Ugarit are over three hundred Ugaritic lexical items. These Ugaritic
forms appear in all genres of Akkadian texts.
I n one group of syllabic cuneiform texts, those of the polyglot Syl-
labary A Vocabul ary (S
a
Voc.), the Ugaritic words were intention-
ally recorded by the scribes. The S
a
Voc. was a Mesopotami an lexical
series in which columns of individual cuneiform signs, in a fixed
order, were equated with one or more Akkadian words in a second
col umn (LANDSBERGER - HAL L OCK 1955). Thi s lexical series was im-
ported to scribal centres in the west, including Hattua, Emar, and
Ugarit. The Ugarit exemplars of the S
a
Voc. are unusual in that
they do not have merely the two columns of the exemplars found
elsewhere; instead, they add either one additional column giving lex-
ical equivalents in Hurri an
1
or, more often, two additional columns
with equivalents in both Hurri an and Ugaritic. Six exemplars of this
quadrilingual type are known (VAN SOL DT 1990, 728- 30) , on which
more than one hundred Ugaritic words are wholly or partly pre-
served. Thanks to the presence of Akkadian equivalents (and, when
those are broken away, the fixed order of the cuneiform signs), the
meanings of the Ugaritic words in the S
a
Voc. exemplars can be
established with more precision and certainty than is the case with
the Ugaritic lexical items attested in other text genres. Nearly all
parts of speech are attested among these forms as the examples on
p. 135 illustrate.
Apart from the S
a
Voc. exemplars, Ugaritic words appear in Akka-
dian texts either (a) as parts of the names of local geographical fea-
tures or plots of land or, much more often, (b) by chance, essentially
lapsus calami in which the scribe either forgot the appropriate Akkadian
word and substituted a Ugaritic form or thought that the (Ugaritic)
form he was writing was proper Akkadian. The former group, which
by their nature are substantives and adjectives, occur in legal and
1
RS 21.062 (Ug 5 no. 135); also RS 94.2939, discussed by M. SALVI NI and
B. ANDR-SAL VI NI at the 45th Rencontre Assyriologique I nternationale, Cambri dge,
Mass., J uly 6 1998.
IT)
S
rc
CM
en
?
II
rc
CM
II
CM CO
+
: =
+
: =
Il
CO
CM
co
co
CM
I--
co
CD
Tt-
O
co
o
CM
CM
o
CM
O
C/}
G
C/3
c
C/3
C
Pi Ci Ci
m
-50
in
S? ?
&) II
(
+
CO
2 -
CO
</3
.
CM
0
CM
C
(
C
sa " +:3
CO -
^ -
~'
CM
0
CM Q
?. S
3
.
CO
Il CM II CM
+:S +:s
CO ^CO
in
^ II
n "
' a
- - - ^
c/3
O o
CM Q CM Q
C
O)
C
ci ci
o o
CM o CM o
/3
C
C/3
C
Ci 0
LH LO
?
o
f
cb
h
Il
13
II
; ~
03
CO
>
Tt-
o
co
O
O
CO
o o
CM o CM o
C/3
C
C/3
C
Ci 0
J
ja
!
j3
jC
y
'Ja
5
J3
-a
ja
CL
:
-
:
S
aj
>
3
2 g
c
-S ^
js.
o
o
P
<
0 N
1
3
;
3
ja
3
T3
3
C
3
j3
3
C
IC
3
3
a
'S
c
3
C
a
_Q
M
3
'S.
=3
3
3
'ci.
D.
ja
a
e
=
g
ja
%
D
CL
3
- -S
S,
c
a
o.
CL
S
-Si
CL
c
t
S
I
"3
'3
a
I
a
'o
>s
a
a
a.
a
-S
a
c/3
-D
! J
D
Q
D
D
Q
D
O
J
<
CQ
3
Q
3
D S
o
o
a.
13
_3
Q.
H
U
c
c
>
1
.
economic texts; many of them correspond to designations attested
in alphabetic texts, such that alphabetic gt X corresponds to syllabic
A.
(me5/1,i
'
a)
* or
()
AN.ZA.GR X (see HUEHNERGARD 1987a, 11
n. 51), as in
gt gwl = A.
me
(/guw(w)1i/ 'circuit');
gt dpm = A.A-
,ia
d-ip-ra-ni-ma (/diprnrma/ 'junipers');
gt m'br = "AN.ZA.GR ma-ba-n (/ma'bari/ 'ford');
gt 'mq = [AN.ZA].GR: am-qa (/'amqa/ 'stronghold
?
');
gt gl = A.*
3
: hu-li (/gli/ 'low ground
?
').
The largest number of Ugaritic words in syllabic texts, however, are
those that appear, seemingly at random, for an expected Akkadian
form. About a fourth of the Akkadian texts contain one or more
such Ugaritic words. They are found in all genres, although they
are, understandably, relatively uncommon in texts that are copies of
Mesopotami an originals, i.e. lexical texts (other than the S
a
Voc.)
and literary texts; note, however, the following examples:
lexical
EME.UR.GI
7
= la-a-nu UR.GI
7
me
'hound's-tongue' (a plant
name), with Ugaritic /1anu/ for Akkadian lin(u) (RS 22.034 +
349 = MSL 10 107ff. A, 110);
literary lip-hu-d-ma 'may they fear' RS 17.155 = Ug 5, no. 17a r. 7',
in which the root is Northwest-Semitic p-h/h-d 'to fear' (VON SODE N
1969) but the form, as is usually the case in the few examples found
in literary texts, has been made to conform to an Akkadian para-
digm (here, precative).
Ugaritic vocabulary is much commoner in the many legal and eco-
nomic texts written in syllabic cuneiform. Some economic texts con-
tain several Ugaritic words, or even a preponderance of them (e.g.
RS 19.071= PRU 6, no. 114). An extreme instance is RS 17.240 =
PRU 6, no. 136, a list of men of different professions who are owed
a shekel (of silver), in which it is likely that every syllabically-written
word is Ugaritic; this text may be compared with the very similar
alphabetic text K TU 4.99 = RS 11.845, in which most of the same
terms occur, albeit in the plural and not in the same order:
RS 17.240 = PRU 6, no. 136 KTU 4.99 = RS 11.845
r 1 G N UG[U
I
1 G N MI N
1
[
1 G N MI N
1
[
1 MI N '"[.TAM]
5 1 MI N
i
pa-[si-lu] pslm (line 17)
1 MI N '"SAN [GA] khnm (line 9)
1 MI N ^ma-h[i-s]
1 MI N ^karbi-s[]
1 MI N
na-ffi-ru
mf}sm (line 15)
kbm (line 7)
(cf. ngr krm in KTU 4.609 = RS
19.016.12)
10 1 MI N '>
5
(QA)-/a-%]
1 MI N
x
Ha-si-[ru] ysrm (line 11) or
iu
ia-si- [hu] y shm
(line 19)
yqm (line 6) 1 MI N
i
ia-q- [u]
1 MI N '"UGULA ma-[i
1 MI N ^mur- [ mru ibr^n* (line 12) and mru skn
(line 13)
nsk ksp (line 14) 15 1 MI N
l
na-s[i-ku]
As the examples cited thus far suggest, most of the Ugaritic forms
that occur in Akkadian texts (except for the S
a
Voc. quadrilinguals)
are nouns. A few finite verbs are also found, however, such as the
following suffix-conjugation forms:
G 3ms ta-ba-'a /taba'a/ 'he departed' RS 19.032 =PRU 6, no. 77:1;
3mp sa-ma-t /samat/ 'they devolved' RS 16.147 =PRU 3, 90b: 13;
D 3ms al/a-li-ma /a11ima/ 'it delivered' RS 20.012 = Ug 5, no. 96
passim,
?N 3mp na-ap-ta-ru /naptar/ 'they exchanged?' RS 15.123 + 16.152
= PRU 3, 89a:5.
The syllabically-written Ugaritic words are usually not identified as
such by any graphic device; they simply occur within an otherwise
Akkadian context, as in
4
urudu
ul-ma-tu GAL
me
sa
S
'
S
M '4 large ship's hammers' (/hu1mtu/)'
RS 19.112 = PRU 6, no. 141:4;
'AN.ZA.GR TN
(kV
R<
me)
(la) al/a-li-ma 'the manor of TN has
(not) delivered (/sallima/) slaves' RS 20.012 Ug 5 no. 96, passim,
ma-a-ra sa TN 'and the tithe (/ma'ara/, acc.) of TN' RS 16.244
= PRU 3, 93b:7.
In many instances, however, the Ugaritic words are preceded by a
special sign that is written with two small angled wedges. Thi s sign,
usually termed a 'gloss mark' Glossenkr), has several functions in
the syllabic texts from Ugarit (see H u e h n e r g a r d 1987a, 204-8), but
its most common use is to mark the word that follows it as non-
Akkadian (i.e. in all but a few examples, as Ugaritic). The gloss mark
is indicated by a colon in transliteration:
E
mcs
-/w KA
me
- sa : ma-a'-a-ri-a 'the grain and beer of its (sc. a
TN) tithe (/ma'sari/)' RS 16.153 = PRU 3, 146-7:10-1 (compare
the last example cited above);
i-na A. : ad-ma-ni 'in "redland (/'admni/) field'" RS 15.145 = PRU
3, 122-3:8, 12;
u -tu
4
PN a-na 'M J LUGAL'-ft : sa-ma-ta 'and PN's field devolved
(/samata/) upon the queen' RS 15.086.15-16 = PRU 3, 51-2.
Most of the syllabically-written Ugaritic words are also attested in
al phabeti c texts. Over one-fifth of the forms, however, are thus far
unknown in al phabeti c form. I n the case of some presumabl y com-
mon words, such as the first exampl e cited below, the absence of
an al phabeti c attestation may be due to the poetic nature of much
of the Ugari ti c corpus.
ri-i\g]-lu /riglu/ 'foot' RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137 i 10';
kimc5
b[i]-f}i-ru
UTU
u-g[a-ri-it] 'the elite troops (/bihir/) of Ug[arit]' RS
17.432 = PRU 6, no. 71:5';
[k]a-ma-'a-\lu) /kama'tu/ 'truffles' RS 19.035B + =PRU 6, no. 159:3';
ti-ib-nu /ti bnu/ 'straw' RS 20.149 = Ug 5, no. 130 iii 17'.
Several Ugaritic consonantal phonemes do not occur in Akkadian.
These were generally represented in syllabic writings by signs whose
consonantal component approxi mated that of the Ugaritic sound:
/0/ appears only rarely, as in i-zi-ir-\tu^\ /'i i rtu/ 'help' RS 20.149
= Ug 5, no. 130 iii 7';
/0/ is written with -signs: mu-a-bu /mo6abu/ 'seat' RS 20.123+ =
Ug 5, no. 137 iii 32"; ^u-uq-du(-)ma /9uqdu/ 'almond' RS 19.035B +
= PRU 6, no. 159:4'; ma--I}a-tu-ma /ma0hatma/ '(cloths)' RS
19.028 = PRU 6, no. 126:1;
/z/ probably appears in: zu-ur-PI /zurwu/ '(aromatic) resin' EA 48:8;
/ h/ and /g/ are written with -signs: ha-ra-^u} /harrau/ 'artisan' RS
20. 189a + ( L ar o c he 1979b, 479) 7; fr-qu /hqu/ 'lap' R S
20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137) i 9'; ^ha-ma-ru- /gamaru-hu/ 'his
apprentice' RS 19.042 = PRU 6, no. 79, 11; /}u-ul-ma-tu
4
/gu1matu/
'darkness' RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137: i 15';
/V, /h/, and /V are sometimes written with the Akkadian '-sign, as
in m-
1
a-tu /ni
J
tu/ '(implements)' RS 19.135 = PRU 6, no. 142:2;
&
mei
sa-'a-tu /s'tu/ '(wooden) bowls' RS 19.064 = PRU 6, no.
163: r. 4'; ma-a'-sa-H /ma'sari/ 'tithe' RS 16.153 =PRU 3, 146-7:11;
sometimes indicated by 'broken writings', as in ma-a-a-li /ma
5
a1i/
orac1e(?)' RS 15.092 = PRU 3, 54ff:25; tu-a-p-[ku] /tuhappiku/
'to be upset' RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137: ii 23'; si-il-a /sil'a/
'c1iff(?)' RS 16.249 = PRU 3, 96ff.:5; and sometimes, especially
word-initially, not represented, as in a-na-ku /'anku/ RS 20.149 =
Ug 5, no. 130: iii 12'; -[P]I-[/]u
4
/huwtu/ 'word' RS 20. 189A +
( L ar oc he 1979b, 479) 12; ab-du /'abdu/ 'slave' R S 20.123+ = Ug
5, no. 137: iii 4.
The greatest linguistic benefit of the syllabically-written words is the
evidence they provide for the vocalization of Ugaritic. They show,
for example, that the patterns of some Ugaritic words differed from
those of their Northwest Semitic and Arabic cognates, as in
da-ab-hu /dabhu/ 'sacrifice' RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137: iii 6, versus
Aramaic, Hebrew and Arabic *dibh\
: ma-ad-da-t /maddatu/ 'measurement' RS 17.022 + 087 = Ug 5,
no. 5:9, versus Hebrew midd;
a-du-r /'aduru/ 'mighty' RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137: ii 34', versus
Hebrew 'addr.
A number of phonological processes are also exposed by the vocal-
ized syllabic forms. Among these are
vowel assimilation around gutturals: tu--ru /tuhru/ < *tahru 'pure'
RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137: ii 1;
[ u
'
rudu
'
meJ
W^'-[j ]^W
me
/mihrsma/ < *mahsma '(implements)' RS 19.135 = PRU 6, no.
142:4; ta-a-ma-tu
4
/tahmatu/ < *tihmatu 'sea' RS 20.123+ = Ug
5, no. 137: iii 34";
raising of a and before w and y: [h]u-V\-tu^ /huwwatu/ <*hawwatu
'land' RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137: ii 10'; h-V\-ma /hiyyma/ <
*hayyma 'life' RS 20.426c + 20 = Ug 5, no. 131:6';
optional syncope of short vowels in open syllables: na-ba-ki-ma and :
na-ab-ki-ma /nab(a)kma/ 'springs' RS 16.150 =PRU 3, 47a: 16 and
RS 16.263 = PRU 3, 49b:5;' [b]a-ma-ru-m[a] and
1
mei
f}a-am-ru-
ma
mei
/gam(a)rma/ 'apprentices' RS 15.042 + 110 = PRU 3, 196:
i 1 and RS 25.428:6 (see PRU 6, 150 n. 3); -W-[<]
4
/antu/ <
*anatu 'year' RS 20. 189a + b ( L ar oc he 1979b, 479) 11 (see v an
S o l d t 1990b).
The Ugaritic vocabulary attested in Akkadian texts has been studied
in detail in B o y d 1975, S i v an 1984a (see the reviews of H u e h n e r g a r d
1987b, v an S o l d t 1989d), H u e h n e r g a r d 1987a (see the i mportant
review of v an S o l d t 1990b), and v an S o l d t 1991a. Several stud-
ies of individual lexical items have also appeared, including, recendy,
L a mb e r t 1988; S an mar t i n 1987b, 1992; v an S o l d t 1989a; V i t a
1995b, 1996a; W e g n e r 1995; W i l h e l m 1992; X e l l a 1990.
UGARI TI C STY L I STI CS
1 U g a r i t i c P r o s e
M e i n d e r t D i j k s t r a
1.1 Introduction
It is rather difficult to give a precise definition of Ugaritic prose
texts. I n general, they include all those texts that are assumed not
to be poetic texts, or at any rate do not reveal clear marks or cri-
teria of poetry as found in the maj or Ugaritic myths and legends.
However, the distinction between poetry and prose is rather clear,
where poetic sections of myths and legends are i nterrupted by prose
sentences containing ritual prescriptions, instructions for performance
and recitation, or colophons (K TU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ le.edge, K TU
1.6 = RS 2.[009]+ vi 54-8; K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ le.edge, K TU
1.17 = RS 2. [004] le.edge). For instance K TU 1.4 42-3: wtb
Imspr. . ktlakn glmm 'and repeat the recitation that the lads were sent'
and K TU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ vi. le.edge whndt.ytb.Imspr 'and this (pas-
sage) should be recited once more' (referring to the legend from iv
23 onwards). We shall see that hndt is a typical prose word. A sim-
ilar line of instruction is included in the myth of K TU 1.23 = RS
2.002.56 ytbn yspr 1hm 1slmm* wyr pf}r klat, 'One shall repeat the
recitation five times before the images and the congregation together
shall si ng. . .'. K TU 1.23 is a good example of how prose ritual pre-
scriptions are interspersed in a poetic text, particularly in the open-
ing sections (K TU 1.23.12, 14-5, 18-22), but in the expiation ritual
K TU 1.40 = RS 1.002+.35 the instruction w.tb.lmpsr 'and start to
recite again .. .' appears in a prose discourse.
The majority of documents published in KTU
X and 2
are prose texts.
The largest group, the economi c or administrative texts, usually con-
tain lists of persons and cities, or villages, often introduced by a label
or headi ng identifying the nature and purpose of the list and some-
times also preceded by the general marker spr. Often only these
headings permi t some grammati cal and syntactic analysis. Together
with the letters, they may help to assess the criteria and character
of the Ugaritic vernacul ar used duri ng the years of Ugarit's final
flourishing, basically the last fifty years following the reign of Ammi t-
tamru I I I , though some older documents survived (K TU 3.1, 3.4,
7.65 = RS 11.772+, 16.191+ and 16.402[B]) menti oni ng such kings
as Ni qmadu II and his son Ni qmepa. It has been assumed that these
latest texts reflect the more devel oped l anguage of everyday use
(SEGERT 1984, 13.1).
The purpose of this chapter is to review the different types of
prose style and syntax found in distinctive prose genres such as let-
ters, contracts, or rituals. Distinct use of a given verb form may
occur in different types of discourse. Prose discourse is a constella-
tion of functionally used verbal or noun clauses pertaining to a given
type of prose. Discourse types may, for instance, be narrative, preca-
tive, persuasive, prescripdve or performative and each function implies
the use of certain modes of verbs and noun clauses. Thi s review
starts from the assumption that each type of prose is, in effect, such
a cluster of functionally and semantically used verbal or noun clause
types (LONGACRE 1992, 177- 8) . It implies that reports are basically
narradve, ritual and medical instructions prescripdve, and prose incan-
tantions and letters persuasive. The borderlines between the different
types of discourse are not always well defined; performati ve elements
may also occur in rituals and incantations. Letters may contain nar-
rative parts in so far as they function as reports. Such a functional
approach related to context and genre for the study of verb and
syntax in Ugaritic prose is more appropri ate than the generic aspec-
tual and temporal distinction made, for instance, by SEGERT 1984
(particularly 64.2, but see RAI NEY 1987, 397; TROPPER 1993a,
389ff.). We cannot deal extensively here with the function of perfect
and imperfect in poetry in compari son with its function in prose,
but there is more overlap between prose and poetry than Segert
suggests. He states that the perfect and i mperfect acqui red tem-
poral character in the late Ugaritic vernacul ar (about 1200 BCE;
SEGERT 1984, 64.21). However the perfect is used in poetry as a
narrative mode describing a completed action in the past, whereas
it still may appear in its constative and performati ve function in late
Ugaritic prose dependi ng on the context, for instance in contracts
and rituals. Segert's assumption may in general apply to Ugaritic
correspondence and admi ni stradve texts, but the modes of use may
be different for other types of discourse.
1.2 Classification of the prose texts
1.2.1 Administrative texts
KTU
2
lists 792 texts as economi c or administrative. They are by far
the largest group of prose texts. Not all of them are administrative
texts (e.g. K T U 4. 669+ = R S 19. 174A B is possibly Hurri an [DI J KSTRA
1994, 125- 6] and 4. 659 = R S 19. 166 a sales contract for a female
slave) and many fragments are chips and bits that may in time be
j oi ned to other documents (e.g. K T U 4.412 + 545 + 518 + 512 =
R S 18. 251 + 18. [ 471] + 18. [ 435] + 18. [ 426] ) . However, some texts
listed as religious texts, letters or juridical documents would better
be assessed as administrative documents (e.g. K TU 1.91 = R S 19. 015,
2. 27 = R S 16. 378A , 2. 69 = R S 24. 660C and spr mnh bd
l
mnny
K T U 3 . 1 0 = R I H 84/ 33, compare also K TU 4. 91 = R S 11. 795) .
1.2.2 Letters
The second largest corpus of Ugaritic prose texts that are suscepti-
ble of basic linguistic analysis are letters (K TU 2.1-83). There is
some doubt as to the epistolary nature of some of the texts (K TU
2.2 = RS 3.334, 2.5 = RS 1.020, 2.7 = RS 1.026+, 2.19 = RS
15.125 [manumission of a royal slave], 2.27 = RS 16.378A, 2.31 =
RS 16.394, 2.60 = RS 18.[528], 2.62 = RS 19.022 and 2.69 = RS
24.660G). Qui te a few letters are purely formal epistles, or contain
only short messages apart from the usual airs and graces (K TU 2.4 =
RS 1.018, 2.10 = RS 4.475, 2.11-7 = RS 8.315, 9.479a, 11.872,
[Vari a 4], 15.007, 15.008, 15.098, 2.24 = RS 16.137 [b\+, 2.26 =
RS 16.264, 2.30-31 = RS 16.379, 16.394, 2.40 = RS 18.040, 2.63-
64 = RS 19.029, 19.102, 2.68 = RS 20.199 and 2.71 = RS 29.095),
or they are too broken for coherent translation (K TU 2.1 = RS
3.427, 2.3 = RS 1.013+, 2.6 = RS 1.021, 2.8-9 = RS 1.032, 2.[026],
2.18 = RS 15.107, 2.20 = RS 15.158, 2.22 = RS 15.191 [a], 2.25 =
RS 16.196, 2.35 = RS 17.327, 2.48-59 = RS 18.285[a], 18.286[ab],
18.287, 18.[312, 364, 380, 386, 387, 400, 443, 482, 500], 2.65-67
= RS 19.158B, 19.181 AB, 2.77-80 = RI H 77/01, 77/21A, 77/25,
78/21 and 2.83 = RI H 78/25). Onl y a few offer larger portions of
prose to give an impression of the 13th century West Semitic per-
suasive mode of discourse used in diplomatic and business letters
( K T U 2. 10 = R S 4. 475, 2. 23 = R S 16. 078+, 2. 31 = R S 16. 394,
2. 33 = R S 16. 402, 2. 36 + 37 + 73 + 74 = R S 17. 435+, 17. 438,
17. 434 and 17. 434ba, 2. 38 = R S 18. 031, 2. 39 = R S 18. 038, 2. 42
= R S 18. 113a, 2. 45 = R S 18. 140, 2. 70 = R S 29. 093, 2. 72 = R S
34. 124 and 2. 81 = RI H 78/ 03+78/ 30) . Twenty or so more letters
were found in 1994 in the house of Urtenu ( M al b r an - L ab at 1996;
D i et r i c h - L o r et z 1997) , but are not yet available for analysis.
1.2.3 Ritual texts
Qui te a large group are about fifty Ugaritic rituals and five lists of
gods. Wi th this group should also be menti oned about 26 completely
or partially Hurri an ritual texts. The Ugaritic rituals include a series
of monthl y rituals as a kind of service book through the cultic year.
They contain prescriptions for daily sacrifices, seasonal festivals and
prayers. The Hurri an texts include sacrificial lists, sacrificial agr hid.
hymns and perhaps incantations:
1.2.3.1 Monthl y rituals through the year
yrh ryn K TU 1.411| 1.87 = RS 1.003+, 18.056 and partial dupli-
cates 1.39 = RS 1.001a.2-10|| 1.41 = RS 1.003+.11-9, 1.126 = RS
24.276.18ff.il 1.41.44-9;
yrh sm[
e
t] K TU 1.87.54ff.|| 1.46+ = RS 1.009+ [ D i j k s t r a 1984, 69ff]
and partial duplicates 1.109 = RS 24.2531| 1.46+. 10-32, 1.130 =
RS 24.284111.46+. 11-21, 1.58? = RS 1.047, 1.134? = RS 24.294;
yrh n[ql] K TU 1.138 = RS 24.298;
yrh ib'lt K T U 1.119 = RS 24.266;
yrh hyr K TU 1.105 = RS 24.249, 1.112 = 24.256, 1.132 = RS
24.291 (partially Hurri an, continuation of 1.112? = RS 24.256), 1.148
= RS 24.643 rev?;
yrh gn? K TU 1.106 = RS 24.250+, partial duplicates 1.134 = RS
24.294 obv., 1.171 = RI H 78/16.
1.2.3.2 Related texts with daily rituals and lists of sacrifices
K TU 1.48 = RS 1.019, 1.49 = RS 1.022, 1.50 = RS 1.023, 1.53 =
RS 1.033, 1.57 = RS 1.046, 1.58 = RS 1.047, 1.76 = RS 6.215,
1.81 = RS 15.130, 1.91 = RS 19.015, 1.104 + 7.133 = RS
24.248+24.305 ( D i j k s t r a 1998, 280-2), 1.110 = R S 24.254 (Hurri an
with Ugari ti c gloss bW pamt), 1.111 = RS 24.255 (obv. Hurri an);
1.134 = RS 24.294, 1.136 + 1.137 = RS 24.296ab, 1.146 = RS
24.253, 1.156 = 24.656, 1.159 + 1.160 = RS 28.059AB, 1.162 = RS
[Vari a 20], 1.165 = RI H 77/04 + 77/11, 1.170 = RI H 78/11,
1.171 = RI H 78/16, 1.173 = RI H 78/04, 7.46 = RS 1.042, 7.177
= RS 24.653B;
id yph/ydbh mlk: K T U 1.41 = RS 1.003 +. 50- 5, 1.90 = RS
19.01311 1.168 = RI H 77/10b +77/22, 1.115 = RS 24.260, 1.164 =
RI H 77/02B+, 1.139? = RS 24.300.
1.2.3.3 Procession rituals
km t'rb GM, ) bt mlk: K T U 1.43
22, 1.139? = RS 24.300.
= RS 1.005, 1.148 = RS 24.643.18-
1.2.3.4 Occasi onal sacrificial festivals
K T U 1.91 = RS 19.015 obv. a catal ogue of royal festivals;
spr dbh K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126;
dbh il bldn K T U 1.162 = 1.91.6 (= RS [Vari a 20], RS 19.015.6);
dbh spn K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643.1-12, 1.91.3;
dbh
c
ttrt qrat.bgrn (partially Hurri an) K T U 1.116 = RS 24.261;
a l ung model with ritual and sacrificial instruction K T U 1.127 =
RS 24.277.
1.2.3.5 God lists
K T U 1.47 = RS 1.017, 1.74(?) = RS 6.138, 1.102 = RS 24.246,
1.113 = RS 24.257 (deified kings), 1.118 = RS 24.264+.
1.2.3.6 Expi ati on rituals
K T U 1.4011 1.84111.121 + 1.122 + 1.153 + 1.154 + 7.162? = RS
1.002 II 17.100[A]+ || 24.270a[ b] + 24.650b + 24.652G+ + 24.652b?.
1.2.3.7 Hurri an rituals
K T U 1.26 = RS 1-11.[048], 1.30 = RS 1-11. [046], 1.32 = RS
1.[066], 1.33 = RS 1.[067], 1.34 = RS 1.[076], 1.35 + 1.36 +
1.37 = RS 1. [069 + 070 + 071], 1.42 = RS 1.004, 1.44 = RS
1.007, 1.51 + 52 = RS 1.027 + 1.028+, 1.54 = RS 1.034+, 1.59 =
RS 1.[049a], 1.60 = RS 2.[006], 1.64 = RS 3.372, 1.66 = RS 5.182,
1.68 = RS 5.200, 1.110 = RS 24.254, 1.111 = RS 24.255 (rev.
Ugaritic), 1.116 = RS 24.261, 1.120 = RS 24.269+, 1.125 = RS
24.274, 1.128 = RS 24.278, 1.131 = RS 24.285, 1.132 = RS 24.291,
1.135 = RS 24.295, 1.148 = RS 24.643.13-7, 1.149 + 150 = RS
24.644 + 24.644[a], 4.669+ = RS 19.174A.
Administrative texts quite often also contain information about
rituals, in particular when they deal with the distribution and alloca-
tion of wine, food and other commodities for the cult, e.g. hmyn.bdbh
mlkt bmdr' 'five (kd) of wine for the sacrifice of the Queen in the
sown l and' (K TU 4.149 = RS 15.039.14 6, see further K TU 1.91 =
RS 19.015, 4.168 = RS 15.082, 4.182 = RS 15.115, 4.213 =
RS 16.127.24, 4.219 = RS 16.179.2-3). Most ritual texts stem from
the High Priest's house and the house of the Hurri an Priest (PH
rooms 10-11) and just a few from Ras I bn Hani.
1.2.4 Religious texts in literary prose
There is quite a large group of smaller texts and fragments which
may be classified as literary religious texts, if not myths. Some of
them were clearly composed as poetry (e.g. K TU 1.10 = RS 3.362+,
1.12 = RS 2.[012], 1.92 = RS 19.039+, 1.96 = RS 22.225 and
1.100 = RS 24.244), but some may be fragments of myths and incan-
tations in prose or a kind of poetic prose (K TU 1.9 = RS 5.229,
1.24 = RS 5.194, 1.25 = RS 5.259, 1.45 = RS 1.008+, 1.65 = RS
4.474, 1.82 = RS 15.134, 1.83 = RS 16.266, 1.96 = RS 22.225,
1.107 = RS 24.251+, 1.151 (?) = RS 24.647 and 1.169 = RI H
78/20). There are also occasionally prayers, one in poetic form (KTU
1.119 = RS 24.266.26-36), but also in prose (KTU 1.65 = RS 4.474
and 1.123? = RS 24.271), a blessing or dedication (K TU 1.77 =
RS 6.411), a small collection of fables (K TU 1.93 = RS 19.054)
and, perhaps, a wisdom text (K TU 2.21| 2.5? = RS 3.334, 1.020).
With this group, we may also mention the few Akkadian .n/?M-prayers
in Ugaritic alphabetic script (K TU 1.67 (+) 1.69 = RS 5.199 +
5.213, 1.70 = RS 5.156+, 1.73 = RS 5.303fc, 7.50 = RS 5.157,
7.52 = RS 5.196 and 7.55 = RS 5.218).
1.2.5 Other miscellaneous prose texts
Mi nor groups of prose texts are the juridical texts, medical pre-
scriptions and omens. The juridical texts are mainly found in K TU
Section 3, but see also K TU 2.19 = RS 15.125 (manumission of a
slave) and K TU 4.659 = RS 19.166 (sales record of a female slave?)
and the custom licences (or harbour dues?) and caravan licences
( K T U 4. 172 = R S 15. 093, 4. 266 = R S 17. 074, 4. 336 = R S 18. 023
and 4. 388 = R S 18. 113) . As sealed documents, the licences can be
considered a kind of juridical contract. The distinction between legal
documents and administrative records is not always clear. K TU 3.7 =
R S 18. 118 and 3. 10 = R I H 8 4 / 3 3 are rather administrative lists,
though they deal with legal charges such as ^-obl i gati ons and debts,
as do K T U 4. 338 = R S 18. 025 and 4. 347 = R S 18. 035+. Medi cal
prescriptions are found in K T U 1. 175 = R I H 77/ 18. They are
sometimes included in other texts K T U 1. 114 = R S 24. 258. 29- 32
(an i ncantati on for medical treatment of delirium) and 1.124 = RS
24. 272 (an oracul ar report), and also perhaps the fragment K T U
1. 88 = R S 18. 107. These prose texts and sections are related to the
hippiatric medical text of whi ch four copies have been discovered
( K T U 1. 71 = R S 5. 300, 1. 72 = R S 5. 285+, 1. 85 = R S 17. 120 and
1. 97 = R S 23. 484; C o h e n 1996) . The large corpus of ancient Near
Eastern omen literature was also represented in Ugarit by a dream
book (spr hlmm K T U 1. 86 = R S 18. 041) , a collection of astronom-
ical omens (K TU 1. 163 = R I H 78/ 14) and birth omens of the summa
izbu type (K TU 1.103+ = R S 24. 247+ and 1.140 = R S 24.302:
D i et r i c h - L o r et z 1990a); also omens inscribed on fields of lung
and liver models (K TU 1. 127 = R S 24. 277, 1.141-4 = R S 24.312,
24. 323, 24.326, 24. 327 and 1. 155 = R S 24. 654) and a report of an
astronomi cal omen (K TU 1.78 = RS 12.061). There is, perhaps,
also a protocol of necromancy with some ritual prescriptions (K TU
1.124 = R S 24. 272: D i et r i c h - L o r et z 1990a).
1.3 Administrative prose
By far the largest group of prose texts are the administrative texts,
which include census lists of persons, guilds and cities, payment rolls,
receipts and records of received or distributed commodities. They
are a mai n source for private names and also a lexicographic gold-
mi ne, though many words are still poorly understood. For the struc-
ture of the l anguage they are less informative, since their syntactical
structure and style is often very simple. Many texts only have a sim-
ple label as headi ng menti oni ng a guild (hrtm 'pl oughmen', K T U
4.65 = RS 11.602, 4.122 = RS 13.012; tnnm a kind of soldier, K T U
4.66 = RS 11.656; mrynm 'knights', K T U 4.623 = RS 19.049[b];
nqdm, 'sheep breeders', K T U 4.681 = RS 19.180; mdrglm 'guards
?
',
K T U 4.751 = RS 29.096; khnm, 'priests', K T U 4.761 = RS 34.123)
or a vi l l age/ci ty/genti l i c. These guild markers themselves are listed
as such too (K TU 4.29 = RS 3.320, 4.38 = RS 8.272, 4.47 = RS
10.043, 4.68 = RS 11.716.60ff., 4.99 = RS 11.845, etc.); likewise
geographi cal markers in topographi cal lists (K TU 4.63 = RS 10.052,
4.232 = RS 16.355, etc.). Both serve as headi ngs in texts whi ch
contai n persons grouped by trade, profession or provenance (K TU
4.35 = RS 8.183+, 4.69 = RS 11.715+, 4.71 (+) 72 = RS 11.721,
11.722, 4.103 = RS 11.858, 4.183 = RS 15.116, 4.412+ = RS
18.251 and 4.633 = RS 19.086A).
The di fferent parts of these si mpl e syntacti cal structures are:
(1) headi ng (with or wi thout i ntroductory spr); (2) lists of persons,
towns, etc. (together with number, commodi ty, etc.); (3) summary or
total (with or wi thout tgmr). These sections are often extended by
descriptive, or restrictive remarks in relative clauses. The style is usu-
ally concise in the extreme, leaving out self-evident terms and phrases
(e.g. tql, kbd, dd, tgmr, etc.). From such texts, only a few prose sections
can be gl eaned, in parti cul ar from texts such as K T U 4.145 = RS
15.034, whi ch is a small report revealing the poor condition of the
king's chariotry:
(1) tmn.mrkbt.dt. (2) 'rb.bt.mlk (3) yd.apnthn (4) yd.hzhn (5) yd trhn/
(6) w.l.tt.mrkbtm (7) inn. utpt/ (8) w.tlt.smdm.w.hrs (9) apnt.bd.rb.hrm
(10) d.sa.hwyh
Eight chariots, which entered the royal palace with their wheels, their
ax1es(?), their bearings(?), but two chariots have no quiver; and of three
two-horse carriages(?), the wheels are in the hands of the chief smith,
who took (them) out for repair.
I t is a good exampl e of the descriptive style found in administrative
texts (also K T U 4.136 = RS 15.013). The nature of the documents
is often indicated by the word spr, while the subject matter may be
persons, trades and professions, or commodi ti es, tribute, rations and
fields under these headi ngs extended with different types of relative
sentences: spr np d.
c
rb bt.mlk w.b spr.l.st, 'List of people who entered
the royal palace, but who were not put into the list. ..' (K TU 4.338 =
RS 18.025.1-3). Usually, clusters with construct nouns do not exceed
three nouns or names, such as spr argmn p (K TU 4.610 = RS 19.017);
spr ksp mnny (K TU 4.791 = RI H 84/04); but cf. spr hpr.bns.mlk (K TU
4.609 = RS 19.016), spr hr's qst iptl (K TU 4.215 = RS 16.130).
Documents often have no headi ng and start in mdias res. Com-
modities listed and other entries are occasionally extended by descrip-
tive relative noun clauses or participles: ktn.d.sr.phm.bh, '. . . a robe
that has a string(?) of carbuncles on it' (K TU 4.132 = RS 15.004.4);
w.lp. d sgr.b/, '. . . a garment that has a fibula' (K TU 4.166 = RS
15.078); tit mrkbt spyt.bhrs [.]
f
ir[.] smdm.trm.d[.l.s]py/w.trm. ahdm.
spym/tit mrkbt d.l.spy, 'Three chariots covered with gold, ten pairs of
tr which are [not co]vered and a doub1e(?) set of tr covered, three
chariots that are not covered...' (K TU 4.167 = RS 15.079.1-7),
but also verbal clauses: yn d.ykl.bd.k[hnm] (2) b.dbh.mlk, 'Wine that is
delivered into the hands of the pr[iests] for the sacrifice of the king'
( K T U 1.91 = RS 19.015.1-2; TROPPER 1991b, 355); qmh. d.kly.ksh.illdrm
bd.zlb[n], 'Flour that was completely spent according to the order(?)
of Illdrm into the hand of %b[n] . . . ' (K TU 4.362 = RS 18.052.1-2),
ksp.d.slmyrmn.'l.bt, 'Silver that Yrmn paid for (the mortgage on?) the
house . . . ' (K TU 4.755 = RS 31.080; also K TU 4.95 = RS 11.836+,
4.166 = RS 15.078, 4.213 = RS 16.127, 4.290 = RS 17.297 and
4.348 = RS 18.036) and . . . prs qmh d nlm, '. . . a /w-measure of flour
that has been paid for' (K TU 4.328 = RS 18.008.1). I n relative
noun clauses the expression for existence it is often added (K TU
4.235 = RS 16.369, 4.422 = RS 18.293, 4.617 = RS 19.044, 4.752 =
RS 29.097 [SEGERT 1982, 55.7]), and the usual negation in such
relative noun clauses is in(n) (K TU 4.53 = RS 10.090, 4.180 = RS
15.105, 4.214 = RS 16.128 and 4.379 = RS 18.098).
Ugaritic scribes seem to have used two conventions to sum up the
totals of their administrative documents, either by writing the totals
(U.N GI N = napharu/gabbu) in cuneiform Sumero-Babylonian short-
hand (K TU 4.48 = RS 10.045, 4.63 = RS 10.052, 4.68 = RS
11.716, 4.69 = RS 11.715+, 4.71, 4.72 = RS 11.721, 11.722, 4.90 =
RS 11.797, 4.93 = RS 11.776+, 4.100 = RS 11.850, 4.102 = RS
11.857, 4.165 = RS 15.076, 4.219 = RS 16.179, 4.232 = RS 16.355,
4.299 = RS 17.345, 4.308 = RS 17.386, 4.340 = RS 18.027, 4.435 =
RS 18.[306], 4.610 = RS 19.017, 4.704 = RS 21.002, 4.745 = RS
25.417, 4.754 = RS 31.043, and 4.784 = RS [Varia 38],2; VAN
SOLDT, 1995, 485-6) or in Ugaritic tgmr, and sometimes even both
ways (e.g. sb'.mat ttm kbd/7 me-at 60 HI .ME, K TU 4.340 = RS
18. [027]). As with the headings, the pattern of such totals is not con-
sistent. Usually the tgmr of the commodi ty received or distributed,
or the group or city is menti oned first (e.g. K TU 1.91 = RS 19.015,
4.67 = RS 11.714, 4.156 = RS 15.053, 4.269 = RS 17.106 and
K TU 4.151 = RS 15.044, 4.179 = RS 15.103, 4.777 = RI H 83/07+
respectively), but it may also follow the total amount (K TU 4.230
= RS 16.341, 4.764 = RS 34.176 and 4.137 = RS 15.015+, 4.141
= RS 15.022+ and 4.173 = RS 15.094 respectively), but the word
tgmr is also often left out (K TU 4.164 = RS 15.075, 4.344 = RS
18.030, 4.427 = RS 18.299, 4.163 = RS 15.073.15ff, and 4.174 =
RS 15.095 respectively). The style of these texts is basically descrip-
tive and strongly paratactic. Compl ex syntactic structures with sub-
ordinate clauses are almost absent.
1.4 Literary prose of incantations, stones and reports
Everybody knows, or rather thinks he knows the difference between
prose and poetry ( Wat s o n 1984d [1995] 44). The probl em is to
establish sound criteria. We cannot deal here with this question in
extenso (see P ar d ee 1993a). The criteria often used to distinguish prose
from poetry in Hebrew literature, namely the absence or rarity of
prose elements such as the relative marker
}
"ser (less often the relative
pronoun), the definite article, the object marker and the narrative
waw, are not very helpful for Ugaritic prose. The existence of a nar-
rative waw discourse in Ugaritic is still disputed and indeed, if it is
not to be found in the context of the incantation K TU 1.100 = RS
24.244.67-8: mgy.hrn.l bth w (68)ystqilh^rh, 'Horon reached his house,
and he entered his court', it occurs, perhaps, in a few prose texts
such as, for instance, the report about a necromanti c inquiry (KTU
1.124 = RS 24.272): ky mgy.adn (2) ilm rbm.'m dtn (3) wysal.mtpt.yld (4)
w/ny.nn.dtn (5) t'ny. . . uymg (11) mlakk.'m dtn (12) Iqh mtpt (13) uy'ny.nn
dtn . . .' When the Lord of the Great Gods came to Ditanu and asked
for the boy's (oracular) decision, Di tanu answered him: "Y ou will
answer. . . and your messenger to Ditanu arrived after he received the
(oracular) decision." Then Di tanu answered:. . .' As long as no vocal-
ized narrative texts are available, the question will remain undecided.
On the other hand, the use of parallelism or parallelizing style in
Ugaritic texts is not confined to poetry. As in the Hebrew Bible, it
is also found in many prose texts. The greater use of relative pro-
nouns and particularly, a set of demonstratives (hnd-hnk/hndt-hnkt/hnhmt,
including the definite article hn-, R ai ney 1971, 160; C u n c h i l l o s
1983b) and interrogative pronouns (mn(m)-mnk(m); mh-mhkm, etc.) in
prose texts such as economic texts, letters, contracts, etc. ( Wat s o n
1984d [1995], 62) is a fairly clear criterion, but not the only one.
Several texts show a mixed style of prose and poetry. It is hard to
say whether these literary texts are prose containing poetic elements,
or a kind of poetry in which the rules of poetic parallelism are weakly
used. There can be no doubt that maj or works from Ugarit such as
the Ba'al Cycle, the legends of Aqhat and Keret, the astral myth of
Shahar and Shalim were composed as oral poetry, in which inserted
prose elements clearly stand out in their context. Some mi nor myths
and incantations were also composed in the concise prosody of the
maj or works (K TU 1. 10 = RS 3. 362+, 1. 12 = RS 2. [ 012] , 1. 83 =
RS 16. 266 and 1. 92 = RS 19. 039+) , but a few are in prose, or
have prose sections alternating with mythical passages in poetry. For
instance, K TU 1. 107 = RS 24. 251+ clearly opens with a mythical
poem (K TU 1. 107. 1- 14) , but the poison-expelling charms on the
reverse are in prose (K TU 1. 107. 32- 45) . The incantation text K TU
1. 82 = RS 15. 134, so far as it is readable and understandable, is
also couched in prose. Its sections are marked by quick changes of
subject and by subordinate clauses in persuasive style, but no clear
parallelism can be traced:
\y\mhs.b
c
l [xxjy.tnn.wygl.wynsk.'d [x]
[x]xy.lars[.id\y.alt.I ah.idy.alt.in ly
[x\b/dt.b'l.hz.rsp.bn.km.yr.klyth.wlbh
[xx]x.pk.b gr.tn.pk.bhlb.k tgwln.ntk
[xx]wptk.l tsy.hm.tgrm.l mt.brtk
[xx]hp.an.arnn.qlJp.hw.btnm.uhd.b
C
lm
[wa]tm.prtl.l rih.hmt.tmt.
Let Ba'al smite the breed(?) of Tunan and reveal and pour out the . . .
(2). . . on the earth. Then I shall not feel the curse, then the curse
will not for me be (3) harmfu1(?). The archer Reshef (is) between the
two of you. He will shoot at his kidneys and his heart. Let your
mouth ... in the lowland, let your mouth resound in the woods, when
you grind(?) your teeth (5) [against him]. And your lips will surely
rejoice, if you keep until death your covenant. (6) [I shall ] myself,
I shall ring out with the Sun's voice: the life of the serpents I shall
take away, Ba'al, and nail down the iron pole on his head
(KTU 1.82.1-7)
Likewise the mi nor myths of Yarikh and Nikkal (K TU 1.24 - RS
5. 194) , Astarte the Huntress (K TU 1. 92 = R S 19. 039) and El's
drunkeness (K TU 1. 114 = R S 24. 258) show a mixed style of prose
and poetry. Of the last text the medical prescription is entirely in
prose (K TU 1. 114. 29- 31) . The first text has a narrative framework
in prose, whereas some of the speeches are couched in verse. Thi s
may also be true of the fable K TU 1. 93 = R S 19. 054 (DI J KSTRA
1994, 125):
(1) arh td.rgm.b gr (2) b py.t'lgt.b 1n[y] (3) gr.tyb.b npy.rg[m] (4) hzvt.b'l.itm['.y
gr'] (5) M ly.y p. i[k(?)] (6) hkr(.b]ry[ } . . .
The Cow let out a cry against the Mountain: 'In my mouth is stam-
mering, on [my] tongue is agitation, in my throat rolls "thun[der]".
Heed the word of Ba'al [O Mountain!] Listen to me, you braggart!
Why this distress of my [bo]dy . . . ?. . . '
K TU 1.92 and 1.114 contain prosodie phrases and epic formulae
borrowed from the maj or myths ( D i j k s t r a 1994, 116), but the nar-
ratives are basically prose compositions despite this poetic flavour.
For K TU 1.92, one has to assume that many verses have been short-
ened to monocola, if it was a piece of narrative poetry. In K TU
1. 114, the sequences of perfect (with inversion of the subject) and
imperfect forms suggest the transformation of poetically structured
verses into prose sentences (so also K TU 1.96 = RS 22.225.I ff.).
Consider
il dbh . . . sh . . . tlhmn.ilm.wtstn . . . After El slaughtered . . . called . . .
A similar mixed style is also present in the ritual K TU 1.161 - RS
34.126, the incantation K TU 1.169 = RI H 78/20 and the prayers
K TU 1.65 = RS 4.474, 1.108 = RS 24.252 and perhaps 1.123 =
RS 24.271. We observe in these texts a certain repetitive style, even
chains of adverbial clauses and comparisons: k qtr.urbtm.k btn.
c
mdm
(3) kyim.zrh.k Ibim.skh, 'like smoke from a chimney; like a snake from
a pillar; like a mountai n-goat to the hill-top; like a lion to a lair'
(K TU 1.169.3-4); il h il add (10) b
c
d spn b
c
d
[
(11) ugrt (12) b mrh il
(13) b nit il (14) bsmd il (15) b dtn il, etc., El, hurry! El, stand
up, on behalf of Saphon, on behalf of Ugarit, with the javelin of
El, with the spade(?) of El, with the span of El, with the threshing-
s1edge(?) of El, etc.' (K TU 1.65.9-15); b mrmt (8) b miyt.bzlm.b qd,
'. . . on the heights, in the lowland, in darkness and in the sanctu-
ary' (KTU 1.169.7-8); b
c
z (22) [rpi.] mlk.'lm. b dmrh.bI (23) [anh].bhtkh.b
nmrth . . ., 'in the safety [of the Healer], the eternal king, in his pro-
tection, in his strength, in his dominion, in his benevolent power . . .'
il.hlk I bth . . .y'msn.nn . . .
b il.abh.g
c
r. ytb il.. .
il.ytb.b mrzhh yt. .
the gods ate and drank . . .
After he rebuked El his father,
El sat down . . .
After El sat down at his
marzeah, he drank . . .
After El wanted to go home,
they carried him . . .
(K TU 1.108.21-3; also 1.108.4-5). Compare also the chain of adver-
bial phrases and //^-greeti ngs K T U 1.161.22-6 (with tht), 31- 4
and the chai n of epithets in K TU 1.100.1: um phi ph.lt bt.'n.bt.abn.
bt.mm.wth. . ., 'The mother of the he-ass, the she-ass, daughter of
the spring, daughter of the stone, daughter of heaven and flood . . .'.
Similarly, the chains of epithets and participial predicates in the litur-
gical prayer K TU 1.108.I ff. They are all instances of poetic prose
with repetition and even occasional parallelism within a prose con-
text. Despite these poetic elements, such passages as K T U 1.65.9ff.
and K TU 1.108.I ff. form one extended prose sentence, bursting the
bounds of an originally poetic structure. Even the small fragment
K T U 1.83 = RS 16.266, perhaps part of an i ncantati on (DE MOOR
1987, 181-2), shows this mixed style:
. . . [ts]un. b ars (4) mhnm. trp ym (5) 1nm.tlhk (6) mm. ttrp (7) ym dnbtm.
(8) tnr. I btn (9) ist. trks (10) I miym Ibnm* (11) pi. tbtn. yymm* (12) hmlt.
ht. ynh*[r] (13) itph. mk* [ ] (14) thmr. [ ] . . . (text newly collated by
PI T A RD 1998, 263
. . . [She we]nt out into the land of Mahanayim to vanquish(?) Yam
with the forked tongue that licks the sky. She vanquished Yam with
the forked tail, Tunan she muzzled. She bound him onto the heights
of Lebanon (saying): You swill no longer humiliate me, Yam. Mankind
may be scared, River (but) you will not see [me] collapse. You may
foam [. . .]
Rel ated to the persuasive prose style of i ncantati on is the prose of
letters and an occasional wisdom text such as K T U 2.2 = RS 3.334
(II 2.5? = RS 1.020), perhaps dictated as a scribal exercise:
(1) [/] rHSyy[al] First of all, my friend, one should a[sk] for
(2) []lm.brt.yl[m.rn\ [p]eace. A man should keep the bolt(?)
(3) \s\gr.l lmt.l[m] secure. (If) it is not safe, will its house be
(4) b*th.p lmt.p* lm at peace? When it is safe, then the house
will have
(5) b*t.lbn.trgm*[?] peace. To a man you should say:
(6) / stmt.I lm.b[tk] 'It is not safe, so [your] house will not be
at peace!'
(7) by.nt.mlit.t[mla] Believe me, after a full year has surely
[passed]
(8) ymgyk.bnm.ta[r] children you asked for will come to you.
(9) bnm.wbnt.ytnk* Sons and daughters will Ba'al give you.
(10) [bYLbny.ht.w\x.x.] My son, spoil (it) and .. .
(11) [w]h*t.msgr.bnk[ ] you will have [spoi]1ed the bolt(?) of your
children.
(12) [wh]n.thmM[ ] [And 1o]ok, the word of Ba'al. . .
1.5 The prose of letters
Letters form the most interesting group in which to study the syn-
tax of Ugaritic prose in the latter days of its floruit. We shall not
deal here with the well known formul ae of sender and addressee
(thm X rgm l Y), the airs and graccs (yslm Ik, ilm tgrk tlmk, with its
variants), the prostration formula (lp
e
n PN[b
C
d b
C
d/tnid] mrhqtm qlt/qlny),
enquiries about health (al lm formula), requests for an answer (wrgm
[t]ttb l/
c
m-PN), to reply or to pay attention to the message (wb
c
ly. . .yd
c
[rgmh]), or even the closing remark to reassure somebody (wap mhkm
b Ibk al tst, etc.). These have all been thoroughly and properly studied
in the past ( A hl 1973; K r i s t ens en 1977; P ar d ee 1984; P ar d ee
W h i t i n g 1987; C u n c h i l l o s 1983a, 1989a). Here attention will be
paid to the larger passages of prose only in so far as they are pre-
served and help to give a glimpse of late colloquial Ugaritic.
Characteristic of this Ugaritic 12th-century written vernacular is
the increased use of plene writing with -y in prepositions by, ly, ky,
iky, construct state: ily ugrt and verbal forms tmgyy, etc., but also an
increase in enclitic -j as a marker of direct speech, in particular in
letters ( T r o p p er 1994d, 474-5). The difference between plene writ-
ten -y and enclitic -y is not always easy to detect ( T r o p p er 1994d,
480-1). Other changes in vocalization and phonology include the
quiescent aleph, sb
c
d < b
C,
id, yr < yar, etc., though also incidentally
found in poetry,
c
bdnn < a
c
bdnn;
c
dbk < a'dbk (K TU 1.6 = RS 2. [009] +
ii 21; 1.18 = RS 3.340 iv 22);ytmr < yitmr (K TU 1.3 = RS 2. [014] +
i 22), the shift of ' < h, for instance in im < hm (K TU 2.15 = RS
15.007.8; 2.72 = RS 34.124.9, 10, 17; 3.9 = RS [Varia 14].6; T r o p p er
1989b, 421-3); vowel harmony ulp (*ullupi) < alp (*allupi); ihy and
uhy < ahy, ibr (Hbbiru) < abr (*abbiru). See further below 8.1.
The grammar and syntax of this late Ugaritic prose are enriched
by the use of the article and demonstrative element hn, rarely inde-
pendent in hn Ws, K TU 1.40 = RS 1.002 (perhaps also 1.114 =
RS 24.258.28 and in assimilated form in K TU 2.70 = RS 29.093.15-6,
w.hwt (16) hbt, 'and I repaired the house'), but frequently as part of
a set of demonstrative pronouns: masc. hndhnk; fem. hndthnkt pi.
hnhmt. Morphological developments may include the loss of diptotic
plural and the occurrence of imperatives with prothetic aleph i: ibky,
ihn (K TU 1.161 = RS 34.126; T r o p p e r 1993a, 391-2); igr (K TU
2.33 = RS 16.402.1); or aleph a: add (K TU 1.65 = RS 4.474.9).
Furthermore, we may note the wider use of the absolute infinitive
with separate personal pronoun to conti nue a finite verb or i mper-
ative, wtb
c
ank ( K T U 2. 17 = R S 15. 098. 6); w.ttb.ank ( K T U 2. 38 =
R S 18. 031. 23) ; wrgm hw/ank ( K T U 2. 42 = R S 18.11 3A. 19, 25); hbt
hw (6) hrd w.sl hw (7) qrt, '. . . it eliminated the guard and pillaged
the ci ty...' ( K T U 2. 61 = R S 19. 011. 5- 7) ; w.ybl.hw ( K T U 2. 72 =
R S 34. 124. 27 and passim), though this is incidentally also attested in
poetry (SEGERT 1984, 64. 42).
The variation in the use of the conj uncti on p(m)- is significant,
and greater than in poetry (DE MOOR 1969, 201-2; K T U 2.2 = R S
3.334.4, 2.3 = RS 1.013+.19, 2.10 = RS 4.475.12, 2.14 = RS [Vari a
4].12, 2.15 = RS 15.007.7, 2.23 = RS 16.078+.17, 2.26 = RS
16.264.7, 2.33 = RS 16.402.28, 2.70 = RS 29.093.27, 2.71 = RS
29.095.11 [pm], 2.72 = RS 34.124.1 1, 22, 42, 2.73 = RS 17.434.14;
WATSON 1990e, 1994e) and the occurrence of pi and pn 'lest, you
may not' (K TU 1.83 = RS 16.266.11, 1.114 = RS 24.258.12). Also
new, specific verbs such as dhl, 'to be afrai d' (K TU 2.16 = RS
15.008.12, 2.31 = RS 16.394.21); hbt, 'to knock down, eliminate'
(KTU 2.4 = RS 1.018.19, 2.47 = RS 18.148.16, 2.61 = RS 19.011.5),
or verb forms like tn
c
m/l 'put somethi ng at the disposal of PN'
(K TU 2.36+ = RS 17.435+.6, 13, 2.45 = RS 18.140.19, 2.50 = RS
18.287.16, perhaps also 2.32 = RS 16.401.7, 10, 2.39 = RS 18.038.35,
2.79 = RI H 77/25.3), presumabl y a -stem ofy/ntn; -stem 'hr 'to
withhold, keep back (things)' (K TU 2.42 = RS 18.113A.11, 2.79 =
RI H 77/25.4) and the Gt-stem sal 'to make a request, enqui re'
(2.17 = RS 15.098.15, 2.42 = RS 18.113A.23, 2.70 = RS 29.093.12,
2.71 = RS 29.095.10).
Further, we may note the conti nued use of bl in compounds like
blym, 'never' (K TU 2.45 = RS 18.140.23; 4.272 = RS 17.118.7),
bl bns, 'nobody' (K TU 2.45 = RS 18.140.25), l.bl.hrb || Ibl ks, 'with-
out a knife, or cup (K TU 1.96 = RS 22.225.4-5) and bl sml (K TU
1.169 = RI H 78/20.7), though also used in poetry: bl spr/hg (K TU
1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ ii 37-8); blmt, 'immortality' (K TU 1.17 = RS
2. [004] vi 27, etc.), the increased use of the perfect or participle N-
stem ntkp (K TU 2.10 = RS 4.475.14); nUi (2.34 = RS 17.139.13);
nskh (2.38 = RS 18.031.15); nmkr (K TU 2.48 = RS 18.285[A].5); nplt
(2.82 = RI H 78/12.4, 11); also in administrative and legal texts: nkly
(K TU 4.213 = RS 16.127.24, 4.230 = RS 16.341.15; 4.280 = RS
17.236.6, etc.); night (K TU 4.659 = RS 19.166.1) and nlm (K TU
4.328 = RS 18.008), but also a new preposition like ml(y), 'opposite
(me)' (K TU 2.50 = RS 18.287.12; 2.75 = RS 34.148.11). There is no
clear evidence that a special subjunctive mood was mai ntai ned in
prose texts ( T r o pper 1991b, 353-5, pace V e r r e e t 1988). The deictic
or anaphori c use of -n, in parti cul ar in the apodosi s of omens
( D i et r i c h - L o r e t z 1990a, 104; T r o p p e r 1994c, 466-7), but also
elsewhere (K TU 1.124 = RS 24.272.14, 2.37 = RS 17.438.10, 2.39
= RS 18.038.21, 2.42 = RS 18.113a.6, 10, 26) may suggest influence
of the Hurri an 'article' -ni (but see T r o p p e r 1993b, 468).
It is i nherent in the nature of letters that we find narrati ve parts
(reports using the perfect, e.g. K TU 2.38 = RS 18.031) and pre-
scriptive sentences (instructions); but the fundamental convention is
that of an oral message exchanged between parties. Thi s means that
the mode of discourse in letters is usually persuasive, a mode of dis-
course couched in a kind of virtual verbal exchange between sender
and addressee, but from the temporal perspective of the writer. A
mode of discourse that varies with the field (diplomacy, international
commerce, royal bureaucracy) and tenor (grade of social relation-
ships between parties, see also P a r d ee - B o r d r e u i l 1992, 711).
Letters are essentially a verbatim account of verbal exchanges between
parties who argue their case. As part of the discourse the words of
the other party are quite often quoted or referred to ( D i j k s t r a 1987).
Thi s style of persuasion is marked by statements accentuated with
particles or adverbs such as ap/ p/ hn, emphati c use of the separate
personal pronouns, interrogative particles and pronouns, such as ik,
'how', Im, 'why', my/mn(m), 'who(ever)', mnd
c
, 'whoever knows, per-
haps', rhetorical questions and other turns of speech i ntroduced by
ht, 'now', hm . . . p/w/zero, 'i f. . . then', etc. If we are aware of the
sequence of inferences and thrust for persuasion made coherent by
a set of characteristic phrases and other cohesive devices in gram-
mar and style, the letters are essentially a genre of persuasive dis-
course, even if stories are told, oaths are sworn and instructions are
given within such a persuasive mode of discourse. Unfortunatel y only
a few of the more el aborate letters are compl ete or have a passage
that allows for coherent translation and rhetorical analysis. Any trans-
lation given below admits that other translations are possible in some
instances, but I am concerned here only with the mode of discourse
and the general thrust of a given passage. An exampl e of such a
dialogical discourse of persuasion including an oath is K T U 2.10 =
RS 4.475.5-15,
. . . trgds (6) w.l.klby (7) rrt.hti (8) nhtu.ht (9) hm.inmm (10) nhtu.w.lak (11)
'my.wyd (12) ilm.pkmtm (13) 'z.mid (14) hrn.nlkp (15) m'nk
. . . from Trgds and Klby I have heard that we suffered a heavy defeat.
However, if we did not suffer a defeat, send me a message and, as
for the hand of the gods, it will indeed be as strong as Death (against
you) if your answer be negative(?).
Letters often include reports. A good example is the letter from the
king of Tyre to the king of Ugarit about the shipwreck of a Ugaritian
fleet sent to Egypt, but there are also short reports such as K TU
2.17 = RS 15.098, 2.30 = RS 16.379, 2.33 = RS 16.402.4ff., 2.40 =
RS 18.040, 2.61 = RS 19.011 and 2.75 = RS 34.148. We often
find here as a typical report marker the formula 'the king my lord
may know i t/hi s word!' (K TU 2.17, 2.33, 2.40, 2.75; perhaps also
2.35 = RS 17.327), or advice not to fear or to worry too much
about the reported developments (KTU 2.16 = RS 15.008, 2.30,
2.38 = RS 18.031 and 2.71 = RS 29.095).
(10) anykn.dt (11) likt.msrm (12) hndt.b.sr (12) mtt.by (14) gm.adr (15)
nkh.wb.tmtt (17) lqh.kl.dr'\ 18) bdnhm.w.ank (19) kl.np (20) kMm.bd.rb.tmtt.lqht
(21) w.Ub.anUhm (22) wanyk.lt (25) by.'/cy.'ryt (26) w.ahy.mhk (27) b.lbh.al.yt
This fleet of yours, which you sent to Egypt, was shipwrecked at Tyre.
It was hit by a heavy storm. And the master of shipwrecks took all
the cargo from their holds. However, I in turn took all their cargo,
all the livestock for their provision from the hand of the master of
shipwrecks and returned it to them. And your second fleet is in for
repair(?) at Acre, but my brother should worry about nothing.
(KTU 2.38.10-27).
I n particular, the mode and tenor of the discourse in international
diplomatic letters becomes very persuasive, if not suggestive. In many
instances we are here perhaps dealing with drafts and translations
of official letters, of which the originals were sent and received by
the royal chancelleries in official Akkadian. They negotiate about
tribute, settle border disputes and deal with conflicting interests and
loyalties. Consider the following anthology:
ky.hkt. bt. mlk. thmk. hin [y] (6) \lj\rs.a rgmny [ .\'m. p. tn ,\ank\ (7) [w]at.m[h]r.k[x]
t.d.tt.b.ms[mt] (8) \ht\.Iqdm.udh.mgt.wmlkn.[] (9) [m]hrt[.]nib.'mnkm.I.qrb.[xx]
(10) [xj . i [x]t . w. at / my. l . mgt . [xY. ] (11) [w.]ma[k]tk/my.l.likt ([12)
[x] .km.knt.ly.ht.hln.hrs.[xx] (13) | xxx] Jtnt.
C
my.'m.pJtn[t]
When you sent your message to the royal palace (saying), 'Herewith
I put the gold of my tribute at the disposal of the Sun', [as for] you,
the equivalent of the ... as was settled in the trea[ty], you should pre-
sent it now! Its payment(?) is due. And the king [said?], 'Tomorrow
we shall return to you to deliver the . . ., but you have not come to
me [. . . nor] did you send your embassy to me. [Now was this] as
arranged with me? So, the gold [of your tribute that was] put here
at my disposal, I shall put (it) at the disposal of the Sun.
(KTU 2.36+ = RS 17.435+.5-13)
Li[th]dn.p (6) ad[nk.'] bdk.ukJkn (7) k.'[bdm.]sglth.hw (8) w.b[nh].uk.ngr (9)
rg[mh.l]adny.l.yfysr (10) w.[ap.y]d'.l.yd
e
t
(11) ht[.hm].l.p.b
e
lk (12) 'b[dm.]sglth.at (13) ht[.hm].p.b'lk (14) yd'm.l.yd't
(15) 'myJps.b'lk (16) nt.ntm.lm.<.>l.tlk
Did not the Sun his father and his servant make an agreement(?) either
that he would record that he and his sons would be servants of his
own property, or that he would keep his promise (saying): 'My father
will not lack anything' and [also]: acknowledge you fully'.
Now, if to the Sun your lord, you are servant of his own property,
so then, if you recognize the Sun your lord fully, why did not you
come to the Sun your lord for one, for two years?
(KTU 2.39 = RS 18.038.5-16)
Likewise K TU 2.23 = RS 16.078+. The tenor of such letters is often
haughty, if not aloof on the part of the Great King, his queen and
his officials. The Great Ki ng speaks about himself in the third per-
son, the greetings are curt and there is no love lost, whereas the
attitude of the vassal king is submissive and the airs and graces are
elaborate, if not exhaustive. More than half the letter from Ammittamru
to the Egyptian Pharaoh is filled with the repeated string of royal
tides: p.mlkJb.ml .mpm.mlkM
c
m.mlk.sdq.mlk.mlLLb MI^wt msrm . . . , ' . . . the
Sun, the great king, the king of Egypt, the benevolent king, the right-
eous king, the king of kings, lord of the whole country of Egypt . . .'
(K TU 2.81 = RI H 78/03+; see somewhat less tediously K TU 2.23
= RS 16.078+, 2.76 = RS 34.356.1-2, 9- 10 [a draft?]). All along,
the writer repeatedly praises his overlord as benevolent king, trying
to negotiate a lower tribute: [mtn.]gm.b
C
ly.n
C
m.hn.ksp.d.s
e
n (25) ['bdk.b]
nt.qdm.alpm.mznh (26) [ht.
c
bdk.] yir.snp.ln.dym.hw, '. . . Another matter,
my benevolent lord. Look, the silver which [your servant] has
paid for many years, two thousand (shekels) is its weight. (Now your
servant] asks, will two thirds be sufficient for us? . . .'. Another flower
of such submissive speech is K TU 2.23 = RS 16.078+. 15-24:
w.an[k.
c
bdk.]d (16) ar[.hym.lp] (17) mlk.r[b.b'l}y.p.l. (18) hy.np[h. ]/ (19)
/./w.//[/.] spn.b'ly (20) w. urk.ym. b'ly (21) l.pn.amn.w.l.pn (22) il.msrm. dt.tgm
(23) np.p [.]mlk.rbMy
. . . And I am [your servant] who begs [for life to] the Sun, the great
king, my lord. Then do I not pray for the life of his soul before Ba'al
Saphon my lord, and length of days for my lord before Amun and
before the gods of Egypt who protect the soul of the Sun, the Great
King, my lord?
I n the exchange of messages between the king and officials, we some-
times find such el aborate phrases in addi ti on to the usual formul ae
of submission, ankn.rgmt.l.b'l.spn. (7) Ups.'lm.l.'ttrt (8) l.'nt.l.kl.il.alty (9)
nmiy.mlk.'lm, '.. . I pray to Ba'al Saphon, to the eternal Sun, to Astarte,
to Anat, to all the gods of A1aia for the spl endour of an everlast-
ing kingship!' (K TU 2.42 = RS 18.1 13a.4-9).
Not only are devel opments reported, but probl ems are also dis-
cussed and instructions given in the same persuasive sort of style.
The Ugandan king reports violations of his territory by Egyptian cara-
vans, and the Hittite queen, probabl y in consul tati on with the Hittite
deputy-ki ng of Carchemi sh, instructs hi m to direct them past Qadesh
through the valley of the Orontes (K TU 2.36+ = RS 17.435+ .16ffi;
DI J KSTRA 1989, 142-4). An interesting instance is the letter from
General I wri -tarruma (K TU 2.33 = RS 16.402), reporti ng an attack
by the kings of Mugi he (Alalakh) and, perhaps, Nuhai against
Ni qmaddu I I . After some expl anati ons about the course of strategy
taken, he comes with amazi ng el oquence to the subj ect of rein-
forcements:
w.mlk.b'ly (23) ImJkn.hnk (24) l.'bdh.alpm.sswm (25) rgmt.Hy.lh.lm (26)
l.ytn.hm.mlk.<b>'ly (27) w.hn. ibm.sq.ly (28) p.l.at.atty (29) riry.lh.l pn.ib
(30) ht.hm.yrgm.mlk (31) b'ly.tmgyy.hn (32) alpm.wm. hnd (33) w.mlk.b'ly.bnl
(34) bnny.'mn. (35) mlakty.hnd (36) ylak.'my (37) w(l.lh.hn (38) [a]lpm[.]umi
(39) [x].l.[yx]xs/l.w.ib
And the king my lord, why did he assign such a thing to his servant?
Two thousand horses, you said, would come soon! Why has the king,
my lord, not provided them yet? Look, the enemies are pressing me
hard, but I cannot put my womenfolk and children just in front of
the enemy! Now, if the king my lord orders it, they will arrive here,
those two thousand horses. And the king my lord may also send to
me mediators(?) with this my embassy. And let them come up soon
hither, the two thousand horses [and] let him not [. . .] and withdraw!
(KTU 2.33 = RS 16.402, 22-39)
Fragments of such el oquent pieces of prose, in whi ch someone is
pl eadi ng his case, are also found, for instance, in K T U 2.41 = RS
18.075, 2.42 = RS 18.113A, 2.45 = RS 18.140, etc., but unfortu-
nately they are too broken for their lines of reasoni ng to be followed
in detail. I n K T U 2.70 = RS 29.093, we find a compl ai nt and a
request. Obvi ousl y one of the senders of this letter is a woman (as
also K T U 2.11 = RS 8.315):
hlny.bn.'yn ( 12) ystal.'m.amtk (13) lak.lh.wkhdnn (14) w.ank.hr ( 15) Iqht.w.hwt
(16) hbt.wlm.tb (17) bn.'yn (18) w.lqh.tqlm (19) ksp.bd.amtk
tn.'bdk (21) tmt.'mnk (22) k I On.akl.Uun (23) w.k tal (24) bt.'bdk (25) w.kymgy
(26)
e
bdk.l ihn (27) 'mk.p.l.ysb' I (28) hpn.l b'ly (29) mnm.it.l 'bdk
Here, the son of came to request (silver) from your handmaid. It
was sent to him, but he hid it. I enlisted a contractor and I repaired
the house. Why has the son of returned to take the two shekels
of silver from the hand of your handmaid?
And two of your servants are there with you in order that you may
give food to them. Now if your servants ask for accommodation and
if they arrive in peace to you, will not then a handful satisfy them?
To my lord belongs everything that your servants own.
(KTU 2.70 = RS 29.093.11-29)
Letters evidently often react to messages received about i nformati on,
allegations of disloyalty, requests for help or neglect to pay outstand-
ing debts and tardiness in fulfilling obligations. There is nothi ng new
under the sun! Many of the letters refer to messages received and
even quote from them (examples in D i j k s t r a 1987a, 38-9 to which
K T U 2.36+ = RS 17.435+ passim, may be added).
lm.tlikn.hpt.hndn (11) p.mrrt.mlk (12) inn.im.bn.qln* (13) im.bn.alyy.im (14)
msm't.mlk (15) wtlkn.tn. tnm (16) 'my.wttbm.lby (17) wlht.bt.amr (18) ky.tdbr.umy
(19) l.pn.qrt (20) im.ht.l.b (21) msqt.yt_bt (22) qrt.p.mn (23) likt.ank.lht (24)
bt.mlk.amr (25)ybnn.hlk (26) 'm mlk.amr (26) w.ybl.hw.mit (28) hrs.w. mrdt<t>.l
(29) mlk.amr.w.lqh.hw (30) mn.b.qrnh (31) w.ysq.hw.l.ri (32) bt.mlk.amr (33)
mnm.ht[at.brt]
Why did they release these two, as if they were not subordinate to
the king? Either being the son of Qln, or the Son of Alyy, or a sub-
ordinate of the king, these two should have come to me together and
should have broken my heart. As for the letter about the daughter of
the king of Amurruwhen my mother speaks on behalf of the city:
'If now the city will not go on to live in anxiety, who then must I
send with the letter about the daughter of the king of Amurru?' Let
Yabninu go to the king of Amurru and let him bring a hundred
(shekels) of gold and the repudiated woman(?) to the king of Amurru
and let him take oil in his horn and pour it on the head of the daugh-
ter of the king of Amurru. Whatever sin [she] committed [she will be
free?] . . . ' (KTU 2.72 = RS 34.124.10-33)
It is characteristic of this mode of prose to construct complicated
sentences in an elaborate rhetorical, often conditionally phrased style.
For instance, the passage quoted from K TU 2.39 = RS 18.038.1 1- 6
is probabl y one long sentence. Sentences i ntroduced with conditional
hm, temporal k(y)- (preceded or followed by the conj uncti on p(m)-,
but often also simply the copul a w-, K TU 2.10 = RS 4.475.9-10,
2.31 = RS 16.394.16ff., etc. or wi thout connecti on, K T U 2.33 =
RS 16.402.30-1) are numerous, as are statements and conditional
sentences emphasized with hn, ht and ap (e.g. ht hm . . . K TU 2.10.8-9,
2.33.30, 2.39.1 I ff; wap ht... 2.3 = RS 1.013+.20; wap.ank.. .2.11 =
RS 8.315.13, 2.33.15, 2.41 = RS 18.075.19), and rhetorical and real
questions with or without ik(y), mh(y), e.g. w.k tal bt
c
bdk w k ymgy
c
bdk l lm
c
mk pi ysb
c
Ihpn, 'And if your servants ask for accommoda-
tion and if they reach you safely, woul d not a handful be sufficient?'
(K TU 2.70 = RS 29.093.23-8, also 2.23 = RS 16.078+. 17ff. and
perhaps, 2.39.5ff).
Qui te often in the prose of letters and elsewhere (e.g the narra-
tive K TU 1.114 = RS 24.258, the ritual K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256.6-7)
the preferred word order VS is changed to SV: wum tsmf} mad. . .,
'and my mother should rejoice gready...' (KTU 2.16 = RS 15.008.10);
whn.ibm. sq.ly . . ., 'And look, the enemies are pressing me hard . . .'
(K TU 2.33 = RS 16.402.27), perhaps for emphasi s (other examples
TROPPER 1994c, 467-70). A related interesting phenomenon in this
mode of prose is casus pendens or nomi nati ve absolute (WAL TKE -
O' CONNOR 1990, 4.7), e.g. in the oath-sentence: wyd ilm p kmtm
c
z
mid hm ntkp m'nk, 'as for the hand of the gods, it will i ndeed be as
strong as Death, if your answer is negative(?)' (K TU 2.10 = RS
4.475.11-5); note the incongruity of yd (f.) and
c
z (m.)
5
but this seems
to be the idea (pace PARDEE 1987; WATSON 1990, 81-2, 1994, 495);
[w].b.ym.k.ybt.mlk (15) [t]ydr.w.ap.ank (16) [i]hd.lgr. amn, '[And] as for
today, if the king stays in [T]ydr, I for my part took hold of Mount
A manus. . . ' (K TU 2.33 = RS 16.402+. 15-6; for the geographical
name ty[n\dr, see DI ETRI CH - LORETZ 1994, 65-7); wmlk b
c
ly Im skn
hnk rbdh 'and as for the king my lord, why did he assign such a
thi ng to his servant?' (K TU 2.33.22-4); hn.mrt d tt asu b Idtk, 'Look,
the patri mony which was (legally) settled, I shall release after you
have given bi rth' (K TU 2.34 = RS 17.139.32-3);
c
my p b'Ik snt sntm
Im Itlk, 'to the king your lord, why did you not come for one or
two years? (K TU 2.39 = RS 18.038.15-6); wlht akl Iy likt
c
m p b
c
lk
ky akl bhwtk. inn. pn tubd, 'As for the tablet about food, when you
sent to the Sun the message that there is no food in your country,
the Sun was indeed di sheartened...' (K TU 2.39.17ff). There are
many other examples, for instance, in administrative texts: mlb.trmnm
(6) k.ytn.w.b.bt (7) mlk.mlb (8) ytn.lhm, '. . . As for the clothing of the
trrnnm-gods when it is old, then in the house of the king clothing
should be given to them' (KTU 4.168 = RS 15.082.5-9).
1.6 Performative and prescriptive prose
I n this group I would include the medical texts, omens, rituals and
contracts, though a distinction from other prose texts is not always
easy. For instance, the protocol of necromancy through the medi um
Dtn, one of the royal deified ancestors, contains as a report an amal-
gam of narrative discourse, ritual and medical prescriptions ( D i et r i c h
L o r et z 1990a, 212, 216). The Ugaritic liturgical prayer K TU
1.108 = RS 24.252 is an interesting amal gam of performative rit-
ual language and descriptive hymnic prose with occasional paral-
lelism. Though the style of contracts is basically performative and
very formal, lym hnd RN mlk ugrt ytn bt/d. . ., 'On this day, RN the
King of Ugarit gave the house, the field . . (KTU 3.2 = RS 15.111;
3.5 = RS 16.382); lym hnd iwrkl pdy . . ., 'On this day, I wrikalli
redeemed PN. . . ' (KTU 3.4 = RS 16.191+), we occasionally find
instances of persuasive style complete with metaphor: . . . l.yihd stqlm
(2) b unt.km.p (3) d brt.kmt. (4) br stqlm (5) b unt
c
d
c
lm, 'No one shall
take Stqlm in corve-service. As the Sun who is free, so Stqlm is
free from corve-service for ever. . .' (KTU 2.19 = RS 15.125).
The largest category in this section comprises rituals. They are
written with an exasperating concision ( P ar dee - B o r d r eu i l 1992,
709). Many of the ritual texts look like administrative texts: a list of
gods and the sacrifices administered to them. Some of them are even
simple onomastica of gods (KTU 1. 47 || 1. 118; Akkadian RS 20. 24,
N o u g ay r o l , 1968, 42 64), perhaps a kind of canonical list of gods.
Excerpts from this list and others, are extended in the rituals by
sacrifices administered to them. Thi s may happen by simple juxta-
position of name and sacrifice, e.g. b'l i, atrt s tkmn wnm 'nt , rp
/, etc. (KTU 1.41 = RS 1. 003+. 15-6, with parallels), but also with
a dative I (wtn sm lb
c
lt bhtm,
c
srm lins ihn, K TU 1. 41. 5, see also 1.81 =
RS 15. 130; in Human texts dative -d/ -da, plural -tt/-asta). These
lists can be preceded by date formulae of months and days: byrh ris
yn. bymhdt. . . btltt
e
srt, 'I n the month Risyn (First Wine) on the day
of the new moon . . . on the 13th day . . .' Occasionally, and often
interspersed between this lists of sacrifices, we find references to
processions and other cultic rites to be performed. A basic question
remains as to whether these rituals were meant to be 'prescriptive'
or 'descriptive' ( L evi ne 1963; P ar d ee - B o r d r eu i l 1992, 709). My
own preference is to see the references to ritual activities as habit-
ual. Thi s is consonant with the frequent use of imperfects indicat-
ing an i ncompl ete action, if not an action to be performed, i.e. a
jussive mode, or a prescriptive imperfect ( P ar dee - B o r d r eu i l 1992).
Thi s prescriptive nature of the rituals is also consonant with the fact
that some rituals have compl ete or partial duplicates. The ritual pre-
scriptions usually mention or imply the king and the priest as officiants:
btltt 'srt. yrtfis. mlk.brr, 'on the 13th day the king shall wash himself
cl ean' (K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+.3 and passim), wynt qrt/db I
c
nt walp
w l il wb urbt y tk gdlt ilhm, 'and he shall prepare a city-pigeon before
Anat, a cow and a sheep for El and in the chi mney he shall pour
out (the blood of) the cow for the ancestor-gods(?)' (K TU 1.41.10
and passim), wtlhm. att. . . kl lylhm bh . . . , ' . . . a woman may eat (from
i t). . . nobody should eat from i t. . . (K TU 1.115 = RS 24.260.8,
10).;. . .yt.rpu.mlk.
C
lm. wyt (2) [/] gtr.wyqr. . wtst.'nt.gtr. . ., '. .. let the
Heal er, the eternal king, drink and let [the god] Garu-and-Y aqaru
dri nk . . . and let Anat of Garu dri nk . . .' (K TU 1.108 = RS
24.252.1-2, 6). Thi s prescriptive prose style is particularly clear in
the ritual where the king and the officiant priests celebrate together:
id[.yd]bh.mlk l.prgl.srqn.b.gg (51) ar[b]'.arb'.mtbt.azmr.bhJJr[p] (52)
al[p.]w..lmm.pamt.b'.klbh (53) yr[gm.]mlk.sbu.p.w.hl.mlk (54)
w.l[b]n.spm.w.mh[y pn]h.t[t]tbn (55) b.b[t].w.km.it y [u.l.]smm. yd[h]
Then the king shall sacrifice to PRGL SRQN on the roof, on which
there are four by four dwellings of foliage: a sheep as a burnt offering
and a cow and a sheep as a peace-offering. Seven times the king shall
say whole-heartedly (the prayer): 'Host of the Sun and army of Maliku'.
Clothe him with covers(?) and wipe his face, and let him return to
the temple; and when he is present, he shall raise his hands to heaven.
(KTU 1.41 = RS 1.003+.50-5)
. . . [ s]l[m.u]hiy ylb (23) mlk.ylk.lqli.ilm (24) atr.ilm.ylk.p'nm (25) mlk.p'nm.yl[k.]
(26) b' pamt.lklhm
. . . [the] sta[tue of U]hari one shall dress. The king shall proceed to
accompany the gods, people shall go behind the gods barefoot. The
king shall also go barefoot, seven times for both(?) of them.
(KTU 1.43 = RS 1.005.22-7)
Another instance of performati ve style in ritual, but in the second
person plural, is the sacrificial ritual of the ancestor cult (KTU 1.161 =
RS 34.126). The perfective forms have been understood as pre-
scriptive narrati ve (as also in the Hebrew Bible Lev. 8- 9; de M o o r
1976, 335; HEAL EY 1978b, 85), but I would suggest that they are
performative or precative perfects:
spr dbh (2) qritm.rp.a[rs] (3) qbitm.qbs.d[dn] (4) qra.ulkn.rp[a] . . . tqdm
C
sr (31) lm.lm 'mr[pi] (32) wlm.bn/Jlm.tiyl (33) lm.bth.lm.ugrt (34) lm.lgrh
Book of the Sacrifice of the 'Shades': Y ou shall now invoke the Heal ers
of the Earth, you shall now summon the Assembl y of DDN: 'I nvi ted
be UL K N, the Heal er . . .' Y ou shall approach the festive assembly by
sayi ng the peace: Peace to Ammurapi ; peace to his sons; peace to
Tryl\ peace to his house; peace to Ugari t; peace to its gates.
Performative imperatives and jussive imperfects 2nd person sing, and
plur. also occur in rituals: b t
C C
rh (2) trbd.'rs []pd-{?>)-iy.b t.mlk.. . (25)
I pn ll.trr (26) V/. . ., 'On the 19th day, you shall prepare the nup-
tial bed of Pidriya in the suite of the ki ng. . . before the night, you
shall shake up the bed. . . ' (KTU 1.132 = RS 24.291.1-3, 25-6).
Note also the poetic prose incipit of the prayer in K TU 1.119 =
RS 24.266: k gr 'z.tgrkm.qrd (27) hmytkm.'nkm.lb'l.tsun, 'When a strong
one attacks your gates, a warrior your walls, you shall raise your
eyes to Ba'al (sayi ng:)...' (R.P. GORDON 1991, 161-3). Such per-
formative style is characteristic of Ugaritic rituals, just as for ancient
Near Eastern rituals in general. A last good example is the expia-
tory ritual K TU 1.40 = RS 1.002 found in several mutilated copies:
And present a young he-ass to obtai n the re1ease(?) of the Ugari ti ans
and the expi ati on of the soj ourners wi thi n the walls of Ugari t, the
expi ati on of Tman, the expi ati on of
c
rmt, the expi ati on of Ugari t and
the expi ati on of Ni qmaddu. Whether your fai thful ness departed from
the Qati an clans, the Dadmi an clans, the Human clans, the Hatti c
clans, the A1aian clans, the clans of Gbr, the clans who robbed you,
the clans of your faithfu1(?), the clans of Qrzblwhether your fai thful -
ness departed ei ther because of your anger or because of your i mpa-
tience, or because of the quarrel s you had, whether your fai thful ness
departed for sacrifices and obl ati on, our sacrifice we shoul d sacrifice.
Thi s is the obl ati on we obl ate, this the offeri ng we offer. Let it rise
to the Father of the gods, let it rise to the family of the gods, to
Tukman and unam, this he-ass. (K TU 1.40.26-34)
The omen texts show a fixed pattern of prose sentences and syntax,
like their Mesopotamian counterparts. Obviously, this type of liter-
ature derived from Babylonian tradition. Fragments of a dreambook
(KTU 1.86 RS 18.041) and a collection of astronomical omens
(KTU 1.163 = RI H 78/14) have been preserved. The birth omens
are represented by two main groups: the summa izbu 'If an abortion'
(KTU 1.103+ = RS 24.247+) and the umma sinnitu (.. .) ulid 'If a
woman gives birth to a . . .' omens (KTU 1.140 = RS 24.302). The
former is the better preserved collection and shows the well-known
protasis-apodosis k tld X . . . Y(-r) structure. Characteristic of omens
is the subject (+) verb order in the apodosis ( T r o p p er 1994c,
469-70):
Omens of small livestock. [I f] a ewe(?) bears a stone, then the maj or-
ity in the l and will fall victim; (if) a snake follows after it, the young
of its cattle will be weak, (if) also a . . .; fami ne will be in the land,
(if) it has no . . ., the country wall be destroyed; and (if) [its belly] is
open, a fami ne will be in the l and . . .
Certain omens were checked by a second opinion of the haruspex
(KTU 1.78 = RS 12.061), but inspection of the omina also drew
forth ritual activity to eliminate the effects of bad omens. The lung
model K TU 1.127 = RS 24.277, for instance, reveals an interest-
ing instance of relationship between omen interpretation and ritual.
It may have been an instruction model, but this is far from certain,
since parallels are still lacking ( M ey er in D i et r i c h - L o r et z 1990a,
270-1). Nevertheless certain parts arc marked by 'borders' contain-
ing small texts with ritual instructions, seemingly derived from omi na
observations. The most interesting instance is the instruction of a
scape-goat rite to eliminate the danger of a city taken or a plague
( D i et r i c h L o r et z 1990a, 32-38, 270-1):
hm qrt tuhd.hm mt y'l bn (31) bt bn bus yqh
c
z (32) wyhdy mrhqm
If a city is besieged (and) if pl ague attacks a man, the citizen's house-
hold will take a goat and bani sh it to the remotest parts.
(KTU 1.127.30-2)
However not many other examples of such characteristic prose can
be gleaned from the rituals. The style is often extremely concise and
many phrases are still poorly understood, for instance
C
rb.p. whl.mlk
(KTU 1.87 = RS 18.056.56-7; 1.46+ = RS 1.009.9-10, 44, 1.112 =
RS 24.256.9, 1.119 = RS 24.266.4, 23-4, 1.126 = RS 24.276.23?,
1.132 = RS 24.291.27-8), variant sbu p (whl ym
c
rb p) whl mlk
(KTU 1.41 = RS 1.003+.47-8, 53-4, 1.112.14-5), also ttb rgm (bgn)
whl mlk (KTU 1.106 = RS 24.250+.23-4, 33). The context suggests
a kind of morni ng or evening prayer spoken by the king.
2 U g ar i t i c P o et r y
W i l f r e d G. . W a t s o n
2.1 Introduction
2.1.1 Scope
Almost from the very beginning of Ugaritic studies, account was
taken of the verse component,
1
but as yet there has been no full-
scale description of Ugaritic poetry nor has there been an exhaus-
tive examination of the principles involved, although several partial
surveys are available.
2
The best and fullest account so far is P ar k er
(1989, 7-98)
3
while a very detailed analysis of parallelism including
phonological features in only one short passage (KTU 1.3 = RS
2.[014]+ i 2~25) has also been completed ( P ar dee 1988c, 1-67). In
view of this state of affairs, the presentation here is not systematic;
instead, it sets out a number of related topics under several head-
ings. First, though, some account is required of the nature of the
material under consideration and the problems it entails.
2.1.2 The texts
The corpus of Ugaritic poetry is fairly easy to define: it includes all
the mythological and epic texts, which are mostly in narrative verse,
and excludes letters, legal and economic texts as well as most of the
ritual texts as non-poetic.
4
Some texts, however, are borderline, e.g.
K TU 1.119 = RS 24.266:28-36); K TU 1.161 = RS 34.126 ( P ar dee
1993a) and some verse texts contain prose elements ( C r oss 1974)
e.g. K TU 1.113 = RS 24.247:1-11 = verse; 12ff. = prose list. Some
1
DUSSAUD 1935, 1936 ( 1941
2
) ; GASTER 1933, GI NSBERG 1936, OBERMANN 1936,
as well as COPPENS 1946, 1944, Y OUNG 1948, 1949, etc., though inevitably
the relationship to Hebrew poetry was to the fore.
2
T / T 13, KOSMALA 1966, 172- 6; GRA Y 1965 passim, SEGERT 1979; 1983; 1984,
109- 10; DEI . OI .MO LF.TF. 1981, 31- 62; AVI SHUR 1994, 13 25.
3
For a critique cf. DEL OI .MO L ETE 1990, esp. 190-4.
4
'Features known as parallelistic may also occur in prose texts. Some Ugaritic
epistolary formulae exhibit parallelism, and even some of the expressions in the
body of the letters are arranged in parallelistic structures. This criterion alone can-
not determine whether the text is poetry or prose. The other distinguishing feature
of a poetic text is its division into prosodie units of approximately the same length'
(SEGERT 1979, 730) .
speech introductions are extra-colonic but others comprise an integral
part of the verse (see 5.2.4.1). Thus, the corpus includes the
Baal Cycle (KTU 1.1-6 = RS 3.361, 3.367, 3.346, 2. [014]+, 2. [008]+,
2.[022]+, 2.[009]+); the 'Stories' of Keret and Aqhat (KTU 1.14-16
= RS 2.[003]+, 3.343+, 3.325+; K TU 1.17-9 = RS 2. [004], 3.340,
3.322+); the Rapi'uma texts (KTU 1.20-1.22 = RS 3.348, 2.[019],
2.[024]); a wedding poem (KTU 1.24 = RS 5.194); incantations
(KTU 1.82 = RS 15.134; K TU 1.96 = RS 22.225; K TU 1.100 =
RS 24.244; K TU 1.107 = RS 24.251+); a prayer (KTU 1.119 =
RS 24.266:28-36; see d el O l mo L et e 1987, W a t s o n 1996); a mythic
marriage ritual (KTU 1.23 = RS 2.002; cf. W a t s o n 1994a); a funeral
ritual (KTU 1.161 = RS 34.126; see P ar d ee 1993a) and various
fragments.
5
A broad distinction can therefore be made between longer
texts (mosdy narrative) and relatively short texts (the remainder), with
K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244 occupying a mid-posidon. On the whole
problem see 5.1.4.
2.1.3 Problems in studying Ugaritic verse
Apart from the poor condition of some tablets which makes many
readings uncertain as well as leaving large gaps in the poetic texts,
and the fact that the corpus is relatively small, certain specific diffi-
culties combine to make the analysis of Ugaritic verse problematic.
Principally, for most of the tablets the stichometry is uncertain or
at least not made clear.
6
Exceptions include K TU 1.10 = RS 3.362+
(and to some extent K TU 1.23 = RS 2.002), where the verse-line
corresponds to tablet line (cf. d el O l mo L et e 1991a, 463 and
n. 3, W an s b r o u g h 1983 and W a t s o n 1982). Occasionally, stretches
of text are written with correct stichometry (e.g K TU 1.15 = RS
3.343+ iii 1-23, with 23 consecutive verse-lines which match the
lines on the tablet) and some of the worst sections are in Aqht.
At times, the vocabulary poses difficulties (e.g. gmn in K TU 1.6 =
RS 2. [009]+ i 19ff.). Generally, this is not particularly an obstacle
to determining poetic structure. However, when whole passages
which are repeated are not entirely understood, (e.g. K TU 1.3 =
RS 2. [014]+ iii 14-7 and par.) problems do arise.
5
E.g. K T U 1.8 = R S 3.364; K T U 1.83 = R S 16.266see PI TARD 1998, DEL
OL MO L ETE 1996; K T U 1.92 = R S 19.039+see DE MOOR 1985, DI J KSTRA 1994,
MARGAL I T 1989b; K T U 1.93 = R S 19.054see DI J KSTRA 1986.
6
See L ORETZ 1976, 1986, KOTTSI EPER - L ORETZ 1987.
The lack of vocalization and in general the absence of a tradition
of pronunciation (although syllabic spellings are of some help where
available) mean that we do not know how this poetry was recited
or sung and there is no indication of metre (see below), especially
as it is not known for certain where the stress lay.
There are several scribal mistakes; in addition, very often lines
appear to be omitted (as is apparent from comparison of near-
parallel passages)
7
but it is not always clear when this was inten-
tional (see 5.7 on expansi on/contracti on) and when not (see de
M o o r 1978a, 130-1).
Almost all Ugaritic narrative is in verse, with no strictly compa-
rable material in prose. Exceptions are the letters and to some
extent the ritual texts, but these have their own special styles and
to some extent Akkadian influence is evident in the letters, some
of which were translations (see, e.g. M a r q u e z R o w e 1992) . It is,
for instance, difficult to describe 'normal ' syntax and then com-
pare it with the syntax of poetry, due to the lack of material ( Si van
1997, 210) (however see 5. 2. 3. 3 and 5. 2. 3. 5 below on verb
forms and ellipsis).
2.1.4 Approaches
On the positive side, some assistance is provided by the tablets and
several factors make study of Ugaritic verse easier. Qui te often, as
has been noted, whole passages of verse are repeated. Sometimes
the correct stichometry is used and as has been said, the corpus is
reasonably well-defined. Enough of the texts is understood for a
degree of certainty in describing their poetic aspect and information
from similar traditions (Akkadian, Hebrew, Phoenician) can be of
some help. Also, text editions with translations now tend to include
comments on poetic structure.
8
M.S. Smith, who provides vocaliza-
tion, semantic parallelism, word-count, syllable count, comments:
Some remarks bearing on various sorts of parallelismsyntactic,
morphological and sonant. . .often follow the presentation of cola,
although syntactic parallelism is not treated according to any specific
system. Rather, it has been my interest to indicate how these sorts of
7
See, e. g. ROSENTHAL 1939.
8
DEL OL MO L ETE 1991, PARDEE 1988a, SMI TH 1994a, WY A T T 1998c, etc.; see also
MA RGA L I T 1980b (with the critique by DEL OI . MO L ETE 1983) and MARGAL I T 1989a.
parallelism may bind and contrast cola, especially in the absence of
apparent semantic parallelism (M.S. Smi th 1994a, xxxiv).
9
2.1.5 Metre
It is now generally accepted that Ugaritic verse is not metrical. Y oung
discussed the possible existence of metre in Ugaritic verse and con-
cluded: 'I f there is any metric [i.e. metrical] system in Ugaritic, it
should show itself in some regular manifestation observable in the
texts themselves wi thout our trying to fit any system into them'
(YOUNG 1950, 124). Two factors led him to this conclusion: (1) 'there
is no consistency in the sequence of similar stich combinations within
a poem or within sections of a poem, much less a consistency of an
accent-per-word pattern for the successive stichs themselves' (YOUNG
1950, 124) (2) 'if an accentual meter existed at Ugarit, it might be
seen in consistency between parallel passages within single poems, if
meter were i mportant to the composer, singer, or reciter of the
poetry. No such consistency is found' (YOUNG 1950, 128). He added:
poetry in which the outstanding feature is parallelism of thought;
a poetry written in a language in which the majority of words are
of one, two, or three syllables, and in a language in which almost
any clause can be couched in from two to four words, is a poetry
which naturally lends itself to the creation of lines of uniform met-
ric length' (YOUNG 1950, 132). His conclusions have been accepted
by Pardee who states that since there is no 'regular, predictable or
at least observable recurrence' of rhythmic units in Ugaritic poetry
it has no metre (PARDEE 1981, 116) and PARKER (1989, 9-10) pro-
vides additional arguments.
10
It has been suggested by de Moor that
Ugaritic verse is written in free rhythm to match its musical accompani -
ment. Such music was probably led by a soloist and would fit the
short stichoi of ancient West Semitic poetry. The fact that conse-
cutive lines had a degree of regularity can be explained by the poets'
'pursuit of symmetry' (DE MOOR 1978a, 132). Ultimately, 'parallelism
was the pri mary structural principle of Ugaritic poetry and . . . length
9
The aspect of literary translations of these texts cannot be discussed here; cf.
SEGERT 1979, 738, PARKER 1990 and L EWI S 1996.
10
MA RGA L I T 1975, 1995, 215; endorsed by ZEVI T 1983 (but cf. PARDEE 1981- 2,
259- 72) . HORWI T Z 1973, argues that the word-divider had a metrical function, but
cf . SEGERT 1979, 730 ( on K T U 1. 24 = R S 5. 194) and WANSBROUGH 1983.
of line was only prescriptive in the general principle of approxi ma-
tion' ( P ar dee 1981, 126).
2.2 Language
In general, the language of Ugaritic verse is archaic ( P ar dee 1981- 2,
267) and to some extent it also has its own vocabulary (see above). I n
respect of verb forms, the rules followed are unlike those for prose.
The use of the qtl (or qatala) form in Ugaritic verse is distinctive:
'While *qatala constitutes the characteristic form for past narration
in the prose texts, its poetic usage is more restricted; the prefix forms
[yqtl, etc.] arc the norm for poetic narrati on' (M.S. S mi t h 1995,
789, following F en t o n 1973) . " Besides being used for the stative,
reporting the past, continuing other perfects, the pluperfect, subor-
dination and the performati ve, there arc three usages specific to
Ugaritic verse. These are 'contrast with prefix forms', 'report of action
commanded in the imperative' and 'delimitation of a section' (M.S.
S mi t h 1995, 790, with further references). Different or identical verb
forms can occur in parallel lines (see 5. 2. 3. 3) . Little research has
been carried out on syntax, but for the Story
12
of Keret, it has been
shown 'that word and sentence order remains completely unaffected
by the type of verbal form present' ( Wi l son 1982, 31).
13
2.3 Parallelism and the verse-line
2.3.1 General
The basic component of Ugaritic verse is the verse-line which can
be divided into two (parallel) half-lines or provided with a parallel
line to form a bicolon. It is generally accepted, then, that parallelism
is a fundamental component of Ugaritic verse, and it differs from
prose precisely because parallelism is so preval ent." There are several
11
However, cf. 4.4.2.5.
According to GI BSON 1975, Keret is a myth and Ai/liai a folktale. On literary
forms in Ugaritic cf. DEL OI .MO L ETE 1984b.
I ;!
WI L SON ( 1982, 31) concludes: 'Such interchangeabilitv of verb forms with no
appreciable effect on word order or sentence structure may well indicate a "frozen"
state for some poetic passages, in which word order is fixed and immovable. Such
passages could be inserted at any point of a narrative with only the necessary change
of verbal form in the new context'. See also SI VAN 1997, 210- 4.
14
'There is little disagreement that the most obvious and pervasive convention
of the Ugaritic poems is parallelism' (PARKER 1989, 7, cf. 10).
types of parallelism, dependi ng on meaning (i.e. semantic parallelism
which can be synonymousi ncl udi ng numerical parallelism, anti-
thetic or contrasting, alternating), syntax (grammatical; nominal and
verbal; chiastic) and the lines (or parts of lines) comprising paral-
lelism can have various degrees of separation (standard or near, inter-
nal, and distant) and can be grouped into bicola, tricola, etc. These
types may or may not overlap.
2.3.2 Semantic parallelism
There are various sub-types of semantic parallelism.
2.3.2.1 Synonymous parallelism
Thi s is the standard form of parallelism,
15
where line A and line
say virtually the same thing:
tmgnn rbt atrt ym (A) They ply with gifts Lady Athirat of the Sea,
tg zyn qnyt ilm (B) they implore the Progenitrix of the gods
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ iii 25-6)
2.3.2.2 Numeri cal parallelism
Since numbers have no synonyms, synonymous parallelism involving
numbers takes the form of || + 1 (where is an integer), as in
hm tn dbhm ska b'l For two sacrifices Baal hates,
lit rkb
c
rpt three, the Cloud-rider:
dbh bit wdbh dnt a sacrifice of shame and a sacrifice of prostitution
wdbh tdmm amht and a sacrifice of handmaidens' lechery
(KTU 1.4 iii 17-21)
There are several other examples.
16
2.3.2.3 Antithetic parallelism
Although relatively rare, contrasting or antithetic parallelism does
occur,
17
e.g.
15
PARKER 1974, PARDEE 1988b, SEGERT 1984, 109.
16
See the bibliography in WATSON 1991b, 241, n. 2 and 242, n. 3, esp. AVI SHUR
1973 and 1981 and L EE 1973.
17
WATSON 1986 = 1994b, 468-77.
t pt lars pt 1mm set a lip to the earth, a(nother) lip to the sky
(KTU 1.23 = RS 2.002:61-2)
18
and, in spite of the missing text:
[g]/n tshq
c
nt [A1]oud did Anat laugh,
wblb tqny [. . .] but in her heart she was hatching [a plot?]
(KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] vi 41-2)
2.3.2.4 Alternating parallelism
More problematic is the existence of what appear to be non-paral-
lel bicola (SEGERT 1983, 300). Such non-parallel lines can be explained
in several ways. For example, a line such as hm it Ihm wtn wnlhm, 'If
there is food, then give so that we may eat' appears to be prose,
but in view of its counterpart, the lines are evidently in alternating
parallelism (indicated by A/A' and B/B'):
hm [it 1 ]hm (A) If there is food,
wtn wnlhm (B) then give so that we may eat
hm it [yn] (A') If there is wine,
\yi\tn. wnt (B') then give, so that we may drink
(KTU 1.23 = RS 2.002:70-2).
19
Elsewhere the overriding pattern of parallel couplets tended to gen-
erate non-parallel couplets.
2.3.3 Grammatical and syntactical parallelism
A complete match in grammati cal terms is evident in
lhm qy ilm Give food, drink to the gods, WO *
sad kbd hmt wait on, honour them W O
(KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] 19-20).
21
The verbs in the parallel lines of a couplet can be in various 'tenses',
giving rise to types such qtl || qtl, qtl || yqtl, yqtl || qtl and yqtl || yqtl
etc.
22
On qtl in Ugaritic verse see above.
Note also that a verbal clause can be in parallel with a noun clause:
18
See MERL O 1996.
19
DE MOOR 1993, 204 adduces K T U 1. 19 = R S 3. 322+ iv 46 50.
20
V = 'verb'; = 'object'.
21
Parallel to K T U 1.17 = R S 2. [ 004] 29- 30, perhaps with hendiadys here.
22
CASSUTO 1971, FENTON 1969, 1973, HEL D 1962, 1965, M . S. SMI TH 1994,
WATSON 1989 = 1994c, 240-9.
al trgn ybtltm Do not delude me Virgin,
dm Igzr srgk hhm for your delusion to a hero is sheer rubbish.
(KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004]+ vi 34-5)
Perhaps chiastic parallelism belongs here, as in
sb ksp Irqm turned had the silver into sheets
hrs nsb llbnt the gold had turned into bricks
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ vi 34-5)
where the components of line 1 are switched around in line 2.
23
On
chiasmus see W e l c h ( 1974) .
24
2.3.4 Parallelism based on degree of separation
I nternal or half-line parallelism occurs when only one line is involved,
for example:
rgm
c
s 1ht abn Word of tree and whisper of stone
(KTU i .3 = RS 2.[014]+ iii 22-3 and par.).
Here, the two halves of the line are in parallel.
2
'
1
Standard or near
parallelism is none other than the couplet formed by adj acent lines
(see above). In distant parallelism, which serves to bind together longer
sections of text, there is a gap between the lines involved ( P ar dee
1988c, 193-201, esp. 199-200). I n general, the standard verse pat-
tern comprises two sequential lines, as if parallelism were the accepted
norm, although it is not always present. Qui te often couplets can be
formed from two (formulaic) monocol a ( P ar k er 1989, 23).
2.3.5 Ellipsis and ballast variant
Ellipsis (or gapping) is the absence of one or more elements (e.g. a
verb) from a line which would be expected but is or are understood
to be present.
26
For example, the verb tbl (+ suffix) is taken to be
present in the second line of
tblk grm mid ksp May the mountains bring you plenty of silver,
tblk gb'm mhmd hrs the hills bring you choicest gold
27
(KTU 1.4 (= RS "2. [008]+) 31-3)
23
See WATSON 1983C, DE MOOR 1993, 193.
24
Note also 'gender-matched parallelism' (on which cf. WATSON 1981a).
25
See WATSON 1984b, 1985, 1988b = 1994b, 104 44. K ORPEL - DE MOOR 1998, 11.
26
See SI VAN 1997, 215-6.
27
The 'missing' element is indicated by (DE MOOR 1993, 200).
A ballast variant is the use of a longer expression (usually in the sec-
ond line) for its correspondi ng and evidently shorter equivalent (usu-
ally in the first line) and is related to ellipsis. 'The principle of ellipsis
in poetry is the converse of (and goes hand in hand with) the pri n-
ciple of ballast variants.' (UT 13.105). For exampl e:
wykn bnh bbt Sired be a son for him in the house,
wykn 1rs bqrb hklh Sired be a scion within his palace
(KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 25-6 || 42-3)
Here, the ballast vari ant of bbt in the first colon is bqrb hklh in the
second colon, whi ch compensates for the the ellipsis of wykn in the
second colon Similary, zbl b'l ars is the longer equivalent of aliyn b
c
l
(matchi ng the ellipsis of wid
c
) in:
wid' khy aliyn b'l Then I shall know that Mightiest Baal lives,
kit zbl b'l ars I shall know that the Prince, Lord of the Earth,
exists.
(KTU 1.6 iii 8-9; also KTU 1.17 i 36-7; KTU 1.18 iv 17-8).
Ellipsis in the first colon is rare, occurri ng almost exclusively in 'stair-
case parallelism' (see 5.2.4.2):
ht ibk b'lm tmhs Now, your enemy, Baal, do strike,
ht ibk tmhs Now, your enemy strike etc.
(KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367 iv 8-9)
As A l t e r (1985, 23-6). has expl ai ned, such ellipsis frees space in
the second line for some el aborati on of a parallel item in the first
line and also isolates the expanded topic for attention.
28
2.4 Verse paragraphs
Lines of verse can occur in relative isolation (monocola) or clustered
in sets varyi ng from two (couplets) to seven or more. These combi -
nations of cola
29
are described here.
28
See also GREENSTEI N 1983. SI VAN Y ONA ( 1998, 404- 5) discuss ellipsis of a
single word in K T U 1.2 = R S 3. 367 i 20- 1; K T U 1.3 = R S 2. [ 014] + iv 5; K T U
1. 14 = R S 2. [ 003] + i v 42- 3; K T U 1. 16 = R S 3. 325+ vi 11- 2; K T U 1. 22 = R S
2. [ 024] i 21- 4, and ellipsis of an expression in K T U 1.2 = R S 3. 367 iv 6; K T U
1.3 = R S 2. [ 014] + i v 39- 40.
29
SEGERT 1983, 302; 1984, 108 71. 32.
2.4.1 Monocola
Although the standard strophic form is the couplet, single lines or
monocol a occur very frequently. They appear as introductory mono-
cola drawing attention to speaker and in this form are prose, e.g.
rr Imtt hry 'Listen, Lady Hurri ya' (KTU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi
16-7). When expanded to a bicolon or tricolon (see section on expan-
sion/contraction), they are verse. Several are speech-openers.
It is sometimes difficult to determi ne whether a line of verse forms
part of a longer unit (bicolon, tricolon, etc.) or is entirely separate, e.g.
e
d Ihm sty ilm While they ate the gods drank.
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ vi 55)
Is this line a monocol on or an introduction to the next two lines?
The function of the monocol on is to open and close sections of verse.
They can also mark a climax, as in
sgrthn. abkrn The youngest of them I shall make the firstborn
(KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 16).
Some monocol a exhibit inner parallelism
30
and so conform to the
prevailing feature of Ugaritic verse. An example is the standard for-
mul a
balp Id rbt kmn by the thousand iddu, the myri ad kumnu
(KTU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ iv 38 and many times elsewhere).
2.4.2 The tricolon
True tricola, where all three lines are in parallelism (AAA"), are
rare, e.g.
I ys' alt tbtk Surely he will remove the prop of your seat,
I yhpk ksa mlkk Surely he will upset the throne of your kingship,
I ytbr ht mtptk Surely he will smash the sceptre of your rule.
( . 6 = RS 2. [009]+ vi 27-9 (and par.).
Some comprise a monocol on followed by a bicolon (ABB'):
t
c
db imr bphd She prepared a lamb in flour
hps ktr whss for the appetite of Kothar-and-Hasis
1brlt hyn dhrydm for the craving of Hayin, skilful with both hands.
(KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] 22-5)
30
See WATSON 1984b, 1985a, 1988b = 1994b, 104-44.
or, have the reverse formation (AA'B):
ydd wqlsn He stood and insulted me,
yqm wywptn He got up and spat on me,
btk phr bn ilm right in the gathering of El's sons
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ iii 12-4).
A special type of tricolon, called 'staircase parallelism', where the
initial line is interrupted by a vocative and then repeated in com-
plete form, occurs several times,
31
e.g.
ir hym laqht gzr Ask for life, Hero Aqhat,
irs hym watnk Ask for life I and I shall give it to you,
blmt waslhk for non-death, and I shall grant (it) to you.
(KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] vi 26-8)
One function of tricola is to slow the pace of the narrative which
then requires more attention ( P ar k er 1989, 16).
2.4.3 The quatrain or tetracolon
There are various forms of the four-line strophe, including
AAA" A' "
adnh yt msb mznm
umh kp mznm
ihh yt'r mrrm
ahth labn mznm
Her father set the beams of the scales,
her mother, the trays of the scales.
Her brothers settled the pointer,
her sisters, the stones of the scales.
(KTU 1.24 = RS 5.194:33-7)
AA'BB'
tmh ht atrt wbnh Let Athirat and her sons now rejoice,
ilt wsbrt aryh the goddess and the throng of her kin,
kmt aliyn b'l for dead is Mighty Baal,
khlq zbl b'l ars expired has the Prince, the earthlord
(KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ i 39-43)
Some are formed when one couplet is inserted into another, as in
dnilysb palth Daniel went round his blighted land,
bsql yph bpalt he saw a stalk in the blighted land,
bsql yph byglm he saw a stalk in the weeds,
bsql yhbq wynsq he hugged and kissed the stalk.
(KTU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ ii 12-5).
32
31
See AVI SHUR 1972, GREENSTEI N 1974, 1977, L OEWENSTAMM 1969 = 1980,
281- 309. 'Staircase parallelism' is more correctly analysed as apostrophe plus ep-
analepsis (WANSBROUGH 1982).
32
As identified by DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1973a (but cf. 1973b) and DEL OI .MO L ETE
2.4.4 The pentacolon
An example is:
bh p'nm ttt On her, her feet quake,
b
e
dn ksl ttbr behind her, her loins burst,
'In pnh td' above, her face perspires,
tgs pnt kslh the joints of her loins quiver,
ans dt irh the muscles of her back.
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ ii 16-20; || KTU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ iii
32ff. KTU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ ii 44ff.)
Again, much like the quatrai n (see above) pentacola arise when a
tricolon is inserted into a bicolon, as in
dyr vuydmr Who sings and plays
bknr wtlb with lyre and flute,
btp wmsltm with drum and cymbals,
bmrqdm dsn with ivory castanets
bhbr ktr tbm in the company of sweet(-voiced) Kothar.
(KTU 1.108 = RS 24.252:3-5)
33
2.4.5 Longer sequences
Hexacola are relatively rare in Ugaritic (cf. L o r et z 1989) . The fol-
lowing comprises an introductory line and a five-line speech:
tm ydr krt t' itt There Keret the votary vowed a gift:
34
atrt srm wlilt sdynm 'Oh, Athirat of Tyre, and goddess of Sidon,
hm hiy bty iqh if I take Hurriy to my house,
asr'b glmt hgry and bring the damsel into my dwelling,
tnh kspm atn twice her mass in silver shall I give,
wtltth hrsm and three times her mass in gold!'
(K TU . 14 = RS 3.343+ iv 36-43)
Other hexacola may be K TU 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+ iii 3-8a; K TU
1.3 iv 48-53 () 39-44 || K TU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ i 12-8; iv
1981a, 34 and DE MOOR 1978a, 137, n. 41. Other examples in WATSON 1997a,
30-5 and 1997b.
33
For another example cf. DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1982.
34
The meaning of iitt (= i + lit?) is disputed (cf. DLU, 1 and 60); here I follow
WY A TT 1998C, 200- 1; see esp. nn. 115 and 117. Another possible translation is
'The gift of 'Atiratu of Tyre, the goddess of Sidon (is this):' (PARDEE 1997a, 336).
For yet another translation cf. MARGAL I T 1997.
50-7); K T U 1.12 = RS 2. [012] ii 58-61; K TU 1.17 = RS 2.[004]
vi 43-5.
33
Other sets are heptacola, K TU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ 11 - 9
and its near-parallel K TU 1.6 ii 31 -5,
36
the eight-line sequence K TU
1.5 = RS 2.[022]+ i 14-22 and the nine-colon set K TU 1.107 = RS
24.251+ 38-44.
2.5 Strophe and stanza
A stanza is 'a fixed . . . or variable . . . groupi ng of lines that is organ-
ized into themati c, metrical, rhetorical, musical, or narrati ve sec-
tions' ( M e y e r s - S i mms 1989, 288), though whether this definition
would be recognised by the poets of Ugarit is a moot point. The
only poem with an apparent sequence of strophes or stanzas
37
is
K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244 which is divided into 14 sections by ruled
lines. Of these, sections 2-11 have the same number of verse-lines
(i.e. 10) due principally to almost wholesale repetition. The first sec-
tion (KTU 1.100:17) has 14 lines because the initial couplet has
been expanded to a quatrai n (see W a t s o n 1997a, 35) .
3I !
The last two
sections differ completely from all the others. Thus, al though these
sections are actually marked off on the tablet, as P a r d e e (1978, 104)
comments: 'this is unquesti onabl y owi ng. . . to the extra-poetic struc-
ture of the text and the comparabl e length of the sections is owing
to the repetition within this structure' and 'any attempt to find stro-
phes in Ugaritic poetry as a prosodie or poetic el ement... is doomed
to failure'.
39
Analysis is limited to identifying shorter or longer sets
of verse-lines (couplets, tricola, quatrai ns, etc., as above), with no
regularity or predictability.
40
Even so, this remai ns a useful exercise,
and Ugaritic poetry can be segmented into sections based on content,
sometimes marked off by features such as certain particles (apnk, etc.)
35
K ORPEL - DE MOOR 1986, 190- 1 = 1988, 30- 1.
36
See previous note. Cf. VVYATT 1998c, 135 n. 83 and 141 n. 108.
37
The terms 'strophe' and 'stanza' as denoting lines of verse grouped into sets
are used almost interchangeably (cf. CUDDON 1992, 915- 6, 921) , although stanza is
more correct. On strophe, MEY ERS - SI MMS 1989, 291 note: 'In contemporary usage,
the term usually refers to any stanzaic unit containing irregular lines'.
38
Each 'stanza' has 10 lines (= 1 + 9); the first has 14 (4 + 1 +2 + 7).
39
See also PARDEE 1993a, 208, n. 2 (ruled lines do not mark off'strophes').
40
A very interesting attempt at dividing the Story of Keret into (three) chapters,
each further subdivided into 6 cantos of 5 canticles or strophes, has been made by
SPRONK 1988, although the incomplete form of the original text precludes cast iron
conclusions. See also LI CHTENSTEI N 1966. On a smaller scale cf. DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ
1978, HUSSER 1995, KL EVEN 1988.
a tricolon, peculiar syntax (de M o o r 1993, 197-200), speech introduc-
tions and the like, though these generally reinforce what has already
been indicated by the meani ng of the passage concerned (see, for
example, the headings in d e l O l mo L et e 1991a, 158-235, etc.).
41
2.6 Repetition
Repetition takes on various forms. Repetition of sound takes the form of
end-rhyme, alliteration, assonance and wordpl ay and is discussed
below ( 5.2.10). Repetition of words can occur at the beginning of
a line (anaphoric), at line end (cataphoric), as immediate repetition of
words (epizeuxis), and in the form of identical word pairs
42
(or repeated
over several cola, as keywords). Sometimes whole lines (or sets of lines)
are simply repeated, which in terms of strophe and stanza, results in
envelope figure and refrains. Lasdy, complete passages recur, sometimes
unchanged, sometimes in altered form (see 5.2.7; P a r k e r 1989,
26-52). A selection of these types of repetition is considered here.
43
2.6.1 Repetition of words
For example, repetition of one word at line-initial, as in
idk al ttn pnm Then you shall set off
'm gr trgzz towards Mount Trgzz,
c
m gr trmg towards Mount Thrmg,
'm tlm gsr ars towards the two hillocks at the edge of the earth
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ viii 1-4)
The function here is apparently to depict a long j ourney. Repetition
of a word consecutively occurs rarely and most examples come from
a single text (KTU 1.23 = RS 2.002). One function may be to
demand attention or convey urgency:
J
n
k
r n
S
r
p Hey! Watchman! Watchman! Open!
(KTU 1.23 = RS 2.002:69-70)
Similarly, y mt mt, Oh, husband, husband!' (KTU 1.23:40 and 46);
y ad ad and ad ad, 'Father, father!'; urn urn, 'Mother, mother!'. More
41
For an attempt along these lines cf. SAUREN - K ESTEMONT 1971, although their
scheme was much too rigid.
42
See especially BORNEMANN 1970.
4:
On repetition in Ugaritic see ZURRO 1987 and HENS- PI AZZA 1992.
striking is the repetition of six consecutive lines beginning tld pgt. . .
'She shall bear a gi rl . . (KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 7-12).
44
2.6.2 Repetition of lines
ytlk llbnn ufsh They went to Lebanon and its trees,
1ryn mhmd arzh to Siryon (and) its choice cedars;
hn llbnn w'sh Yes, Lebanon and its trees,
1yn mhmd arzh to Siryon (and) its choice cedars.
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ vi 18-21)
Again, the purpose of the repetition, perhaps, is to depict a long
j ourney.
2.6.3 Repetition of passages
Ugaritic narrative poems are constructed using passages which are
repeated, sometimes verbatim, sometimes with slight variations.
43
Sets
that recur several times include the list setting out the six duties of
the model son (KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 26-33 and par.; H us s er
1995); the 'gift-list' in the Keret Story (KTU 1.14 = RS 2.[003] +
iii 22-5 and par.; H ens - P i az z a 1992) and the 'peace-offering ritual'
(KTU 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+ iii 14-7). Typically, a passage comprising
a 'command' is then repeated for the 'performance' or fulfilment of
that command, e.g. K TU 1.14 ii 6iii 19 and K TU 1.14 iii 52-i v
31, or else an invitation (KTU 1.22 = RS 2. [024] iii 2~4) and its
acceptance (lines 5-8; see d e l O l mo L et e 1981a, 58-60) It is signi-
ficant, perhaps, that segments of verse (couplets, etc.) could occur in
different sequences, for example, in K TU 1.14 40-2 (restored) ||
vi 10-2, the couplets
A wng mlk Ibty And depart, king, from my house,
rhq krt Ihzry go far, Keret, from my dwelling!
B al tsr udm rbt Do not besiege Greater Udum,
wudm trrt or Lesser Udum;
C udm ytnt il Udum is a present of El
wusn ab adm and a gift of the father of Man
come in the sequences ABC (KTU 1.14 iii 27-32), BCA (KTU 1.14
40-5) and ACB (KTU 1.14 vi 10-5) and in addition, the word
44
According to PARDEE 1997a, 338, n. 51 this may be a list of the daughters'
names, now lost.
45
Cf. DEL OL MO L ETE 1991a, 58-62, PARKER 1989, 26-52.
pair ng II rhq is inverted the last two texts. Unless due to dictation
error, this indicates that verse was composed in formulaic passages,
perhaps orally.
2.7 Expansion and contraction
I n Ugaritic the poets were free to expand single lines to bicola and
in turn form tricola from bicola. The process could also be reversed,
with longer strophes becomi ng shorter. It is certainly the case that
a line can be expanded to a couplet, as in:
rr rr latiyn b'l Listen, please, Mightiest Baal!
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ vi 4)
which becomes
m' laliyn b' I Listen, Mightiest Baal,
bn Irkb 'rpt understand, Cloud-rider!
(KTU 1.4 59-60)
46
A single line can also be extended to a tricolon. For instance, Pughatu's
core epithet is tkmt mym '(she who) shoulders water', and it can occur
alone (KTU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ iv 28); it can also be expanded by
two further epithets: hspt Is'r tl, 'scooping dew from the barley' and
yd't hlk kbkbm, 'knowing the course of the stars' (cf. M a r g a l i t 1989a,
364-5). The prose formul a wrgm Ikrt t' thm pbl mlk,
47
'And say to Krt
the Noble, "Message of Ki ng Pbl "' (KTU 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+
32-3), which derives from everyday usage, is expanded by applying
parallelism to each half to form two bicola:
wrgm Ibn ilm mt And say to divine Mot,
tny lydd il gzr Repeat to El's beloved, the hero
thm aliyn b'l "Message of Mightiest Baal,
hwt aliy qrdm The word of the Mightiest warrior".
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [014]+ viii 29-35)
48
However, it is sometimes difficult to determi ne whether a poet has
intentionally added or omitted a line (or lines) or whether these are
accepted variants. For example, in
46
See LOEWENSTAMM 1980a = 1992, 230-9, DE MOOR 1978b, 1980.
47
Restored from similar formulae.
48
LOEWENSTAMM 1980b, 256-61.
sh hrn bbhtk Call a caravan into your house,
c
dbt bqrb hklk merchandise into the midst of your palace.
tblk grm mid ksp The rocks will bring you much silver,
gb'm mhmd hrs the hills attractive gold.
yblk udr ilqsm let the quarries bring you choice gems.
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ 15-6 and KTU 1.4 38-40)
The last line is present in the two parallel passages but has been
omitted in K TU 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ 31-3. Is this a mistake or a
deliberate contraction? Since it is of little significance, it was prob-
ably left out unintentionally. However, in the two club-naming pas-
sages, it is only when the command line
yprsh ym wyql lars May Yam crumple and fall to earth
(KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367 iv 22-3)
is given to the weapon that it is effective and achieves the intended
result (line 26); this line does not appear either in the previous nam-
ing or in the unsuccessful previous attempt, which indicates its omis-
sion there to be intentional. Each case has to be j udged carefully
because the copyists
49
did occasionally leave out lines by mistake but
generally speaking the poets could expand or contract as they saw fit.
2.8 Word pairs
It has been noticed that there seems to be a large set of word pairs
which recur in Ugaritic verse and that many have equivalents in
other verse traditions of the ancient Near East.
50
The problem then
arises: Did the poets have a sort of 'dictionary of word pairs' on
which they drew to compose their verse, which was probably orig-
inally oral,
51
or were these pairs the side-effects of their use of par-
allelism and of (oral) formulaic language?''
2
As is evident from the
following, the matter is unresolved.
I n such word pairs, the -word' is usually commoner than the
'B-word', e.g. klb || inr, 'dog' || 'puppy' (KTU 1.16 = RS 3.325+
i 12; K TU 1.114 = RS 24.258:13) and any particular -word may
49
See HORWI TZ 1974, 1977, 1979.
50
Cf. AVI SHUR 1984, DAHOOD 1972, 1975, 1981, DEL OI .MO L ETE 1984a, WA I TERS
1976. However, see the cautionary remarks of VAN DER L UGT DE MOOR 1974.
51
See PARDEE 1988a, 160, DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1980b.
52
Another possibility is that they arose through word association (BERLI N 1983),
but see below.
be paired with several different B-words (e.g. ib, 'enemy' || srt, 'adver-
sary' or qm 'one who rises against' or nu, 'hater').
53
Often a word
pair is related to a theme, e.g. ars || d, 'earth' || 'field', and is con-
nected with fertility as in
n'm lars mtr b'l Pleasant to the earth is Baal's rain,
wild mtr 'ly and to the field the rain of the Most High.
(KTU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ iii 5-6, 7-8)
as also in K TU 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+ iii 16-7 and par., K TU 1.5 =
RS 2. [022]+ 18-9; K TU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ ii 16-7, 19-20. Most
word pairs are bound to a formul a or formulaic expression with
fewer that are non-formulaic and many of these are repeated pairs,
as Aitken has shown for the Aqhat Narrative. He comments:
This calls into question the notion of the word pair as a compositional
device, functioning independently of the formulas and formulaic expres-
sions or of a thematic or/and formulaic context within the tradition.
While there are indications that a narrator could 'learn' a word pair
as a word pair in one context and use it quite independendy in another,
this was the exception rather than the rule. In the overwhelming major-
ity of examples, the repository of word pairs is the formulas and themes
of the narrative tradition, and their appearance in the narrative is a
spontaneous reflex of the formulary and thematic habits of that tra-
dition, and not of the production and manipulation of word pairs.
Neither spontaneous word association, nor the 'learning' and subse-
quent deployment of 'generally useful' word pairs has played a significant
part in the generation of recurrent word pairs within the narrative
( A i t k en 1989b, 38).
54
Very rarely, word pairs are reversed, generally to denote some form
of reversal of events. Compare
al tt urbt bbhtm You shall not install a window in the mansion,
hin bqrb hklm an aperture within the palace.
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ 64-5 || 61-2; vi 5-6, 8-9)
with the reversal of urbt || hin, which matches the sense, in
ypth hin bbhtm Let an aperture be opened in my mansion,
urbt bqrb hklm a window within the palace.
(KTU 1.4 vii 17-9 II 25-7).
55
53
Cf. AVI SHUR 1984, 344-9 and SEGERT 1984, 108.
54
See also K UGEL 1981, 27-40.
55
See WATSON 1981b = 1994b, 262-6.
Word pairs, then, were an integral part of the poet's composing tech-
nique and the very traditional character of versification in Ugaritic
resulted in most pairs remai ni ng 'fixed'.
2.9 Formulae and formulaic patterns
2.9.1 Formulae
The Ugaritic poems were composed using traditional formulae, some-
times with modifications or complete transformations.
56
A common
type of formula is the one which introduces speech and it can take
many forms. Typical examples are
wy'n Itpn il dpid Answer did Lutpan, kindly god
(KTU 1.1 = RS 3.361 iv 13)
where the slot Itpn il dpid could be filled by the appropri ate name
or epithet, and
yu gh wysh He raised his voice and exclaimed
which can be altered to suit gender and number where necessary.
There is a whole range of such formulaic introductions.
5.
It was also
accepted convention that such introductions could occasionally be
omitted, either because they were implicit or for dramati c effect.''
8
2.9.2 Formulaic patterns
The formulaic patterns to portray the passing of time are of two
types. The first has as its core two expressions, one denoting time
and the other an activity, as in the single line:
hn ym ysq yn Behold, for a day they pour wine
(KTU 1.22 = RS 2.[024] i 17)
and either or both expressions can be extended to cover more time
(up to a sequence of seven days) or further activity (cf. K TU 1.16 =
RS 3.325+ vi 21-4; K TU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] ii 30-40). I n the sec-
ond pattern, the time expression denotes a period of days, months
or years and activity is continuous, e.g.
56
See WHI TAK ER 1981, also MEI ER 1986.
57
WATSON 1983a = 1994b, 414- 24; 1992a. Some of them had elaborate preambles;
cf. WATSON 1994d.
5B
WATSON 1990 = 1994b, 425-30.
ym ymm yt'qn A day, two days elapse,
lymm lyrhm from days to months,
rhm 'nt tngth Maid Anat (still) looks for him.
(KTU 1.6 = RS 5.180+ ii 26-7).
Once again these patterns can be extended. They are used for themes
such as maki ng a j ourney (KTU 1.14 iv 31-5), prepari ng a banquet
(KTU 1.22 = RS 2.[024] i 21-6) or to depict a ruling monarch
(KTU 1.6 5-10; K TU 1.16 vi 21-4). They also have other func-
tions within the wider framework of the narratives.
59
2.10 Sound patterns
I n spite of the lack of vocalization, some idea of the patterns of
sound exploited by the poets can be gained from the texts and a
few examples are provided here.
2.10.1 Alliteration
Particular words and forms were often chosen for reasons of alliter-
ation although this feature should not be exaggerated.
60
First comes
the simple word-initial type, as in
ap ank ahwy aqht gzr I too shall revive Hero Aqhat
(KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] vi 32-3).
Qui te often consecutive lines of verse began with the same letter
which may indicate they were intended to be read as well as per-
formed. An example, with line-initial i- twice, is
in b'l bbhth Baal is not in his mansion,
il hd bqrb hklh the god Hadd, in his palace.
(KTU 1.10 = RS 3.362+ ii 4-5)
( Wat s o n 1980 = 1994c, 431-4). I n addition, multiple alliteration
seems to have played a part in longer sections of verse as has been
shown by P a r d e e (1988c).
5N
AI TKEN 1987. See also LOEWENSTAMM 1965 = 1980, 192-209, PARKER 1989,46-52
('Repetition with a numerical framework'), TROPPER 1995 and Y VHI TAKER 1969. On
theme cf. AI TKEN 1990, 1991a, HI L L ERS 1973, L L OY D 1990 and on motif, WATSON 1984a.
60
MA RGA L I T 1975, 310-3, 1979, 1980a.
2.10.2 Wordplay
Undoubtedl y, plays on words formed part of Ugaritic verse but
because our knowledge of the language is limited, many puns escape
us.
1
'
1
A few examples can be given, however.
ytt nhm mhrk I hereby give you a snake as your bridal gift
bn bin itnnk a serpent's son as your present.
(KTU 1.100 = RS 24.244:75-6)
Here, the use of the rare word itnn is apposite as it evokes tnn, the
mythical serpent monster, and the wordplay between itnn ('present')
and nh || bn btn, both denoting 'serpent' is transparent.
Another example is
' ym lymk Yam was strong, he did not sink.
(KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367 iv 17)
The play between Ym (probably pronounced yammu) and the verb
formymk (yamukku) is self-evident. Another verb such as yql, 'he fell',
would have been less effective.
62
2.11 Figurative language
Ugaritic poetry is relatively rich in figurative language and includes
similes, metaphors and metaphorical expressions, personification and
apostrophe
65
as well as imagery. Occasionally it is difficult to know
where to draw the line between mythological language (as in 'the rain
of the Cl oud-Ri der', which refers to Baal) and extravagant expres-
sion (e.g. 'rain with which the stars anointed her'). Here, examples
are provided under appropri ate headings, though it is not always
easy to make clear-cut distinctions.
64
2.11.1 Simile
I n similes, the particle k (or km), 'like', is used, as in
tit kyn udm't She drinks tears like wine
(KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ i 10)
61
For a complete survey see WATSON 1999.
62
'J anus parallelism' is another form of wordplay; cf. NOEGEI . 1995.
63
See, e.g. WATSON 1984c = 1994b, 460-4.
64
See, in general, K ORPEL 1990.
though it can be omitted through ellipsis. Similes rarely come singly,
as they are mostly in sets of two, for example:
klbs km 1p dm ahh He was clothed like a mantle in his brothers'
blood,
km all dm aryh like a cape, in his kinsmen's blood.
(KTU 1.12 = RS 2.[012] ii 46-7)
65
or in sets of three:
thth kkdrt rc[/] Beneath her like balls were hea[ds],
c
lh kirbym kp above her like locusts were palms,
kqsm grmn kp mhr like grasshoppers in a swarm, warrior palms.
(KTU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ ii 9-11)
and once, a set of four: K TU 1.169 = RI H 78/20:3-4. Similes can
be drawn out at length (as extended similes), indicative, perhaps of an
oral, improvising style, e.g.
km tdd
c
nt sd J ust as Anat hurries to the chase,
ttr
c
pt smm (and) sets the birds of the skies soaring away,
tbl} alpm ap sin (so) they butchered oxen as well as sheep,
ql trm wmri ilm felled bulls and the fattest of rams, etc.
(KTU 1.22 = RS 2. [024] i 10-4).
66
Onl y one cumulative simile has been identified:
klb arh I'glh Like a cow's heart for its calf,
klb tat limrh like a ewe's heart for its lamb,
km lb
c
nt atr b'l so is Anat's heart after Baal.
(KTU 1.6 = RS 2.[009] ii 6-9)
2.11.2 Metaphor
Metaphor is little used in Ugaritic verse. For example, fertility is
expressed metaphorically as
mm mn tmtm Let the heavens rain oil,
nhlm tlk nbtm the wadis run with honey.
(KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ iii 6-7;
Many metaphorical expressions are used such as dm
c
sm 'blood of trees',
for grape juice and tl mm 'dew of heaven' for rain. In some metaphors
the mythological meani ng may be muted, e.g. wytn qlh b'rpt, 'and may
he (Baal) give his voice in the clouds' (KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ 8).
65
For another example cf. WATSON 1991a.
66
See also I RWI N 1983, but cf. PARDEE 1988a, 127-9.
However, 'the lack of comparabl e contexts in Ugaritic prose makes
the recognition and evaluation of these and other poetic figures
difficult and uncertai n' ( S eger t 1979, 733) .
2.11.3 Imagery
Besides expressions such qr
c
nk 'the well of your eyes' (KTU 1.16 =
RS 3.325+ i 26) to denote tears, weapons are said to fly off and
strike like birds of prey (KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367 iv 13-7), a tree
stands for descendants ( K T U 1.19 = R S 3.322+ iii 53-4; cf. P ar d ee
1997a, 354, n. 121), Mot's domai n is described as being a town (qrt)
called 'Mi ry' {hmiy), in a land called 'Filth or Mud' {fih: K TU 1.4
= RS 2. [008]+ viii 12-4 || K TU 1.5 = RS 2. [022]+ ii 15-6), a
mountain weeps (KTU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ i 7) and so on. Occasionally
the imagery is obscure due to our lack of knowledge (e.g. K TU
1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi 57-8; K TU 1.17 = RS 2.[004] vi 36-7).
Hyperbole also occurs ( Wat s o n 1979 = 1994b, 452-60). The use of
abstract for concrete is extremely rare, perhaps only srt, 'adversary'
(see above) and t'dt 'legation'
67
( K T U 1.2 = R S 3.367 i 22; cf. G r a y
1965, 22, n. 6).
68
2.12 An example
In order to illustrate some of the poetic structures, rhetorical tech-
niques and expressive language described above, a passage is set out
here in tabular form, with analysis, comments and discussion.
2.12.1 A king is chosen (KTU 1.6 = RS 2.[009]+ i 43-65)
descr i pt i on t ext line t r ansl at i on keywor d ||m
introd. to sp. "gm ysh il
44
Irbt alrt ym
01
02
Aloud shouted El
to Lady A.Y.
non-par.
bicolon
speech:
El rr ''Irbt alrt ym 03 "Listen, Lady A.Y. monocolon
In
46
ahd bbnk amlkn 04 Give (me) one of your
sons so I can make
him king!"
mlk monocolon
67
As aptly translated by M . S. SMI TH 1994a, 266.
68
For an example of imagery cf. WATSON 1992b.
(table cont.)
descr i pt i on t ext line t r ansl at i on
keywor d ||m
introd. to sp.
[7
wt'n rbt atrt ym 05 And Lady A.Y. replied
monocolon
speech:
Athiratu
w
bl nmlk yd' yIhn 06 'Shall we not make a mlk monocolon
person of intellect
king?'
introd. to sp.
n
uy'n Itpn il dpid 07 And El, merciful god,
monocolon
replied
speech:
El dq anm lyrz 08 'One feeble of strength
tricolon
cannot run
h[
'm b'l ly'db mrh 09 (or) like B. release the
javelin
b2
'm bn dgn ktmsrn 10 like the son of
Dagan '
introd. to sp.
M
w'n rbt atrt ym 11 And Lady A.Y. replied
monocolon
speech:
Athiratu
51
bit nmlk 'ttr '
12 'Shall we not make mlk bicolon
Awesome Athtar king?
5i
ymlk 'ttr 'rz 13 Let Awesome Athtar mlk
be king!'
narrative
56
apnk 'ttr ' 14
57
j7 bsrrt spn 15
ylb Ikht aliyn
59
b'l 16
Then Awesome Athtar tricolon
went up to the heights
of Sapnu,
he sat on the throne of
Mighty Baal;
p'nh Itmgyn
a)
hdm
rilh lymgy
61
aps/i
17 his feet did not reach
the footstool,
18 his head did not reach
its extremity.
bicolon
introd. to sp. uy'n 'ttr '
19 And Awesome Athtar
said:
monocolon
speech:
Athtar
,a
lamlk bsrrt spn 20 shall not be king in mlk
the heights of Sapnu'
monocolon
narrative
m
yrd 'ttr 'rz 21 Awesome Athtar came tricolon
down,
yrd "'Mt aliyn b'l 22 came down from the
throne of Mighty Baal,
K
'uymlk bars il klh 23 and was king in all the mlk
vast earth.
2.12.2 Comments
The following selective remarks are set out in the sequence of top-
ics adopted above, and there is a brief overall evaluation (on the
whole passage see now X e l l a 1996a).
General
The passage is a combination of speech and narrative, linked by the
formulaic introductions to speech which are all monocol a (except for
01-02 which is a non-parallel bicolon).
Stichometiy
I n 13 of the 23 lines, the verse-line corresponds to the line on the
tablet (i.e. 05-16, 09-15 and 20-23). Lines 14-18 could be analysed
in several other ways (e.g. monocol on + two bicola) or one could
argue that they form a pentacolon.
fi y
On the other hand, although
amlkn (04) could be a single-word separate line, it would seem to
belong to tn ahd bahk amlkn, like the corresponding expression tn ahd
bahk ispa (see below). Similarly, some scholars argue that ktmsm (10)
comprises a separate line,
70
although this view has not been accepted
here. Others argue that 08-10 comprises a couplet.'
1
Language
Difficulties are caused by the lack of a clear translation, especially
of 08-10 (survey: d e l O l m o L e t e 1984, 77). The expression bars il
klh has been translated in various ways.
72
The epithet yd
c
ylhn, per-
haps 'he knows, he understands', may be a hendiadys and occurs
only here. Also unique is aps, 'edge' and the form nmlk is found only
here (twice);
73
on bit, see below. The verb form amlk is used else-
where only in K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi 37, 53, also in the con-
text of a failed would-be usurper to the throne. The formula tn ahd
bahk, 'Give (me) one of your brothers (so that I may . . .)' occurs later
in this text (KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ 19-20, where Mot is speak-
ing to Baal), but nowhere else.
69
According to MARGAL I T (1980b, 143), lines 01 13 are all 'monostichs'.
70
See e.g. GOOD 1994, PARDEE 1997a, 269, n. 246.
71
KORPF.I . - DE MOOR 1986, 180 = 1988, 12. For a different approach see
EMERTON 1965, 441 2.
72
E.g. 'la terre dont il est matre', by XEL L A 1996, 387, discussion 390- 1.
73
The first occurrence (06) could be an N-stem, but this verb form is rare and
here it is causative, probably D (SI VAN 1997, 116. 135) .
Parallelism
The best examples are 12-13 and 17-18. In many 'couplets' it is
absent (eg. 01-02); 'staircase parallelism' is present in lines 21-23.
Antithetic, distant parallelism is effected by lines 16 and 22 (_ytb Ikht
aliyn b'lyrd Ikht aliyn b'l) and lines 20 and 23 (lamlk bsrrt spn ymlk
bars klh).
Strophes and stanzas
The strophic sequence of monocol a, bicola and tricola is unpre-
dictable,
74
and inasmuch as there is any demarcati on into stanzas or
sections, these seem to be 01-06, 07-13, 14-18 and 19-23. The
only clear division is signalled by the combi nati on of apnk and a tri-
colon (14-17).
Repetition
The title rbt atrt ym, 'Lady Athirat Y am', occurs 4 times in 23 lines,
c
ttr
c
rz, 'Awesome Athtar', occurs 5 times, but mlk occurs 6 times. I n
view of the content, which primarily concerns kingship, the keyword
here, then, is mlk, 'to rule, be king'. Crucially, it is missing from the
first narrative section (14-18), where Athtar attempts to sit on Baal's
throne and fails miserably (mlk - 0). However, in the second narrative
section, where he actually rules over the earth, it does occur, only
once but to effect. It is interesting that when bl is repeated it takes on
a form with enclitic -t which is found only here ( A ar t un 1974, 27).
75
Sound patterns
Consecutive lines beginning with the same letter are 09-10 (
f
), 15-16
(y) and 21-22 (y again). Alliteration also occurs in the name + epi-
thet sequences, notably 'ttr 'rz, and perhaps in the obscure yd' ylhn;
see also srrt spn. There is probably wordplay between 'rz and yrz-
Word pairs
These include p'n || ris (found only here) and the repeated pairs / ||
I, mlk mlk, mgy || mgy and 'm || 'm.
Figurative language
Apart from the comparisons in the difficult tricolon where the would-
be king is compared to Baal, there is virtually no figurative language,
but Athtar does perform a symbolic act (descent from the throne).
'
4
It is possible that lines 20- 23 form a split couplet with inserted bicolon; cf.
WATSON 1997a, 31.
75
For a similar usage in respect of enclitic -m see WATSON 1992c, 238-9.
2.12.3 Discussion
The passage demonstrates the difficulties caused by uncertain sti-
chometry and obscure language, especially in 06 and 08-10. Also,
it is not always clear how lines were grouped together to form coup-
lets or higher units. However, overall the structure is quite evident
and there are no textual problems to complicate matters. The mix
of speech and narrative is fairly typical and the use of repetition and
stock formulae is offset by the presence of rare vocabulary and gram-
matical forms. The interpretation of the passage is quite clear (no
suitable successor to Baal has been found)
76
and is reinforced in
particular by the keyword (mlk), while of course the passage forms
part of a larger whole (the Baal Cycle).
2.13 The character of Ugaritic poetry
Much of the above is concerned with techni ques and rhetorical
devices,
77
but this does not mean that the aesthetic dimension is
absent. Even though we do not know who the poets of Ugarit were
nor for whom they composed their verse, it is evident that they were
masters of the language and well able to manipulate it in a variety
of ways, attracting and holding the attention of their listeners or
readers.
7
" To do justice to such aspects would require detailed study
of each composition for which there is no space here.
7u
Enough has
been provided, one hopes, to whet the appetite for closer reading.
As in some other ancient Near Eastern verse traditions, perhaps
the most salient feature of Ugaritic poetry is its unpredictability, a fea-
ture which runs right across the board from prosodie structure to
complete compositions. Thi s means in effect that, with a few excep-
tions, length of line, whether two lines will be parallel or not and
if so, the type of parallelism adopted, whether a speech will or will
not have an introduction and whether the introduction will com-
prise one line or several, sequences of bicola, tricola and so on, how
76
For a nuanccd approach cf. WY A T T 1998C, 132, n. 75.
77
Though the survey has not been exhaustive, e.g. rhetorical questions have not
been considered (cf. HEL D 1969).
78
See, for instance, WATSON 1988a = 1994b, 434-45 on delaying devices in
Ugaritic verse.
7
'' For examples of close analysis see HETTEMA 1989 90, MARGAL I T 1989a, TSEVAT
1986, VERREET 1987.
many lines there are in a 'strophe' or 'stanza', etc., are all com-
pletely variable.
Generally speaking, studies of Ugaritic poetry pay considerable
attention to similarities with other verse traditions, particularly ancient
Hebrew (e.g. A v i s hur 1994, P a r k e r 1989) . While this is useful, espe-
cially when features from other traditions can throw light on Ugaritic,
it is also of interest to determine in what respects Ugaritic differs from
such verse traditions. The question to be asked is: what is unique or
special to Ugaritic verse? According to S eg er t ( 1979, 731) , 'The most
promi nent feature of Ugaritic poetry is its parallelistic structure. It
can be said that no other literature of the ancient Near East, Semitic
or non-Semitic, exhibits such consistent application of this structure'.
Other features which could be menti oned include the use of verse
for narrative (which though rare or virtually unknown in Hebrew or
Phoenician, is common in Mesopotamian tradition) and a general lack
of hymns (though this could be due to chance). I n addition, there
is a tendency to alter repeated (parallel) passages slightly. Special
verse patterns such as 'staircase parallelism', and its combination with
anadiplosis (notably in K TU 1.10 = RS 3.362+), the use of word
pairs in fixed sequences, with variation and inversion rare, the use
of chiasmus to show two or more individuals acting as one (e.g.
K TU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] 10-1) and the split couplet
80
all seem to
be peculiar to Ugaritic. Also, unlike Hebrew and Akkadian verse,
there is no clustering of similes or of lines with inner parallelism.
81
However, descriptions of actions as preludes to speech and lengthy
introductions to speech are commoner in Ugaritic than in Hebrew
verse, whereas abrupt or unmarked speech is rare.
82
'If there is a
specific contribution made by Ugaritic to a poetic tradition . . . [it]
seems to lie in injecting originality into a well-worn, stereotyped body
of versification . . . The single copies of the Ugaritic tablets that have
been found are, perhaps, the work of a single school which re-worked
stock and static verse and made it sparkle with new life'.
83
80
WATSON 1997a, 1997b.
81
WATSON 1985b = 1994b, 157.
82
WATSON 1994d, cf. WATSON 1990 = 1994b, 425-30.
83
WATSON 1983b = 1994b, 68.
UGARI TI C L I TERARY TEXTS
1 T h e M y t h o l o g i c a l T e x t s
J o h n C . L . G i bs o n
1.1 The Baal cycle
1.1.1 The tablets
The Baal mythological cycle is the largest text from ancicnt Ugarit,
taking up six tablets (K TU 1.1 6: 1.1 = RS 3.361, 1.2 iii = RS
3.346, 1.2 iiv = RS 3.367, 1.3 = RS 2.(014]+, 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+,
1.5 = RS 2. [022]+, 1.6 = RS 2.[009]+) and comprising in its sur-
viving portions around fifty per cent of the contents. Each tablet is
written on both sides and usually has six columns, although 1.2 has
only four and 1.4 has eight. K TU 1.6 has the headi ng 'of Baal' and,
although the other tablets have their tops missing and it remains a
conjectural point, this was probably written on them all and is the
title of the whole composition. K TU 1.4 has a note on the edge,
'The scribe is Ilimilku, the master, Ni qmad being king of Ugarit',
while K TU 1.6 has at the close a full colophon, giving the infor-
mation that Ilimilku was not only the scribe but a student or assis-
tant of a high religious officer of Ki ng Ni qmad, probably the second
of that name. So the composition was officially approved. At a ban-
quet scene in K TU 1.3 i there is talk of chanti ng and singing and
of a minstrel (n'm). Thi s suggests a possible Sitz im I^ben in the royal
palace, though equally possible is some festival in the temple of Baal,
in the library of which the tablets were inscribed. No doubt the king
himself was often present. For a translation and full bibliography
consult W y a t t , 1998c, 33 146.
1.1.2 The contents
The plot or story-line centres around a contest (under the overall
supervision of El) for the kingship over gods and men, and divides
itself usefully into three parts, cach consisting roughly of two tablets.
1.1.2.1 Baal and Y am-Nahar (K TU 1.1-2)
The first part leads up to Baal's defeat of his rival Prince Y am (sea),
also called J udge Nahar (river), with the help of two maces con-
structed for him by the divine craftsman, Kothar-and-Hasi s, a story
told in the last column of 1.2 (iv). The evidence of what happened
prior to the battle is, however, not at all so clear, since 1.1 is very
imperfectly preserved. But near the beginning (1.1 ii) a message is
sent from the supreme god, El, to Anat, Baal's sister, calling on her
to perform what seems to be some kind of ritual, which involved
setting an offeri ng of war in the earth (perhaps the buryi ng of
weapons) and, following this, offerings of love and peace. Thi s rit-
ual may originally have had to do with ceremonies for the cessation
of hostilities; but it was not, as far as we can tell, performed by
Anat, so it is more likely that the passage uses ritual language to
express a wish on El's part that the notorious goddess of war and
love should abandon her more savage ways and, in particular, not
employ them in her brother's support. It is an i mportant indication
of the way El desires things to work out. Thereafter in 1.1 iii Kothar-
and-Hasis is summoned to El's distant abode, perhaps as an ally of
Baal, to be given a similar warning; for clearly Y am-Nahar is at this
point being favoured by El, since in 1.1 iv he accords him royal sta-
tus in a kind of ceremony of coronation.
By 1.2 i, however, Y am-Nahar is worried; for he sends an embassy
to the divine assembly, complaining that Baal has been reviling him
and demandi ng his surrender. El appears to sympathize but Baal,
who is present, objects strongly and sends an angry reply back to
Y am-Nahar. In 1.2 iii, a large fragment (perhaps out of place in its
present position), El instructs Kothar-and-Hasi s to build a palace for
Y am-Nahar, and the claims of a mi nor rival, Athtar, are dismissed.
When, after a sizeable gap, the text resumes, the battle between Baal
and Y am-Nahar is j oi ned, Baal with the encouragement of Kothar-
and-Hasis wins and, though it is not according to his plans, the
supreme god has presumably to accept that Baal is now king.
1.1.2.2 The Palace of Baal (K TU 1.3-4)
These tablets concern the building of a palace for Baal, from which
he may exercise his newly achieved kingly power. After a victory
banquet (1.3 i), the goddess Anat resumes her warlike ways and
mercilessly slaughters the inhabitants of two unnamed towns, there-
after repeating the process with a number of soldiers and guests in
her own mansion (1.3 ii). At the beginning of the next column (1.3
iii) she sings of her affection for her brother, but Baal, perhaps like
El before him, perturbed by her behaviour, sends messengers to her
requesting her to perform the same 'ritual' for peace as El had pre-
viously asked for, but also tells her to visit him and help him search
for the secret of the lightning. She has to be reassured that Y am-
Nahar and his cohorts, whom she had worsted in the past, had been
finally dealt with and were no longer a threat to Baal (1.3 iv); but
she decides to call on him to find out for herself what is really wor-
rying him. It transpires that what Baal has set his mind upon is to
have a palace like other gods, and she herself goes to El's abode to
press Baal's suit, which she does in too threatening a manner and
apparendy has it turned down (1.3 v).
A new plan has to be concocted, the working out of which takes
up the last column of 1.3, all of 1.4 i-iv and half of 1.4 v. Thi s
involves the preparation of gifts for El's consort, Athirat, and the
enlisting of her intercession with the supreme deity. Though we know
from elsewhere that she is no friend of Baal's, she persuades him to
let Baal have his palace. Anat takes the good news to Baal, and he
immediately summons Kothar-and-Hasi s to build a palace for him
on his sacred mountai n Saphon (1.4 27ff.). At the end of of col-
umn the divine craftsman suggests that it should have windows in
it, but at the beginning of col umn vi Baal refuses to entertain the
idea lest, it seems, his old enemy Y am-Nahar may gain entrance
and again wreak havoc on earth. The house is soon finished and a
celebratory feast held (1.4 vi). Col umn vii tells how Baal then marches
through the surroundi ng territory, annexi ng a large number of cities
and towns and thereby formi ng an empire for himself. Returni ng
home flushed with success, he puts away his former fears and resolves
that after all he will have windows in his palace. He thunders out
of them; the earth reels and people far and near are terrified, his
enemies cling to the rocks in dismay, and he openly taunts them:
would anyone, prince or commoner, now dare to resist his royal
power? Col umn 1.4 viii nicely leads into the third main division of
the cycle as Baal sends messengers to the underworld abode of Mot
inviting him to a feast to acknowledge his sovereignty.
1.1.2.3 Baal and Mot (K TU 1.5-6)
Mot's embassy back to Baal dismisses this invitation contemptuously
(1.5 i). Rather Baal, just as he once transfixed Y am-Nahar, will soon
be descending to Mot's subterranean domai ns where he will be swal-
lowed down and torn limb from limb by him. Baal, now in dread
of Mot, sends an abject reply (1.5 ii). I n 1.5 (after two very poorly
preserved columns) Mot's messenger is advising Baal to take his wind
and cloud and his other attendants down to the underworld and
assume the condition of the strengthless dead. Baal obeys, but on
his way he has connexion with a heifer, who is delivered of a boy
whom Baal clothes in his own robe. 1.5 vi relates how the substi-
tute's dead body was found at the edges of the earth and El, on
hearing the news in his mountai nous home, descends from his throne
and wallows in sackcloth and ashes, wondering what will now become
of Baal's followers.
I n K TU 1.6 i Anat and the sun-goddess Shapsh together bury
the surrogate corpse, and Anat goes on to the abode of El to inform
Athirat and her brood that they can now rejoice because Baal is
dead. A short interlude follows in which Athirat proposes Athtar for
the vacant kingship, but on proving unfit to take Baal's place he
resigns. I n K TU 1.6 ii Anat, seemingly now aware of what has hap-
pened, goes to the underworld to search for the real Baal. She con-
fronts Mot and summarily slays him, and then (1.6 iii) returns to El
to inform him that Mot is no more. She invites El to have a dream,
in which he sees the heavens raining oil and the valleys runni ng
with honey; this shows that Baal still lives. In 1.6 iv Anat is invited
by El to speak to Shapsh, and they make plans for Baal's return.
K TU 1.6 and vi tell of Baal's restoration to full vigour in the
world above, and also of Mot's recovery after seven years. They
argue threateningly with each other, at least some of the time on
Mt Saphon, and finally fall to fighting. They butt and gore like wild
animals, and both fall exhausted to the ground. At this j uncture the
goddess Shapsh arrives to warn Mot that fighting with Baal is use-
less, for El is now on Baal's side. Mot, at last afraid, picks himself
up and declares that Baal is rightfully king.
1.1.3 Interpretation
Since the early days of Ugaritic research the Baal cycle has nearly
always been interpreted as a ritual and seasonal text, either enacted
dramatically at Ugarit's New Y ear festival in the autumn or, more
broadly, as reflecting ritual events that took place at certain points
of the Syrian agricultural year (see e.g. H v i d b er g 1962 [1938],
G a s t e r 1950, de M o o r 1971, 1972). Such views, in various shapes,
are still influential in ancient Near Eastern, including Ol d Testament,
studies, but over the years they have been increasingly and quite
severely criticised ( F o nt enr o s e 1966, G r ab b e 1976, M . S. S mi t h 1986,
W y a t t 1996a, 1998a). Few would argue today that where we have
a myth, a ritual basis must be assumed or that the proper ordering
of the seasons and their role in natural, or even human fertility were
the only or even the chief interests of Ugaritic mythology.
A good example of an agrarian meani ng being read into a pas-
sage is the description of Anat's destruction of Mot in K TU 1.6 ii
3I ff., which speaks of her threshing him with a 'blade', winnowing
him with a sieve, burni ng him with fire, grinding him with mill-
stones, and then throwing his remains into the open fields for the
birds to eat. Commentators have seen in this a mythological coun-
terpart of a ritual ceremony held each year at the time of the grain
harvest. How Mot's discomfiture at this time is to be equated with
his normal role later in bringing about the summer dryness, or with
his ongoing role in swallowing human bodies, is not said. Much
more likely is the view that the whole scene is metaphorical ( L oewen-
st amm 1972); cf. the not dissimilar language used of the destruction
of the golden calf in Exodus 32:20. I n other words, Anat destroys
Mot thoroughly; there is nothing more to it than that.
Of late it has been argued (e.g. by W y a t t 1996a, 1998a) that
some of the themes in the Baal cycle, notably the Chaoskampf, are
much more archetypal than merely agricultural, and that they may
really be referring to issues of kingship and the exercise of power in
the ancient world. The way the gods behave is a mirror image of
the way rulers in this world behave or should behave. Approaches
along these lines could be much more fruitful.
The part played in the story of the cycle by the supreme god El
is particularly revealing here (see further G i bs on 1984) . The three
great deities (and one mi nor candidate), whose exploits fill the cycle,
are battling essentially for supremacy over the earth. The kingship
to which they aspire is, as El's viceregent, to control the earth, Y am-
Nahar through the waters which surround it and are the source of
its streams and rivers, Baal through his rains and thunder and the
air which people breath, Mot through the droughts and dryness he
can cause. Baal is the victor in the contest, becomi ng the 'prince,
lord of earth' (K TU 1.3 i 3-4; 1.5 vi 10; 1.6 iii 9; 1.6 iv 29), hold-
ing at bay the unruly waters from outside and bringing the dry sea-
son to an end by his rains. But there is much more than these
naturalistic roles to the three of them. Y am-Nahar also engenders
moral chaos or evil in the lives of manki nd, Mot eventually finishes
everyone off, while Baal by his control of the atmosphere can be
regarded as the life-force in the world of Ugarit. He did not only
secure year by year the ordered succession of the seasons, but every
day of every year he had to wage a constant battle against evil and
death in the lives of humani ty, so that the one did not cause too
many depredations or the other gain too many victims too soon.
That was really why Baal became the favourite god of the people
of Ugarit.
But he became this in the last resort under the supervision, indeed
by the connivance of El reigning from his distant abode beyond the
earth. From the standpoint of people on earth, looking around them
in fear and trembling, the encounters between the negative and pos-
itive forces in their envi ronment were tense and awesome affairs,
and Baal's victory was always in the balance and never certain. But
the people of Ugarit could also take comfort from their belief that
beyond the squabbling powers that impinged so insistendy on their
everyday lives stood a remoter but by no means disinterested figure,
the god El, who had fathered the gods, the nice and nasty both,
and had created the universe, contrary powers and all, who must
therefore have pl anned it that way and built both good and evil into
its very fabric, and who could for that very reason be trusted to
uphold its equilibrium. For all his mistakes, his choosing the wrong
side, his blustering, his pleading, his changes of mi nd, his putting
up with impertinence from his underlings, hisif you willlack of
power, he was the one ultimately in charge, whom the other gods
had to visit for approval whenever they had an enterprise planned,
and whose was the final decision, which, however reluctandy, they
had to accept. And perhaps most remarkably of all, he mastermi nded
the balance he sought, not by calling on openly superior force but
by relying upon an engaging mixture of diplomacy and conciliation,
sharpness and persuasion. He arranged it so that usually good and
life triumphed, but even evil and death were his 'darling' and 'beloved'
children (K TU 1.1 iv 20; 1.4 viii 23~24) and had, as it were, their
rights too. Thi s is the view of reality espoused by the people of
Ugarit, their explanation of the divine ways with the universe and
with human beings, their estimate of power and the manner it is
exercised; it is, for all the fancifulness with which ancient peoples in
their myths expressed themselves, mature and not lacking either faith
or irony. It may have involved naturalistic reasoning, but it involved
a great deal more besides.
1.2 Other mythological texts
There are in KTU quite a few other mythological texts or at any
rate partly mythological texts, that is, passages embedded in legends,
hymns or rituals. The larger of these, like Keret (K TU 1.14-16 =
RS 2.[003]+, 3.343+ and 3.325+) and Aqhat (K TU 1.17-19 = RS
2.[004], 3.340 and 3.322+) which some may prefer to call legends
or sagas, or the Rpum texts (K TU 1.20-22 = RS 3.348, 2.[019] and
2.[024]), are given separate treatment later in this chapter ( 6.2-4
below). Many of the rest are mere fragments, e.g. extracts from the
Baal cycle used probably for scribal practice (KTU 1.7 = RS 5.180+,
K TU 1.8 = RS 3.364, and K TU 1.133 = RS 24.293). I concentrate
here on the most intriguing and (relatively) well preserved texts. They
are all commented on, with up-to-date bibliography, in Wy at t , 1998c.
1.2.1 Baal and Anat (K TU 1.10 = RS 3.362+)
Thi s tablet has three columns of text on one side of the tablet only.
Of the first column little readable text survives, but at the beginning
of the second Anat calls on Baal (also called Hadd) in his palace.
On being told that he is out hunti ng in the Shamak marsh, she fol-
lows him there, and is warmly welcomed. She sees a cow giving
birth and is apparently seized with passion, as is Baal who mounts
her before returning to his sacred mountai n. As a consequence she
gives birth to a bull and, on her taking the news to Baal, he rejoices.
Some scholars attach the tablet to the Baal cycle, but it is more
likely that it belongs to a series recounting his dalliances with his
sister (e.g. K TU 1.11 = RS 3.319 and K TU 1.13 = RS 1.006). It
is not obviously thogonie, ritualistic or seasonal.
1.2.2 The Devourers (K TU 1.12 = RS 2.[012])
Thi s difficult text survives in two columns. The first tells of the con-
ception of monstrous creatures by the handmai ds of the deities Yarih
(the moon-god) and Athirat (the wife of El), who complain to El that
they are being caused distress by carrying them. The head of the
gods, doubtless their begetter, is amused by this, and instructs the
handmai ds to go into the desert to bear their offspring. I n his nam-
ing of them they are likened to bulls and steers. Baal is present, and
he expresses a great interest in them, perhaps for hunti ng purposes.
I n the second column, after a long gap, the offspring, called the
'devourers', set upon and destroy Baal, who falls into a swamp, after
which the earth suffers a drought for seven or eight years. He is
eventually found by his brothers and and restored. At the end of
the text a few lines tell the king to perform a water ritual, presum-
ably to guard against the disaster caused by the 'devourers'. Thi s
disaster cannot be a seasonal disaster but is a long-lasting one. The
real point does not seem to be about Baal but about El fathering
such dangerous creatures.
1.2.3 Hymn to Anat (K TU 1.13 = RS 1.006)
A hymnic text, interesting mythologically for its portrayal of the com-
plex character of Anat, called the 'virgin' in the Baal cycle, and in
the final lines here described as voracious to bring forth, although
her womb had not known conception. There is no need to connect
the hymn with any specific ritual, e.g. an incantation against infertility.
1.2.4 The Gracious Gods (K TU 1.23 = RS 2.002)
A quite substantial text, written on both sides of a single column
tablet and nearly complete. It is clearly a cultic tablet, most of the
obverse consisting of little hymns, blessings on the king and queen
and the ministerial personnel, instructions about repeating certain
lines, about niches for the gods, about incense offerings, and so on.
There are also citations from a few mythological texts, in some cases
merely a heading, but in two cases rather fuller; in 11. 8-11, there
is a short excerpt about Mot-and-Shar ('death and the prince', a by-
name of the god of death), and in 11. 30-76 a longer story about
El's seduction of two women (perhaps the goddesses Athirat and
Anat), who give birth to Shahar and Shalim and then to the gra-
cious gods as a whole. Mot-and-Shar holds in his hands the scep-
tres of bereavement and wi dowhood, and is felled by the 'pruners
of the vine'. His removal from the scene makes it possible for El,
the progenitor of the gods, to father offspring on the two women.
It is interesting that the first deities to be born are Shahar and
Shalim, whose names mean 'dawn' and 'dusk'; we may compare the
beginning of Genesis where the division of day and night is the first
act of creation. But it is the behavi our of the gracious gods after
birth that is worth remarki ng on. They open their mouths greedily
to swallow the birds of the air and the fish of the sea, and are sent
off by El with their mothers into the desert where for seven or eight
years they hunt for food. They eventually come upon someone callcd
the 'watchman of the sown l and' who invites them in to continue
their eating and drinking.
Is the meani ng of this myth that the gods are not satisfied with
the natural provision of the open country, but require in addition
the offerings of the cultivated land which human beings bring them?
It is unlikely that such a profound observation, in effect that though
manki nd are clearly dependent on the gods, they in their turn are
dependent (or at least partially so) on manki nd, would be confined
to one particular ceremony, agricultural, fertility-angled or otherwise.
Doubdess this myth found expression on numerous liturgical occasions
at Ugarit. It is a not untransparent theogony or explanation of how
and why the gods came into existence.
1.2.5 Nikkal and the Kotharat (K TU 1.24 = RS 5.194)
The mythological portion of this text, written like the last one on
two sides of a single tablet, relates how a deity called Hirhib, king
of summer, who behaves like a typical eastern marriage-broker, ar-
ranged the betrothal of a lunar goddess Nikkal to the moon god
Y arih. It is probably, like the second narrative in the previous text,
an extract from a fuller thogonie myth. Thi s tale is preceded and
followed by hymns of praise and invocation to Nikkal, Hi rhi b and
the Kotharat, who are the sages-femmes of the Ugaritic pantheon. I n
the first hymn the Kotharat are summoned to oversee the birth of
a son to the two moon deities. The last lines of the second hymn
with their allusions to incantations to the Kotharat, betray the pur-
pose of the whole poem, which is to secure for a human girl Prbht
the same blessing and protection in her forthcomi ng marriage as had
been enjoyed by the goddess Nikkal in hers. Probably, with the nec-
essary change of the girl's name, the text was regularly recited at
ceremonies of engagement and courtship.
1.2.6 Shapsh and the Mare (K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244)
Thi s is a long and excellently preserved but difficult text containing
in the opinion of most commentators a charm against snake-bite.
The daughter of the sun-goddess Shapsh (or perhaps simply a mare,
as her name may be translated) calls on her to carry a message to
El, Baal and various other deities in order to obtain help from them
in curi ng the mal ady. Onl y when the god Horon (apparently a
chthoni c deity) is approached is a positive response forthcomi ng.
According to others, however, the text is chiefly a mythical narrative,
not a charm and the serpent menti oned represents some cosmic dis-
aster which is removed by Horon.
1.2.7 El's Banquet (K TU 1.114 = RS 24.258)
Thi s is description of a banquet to which El invites the other gods
and at which he falls outrageously drunk. The last lines on the reverse
contain an incantation for the cure of a disease or perhaps, as has
been suggested, a hangover.
The texts assembled here, some of recent discovery, give us a glimpse
of the diversity of Ugaritic mythology but, apart from the Baal cycle
and other larger texts like Keret and Aqhat, their extent is not very
great. We have some way to go before a comprehensive account is
possible. Perhaps the only things we can say is that myths are not
always, if much at all, connected with ritual, and especially that Near
Eastern, including Ugarit, mythology is not always, if much at all,
obsessed with matters of seasonal agriculture or fertility.
2 T h e L egend of K e r e t
B ar u c h M a r g a l i t
2.1 The history of the text: discovery, publication, editions
2.1.1 The poem of Keret is one of the three maj or literary works
which gifted Canaani te poets of the Late Bronze Age (ca. 1500-1200
bce) bequeathed serendipitously to 20th century civilization. Excavated
at modern Ras Shamra on the northern Medi terranean coast by a
French archaeological team in the early thirties (1930-31), the poem
was publ i shed in three unequal i nstal ments by the Assyriologist
V i r o l l eau d , beginning with a monographi c study in 1936 and con-
cluding several years later with a series of articles in the periodical
Syna (vols. 22-23) published duri ng the war. Accordingly, only the
monograph was widely known and accessible before 1945, although
a great deal of interpretation, much of it fanciful, was current in the
interim.
2.1.2 After the war, the text was republished or re-edited several
times. Gordon reproduced Virolleaud's text in the successive editions
of his Ugaritic Grammar. A new and critical edition was published
by H e r d n e r in 1963. Thi s much acclaimed two-volume work con-
sists of all the alphabetic texts, literary and other discovered in the
thirties, together with photographi c plates and autograph facsimiles.
Generally abbreviated as CT[C)A, this edition established the by-now
standard numerati on of the Keret text as 14- 15- 16, corresponding to
Virolleaud's I K-I I I K-I I K respectively.
2.1.3 CT[C)A was followed by a new edition published in 1976 by
a team of Ugaritic specialists affiliated with the University of Mnster
(Westphalia) headed by Oswald Loretz. Entitled Die Keilalphabetischen
Texte aus Ugart (KTU), it contains (in transliteration only) all the alpha-
betic texts discovered up to 1970. I n this edition the Keret poem ap-
pears as K TU 1.14-15-16 = RS 2.[003]+ 3.343+ 3.325+, the initial
cipher indicative of its classification as a literary-poetic text. A revised
edition appeared in 1995. It too has the transliterated text only.
2.1.4 The text of the poem, labelled krt by the ancient scribe after
the royal hero of the story, is distributed over three rectangular clay
tablets of similar size (21x17 cm; 15x17 cm; 23x17.5 cm). Each
tablet compri sed originally six doubl e-rul ed col umns, three on each
side, and al together contai ned approxi matel y a thousand lines of
compactl y written text. Of the three, only K T U 1.14 = RS 2. [003] +
is relatively well-preserved, and with the aid of the many duplicate
passages in this porti on of the poem can be restored nearly to its
pristine state. Most Ugaritic specialists hold that the extant tablets
never compri sed the enti re poem and assume that one or more
tablets have been lost, especially at the conclusion (K TU 1.16 = RS
3.325+ vi); this despite the col ophon at the end of K T U 1.16 = RS
3.325+ vi nami ng the scribe I lumilki who commi tted the poem to
writing (spr).
2.1.5 Since its discovery, Keret has been translated many times and
into several languages, either as part of an anthol ogy of Ugaritic lit-
erary texts or more broadl y of anci ent Near Eastern texts.
2. 1. 5. 1 The maj or translations, and the most widely cited, are the
ones by (a) G i ns ber g, first in his ASOR monograph ( 1946) and sub-
sequently as part of P r i t c h ar d ' s anthol ogy (AJVET); (b) G.R. D r i v e r
( 1956) later substantially revised by G i bs on ( 1978) ; (c) H e r d n e r , in
a work j oi ntl y produced with C a q u o t and S z n y c er (TOi) in 1974,
and (d) d el O l mo L et e in 1981, where the Spanish translation is
accompani ed by extensive analytical discussion and a uni que synoptic
presentati on of alternative translations.
1
2.2 The history of (misinterpretation
2.2.1 The history of the poem's i nterpretati on duri ng the past sixty
years can be divided into three phases. I nitially it was the subject
of extravagant claims of historicity and 'biblicization'.
2
The hero was
thought to have been a Phoeni ci an king whose legions, i ncl udi ng
members of the I sraelite tribes of Asher and Zebul on, waged war
in the Negeb region of Palestine and in Edom. Progeny or devotees
of the biblical Terah, the father of Abraham, were also thought to
be involved. However, rapi d progress in Ugari ti c philology put a
1
Also noteworthy are GORDON 1977, 34-59; DE MOOR 1987, GREENSTEI N 1997,
9-48; L ORETZ 1997 and PARDEE 1997a, 333-43. See also WY A T T 1998C, 175-243.
2
Uncannily reminiscent of the Eblaite euphoria some 40 years later; plus a
change. . . .
quick and merciful end to this euphoric era and to the fata Morgana
of biblical persons and tribal entities. Of the alleged geographical
allusions, only the shrine of Asherah in the environs of Tyre and
Sidon would survive the debacle; and even this determination was
destined not to go uncontested (Cf. A s t o u r 1973, 29-39).
2.2.1.1 Still, there is wide if not consensual agreement today that
two fundamental insights of this early era in Ugaritic studies retain
their validity, viz., (a) Late Bronze Age Keret, like Aqhat, reflects a lit-
erary genre qualitatively different from the mythological tales of Baal,
Anat, and the members of the Ugaritic pantheon generallythis
notwithstanding the promi nent roles of divine actors in both poems;
(b) the mai n works of Ugaritic literatureBaal-Mot, Keret and Aqhat
are 'classics' of Late Bronze Age Canaani te civilization and culture
and as such were known in I ron Age Canaan generally and in ancient
Israel specifically.
2.2.2 A second and similarly fleeting phase in the interpretation of
Keret was introduced by the Scandinavian, secondarily British, Myth
and Ritual School, representedat its most extremeby the publi-
cations of Engnell and Mowinckel. The former considered the poem
'a ritual for the Ugaritic sukkot festival' ( E n g n el l 1967, 149) The
wedding party for Keret and his bride described in K TU 1.15 =
RS 3.343+ is characterized as 'originally the [ ] of the god
and goddess, celebrated annually and co-experienced by the partic-
ipants as they watched the cul t-drama and also when indulging in
sacral prostitution' ( E n g n el l 1967, 148). For Mowinckel, on the other
hand, the poem exemplified myth attenuated as legend; behind the
portrait of the hero as a Phoenician king stands the figure of Adonis:
'[in Keret] the god is . . . strongly anthropomorphi zed; the original
god has become the dynastic founder, the mythic first ancestor of
the royal family . . . the poem is no longer a real myth, but a mythic
hero-legend.'
3
2.2.2.1 If the shortcomings and misconceptions of the French his-
torical school were the result of i nadequate philology, those of the
myth-ritualists were the product of faulty methodology. By means of
3
MOWI NCK EL 1941, 142-3, as translated by ENGNEL L 1967, 148. See further
MOWI NCK EL 1954, 52- 5.
careful selection and tendentious interpretation of certain model texts,
'evidence' is created proving the existence of 'an organic [ANEastern]
culture . . . whose special feature is the domi nati on throughout by the
divine kingship idea' ( E n g n el l 1967, 2). This 'pattern' is then applied
to other texts assumed a priori to reflect this 'pattern'. The explana-
tory value of this theory is commensurate with its (non-)falsifiability.
Basic to this approach, which breathed its last in Ugaritic studies
with G r ay ' s monograph in the mid-fifties,
4
is the axiom that any
ancient Near Eastern literary text, be it myth or legend, is neces-
sarily 'functional', and almost invariably so in the cultic sphere where
the ancients are presumed to have spent all their leisure time. I n
Gray's words, 'the text. . . was not an aesthetic exercise'presum-
ably the author's understandi ng of literary creativity'but served a
practical purpose in the communi ty where it was current to achieve
some desired end or to conserve . . . all the social conventions and
the social order'.
5
2.2.2.2 It is also typical of this approach that its advocates do not
feel constrained to demonstrate precisely how this 'conservation of
values' is actually i mpl emented in the poem or how an audience
might infer such a conclusion. It never occurs either to Engnell or
to Gray to query whether the story might not be understood by at
least some readers or listeners in a quite different, even opposed,
manner, e.g., as underlining the perilousness of a social order pred-
icated on the health of an individual, mortal king supported in turn
by a bunch of rather inept gods; or that the author of Keret, far from
preachi ng the doctrine of divine kingship, might in fact be con-
demni ng it by means of a lethal dose of parody. I n the final analy-
sis, the failure of the Myth and Ritual school lies in its denial of the
literary ontology of the text.
6
4
GRA Y 1954, revised and attenuated in GRA Y 1965.
5
GRA Y 1954, 4- 5. In all fairness it should be noted that he concedes that the
poem 'was not deliberately [so] designed' (ibid., 5). But nowhere are we informed
what this 'original' design may have been, since it surely was not a mere 'aesthetic
exercise'. This concession, however, contradicts the Myth-Ritual postulate of a cul-
tic 'Sitz-im-Leben' for all texts with divine characters and in fact heralds the school's
demise.
6
Contrast the astute observation of DE L ANGHE 1958, 131, citing BAUMGARTNER
( 1941, 89- 91) that 'aesthetic interests stand side by side with religious interests' in
the Ugaritic literary texts. However, very few specialists in Ugaritic have taken this
admonition to heart, either before or after. This is true even of BERNHARDT ( 1956) ,
who is at pains to criticizevery successfullythe Myth-Ritualists but whose own
2. 2. 3
2. 2. 3. 1 One cannot take leave of the 'pre-historic' era of Ugaritic
studies without taking note of the i mportant study by the Danish
Semitist P eder sen. Published in 1941 with only V i r o l l eau d ' s mono-
graph at hand ( 1936) , Die Krt Legende is probably the only study of
this era whose influence abides to the present. Thi s influence has
unfortunately perpetuated a basic misconception in the interpreta-
tion of the poem.
2. 2. 3. 2 P eder s en, to his credit, rejects outright the Myth-Ri tual
interpretation of Mowi nckel Engnel l ' s study ( 1967) had yet to ap-
pearwhen he states categorically that Keret 'ist nicht der Ausdruck
kultischer Vorgnge und ist kein Mythus' ( P eder s en 1941, 64). Meth-
odologically he stands close to the French School. He assumes that
we are dealing with a historiographie work whose historical kernel
is heavily overlaid with legend'wie der israelitischen Passahlegende'
( P eder sen 1941, 64). The hero 'ist ein Urknig, Grnder einer Dynastie'
( P eder s en 1941, 65)i n reality, not just in the plot; and the prin-
cipal theme is 'die Si cherung der Dynastie durch Nachkommen-
schaft' ( P eder s en 1941, 64) . I n other words, Keret is at heart a work
of propaganda commissioned by a royal house and executed by a
poet with the soul of a priest.
2. 2. 3. 2. 1 The theme of divinely sanctioned dynastic kingship, more-
over, is deemed to reflect a society 'deren Knigsgeschlecht schon
als eingewurzelt betrachtet werden kann', analogous to the I sraelite
society which spawned the Davidic royal ideology: 'hier wie dort
handelt es sich um Legenden welchen den festen Bestand der herr-
schenden Dynastie besttigen und begrnden' ( P eder s en 1941, 104).
The author of Keret is so to speak a 'kept woman' of the political
authorities. His hand is free to write but his soul is in bondage. One
does not normally take the work of such writers seriously, whatever
their technical virtuosity.
2. 2. 3. 3 Thi s view of the Keret poem as a work of royal propa-
gandaby implication if not explicitly, by the ruling house of the
position is merely a re-statement of PEDERSEN'S: 'Richtiger wird man jedoch von
einer Besttigung der Erwhlung der Keret-Dynastie sprechen' {ibid., 119). This is
the raison d'tre of a political manifesto, not a work of art.
kingdom of Ugarit whose dynasty Keret is presumed to have founded
is very widespread in contemporary Ugaritic scholarship; and it is
hugely mistaken.
7
2.2.3.3.1 The curious omission, on these assumptions, of any ref-
erence to Keretor his son and heir Yassibas king(s) of Ugarit
has long been noted. It is reinforced by a similar omission in the
so-called 'Ugaritic king list' (K TU 1.113 = RS 24.257). However,
the real shortcoming of this view is that it fails to distinguish the
substance of the plot from the authorial intention, the creation from
the creator. The statements placed in the mouths of the characters
are naively taken as the author's own point of view.
8
2.2.3.4 I n fact, a close, methodologically unbiased scrutiny of how
the author of Keret depicts his characters must surely lead to the con-
clusion that far from endorsing sacral dynastic kingship the poet actu-
ally ridicules it. The openi ng scene, for example, portrays the king
as a hapless soul who has gone through seven wivesthe first of
whom simply 'walked out' (tb
c
) on hi m!and who can think of no
better expedient than, like a baby, to cry himself to sleep (only the
soothing lullaby is mi ssi ng. . .). Subsequently he will conscript all the
men of his ki ngdomi ncl udi ng the disabled and the newly-wed
for a 'historic' military campai gn to the Bashan for the grand pur-
pose of. .. obtaining a wife! It is inconceivable that this entire scenario
should have evoked from a contemporary audience anythi ng but
gales of laughter.
9
7
Cf. e.g., BERNHARDT ( 1956, 120): 'der text [steht] in enger Verbindung mit der
durch Keret begrndeten Herrscherdynastie . . . und [hat] als Tendenzdichtung die
Aufgabe . . . die besondere gttliche Erwhlung gerade dieser Dynastie ganz augen-
fllig darzustellen.' Cf. also above, . 6.
8
Thus, even if it be true 'dass wir in Keret einen typischen Vertreter des alt-
orientalischen Sakralknigtums vor uns haben' (BERNHARDT 1956, 116), it does not
follow that this is an ideology which the author either espouses or wishes to prop-
agate. Can one legitimately infer from the detailed description of the Persian monar-
chy in Esther that the author is desirous of propagating an ideology of oriental
despotism? I ndeed, but for the strong nationalistic motives attributed to its (sup-
posedly) J ewish author, the book of Esther might well have been understood as
political satire.
9
The fact that the latter stratagem is concocted by Keret's divine patronwith
Baal nowhere in sight!does not make it more 'respectable'; it merely adds to the
scope of the ridicule. El in Late Bronze Age Ugarit is a museum piece and a soul-
brother of Shakespeare's Falstaff.
2.2.3.5 But the most telling refutation of the dynastic interpreta-
tion comes from the final scene of the poem (a scene unknown to
Pedersen at the time of his essay) in its portrayal of Yassib, the king's
eldest son and divinely-ordained (as well as politically confirmed)
heir. It is difficult to imagine a less favourable comment on dynas-
tic kingship or a more incongruous endorsement of a royal line sup-
posedly founded by Keret.
2.2.3.5.1 I n short, there is altogether too much comedy and par-
ody in Keret for it ever to have served as propaganda for anything
but the j oy of living. For the author of Keret, not even the gods are
sacred, much less the political institution of kingship. His love and
devotion are given unconditionally only to his art."
1
2.2.4
2.2.4.1 Gi nsber g' s short monograph published in 1946, inaugurated
a new era in the poem's i nterpretati onor rather, explication. One
of his severest critics, Gaster, hailed it as 'a marked and revolu-
tionary advance in our understandi ng [of the text]' ( G as t er 1947,
385). Ginsberg's was the first study to have addressed the material
in its (extant) entirety: K TU 1.14-15-16 = RS 2. [003]+ 3.343+
3.325+, are fully at his disposal and will be so henceforth for the
scholarly world to study and analyse. It is Ginsberg's contribution to
have been the first to establish the narrative coherence of the text.
However, Gastera dues-paying member of the Myth and Ritual
schooltook Ginsberg to task for 'his obvious lack of acquai ntance
with common facts and methods of comparative religion, anthro-
pology, and folklore . . . Thi s leads . . . to an egregious disregard for
the cultural context and background of the narrative.' ( G as t er 1947,
286-7).
2.2.4.1.1 But Ginsberg consciously and deliberately eschewed 'meta-
physical' interpretation; he was a devout positivist. His strength lay
lu
In a recent interview to a Montreal newspaper on the occasion of his 85th
birthday (The Gazette, Mar. 7/97), Irving LaytonCanada's (unofficial) poet-laureate
offered the following assessment of his life in the service of his art: 'Poetry never
let me down. My worry is, have I ever let poetry down? I should like to think that
I've never dishonoured poetry or turned my back on it. . . . A world without poetry
would be just intolerable. Unbearable.' One cannot mistake the (unintentional) piety
of this inveterate God-baiter and iconoclast. The ancient Canaanite bard would
surely have given this credo his unqualified assent.
in his philological dexterity at the level of grammati cal analysis. He
was primarily interested in words and how they combi ne to form
grammati cal structures. The ideational content is secondary and the
literary craftsmanship incidental. Nevertheless, Ginsberg took a definite
stand on several 'metaphysical' issues (without however making them
a part of his discussion or interpretation). He considered it 'proba-
ble' that the story 'contains a certain core of history'; he also deemed
it 'probabl e' that text K T U 1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ was preceded
'by one or more lost tablets'. Probability becomes certainty on the
question of the poem's alleged non-conclusion in K TU 1.16 = RS
3.325+."
2.2.4.2 For all his skill in explicating the text, Ginsberg either mis-
construed or overlooked several key elements in the plot, beginning
with the mistaken notion
12
of Keret as the victim of the catastrophic
loss of countless children deemed to have perished in bunches: a
third, a fourth, a fifth, etc.
13
He is completely unaware that the real
reason for convening the nobility of Bt-Hbr (KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+
iv-vi) is to confirm Yassib as Keret's successor. I n fact, Ginsberg's
translation of K TU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ v-vi lacks the thread of nar-
rative coherence. Thi s in turn leads him to wonder whether K TU
1.16 = RS 3.325+ i is the direct continuation of K TU 1.15 = RS
3.343+.
2.2.4.2.1 There are also some incongruities in Ginsberg's render-
ing of K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+. The phrase pnh. tgr. ysu (K TU 1.16
= RS 3.325+ i 52-3), referring to the king's daughter 'Octavi a' as
she emerges from the gateway of her (convent) residence, is under-
" The assumption of a story with large gaps before, within, and after the extant
tablets is very useful for the philologist operating exclusively with the microscope
of comparative grammar. If we possess only a half of the original work, then we
obviously are severely handicapped, if not outright precluded, from interpreting it
macroscopically on the metaphysical level. It is also something to fall back on when
one's interpretation of a given section, at the philological level, seems literarily vapid
or even inconsistent with that of a preceding or following section, whether in terms
of characterization or plot. It is not without irony that one notes the common
ground shared by Ginsberg and the myth-ritualist: neither takes seriously the poem
of Keret as literature or its author as artist. Both approach the text as so much grist
for the grinding.
12
Corrected early on by Cassuto but ignored by Ginsberg, even in his later work.
13
Here loo one senses how the lack of esteem for the pagan as poet enables the
Western scholar to attribute to him such a literary inanity, not to say moral obtuse-
ness, in so quantifying human beings. Surely the biblical prejudice of the idolatrous
Canaanite and his 'debased' culture is here subverting the scholarly enterprise.
stood to mean 'I ts sheen (i.e., of brother I lhu's lance \mrh\) lights up
the gateway'. He makes no effort to translate K TU 1.16 = RS
3.325+ ii 24-34, although the text is quite well preserved; and he
passes over in silence the sudden appearance of Octavi a in her
father's bed-chamber in lines 50-1. I n col. iii, 8-9, the language
tnnth . . . tltth does not evoke in Ginsberg's mi nd the association with
Keret's vow in K TU 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+, and his understandi ng
of the a
C
tiqat episode (v 28-vi 14) is both faulty and incomplete;
especially curious in his failure to render yqrs, while citing the anal-
ogy with Gilg. I ii 34 and its reference to tta iqtaris. Finally, the
curse which concludes K TU 1.16 RS 3.325+ (vi 54-8) is deemed
by Ginsberg to be 'unintelligible', in which case one wonders at the
certitude which informs his opinion as to the non-conclusion of the
poem at this point.
2.2.4.3 The foregoing critique, be it noted, is based not on Ginsberg's
early translation ( G i nsber g 1946) but rather on his contribution to
P r i t c h a r d ' s anthology, first publ i shed in 1950 and subsequently
(unrevised!) in 1955 and 1969. The authority of Ginsberg's name
he was widely considered to be the 'doyen of Ugaritic studies' in the
fifties and sixtiesand the popularity of Pritchard's anthology, which
soon became a standard reference work for biblical and ancient Near
Eastern studies, go a long way towards explaining the rather limited
progress made subsequently in the elucidation of the poem at the
most basic level of narrative explication. The unspoken if not also
unconscious assumption is that short of a windfall discovery of addi-
tional copies, Ginsberg's translations of the maj or Ugaritic poetic
texts (K TU 1.1-6 = RS 3.361, 3.367, 3.346, 2.[014]+, 2.[008]+,
2.[022]+, 2.[009]+; K TU 1.14-16 = RS 2. [003]+, 3.343+, 3.325+;
K TU 1.17-19 = RS 2.[004], 3.340, 3.322+) have defined the lim-
its of what scholars can ever hope to know of them.
2.2.5
2.2.5.1 A new phase in the study of Keret is introduced by M er r i l l ' s
short essay ( 1968) , marki ng the first serious attempt to deal with the
poem as a literary uvre and providing the inspiration for an impor-
tant essay by P a r k e r ( 1977) nearly a decade later.
2.2.5.2 'The hypothesis of this paper', writes Merrill, 'is that the
poem . . . points to the 'house of Keret' as the basic issue. Every part
of the narrative finds its focus and delineation in this motif.' ( M er r i l l
1968, 7). The story, it is supposed, 'begins with the ruined and
impoverished house of Keret. The king stands alone, without heir,
wife, or progeny.' ( M e r r i l l 1968, 9). By the end of K TU 1.15 =
RS 3.343+, 'the narrative of the king who has lost his 'house' and
regains it appears to be complete in itself. It has a beginning, a mid-
dle, and an end . . .'; and with mild surprise, 'yet the story contin-
ues' ( M er r i l l 1968, 9-10). The 'fact' that the story continues beyond
its 'logical' conclusion leads Merrill to the concl usi ontaken up
and elaborated subsequently by Parkerthat the unfulfilled vow to
Asherah, and her ensuing wrath, 'become the basis for the addition
of the other 'narratives' which are woven around the central con-
cern for the 'house of Keret' and find their sub-themes in the three
areas of fertility, salubrity, and sovereignty.' Keret, on this hypothe-
sis, is a composite work, although Merrill stops short of assuming
multiple authorship.
2.2.5.3 It is the merit of Merrill's essay to have dealt with the story
in its own terms and with a vocabulary drawn from the field of lit-
erary criticism rather than comparative religion or Semitic linguis-
tics. Implicit at least is the assumption of an author who has something
interesting, perhaps even i mportant to say, and who commands the
necessary tools of the trade which he employs with the skill and
imagination worthy of an artist. Thi s approach also implies an audi-
ence who can appreciate such a work, not as a cultic libretto or a
catechism of theological-political indoctrination, but as an artistic
endeavour, which, like good wine, is to be savoured and enjoyed.
2.2.5.3.1 But for all the freshness and originality of its approach,
Merrill's essay, like Parker's subsequently, goes astray in its effort to
determi ne what the author is trying to say, as well as the specific
techniques which he has chosen for this purpose. The hypothesis of
a composite work, and a fortiori of multiple authorship, is sympto-
matic of a basic misconception, or rather, misperception.
2.2.5.4 The view of an ancient work of Semitic literature as com-
posite comes easily to scholars trained primarily in Ol d Testament
exegesis, as their partiality to myth-ritualism and cultic solutions gen-
erally tends to reflect their roles as (practising) theologians in the
J udaeo-Christian tradition. But it is nonetheless a view quite unfounded
here in Keret and in Ugaritic literature generally.
14
There is no evi-
dence for a 'history' of any of the maj or Ugaritic poems, although
such is not to be precluded a limine.^
2.2.5.4.1 The vow-to-Asherah episode, it must be insisted, is abso-
lutely central to the plot of the story for the simple reason that it
alone supplies the story with its dramati c quality. Wi thout the vow-
episode the story is a tale not worth the telling, much less the price
of admission to its performance. The absence of a correspondi ng
instruction in the dream-episode does not prove the vow to be sec-
ondary: if someone were intent on tamperi ng with the original by
'grafting' on the vow episode, he would have had little difficulty
maki ng the necessary emendati on in K TU 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+.
16
2.2.5.4.2 The omission, on the other hand, speaks volumes for the
authorial intention. There is nothi ng more characteristic of the (male)
dramatis personae in Keret than their personal shortcomings and im-
perfectionsincluding most definitely the head of the pantheon who
(like Y HWH in the Garden-of-Eden story) fails to anticipate his client-
servant's initiative.
1
'
2.2.5.4.3 However, there is a second and more basic probl em in
Merrill's theory, viz., his initial assumption that the well-being of
14
It would be inappropriate in this connection to cite in rebuttal the compli-
cated history of the Gilgamesh epic for obvious reasons related to the chronologi-
cal spans of the respective works.
15
One should also not wish to deny the existence of 'parallel traditions' in Uga-
ritic literature, notably the stories dealing with the construction of Baal's palace
(KTU 1.3 II 1.4). However it has yet to be demonstrated (though often assumed)
that 1.3 and 1.4 belong to a single literary work or that they constitute a consec-
utive narrative.
16
To be noted in this connection are the ill-preserved conversations of the
Udumite king, first with his wife Na'amat (KTU 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+ 14-23)
and subsequently with his messengers, commissioned to scale Mt I nbb and offer
sacrifice to the gods {ibid., 24-9; cf. Margalit, 224 31), both of which are unfore-
seen in Keret's dream. Since no authorial design can be discerned in their omis-
sion from the dream, and since nothing in the sequel would seem to presuppose
these conversations, the theoretical possibility of a 'second hand' can be entertained
here. However, as presently constituted the scene has the positive effect of 'human-
izing the enemy', a sentiment very close to the (original) author's heart, as is evi-
dent from the emotional departure-scene which follows shortly at the beginning of
KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+.
17
It should not be overlooked that once Keret awakes, El 'disappears' from the
story. He will return as a guest at the wedding reception, but he cannot be sup-
posed to have monitored his client's actions in the interim.
KereCs dynasty stands at the centre of the poet's concern and creation.
It is simply not true that the king is portrayed at the beginning of
the poem as impoverished note how easily Keret dismisses El's offer
of 'silver and gold' in the dream, and the king of Udm's bribe sub-
sequently duri ng the siege. He lacks progeny, but not for having
been bereaved; like Dan'el , he lacks a male heir for not having sired
one! Now just as the birth of a son in Aqhat does not signal the
completion of the story but more nearly its commencement, so too
does the birth of Keret's offspring provide the impetus for moving
the story to its climax. The truly i mportant developments in the
story come after the birth: in the case of Aqhat, the lad's treacher-
ous murder by the goddess Anat and her Sutean mercenary, fol-
lowed by the homicidal act of bl ood-redempti on by the hero's sister.
I n the case of Keret, the 'meat' of the story is the king's illness and
the behavi our of his offspring in response. Two of them, without
aspirations to the throne, are devoted, loving, and obedient. The
third, predesdned by birth as heir-apparent, is the spoiled-brat antithe-
sis. The attempted putsch by Yassib and the thunderous curse called
down on his head by his enraged father (K TU 1. 16 = RS 3. 325+
vi) bring the story full circle as it drives home the principal mes-
sage: Keret is miserable at the beginning of the story for want of a
son and heir; he is equally miserable at its conclusion precisely
because of his son and heir. If the curse were not so funnyY assib
examining his teeth in the cup of his handthe ending would indeed
be sad. Thi s is the essence of the poem as tragi-comedy, mixing the
tears of laughter with those of pain.
2.2.5.4.4 The fate of the 'house of Keret' is thus of no particular
interest either to the poet or his audience. The real 'star' of Keret is
neither the king nor the gods but the invisible Moi ra who like the
poet delights in irony and makes the human life-experience at once
fascinating and unpredi ctabl ethe very qualities required of a good
story!
2.2.6
2. 2. 6. 1 For P a r k e r ( 1977, 167), the poem of Keret is a conflation
of three originally i ndependent stories executed by different poets at
different times and with variable degrees of editorial skill. 'Our con-
clusion . . . is that the first section [= A] of Keret originally stood on
its own, and the material dealing with Keret's sickness [= B] was
attached to it by the insertion of the promise [= vow] passage into
the j ourney to Udm . .
18
Up to this point Parker is echoing Merrill.
But he goes further in positing multiple authorship and in his under-
standing of the Yassib episode (K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi) as an
'originally i ndependent story . . . tacked [iic] onto section B' ( P ar k er
1977, 169).
2.2.6.1.1 The alleged 'third story' (C) is of course quite incomplete,
and is assumed to have continued on (a) no longer extant tablet(s).
It follows accordingly that 'we are scarcely in a position to speak of
the theme or function of the whole work' ( P ar k er 1977, 174). Here
too (cf. critique of Ginsberg above) the assumption of incomplete-
ness serves as a safeguard against criticism based on literary con-
siderations; the 'answers' to difficult questions can be conveniently
assumed to lie in the unattested and empirically unverifiable 'here-
after'.
2.2.6.1.2 E.g. it would be most surprising if a literary work which
had evolved in this 'tacky' way could be shown to have a unifying
theme or structure. Yet according to Parker, the combination of story
A and the 'neatly grafted' story yields, remarkably, a unified theme
described by him as 'the vulnerability and helplessness of the king
on the one hand, but also the benevolent power and wisdom of El
on the other."
9
2.2.6.2 We have discussed earlier some of the weaknesses in Merrill's
argument for the secondary nature of the vow episode. I n his mono-
graph P ar k er ( 1989) tries to meet one of these objections, but in
so doing actually reinforces it.
2.2.6.2.1 Parker acknowledges that (a) the reason for suspecting the
vow is its absence from the list of detailed instructions in the dream-
theophany of K TU 1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ which the king subsequently
IB
'The poets [TTD] who thus extended the poem . . (PARK ER 1977, 167).
19
PARK ER 1977, 174. In PARK ER 1989 he claims to have discovered significant
structural differences between A and B. But at best these differences do not neces-
sitate a distinction of authors. They are certainly consistent with the stylistic ver-
satility and literary virtuosity of a single writer.
carries out to the letter and which include, incidentally, a sacrifice
to the god Baal, presumably to enlist his support for the venture;
(b) a good 'grafter' would accordingly have encountered little diffi-
culty in maki ng the necessary adj ustment. Therefore (c) the omis-
sion was motivated ideologically, viz., by reverence for El's reputation.
The grafter did not want to make El responsible for the subsequent
debacle.
2.2.6.2.2 Setting aside the conjectural and suspiciously ad hoc nature
of this latter supposition, it is surely clear that it effectively undermines
the case for multiple authorship. The same pious concern for El's
reputation could as easily have motivated the original author of the
poem! In other words, the vow-episode loses through this 'explanadon'
its entire value as an empirical indication of multiple authorship.
20
2.2.6.3 The case for viewing the Yassib episode as secondary
Parker's own contribution to the hypothesis of a composite work
is devoid of even the prima facie evidence supporting the secondariness
of the vow episode. One suspects that the very idea owes its birth
to the widely held view of the poem as lacking, in its extant form,
a conclusion, and hence needs have been continued elsewhere. It
seems i mprobabl e that Yassib would make his one and only appear-
ance at the end of the story. The missing conclusion, it is supposed,
will have described how Yassib was punished for his insolence by
forfeiting his claim to the throne in favour of his younger sister
Octavia, the favourite of El and the gods (.sgrthn. abkm. etc.).
2.2.6.3.1 Were such a denouement actually attested, it might well
be taken to support a theory of compositeness and multiple author-
ship, for it would totally contradict, in substance and spirit, much
of what has transpired in the poem up to this point.
2.2.6.3.2 The fear is however unfounded. I n point of fact, the role
of Yassib is much more firmly rooted in the story than is readily
apparent from his single appearance in K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi.
Parker's hypothesis appears to antedate the realization that the baro-
20
Here too the influence of O.T. scholarship is readily apparent. Bible scholars
commonly assume 'pious glosses' in the text originating with 'pious J ews' of the
post-exilic era.
niai council in K TU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ v-vi was only ostensibly
convened to 'weep for Keret', and tbat its agenda was secretly polit-
ical: to confirm Yassib as successor in the event of Keret's demise
a decision ultimately taken, albeit after stormy debate.
2
' Wi th this
'certificate' in hand, Yassib has no reason to challenge his father
duri ng the latter's illness (as Parker suggests he ought to have done
if his role were original); he need but bide his time until the king's
i mmi nent demise. It is only when his expectations are frustrated by
Keret's miraculous recovery that he makes a pathetic attempt to unseat
hi m. Y assib, for whose confi rmati on so much energy had been
expended but whose true character the author has skillfully con-
cealed up to this point in the story, is now revealed at the conclu-
sion for the 'wi mp' that he is!
2.2.6.4 There are two points to be emphasized in connection with
Parker's hypothesis: (a) that story the king's illnessis securely
tied to the figure of Yassib and his succession and can never have
existed independently thereof; (b) that the case for the Yassib episode
as an i ndependent story C hangs entirely on the assumption that the
poem is not concluded at the end of K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi.
2.2.6.5 The final point to be made against Parker's case is the cat-
astrophic consequences which the deletion of the Yassib episode has
on the literary structure and message of the poem.
2.2.6.5.1 If Keret were a typical 'happy endi ng' narrative, the story
(Parker's story in particular) ought to have ended with the king's
recovery (much as Merrill's 'original story' ought to have ended with
the weddi ng reception in K TU 1.15 = RS 3.343+!). For if at the
beginning (K TU 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+) the king is alone and in tears,
and then subsequently, facing death, he is tearfully embraci ngpos-
sibly for the last timehis beloved 'blossom' Octavia (KTU 1.16 =
RS 3.325+ ii 50ff.), he is surely smiling from ear to ear, surrounded
by his faithful wife and adoring children, at the feast described (lacon-
ically) in K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi 15-21; and his resumption of
21
The language of the council's decision can be presumed identical with the res-
olution presented by its president, the rk-il (KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ 18-21): 'rb.
p. lymg
19
krt/sbia. p'
10
b'lny/uymlk
n
[j ]^(.) 'In 'When Keret arrives at the western
horizon (i.e., dies)|Our lord, at the setting sun|Then will [Ya]ssib rule over us'.
Cf. MARGAL I T 1982, 425; 1995, 252-2.
work as king of Bt-Hbr (ibid., 11. 22-4) ought to have been greeted
with much fanfare and public celebration.
2.2.6.5.2 The 'addition' of the episode of filial infidelitya sin pun-
ishable by death in the Bible and which the very name 'Aqhat' (lit.,
'the-obedient-one') attests to as heinous in ancient Canaani te soci-
etyturns this would-be happy endi ng on its head at the same time
as it brings the story full-circle to tragi-comic conclusion. I n K TU
1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ Keret is miserable for want of a son and heir;
at the end of K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi he is miserable for hav-
ing obtained a son and heir. Nothi ng more can or need be said.
2.2.7
2.2.7.1 But a word should be said, in conclusion of our critique,
on vestiges of the historical approach to the poem still current.
2.2.7.1.1 Parker writes:
I would see the origin of the poem in a story about a king who under-
took a campaign against another king to claim the king's daughter as
his bride. Negotiations between the king resulted in the ceding of the
woman in question, and hence in the marriage of the two and the birth
of children. . . . It is this much that forms the most solid basis for those
who claim that die poem reflects historical events . . .' (PARK ER 1989, 39)
2.2.7.2 Thi s statement, I submit, is as true (or false) of Keret as it
is (mutatis mutandis) of Hamlet, J ulius Caesar, or Antony and Cleopatra,
none of which can be considered 'historical' works reflecting histor-
ical events. They are works of the imagination, pure fiction, in which
historically attested personal and geographical names, scraps of his-
tory, social and religious customs are expertly utilized as trappings
for the plot and its characters by craftsmen minutely knowledgeable
in historical arcana andal l i mportandymasters of disingenuity in
the service of artistic integrity.
2.2.7.2.1 But even if the poet be inspired by a 'real event'whi ch
in the case of Keret one is entitled to doubtthi s determination is
no more consequential for understandi ng the poem and its author,
than is the Danish chronicle which inspired Shakespeare's Haml et.
At most, such knowledge can produce some learned footnotes to the
text, enhanci ng its appreciation by cognoscenti but irrelevant and
boring for poet and audience alike.
2.3 The story in outline, the message in detail
2.3.1 Although there is no hard evidence to indicate that the poem
of Keret was ever the subject of dramati c presentation in a theatre
or like setting, it is useful, and certainly not misleading to summa-
rize its contents as if it were. The material is most amenabl e.
2.3.1.1 The 'prologue' in the openi ng lines of K TU 1.14 = RS
2. [003]+, now largely defective, introduced the hero, Keret, as king
of Bt-Hbr, situated '[by the se]a'. The king is a man of valour
([gbr. hyl]) and a devotee of El (glm. il) who is his 'patron' (ab); but
he is wretched for want of wife and children to fill his 'naked' (
c
rwt)
palace. Seven dmes was Keret wed, but each marriage ended abrupdy,
for the most part tragically with the death of the spouse; in one
case, in childbirth. The absence of a (male) heir apparent causes his
seven brothers to cast greedy eyes on his throne.
Comment: (1) 'Bt-Hbr by-the-sea' ([gblt. y]rr) is a pseudonymic rid-
dle to be solved by the audience in the course of the poem/pl ay.
(2) By presenting the king as a devotee of Elin contrast to the Baal-
worshipping poet and his audi encethe author conveys the message
that the story is about a historical figure of long-ago, the era of the
ancestors.
22
Keret is thus a 'patriarchal narrative'. The members of
the hero's clan (lim || umt) are to be found roami ng the steppelands
between the (Phoenician) coast and the Euphrates ([
f
]</. nhr). (3)
Except for the royal backdrop, the scene is uncannily reminiscent of
22
For the author of Keret, this 'patriarchal era' began with Ditanu (Ug. dtn, var.
ddri) cited obliquely in KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 2-3 || 13-5) thought to have
lived in the early MBA (ca. 2100 BCE; cf. K I TCHEN 1977, 131-42; HF.LTZER 1981,
1 10) and developing into an eponymous ancestor. It needs be emphasized how-
ever that Keret's Ditanu-ancestry does not make him a direct ancestor of the Ugaritic
kings Niqmaddu and Ammittamru (KTU 1.161 = RS 34.126). Like Abraham,
Ditanu is 'the father of many [Amorite] nations'. This much however can be said:
the city-state kingdoms which speckled the Phoenician and north-Syrian coastline
in the early 2nd millennium BCE were all ruled by classes of Amorite stock. The
dynastic houses of Byblos and nearby Ugarit in particular could accordingly have
been related by ties of blood and/or marriage, and both of them to clans residing
in Bashan (cf. KTU 1.108 = RS 24.252: 23-4). The phrase qbs. dtn, roughly 'union
of Ditanu' (KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 2-3 || 13-5), like its parallel rpi. ars (ibid.,
KTU 1.108) denotes the transnational aspect of this consanguinity, the word ars
'land' contrasting with socio-political terms like qrt 'city' and mlk 'kingdom'. (This
usage of ars [Heb. 'eres] survives in the Hebrew Bible in the phrase 'am-h-'res,
denoting an institution of landed gentry who can 'make or break' a king. Cf. pro-
visionally MARGAL I T 1995, 255-6.)
the El-worshipping, Harran-based patriarchs of the Bible, one of
whom complains bitterly that he is without (legitimate) heir and who
subsequently sends his trusted servant to obtain a wife for his son
in the 'old country'.
2.3.2 Act 1, Scene 1
2.3.2.1 The curtain rises on the king about to retire for the night
to his sleeping chamber which he enters shedding tears of self-pity.
Curl ed up in bed in a foetal position, he falls asleep. His patron
deity now appears in his dream, having heard the heart-rendi ng sobs
of his valiant servant. Wise but not omniscient, El inquires as to the
cause of the king's distress. Ever the jester, he speculates whether
Keret, dissatisfied with the modest extent of his kingdom, has designs
on his own; or perhaps, he wonders aloud, the king is short of money
to cover his regal expenses. In reply, the king assures his patron that
he wants for nothi ng materi al , and that his only wish, and the
panacea to his pain, is to sire a family, sons in particular.
2.3.2.2 El is sympathetic; and the remai nder of the dream (and
scene) is devoted to divine monol ogue wherein the deity issues a
series of detailed instructions as part of an elaborate plan for the
hero to realize his ambition. At the centre of the plan is the full
mobilization of the kingdom for a military expedition to the (Bashan-
ite) kingdom of Udum(u), to be followed by a siege and ultimatum
to its king: surrender your eldest daughter, the fair Hry, to be Keret's
wife (or face the consequences).
2.3.3 Scene 2
2.3.3.1 The King awakens with a start, but with total recall of the
dream which he immediately begins to implement to the letter. He
attends first to his personwashi ng (for cleanliness) and rouging (for
war) then to the gods to whom he offers sacrifice, and then to the
business of war.
Comment: (1) El's oneiric thcophany is part and parcel of nomadi c/
Amurritic religion centering on El and his consort Asherah. El resides
in the subterranean fresh-water deep which feeds the palm-trees of
the oasis where the nomad pitches camp. When the latter retires for
the night and sets his sleepy head down to rest, he is lulled to sleep
by the gurgling stream nearby. It is both logical and natural that
El, residing close by, should pay him an occasional visit in his dream,
especially when the nomad is troubled. (2) Again, the correspondence
with the biblical tradition-complex (in its and versions particularly)
is uncanny. The El(-Shaddai)-worshipping patriarchs receive their
divine visitations in nocturnal dreams. The same is true of the El-
worshipping Aramean clairvoyant Balaam of the DAPT. Y HWH, by
contrast, never appears in a dream to his servant Moses,
23
and there
are no dream-theophani es in the Hexateuch outside Genesis and
Num. 22-4. (3) The characterization of both El and his protg is
parodical. The valiant warrior of the prologue is totally deconstructed
by the pathetic king crying himself to sleep like a baby. Crying is
womanish (2 Sam. 1:24; Lam. 1:2, etc.) and a sign of weakness in
men except in well-defined special circumstances. It never occurs to
the biblical author to depict Abraham as weeping in Gen. 15; nor
does the son-less Dan'el weep when petitioning for a son (1.17). Both
are in contrast with the similarly situated Hannah (1 Sam. 1:10).
The proverbially wise El (by dint of age and experience) is parodied
by means of the patently ridiculous plan which he concocts: the total
mobilization of the kingdom, including the sick, the blind, and the
newly-wed normally exempt from military draft, and a strenuous and
very expensive seven-days march to the hinterland region of Bashan
for no better reason or exigency than to obtain (yet) a(nother) wife
for the king. Were this not enough, the poet will subsequently inform
us that Pbl, the king of Udum(u), is himself a devotee of El, and
his kingdom a 'gift' (un) from this same deity (K TU 1.14 = RS
2. [003]+ vi 12-4). All El need have done was to send an oneiric
message to Pbl and the fair princess would have been on her way
to Bt-Hbr.
24
Thi s contrasting of exaggerated means utilized for triv-
ial ends is of course a staple of comedy and burlesque (cf. the Marx
23
Cf. Num. 12:6 8. A later tradition, no longer familiar with the religio-histor-
ical presuppositions of the patriarchal faith, attributed this fact to the uniqueness
of Moses' prophetic status.
24
He could also have spared Udum the pains of siege, and its monarch the
pangs of uncertainty, by revealing himself in a dream to Pbl and thereby confirm
Keret's ultimatum as indeed inspired and supported by divine degree. But then El
would be seen to be truly wise and compassionate rather than the comical dotard
intended by the poet.
brothers), a contrast further accentuated here by the disparity be-
tween the normally peacable and compassionate El (Itpn. dpid) advising,
and devizing, a strategem of war.
25
(4) The use of parody at this
early stage in the story must be understood as setting the tone for
all that ensues. It is the dramaturgi c equivalent of Shylock's 'pound-
of-flesh' bond contracted (ostensibly) 'in a merry sport', and to the
over-reaction of foolish king Ahasuerus (Est. 1) to the queen's refusal
of a royal summons (itself a parody of a king 'ruling from I ndia to
Ethiopia'). It serves notice that the poem of Keret is a species of 'mock
epic', perhaps the oldest of its kind in recorded history.
2.3.4 Scene 3
2.3.4.1 The army of Bt-Hbr marches in battle array to Udm
(= Udumu in the land of Ga<shu->ru [EA 256]). The march is
broken up into two more or less equal segments: 3 days from Bt-
Hbr to Tyre, where Keret pays an unscheduled (or at the least unan-
ticipated in the dream) visit to the shrine of Asherah, El's wife, where
he takes a vow (cf. Gen. 28) that if his mission be successful (one
senses clearly the insecurity of this valiant warrior) he will pay to
Asherah's shrine 'twice [his bride's] weight in silver, thrice in gold'.
2.3.4.2 Three days later, on the seventh day of the campai gn,
Keret's army arrives at Udum and camps outside its walls after hav-
ing cleared the countryside. There follow the futile efforts of Pbl,
king of Udum, and his queen Na'amat to relieve the siege, first
by offering Keret a bribe of silver, gold, three horses and chariot
(with attendant squire), and, simultaneously, sending messengers to
offer sacrifice atop nearby Mt. Inbb, the mythological abode of the
(war-)goddess Anat. To no avail; Keret is adamant (and the gods,
by implication, unresponsive): only the surrender of beautiful Hry
in the description of whose (as yet unseen) beauty (he has only El's
word for it) the king waxes poeticwill suffice to remove the siege
(cf. mutatis mutandis 2 Sam. 20:14-22). The scene concludes with Hry
taking tearful leave of her family and friends as she sets out for
Keret's camp and her new life as queen of Bt-Hbr.
25
One may note the uncanny if fortuitous resemblance of El's plan with that of
Portia's 'virtuous father' (The Merchant of Venice), mocking the 'holy men [who]
at their death have good inspirations'. El's plan is similarly 'inspired'.
Comment: (1) On the identifications of Udm and Mt. I nbb respec-
tively, cf. M a r g a l i t 1995, 225-43. (2) Although formally a marri ed
couple, El and Asherah do not live together (cf. K TU 1.4 = RS
2. [008]+ iv).
26
(3) The fact that the king's initiative, for all its good
intentions, eventually lands him in hot water couldif Keret were a
'serious' piece of literaturebe taken as implying the futility of human
endeavour and the advisability of resignation to divine will. But if,
as I maintain, Keret is tragi-comical, then the crisis precipitated by
the king's ill-fated initiative (the result, be it recalled of his absent-
mindedness) can and should be seen as contributing to his portrayal
as a pathetic figure, a 'Schlemiel' or 'Sad-Sack' who can do no right,
a master bungler. Keret, like Dan'el , is a 'talker', not a 'doer'. (4)
This characterization of the king is underscored by Pbl and Na'amat's
reluctance to become Keret's in-laws. After all, such an attitude is
not self-evident given Keret's credentials. A king of the backwater
kingdom of Udum would normally have given his eye-teeth for a
liaison with the royal house of Bt-Hbr, alias Byblos. However,
Keret's reputation as a matrimonial 'jinx' has preceded him to Udum.
2.3.5 Act II
2.3.5.1 Scene 1. The reception celebrating the marriage of Keret
and Hry is attended (i.a.) by the gods, including El and Baal. Asherah
is conspicuous by her absence. Duri ng dinner, Baal prompts El to
toast the newly-wed couple. El is glad to oblige: raising his wine-
glass, his blessing consists of a promise that Keret's wife will bear
him multiple offspring (cf. Gen. 15:5, etc.): seven || eight boys and a
like number of girls. The eldest of the boys, to be named Yassib, will
be Keret's heir (poetically, he will be nursed by goddesses); the youngest
of the girls, 'Octavi a', will be El's favourite (bkr, literally, 'first').
Comment: (1) The senior gods arrive at the party in pairs; the
'assembly', consisting of the mi nor (younger) and anonymous gods,
2I
' The separation of El and Asherah on the mythopoeic level is surely a reflection
of the transformation of their originally pastoral-nomadic cult following the seden-
tarization of their worshippers. El is put out to pasture in the Upper J ordan Valley,
his domain extending from the foot of Mt Hermon near Dan as far as the Sea of
Galilee. But his consort starts up a new career among Tyrians as rbl. alrt. ym 'Lady
Asherah-of-the-Sea' where she is presumably worshipped as the patroness of fisher-
men (cf. her attendants qdl. wamrr described (KTU 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+ vi 10-1;
K TU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ iv 2-4) as dgy. rbl. alrt. y m 'fishermen of Lady Asherah-
of-the-Sea'.
arrive in threes. The absence of Asherah is accentuated by pairing
El with Baal. Anat (here labelled 'Rhmf [Heb. rehem]) is accompa-
nied by the similarly bellicose Reshef. Kathir-and-Hasis, sporting a
binomial name, escorts himself (our poet is a 'kibitzer'). (2) The
choice of Rhmy as an alias for Anat is motivated by two consider-
ations: (a) the alliteration with Rip; (b) the synonymity with (
c
)Anat,
both referring to the female genitalia.
27
2.3.5.2 Scene 2. The scene shifts to the (unspecified) domicile of
Asherah. Seven years, and several birth-days, have elapsed and Keret's
pledge is still unpaid. With the king now in default, Asherah takes
her own vow: to make Keret pay . . . with his life!
Comment: 'Heaven has no rage . . . nor hell no fury, like a woman
scorned'. Cf. also Ps. 50:14, Eccl. 5:3.
2.3.5.3 Scene 3. A party in Keret's homemore precisely, his atr
for the nobility of Bt-Hbr, its 'Bulls' and 'Stags' in the poet's saucy
language. I n preparati on, the king instructs his queen to 'dress-up
like a mai den' (km[.n]
c
rt) by hiding her bulges, doing up her hair,
and mani curi ng her fingernails. The ostensible purpose of the party
is to 'weep' (ritually) for the ailing Keret. But the secret agenda is
political, viz., to confirm the juvenile Yassib as heir and successor
to the throne of Bt-Hbr upon the king's supposedly imminent demise.
Once this political purpose is made known to the guests at the party,
a furious debate erupts, accompani ed by shouting and clenched fists,
in the course of which the 'president' (irk. il, lit., 'chief member')
stands up to speak and pledges the support of the assembly for the
young prince. The ailing king replies. I nvoking the private parts of
the president's wife, he blesses him for his support. He then informs
the council that he expects to die within the month, blaming his
misfortune on Athirat's abiding hatred for his kingdom. His personal
fault he passes over in silence. However, the king's remarks, far from
stilling debate, add fuel to its fire, in the course of which both the
king and his queen are forced to intervene to restore order. The
king accuses his opponents of 'drinking his blood', while the queen
repri mands her guests for their i ndecorum as well as for their insin-
27
Cf. DEEM 1978; MARGAL I T 1995, 241 2. The basic meaning of 'nh is 'open
up', normally of speech. Its use with sexual activity (cf. Ex. 32:18b) reflects a per-
ceived symmetry between oral and vaginal anatomy (cf. Prov. 30:20).
uation that the king might be feigning illness in order to obtain an
endorsement of the crown-prince as successor to the throne. Hry
assures the noblemen that Keret's illness is, unfortunately, neither
dream nor fantasy; and he has the body sores and fever to prove
it! The conclusion of the scene is lost, but a political victory for the
royal family is a necessary inference.
28
From this moment on, Yassib
is heir-apparent in fact as well as in theory, and his enthronement
evidently a matter of days.
Comment (1) The location of the banquet in a tent (hmt) set up
in the family atr or burial-ground (cf. K TU 1.17 = RS 2.[004] i-ii)
points to a kispum or mrzfi, i.e., a feast associated with the cult of
the ancestral dead (dbh. ilm). Thi s would furnish a convenient pre-
text for convening the nobles and a suitable occasion for 'beweep-
ing' the sick king. It also is consistent with the all-male guest list as
well as the king's instructions to his wife to dress appropriately (cf.
K TU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ iii 10-22). Thi s banquet is definitely a
'stag affair'.
(2) The scene implies the existence of a political group whose
authorization the king requires to transfer power to his son and thus
establish a dynasty. This council of barons is a fcudalistic body whose
duties, and prerogatives, are to 'advise and consent'. Neither servile
nor rubberstampi ng, it can make or break a king. A residue of tri-
bal confederation, this group of grandees may be seen as the socio-
political equivalent and 2nd-mi l l enni um precursor of the biblical
'am-h'res. (3) It is further implied in this scene that while the legit-
imacy of the dynastic principle is acknowledged, its cultural roots
are shallow indeed. The tribal tradition of charismatic leadership,
understood in terms of military prowess, is still very much alive, and
it goes far towards explaining the fierce opposition to the blank-
cheque endorsement of the king's son, still very young and untried
in battle and leadership. (4) Keret is in all likelihood (portrayed as)
28
The spirit and circumstances of Keret's speech are strongly reminiscent of the
speech delivered by Hattusi1i before the panku-assembly: 'Behold I have fallen
sick. . . . Behold, Mursilis is now my son . . .' It may not be too venturesome to
suggest accordingly that the missing portion of Keret's speech may have been for-
mulated in a vein similar to the continuation of Hattusilis' address: 'In the hour
when a call to arms goes forth . . . you . . . must be [at hand to help my son]. When
three years have elapsed he shall go on a campaign. . . . If you take him (while still
a child) with you on a campaign, bring [hi m| back [safely].' (Translation apud
GURNEY 1990, 171).
the first member of his family to have occupied a throne, which he
may well have seized by overthrowing an i ncumbent ruler. His rise
to powerand this is probabl y the extent of the story's historicity
(which in any case is only presupposed by the narrative)would
have been a model I drimi who, with a band of ruffians and outlaws,
conquered Alalakh and set himself up as king. Like Keret's El-religion
and his affiliation with a clan dispersed in the Syrian steppeland,
the present scene reflects the political ethos of an earlier epoch, viz.,
the formative stages of Amorite settlement in Phoenicia and N. Syria
and the struggle to establish the legitimacy of dynastic kingship in
a society barely weaned from non-hereditary charismatic leadership
and tribal organization.
2.3.6 Act III
2.3.6.1 Scene 1. As the scene opens, preparations are underway
for Keret's funeral (although the king is still quite alive). The sound
of caterwauling womenthe poet prefers the comparison with howl-
ing dogs and coyotesfills the royal mansion. Overcome emotionally
by these depressing sounds and by the realization which they spur
of his father's i mmi nent demise, the loving and devoted son I lhu
approaches the king's bedside. Wi th tears rolling down his pubescent
cheeks, he queries his father in disbelief (in the process giving expres-
sion to the current ideology of divine kingship in Canaan): 'Is Keret,
the divine offspring of El and Athirat, not immortal?! Do gods die?!'
2.3.6.1.1 The compassionate Keret responds with words of com-
fort to his distraught son; and by way of occupational therapy coun-
sels him to set out on a mission to sister Octavia, residing elsewhere,
and to bring her home. To spare her sensitive feelings, the pretext
is to be an invitation to a family feast rather than a funeral. (But
since Keret's funeral will doubtless be followed by a lavish wake
cf. K TU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ i 18-31the lie is truly lily-white.) I lhu
obediently complies and takes his leave.
Comment: The text at this point is in disarray, resulting in the dis-
memberment and dislocation of I lhu's speech. The awareness of this
disturbance by a subsequent copyist led to its rewriting; but the cor-
rected version unfortunately found its way into the second column
of K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+, causing yet another disturbance. (2) We
are not i nformed here either as to the reason for Octavia's residence
away from home or its location. If this information was not forth-
comi ng in a no longer extant part of the preceding text (e.g., at the
end of K TU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii), the poet left it to the audience
to fathom the answers from the continuation.
2.3.6.2 Scene 2. After climbing a mountai n and praying there (to
Baal!) for a safe j ourney, I lhu sets out. Arriving at Octavia's con-
vent-residence (hmh<m>), he squats on a nearby hillock, with the
gateway-entrance in view, to await his sister. As she emerges from
the gate, on her way to fetch water, Octavia espies her brother. I n
her excitement, she drops (more likely, hurls) the encumberi ng vessel
in her hand and makes a dash to embrace I lhu, her head now nest-
ling tenderly in his shoulder. But it does not take long for Octavia
to collect hersel fand to sense that brother Ilhu has not just dropped-
by for a chat. Her female intuition tells her that something is awry,
possibly relating to her father. To her query, 'is father ill?' I lhu
replies that, of course, all is well with the king, and that he has
come to invite her to a family party. Sensing her incredulity, Ilhu
unfolds his cover-story with lavish improvisation: it will be a sump-
tuous affair, attended by the gods and the who's-who of Bt-Hbr;
musical entertai nment will be provided by nubile lasses singing songs
'to set one on fire'. He himself, I lhu continues in his prevaricating
best, was asked by the king to go out and trap birds as delicacies
for mother Hry and brother Yassib; 'and since father knows that
my hunti ng would take me near where you live, he thought it might
be nice to extend you an invitation. So here I am!'.
2.3.6.2.1 Octavia's response leaves no doubt as to her incredulity.
First she asks her brother to pour a cup of wine from his portable
j ug. After removing the plug, I lhu obliges. She now turns to her
brother and, in a tone mixing hurt pride with barely concealed anx-
iety, she asks: 'Why do you make a fool of me? How long has father
been ill?'
2.3.6.2.2 Faced with such precocity, Ilhu breaks down and pro-
ceeds to tell his sister the sorry truth. Upon hearing this, the heart-
broken Octavi a cries out and shudders (V hi); she commences a
funereal song-and-dance around her brother. She then repairs with
him to the parental home.
2.3.6.2.3 Upon arrival, Octavia enters, silently and abashcdly, her
father's bed-chamber. Approaching his bed, she kisses him affectionately
on his feverish forehead. She is his little 'blossom' (ib). She leaves
shortly thereafter, heeding her father's request to climb a mountai n
and pray there for his recovery.
29
Comment: (1) Though not expressly stated, it is a reasonable infer-
ence from this portion of the narrative that Octavia has become a
nadtu-priestess, or nun, residing in a cloister and in the service of
the sun-goddess, Shapsh. Among other things, this hypothesis will
explain (a) why Octavi a is residing away from her parental home;
(b) why I lhu does not even consider entering the gateway to notify
his sister of his arrival. As a female retreat, it is presumably off-limits
to men. (2) Octavia's funereal song-and-dance, encircling her brother,
is described in language similar to that used by Ilhu to describe the
wailing-women in Keret's house. Thi s may help to explain the intru-
sion here of extraneous material originating as a (corrected) version
of I lhu's plaintive speech to his father. (3) It is typical of Ugaritic
epic literature to portray women as superi or in intellect and/or
courage to men;
30
and the present encounter of brother and sister
is certainly no exception. El compares unfavourably with Athirat,
Dan'el with his daughter Pughat, and I lhu with Octavia.
31
2.3.7
2.3.7.1 Scene 3. The text of this scene is very fragmentary, and
its contents consequently are obscure. The king's illness, like Aqhat's
murder, has resulted in drought, and the stocks of grain, wine, and
oil are depleted. A set of obscure ritual acts, intended presumably
to induce rainfall, is followed by a delegation of farmers to the king,
presumably (since the continuation is lost) to apprise him of the sit-
uation and to ask for help.
29
A considerable part of the text summarized above is missing, and the sum-
mation at certain points presupposes the correctness of the restorations. Cf. the dis-
cussion in MARGAL I T 1995, 264 - 89 for this and other matters relating to this passage.
30
It is also not uncommon in O.T. literature: Adam is clearly inferior in intel-
lect to wife Eve (which is why the 'wily' snake takes her on first). The same holds
true for Isaac and Rebekkah, Barak and Deborah, Sisera and J ael, Haman and
Esther, etc. A notable exception is David and Michal. The latter is possibly the
most 'trag(ed)ic' figure in the entire Bible: bright, beautiful, and courageousand
an habitual 'loser'.
31
Anat is only seemingly an exception: for while nominally female, she acts and
dresses like a (violent) man, and is therefore the villain of Aqhat. She contrasts both
with her virtuous brother Baal and the heroine Pughat; and the poet does not stop
short of ridiculing the penis-envy of this self-hating goddess by depriving her of the
coveted bow once acquired (KTU 1. 19 = RS 3. 322+ i).
Comment: We have here another expression of the 'ideology of
divine kingship': the illness of the king induces a paralysis of Nature.
However, there is no more reason here than in the previous instance
to assume that this ideological stance reflects the authorial point-of-
view. Like the portrait of the sick hero, and (shortly) the inept gods,
this ideology is also subject to satirization, as if what is true of the
great Baal (K TU 1.5 = RS 2.[022]+ ii 5-7) is true of the pathetic
king of Bt-Hbr.
2.3.7.2 Scene 4. The desperate situation created by the king's ill-
ness sets the stage for a curious development: the artisan god, Kathir-
wa-Hasis, whose wisdom (say the gods) is second only to El's, is
approached by a delegation of the divine assembly'El's sons' (
(
dt.
bn. il)and asked to take an urgent message to a hitherto and other-
wise unknown character named lis and his (characteristically un-
named) wife, bearing the title ngr(t) of the House/Templ e of El, (var.
Baal). I n the message promptly delivered by the hobbler Kathir-wa-
Hasisdescribed by the poet as runni ng with the grace of an ass
lis is instructed to go up to the tower and to shout at the top of
his lungs'like a waterfall || like a bull' to the inhabitants of the
city. The sequel is lost, and with it presumably the statement of pur-
pose, viz., a call to prayer and supplication on behalf of the dying
king and the drought-imperiled kingdom.
Comment The present scene, if correctly interpreted, brings the
satirical tone of the poem strongly to the fore; indeed, the satire
comes close to becomi ng farce. El is in deep trouble: his plan for
his protg has miscarried, and the protg himself and his famished
kingdom are teetering on the brink of disaster. El's distress signal
(which one may presume to have been lost in the lacuna at the
beginning of K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ iv) has been picked up by
the assembly of his sons which now goes into (pathetically ineffectual)
action. In their infinite divine wisdom they turn to the wise but crip-
pled Kathi r to deliver an urgent message to the temple crier (ngr)
or mu'addin
32
and for good measure, to his wifeto summon the
32
The semantic correspondence of Ug. ngr and the Arabic mu'addin (< 'dn (II)
'cause-to-hear, announce') is very close indeed. The Ugaritic term is cognate with
Akk. nagaru 'Ausrufer, Herold' (. , 711). The translation 'herald' in the present
context is, however, misleading in that it implies a palace functionary charged with
making public pronouncements. Ils is rather a temple functionary; and since his j ob
is to summon the faithful to prayer, he is necessarily (a) mortal, and (b) a Bronze-
Age Canaanite precursor of the Islamic mu'addin.
faithful to prayer and supplication, without which the gods can do
nothi ng to save Keret and his kingdom. From here it is surely but
a small step to the conclusion that the 'sons of EP (notably exclud-
ing heroic and virtuous Baal) can do nothing because they are good
for nothing.
2.3.7.3 Scene 5. The race is on to save Keret's life, for which pur-
pose El has convened the divine assembly in emergency session. El
arrives accompani ed by wife Athirat. He opens the session with a
plea to his consort to spare Keret's life. Asherah replies that the
king's life 'is in the hands of his wife Hry': she (now that the king
is incapacitated) has to pay Athirat 'twice her weight in silver, thrice
in gold' (with the interest waived) if Keret is to be cured.
2.3.7.3.1 Even El cannot apparentl y raise such a sum, much less
Keret, whose kingdom is down at the heels. The 'father of man'
turns accordingly to his sons for help; but they remain deafeningly
silent, either because they are cowed by the presence of their mother
or they are simply at a loss for ideas. El is now left with no choice
but to deal personally with the probl em.
2.3.7.3.2 His solution: to create a female exorcist named 'tqt (<
e
tq
'(cause to) remove'), the details of which are obscured by the tablet's
poor state of preservation. But they are not beyond recovery. El cre-
ates his creature, in primordial fashion, from (red) clay (cf. J ob 33:6),
inserts snake-poison into her vagina (to thwart reproduction?), chris-
tens her over a cup of sanctified wine, and then brings her to life
by 'pouri ng' into her mouth '[the soul] of a god and the blood of
a [human]'. Fortified by El's blessing and directed by his detailed
instructions, S
c
tqt flies off to Bt-Hbr.
Comment: (1) The divine assembly, as we learn from K TU 1.15 =
RS 3.343+ ii, is made up of the mi nor deities consisting of the
sonsnot including daughtersof El. It corresponds, one may assume,
to the 'council of princes' reflected in 1 Kgs. 12:8ff. The presence
of Athirat is thus a breach of protocol warranted by the emergency
as well as by the divine mother's direct responsibility for creating it.
(2) Athirat's offer at first sight seems to hold the key to a satisfac-
tory resolution of the crisis. However, it must be remembered that
after fifteen births and nursing periods, the once streamlined Hry is
now bulging at both waist and bosom (cf. above, 2.3.5.3 [= K TU
1.15 = RS 3.343+ iv 10-3]). (3) The echoes of cosmogony in this
scene are part of the parody. Like the exaggerated mobilization in
K TU 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+, the creation of S'tqt is a case of mock-
heroic 'overkill'. What S'tqt does for Keret could, and would, have
been done by any run-of-the-mill exorcist in Bt-Hbr. El, says the
poet, may be very wise (who else knows how to create life?); but he
is sorely lacking in common sense.
2.3.7.4 Scene 6 describes how S'tqt saved Keret's life. Upon arrival,
she immediately gets down to business. She fastens a string to the
patient's navel and places a wreath of medicinal leaves on his fever-
ish head, while repeatedly wiping his brow of sweat. She then opens
his mouth and forces him to eatwe are not told whatand presto!
the king is well. A rejuvenated Keret promptl y orders wife Hry to
slaughter a fading l amb for di nner to celebrate his recovery.
Comment The poet's feminist bias finds expression here once again.
J ust as the woman Athirat foils the male El's plan, so the female
S'tqt saves the day (while foiling the foiler). But woman's superior
intelligence, courage, and enterprise are, alas, not enough to alter
the existential 'female condition': S'tqt, like Athirat, is subordinate
and subject to El. The 'tree' of Athirat cannot exist without El's
fertilizing water, and S'tqt will die, without fruit, once her mission
is accomplished, as will Pughat, whose heroism is recounted in a
tale named for her brother (in marked contrast to the 'book of
Esther').
2.3.7.5 Scene 7. The crown-prince and hei r-apparent, whose birth,
heralded by the gods, fulfilled his father's most fervent wish, makes
his firstand l astappearance in this scene, as if to say: if you meet
him once, it is enough for a lifetime. Obviously displeased and dis-
appoi nted by his father's dramati c recoveryYassib, be it recalled,
is still an adolescent!he decides to act. Encouraged by 'the fiend
at his elbow', he enters the throne-room where his father is seated
and orders him to step down, on grounds of incompetence in the
discharge of his royal duties. Keret's reaction is a mixture of rage
and anguish; and as the curtain falls there resounds a curse, at once
fearsome and funny, called down by the king on the head of his
perfidious son.
Comment: (1) Keret's recovery obviated a tragic end to the story;
but the finale is its tragi-comic equivalent. For upon hearing his son's
words, the king might well have wished he were dead. (2) Yassib is
'instructed' (V wsr) by his j i nn (Ug. ggr)he is a school-boy listen-
ing to the wrong teacher. (3) The charges laid by Yassib against his
father are instructive for the insight they provide to the Canaani te
view of kingship. The most i mportant task of the king is not to lead
in battle (which is precisely what Keret does in K TU 1.14 = RS
2.[003]+) but to administer justice fairly and compassionately (some-
thing he is never seen to do).
33
The Canaani te king is first and fore-
most a 'judge', in contrast to his Amorite counterpart whose claim
is based on personal charisma as a warrior proven in batde (gibbr
hayyil). I n this sociological sense, Aqhat is older than Keret, in that the
former describes its (male) heroes, young and old, in terms derived
from the military lexicon. Keret is a mlk,
H
Dan'el a gzr. (4) In addi-
tion to ferocity and hilarity, the curse also contains the most impor-
tant clues, suitably and cleverly embroi dered into the finale, to the
identity of pseudonymic Bt-Hbr, lit., 'House-of-Union'.
35
The king
calls on 'Astarte-name-of-Baal'i.e., Baal atand Yassib's dislodged
teeth are to fall out 'altogether', for which the poet chooses the rare
(b)gbl (Palmyrene-Aramaic gbl 'communi ty', MHeb. gbl 'to mix-
together (as porridge)', which plays on the original form of 'Byblos',
i.e. GBL /Gubl a (Heb. Gba).
2.4 The moral of the story (in sum)
2.4.1 The moral of the story is clear, a proud and praiseworthy
testimonial to the venerable Stoic tradition commandi ng the alle-
giance of the wise throughout the ages:
33
Contrast the description of the (non-royal!) j udge Dan'el! For all their impu-
dence, Yassib's words thus contain a germ of truth. This motif of 'truth from the
mouth of babes' is especially promi nent in Aqhat (cf. MA RGA L I T 1989, passim).
Noteworthy too is Absalom, like Yassib motivated by a desire to depose his father,
who sets himself up as a j udge in the gateway, intercepting his father's 'clients', in
order to establish his credentials for kingship.
34
As well as (Heb. s'a) a title which he (presumably) shares with the other
members of the Bt-Hbr nobility.
35
Cf. Akk. /)ibru(m), a Canaani te loanword denoting 'clan' (OB) and 'in gather-
ing (of fruit)' (LB)cf. AHw, 344. In the 11th cent. Egyptian Wen-Amon story,
f}-b-r denotes a joint commercial venture (AJVET 27, n. 17). ^l(fbr and Igbl are thus
fully synonymous terms.
2.4.1.1 Grand the plans of gods and man,
But when the day is done
Bones broadly scattered dry in the sun,
For ironic Moi ra the fray hath won.
And nought remains for Apollo's progeny,
But to sing her praise
In comic agony.
2.4.2 'Life', not 'kingship', stands at the centre of Keret as it does in
Aqhat and Baal-Mot. But whereas Baal-Mot focuses on the uncanny
dialectic of Life and Death on the (awesome) cosmic plane, Aqhat
and Keret focus on the (absurd) human-life condition, the former on
its tragic aspect, the latter on the tragi-comic ('if it weren't so funny,
it would be sad . . .'). If Aqhat is a Canaani te Haml et, Keret is a
Canaani te Merchant of Venice. Like his great English counterpart,
the Canaani te bard is a master at mani pul ati ng emotion; but to mis-
take him for a 'politician' (or a 'preacher'), and his art for propaganda
(or a sermon), is at once an insult and a betrayal.
2.4.2.1 Our poet- i ndeed any poet (of integrity)writes (or sings)
for an audience which is 'free', not 'captive'. He is by nature the foe
of tyranny, be it of the body or of the mi nd. He is anathema equally
in Plato's Republic and in Augustine's 'City of God'. He kneels (only)
in the Templ e of Moi ra, at the feet of Apollo.
36
36
What J . HUI ZI NGA (Homo loudens) has said of 'play' is equally true of writing
poetry: 'all play is a voluntary activity. Play to order is no longer play; it could at
best be a forcible imitation of it. By this quality of freedom alone, play marks itself
off from the course of the natural process. It is something added thereto and spread
out over it like a flowering, an ornament, a garment.' (Beacon ed., 1955, 7).
Elsewhere (ibid., 132) he rightly observes that poetry as such is a form of play.
3 T h e S t o r y of A q h a t ( K T U 1. 17- 19)
N i c o l as W y a t t
3.1 Introduction
Tablets RS 2.[004], 3.340 and 3.322+349+366, discovered in the
'Hi gh Priest's House' on the acropolis at Ras Shamra-Ugari t in 1930
and 1931,
1
were quickly established as constituting the same literary
work.- The menti on of Danel by name in another third-season find
from the same location, RS 3.348 (I V D = 1 Rp = UT 121 = CTA
20 = K TU 1.20), led to the initial incorporation of this tablet in
the series, but its successor Rpum tablets were never thus regarded,
and for practical purposes it too was eventually discarded from the
sequence.
3
No authorship is menti oned on any of the tablets. However, the
lower edge below K TU 1.17 vi reads [ ]prln, (KTU
2
prln) and is gen-
erally restored on the basis of K TU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ vi 54-5 as
[spr.ilmlk.bny.lmd.atn.]prln, thus restoring the name of I limilku, the
scribe to whom K TU 1.1-6 = RS 3.361, 3.367, 3.346, 2.[014]+,
2. [008]+, 2. [022]+, 2. [009]+ and K TU 1.14-16 = RS 2. [003]+,
3.343+, 3.325+ are attributed (with colopha at 1.4 viii lower edge,
1.6 vi 54-8 and 1.16 vi 59 lower edge). RS 92.20 1 6
4
(as yet un-
published) also apparently bears the name of Ilimilku. I n the case
of the published tablets, the script is similar in all the tablets at-
1
See BORDREUI L - PARDEE ( 1989, 26, 30- 32) . The most widely used numbering
systems for the texts are as follows:
R S VI ROL L EAUD GORDON HERDNER DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ - SANMARTI N
2. [004] 2D 2 Aqht CTA 17 KTU 1.17
3. 340 3 D 3 Aqht CTA 18 KTU 1.18
3. 322+ 1 D 1 Aqht CTA 19 KTU 1.19
The tablets are located as follows: KTU 1.17, 19 in the Louvre (AO 17. 324 and
AO 17.323 respectively), KTU 1.18 in the British Museum (AO 17.325 = BM
L84).
2
Published by VI ROL L EAUD 1936a (Editio Princeps).
3
Typical expressions are 'clearly at least one further tablet must have followed':
GI BSON 1975, 66. 'At least four tablets': DE MOOR 1987, 224. PARKER 1992, 99,
134- 5, still evidently had a fourth tablet in mind, but refrained from identifying it
with KTU 1. 20 = RS 3. 348. See also PARK ER 1997, 49.
4
Provisionally KTU 9.432. See CA UOT 1992, BORDREUI L 1995a, 2.
tributed to Ilimilku, so that the identification is reasonable.
5
As will be clear from the synopsis below, considerable portions of
Aqhat are missing. K TU 1.17 is a tablet originally of six columns,
of which two are entirely missing, while the beginning and end of
the four surviving columns are missing (an estimated twelve or so
lines in all on the recto, and on the verso, with a shearing break
down the upper surface, perhaps twenty or so), with the wedge-
shaped breaks on columns i and vi resulting in even further loss.
K TU 1.18 is a tablet of four columns originally, of which two are
entirely missing. Again, the begi nni ng and end of the surviving
columns are missing (some twenty-five lines or so), and wedge-shaped
breaks further reduce the surviving text, with no complete lines in
col. i, and only nine complete in col. iv. K TU 1.19 is the best pre-
served of the three; the only substantial losses here result from fri-
able edges along the three sections into which the tablet has broken,
with the additional loss of a central section in col. i, the bottom
right hand corner of col. ii, the top corner of col. iii, and a small
vertical section in the lower part of col. iv. The surface is also eroded
at the beginning of col. i and in the upper central section of col.
iv. At a rough estimate, from these three tablets slightly over half
the lines are missing, say approximately 430 from an original 840
(fourteen columns of ca 60 lines each), or fifty-one percent. While
these figures are not set in stone (or clay), any adequate interpreta-
tion of the text must remain provisional, having to take into account
the fact that it can never tell more than half the story.
3.2 Synopsis of the story
Substantial portions of the text are missing, as we have noted. The
following narrative sequence can however be understood.
17 i Danel has no son and so performs devotions to obtain divine
assistance. For six days he sacrifices to the gods, apparently
spending every night in the temple. On the seventh day Baal
intercedes for him, asking El to provide a son who will per-
form all the filial duties necessary for a father to be blessed.
El blesses Danel and promises . . .
5
For recent discussion on the programme of Ilimilku see WY A T T 1997, 1998a
and below in this chapter. I also enlarge on his significance at 13.4.2 below.
ii a son. The son is probabl y born in the missing section
between the columns, and news is brought to Danel, who
rejoices and holds a feast in his palace for the goddesses of
childbirth.
iii missing
iv missing
Kothar arrives, bringing a composite bow as a gift. He is
feasted/' and the bow is given to Aqhat. . .
vi A feast is apparently taking place. Anat asks Aqhat to give
her the bow. He tells her to take the raw materials to
Kothar: he will make her one. She persists in her demand,
and offers him immortality. Aqhat tells her to stop lying,
and says that a bow is in any case a man's weapon. She
departs to El in a rage, accusing Aqhat of impiety.
18 i Anat threatens El that she will be violent if she does not get
her way, and he gives her a free hand. She approaches Aqhat,
seemingly mollified, inviting him to go hunti ng with her.
ii missing
iii missing
iv After a successful hunt, Anat summons Y atipan, instructing
him to assume the form of a falcon, and pounce on Aqhat,
killing him. He does so . . .
19 i and the bow falls into the river and is shattered. Anat min-
gles regret for the bow with a savage assault on Aqhat's
corpse, which she tears in pieces. Back in his capital, unaware
of what has happened, Danel sits to dispense justice; Pughat
sees the withering of the plants, and sensing a disaster, rips
Danel's cloak. He utters a curse.
ii Danel, still evidently not appreciating the situation, wishes
that his son would harvest the now shrivelling grain. Two
messengers arrive and tell of Anat's complicity. Danel . . .
iii then curses the falcons. As each falls from the sky in turn
he examines its entrails. Those falcons found to be empty
are healed. Finally he finds Aqhat's remai ns in Sumul 's
stomach, and buries him. He then goes round the country,
6
This is the folk-tale idiom for worship with sacrifices, but uses the figure of
face to face, person to person, communication between deity and devotee.
iv cursing all the villages in the vicinity of the murder. Aqhat
is mourned for seven years, Danel concluding the rites with
a sacrifice. Pughat then dons armour beneath her woman's
clothes, and sets off to find Y atipan. Already half drunk,
and thinking that she is Anat, he demands wine, and while
she plies him with it boasts of his expl oi t. . J
As can be seen from this synopsis, there are tantalizing gaps in the
narrative. Particularly uncl earand consequently open to variations
in reconstructive guessworkis the sequence of events in K TU 1.18.
The synopsis above represents this author's readi ng of the story.
Again, the last column of K TU 1.19 breaks off at the most inop-
portune moment. It is commonl y supposed that Pughat went on to
kill Y atipan, which would provide a relatively satisfying dnouement,
but would leave Anat, the true villain of the piece, unscathed. On
the other hand, as pointed out below,
8
this is to apply our moral
expectations to a divine power, and may misread the author's inten-
tion. Whether or not K TU 1.20-22 = RS 3.348, 2.[019], 2.[024]
have any close relationship with Aqhat must remain an open ques-
tion. But while they are narrative in form (and they appear to be
three versions of substantially the same narrative, though Pitard opines
below 6.4that tablets K TU 1.21 and 1.22 = RS 2. [019], 2. [024]
may be two parts of one whole), we cannot assume that the men-
tion of Danel proves a link, since a number of stories may have
been attached to the same figure.
7
The following translations have been published: VI ROLLEAUD 1936a, GASTER
1936, 1937, 1938. 1950, 257-313, 1961, 316-76, C . H . GORDON 1949, 84 103,
1977, 9-29, FRONZAROLI 1955a, DRI VER 1956, 48-67, J I RKU 1962, 115-36, AI STLEI TNER
1964, 65-82, GI NSBERG 1969, 149-55, CAUOT - SZNY CER 1974, 401 58, CL EAR
1976, 50-69. XEL L A 1976, 1982, 193-216, GI BSON 1978, 103-22, COOGAN 1978,
27-47, MARGAI .I T 1989a, DEL OL MO I J TE 1981a, 327-401, DE MOOR 1987, 224-66,
AI TKEN 1990, BALDACCI 1996, 333-65, PARDEE 1997a, 343-56, PARKER 1997, 49-80,
WY A TT 1998c, 245-312.
Other studies include CASSUTO 1938, BARTON 1940, STOCKS 1943, GI NSBERG 1945a,
1945b, OBERMANN 1946, HERDNER 1949b, GRAY 1957, 73-91 = 1965, 106-26,
EI SSFELDT 1966, K OCH 1967, KAPEL RUD 1969, 70-82, HI L L ERS 1973, DI J KSTRA -
DE MOOR 1975, DRESSLER 1975, 1979, 1983, GI BSON 1975, WATSON 1976, . ,
1976, DI J KSTRA 1979, MARGAI .I T 1981a, 1983a, 1983b, 1984a, 1984b, 1989a, DEL
OL MO I J TE 1984a, 115-42, CAHJ OT 1985, 1987, 1990, PARKER 1987, 1989, 99-144,
COOPER 1988, DE MOOR 1988a, AI TKEN 1989a, 1989b, 1990, HUSSER 1995, 1996.
For a fuller bibliography down to 1988 see MARGAL I T 1989a, 503-6.
R
See 13.3.2.1.
3.3 History of interpretation*
V i r o l l e a u d ( 1936) published the editio pnceps of the Aqhat tablets.
He accepted I limilku's authorshi p of the present narrative, whatever
their antecedents,
10
and dated the tablets to the mid-fourteenth cen-
tury ( 1936, 82) . On genre he was imprecise, referring to 'legends'
( 1936, 83) and to 'mythological texts' ( 1936, 85) , or even both together
( 1936, 109) without demur. By ordering them as he did (n. 1) he
inevitably missed the logical progression which was subsequently
recognized. Many of his explanations of the vocabulary have had to
be revised, but his study is not to be underestimated as i mportant
pioneering work, however much may now be of primarily historical
interest. An interesting instance is his discussion ( 1936, 87- 96) of the
names of the characters. He concluded (p. 96) that Aqhat is 'a mem-
ber of the family of the god of death; he is, in effect, one of the
gods who dies . . .'; he resumed this argument later (p. 110), claim-
ing that Mot 'personifies the ripe ear of wheat', with the result that
Aqhat is also supposed to be 'the harvest-genius'. There was an un-
fortunate tendency to draw conclusions of this kind in early Ugaritic
scholarship, which it took decades to escape. Everything was alle-
gorical! The result was the wholesale application of various permu-
tations of the seasonal interpretation (a variant on the myth-and-ritual
theme) to all the larger compositions, with a consequent delay in
the recognition of more balanced assessments. Virolleaud also under-
stood the terms qst ('bow') and qs't ('arrows') to mean 'chalice' and
'vases' respectively," which rather destroyed the symbolic centrepiece
of the whole story.
C as s u t o 1938, in a brief note on the text, placed the tablets in
what is now regarded as the correct order, and recognized Aqhat's
human nature. B a r t o n 1940 drew attention to the apparent links
9
There is insufficient space to offer a complete survey here, and much of the
earlier discussion is in any case now outmoded. I shall therefore merely oudine one
or two salient features of early discussion, and concentrate on later work. For lit-
erature before their respective publication dates see also the surveys in CAQUOT -
SZNYCER - HERDNER 1974, 401-15, DEL OLMO LETE 1981a, 327-401, and MARGALIT
1989a, 3-92.
1(1
He writes of them being 'redacted in the fourteenth century' and of a con-
siderable lapse of time between their original formation and reduction to writing
by Ilimilku (VIROLLEAUD 1936a, 83). This dating is now in course of modification.
See PARDEE 1997c, 376 n. 2, and below, 13, nn. 284, 289, 311.
11
VIROLLEAUD 1936a, 117, 203-5.
of the narrative with the Galilee region,
12
while G i n s b e r g 1945a,
1945b, recognized that Danel was a king, and in his detailed treat-
ment of a number of key passages broadly set Aqhat studies in their
present mode.
Gaster developed his views through a number of articles and two
editions of Thespis ( G a s t e r 1936, 1937, 1938, 1950, 257-313, 1961
[1966 printing], 316-76). We may take his final account as his con-
sidered view. He treated Aqhat as myth, and classified it as 'the disap-
peari ng god type'. It is a purely literary work as it stands, but with
its roots in ritual drama: 'it was, au fond, nothing but an artistic trans-
formation of the ti me-honored seasonal drama'.
13
After offering a
synopsis of the narrative, in which the reader may feel uncomfort-
ably that he is being led more by rhetoric than by hard facts, he
launched into his interpretation (1961 [1966], 320-7).
'If our basic approach is correct,' he averred, 'this story will go back
to a primitive seasonal myth relating how a mortal huntsman chal-
lenged the supremacy of the goddess of the chase and how his sub-
sequent execution for this impiety caused infertility upon earth.'
He went on to invoke Tammuz, Osiris, Adonis 'and the like'. We
can see the patterni ng process at work. Onl y the prior assumption
of some seasonal theory (probably also misrepresenting fundamental
elements in these traditions too) could justify a parallel treatment.
More substantial, however, was his invocation of the Ori on myth.
Thi s is indeed a widespread tale (in my view possibly quite inde-
pendent of Tammuz and company), of the hunter who confronts
and insults a goddess or is in some way brought to her attention.
14
Unfortunately, Ori on is the subject of a large number of myths, and
not one of them corresponds very closely to the plot of Aqhat. It
requires a synoptic approach to discern any extensive parallels between
what are essentially variations on a theme. Furthermore, Ori on is
inseparable from the constellation of the same name, while Aqhat
12
One of the grounds for considering that the rulers of Ugarit were originally
from the Hauran-Galilee region lies in the familiarity of the tradition with the
toponyms of the region. See discussion, with further references, in MARGAL I T 1989a,
14- 7.
13
GASTER 1961 (1966), 316.
14
GASTER 1961 ( 1966) 320- 6. See also GRUPPE 1906, i 69- 70 (cited Gaster),
FONTENROSE 1981, GRAVES 1960, i 151- 4 (41), and ASTOUR 1967, 163- 75 (discussed
below). Graves' explanation of Aqhat ( 1960, i 153- 4) , apart from calling it a Hittite (!)
myth, interprets it astronomically.
has no obvious links with the stars;
15
and while it would be nice
to find them, we should beware of assuming them on the basis of
'parallels' some centuries younger. But Gaster's work on this aspect
deserves more extensive re-evaluation as our knowledge of the stel-
lar dimension to Ugandan religion, now known only fragmentarily,
develops further. But even establishing a stellar basis does nothing
for the explication of a text from which any such putative elements
are now clearly missing.
16
D r i v e r (1956, 8) gave only a slight treatment of the significance
of the story. He stated that the theme of Aqhat 'is a righteous king's
need of a son', but a couple of paragraphs later wrote that 'the mai n
theme of the myth is clearly the death and resurrection of Aqhat',
thus introducing a new perception of what concerned the narrator,
before concluding that in view of the damaged condition of the mate-
rial 'no satisfactory interpretation of the myth is possible'! Thi s final
assessment is certainly the most cautious. But it should be noted that
Driver raised two interesting issues: the probl em of whether Danel
was a king, and the death and resurrection motif.
A s t o u r (1967, 163-75) referred to Gaster's treatment of Aqhat in
relation to Ori on, but, without discounting it and noting its Meso-
potami an antecedents, argued that a much closer figure for fruitful
comparison is the Greek Actaeon. He noted that Actaeon's mother
Autono was daughter of Cadmus and Harmoni a, thus evincing a
Semitic pedigree, since Cadmus and the whole Boeotian tradition
reflect West Semitic influence. He argued (p. 165) that the two
names, Aqhat and Actaeon, are related, and that not only are both
torn asunder, one by 'eagles' (rather falcons),
17
the other by dogs
(falcons and dogs are animals in the service of hunters), but (p. 167)
that in both stories there is a seasonal element, the fifty hounds of
Actaeon representing the cycle of the year, while Aqhat's death pro-
vokes a severe drought. Like Gaster, he went on to suggest a stel-
lar element behind the Ori on parallels (p. 168), and noted that the
latter's name, too, is susceptible of a Semitic etymology (y'Sr, 'r) and
may even appear in the form aryn as an Ugaritic personal name.
18
|R>
GASTER'S (1961 [1966], 322) linking of the bow with the constellation of Canis
maj or is certainly intriguing!
"' The only hint at a richer background is Pughat's epithetal yd't hlk kbkbm, 'who
know(s) the courses of the stars', K TU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ ii 2-3 etc.
17
WYATT 1998C, 284 and n. 151.
18
Cf. GRONDAHI . 1967, 27, 220, 365. 'Hurrian?': DLU, 54.
He further argued for a link between Sumul {ml), 'mother of the
eagles (falcons)' and Greek Semele.
19
C a q u o t - S z n y c er ( 1974, 409) drew attention to the incomplete
state of the text and advised caution in interpretation. Critical of
mythological and seasonal interpretations, they insisted (p. 413) that
the story was neither history, not historical epic, nor myth, and was
not the subject of seasonal, national or exceptional recital. They
found a definition of its genre elusive, but compared it with Gilga-
mesh, Adapa and Etana, ragardi ng it as an Ugaritic 'classic' (con-
veniently vague!). They did not use the term, but to j udge from their
treatment (p. 414) appear to have assessed it as wisdom literature.
20
G i bs o n ( 1975) set out to clarify thinking on the nature of myth
and other genres. Noti ng that one of K i r k ' s ( 1971, 268) features of
myth was the fantastic dimension, he noted such features in Aqhat
(and Keret), but added that 'a speculative or perhaps better, an ide-
ological bias' (p. 62) should be present for a narrative to qualify as
myth. But he denied any link between the present narrative and Uga-
ritian royal ideology. The scenes such as the confrontation between
Anat and Aqhat, which he considered to have an ideological dimen-
sion, he regarded (p. 67) as 'secondary, supplying for all their vigour
only the backcloth against which Daniel's piety is put to the test'.
He further opined that the bow too was a secondary feature, and
that in a putative fourth tablet Aqhat was finally restored to life.
I r v i n ( 1978, 76- 78) dealt briefly with Aqhat in the broader con-
text of ancient Near Eastern tales. Her treatment was too cursory
to contribute much to the discussion, but she served the useful pur-
pose of highlighting the conventional folklore motifs to be found in
the story.-
1
I n his edition of the texts, d e l O l mo L et e 1981 offered an exten-
sive analysis of Aqhat. He classified it as 'epic', along with Keret, and
ran through the scenes, analyzing the literary sub-type of each episode,
drawing on parallels in biblical and other ancient Near Eastern lit-
eratures. I n reverting to a general statement of the text's 'sense and
function' (pp. 354- 64) , he reiterated its epic nature, judging it however
19
ASTOUR read the D N sml at K T U 1. 39 = R S 1. 001. 14, but this is now dis-
counted.
20
MA RGA L I T 1989a, 58, characteristically summed up their exposition as an
account of 'a pastor or a priest. . . [who] teaches platitudes'!
21
She identifies them according to THOMPSON 1955- 8.
more 'mythical' than Keret, since the deities are more involved as
dramatis persona, and not merely invoked in conventional religious
terms. 'The gods avenge themselves' in response to Aqhat's inso-
lence, he stated (p. 355), discerning a general theological argument
here, and the supreme god 'has to yield to the caprice of an infe-
rior deity'.
22
Thi s theological quality makes it difficult to estimate a
historical basis for the story, as though that were desirable. Del Ol mo
Lete attempted to give a serious theological account, but his assess-
ment of 'the caprice of the gods, their amoral conduct' (p. 356)
seems to me to misconstrue the significance of mythological
23
action.
He later (p. 358) drew attention to another theological point, the
contrast between Danel who is obedient to the gods and receives a
positive response, and Aqhat who confronts them and is accordingly
rebuffed. But while this is true in terms of narrative device, and of
psychology and pastoral theology, it perhaps disguises the real prob-
lem on a purely metaphysical level, which is that the different deities
encountered in the story are quite differently motivated in their rela-
tionships with humans. That is, the deities as reifications of certain
metaphysical principles are credited with their own motivation, which
operates independently of immediate human motivation. Anat is after
all, as goddess of war and hunting, by nature vicious, pitiless and
scheming. That is the role she is constructed to play. We are left
feeling that no amount of diplomacy on Aqhat's part would have
saved him. Certainly no amount of piety on Danel's part does him
any good.
Margalit has written a number of studies on Aqhat, culminating
in his large-scale commentary ( M ar g al i t 1981a, 1983b, 1984c, 1989),
the first study on a single narrative from Ugarit on this scale.
24
Thi s
is extremely thorough, but is a very difficult volume to work with,
in view of its division into separate blocks dealing with the same
22
For my slightly different assessment of the general theological principles at
work see below, 13.3.2.6.
23
I am writing here of the mental disposition rather than the literary genre,
though the two naturally overlap. As though grappling with this issue, del Olmo
Lete (p. 356 and n. 90) writes that Aqhat is 'nearer "myth" than the "epic of Kirta"',
and (n.) '[Aqhat's] intermediate position between saga and myth is recognized'.
'Caprice' is also a term appearing in de Moor's assessment (below). For further
observations on the adequate assessment of myth see 13.4 below.
24
The studies on the Baal cycle by DE MOOR (1971) and VAN ZI J L (1972a) are
not formal commentaries in the same sense, and in any case the Baal material is
altogether more heterogeneous than Aqhat or Keret.
materials from different perspectives and no adequate cross-refer-
encing aids. Tryi ng to achieve this duri ng use is a taxing occupa-
tion. It begins (pp. 3-92) with a useful survey of previous work,
though this is perhaps excessively negative, not to say waspish, in its
assessment of others' efforts.
25
There follows a prosodie analysis (pp.
93-105), separated by nearly four hundred pages from the appen-
dix on the principles of Ugaritic prosody (pp. 495-502). It is fair to
say that Margalit has ploughed a lonely furrow on this topic, for
few have expressed support for his approach, or are as optimistic as
he that he has solved the considerable problems the topic raises.
Following the initial position-statement on prosody, he offered a
textual analysis (pp. 107-14), followed by a text layout (unvocalized,
pp. 117-41); this is followed in turn by a translation (pp. 143-66),
then by textual and epigraphic notes (pp. 167-246), and finally by
a literary commentary, prefaced by short units of the unvocalized
text (again!) and punctuated by excursi on various topics (pp. 247-
469), before an exegetical overview, a brief statement on Ugaritic
literature and the Hebrew Bible and the final appendix. Two theo-
retical positions domi nate the work, the non-royal nature of Danel
(on which see further below), and the so-called 'Ki nneret hypothe-
sis', according to which the narrative is at home in the Galilee region.
He even considered the Kinneret to be an actor in the drama (p. 411:
'the personified Ki nnereth, "unwilling" to disclose the identity of the
assailant, must be punished as "accessory after the fact"'). This seems
a trifle excessive.
Parker has written two studies ( P ar k er 1987,
26
1989, 99-144) on
Aqhat. I n the former, he deplored the atomistic nature of previous
philological approaches to the poem, and the patternistic bias of reli-
gious approaches. The time had come for a literary approach. While
caution must be urged in view of the fragmentary nature of the text,
a useful approach, on essentially form-critical terms, was the estab-
lishment of the types of traditional material employed.
27
'Hypothetically
25
The treatment of K APEL RUD 1969 encapsulates this rather well: 'Author (sic)
states at the outset (p. 70): "The Aqht text is still an enigma, and so far no satis-
factory solution of its problems has been found". Had he limited himself to this
statement, the net balance of author's contribution would have been more positive
than it is in fact.' Some put-down!
2li
Published in the M.H. Pope Festschrift (MARK S - GOOD 1987). Given as an
SBL paper in 1980, and discussed briefly in MA RGA L I T 1989a, 716.
27
Cf. discussion of del Ol mo Lete above.
any consistent thrust uniting those peculiarities may be treated as
the theme of the whole' (p. 71). He isolated five mai n sections, and
treated each in turn. These are as follows, in his treatment.
A), the birth of Aqhat, deals with the familiar theme of the child-
less hero who appeals to the god for help; the god responds, and
the child is born. The Egyptian tale of the Doomed Pnce and the
Hurri an Appu story, the story of Hannah and Samuel in I Samuel,
and the Ugaritic Keret story, are cited as comparabl e examples of
the type.
B), the bow of Aqhat, describes the making and delivery of the
bow. The account of Kothar's visit has analogues in Genesis 18:116
and 19:1-16. Shari ng certain traits is 2 Kgs 4:8-17, and a modified
version of the form appears in 1 Kgs 17:916.
C), the death of Aqhat, describes Anat's coveting of the bow, her
overtures to the hero, and confrontati on with El when rebuffed, cul-
mi nati ng in her being given a free hand in accomplishing Aqhat's
death with Y atipan's help. Compari son is made with the hero with
I shtar in Gilgamesh, both episodes deriving from an older Vorlage, and
also with Anat's dealing with El in K TU 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+.
28
D), the consequences of Aqhat's death. Parker noted that the nar-
rative movement almost comes to a standstill in this section, apart
from describing a number of ritual activities which accompany the
inevitable environmental consequences of Aqhat's murder. Aware-
ness of Aqhat's death (as the cause of drought) dawns only slowly,
and then Danel's curses are directed towards the birds who have
devoured his son,
29
and to the cities held responsible for unresolved
homicides in their neighbourhoods. No similarly extended parallels
from ancient near eastern literature are cited.
E), Pughat's mission of vengeance. Compari sons scholars have
made with the stories of J udi th and J ael and Sisera are noted. While
the latter connection is discounted, extensive similarities with the for-
mer are discussed.
28
PARKKR 1987, 77, notes that while the language in Baal and Aqhat is remark-
ably similar, the theme of the goddess' insubordination before the high god is far
less apposite in the former. He adduces a closer relationship between Aqhat and
Gilgamesh.
29
PARKER 1987, 79, appears to hold the father of the raptors responsible. In fact
it is their mother, Sumul, who is so described, in KTU 1. 19 iii 28- 39. The birds
are identified as vultures, p. 78. For the present author they are rather falcons.
Parker concluded that Aqhat would have originally ended with an
account of the fulfilment of Pughat's vengeance, and a return of fer-
tility to the land,
30
but with no reference to Aqhat's restoration to
life. He ended with an assessment in which the mythological empha-
sis drawn by previous scholarship was played down, while the social
dimension was highlighted as the mai n theme of the author's inten-
tion. He made some interesting observations on gender roles, con-
trasting Anat's 'innate and blatant masculinity' with Pughat's 'assumed
and concealed masculinity' (p. 82). his conclusion raises a number
of questions (expressed rhetorically) rather than providing answers
for them. He saw the possibility of a critique of the values of the
contemporary monarchy and administration.
Useful as this analysis of the structures and congeners of the Aqhat
story are, it does not actually tell us much about the moral or ide-
ological dimensions which may lie behind it (that is, the author's
intention). If his final questions had been answered, we might have
some clear idea where Parker stood. Margalit, though too harsh in
his judgment,
31
is perhaps justified in complaining that this tells us
more about comparati ve literature than about Aqhat. It certainly
shows the relatively sterile nature of analysis which gives no account
of why an author works in this or that way, beyond the fact that it
all boils down to 'traditional themes'.
Parker returned to the topic in a further study ( P ar k er 1989).
Here he set out the broad characteristics of Ugaritic narrative verse,
as it was evidenced in particular in the Keret and Aqhat stories. He
then turned to Aqhat itself (pp. 99-144), and outlined much the same
discussion as above. His conclusion was extended to a demonstra-
tion of how, while drawing on common mythic and legendary themes,
the author(s) ('composers') have, 'by adopti ng, transformi ng and
combi ni ng several different traditional narratives, produced a larger
work of striking unity' (p. 142). Again he emphasized the familial
values promoted in the story, as distinct from conventional mytho-
logical themes, raised the question of authorial motive, and now sug-
gested that as a piece of 'classical' literature in Ugarit, Aqhat may
30
Does he mean an element of the 'fertility cult' here? He does not say. At
most, what can be said is that fertility represents divine blessing, while sterility is
the outcome of a curse, and in broad terms fertility also has to do with royal power
and its effective implementation. The loss of a prince is a threat to a kingdom.
However, PARKER notes ( 1987, 83) the lack of overt emphasis on royal issues.
31
MARGAL I T 1989a, 72.
have afforded its readers and hearers the opportunity of seeing them-
selves mi rrored in the world of the story, 'a satisfying portrayal of
life in an idealized past era, a life with its own tragedies, but also
with its own orderly and beautiful institutions that in the end pre-
vailed' (p. 143).
I n his translation of the texts, d e M o o r 1987, 2 2 4 - 6 6 , made a
number of comments on the literary features of the story. I n keeping
with his broader assessment of Ugaritian theology,
32
he saw Aqhat as
dealing 'with life and death, and with the fate of man who all too
often appears to be the victim of divine caprice'. Read in the light
of his earlier and later treatments of Ugaritic theology, this is not a
perspective to be taken seriously, since he appears to have envisaged
a culture incapable of the moral insight to question its own bank-
rupt theology. The authors are thus as benighted as their literary
characters. At best Ilimilku reflects a disillusioned and pessimistic
oudook supposedly typical of the Late Bronze Medi terranean world.
33
I nto this scenario d e M o o r (1990, 97 = 1997, 99) wove an argu-
ment developed some years earlier (de M o o r 1988a), discerning in
Aqhat a further outworking of the seasonal pattern he had previously
argued to be the foundati on of the Baal Cycle (de M o o r 1971). In
the 1988 article he expressed the principle thus: 'Ilimilku . . . delib-
erately wove a seasonal pattern into the Legend of Aqhatu out of
his conviction that life on earth revolves according to a circular pat-
tern that had been laid down in the pristine age of myth' (p. 61).
He then proceeded to fix episodes in the narrati ve in sequence
through the calendrical year in the same manner as had been done
for the Baal cycle. The substantial objections raised by some schol-
ars to the seasonal interpretation were dismissed as of no conse-
quence (de M o o r 1988a, 75 n. 6).
A i t k en (1990)
34
offered a very thorough analysis of the narrative
from a folk-literature perspective, drawi ng on the work of Propp,
Dundes and Dolezel. He saw the narrative structure in terms of a
series of different thematic levels, and of alternating patterns; 'lacks'
32
DE MOOR 1986b, 1990, 42-100 (= 1997, 41-102). For my views on this issue
see 13.3 below.
33
See DE MOOR 1990, 99 (= 1997, 101). In my view the observations made here
result from a mistranslation of K T U 1.19 ii 34-36. For my translation see WY A T T
1998c, 301.
34
This is the published form of an Edinburgh PhD dissertation from 1978. The
latest entries in the bibliography are from 1984.
being 'liquidated' (not the most apposite term in view of Aqhat's liq-
uidation!) as desires were met or situations reversed (e.g. a son for
the hero, a bow for the hero, the bow for Anat, and so on) or a
status quo maintained. Among the oppositions a set of equivalences
(called 'the synonymous sequence') is also developed, and periodic rep-
etition (e.g. searching the falcons' gizzards for the remains of Aqhat
maintain tension and development to a climax. Aitken was able to
achieve this, quite legitimately, in spite of the considerable gaps in
the narrative, and showed the tight construction of the surviving text,
and, as he put it (p. 206), 'of the skill and artistry of its narrator,
the Ugaritic teller of tales'.
3.4 Some recurrent and unresolved issues in Aqhat
A number of individual episodes and themes in the story have been
the subject of particular discussion.
3.4.1 The Incubation theory
Like O b e r ma n n (1946), Gaster interpreted the temple episode (KTU
1.17 i) as an incubation scene,
35
as did Gray,
36
del Ol mo Lete
37
and
Parker.
38
Thi s view has however been persuasively challenged by
M a r g a l i t 1989a, 260-6, and by H u s s er 1992, 29-62, 1996, 93-5,
who marshall substantial arguments against the i ncubati on inter-
pretation. Margalit, citing H a mi l t o n ' s (1906) study, observes that
none of the conditions required is fulfilled: chthonian gods are not
involved, no illness is involved, there is no reason to think that
Danel's sleeping is part of the ritual, there is no direct theophany,
and no cultic personnel are involved. Furthermore, no other ancient
Near Eastern candidate fulfils the conditions either, and we are left
with a late hellenistic institution with no obvious points of contact.
Husser's original discussion was complex and extended, taking Ober-
mann on at every j uncture. His later paper summarized his mai n
findings, broadly in accord with Margalit. He noted that it was gaps
in the text, filled out in academi c imagination, which appeared to
justify the incubation interpretation. Furthermore, it was not to Danel
35
GASTER 1961, 316.
36
GRAY 1969, 296.
37
DEL OLMO LETE 1981a, 332- 3, 1984a, 119 20, 1984b.
38
PARKER 1987, 72; 1992, 100.
that Baal drew near (in a theophany), but to El, to whom he speaks
about Danel in the third person. If 'incubation' is to be used to
describe the scene, it requires a considerable extension of the clas-
sical meani ng of the term.
3.4.2 The occasion of Aqhat's birth
When was Aqhat born? The conventional interpretation of K TU
1.17 ii has been that it is part of the build-up to the account of the
birth of Aqhat, which must have been narrated in the gap follow-
ing. Thi s is explicitly stated, for instance, by M a r g a l i t 1989a, 147,
and in some other discussions appears to be assumed, though not
spelt out (e.g. P a r k e r 1987, 73). But a convincing case has been
made by Caquot - Sznycer, and developed further by Husser, that
the birth must have taken place in the gap between the end of
col. i and the beginning of col. ii.
39
The later presence of the Kotharat
is to be understood, no doubt, as for that purpose, but they evi-
dently delay for some days after, perhaps to confirm a safe birth
and the healthy state of the child. On this alternative interpretation,
the arrival of the Kotharat and the counti ng of days and months in
K TU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] ii refer not to conception and pregnancy,
but to the immediate post-natal period and the child's infancy.
40
3.4.3 Aqhat's encounter with Anat
The encounter between Anat and Aqhat in K TU 1.18 i (in partic-
ular 1. 24) has also given rise to much discussion. The key part of
the text reads at.ah.wan.x[ ]. It has been frequently restored, to read
at.ah.wan.a[htk].
41
Was there a sexual encounter between Aqhat and
Anat? Thi s was asserted by A l b r i g h t (1944, 33-4), but rejected by
G i n s b e r g (1945b, 19). The best argument against the common view,
i.e. that there was, is that of D r e s s l e r 1979, followed by X e l l a
1984b. I have accepted this view.
42
39
CA>UOT - SZNY CER 1974, 405, 425 n. f., HUSSER 1996, WY A T T 1998C, 262
N. 50.
40
Note the pluperfect sense of 'rb bbth ktrt, 'the skilful goddesses had entered his
house', in KTU 1. 17 ii 26: HUSSER 1996, 91- 2, WY A T T 1998C, 264 and n. 61.
41
Thus KTU
1
.
42
Instead of 'You are my brother and I am your sis[ter]', the passage is to be
read 'Come, brother, and I shall [ ]'. The putative reading a[htk\ is impossible. See
WY A T T 1998C, 279 and n. 132.
3.4.4 Danel's social status
There has been some debate as to whether Danel is a king. G i n s b er g
(1945a, 4 n. 6) noted that Danel sits at both threshing-floor and city
gate to dispense justice, citing 1 Kgs 22:10, 2 Chr. 18:9 as paral-
lels, and also noting the widespread ancient Near Eastern use of the
royal theme of caring for widows and orphans. G i bs o n (1975, 66)
remarked that 'Danel is only once called a king', as though apolo-
gizing for the author's loose use of language! He preferred to see in
Danel a patriarch of the J oban or Abrahami c kind. The formal royal
view has not gone unchallenged, as noted above. M a r g a l i t (1989a,
253-4, 278, 292-3, 309, 361 2, 410, 424-7) in particular has been
most persistent in arguing that Danel is not to be seen as a king.
His arguments (1989a) were as follows, though the case was made
more by assertion than by demonstration. A premonarchi cal society
was envisaged by Margalit (p. 309), in which 'notables' dispensed
justice. Danel's 'political status is that of unus (doubtfully primus) inter
pares. He is one of the "city elders" . . . ' (p. 361). Finally, he did not
recognize the sense 'king' of mlk in K TU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ iii 46.
He construed it (1989a, 163, 410) as 'your down-course' (Ar. may I).
I n view of Gibson's comment, it is worth noting that with substan-
tial portions of the text missing, not too much should be made of
the apparent hapax appearance of mlk here. Margalit's case can hardly
be said to be very strong, and much rhetoric and repetition can
hardly substitute for reasoned discussion.
The counter-arguments are as follows. Firstly, the title mt rpi, how-
ever it is taken, has a royal significance. I n my translation (1998c,
250 n. 5) I have taken it in the sense 'man (i.e. ruler) of Rapha'.
The alternative sense is to take it as a promise of Danel's later (post-
mortem) incorporation into the rpum (deified dead kings of high rank).
To this cf. the element in the blessing of Keret which foresees his
inclusion among the rpum, K TU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 2-4, 13-5).
Secondly the blessing formula restored at K TU 1.17 i 34-6, on
the strength of K TU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ ii 16-20, is to be construed
as explicitly royal in its object. As J ackson and Dressier have noted,
there is a close affinity between the scene described and the Uga-
ritian royal seals.
43
Within this formula, the form
c
bd reappears (pace
Margalit), with reference to Danel, at K TU 1.17 i 36 (previously
43
J ACKSON - DRESSLF.R 1975. See also WY ATT 1997, 787-9.
misread as .bdh, with precedi ng word-divider), and this too is an
explicitly royal title.
44
Thirdly, Danel also performs an action reminiscent of El himself
at K TU 1.17 i 10-11, in placing his feet on his footstool. Thi s is
to be understood as an accoutrement of royal rank (cf. Ps. 110:1).
Fourthly, the description in K TU 1.17 i of Danel 'enrobed' (uzr)
for the performance of his devotions may be an allusion to the rit-
ual garment in which Ugaritian kings are shown robed in various
representations.
45
Fifthly, as already observed by Ginsberg (above), Danel's sitting
at the city-gate to j udge, at K TU 1.17 4-8, 19 i 19-25, and partic-
ularly the reference to widows and oi phans as the beneficiaries of his
dispensation of justice (a clich for royal justice throughout ancient
Near Eastern literature; contrast Keret at K TU 1.16 vi 33-4, 45-50!)
is the fulfilment of a specifically royal duty. Margalit's attempt to
democratize this is without substance.
Sixthly, the use of hkl at K TU 1.17 i 26, 43, ii 25, is most rea-
sonably to be construed as denoti ng a royal palace. To accept it as
less is to require that the term is used as a sustained hyperbole. The
former alternadve is altogether the more natural. While it is of course
the pair-word to bt, it is used elsewhere in the Ugaritic corpus only
of kings' and gods' 'houses', that is, palaces in the first instance and
temples in the second.
Finally, the form mlk occurring at K TU 1.19 iii 46 is most rea-
sonably to be taken to mean 'king', with reference to Danel him-
self, as the subject of the verb in the sentence. The syntax raises no
problems, and an appeal to Arabic cognates is unnecessary.
These pieces of evidence represent a prima facie case for Danel's
kingship, and it can only be the prior assumption that he is not a
king which can challenge their cumulative force. On the other hand,
the anti-monarchical case requires the demolition of the whole argu-
ment, point by point. The royal status of Danel is not necessarily
an essential element in the broad interpretation of the story, for the
heroes of tales are often kings or the sons of kings, and it merely
adds an aristocratic gloss to the narrative; but it also lends some
support to the view expressed below that the story has been given
44
A king is 'bd DN, 'servant (or "gardener"WYATT 1990b) of DN'. Thus with
J udahi te kings 'bdyhuoh, 'servant of Yahweh', or 'gardener of Yahweh'.
45
See WY A T T 1998C, 251 n. 6.
an ideological twist by Ilimilku. Qui te apart from its interpretative
significance, the fact remains that Danel's kingship appears to be
taken for granted.
3. 4. 5 The bow
Dressier and Hillers have both drawn attention to the significance
of the bow in the story of Aqhat. It is evidently of some consider-
able i mportance, since the desire for it motivates Anat to murder
the hero. In the broadest sense it is a symbol of power. But what
else is it?
H i l l e r s (1973) argued that it was in effect a phallic symbol. Its
theft by Anat would constitute an act of emasculation. He read into
this a number of modern psycho-literary insights.
D r e s s l e r ( 1975) countered that much of Hillers' argument cen-
tred on damaged text (and its restoration), hardly a sound basis for
far-reaching hermeneutical claims. The bow was indeed a masculine
symbol, but not a phallic one. That is, it pointed to manly virtues,
but without explicidy sexual innuendo. He drew attention to H o f f n er ' s
( 1966) discussion of gender-symbols in defence of his own restrained
view, and rebutted each instance of an ancient literary allusion to
bows, arrows and quivers in which Hillers had discerned a sexual
i nnuendo.
3.4.6 What becomes of dead men?
The retort offered by Aqhat to Anat's offer of eternal life in exchange
for the bow has long puzzled scholars. M a r g a l i t ( 1989, 307- 10) ,
while having nothing to say on the specific matter of post-mortem exist-
ence, presents Aqhat's observations in K TU 1. 17 vi 3 6 - 3 8 as an
allusion to the Neolithic liming of skulls attested at J eri cho. The idea
that a LBA text would be preserving ritual details of a very specific
kind (and long discontinued, to judge from mortuary evidence through-
out the intervening period) seems most unlikely to me, and may be
discounted. The further idea that LBA people might discover such
ancient skulls (lying in shallow deposits) and contemplate their mean-
ing (p. 309), while a charmi ng idea, is scarcely a sufficient basis for
postulating a systematic anthropology of death. The more general issue
of the nature of beliefs regarding the afterlife has been dealt with
at some length by S p r o n k ( 1986) , who takes a maximalist line, much
in the tradition of D a h o o d ( 1970) , who cited the present passage in
his argument for a positive view of the afterlife, and even attributed
a firm belief in a beatific vision to the psalmists.
The following translation of K TU 1. 17 vi 36~38
4 6
represents my
rather less fulsome view of the matter. The key word in the prob-
lem of translation has been hrs occurring in 1. 37. I have explained
it as representing perhaps a misspelling of the more common hrs,
'gold'. D i j k s t r a - de M o o r ( 1975, 190) offered the same explana-
tion, considering hrs however as a parallel form, de M o o r ( 1987,
239) later abandoned this view in favour of 'potash', but I consider
that his initial insight was to be preferred.
Man, (at his) end, what will he receive?
What will he receive, a man (as his destiny?
Silver will be poured on his head,
gold on top of his skull,
[and] the death of all I shall die,
and I shall surely die.
As I read this, Anat does indeed voice the possibility of a life after
death, probably based on the beliefs held regarding dead kings, all
of whom are 'divine' in some sense (cf. K TU 1.113 = RS 24.257.
13-26, where each RN is prefixed by il). Some dead kings (though
to j udge from the evidence, legendary rather than historical figures,
since no members of the king-list apparently qualify) are even given
the accolade rpum (cf. 6.4), which I understand to denote dead and
deified kings, comparabl e perhaps to the heroes of the Greek cult.
However, while this idea is here broached, and Ilimilku may indeed
be floating the idea through the agency of Anat's speech, he also
offers through the medi um of Aqhat's wholly negative answer a sound
critique of such unrealistic views.
46
Cf. WY A T T 1998C, 274 and n. 115. I have modified the third colon here. The
colon begins spsg, translated in 1998c as 'a precious substance
?
', and variously trans-
lated as 'glaze' (|| 'quicklime': GI BSON 1978, 109), 'enamel' (|| 'whitewash': DEL
OL MO L ETE 1981a, 378), 'glaze' (|| 'potash': DE MOOR 1987, 239), 'a coating' (|| 'lime-
plaster': MARGAI .I T 1989, 151). 1 noted (1998c, 274 n. 115) that this is reminiscent
of Prov. 26:23, where the expression kesep siggim, was read by GI NSBERG (1945b,
p. 2I n. 55) as k-spsg\ym\, 'like glaze' on the strength of the Ugaritic. But this argu-
ment may be regarded as circular, in which one unknown is used to interpret
another. Perhaps the original kesep is to be retained in Proverbs, and restored to
the Ug. text as <k>spsg || hrs/*/j'rs. The -sg(ym) remains unexplained in both cases,
but that is another issue. But Ugaritic is relatively stereotypical in its use of regu-
lar word-pairs, and ksp || for s is fairly commonplace, occurring many times in the
repertoire. Furthermore, the Heb. term is pi. in form, while the Ug. is sg., thus
reducing the appearance of a seemingly identical terminology.
3.5 New angles on Aqhat
The present author has attempted
47
to inteipret the work of Ilimilku
overall, as motivated in all probability by the concerns of his office
as priest and sacrificer of the king. Such a substantial amount of
material (K TU 1.1-6, 1.14-6, 1.17-9, perhaps 1.10, and now 9.432
= RS 92.2016, still unpublished as this goes to press) by one named
person, however we apportion his editorial and compositional input,
is quite remarkable in the Late Bronze, and we may at least ask
whether he did not have some broad ideological concern to express.
Worki ng on the basis of the view, now under challenge, that the
Ni qmaddu of the colopha is Ni qmaddu II, it is proposed that we
have in this substantial opus a legitimization of the new king, whose
reign may have begun in inauspicious circumstances (death of a prior
claimant? usurpation?), whose claim required every kind of support
available in a hearts and minds campai gn. The place of Aqhat in
this hypothetical programme was almost circumstantial, since the
weighty arguments were already spelt out in the Baal myths and in
Keret. But it would tend to reinforce some features of the Keret story:
thus the restitution of the blessing episode to the text would tend to
confirm the author's view that Danel is indeed a king. Thi s in turn
would highlight the significance of the magnificent bow, fit for a
god, and of course of its function as a royal weapon (the king as
hunter is an analogue of the king as warrior), and thus attach a
peculiar i mportance to Aqhat, the hapless recipient of this wonder.
While not in the same form as the search for Baal and the allusion
to it in searching for help for Keret, Danel's search for Aqhat's
remains is perhaps intended to invoke the same theological associa-
tions, as though Baal's death is a type of a king's, here a future
king, with an aspiration to some happy hereafter. This of course is
what Anat offers the prince, but which he sharply rejects. Are we
to see in the raising of such questions a grappling with issues which
tradition has indeed sanctified by habit, but whose answers are no
longer regarded as good enough? Ilimilku might thus be seen as one
of O'Shaunessy's poets, the movers and shakers of the world.
I n attempti ng to identify the poet's motivation (as well as to quan-
tify his personal input into a representation of essentially traditional
47
WY A T T 1997, 1998a. See also notes to the text in 1998c, 34- 6, 176- 8, 246- 8
(written before 1998a), where I initially explored some of the ideas in question.
material), I am of course entering into a mode as subjective as that
which I have implicitly or explicitly criticized above in other schol-
ars' work. But there seems to me to be a world of differencehow-
ever difficult it may be to achieve itbetween attempti ng to foist
on an ancient author one's contemporary prejudices and discover-
ing what were indeed his own concerns in the matter. I n the mat-
ter of the 'caprice' of the gods, menti oned by two authors cited, I
think we have an example of the all too common tendency to allow
modern theological values, al ready commonl y i mported into the
Hebrew Bible, and declared to be resident there, to affect the agenda.
Not content with an invented 'biblical world view' which is more
often that of the post-reformati on peri od, there seems to be an
attempt to make Ilimilku himself an early reformer! Yet I see no
tension at all in broad matters of metaphysics between Ilimilku and
his world. So far as the internal and traditional theology of Aqhat is
concerned, and which there is no reason to believe is under attack
by Ilimilku, the kind of perspective outlined below ( 13.4.2) is to
be discerned: polytheistic theory at the same time offers a coherent
overall structure at the macrocosmic level for the mai ntenance of
meani ng and value in the world, and in the interaction of its par-
ticular deities accommodates the microcosmic realities of individual
problems, individual decisions and their consequences, and the ten-
sions which are bound to exist between the real and the ideal world.
Anat's behavi our is predictable, and in no way a reflection of inad-
equate or i mmoral theology. As the embodi ment of precisely the
dysfunctional aspect of the world, represented by all forms of killing
(hunting and war), she is a terrible power to encounter. Aqhat's brisk
rebuttal of her overtures, while commandi ng our respect, inevitably
brings on his own head the whole weight of the traditional sanction
on those who bl aspheme (sc. question the divinely ordained order of
things). There is a degree of tragedy and of awful inevitability, as
the sequence of automati c cursing and automati c revenge is set in
train, but this does no more than express in graphic terms the prin-
ciple of accountability.
On the matter of genre, there has been much discussion on that
of the Keret and Aqhat stories. Are they myths, legends or sagas?
When myth is defined as 'stories about the gods' (e.g. by Gunkel
and Eissfeldt), then the presence of human characters in the story
compromises any attempt to categorize the story as myth. Since no
such inhibitions seem to affect discussion of mythology in any arena
other than the biblical one (where also it is arguably an inappro-
priate basis for classification, since it really belongs to a polemic
rather than a detached analysis), it may be regarded as irrelevant to
serious discussion of the Ugaritic texts. More to the point is perhaps
the matter of authorial intention. If myth be defined, as it is likely
to be in social scientific terms, as stories bearing an ideological (which
may include a religious) or paradi gmati c message to their public,
then the issue of the nature of the characters, divine, human, or even
animal, is secondary. These elements are important. Fables, folk and
fairy tales, though they contain characters drawn from myth, have
lost the absolute imperative of the ideological norm, which demands
obedience to a conventional set of values, duties and taboos, and
effectively authorizes sanctions against non-conformists. But an ele-
ment of freedom in the development of a tradition exists. Thus the
myth (e.g. the Chaoskampf, which is integral to the mai ntenance of
royal ideology) may slowly evolve into other forms, such as 'St George
and the dragon', which retains vestiges of ideology, and the 'Celtic
dragon myth', which does not. Thus genre is not absolute, as a given
narrative may be developing from one genre to another.
We noted above del Ol mo Lete's and Parker's remarks on the
matter of genre. These highlighted, to my mi nd, the inadequacy of
the 'genre' approach, in so far as it seeks to establish literary types,
each with its own distinctive mental disposition, attitude to history,
to religion, and so on. These divisions are part of our need to struc-
ture our thoughts on such issues, and all too frequently bring a sledge-
hammer to crack a nut. Absolute categorizations, of the 'saga',
'legend', 'myth', 'epic' kind, are always subjective, if only because
no one agrees on definitions, and merely cut off various avenues of
retreat from the absolute j udgments which each genre is felt to entail.
I prefer like many scholars to speak more neutrally of the 'story' of
Aqhat (and of Keret), noting different tendencies on various issues. This
avoids hostages to fortune, and still leaves narrators free to indulge
in a degree of eclecticism, perhaps drawi ng on different, or even
hybrid genres, and us free to estimate the broad mental stance of
the tradition, unencumbered by the demands imposed by arbitrary
classification.
The most obvious starting-point for an assessment should be the
global one of the LBA Weltanschauung of Ugaritian culture, as estab-
lished through broad studies of its cosmology, theology, mythology
and ritual forms. I am entirely happy to call this 'mythological', in
the sense in which a modern religious response in devotion, scripture-
reading and cult remains mythological, since it operates on a different
level from the purely empirical. 'Mythological' is the more useful in
that while it relates to myth, it may also denote quasi-mythic fea-
tures in other genres, such as deities featuring as characters, the sus-
pension of empirical laws for narrative effect, and so on.
48
Aqhat is to be seen as a story, built up as Parker showed around
a number of motifs, and as Aitken showed around a number of
themes, motifs, formul ae and word-pairs. The stages of its literary
prehistory are no longer recoverable, partly on account of the con-
siderable skills of the tradents, partly because no one motivation
seems evident in its construction; but in the hands of Ilimilku there
is a case to answer that the poet pressed it into service in the inter-
ests of royal propaganda. To this extent it has become an ideolog-
ical text. And in so far as Ilimilku has brought an ideological element
into traditional material, he has blurred the distinction between gen-
res, and produced composite works.
3.6 Some observations on style
A number of commentators have remarked on the 'patriarchal' char-
acterization of Danel, undoubtedl y with an eye to similarities in the
presentation of the patriarchs of the Genesis narratives. There too
a domestic, almost bucolic gloss is given to narrative themes which
address the most urgent needs of human societies, their very phys-
ical survival, expressed most typically in the yearni ng of a man for
a son, who will support him in his declining years and perform his
obsequies. There is a surprising tautness to the text (well illustrated
in Aitken's treatment), with no word too many and an action that
proceeds deliberately, its pace tailored to the various levels of mean-
ing requiring weaving into the whole.
The fourfold repetition of the duties of the pious son, for instance,
is no mechanical overkill by a poetaster, but a skilful development
of one of the main themes of the story. While it is unprovable, it
is worth suggesting that this is one of I limilku's own insertions into
the traditional Vorlage, since it is so germane to his own concerns, if
my analysis is correct. I n K TU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 26-33 the for-
48
Much biblical historiography is 'mythological' in this sense.
mula is voiccd by Baal, interceding on Danel's behalf with El. In
1.17 i 42~7 (and the missing conclusion) it is repeated by El in his
response to Baal. These two narrations therefore take place in heaven,
in the divine abode. As 1.17 ii becomes legible in 11. 1-8 the for-
mul a is already being repeated in a message by an unnamed deity
to Danel, confirming the promise of the birth that has now taken
place, and finally, the fourth instance, in 1. 17 ii 16- 23, Danel him-
self repeats the formula as guarantee of divine blessing. Not only is
this a classic instance of the 'semantic rectangle' (J AMESON 1972,
163- 7) in use as a literary tool, but it shows a clear progress from
an idea deliberated among the gods and only finally, via a revela-
tion, appropri ated by the human recipient. The theological weight
this confers on the text goes far beyond the merely folkloric.
A similar technique is used in the episode of Danel searching
the gizzards of the raptors. In the three successive scenes in K TU
1.19 = RS 3.322+ iii (edge and) l -14a, 14b-28a and 28b-40a we
see Danel progressively home in on the place where his son's remains
lie. Firstly a rather unfocusscd look among falcon-gizzards in gen-
eral; then an examination of Hargab's gizzard, and finally the dis-
covery in Sumul's gizzard of fragments of the hero. Thi s time there
is only a threefold repetition; but this too is masterly, for with the
semantic rectangle incomplete it leaves the reader with a sense of
tension, of a search not really brought to a final conclusion. Thi s is
further heightened by the consequent threefold treatment of the curs-
ing of localities held responsible. Again, the sense of tension. The
reason for this is surely that the real culprit is still at large. We may
see the problem resolved on one level with the probable vengeance
wrought on Y atipan by Pughat, appropriately disguised as Anat, as
the final col umn breaks off. On another level Anat is of course to
blame, and yet as a goddess she must remain above formal, or at
any rate articulated suspicion. It is on account of no weakness, and
certainly of no theological bankruptcy, that the goddess appears to
emerge unscathed. While her cruelty is not perhaps to be compared
in too facile a manner with Y ahweh-El Shaddai's inscrutability in
J ob, we are faced with the same fruitless search for the fulfilment
of human expectations in the face of the divine nature.
49
49
For further comments on Anat's theological significance see below, 13.4.
I n both contexts too, in Genesis and Aqhat, we discern ideologi-
cal concerns either overtly expressed, or simmering beneath the sur-
face. The patriarchs are royal and priesdy ancestors, and Danel is
a king, whose fecundity determines the future of his kingdom. The
domestic flavour is deceptive: in their final form both traditions are
pregnant with ideological power.
4 T h e RPUM T e x t s
W a y n e T . P i t ar d
4.1 Introduction: the tablets
The so-called "Rpurr or 'Rephanr texts, K TU 1.20 = RS 3.348 (CTA
20, UT 121), K TU 1.21 = RS 2.[019] (CTA 21, UT 122) and K TU
1.22 = RS 2. [024] (CTA 22, UT 124, 123), are three small frag-
ments of at least two large, multi-columned tablets.' They preserve
in very broken form a portion of a narrative concerning a group of
beings called rpum.'
1
While extremely problematic and ambiguous,
these texts have played an important role in the discussion of Ugaritic
and Canaani te concepts of death and the afterlife, as well as in the
reconstruction of the Ugaritic political and social order.
Two of the fragments (K TU 1.21 = RS 2. [019] and 1.22 = RS
2. [024]) were found duri ng the second season of excavations (1930),
either inside the House of the High Priest on the acropolis or in the
rubble directly outside the southern wall of the house.
3
The third
1
K TU 1.20 = R S 3.348 was first published in VI ROL L EAUD 1936a, 228-30, in
his editio pnnceps of the Aqhat Epic. The other two, K TU 1.21 + RS 2. [019] and
K TU 1.22 = RS 2. [024], along with a rdition of K TU 1.20, first appeared in
VI ROL L EAUD 1941a. Besides the transcriptions in the standard collections (CTA and
KTU, KTU
2
= CAT), a recent edition of the texts, with extensive photographs, may
be found in PI TARD 1992. Maj or translations include VI ROL L EAUD 1941a, 1-30;
DRI VER 1956, 66-71; AI STLEI TNER 1964, 83-86; CAQUOT etat. 1974, 461-80; GORDON
1977, 29-31; COOGA N 1978, 48-51; L ' HEUREUX 1979, 129-59; DEL OL MO L ETE
1981a, 405-24; SPRONK 1986, 163 77; DE MOOR 1987, 266-73; DI J KSTRA 1988,
35-51; L EWI S 1996b, 128-31; L EWI S 1997, 196-205; WY A T T 1998C, 316-23.
2
The meaning of the word is usually related to the root rp', which means, 'to
heal'. The correct pronunciation of rpum in Ugarit remains controversial. The two
most popular proposals are (1) rpi'ma, vocalizing it as a participle, which would
mean, 'healers', and (2) rapi'ma, a stative form that can be rendered, 'the healthy,
hale ones'. See the discussion of the possibilities in L 'HEUREUX 1979, 215- 21; PARDEE
1981- 82, 266; and NACCACHE 1995.
3
Unfortunately the inventory lists for the first two seasons were lost, probably
during World War II (cf. BORDREUI L PARDEE 1989, 13). It is known that these
tablets were registered with topographic points that were marked on ground-plans
that still exist. The tablets of the second season were numbered with points 210- 64.
Unfortunately, excavations that year took place all along the western side of the
house, in the street along its southern boundary, in the room to the west of the
southern entry, and in a room to the east of the larger interior courtyard. So these
topographic points are scattered throughout the house (see the plan in BORDREUI L -
PARDEE 1989, 25). Because the third fragment and most of the other literary texts
were found in the entry room or just outside the doorway, it seems probable that
was discovered the following year in or near the house's southern
doorway, in the same area where the Keret and Aqhat epics emerged,
along with some of the Baal tablets. Of the three texts only K TU
1.22 = RS 2. [024] preserves some complete lines. K TU 1.20 = RS
3.348 contains parts of two columns on one face. The left column
is made up of the right halves of eleven lines of text, while the right
col umn preserves somewhat over half of twelve lines. K TU 1.21 =
RS 2.[019] preserves part of a single col umn on one face (the right
two-thirds of thirteen lines), but only the last five letters of one line
on the other side. The largest of the three fragments, K TU 1.22 =
RS 2. [024] preserves a left col umn of twenty-eight lines, twenty-two
of which are complete, and a badly broken right column of twenty-
six lines, with only about one-third of each line preserved. On the
other side of the latter tablet are two identifiable letters, plus frag-
ments of two others, each the first letter of a line. We thus have an
aggregate of 95 attested lines, only 22 of which are complete, while
an additional 24 are somewhat more than half-preserved.
K TU 1.21 = RS 2. [019] and 1.22 = RS 2. [024] may come from
a single tablet. The scripts of both appear to have been written by
the same scribe, probabl y I limilku, who also produced the other
maj or narrative texts in the archive. On the other hand, K TU 1.20 =
RS 3. 348 seems to belong to the work of a different scribe (cf. P i t a r d
1992, 75, n. 8), and thus presumably to a separate tablet. Since the
literary tablets found in this archive range in size from about 200
to about 500 lines, we may conclude that the 95 lines attested on
the rpum texts are probably no more than a quarter and perhaps
only one-tenth of the lines that would have existed on the two tablets
when intact.
I n the entire collection of narrative poetic texts from Ugarit few
are as obscure and difficult to interpret as the rpum fragments. Rarely
have the ambiguities of a vowelless script and the piecemeal preser-
vation of so many damaged lines conspired so powerfully to frus-
trate attempts at drawi ng decisive conclusions about a text. The
broad context within which the action depicted in these fragments
occurs is quite obscure, and only a few things about the events
described in the preserved lines can be discerned with certainty. It
is clear that the characters called the rpum (also designated with the
parallel terms ilnym, 'godly ones', and ilm, 'gods') are invited to a
banquet. At least one invitation seems to be given by the king of
the gods, Ilu (K TU 1.21 = RS 2. [019] ii 8), but virtually identical
invitations are offered five other times in the three fragments, each
in a broken context that does not allow us to confirm whether these
come from the same deity. Each invitation seems to be followed by
a description of the j ourney to the banquet.' Both K TU 1.22 = RS
2.[024] and K TU 1.20 = RS 3.348 seem to describe the arrival of
the group at a threshing floor, where the banquet is apparently given,
and K TU 1.22 = RS 2. [024] i 10-25 describes the feast as lasting
for a week. On the seventh day, it appears that the god Baal arrives.
But his function in the story, and indeed the purpose of the gather-
ing of the rpum for the banquet remains unclear, and the text breaks
off at this point. Beyond these few elements of the story, little cer-
tainty about the plot of the narrative and its meani ng is possible.
Not only is the larger context of the fragments lost, but the bro-
ken nature of the narrative makes it impossible to ascertain even
some of the basic elements of the preserved story line. For exam-
ple, not only is it uncertain whether all six invitations are offered
by the same character, but it is also unclear whether the invitation
is addressed to the same set of rpum, or whether different groups of
rpum are being invited to the feast. Further, the fragments contain
almost no information about the characteristics and identity of the
rpum. I n fact, about all we can say with certainty about them is that
they travel by chariot and that they eat heartily at the feast. One
passage in the more complete column of K TU 1.22 = RS 2.[024]
(col. i, lines 4-10), seems to describe a company of rpum who arrive
at the banquet, but the text, though completely preserved, is frus-
KTU 1.21 = RS 2.[019] and KTU 1.22 = RS 2. [024] were discovered either in
the street or in the room west of the entry.
4
Four of the five versions of these lines in KTU 1.21 = RS 2. [019] and KTU
1.22 = RS 2.[024] appear to read (with the possibility of some variation) atrh. rpum.
lldd I atrh.ltdd.ilnym, while the last version of these lines, which directly precedes the
description of their arrival at the banquet, drops the I before the one preserved Idd.
This is also the case in KTU 1.20 = RS 3.348, where the lines appear in col. ii 1.
The ambiguity of the I has encouraged several interpretations of the lines. Some
take it as an emphatic particle, and thus render these lines with the understanding
that the rpum are travelling in each case; thus, for example, 'After him the shades
verily proceed' (GORDON 1977, 30-31). Others propose that the I is a precative par-
ticle and that the lines should be translated with jussive force, either as part of the
invitation (e.g., SPRONK 1986, 169 72: 'May the rpum flutter to the holy place'), or
as an expostulation of the poem's narrator (e.g., LEWI S 1996b, 129: 'To his shrine,
shades, hasten'). DI J KSTRA 1988, 41- 43 and others have argued that the / is best
understood as a negative particle. They suggest that the rpum refuse to hasten until
they are finally convinced by the fifth invitation (thus, 'After him the shades did
not move').
tratingly ambiguous. One finds critical words here that may be inter-
preted either as proper names of the rpum, or as verbs describing
actions taken by some of the story's characters.
5
I n other cases, one
cannot be sure whether certain construct nouns are to be construed
as singular or plural. Thus the mhr b'l, mhr
e
nt, and rpu b'l, in lines
8-9, may be titles of individual characters (i.e. 'the warrior of Baal',
'the warrior of Anat', and 'the rpu of Baal'),
6
or they may designate
large numbers of persons (i.e. 'the warriors of Baal', 'the warriors of
Anat', and 'the rpum of Baal').
7
The ambiguity here makes it impos-
sible to use this section to help define the nature of the rpum.
Other problems arise. How is one to understand the relationship
between the three fragments? Since K TU 1.22 = RS 2. [024] and
K TU 1.20 = RS 3.348 both describe the arrival of the rpum at the
threshing floor where a banquet is served, is it best to assume that
the two fragments are separate versions of the same scene, fortu-
itously overlapping,
8
or are they describing two different banquets?
The latter interpretation is possible since K TU 1.20 = RS 3.348
depicts the banquet as being hosted by a human, Danel, a character
also known from the Aqhat epic, while the banquet of K TU 1.22 =
RS 2.[024] may be hosted by Ilu. Since the former text almost cer-
tainly comes from a different tablet, it may actually be part of a
completely different narrative that just happened to have a similar
convocation of the rpum as a story element.
I n addition, what is the relationship between K TU 1.22 = RS
2.[024] and K TU 1.21 = RS 2.[019]?
9
Do they belong to a single
Beyond this problem of interpretation, the translations just quoted also point up
another maj or ambiguity in these lines. The word alrh may be analyzed as a prepo-
sition with a suffix, 'after him', or it can be understood as a noun, atr, 'place, shrine'
with a possessive pronoun, 'to his shrine', or simply a directional marker, 'to the
place/shrine'.
5
For example, is tmq in line 8 a verb (as translated by DRI VER 1956, 69; L 'HEUREUX
1979, 152-53; CAQUOT 1974, 474-75; SPRONK 1986, 171; DE MOOR 1987, 272; LEWI S
1997, 203) or the proper name of a character (as translated by AI STLEI TNER 1964, 85;
DEL OL MO L ETE 1981a, 423; DI J KSTRA 1988, 47; WY ATT 1998c, 321 n. 38)? The same
question arises concerning the word yhpn in line 9. Some commentators take it as
a proper name (AI STLEI TNER 1964, 85; DEL OL MO L ETE 1981a, 423; DI J KSTRA 1988,
47; WY A TT 1998c, 321); others as a verb (GORDON 1966, 141; DRI VER 1956, 69;
L 'HEUREUX 1979, 152-53; SPRONK 1986, 171; DE MOOR 1987, 272; LEWI S 1997, 203).
6
Rendered thus by DRI VER 1956, 69; CAQUOT et al. 1974, 474-75; DEL OL MO
L ETE 1981a, 423; DI J KSTRA 1988, 47; WY A TT 1998C, 321.
7
Transl ated thus or similarly in GORDON 1966, 141; AI STLEI TNER 1964, 85;
L 'HEUREUX 1979, 152- 53; SPRONK 1986, 171; DE MOOR 1987, 272; LEWI S 1997, 203.
8
E.g. DE MOOR 1987b, 267; DI J KSTRA 1988, 35-39.
9
See DI J KSTRA 1987b for a discussion of this issue.
tablet, or may they belong to two separate ones, once again over-
lapping in the part of the story recounted? The latter possibility
cannot be ruled out, since the vast majority of the lines in K TU
1.21 = RS 2. [019] i are repeated in K TU 1.22 = RS 2. [024] ii. I n
particular, the former preserves two invitations to the rpum, followed
by two descriptions of them making the j ourney toward the shrine
or palace, while the latter has a threefold appearance of the same
basic lines. Woul d such an extraordinary amount of repetition in
two small fragments of a single tablet be plausible, or is it better to
identify them as duplicates? Again, there is no definitive argument
for either interpretation. The amount of repetition is indeed sur-
prising in such a small number of preserved lines. On the other
hand, multiple reiterations are well attested in the Ugaritic poems,
10
and it is possible to develop scenarios of the story that would allow
for so many recurrences of the invitation (e.g., that different groups
of rpum are being invited to the feast).
And finally, is there a relationship between these fragments and
the Aqhat epic? The appearance of Danel in K TU 1.20 = RS 3.348
has led a number of scholars to argue that the rpum texts are the
remains of a fourth tablet of the Aqhat narrati ve." They interpret
the banquet as a preliminary to the restoration of Aqhat to life or
some similar dnouement which would have brought the story to its
conclusion. The problem with this proposal is that, apart from the
presence of Danel in this text, there is nothi ng in the rpum texts that
suggests that the action described in these fragments relates in any
way to such a proposed scenario. Others have pointed out that Danel
may have been the subject of more than one narrative at Ugarit,
and that his presence here does not require that the fragments be
related to the other known narrative in which he plays a role.
12
At
this point it seems best not to insist on a relationship between them
and the Aqhat story.
4.2 The Identity of the Rpum
Undoubtedl y the biggest hi ndrance to gaining a proper understand-
ing of these texts is the uncertainty about the nature of the rpum,
10
See for example the four-fold repetition of the duties of an ideal son in the
Aqhat epic (KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 25-33; 42-7; ii 1-9; 14-23).
" For example, SPRONK 1986, 160-1; CA QUOT et al. 1974, 463; DE MOOR 1976,
332; MARGAL I T 1989a, 464-5; GRA Y 1965, 126-9.
12
E.g. PI TARD 1992b, 73; DI J KSTRA 1988, 36; and L EWI S 1996b, 119.
the pri mary characters in the narrative. In spite of their appearance
not only in these texts, but also in a few others,
13
scholars have been
unable to reach a solid consensus on their identity. The pri mary
proposals include the following:
(1) They are ghosts of the dead, most likely the spirits of deceased
kings, and perhaps of the nobility. Several scholars argue that these
spirits were thought of as deified.
(2) They are a group of deities who j oi n Ilu in special gatherings
and who are called upon to protect the king and his city.
(3) They are living members of the aristocracy, perhaps an elite
group of chariot warriors, or perhaps a group of priests involved in
rituals of fertility. I n this context the term may be viewed as a tribal
name, probably related to another tribal designation, Di tanu, which
appears in parallel with rpum in the Keret epic and in K TU 1.161 =
RS 34.126.
(4) A number of scholars argue that the term may in fact be used
to designate more than one of these three groups.
4.2.1 The rpum as spirits of the dead
The most commonly-accepted proposal is that the rpum are spirits of
the dead.
14
There are several good reasons to support this identification.
(1) The cognate of rpum in biblical Hebrew, r'p'm, has as its pri-
mary meaning, 'spirit of the dead, ghost'. The same meani ng attaches
to the word in Phoenician.
(2) K TU 1.161 = RS 34.126, in which the rpu ars, 'the rpum of the
earth', and the rpim qdmym, 'the ancient rpum\ appear in the context
of a funerary ritual, suggests that they have a relationship to the
dead. I n this context they are summoned to take part in the funeral
of Ni qmaddu I I I of Ugarit (late 13th century) and perhaps to bless
the new king, 'Ammurapi . I n the ritual, the summons of the 'ancient
rpum' is followed immediately by the invocation of the spirits of two
identifiable, deceased kings of Ugarit (not explicitly referred to as
rpum, however). Scholars have argued that the 'rpum of the earth'
13
They are also mentioned in KTU 1.161 = RS 34.126, a funerary ritual text;
in the Keret epic (KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 3 and 14); at the conclusion of the
Baal cycle (KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ vi 46), and perhaps in KTU 1.108 = RS
24.252.23-4 and KTU 1.82 = RS 15.134.32, both of which are damaged.
14
See for example, CA QUOT 1960; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ - SANMARTI N 1976c; POPE
1977; SPRONK 1986, 161-96; FORD 1992; WY A T T 1998C, 315 n. 1.
and the 'ancient rpun are royal ancestors of 'Ammurapi from the
distant past. Since the word, ars, 'earth', was sometimes used to des-
ignate the netherworl d, one can render rpu ars, 'the rpum of the
netherworld'.
(3) A passage at the end of the Baal epic K TU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ vi
45-9) contains two bicola in which the four words rpim, ilnym, ilm,
and mtm may be understood as synonymous with one another: p
rpim.th.tk \ p thtk.ilnym | 'dk.ilm \ hn.mtm.'dk. Thi s may be translated
as 'Shapshu (the sun goddess), you rule over the rpum, | Shapshu,
you rule over the godlike ones. | The gods are your company, |
See, the dead are your company'. It should be noted, however, that
these interpretations of K TU 1.161 = RS 34.126 and 1.6 = RS
2. [009]+ are by no means certain (see below). They cannot be con-
sidered decisive for favouring this identification of the rpum.
4.2.2 The rpum as deities
Much of the same evidence can be used to argue that the rpum are
better understood as deities, rather than spirits of the dead.
15
Some
scholars would identify them specifically as mi nor netherworld dei-
ties, closely associated with Baal. Others have proposed that the term
may designate any deity, maj or or minor, who is called upon by Ilu
to perform a special function. Arguments for identifying the rpum as
deities include the fact that the term rpum is several times paralleled
by the term ilnym, 'godlike or godly ones', quite plausibly a divine
title, and perhaps by the term ilm, 'gods' as well."' Arguments against
identifying them as the dead (as described above) and for seeing
them as deities instead also include the following:
(1) Later meanings of words do not always parallel earlier meanings
of the cognates in other languages. Thus the Hebrew and Phoenician
15
See SCHMI DT 1994, 83- 92 and L ' HEUREUX 1979, 116- 9 for a history of this
view. L ' HEUREUX also argues that the rpum of our texts are deities, not spirits of
the dead, though in other passages the word may designate such spirits. See ibid.
205- 6, 215- 30. The idea that the rpum are deities should be distinguished from the
view of those who argue that the dead are deified at Ugarit and thus can be
identified as both spirits of the dead and gods.
16
The occurrences are: KTU 1. 20 = RS 3. 348 i 1- 2; KTU 1.21 = RS 2. [ 019]
i 3-4, 11-2; KTU 1.22 = RS 2. [024] ii 5-6; all relatively certain, but all in bro-
ken contexts, and in KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [ 009] + vi 45- 9. Parallels with the word dm,
'gods', probably occur in KTU 1. 20 = RS 3. 348 ii 1 2 and 8- 9, both, however,
in very broken contexts.
cognates are far from decisive. The context of a word like rpum
within the local literature is more significant for its interpretation.
However, nothi ng in our three rpum texts specifically points to a
ghostly identity for the rpum. I n fact, there is no hint in any of the
fragments that the regular habitation of the rpum is the netherworld.
The only clear action tells of the rpum prepari ng their chariots, trav-
elling to a threshing floor and having a feast, none of which par-
ticularly hint that the beings are spirits of the dead. Near Eastern
evidence for spirits of the dead travelling from the netherworld in
horse-drawn chariots is nil, while such transportati on for deities,
whether from the netherworld or elsewhere, seems quite reasonable.
The lack of netherworld indications in the rpum texts might suggest
that, while K TU 1.161 = RS 34.126 indicates a connection between
the rpum and funerary activities (see below), their sphere of activity
may not necessarily be restricted to that realm.
(2) Although the rpu ars and rpim qdmym of K TU 1.161 = RS 34.126
are involved in a funerary context, this does not mean that they are
necessarily spirits of the dead. They may also be identified plausi-
bly as deities. The names of the beings specifically identified in K TU
1.161.4-7 as rpum are not attested as royal names of Ugarit (or else-
where), but in fact resemble divine names more than human ones
(see particularly the composite name, sdn-w-rdn, (lines 6, 23) and tr
'limn (lines 7, 23-4). When the two recognizable, deceased kings of
Ugarit are named (lines 11-2, 25-6), each is designated as mlk, 'king',
rather than rpu. Thus those who are obviously spirits of the dead
appear to be given a different designation in the text. I n sum, the
evidence from this tablet does not compel one to identify the rpum
as ghosts.
(3) The reference to the rpum in the Baal Epic (K TU 1.6 = RS
2. [009] vi 45-9), which can be interpreted as equating the rpum with
the dead, is in fact ambiguous, because the word, mtm, often trans-
lated 'the dead' in this passage, could actually be a homonym well
attested at Ugarit that means 'humans'. I n this case, the passage
may be translated, 'Shapshu, you rule over the rpum, | Shapshu, you
rule over the godlike ones. | Gods are your company, | See, humans
are your company'.
17
If this is the correct rendering, there would
be no direct parallel connection between the first bicolon and the
second, as assumed by those who suggest that all four words refer
17
See SCHMI DT 1994, 84- 8.
to the dead. Rather, the two extol the i mportance of Shapshu in
her relations with various elements of the world orderthe rpum/ilnym,
mi nor gods, perhaps related to the netherworld; then ilm/mtm, the
divine and human spheres as a whole.
Although none of the three points made here disproves the identification
of the rpum with the dead, they each emphasize the fact that none
of the arguments for such identification is fully compelling. On the
other hand, while the texts are compatible with the view that the
rpum are deities, none of them require that meani ng to make sense.
4.2.3 The rpum as living persons
Some scholars have argued that at least certain of the Ugaritic ref-
erences to the rpum are best understood as referring to living per-
sons.
18
I n this interpretation, they are usually identified as an elite
group of chariot warriors who had strong connections with the king.
Those who support this idea argue primarily from the passage in
the Keret epic, K TU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 2- 4 and 13-5 in which
Keret is praised by Ilu himself: 'Greatly exalted is Keret in the midst
of the rpum of the earth (or land), | in the gathering of the assem-
bly of Di tanu'. Supporters argue that 'rpum of the earth' in this pas-
sage can hardly refer to the spirits of the dead, since it would be
i nappropri ate in the context of the exaltation of Keret to proclaim
his preemi nence among the dead.
19
The 'assembly of Di tanu' (qbs
dtn), the phrase that is parallel to rpu ars in the passage, can plausi-
bly be identified as a designation for the leaders of the Di tanu clan.
Thi s suggests an earthly, political and social context for the rpum.
The military imagery of our three rpum texts (especially the use of
chariotry and the appearance of what seems to be a military host
in K TU 1.22 = RS 2. [024] ii 4-10) fits reasonably into this read-
ing as well. Most scholars who identify the rpum as living humans
18
See L ' HEUREUX 1979, 1207 for a history of this type of proposal. More
recently see SCHMI DT 1991, 71- 121 for a detailed defence of the argument, includ-
ing a number of new elements. GRA Y 1949 argued that the rpum were elite lead-
ers, perhaps heads of clans, or perhaps priests, who accompanied the king in rituals
designed to insure fertility of crops. This view has generally not been followed.
19
Those who believe that the rpum are spirits of the dead or deities dispute this,
arguing that since the rpum play an important role in the preservation and support
of the king, Keret's exaltation in the midst the ancestors is a reasonable image to
use in the story. See POPE 1977, 166- 7; FORD 1992, 73- 6.
also assume that even after these chariot warriors died, they con-
tinued to be called rpum, so that there were both living and dead
rpum. Thi s would explain the origin of the usage of the term for the
dead. Note is often made of the fact that the Bible refers to an
ancicnt tribe of giants, located in northern Canaan and Transj ordan
before the establishment of I srael, as rephaim (Gen. 14:5, 15:20; Deut.
2:11, 20; 3:11, 13; J os. 12:4, 13:12; 17:15). Known for their mili-
tary prowess, these rephaim are thought to be a dim memory of the
elite warrior class of that name in the Late Bronze Age. So again
we find some plausible arguments, but again none of the texts used
to support the interpretation provide irrefutable evidence. Plausible,
alternative interpretations of each of these passages have been made.
Thus in the final analysis, no decisive conclusions about the iden-
tity of the rpum can yet be drawn. It is quite possible, as several
scholars have argued, that the word had more than one meani ng in
the Ugaritic texts and that different contexts require different mean-
ings. On the other hand, other scholars have made plausible cases
for seeing all the occurrences of the word as referring to a single
group of beings, either spirits, gods, or humans. Onl y further dis-
coveries of texts relating to the rpum are likely to improve the pre-
sent situation.
From the preceding discussion, it is clear that these texts are ex-
ceedingly ambiguous and that great caution should be used in draw-
ing upon them to reconstruct aspects of Ugaritic or Syro-Palestinian
culture. I n many cases such caution has not been employed, so that
the rpum texts have been used extensively as the basis for elaborate
descriptions of Ugaritic concepts concerni ng afterlife by scholars who
identify the rpum as spirits of the dead.
20
A similar situation has also
occurred in some of the reconstructions of the Ugaritic military and
20
For example, DE MOOR 1976, 329- 33 and SPRONK ( 1986, 155- 6, 170- 4) , using
KTU 1. 22 = R S 2. [ 024] ii 5- 7 and KTU 1.21 = R S 2. [ 019] i 5 - 6 as their pri-
mary sources, reconstruct an event at the Ugaritic New Year Festival in which the
deceased nobility, the rpum, are brought back to life, along with Baal, their patron.
But such a reconstruction relies for its foundation upon the identification of the
rpum as spirits, which remains uncertain, alongside problematic readings of both key
passages. Their interpretation of the first passage is based on questionable render-
ings of two problematic verbs, the first of which (his ytb, which occurs twice here)
is based on a misreading of the text (the verb is y'bs, instead), and the second, qym,
more plausibly rendered as a noun than a verb (see VAN DER T OORN 1991, 52). In
the second passage, they must reconstruct both of the critical verbs needed for their
interpretation.
its relation to the royal house by those who view the rpum as living
elite warriors.
2
' It is i mportant not to place too much interpreta-
tional weight on ambi guous and probl emati c texts such as these.
Before they can be used as sources for dealing with the wider issues
of Canaani te religion and society, a clearer understandi ng of the
texts themselves is necessary.
21
See, for example, GRA Y 1952, 39- 41.
5 T HE I NCANTATI ONS
K L AAS SPRONK
5.1 Introduction
The incantation can be defined as 'rhythmi c or formulaic words of
power to accomplish a desired goal by binding spiritual powers'.' A
number of Ugaritic texts written in alphabetic script unearthed in
Ras Shamra and Ras I bn Hani fit, completely or in part, under this
heading. I n none of these texts, however, do we find a word specifically
denoting the incantation, like Akkadian siptu.
2
Thi s word is attested
at the end of a syllabic Akkadian incantation found in Ras Shamra
'against fire' (RS 17.155).
3
We do find the more general indication
mnt? Thi s has an equivalent in Akkadian mintu. I n Akkadian incan-
tations it is used next to siptu. It seems to refer in the first place to
the act of reciting and repeating the incantation, because it is derived
from the verb man,
b
'to count' (cf. Hebrew mnh). I n K TU 1.24 =
RS 5.194:46-7, mnt denotes the enumerati on of goddesses listed in
the following lines. It is paralleled by spr, 'list'. I n K TU 1.82 = RS
15.134:20 and K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244 it is used in texts that as
a whole can be labelled as incantations. I n other 'pure' incantations,
like K TU 1.96 = RS 22.225 and K TU 1.169 = RI H 78/20, this
or another general term for the genre is missing.
It appears to be impossible to distinguish the 'Ugaritic I ncantations'
sharply.
6
Also, the calling of divine beings by their names at the end
of K T U 1.24 = RS 5.194 may have had some kind of magical pur-
pose. The same can be said of other parts of some of the mythical
or ritual texts. Add to this, firstly, that is often difficult to distinguish
1
L UDWI G 1987, 151.
2
For the much larger corpus of Akkadian incantations see the surveys by FRBER
1981, 1984 and 1987.
3
Cf. ARNAUD 1995a. Within the context of the incantations' 'fire' can be regarded
as a reference to demons; cf. KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367 i 3, where the demoniacal
helpers of Yam are described as 'one, two fires'.
4
See on mnt PARDEE 1988, 206- 8. According to DE MOOR 1987, 248 the mas-
culine mn is attested in KTU 1. 19 = RS 3. 322+ i l l .
5
Cf. the expression man iptu, 'to recite an incantation', in Akkadian, cf. CAD
, III, 89.
6
Cf. J EFFERS 1996, 18, facing the same problem with regard to the more gen-
eral theme of magic and divination.
a prayer from an incantation, in the second place, that as a rule
magical and related texts are difficult to interpret, and that, finally,
many of the tablets concerned are damaged, then it comes as no
surprise that in the editions of and commentari es on Ugaritic texts
we find different proposals for classification:
According to Avishur the only texts which 'can clearly be classified
as incantations' are K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244; K TU 1.107 = RS
24.251+; and K TU 1.169 = RI H 78/20.
7
Xella lists under 'preghieri ed incantesimi': K TU 1.65 = RS 4.474;
K TU 1.123 = RS 24.271; K TU 1.100; and K TU 1.107.
8
DE MOOR comes to five incantations as 'more or less i ndependent
prayers without ritual prescriptions', next to incantations 'embed-
ded in rituals': K TU 1.82 = RS 15.134; 1.83 = RS 16.266; K TU
1.169; K TU 1.93 = RS 19.054; and K TU 1.108 = RS 24.252.
9
Dietrich - Loretz come to eight alphabetic texts that in their view
are representative of this 'Gattung', leaving out two thematically
related but heavily damaged texts. They subdivide these eight texts
into four categories:
(1) 'Evokationen kniglicher Ahnen': K TU 1.124 = RS 24.272
and K TU 1.161 = RS 34.126;
(2) 'Beschwrungen gegen Krankhei t, Unfruchtbarkei t, Dmonen,
Folgen von Trunkenhei t und Totengeistern': K TU 1.13 = RS
1.006; K TU 1.82; K TU 1.114; K TU 1.169;
(3) 'Beschwrung gegen Schlangengift': K TU 1.100;
(4) 'Beschwrung gegen die schdliche Naturkrfte': K TU 1.23 =
RS 2.002.'
Caquot lists K TU 1.82; K TU 1.114 = RS 24.258; K TU 1.100;
K TU 1.107; and K TU 1.169 under the heading 'tablettes mythico-
magi ques'."
7
AVI SHUR 1981, 13.
B
XEL L A 1981, 207-50.
,J
DE MOOR 1987, 175-90.
10
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 328-7. In KTU
1
the following texts are also marked
as possible incantations: 1.20-22 = RS 2. [024], 2. [019], 2. [024]; 1.65 = RS 4.474;
1.86 = RS 18.041; 1.96 = RS 22.225; 1.107 = RS 24.251+; and 1.123 = RS
24.271. Apparently, these belong to the 'damaged' or 'related' texts referred to by
Dietrich - Loretz.
" CAQUOT 1989, 51-123. It is remarkable that he pays no attention to these
texts in his survey in CAQUOT 1979b.
I n his description of Ugaritic religious practices in daily life del
Ol mo Lete mentions as 'conj uras': K TU 1.100; K TU 1.107; K TU
1.82; K TU 1.96; and K TU 1.169;
12
and as 'recelas mgicas': K TU
1.124 = RS 24.272:13-5 and K TU 1.114:29-31.
13
A recently published survey of documents from the biblical world
contains as examples of Ugaritic incantations: K TU 1.100; K TU
1.169; K TU 1.114; and RS 92.2014.'
4
Apparently the old Ugaritic texts on these matters cannot be clearly
classified. It is better in this situation not to put too much weight
on our modern definitions and choose a more general approach to
the Ugaritic texts about human efforts to have an influence upon
the supernatural, from raising one's hands in prayer to binding hos-
tile spiritual powers by magic. This means that the boundaries between
'literary' and 'cultic', and those separating 'myth', 'incantation', 'rit-
ual', and 'god lists' are not always as clear as editors of a handbook
might want them to be.
5.2 Speaking to the gods in hymns and prayer
The genre of prayer appears to be rare in the texts of anci ent
Ugarit.
15
One should not, however, conclude from this that the people
of Ugarit did not have deep religious feelings or that they were reluc-
tant to address their gods direcdy. The lack of separate hymns or
prayers is simply due to the fact that praising the gods or seeking
their favours is usually set in a larger context. Recitation of the great
myths can be seen as a means of expressing respect for the gods
and their glorious deeds. For instance, telling each other about Baal's
victory over Y am and Mot with the words of the myth of Baal
expresses one's confidence in the power of the supreme god over
chaos and death. The hymn addressed to the sun-goddess Shapash
at the end of the myth (K TU 1.6 = RS 2.[009]+ vi 45-53) is put
in the mouth of Anat, but it is also a way in which the people of
Ugarit thankfully praise the sun-goddess for watching over the bound-
aries between night and day, the world of the living and the world
of the dead. Hymni c elements can also be found in the second part
12
DE L OL MO L ETE 1992a, 241-60 = 1999, 359-87.
13
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 261 = 1999, 388.
14
HA L L O 1997, 295-8; 301-5; and 327-8.
15
Cf. WATSON 1984a, 360 and MI L L ER 1988.
of the much debated text K TU 1.108 = RS 24.252,
,e
which is dis-
cussed below together with texts related to necromancy. Hymns also
seem to have formed a standard element in Hurri an prayers accom-
panyi ng incense offerings (K TU 1.44 = RS 1.007; K TU 1.51 = RS
1.027; K TU 1.54 = RS 1.034+; K TU 1.128 = RS 24.278; K TU
1.131 = RS 24.285).
17
I n the legend of Aqhat we hear of his father Daniel praying (Ug.
sly) for rain (K TU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ i 38 46). He calls on the
name of Baal, as 'rider of the clouds', and on his 'delightful voice',
that is of the thunder heralding comi ng showers. I n a subsequent
scene, Daniel beseeches (Ug. sly) the gods that the small stalks in
the dry land may shoot up (KTU 1.19 ii 15-25).
It is more common for prayer to be part of ritual actions, as we
can see in the legend of Keret. The command to raise the hands
(in prayer) is paralleled by a reference to a sacrifice to El (K TU
1.14 = RS 2.[003]+ ii 22-3). We can also find this combination in
the ritual text K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+, with prescriptions about the
annual celebration of the grape harvest in the month 'First of the
Wi ne'. The text ends with the same call for prayer as in the legend
of Keret. In K TU 1.87 = RS 18.056, a copy of K TU 1.41, these
last lines containing the reference to the king's prayer are missing.
The action described in K TU 1.41:50-5 is situated in another place:
not in the temple, but on its roof; and it refers to a sacrifice offered
to an unknown deity (prgl sqrn). Thi s is probably a deity of Hurri an
origin. So the expansion of the text can be explained as due to later
Hurri an influence upon an older Ugaritic ritual. The king is said (or
prescribed) to offer a recitation (yrgm mlk), but we hear nothing of
its contents. Perhaps building on the assumption of Hurri an influence
one should think here of something like the Hurri an incense prayers
menti oned above. These texts all follow a similar pattern: after the
headi ng we read the names of the gods to whom the prayer is
addressed, together with a short hymn. The gods are asked to come
and receive the offerings and then to do something on behalf of the
suppliant. The texts end with mention of the messenger and in some
16
AVI SHUR 1994, 297-8 even speaks of the entire text as a 'hymn in honor of
EF, because of the striking similarity with Hebrew psalms and its vocabulary being
reminiscent of that found in hymns.
17
Cf . DI ETRI CH - MA Y ER 1994.
18
Cf. DE MOOR 1987, 252, n. 190 and MARGAL I T 1984b, 140-1; for a different
interpretation of 'ahl see DEL OL MO L ETE - SANMARTI N 1996, 16.
cases with promises of new offerings and a final doxology. The words
spoken by the king according to K TU 1.41:53, on the roof of the
temple, could have been something like this calling up the gods and
asking their favours. Because the tablet is damaged here, it is not
clear whether this invocation is accompani ed by the king wiping his
face (mh pnh)
i9
or by clapping his hands (mh ydh).
20
The reference to
prayer in line 55, back in the temple, could be related to the clos-
ing hymn in the Hurri an incense prayers.
I n the older secondary literature K TU 1.65 = RS 4.47 4
21
has
been interpreted as a prayer to El and the assembly of the gods.
22
More recently commentators of the text appear to be reluctant to
classify it. Xella points to the resemblance of the first lines (naming
El, the sons of El, the family of the sons of El, the assembly of the
sons of El, and tkmn-w-snm) with the repeated address of the ritual
text K TU 1.40 = RS 1.003+. He assumes as a working hypothesis
that K TU 1.65 is some sort of prayer.
23
Dietrich - Loretz take this
text as a scribal exercise.
24
I n his elaborate study of this text Avishur
also concludes that the old view (of H.L. Ginsberg) that this text is
a prayer, seems to be closest to the truth. Compari son with the
Qpmran War Scroll (chapters 4- 6 and 9, about names with as a
second element to be written on banners and weapons) leads him
to classify it as a list of war banners.
25
Because these banners are
'battle cries intended to arouse the deity to assist the warriors', this
text resembles a prayer. Al though much remai ns uncertai n, one
should not rule out the possibility that this is indeed the text of a
prayer, related to sacrifices as menti oned in K T U 1.40, calling up
the gods (lines 1-5), appealing to the consideration of the supreme
19
Cf . DE MOOR 1987, 159, 165, and DE TA RRA GON 1989, 154, 159.
20
Cf. L EVI NE DE TARRAGON - ROBERTSON 1997, 299, 301. On the clapping of
hands serving 'to intensify the accompanying words and perhaps even to effectuate
the action' see Fox 1995.
21
Cf., for instance, BERNHARDT 1975, 239-40: 'Bittgesang an El und die Versamm-
lung der Gtter'. See on this text AVI SHUR 1994, 308-9, who also lists and discusses
previous research.
22
Cf., for instance, BERNHARDT 1975, 239-40: 'Bittgesang an El und die Versamm-
lung der Gtter'.
23
X EL L A 1981, 213: 'almeno come ipotesi di lavoro, una sorta di "preghiera"'.
24
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1981, 64- 7; in their translation of this text in 1988 they
call it 'Opfer fr El und seine Reprsentanten'; note also the problems with classify-
ing this text in ATI /
2
, 91: 'scribal exercise?, invocation of II?, prayer?, incantation?'.
25
AVI SHUR 1994, 326, 525,
gods by referring to their noble character (6-9) and nami ng places
and divine attributes in and with which these words have to be
recited (lines 1 Off.). Del Ol mo Lete sees it as a 'cultic invocation of
the divine panoply and to its apparent presence in the sanctuary'.
26
In his opinion this primarily concerns Baal's weapons, celebrated in
mythology.
A more generally accepted exampl e of a prayer in al phabeti c
Ugaritic is the end of the ritual text K TU 1.119 = RS 24.266.
27
Thi s text starts as a common prosaic ritual prescription about the
right time, place, and sort of sacrifice to the right god. I n line 26
there is a transition to a direct address to Baal by referring to the
probl em of a strong foe attacking the gates of the city. The style
changes here from prose to poetry.
28
The prayer (sit, line 34; cf. the
verb in K TU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ i 39) is introduced by the com-
mand: 'raise your eyes to Baal' (line 27). The request to drive away
the enemy is accompani ed by a number of vows and sacrifices by
the suppliant, in exchange for Baal's help. The text ends with the
statement, repeating the words at the beginning, that Baal will hear
the prayer.
K TU 1.123 = RS 24.271
29
is probably best described as a bene-
diction,'" because of the repeated lm in the openi ng lines, followed
by a number of divine names. The text seems to end in a similar
way, the last word being again slm. Lines 14ff. mention righteous-
ness and mercy. Thi s is reminiscent of K TU 1.65 and can be inter-
preted in the same way as expressing the hope for and confidence
in a positive attitude of the gods towards the one saying these words.
However, any interpretation of this text in its present severely dam-
aged state must remain uncertain.
26
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992C, 255; cf. also DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 228-9 = 1999,
341- 3 and WATSON - WY A TT 1997.
27
See on this text XEL L A 1981, 25-34; WATSON 1984d, 360-2; DE MOOR 1987,
171-4; MI L L ER 1988; DEL OI .MO L ETE 1989; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 197-205 =
1999, 292-306; PARDEE 1993, 213-7; AVI SHUR 1994, 253-6; WATSON 1996b.
28
On this phenomenon see especially PARDEE 1993a.
29
Cf. XEL L A 1981, 216- 3, with references to the older literature.
30
DE MOOR 1970 312; RAI NEY 1974, 191. CAQUOT 1979, 1404 and DI ETRI CH -
L ORETZ 1981, 74- 5, suggest that it is a scribal exercise. KTU
1
, 135, gives as the
possible genre: 'prayer, liturgy?, scribal exercise'.
5.3 Binding hostile supernatural forces by incantations
The texts discussed under this headi ng are the ones that best fit the
narrow definition of an incantation given at the beginning. It concerns
i ndependent texts with words of power used against evil forces from
the realm of gods and demons. The interpretation of these texts is
very difficult, not only because of the state of conservation of most
tablets, but also because of the genre of the texts, with unknown
vocabulary and often without a clear structure or line of thought.
The best example of an Ugaritic incantation is K TU 1.169 =
RI H 78/20.
31
Although there is much difference of opinion among
the interpreters about many details, it is generally accepted that we
are dealing here with a spell to drive off evil powers causing sick-
ness, with the help of Baal, Horon and Ashera. It is not clear which
disease is meant here,
32
nor which power is causing it; according to
some it is indicated by dbbm in lines 1 and 9, although it is trans-
lated in different ways: 'flying demons' (de Moor), 'tormenters' (Pardee),
or 'accusers' (Fleming). Others (Dietrich - Loretz, Caquot) relate it
to Akkadian dabbu, 'word', and interpret it as a reference to the
words spoken to expel the (unnamed) demon. This difference of opin-
ion returns in the interpretation of kspm (line 9) as 'sorcerers' indi-
cating the black magic of demons, but according to others the magic
with which one can expel the forces of evil.
33
There is more consensus about the verbs used in connection with
the expelling magic : ydy (line 1), 'to drive off', and gr/(line 9), 'chase
away'. Both are used in the legend of Keret in the repeated ques-
tion 'who among the gods is able to cast out {ydy) the disease, to
expel (grs) the illness?' (K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi 10-28). I n line
10, in close connection with ksp and grs, we find the root hbr. Thi s
is reminiscent of the use of hbr in the Hebrew Bible and Akkadian
abru, 'to bi nd', in Mesopotami an incantations. Avishur points to
Deut. 18:10-11 and to Isa. 47:9 with the word pair hbrym || kpym,
'enchantments 11 spells', and to a similar pair in the Akkadian Maql-
31
Cf. AVI SHUR 1981; DE MOOR, 255-7; DE MOOR 1987, 183-6; DI ETRI CH -
L ORETZ 1988, 333-6; CAQUOT 1989, 53-60; FLEMI NG 1991; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a,
259-60 = 1999, 385-6; PARDEE 1993, 211-3; FLEMI NG 1997; WY A TT 1998C, 442~9.
32
DE MOOR 1980b, 257, and 1987, 184, n. 13, assumes that the patient suffered
from a 'cataleptic or epileptic seizure', Pardee thinks of 'male sexual disfunction'.
33
According to J EFFERS 1996, 67- 8, one can leave open both possibilities.
incantation.
34
So here hbr would denote the negative influence of evil
spells. Avishur translates: 'Horon will expel the binders and the Y outh
soothsayers', relating the last word (d
c
tm) to Hebrew yd'ny. Dijkstra
interprets these terms in a similar way, but he assumes a positive
meaning: 'Horon be the enchanter, and the Y oung Man the one
who provides knowledge.
35
I n the hymn at the end of the Baal myth
this word pair hbr || d
c
t (K TU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ vi 49-50) would
have the same meani ng. Most commentators, however, prefer the
more common meani ng of hbr, 'friend', and d't, 'intimate'.
36
I n the text we hear of the one who has to recite the incantation:
'the /^-priest' (line 3). Thi s title is also used in the colophon of the
Baal myth (K TU 1.6 vi 57) and seems to refer to a high-ranking
teacher.
37
I n K TU 1.40 = RS 1.002:32 we find the related verb par-
allel to dbh, 'to sacrifice'. According to some interpreters this officiant
used a staff as a magic device,
38
but the meani ng of the word ht
denoting it (line 5) is, again, disputed.
39
Thi s person executing the
incantation by word and probably also by gestures and other ritual
activities can be compared to the Mesopotami an incantation priest
called ipu. It is interesting to note that this exorcist is often men-
tioned in the colophon of the incantation texts as a scholar who
wrote and checked the tablet.
40
Other correspondences with Mesopotami an incantations are the
use of similar metaphors, especially the spirits being said to leave
'like smoke'
41
and the naming of gods acting on behalf of the oppressed
against the evil spirits. In some Mesopotami an rituals the incanta-
tion priest even says that it is not he himself who speaks, but that
it is an incantation of Ea
42
or Ninkilil, 'lord of the incantation.
43
Thi s
34
AVI SHUR 1981a, 22-3.
35
DI J KSTRA 1985, 150.
36
Cf . DEL OL MO L ETE - SANMARTI N 1996, 126- 7 and 172. DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ
1988b, 335 translate 'Genossen || Komplizen'. According to J EFFERS 1996, 33 both
suggested meanings of hbr are related: 'comrades can be linked together by sworn
words, oaths and the like'.
37
Cf . VAN SOL DT 1988 and FLEMI NG 1991, 146.
38
Cf. FLEMI NG 1991, 148-50.
39
Cf. DEL OL MO L ETE - SANMARTI N 1996, 202-3.
40
See the texts mentioned in CAD A, II, 434, s.v. ipu a.
41
See, for instance, Maql V: 166-169 (translation by FRBER 1987, 265). Cf.
AVI SHUR 1981, 18; FLEMI NG 1991, 146; and WATSON 1994b, 405-6.
42
Cf. CAD , II, 431-2, s.v. ipu a.2; CAD III, 90, s.v. siptu e.2'.
43
Cf., for instance, the recently discovered incantation against Lamatu, discussed
by MI CHEL 1997.
can be compared to K TU 1.169 = RI H 78/20 beginning with the
statement that it is the breath of Baal which drives out the evil spir-
its. Unfortunatel y, the text is broken here. Next to Baal a special
function seems to be reserved for Horon (lines 9-10) and Ashera
(line 16).
A number of these basic elements of K TU 1.169 are also found in
another clear example of an incantation in alphabetic Ugaritic script:
K TU 1.82 = RS 15.134.
44
Thi s seems to be a collection of six
different incantations, to be recited on different occasions, but also
sharing common elements (such as the reference to the snake in lines
6 and 35). The fourth part is explicitly introduced as an incantation
with the technical term mnt (see p. 270) in its first line (= line 20).
Like K TU 1.169, this text is difficult to interpret, but it gives us
more i nformati on about the gods invoked to help and especially
about the demons to fight. The benign gods are Baal (lines 1 and 6),
his consort Anat (line 11 and twice in line 39), and the sun-goddess
Shapash (line 6). The evil forces they have to destroy are:
Tunnan (line 1), known from the myth of Baal (K TU 1.3 = RS
2. [014]+ iii 40) as a monstrous helper (dragon) of Y am, the god
of the sea, one of Baal's pri me opponents. According to the myth
Tunnan is slain by Anat. He also seems to have been menti oned
in the small fragment K TU 1.83 = RS 16.266, next to Y am,
'bound (by
c
Anak?) on the heights of Lebanon'.
45
Thi s reference
to Tunnan, however, is uncertain, not only because of the poor
state of conservation of the tablet, but also because it is based on
a correction of the text in line 8, readi ng tnn instead of t'an.*
6
Reshep (line 3), the god of pestilence, who is mentioned next to the
'lads of Y am' in the legend of Keret as the god who caused the
death of one of the king's wives (K TU 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+ i 19).
Mot (line 5), the god of death. Next to Y am he is the other pow-
erful opponent of Baal (K TU 1.5 = RS 2.[022]+).
44
Cf . VAN ZI J L 1972, 1974, 1975; DE M OOR - SPRONK 1984; CA QUOT 1988
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988, 336-9; CA QUOT 1989, 61-70; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a,
251-5 = 1999, 373-9.
45
Cf. PI TARD 1998; DE MOOR 1987, 181- 2 assumes that this text was part of an
incantation.
46
CA QUOT 1989, 28- 30 states that tnn is the key term of the text, but he ignores
the fact that for this interpretation the text has to be changed.
Serpents (lines 6 and 35), who are the pri me object of another Uga-
ritic incantation (K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244 and K TU 1.107 = RS
24.251+; see below).
Creatures of Horon (line 13). Thi s readi ng is uncertain, but the
name of Horon, who is the lord of the demons, returns in lines
27 and 41. Horon is mentioned in the legend of Keret as a threaten-
ing power in a curse: 'may Horon break your head' (K TU 1.16 =
3.325+ vi 56-7; this phrase can also be restored in the broken
text K TU 1.2 = RS 3.367 i 7-8). I n the Ugaritic incantations
Horon plays an ambivalent role: on the one hand he is a fearful
threat, on the other hand he can be called upon to take the
demoni c threat away (cf. K TU 1.100 and K TU 1.169).
I n the second part of the text the evil forces are indicated more
'poetically' as 'creatures of agitation' (lines 18 and 41), 'creatures
of insanity' (line 18), 'sons of disease (or: terror)' (line 23), '1egions(P)'
(line 26; cf. Mark 5:9), 'flies (or: accusers)' (line 26), 'those of the
flood(?)' (line 27), 'stupor(?)' (line 28), 'the fugitive' (line 38; cf.
K TU 1.5 = RS 2. [022]+ i 1, where it is used as epithet of a sea-
monster related to Yam).
It is not clear what is precisely the nature of the distress caused by
these evil forces. I n the first lines there seems to be reference to
problems of a girl with her menstruation, that is with her fertility.
The names of the demons in the second part of the text point in
more general terms to disease and insanity. What is clear is that
these evil forces have to be driven out (grs, lines 12 and 40; see also
K TU 1.169:9) or have to be bound (rky, lines 10 and 38). Both verbs
are common terms in this genre.
For the place of this and other incantations within the religion of
Ugarit it is i mportant to note the close relation with the myth of
Baal. The batde described there of Baal and Anat, supported by Sha-
pash, against Y am, Mot and their helpers does not appear to be some-
thing from a distant past. It has its repercussions on daily human life.
The victory over the forces of evil has to be gained time and again.
As was remarked above, Horon takes a central place in K TU 1.100 =
RS 24.244.
47
Fortunately, this text is well-preserved. It is in itself not
47
See on this text especially the elaborate study of PARDEE 1988, 193- 226, with
references to previous studies. Cf. also DE MOOR 1987, 146- 56; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ
a pure incantation, but can be classified as a ritual in mythological
form. It contains, however, a number of brief incantations indicated
as mnt. The text tells of a mare, 'the mother of the stallion'. She is
probably a goddess acting on behalf of her worshippers. We are told
that she seeks support from the great deities of the Ugaritic pan-
theon against venomous serpents. The sun-goddess Shapash is indi-
cated as her mother and acts as an intermediary. Each request ends
with the same incantation in order to charm (lf}; cf. the use of
Akkadian lahu, 'to whisper', together with siptu, 'incantation',
48
and
the use of Hebrew 1h, specifically related to the charmi ng of snakes
i nj er. 8:17; Ps. 58:5-6; Qoh. 10:11; and Sir. 12:13), expel (ydy) and
bind (ytq) the snake and its poison. Apparently, this incantation was
repeated eleven times, each time on the basis of another authority.
The twelfth, Horon, responds in a different way. With a magical
rite, using among other things a tamarisk and 'the tree of death',
he succeeds in letting the poison 'become weak and flow away'. This
climax of the text is, as is appropri ate in magic texts, described with
a number of puns.
49
The text ends with a dialogue between a groom
and a bride; apparently these are Horon and the 'mother of the
stallion'. They speak about marriage with the serpents (a phallic sym-
bol?) as bride-price.
A clearly related text is K TU 1.107 = RS 24.251+.
50
Here the
snake is called 'devourer', a common designation of demons (lines
10 and 20).
51
I n the more elaborate mythological part of the text
Shapash plays a more active role.
32
There can be no doubt about Horon being viewed here in a posi-
tive way, be it that he is clearly not the first choice. The eleven
incantations preceding the final invocation seem to be meant to show
that no other choice was left than to go to Horon's 'fortress', prob-
ably an indication of his hardly accessible residence in the nether-
1988, 345-0; L EVI NE - DE TARRAGON 1988; CA QUOT 1989, 79-94; PARDEE 1997a
and WY A T T 1998C, 378-87.
48
Cf. CAD , III, 90, s.v. siptu A.e.3'.
49
Cf. GREAVES 1994 and PARDEE 1997a, 298, n. 26. See on this phenomenon
in Mesopotamian incantations FRBER 1986.
50
Cf. X EL L A 1981, 241-0; PARDEE 1988b, 227-56; and CA QUOT 1989, 95-100.
51
Cf. DE MOOR 1981- 2, I 10. He refers, among other things, to the clear rep-
resentation on a Phoenician amulet from Arslan Tash (seventh century BCE) of a
demoniacal man-eater.
52
On this part of the text and a number of resemblances with the story of the
Garden of Eden according to the Hebrew Bible, see DE MOOR 1988b.
world. One can compare this to J esus being accused of casting out
demons by Beelzebul, the prince of demons (Mark 3.22).
It is also i mportant to note the combination of myth, incantation,
and ritual. Thi s appears to be a common feature of the Ugaritic
liturgy.
One of the new Ugaritic texts discovered in 1992 is the incantation
RS 92.2014,
53
which is in many respects similar to K TU 1.100,
K TU 1.107, and K TU 1.169. As in K TU 1.169 the offending evil
force remains unnamed: dy lyd\ 'the one not known'. He is pre-
sented as a foami ng snake and as a scorpion and is exorcised in a
magic rite with 'bits of sacred wood'. Thi s is reminiscent of the
action taken by Horon against snakebite according to K TU 1.100
and K TU 1.107. I n this way he prevents the serpent from comi ng
up (
e
ly) and the scorpion from standing up (a new Ugaritic root qnr).
The second part of the text (lines 8-13) is an incantation against
dbbm and kpm. These words are also used in K TU 1.169. I n RS
92.2014 they are menti oned next to rs\ 'the evil man' and bn nm,
'son of man', which seems to be an indication of all possible men.
The incantation is directed against any evil word spoken: 'may they
pour it to the earth'.
The incantation is dedicated to Urtenu, the holder of the archive
to which this tablet belongs: 'for his body (gb), for his members (t mnt f .
These two words also occur in K TU 1.169:5-6. The incantation has
a function in securing the physical well-being of Urtenu.
One final text to be menti oned within this framework of independ-
ent incantations is K TU 1.96 = RS 22.225. Thi s is usually inter-
preted as a short mythological text about Anat literally or, what
seems to be more likely, figuratively devouring Baal.
54
The reference
to Anat was found in the first word of the tablet. New collations,
however, show that the first letters are
c
nn, not W.
55
I n the first edi-
tion of K TU it was suggested that
c
nn is a scribal error for
c
nt, but
in the second edition this 'rectification' was left out. A number of
scholars now suggest that
c
nn is related to the repeated reference to
53
It is briefly described by BORDREUI L - PARDEE 1995, 28 and 31; a first trans-
lation was offered by PARDEE 1997a.
54
Cf. DE M OOR 1987, 109- 10; and ASTOUR 1988, with a survey of previous
research.
55
See now L EWI S 1996a, with excellent photographs and drawings.
c
n, 'eye', in lines 5-13 and explain the text as an incantation against
the evil eye.
56
Thi s is a well-known object of incantations in Meso-
potamia.
57
A clear example is also found in a later Phoenician incan-
tation against 'the comi ng of the big eye' and with many other
descripdons of the evil eye, just as in the second part of K TU 1.96.
58
Even more interesting within this comparison is that on the tablet
of the Phoenician incantation we see a drawing of a demon devour-
ing the one he attacks. I n the headi ng the demon is called mzh,
'sucker', namely of blood. Thi s has a counterpart in K TU 1.96:4-5
which states that the demoni ac power eats the flesh and drinks the
blood of his victim.
5.4 Conjuring up the spirits of the dead
The demons to be driven out with the help of incantations are asso-
ciated with death and the netherworld. As we have seen above, some
of them are represented as helpers or satellites of Y am and Mot (cf.
K TU 1.82 = RS 15.134:1, 5, 27, 38). It is very likely that as in
Mesopotami a the people of Ugarit feared the influence of malign
spirits of the dead.
59
From Mesopotami a we know many incanta-
tions with the object of expelling them. I n Ugarit we hear more of
their positive counterpart: invoking the dead to ask their advice and
help.
60
Thi s was also an act of veneration. By offering their sacrifices
and honouri ng them by calling their names, they hoped to prevent
hostilities from the dead towards the living.
The interpretation of the texts concerned is a matter of much dis-
pute. According to some scholars there is not enough evidence to
speak of a cult of the dead. I n their view there was probably no
more than a funerary cult intended to offer a good burial for the
deceased, helping them on their way to the netherworld; which is
to be clearly distinguished from any belief in supernatural power of
56
Cf. DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 255-9 = 1999, 379-84, and 1992b; his interpre-
tation is accepted by WATSON 1992b, 367, n. 5; WATSON 1994b, 237; L EWI S 1996a,
118 and WY A T T 1998C, 375-7. The suffixed -n is usually explained as a deictic ele-
ment, comparable to Hurrian -ne\ cf. DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1990a, 104.
57
Cf . THOMSEN 1992.
58
On this seventh century incantation from Arslan Tash see DE MOOR 1981- 2,
111.
59
Cf . BOTTRO 1983 and 1993.
60
Cf. SPRONK 1986, 145-206 and L ORETZ 1993, 287-30.
the dead.
61
Thi s is not the place to enter that discussion. Many of
these texts are already discussed elsewhere in this handbook. Within
the present context the survey can be confined to the elements related
to the incantation texts.
K TU 1.161 = RS 34.126
62
is a ritual text associated with the bur-
ial of a king of Ugarit. It reports the invocation of all possible ances-
tors, with many names of former kings, but also with more general
indications such as 'rephai m of the earth' and 'rephai m of old'.
Apparentl y, one was anxious not to forget any of the i mportant
deceased ancestors. Thi s can be compared to a similar phenomenon
in the 'Genealogy of the Hammurapi Dynasty'
63
listing all spirits of
the dead that are considered i mportant to the well-being of the liv-
ing king: the royal dead, the heroes and also the spirits who might
become hostile, namely 'any dynasty which is not recorded on this
tablet, and any soldier who fell while on his lord's service, princes,
princesses, all humani ty, from the east to the west, who have no one
to care for them or to call their names'.
64
The idea behind this was
that the dead who remained unnamed and uncared for could become
a threat to the living. So especially the unknown spirits of the dead
(cf. dy lyd
c
, 'the unknown one' in RS 92.2014) were feared. Also the
fact that in K TU 1.161 of the great gods only the sun-goddess
Shapash is menti oned, is reminiscent of the incantations. She ap-
pears to be the most i mportant intermediary between the living and
the dead.
The Rephai m texts (K TU 1.20-22 = RS 3.348, 2. [019], 2.[024]),
only partly preserved, seem to describe a similar invocation and
actual gathering of the spirits of the dead. The state of the tablets
hardly allows any conclusion on their function.
65
The relation with
the legend of Aqhat suggests that the rephai m may have been called
up by the father of Aqhat on the occasion of the burial of his son.
The fact that the rephai m come together on the threshing floor may
indicate that they could be of help in restoring the fertility which
was lost at the death of Aqhat.
61
Cf. SCHMI DT 1994, 47 131 and PARDEE 1996a.
62
See on this text especially BORDREUI L PARDEE 1991, 151- 63, and also the
recent study of TSUMURA 1993. A survey of recent research can be found with
L ORETZ 1993, 296- 300.
63
Cf . FI NKELSTEI N 1966.
64
Cf. on this part of the text also L AMBERT 1968.
65
Note the call for a 'minimalist' approach by PI TARD 1992a and L EWI S 1996b.
K TU 1.108 = RS 24.252 can be regarded as an example of the
belief in ancient Ugarit that the spirits of the dead could be invoked
to help and bless the living.
66
Baal seems to be presented here as
the first of the rephai m. Together with Baal and other gods these
spirits of the dead enjoy a banquet presented to them in order to
propitiate them.
I n K TU 1.124 = RS 24.272 we may find another way in which
the spirits of the dead could support the living.
67
Through a medi-
ator they give precise advice on how to cure a sick child. If this
interpretation is correct, it would offer a good illustration of the spir-
its of the dead acting according to the probabl e meani ng of their
name: rp'um, 'healers'.
5.5 Elements of incantations in other texts
We have already come across the phenomenon of incantations embed-
ded in other texts. Some of these also deserve our attention.
K T U 1.13 = RS 1.006 is interpreted by Dietrich - Loretz as an
incantation against infertility:
68
a hymn to Anat is followed by a
prayer for fertility, which is answered by a mythological fragment
about Anat and Baal solving a similar probl em. I n particular, the
urgent call for supernatural assistance (lines 23-29) can be regarded
as an incantation. Note also the special role in this context of 'mes-
sengers from heaven' (ml'ak smm, lines 21-22). They belong to the
class of divine beings who, standing in between humans and the
great gods, often play a promi nent role in incantations, either as
helpers or as offenders.
A combination of myth and ritual can also be found in K TU 1.23
= RS 2.002. Although there is no consensus about the interpreta-
tion of this text, there can be no doubt about the relation to the
question of fertility.
69
The text is associated by Dietrich - Loretz
with the incantations because of its beginning:
}
iqr'a, invoke (the
66
See for a survey of previous research on this 'Zankapfel der Ugaritologen'
L ORETZ 1993, 293-5; cf. also PARDEE 1988b, 75-118, and AVI SHUR 1994, 277-307.
67
See on this text DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1990a, 205-40; L ORETZ 1993, 289-93;
and, for a different interpretation, PARDEE 1988b, 179-92.
68
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 339-42 with a reconstruction of the ritual; cf. also
DE MOOR 1980a. For a different interpretation see DEL OL MO L ETE 1981b and
MA RGA L I T 1995, 231-8.
69
Cf . SEGERT 1985 and DE MOOR 1987, 117- 8.
gracious gods)'. In their opinion it is an incantation against malign
forces of nature.
70
Also the part of the text dealing with mt w sr,
'death and evil' (lines 8-11) resembles the incantations; in particu-
lar the reference to the binding (smd, line 10) of the demon-like god
points in this direction.
K TU 1.114 = RS 24.258 is labelled by Dietrich - Loretz as an
i ncantati on for the medical treatment of drunkenness.
71
The text
describes El drinking himself nearly to death and two goddesses
finding a remedy to cure his sickness. The remedy seems to be
described in the last lines as a recipe for humans with the same
problem.
72
Thi s and similar texts (cf. K TU 1.23; K TU 1.100; K TU
1.107) can teach us something about the use of myths in the daily
life of ancient Ugarit. Apparently, it was believed that reciting the
right story on the right occasion, combi ni ng it with the right prayer
and cultic acts, had magical power. I nterpreted in this way, K TU
1.114 is related to 'pure' incantations. To this can be added that in
lines 19-20 we hear of a demon-like figure threatening El in his
drunkenness (lines 19-20). This hby is described as 'the one with two
horns and a tail'. The name itself can be translated as 'crawler' and
seems to refer to a scorpi on." I n Ugaritic incantations this is a com-
mon indication of the evil force to be expelled.
I n the myth about the moon-god Yarikh obtaining his bride Nikkal
(K TU 1.24 = RS 5.194) we find some elements related to the incan-
tations in the second section of the text (lines 40-50), which is sep-
arated from the rest of the text by a horizontal line. It concerns a
hymn to goddesses called the Kathi rat, daughters of the new moon
Hilal. They are described as birds settling down on the trees. The
singer calls them by their names, stating that 'their list' (mnthn] cf.
the use of mnt in K TU 1.82:20 and K TU 1.100) is on his lips.
According to this text the Kathi rat can be regarded as lower god-
desses who are especially related to marital affairs. Thei r status is
comparabl e to that of demons and (deified) spirits of the dead, who
just like the Kathi rat, are often compared to birds.
74
Calling their
70
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 350- 7.
71
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 342-5; cf. also PARDEE 1988b, 13-74; PARDEE
1997a; and CATHCART 1996; WY A T T 1998c, 404- 13.
72
Cf. WATSON 1990a.
73
Cf . CATHCART 1996, 5.
74
Cf . SPRONK 1986, 100.
names at the end of the myth about a divine weddi ng probably
functioned as a way to invoke their blessings on the occasion of a
human wedding.
For the sake of completeness another two texts deserve some atten-
tion. I n the second edition of K TU the genre of tablet 1.86 = RS
18.041 is indicated as 'myth?, ritual?, incantation?'.
75
Recently, it has
been demonstrated that it is likely that we are dealing here with a
hippiatric text about breeding.
76
K TU 1.93 = RS 19.054 is listed by de Moor among the incan-
tations, interpreting it as a prayer to Anat for help in reciting his
incantation properly, that is, without stammering.
77
If this interpre-
tation of the short and damaged text is correct,
78
then it would illus-
trate the i mportance of incantations in the religious life of the people
of Ugarit.
75
KTU\ 106.
76
Cf . DEL OL MO L ETE - MA RQUEZ ROWE 1995.
77
DE MOOR 1987, 186-7.
78
For other interpretations see CA QUOT 1989, 37- 9 and the literature listed there.
CHAPTER SEVEN
THE UGARI TI C CUL TI C TEXTS
1 T h e R i t u a l s
P a o l o M e r l o - P a o l o X e l l a
1.1 The problem of the ritual documents
The Ugaritic texts which can be classed as ritual texts or have a rit-
ual background did not at first attract the attention of scholars to
the same extent as the mythological texts, on which an enormous
bibliography has emerged. The very formal characteristics of these
documents have contributed to discouraging any approach to them.
They are mostly schematic texts, written in a concise and technical
language which proceeds by allusions, using an accurate and precise
liturgical vocabulary which cannot be studied with the help of, for
example, the parallelism characteristic of poetry. I n addition, there
is the frequent use of stereotyped formulae, the understandi ng of
which depends on actually identifying the rites to which they allude.
Lastly, the focus of the syntax is extremely difficult because 'pre-
scriptive' rubrics and 'descriptive' sections alternate with no obvious
criteria and are accompani ed by long lists of gods followed (often
asyndetically) by the victims or offerings intended for them.
A good stimulus to the study of ritual texts, which have been neglected
for so many years (apart perhaps from a couple of specific contri-
butions)
1
came from the article by Levine
2
on the possibility of iden-
tifying prescriptive and descriptive rituals, even if this distinction now
seems applicable only to a limited extent. Thi s is either because
1
DE GUGL I EL MO 1955. Cf. also URI E 1959.
2
L EVI NE 1963. The distinction he proposes between 'prescriptive' rituals and
'descriptive' rituals is only acceptable in broad outline since it is clear that even a
description is significantly prescriptive in nature (libretto for ceremonies; cf. the use
of the imperfect/future). It is, thus, a spurious problem. Cf. also L EVI NE 1965; 1974,
8ff. and 1983.
several texts do not, strictly speaking, belong to either of the two
categories or else because the descriptive texts are also standard and
are also often devised and written down as memoranda.
However, the situation has improved markedly over the last twenty
years, which have seen the first monographs on these documents as
well as a series of mi nor studies devoted to analysing the lexicon,
structure and function of the various texts, their implications for the
history of religions, the divinities involved in the rites, the typology
of the rites, etc. If we limit ourselves here only to wide-ranging works,
first of all comes the publication in 1979 of a long and excellent
comprehensi ve treatment of the ritual texts in the Supplment au
Dictionnaire de la Bible written by Caquot.
3
Then, at the beginning of
the eighties, there appeared the first monographs on the topic by de
Tarragon
4
(which is more discursive) and by Xella
5
(which is more
systematic). Besides a large number of other mi nor studies (which
appeared chiefly in Ugant-Forschungen), a new wide-ranging contribu-
tion appeared in the section written by de Tarragon in the book
edited by Caquot, de Tarragon himself and Cunchillos (TO 2) which
was published in 1989 (although written a few years earlier) even
though it did not provide any remarkabl e new interpretations (in a
few rare instances even marki ng a regression). Wi th del Ol mo Lete's
monograph,
6
substantial progress has been achieved in spite of the
way the author has chosen to present the material (in practice it is
a comprehensive study of the religion of Ugarit). I n this survey can
also be noted the translations made by Dietrich and Loretz of a cer-
tain number of ritual texts in the collection TUAT and elsewhere
7
as well as the inclusion of several cultic documents in the anthology
of de Moor
8
and in the study by Pardee of texts which he curiously
called 'para-mythological'.
9
1.2 Classifications of form and content
The ritual texts supply direct and extremely valuable information
about religious practices (chiefly but not exclusively royal and pub-
3
CA QUOT 1979.
4
DE TARRAGON 1980.
5
X EL L A 1981.
6
DE L OL MO L ETE 1992a = 1999.
7
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 1990a.
8
DE MOOR 1987.
9
PARDEE 1988b.
lie) of ancient Ugarit, even if we reiterate that the material is difficult,
to be approached with caution, using clear methodological princi-
ples. Apart from attempts to consider these documents as a specific
'literary form', the mai n fixed points of departure for analysis are as
follows. I n terms of the history of religions, they have an undoubt-
edly cultic character, while in terms of linguistics, they belong to a
form of linguistic expression that can be defined as 'chancellery lan-
guage',
10
which places them on the same level as the economic and
administrative texts and the hippiatric texts.
As for their being documents with a religious purpose, the ritual
texts have to be studied against the background of all that we know
about the beliefs and cults of Ugarit duri ng the Late Bronze Age,
with the proviso of also using, to the greatest extent possible, the
archaeological data from Ras Shamra and Ras I bn Hani in order
to provide a better framework as to how the rites functioned, and who
were their participants and the recipients of the various ceremonies.
Of course, local mythology also has to be a constant and funda-
mental reference point for understandi ng the rites and their under-
lying ideology. The objection (which is often raised) that the 'literary'
texts reflect a stage of Ugaritic religion which is different and older
(than the ritual texts) in fact has very little foundation, for it is based
only on the formal opposition between poetic language and the non-
poetic or non-literary l anguage" in which the ritual texts are cast.
I n terms of the history of religions it is true that in some cases there
is a certain divergence, for example between the rank and person-
ality of the divine figures described in the myths and those vener-
ated in the cult. However, the history of religions teaches us that
the mythic dimension has its own laws, times and coordinates, such
that the actions or features of a god in the mythological narratives
need not necessary have an exact equivalent in the ritual universe
regulated by man in terms of his own needs (even such banal and
practical needs as the eating and [re-]distribution of meat by means
of ritualizing immolations and celebrating religious feasts). To cite
only one striking case, it is precisely in the 'later' ritual texts that
the god Elincorrectly considered by some to be in decline with
the passage of timeoccupies a position of undoubted pre-eminence
over all the other deities.
12
10
FRONZAROL I 1975.
11
LI VERANI 1964.
12
Cf. XEI .L A (forthcoming).
If, instead, we consider the content of the texts rather than their
outward form, mythology and culdc documentati on comprise two
compl ementary and fairly organic aspects of Ugaritic religion which,
as in all the cultures of the ancient world, is expressed differently at
different levels. Lastly, as regards the matter of the relationships
between myth and ritual, which are inextricably connected, it is
sufficient to remember the existence of texts such as K TU 1.23 =
RS 2.002, correctly defined as 'cultic myth';
13
or, the fact that recita-
tions, prayers, exorcisms and incantations are religious acts which
can all be projected into the mythic dimension (while the recitation
of a myth is itself a rite!).
Besides these considerations, another i mportant fact to keep in
mi nd in the study of the Ugaritic rituals is the comparative dimen-
sion within the religious traditions of Syria-Palestine and Northern
Mesopotami a. With the increase in our knowledge of the religion
and sacrificial system of centres such as Ebla,
14
Emar
15
as well as
Mari (with the requisite changes),
16
it is necessary to get away from
the usual and repeated references to the Bible in order to recon-
struct the religious tradition peculiar to Syria, the consistency and
essential continuity of which are perceptible.
It should also be remembered that additional and often direct
information on the cult and on various rites, both sacrificial and
non-sacrificial, can be gained from other types of text, i.e. the eco-
nomic and administrative texts,
17
the letters and the mythological
texts. The most famous example in the last category comprises the
rites carried out by Keret (K TU 1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ ii 50ff. and
parallels) which, though to some extent awaiting proof, are undeni-
ably connected with cultic practice.
However, it is understandabl e how, faced with a mass of docu-
ments sharing a definite (and more or less direct) connection with
the cult, but without uniform formal characteristics, specialists have
attempted to sort this material, proposi ng classifications and sub-
classifications of various kinds.
I n a monograph written in 1981 ( X e l l a 1981) one of the authors
set out a subdivision of the texts as follows: 1) monthly liturgies and
13
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 15 = 1999, 15.
14
Cf. in general FRONZAROL I 1993 and POMPONI O - XEL L A 1997.
15
Cf. especially FLEMI NG 1992 and, for example, DI ETRI CH 1990.
16
An excellent synthesis in DURAND 1995.
17
DEL OL MO L ETE SANMARTI N 1998. On these aspects see below.
lists of offerings; 2) divination texts and oracles; 3) prayers; 4) incan-
tations; 5) atonement sacrifices; 6) liturgies for kings; 7) votive texts;
8) lists of gods.
18
Thi s proposed classification has largely been fol-
lowed by G . del Ol mo Lete ( del O l mo L et e 1992a = 1999) with
a series of additional subdivisions which refine the original grid still
further, even for exampl e distinguishing prescriptive rituals into
sacrificial or non-sacrificial, pure or mixed, single or multiple, etc.
19
The table proposed by the Spanish scholar is undoubtedly a good
theoretical grid for classification, provided that it is not taken rigidly
as a formal reference point. I n this Handbook, which has a more gen-
eral approach, we shall retain the distinction between prescriptive
and recited rituals. Whether the sacrificial action does or does not
involve blood is a further classification which, in some sense, cuts
across the others and can connote a number of other ceremonies.
Likewise, whether the ritual actions are more or less complex, the
length of time they take and where they are performed, are factors
which do not alter the basic typology.
Ultimately it has to be said that our as yet imperfect knowledge
of the sacrificial vocabulary of Ugarit and our continuing ignorance
of the deep structures of Syrian religion in the Bronze Age should
put us on guard against claims of elaborate classification which are
too detailed and too systematic.
1.3 Rite and sacrificial material: terminology and typology
As indicated above, to describe or record various actions of the cult,
the Ugaritic ritual texts use a series of technical terms which some-
times have a more generic meani ng and sometimes are very tech-
nical. Even if we are still very far from having resolved all the
problems of interpretation, the meanings of some terms have now
been determi ned with enough certainty.
20
The word dbh is a pri me
18
XEL L A 1981; in fact there is also a section on Hurro-Ugaritic rituals, due only
to the bilingualism marking these documents, recently studied in a systematic way
particularly by M. Dietrich, W. Mayer and M. Dijkstra in various publications
(chiefly UF and A O A T / A L A S P ) .
19
A different approach has been adopted by DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 300ff.,
which however is also reductive because it is determined by the anthological nature
of the series (TUAT) in which it appears.
20
XEL L A 1989; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 19-22 = 1999, 20 1; 1995. Nevertheless
there are still quite a few disputed or even completely enigmatic cases, for example,
example of a term to denote the sacrificial ceremony which is both
specific and generic at the same time.
Of as yet unknown etymology,
21
dbh (generally attested as a noun
although it also occurs in verbal form) is a key term in the Ugaritic
sacrificial lexicon. It has been suggested that a whole series of terms
(for exampl e,yt n, kbd, nkt, np, nrr, na, ntk, ql, qrb, lm, t (?), t'y) should
be considered essentially as its synonyms,
22
but each of themapart
from proven cases of functional synonymityis of course distinct and
must be investigated separately as a specific element of a highly tech-
nical lexicon. I n fact, dbh is a polysemantic term, as noted already
by Aistleitner,
23
who correctly distinguished between (a) the meani ng
'schlachten/Schlachtopfer' and (b) the meaning 'Gastmahl essen/Mahl'.
The Ugaritic term is not semantically related to Hebrew zbh (verb
and noun) but instead to Akk. zbu, 'food offering', which in turn is
synonymous with naptnu (originally an accounting term used for food
rations, used in the cult but also in non-cultic texts). The so-called
polyglot vocabulary of Ug 5 (137 iii 6)
24
gives the equivalents EZEN =
i-si-nu = e-\l]i = da-ab-hu, from which can be deduced the clear
meani ng 'feast', 'soire'. Thi s meani ng is abundantl y confirmed by
the use of the term in the ritual texts. It is a sacrificial meal, i.e. a
sacred banquet, as has been proved by several terms which are par-
allel or actually synonymous to itdgt, msd, trm,
e
srt. However, the
meani ng of the word sometimes seems to be more generic (precisely
'feast' in general),
23
since dbh sometimes includes not only foodstuffs
(for example, cf. oil and honey in K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+:20-l )
but also objects, clothes or metals. Thus it is an offering in a generic
sense even if, as seems to be the case, the gift par excellence to the
gods is still food (cf. the implicit equivalence dbh kispum in K TU
1.142 = RS 24.323).
26
An excellent example of a grandiose and complex dbh is provided
by K TU 1.148 = RS 24.643,
27
the dbh of Sapunu, which seems to
cf. terms such as iyn, m'rb (in spite of its apparently clear etymology), sin, trmt and
others as well.
21
FRONZAROL I 1965.
22
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 20- 1 = 1999, 21-3, although he notes that the syn-
onymy refers only to the basic meaning of 'to offer'.
23
AI STL EI TNER 1974, 722.
24
Cf. HUEHNERGARD 1987b, 117; VAN SOL DT 1991a, 303. Cf. 4.5.
25
Cf. for example the opening line of KTU 1.161 = RS 34.126: spr. dbh. zlm.
26
Cf. DLU, 128a for the references.
27
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 88-91 = 1999, 129-33. (with previous bibliography).
include a whole series of different rites within the ceremony. I n this
case, however, it seems that the iZmm-sacrifice does not form part of
the general typology of the dbh, but it cannot be excluded completely
that in the first section of this text the offerings are to be consid-
ered as performed as a /r/?-sacrifice (which was not mentioned because
it was implicit). A text such as K TU 1.170 = RI H 78/11 shows
that the dbh included sacrifices such as the srp, as is also indicated
by the semantic field of the Hurri an term athl, sometimes used as
equivalent to dbh and sometimes as equivalent to srp.
2
*
If, out of several possible cases, we consider the so-called atonement
ritual K TU 1.40 + 84 + 121 + 122 + 154 = RS 1.002,
29
significandy,
the terms dbh and t
c
denote the inner cultic sphere in which the
Ugaritic homo religiosus has commi tted sin.
Above we have referred to attempts at formal classification of the
ritual texts. Wi thout going into over-precise subdivisions, we note
that the ritual actions can be simply classed into the following cat-
egories:
30
ritual blood sacrifices, bloodless sacrificial offerings, pro-
cessions, enthronements-investitures, cultic meals. To these can be
added texts or parts of texts comprising recitation (including prayers).
The first category is thus represented by ritual actions involving blood.
Among these, the designation attested most often in the rituals of
Ugarit is provided by the brace of terms srp and lmm, which almost
always occur together in close succession. These are two specific
terms for sacrifice, the first of which is evidently connected with the
action of 'burni ng' the victim (as the root *srp shows) as is the case
in the other Semitic languages (although this does not mean that it
was always a holocaust); the second term, lmm, is possibly to be
translated 'communi on sacrifice' or 'peace sacrifice', based on ety-
mology and also on compari son with Hebrew
e
lamm.
U
Explicit
confirmation that (with the requisite modifications) in Ugarit also it
is a communal meal of the offerers, comes from K TU 1.115 = RS
24.260:9-10: l il bt lmm kl l y Ihm bh, 'a ram to the god of the
(royal) house as a //mm-offering; all eat it'.
32
2R
DI ETRI CH - MAY ER 1995, 12- 3.
29
XEL L A 1981, 251-76; DEL OL MO L ETE, 1992a, 99-109 = 1999, 144-60; DE
MOOR - SANDERS 1991; WY A TT 1998C, 342-7.
30
DE TARRAGON 1980, 55-129; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 28-32 = 1999, 34-40;
cf. also DEL OL MO L ETE 1995, passim.
31
Current views and bibliography in DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 30- 1 and n. 81 =
1999, 37- 40 and n. 82.
32
XEL L A 1981, 108; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 177 81 = 1999, 257-64.
Also part of the other actions of the blood ritual is the act of
'i mmol ati on' (nkt) or 'slaughter' (qll) of the victim. Nevertheless, the
ritual texts provide evidence of further types of sacrificial offerings
of which the meani ng is not always precise, as in the cases of npt
(related perhaps to Hebrew t
e
np),
33
tzg (which may denote either
the victim or the rite)
34
and also t'y, menti oned already, a polyse-
manti c term which also seems to denote an offering connected with
the royal cult.
35
Besides rites involving blood, the Ugaritic texts also mention blood-
less ritual actions. Among the ceremonies which do not involve the
sprinkling of blood can be menti oned here the fairly widespread
practice of performi ng 'libations' (the verb *ntk or the derived noun
mtk), especially of water and wine, documented in several texts (cf.
for example, K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+:12; K TU 1.107 = RS 24.251:46;
K TU 1.119 = RS 24.266:25), although they provide no information
about the details of the ceremonies. The bloodless offerings also
include, of course, offerings of vegetable food, and of various types
of object, metal or cloth, which are amply documented in the rit-
ual texts as well as in the economi c and administrative texts.
36
A further category of ritual actions comprises the processions, iden-
tifiable by a series of terms (for example, yrd, hlk, Iqh,
c
ly,
c
rb, etc.)
and correcdy included by G. del Ol mo Lete among the 'non-sacrificial
liturgies'.
37
The processions menti oned in the Ugaritic rituals have
in fact as a central point a series of ceremonial actions in honour
of divine statues,
38
in which, as usual, the role carried out by the
king and his family is completely in the foreground. I n this con-
nection, the ritual K TU 1.43 = RS 1.005 can be menti oned which
is focussed completely on the procession of divine statues.
39
It begins
with k t'rb* 'ttrt. hr. gb/bt mlk 'When 'Attart of Hurri
40
enters the gb
of the royal palace', and has the i mportant conclusion (lines 24-26):
mlk. ylk. Iqh. ilm || atr. ilm. ylk. p
e
nm./mlk. p*
c
*nm. yl[k]/sb
c
pamt. Iklhm,
'the king will go to take (the statues of) the gods || behind (the stat-
33
MI L GROM 1972.
34
XEL L A 1981, 39-40.
35
DEL OL MO L ETE 1988a; cf. also FREI LI CH 1992.
36
DEL OI .MO L ETE - SANMARTI N 1998; cf. in general DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a =
1999, passim.
37
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 96 = 1999, 140- 1.
38
DE TARRAGON 1980, 98- 112; in general DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1992.
39
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 189-94 = 1999, 282-91.
40
Cf . BONNET - XEL L A 1996.
ues of) the gods he will go on foot/the king will go on foot/seven
times with all of them'.
Further references to ceremonies of transporting statues are also
given in K TU 1.91 = RS 19.015, a key text (classed as adminis-
trative) which lists concisely various rites which can be identified in
more detail in other documents.
41
Line 10: k t'rb.
c
ttrt. d. bt m[lk]
'When 'Attart of the steppe enters the royal palace' (cf. K TU 1.148 =
RS 24.643:18-22) and in line 11: k t'rbn. rpm. bt. mlk, 'When the
Raaps enter the royal palace' (cf. K TU 1.106 = RS 24.250+, as
well as K TU 1.43 = RS 1.005:9ff.). K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256:
42
6-9, where images of the deities (genuine gods and divinized ances-
tors) are moved around in various cultic installations as part of the
dynastic cult, is not exactly of the same type.
Another category of ritual actions is that of investiture-enthronement.
4:i
Here we are referring, for example, to actions described by verbs
such as ytb 'to sit (down)' or lbs 'to dress/be dressed' (for the seman-
tic field of clothes or ritual dressing cf. especially azr and nps, as well
as other terms) but which, in a religious context, refer to specific
ceremonies the details of which are unknown to us. A clear case of
royal investiture can be identified, for example, in K TU 1.41 = RS
1.003+:53-5, sbu. p whl mlk/w l*[b]n. spm. w mh[pn]h* t*[t]tbn/b.
b*\t\ w km. ity[u. L] mmyd[h] 'the sun sets and the king is desacral-
ized and, robed splendidly and with his face cleansed, they shall
enthrone him (lit. they shall make him return) in the palace and
once there, he shall raise his hands towards the sky'.
44
Although it
mentions the royal throne, the expression 'and at night the throne
is prepared' alludes to a ritual action which is not completely clear
in K TU 1.106 = RS 24.250+:26~8 (w III t
c
r[k] ksu).
I mportant moments in the liturgies, apparently without involving
blood, can be recognized in the invocations, recitations and prayers
(cf. for example dn (?), nsa + yd, pth. + yd (?), sh, qra, r), in acts of
divination and oracles (phy (?), rgm, r, ttb + rgm, etc.) and in expi-
ation rites (cf. K TU 1.40 + 84 + 121 + 122 + 154 = RS 1.002,
cited already and marked by its peculiar structure and lexicon).
41
X EL L A 1979; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 173-7 = 1999, 257-64.
42
Rites to be celebrated in the month of tjyr (likewise K T U 1. 105 = RS 24. 249) .
On the passage quoted cf. XEL L A 1988.
43
DE L OI . MO L ETE 1992a, 96 = 1999, 141.
44
DE L OL MO L ETE 1992a, 83-5 = 1999, 122-5.
Finally, among the ritual actions, communal meals can be men-
tioned (cf. what has been said above concerni ng dbh and lmrr) which
frequendy acquire religious significance, and include the consump-
tion of drinks (specified by terms such as kly, Ihm, nsl (?),
(
db,
C
r, sty),
either as a convivial occasion which joins together men, the gods
and the spirits of the ancestors, or else as a ritualized and regulated
occasion where food (especially meat) is eaten.
As for the sacrificial material,
45
in rites involving blood, the offerings
of animals were substantially similar to those known in the other
religious traditions of the ancient Near East. The animals offered
most frequently are bovids (the ox, alp, the bull, tr, the cow, gdlt,
lit. 'female head of cattle'), ovines, denoted genetically as sin (the
ram, i, the sheep, dqt, lit. 'head of small catde' or tat, she-goat,
c
z),
birds, called generically
c
sr, with the dove, ytnt or the turtle-dove, tr
specified. However other kinds of animals also occur such as don-
keys, V and also fish, dg. Besides complete animals, the various parts
of the victim were offered, limbs and entrails (ap, nps, lb, kbd, mtnt
are the easiest to identify) as studied in detail by G. del Ol mo Lete.
46
Animal offerings are certainly not the only ones attested in the
Ugaritic rituals and several times gifts were dedicated to the gods
either of vegetables such as wine (yn), oil (mr), emmer (ksm), flour
(qmh) honey (nbt), or else of precious metals such as silver (ksp) and
gold (}}rs) or even objects in common use including articles of cloth-
ing and crockery.
1.4 The role of the king
By now it is well known that the king had a role of particular impor-
tance within the Ugaritic cult and was by far the principal officiant.
47
The texts of Ugarit, in fact, show not only how the palace has con-
trol over the personnel appoi nted to the cult but how the king him-
self is often the mai n celebrant within a liturgy and how frequently
the ceremonies take place in locations and internal buildings actu-
ally within the royal palace. Moreover, the i mportance of the dynas-
45
Cf., for example, DE TA RRA GON 1980, 31-54; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 32~3 =
1999, 40-2.
4,1
DEL OL MO L ETE 1989b.
47
HEAL EY 1984; Y ON 1985; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 115-95 = 1999, 166-291;
DEL OL MO L ETE 1993b; ABOUD 1994, 123-92.
tic cult together with the venerati on of the divinized royal ancestors
has emerged as one of the most typical aspects which characteri ze
the religion of Ugari t in a pecul i ar symbiosis between the living and
the dead for the common good.
48
The high number of rituals found in Ugari t testify to a series of
liturgies where the ritual actions clearly refer to the king, expressed
frequentl y by the use of fixed 'ritual formul ae' which indicate his
state of (ritual) purity and refer to special moments in the day.
49
The best known and best attested form of ritual action where the
king is seen as the protagonist is the one concerni ng his ritual purifi-
cation. Thi s must certainly have been achieved by means of special
ablutions, expressed by the formul a yrths mlk bn 'the king washes
<and is> purified'. Thi s formul a often i ntroduces a series of cere-
moni es in which the king takes part, at the close of whi ch there
occurs, connected with nightfall or sunset (sba/u p,
c
rb p) the fur-
ther formula whl mlk 'and the king is desacralized'. Thus the purification
of the king seems to be a prerequisite for him to be able to perform,
assist at or take part in the ritual (cf., for exampl e, K TU 1.119 =
RS 24.266:4-6; K T U 1.112 = RS 24.256:10-5, etc.).
Another series of 'formul ae' whi ch are quite similar to each other
even if not exactly identical, allude to the king's role in oracle practice
(mlk brr rgm y ttb/rgm y ttb mlk bn, ttb rgm whl mlk) probabl y acti ng as
medi ator for the replies and always in condi ti ons of ritual purity.
0
"
There are many other exampl es of the sovereign bei ng involved
in the cult. Among the most i mportant are K T U 1.119 = RS
24.266:13-4 in which 'the king sacrifices in the templ e of , or
K T U 1.164 = RI H 77/2b+ 'When the king sacrifices in the hmn
(i.e. the pal ace chapel)'; the king takes part in processions, as in
K T U 1.43 = RS 1.005:23-5, cited al ready; a cantor has to sing in
front of the king, who has his hands spread out: K TU 1.106 = RS
24.250+: 15-7; the king's throne is prepared at night, probabl y to
allow hi m to be seated duri ng the performance of nocturnal rites:
K T U 1.106 = RS 24.250+:27-8, and so on.
48
Restated by DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 130 4 = 1999, 192-8 (in respect of K T U
1.161 = RS 34.126) and passim, where five whole chapters (3- 6) are devoted to the
religion and cult of the king.
4
" XEL L A 1984c.
50
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 22 = 1999, 24.
The ceremony described at the end of K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003:50-
5
51
is particularly interesting; here the cultic role of the king is very
obvious: the rite, which is still difficult to identify exactly, is per-
formed in the month of riyn and takes place on the terrace of the
royal palace (it is less likely that it was a temple); it exhibits remark-
able similarities with the Hebrew ritual of the New Y ear which
was also celebrated on the day of the full moon in the first month
of the year, at the season of the wine harvest, with the construction
of huts.
52
Also worthy of menti on is the possible sacred marriage ceremony
menti oned in K TU 1.132 = RS 24.291, studied again recently (with
new proposals) by Dietrich and Mayer,
53
in which it seems that the
union of the king with the goddess Pidrayu was celebrated. She was
the daughter of Baal and evidently must have embodi ed the ideal
wife at the highest level.
54
Besides the rites in which the king took part, the locations where
the liturgy took place were often included within the palace com-
plex and the chapels attached to it.
One of the places in which ritual actions involving the king's pres-
ence were often performed is the hmn, undoubtedly a chapel reserved
for the royal and dynastic cult, a raised and covered structure, a
sort of earthly projection of the heavenly dwelling, which forms part
of the royal palace and was used chiefly for the royal dynastic cult.
55
There are other places in which the rituals were performed and
probably must have belonged to the king's residence such as the
'terrace' (gg) menti oned above or the 'garden' (gn). Thi s second term,
which is also a name for a month in the Ugaritic calendar when an
impressive number of ceremonies are performed, is already attested
in the texts from Ebla'
6
and denotes a cultic area inside the royal
palace which was a sort of cemetery, the location for funerary rites
intended for the ancestors and the chthoni an deities.
37
51
Lines 50-55 of this tablet are separated from lines 1-49. Only the latter have
a duplicate in KTU 1.87 = RS 18.056.
52
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 83-5 = 1999, 122-5.
53
DI ETRI CH - MA Y ER 1996a; cf. the new proposal to read bb*t mlk instead of bit
mlk in line 3.
54
DE L OL MO L ETE 1992a, 143 = 1999, 212.
55
DEL OL MO L ETE 1984d; X EL L A 1991, I69ff. and passim.
5,I
X EL L A 1995c.
57
Cf. for example SPRONK 1986; L EWI S 1989; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 149-56 =
1999, 219-32. For a more reserved critical attitude cf. VAN DER T OORN 1991.
The reference to gn brings us to the ceremonial role of the king
in his capacity as principal celebrant, a role exercised even more
within the funerary cult in honour of the dead and deified kings of
the dynasty. Thi s fundamental aspect of Ugaritic religion is attested
in a whole series of indications and texts (three, in particular K TU
1.108 = RS 24.252, K TU 1.113 = RS 24.257 and K TU 1.161 =
RS 34.126 which, although their general meani ng and many details
are still disputed, throw considerable light on the phenomenon which
seems to be peculiar to the Syrian region).
The first of these documents (K TU 1.108 = RS 24.252)
58
seems
in fact to attribute to the dead king the title of rpu mlk
c
lm 'Rapi u,
eternal king' (lines 1 and 21-22). Unfortunately, the break and the
theoretical possibility of attributing the title rpu to a god (in this case
Baal) rather than to the king makes the interpretation of the whole
text very uncertain. K TU 1.113 = RS 24.257 (see 7.2) is a clear
testimony that the dead kings were considered as divine. Lastly, K TU
1.161 = RS 34.126
59
is introduced as is known as the 'liturgy of
sacrifice of the shades [=protective spirits]' (spr dbh zlm), i.e. a 'libretto'
of the funeral celebration which was performed to accompany the
descent of the dead king into the underworld. The liturgy begins
with the invocation of the Rapiuma, the ancestors belonging to the
dynasty, after which we are present at a lament with a ritual meal
followed by the command given by the goddess apa to the dead
king (here probably Ni qmaddu I I I , line 26) to descend into the under-
world. The text then continues with the sacrifice of a bird (prob-
ably as an offering for the dead king) performed seven times and it
ends with a propitiatory blessing of well-being towards the king, the
ruling house and the whole city of Ugarit. It is precisely this final
blessing which shows us the purpose of the cult of the ancestors
which the Ugaritic kings carried out: it expresses in fact the con-
cern for obtaining prosperity, protection and oracular responses
1
'"
from the Rapi uma, fittingly honoured for that purpose.
61
Finally, it can be noted that the role of the royal house in Ugaritic
liturgy does not seem to have been strictly confined to the king.
58
PARDEE 1988b, 75-118; (CAQUOT - ) DE TARRAGON (CUNCHI LLOS) 1989, 111-8;
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 126-30 = 1999, 184-92, WY A TT 1998C, 395-8.
59
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 130-4 = 1999, 192-8, with previous bibliography.
See also WY ATT 1998C, 430-41.
60
TROPPER 1989a; L ORETZ 1993.
61
The 'minimalist' position recently adopted by PARDEE 1996a, 281 does not
seem completely justified.
Already K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256 studied above shows that the
whole royal family took part in ritual actions. I n addition, K TU
1.170 = RI H 78/11, even in a broken context, seems to show the
existence of a sacrifice carried out by the queen, which is confirmed
by the administrative text K TU 4.149 = RS 15.039:14-6 which
records quantities of wine for the sacrifice by the queen on sown
field.
62
1.5 Other cult personnel
Besides the foreground role performed by the king as officiant, we
also know of other personnel appoi nted to the cult even if, surpris-
ingly enough, neither khnm nor rb khnm ever feature in the ritual
texts, apart from a the doubtful reference to a 'throng of priests',
tltt khn[m], in the second broken incantation against serpents' venom,
K TU 1.107 = RS 24.251 +: 18. Otherwise note can be taken of a
'cantor', sr, in K TU 1.106 = RS 24.250+: 15, a qdl K TU 1.112 =
RS 24.246:21, a category which can perhaps be defined as 'purifiers',
mhllm in K TU 1.119 = RS 24.266:23, whereas a certain exorcist
termed mihi is the human protagonist in the great incantation against
serpents, K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244.
All this personnel belongs to the category of dependents of the
royal house (bnl mlkf
3
and therefore, strictly speaking, a class of
priests i ndependent of the king is not attested in Ugarit.
64
The rare menti on of personnel with religious functions in the cul-
tic texts is partly completed by references which can be derived from
the administrative and economic texts,
65
although there is no mention
of their cultic duties. In this category of documents we find several
references to 'priests', khnm (in the Akkadian texts: l u. mes sanga); in-
dividually or collectively, in 'communi ty', dr khnm (K TU 4.357 = RS
18.046:24), with their 'chi ef' rb khnm (in the Akkadian texts: l . u g u l a
sanga), a title which occurs also on the famous hatchets
66
and in
the colophon to the 6th tablet of the Baal cycle menti oned above.
62
Already noted in X EL L A 1981, 149.
63
Cf. for example HEL TZER 1982, 131-9; LI PI NSKI 1988.
64
According to the colophon of the tablet K TU 1.6 = RS 2.[009]+ vi 55-7,
even the high priest Attanu-prln was a dependent of king Niqmaddu, albeit at the
highest level. The title nqd can be related to the cult only hypothetically.
65
DE L OL MO L ETE - SANMARTI N 1998, 176- 84.
66
See most recently BORDREUI L 1998.
There are also the 'consecrated ones', qdm, for whom a divina-
tory function has also been proposed, hypothetically,
67
and then the
'singers', rrn, personnel connected in various ways with music in the
cult and perhaps also outside the cult and lastly the 'water carriers
of the sanctuary', ib mqdt, a function which has parallels in the
Hebrew world, in Hcllenistic-Roman Syria and elsewhere.
1.6 The times of the celebrations
As is almost the general rule in the ancient Near East, the calen-
dar
68
of Ugaritic liturgical celebrations is based on the lunar cycle
and therefore the days in which the cult takes on greater impor-
tance are evidently at the beginning or middle of the month, cor-
responding to the new moon (ym hdt, i.e. the first day of the month)
or the full moon (ym mlat, i.e. the fifteenth day of the month). On
these days great sacrifices are carried out, accompani ed by the usual
rite of purification of the king, as shown for example by K TU 1.46 =
RS 1.009, K TU 1.109 = RS 24.253 and K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+.
However, there are also other liturgies for other days of the month,
often in 'weekly' cycles (i.e. a quarter of a month), but also on sev-
eral other days of the month. And then some rites took place in
the evening or at night, as can be deduced from the indications I II
and Ipn II.
With regard to the annual cycle of the cult, however, unfortu-
nately we are not yet completely certain of the exact sequence of
the months of the Ugaritic cal endar since the local names are con-
siderably different from the standard names of Mesopotami an tra-
dition. And comparison with what we know of the months of various
Eblaite calendars from over a millennium earlier does not help much
either. Some scholars have tried to reconstruct a particular seasonal
liturgical sequence on the basis of the mythological texts,
69
but this
attempt has not been accepted by scholars. As far as the strictly rit-
ual texts is concerncd, we know of liturgical texts related to certain
67
DEL OL MO L ETE - SANMARTI N 1998, 180- 1. On the root cf. XEL L A 1982.
68
DE TA RRA GON 1980, 17-30; DEL OI . MO L ETE 1992a, 22-4 = 1999, 24 7;
COHEN 1993, 377 83; ARNAUD 1993b. For chronological indications to the cult
which can be obtained from the economic and administrative texts cf. DEL OL MO
L ETE - SANMARTI N 1998, 186-8.
6fl
Especially DE MOOR 1971. Cf. also DE MOOR 1972 and 1988a.
specific months such as the months of ib'lt (K TU 1.119 = RS
24.266:1-17), nql (K TU 1.138 = RS 24.298) and hyr, the second
month of spring correspondi ng to Apri l /May (K TU 1.105 = RS
24.249 and K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256). I n addition we are acquainted
with the ritual of the month of ris yn (K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003/KTU
1.87 = RS 18.056). Thi s last month ('first of the wine') fell in the
time of the wine harvest and corresponded to the month September/
October; it was probably the beginning of the cultic year in Ugarit.
Its ritual, with an extremely long list of sacrifices, is marked by an
initial and highly symbolic offering of a bunch of grapes, undoubt-
edly to be understood as firstfruits, to the god El.
1.7 The places for the celebrations
The Ugaritic liturgy certainly did not only take place in the tem-
ples. I n fact the ritual texts menti on several sacred places, some of
which have been confirmed from archaeology whereas others still
remain unidentified.
70
For reasons of completeness it is necessary to
note, however, that certain 'cult places', identified on the basis of
archaeological evidence, actually have no equivalents in the specific
terms of the ritual texts.
71
The temple of Baal, identified with one of the two great temples
on the acropolis, takes on a foreground role in the ritual texts (K TU
1.119 = RS 24.266; K TU 1.105 = RS 24.249:19; K TU 1.104 =
RS 24.248:13; K TU 1.109 = RS 24.253:11), and also in the mytho-
logical texts (especially K TU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+; but see also K TU
1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 31). It is built on a platform which is approached
by means of a monumental stairway; it comprises a vestibule which
comes before the naos (or inner cella) and, in the southwest corner,
is preceded by a structure which can be explained as the holy of
holies. I n front of the entrance, within the court surroundi ng the
sanctuary to the south, there is a structure measuri ng 2 x 2 metres,
usually explained as an altar (it is thought that it may be the altar
70
The first of these is the so-called sanctuary of the Hurrian gods close to the
royal palace, the nature and cultic function of which seem to be certain; the sec-
ond is the so-called sanctuary of the rhyta, located in the residential area of the city;
cf. Y ON 1996.
71
On cult places in Ugarit cf. generally Y ON 1984; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a,
24-8 = 1999, 27-34; DE TARRAGON 1996; DEL OL MO L ETE - SANMARTI N 1998,
184-6.
menti oned in K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+:41 mdbh b'l). It is interesting
to note that the raised structures menti oned as the 'tower of Baal
of Ugari t' (K TU 1.119 = RS 24.266:12) and the 'terrace' (gg in
K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+:50), where sacrifices were offered, are prob-
ably confirmed from archaeology by the enormous width of the foun-
dation walls of the temple of Baal and in the purported existence
of a stairway on the eastern side of the temple.
Archaeology has brought to light a second great temple on the
acropolis. Due to the finding of the two inscribed stelae K TU 6.13 =
RS 6.021 and K TU 6.14 = RS 6.028 in its vicinity, it has been
considered as dedicated to the god Dagan. However, unfortunately
the Ugaritic ritual texts never menti on a temple of Dagan,
72
so that
it seems more reasonable to attribute this temple to the god El in
agreement with the evidence from the ritual texts K TU 1.87 = RS
18.056:42 and K TU 1.119 = RS 24.266:13-4 and with the mytho-
logical texts K TU 1.17 = RS 2. [004]+ i 31-2 and K TU 1.5 = RS
2. [022]+ iv 21. Thi s temple also, like the other one dedicated to
Baal, is built on a platform, has massive foundations which suggest
the existence of a very high upper storey and is subdivided into a
vestibule and a cella.
Besides these temples which have been identified archaeologically,
the ritual texts also mention the temple of Ilat (KTU 1.41 = RS
1.003+:24 mdbh bt ilt 'altar of the temple of Ilat') and the 'temple
of the l ady of the high templ es' (ibid. 37 [b]t b'lt bt[m rmm]).
Unfortunately, nothing worthwhile can be said about these two tem-
ples given that the context provides nothing useful regarding their
description. From the texts in prose we know of the existence of a
temple dedicated to El (cf. above on the hypothesis regarding Dagan),
a temple to 'Attart (K TU 4.216 = RS 16.165:2), a temple of Raap-
gn (ibid, line 3) and other sacred structures dedicated to Iiis (KTU
4.781 = RI H 83/28 + 31 + 84/15 + 26:2) and to the unknown
deity dml (the letter K TU 2.26 = RS 16.264:6).
Besides the temple structures, a whole series of names of other
specific places of cult are known. The most i mportant of these is
the hmn, which has already been menti oned, i.e. the palace chapel
dedicated chiefly to the dynastic cult (and comprising perhaps qd,
c
ly and kbm, i.e. a small sacred area, steps and other unidentified
72
Cf. NI EHR 1994, and on K T U 1. 104 = R S 24. 248: 13 cf. also the new read-
ing in KTU
1
.
structures). But there are also other places about which nothing cer-
tain is known, such as the 'garden' (gn) already menti oned, cited for
example in K TU 1.106 = RS 24.250+:22~3, or else the gb ('sacrificial
pit'?, 'cistern' ? or 'pl atform' ?, cf. K TU 1.43 = RS 1.005:1-2), the
urbt, the
c
gml, the gb and others as well (such as the 'tower' mgdl, the
'staircase' (?) m'lt, etc.).
I n spite of the lacunae and the uncertainties, the combi ned use
of textual, archaeological and comparative data makes the ritual sys-
tem of Ugarit certainly the best known within west Semitic religions
with the prospects of further knowledge in connection with excava-
tions which continue uninterruptedly.
2 T h e O f f e r i n g L i st s an d t h e G o d L i st s
G r e g o r i o d e l O l mo L et e
2.1 Introduction
The 'list' as a literary form is well known in the scribal practice of
the anci ent Near East
1
and is well represented in its archives. These
provi de us with canoni cal series which compri se a sort of universal
encycl opaedi c vocabul ary arranged by theme, together with other
lists of similar origin.
These lists, which come from administrative archives, record different
products and items that 'come i nto' or 'leave' the public warehouses,
evidently for the purposes of accounti ng. I n principle, their fate is
irrelevant as far as accounti ng goes, which means that there is no
need for a special category for recordi ng products i ntended to be con-
sumed in the cult as sacrificial victims. I n fact, in the archives of
Ugarit, such account records occur mixed together with others which
have all kinds of destinations ( del O l mo L et e - S an mar t i n 1998).
However, we are able to identify them and given their syntactic
structure, consider them to be cultic texts. Thi s structure is set out
as the attri buti on of an offering to a divine recipient following var-
ious grammati cal model s ( del Oi . mo L et e 1992a, 13 20 = 1999,
1121 ); such an attri buti on implies a cultic action even though its
model does not need to be made explicit. As a result, in their sim-
plest form these texts appear as a series of two j uxtaposed lists, one
of offerings and the other of gods. They can be analysed separately
or in relation to each other, in both cases provi di ng some i nforma-
tion on the devel opment of cultic practi ce in this communi ty. It is
clear that in such a case the 'list of gods' determi nes the origin and
arrangement of the ritual, either implying the existence of cultic pan-
theons or using other pantheons which ori gi nated outside the cult.
I n terms of admi ni strati on, though, the i mportant el ement is the
record of offerings.
However, this concise form of cultic list is not the only one; there
are others which supply i nformati on about the moment, place or
1
OPPENHEI M 1977, 244FF.; LAMBERT 1957- 71, 473- 9; CAVI GNEAUX 1980 3, 609- 41.
type of cultic act, even providing descriptions of it, which suggests
that at least some of these texts are rather more than mere account
'records' (de T a r r a g o n 1995a, 104).
Even so, in principle the references to the recipient or sacred
moment of offering, even to the rite, seem to have the purpose of
merely certifying or justifying delivery, issue or expense in the accounts,
just like their civil counterparts concerni ng the moment or method
of a business transaction. Thus, they do not seem to be accounts
which strictly tabulate items but rather they all seem to be tinged
with contextual references. Thi s is possibly connected with the for-
mation and function of the scribe, Qui te often the development of
these facts takes on an informative value which transcends mere
accounts and becomes a more or less schematic description, in space
and time, of a complex cultic action. Given the i mportance of the
cult in ancient cultures, it is legitimate therefore to suppose that these
texts were produced as meta-economi c texts, with their own sacral
meaning, and have been analysed as such.
2
Keepi ng this in mi nd, it is often quite difficult to determi ne when
the text is merely a list for accounts (list) and when it is descriptive-
prescriptive (ritual). It all depends on what is implied by the informa-
tion as a whole. Here we shall discuss basically texts which seem to
be pure lists or largely lists, i.e. in which the other information can
be considered (merely) circumstantial. Texts which lie outside this
frame of reference are left to be analysed as a whole as rituals, i.e.
examples of the liturgy of Ugarit, and from them we shall extract
here only the series of offerings and divine names they provide.
On the other hand, these elements (offering and recipient) which
are supplied together in the lists menti oned, could be recorded quite
separately. This happens especially in the pantheons or name lists
of gods, whereas the possible lists of products or offerings can eas-
ily be camouflaged among texts which we consider to be strictly
administrative if there is no indication of their use or purpose (del
O l mo L et e - S an mar t i n 1998, 192- 4) .
2
This has been the approach adopted by us (DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a = 1999),
and earlier by DE TARRAGON 1980 and XEL L A 1981.
2.2 God Lists
We shall begin with the lists of gods, given the i mportance this lit-
erary form acquired in ancient near Eastern religion: from the begin-
ning, the principal entities to be listed were the gods.
These lists could have functioned merely as templates with which
to fill the records of delivery or lists of offerings, but they also
undoubtedl y had a meani ng transcending their practical use. Thi s is
suggested by the number of copies that were made and their trans-
lation into Akkadian, as we shall see below in connection with List
A of the gods. Thi s is a process of systematization which combines
profession of faith in the divine person with the invocation of his
name, elements basic to all ancient Near Eastern religions.
Apart from the 'List , which is arranged in the Mesopotami an
style and so is foreign, there were at least two indigenous lists, orig-
inating in a different period and a different ideology, both translated
into Akkadian and occurring together in the cult in the lengthy text
K TU 1.148 = RS 24.643 ( P ar dee 1997b, 67-71). The palace shared
in this religious process of systematic theology in respect of the divine
universe providing its own 'pantheon', also for cultic use. Besides
these and other name-lists or exempt lists we shall provide next those
to be found in ritual contexts, sacrificial and non-sacrificial.
2.2.1 Lists of divine names
2.2.1.1 The List Ann
The Ugaritic fragments of this classic list of Mesopotami an gods copy
their model faithfully and are a witness to how venerable and wide-
spread they were throughout the ancient Near East, no doubt to-
gether with the school tradition of the literature of lists. However,
as such, they provide nothing new or i mportant about the religion
of Ugarit. For that topic we refer to the bibliography.
3
More impor-
tant as part of the same scholarly tradition is the information pro-
vided by the polyglot vocabularies since they allow us to trace the
equivalences made in Ugarit between the Sumerian-Akkadian and
3
On the Mesopotamian list Anu in general cf. the fundamental article by WEI DNER
1929 and the bibliography provided later by BORGER 1975, I I I 64-5; also L I TRE
1958. For this list in Ugarit cf. NOUGAY ROL 1968a, 210- 30, 246 9, 324. Another
new fragment has been published by ARNAUD 1982a.
Hurri an pantheons and their own; however little of the text has been
preserved ( N o u g a y r o l 1968a, 246-9).
2.2.1.2 List A (K TU 1.118 = RS 24.268+, K TU 1.47 = RS
1.017, K TU 1.148 = RS 24.643:1-9, RS 20.24)
The basic text of the principal or canonical list (A) is K TU 1.118 =
RS 24.268+, whereas K TU 1.47 = RS 1.017 which has the addi-
tion of il spn at its beginning, is very damaged, and can be recon-
structed from the other text. On the other hand, the good condition
of the Akkadian text RS 20.24, a version of the previous text, is of
inestimable value for determi ni ng what the Ugaritic names/epi thets
mean and their relation to the Mesopotami an pantheon ( del O l mo
L et e 1986a, 293-9; H e a l e y 1985, 115-23; 1988a, 103-12). I n turn,
K TU 1.148 = RS 24.643:1-9 confirms the fixed character of this
canonical sequence in the cultic domai n: its first nine lines give us
a simple listing of the gods of List A, followed by the victim allot-
ted them in the festival of Sapunu (cf. below). Thi s first section is
repeated in lines 10-12 as a sort of summary, in accordance with
the two sets of offerings required by the rp wlmm ritual.
RS 20. 24 K T U 1. 118 1. 47 1. 148: 1- 9
il spn [il spn]
DINGIR a-bi ilib ilib [ilib]
Hum*"
m
il i[l] il
ci
da-gan dgn dgn
[dgn]
A
adad be-el hurn ha-zi b'l spn b'l spn b'l spn]
A
adad I I b'lm b'lm b'lm
A
adad I I I b'lm b'lm [b'lm]
A
adad IV b'lm b'lm b'lm
d
adad V b'lm b'lm [b]'l[m]
A
adad VI b'lm [b]'lm [b'lm]
A
adad VI I b'lm [b'l\m
D
I DI M I DI M ars wmm [ars] wmm ars wmm
A
sa-s-ra-tum kt[r]t [ktr]t klr[t]
A
sin \y)rh
]
yrb
A
l}uran ha-zi
[s]pn [spn]
spn
A
-a kir
m
klr
%-bat pdry [pdry] pdry
A
a-ta-bi 'ttr
m
d
huranu
mr
u a-mu-tu[m] grm w\'mqt] [grm w'mqt] grm w'mqt
a-ra-tum
WW
[alrt]
atrt
A
a-na-tum 'nt
M
'nt
A
ama p [p] p
d
al-la-tum arsy [a]rsy arsy
d
i-ha-ra uhry [u]hry 'ttrt
d
is'tar"
lm
'ttrt ['] ttrt uhry
HlmT* til-la-ad
A
adad il t'dr b'l il t'dr b'l il 't'dr b'l
d
nergal r[]p rp rp
d
d-ad-mi-i ddm ddm ddm
d
pu-lfur ilni
mes
phr ilm phr ilm phr ilm
d
tmtum ym ym ym
dDU(
'BUR.ZI .N G.NA utht utht
dgis
ki-na-rum km knr (k]nr
d
MA.LI K.ME mlkm mlkm
(k]nr
d
sa-li-mu lm Ilm
Leaving out the addi ti on of the rei nterpretati ve title (il spn), the struc-
ture of this list provides the following elements:
a) I t begins with a 'tri ad' whi ch to some extent defines the per-
sonality of the supreme god under three cultically distinct epithets:
ilib, il, dgn (see also K T U 1.123 = RS 24.271:1-3: ab wilm. . . il. . . il
r dgn . . .). Very probabl y they suppose a devel opment (il as 'father'
of the divine family) of his personality and an attempt at combi n-
ing pantheons, as a reflection of myth, portrayi ng Ba
e
lu as 'son of
Dagnu' and consi deri ng Ilu to be his 'father' (DEL OL M O L E T E 1992a,
56 n. 77 [1999, 74 n. 78] with bibliography).
b) A similar process is assumed in the case of Ba'lu and (H)ad(a)du,
4
He is the great Canaani te god of the second mi l l enni um, the pro-
tector of Ugari t (b'l ugrt), defined in principle by the attri bute of his
residence spn, specified by the Akkadi an version as '(H)Adad, lord
of Mount Haz . I n his sevenfold epithet are concentrated all the
many (local) epi phani es (b'l ugrt, hlb . . .)} I n K T U 1.118 = RS
24.264+, a line separates this group from the following headi ng.
c) The descriptive series invoking Ba'lu is followed by a group of
seven deities, headed by the dual divinity 'Earth and Heaven', appar-
endy 'chthonian-astral' or cosmic in nature, in chiastic relation (stellar/
4
Akkadian makes a clear distinction between the proper noun Adad (IM) and
the common noun be-el, 'lord', which are combined in Ug. b'l (cf. line 4: ''adad be-el
t}uran fra-zi = b'l spn). The Ug. epithet hd of myth is not used here nor is add of
ritual (cf. KTU 1.65 = RS 4.474:9), in spite of the Akkadian translation. But it is
possible that
d
I M was not read as
A
Adad in Ugarit; the Akkadian version is a Ugaritic
interpretation (interpretatio) for 'foreigners' (DI ETRI CH - LORETZ 1981, 67-8).
5
In this context KTU 4.15 = RS 9.469 must be considered, which is possibly
a list of local or family epithets (stelae?) of Ba'lu.On divine 'heptads' in Mesopotamia
cf. the bibliography given by BORGER, above, n. 2.
terrestrial deities) with this polar pair which heads the group (ktrt,
6
yrh, 'ttr || spn, ktr, pdry).
d) The next group, again of seven deities, is also headed by the dual
name/di vi ni ty 'Mountai ns and Valleys'. It is combi ned with six god-
desses (1 +6), apparently arranged hierarchically and related to the
male gods of the previous groups. This separation of the sexes confirms
the absence of 'pairing' in the Ugaritic pantheon.
e) The last group is different in each of the various texts. The
most complete list is provided by K TU 1.118 = RS 24.264+ and
the Akkadian version, whereas the others omit one or other element.
Here too the series is introduced by a composite divine name, 'the
helper gods of Ba'lu'. To it corresponds another composite epithet,
'the assembly of the gods', equivalent to 'the family of Ilu'J At all
events, this last group is somewhat of an appendi x and possibly con-
tains later additions. I n it is developed the process of 'divinizing'
objects (utf}t, km) and persons (mlkm).
8
The final result is a pantheon of 33 divine invocations, excluding
the title added in K TU 1.118 = RS 24.264:1 (and K TU 1.148 =
RS 24.643:1). The hierarchical principle governing the composition
of this 'god list' is not clear; they do not seem to be arranged accord-
ing to 'personal' i mportance. Even so, it is possible to say that the
'canonical list' (A) does in fact include the group of principal gods
of Ugarit, exacdy as they appear in myth and the official cult (KTU
1.148 = RS 24.643:1-9]. It represents a mythologizing expansion
which tends to make organic distinctions between the gods and at
the same time to assimilate other foreign pantheons within its own
religious framework, from the multiple cultural influence which affected
Ugarit: Amorite, Hurri an, Hittite, Sumeri an and Akkadian.
6
This is an overall term for a group of 'seven' deities, as we know from KTU
1.24 = RS 5.194:47-50 (DEL OI .MO LETE 1991, 74-5).
7
Cf. KTU 1.123 = RS 24.271:32 which refers to drm ilm, 'the two divine fam-
ilies' (?); KTU 1.40 = RS 1.002:25 and par.; and KTU 1.65 = RS 4.474:2-3, with
its invocation of dr/mpl}rt bn it.
8
In the cult a small reduction of the standard list as it has come down to us
in its final form, is evident: from a pantheon of 33/34 epithets it has become a
group of 28/29, a number which is 'cultically' determined in KTU 1.148 = RS
24.643:1-9, in all likelihood, by the clays of the month, as will be apparent in the
fifth section (lines 23-45). One b'lm as well as 'ttr, uhtt, mlkm and lm are omitted
and the sequence of uf)iy and 'ttrt is inverted.
2.2.1.3 List (K TU 1.148 = RS 24.643:23-45; RS 26.142)
K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643:23-45, instead, provides us with a new
list of the il hyr, 'gods of the (month) Hiyaru. We have no separate
Ugaritic version of this text, but it is evidently a fixed and canoni -
cal list as is shown by the coincidence of the cultic use with the
i ndependent Akkadian version (RS 26.142). As both texts are dam-
aged, we lack a compl ete list of gods.
9
We now set out both texts
arranged in order (the Akkadian text follows the recent reconstruc-
tion by ARNAUD 1994, 107-9) and their Ugaritic equivalents:
RS 26.142 KTU 1.148 Interpretation
1. dingir [a-bi\ 23. ilib ilib
d
Ki [
cl
idim] ars wmm Earth and Heavens
dingir-[/M
4
] 25. il Ilu
d
Nin.mah x
?
[ a/ktrt Nin.mah [ ]
5.
d
Da-gan dgn Dagnu
d
U Hal-bi b'l hlb Ba'lu of Halba.
d
U
d
hur.sag Ha-zi b'l spn Ba'lu of Mount Hazi.
d
'I kur' tur trty Ba'lu the second (?)
d
[XX]X yrh [] (?).
10. [
d
hur.]sag Ha-zi spn [Moun]t Hazi.
[
d
]-a 30. ktr Ea
A-ta-bv.
d
Be-el]-
'ul-ba)-ad-da 'ttr 'Attaru
atrt Atiratu
gr witm Sagru and Itmu
rp idrp Rapu of idrp
]gr ?
gl]mt The Damsel
35 ?
km Kinru
] mr Miru
40. il m[ The god of [...]
[...] w thmt and Tihmtu
[...] xmr
15. 'dingir.me gi.sag.kul' [z7] sk[r] Gods of the bolt
dingir.me da-ad-me-na \il.d\dm Gods of Dadmena
9
As yet unpublished texts may perhaps help complete and identify them (BOR-
DREUI L - PARDEE 1995, 31). PARDEE (1992, 167) suggests that KTU 1.148 = RS
24.643 is an incomplete tablet which does not reproduce the full god list RS 26.142.
DI NGI R.ME la-ab-a-na
d
dug bur.zi.ni.naga.
t
!
d
gi"ZA.MM
20.
d
U
b'lm
il.lb[n]n
[...]
Lyre
Ba'lu
Ba'lu
Ba'lu
Ba'lu
Gods of Labana
Incense burner (?)
d
U
d
U
d
u
45. [....]
d
Ma-[lik. mes]
25.
d
D[I
Mali[kuma]
?
I n our view this is yet another pantheon used in the cult. As in the
case of K TU 1.148 = RS 24.643:1-9, it is very probabl e that this
is also a modification of an earlier pantheon, reduced to 28 deities,
in line with the monthly nature of the ritual.
10
Everything indicates
that K TU 1.148 = RS 24.643:23ff. is to be considered a ritual con-
nected with the 'funerary' cult of the month of Hiyaru, which is older
than the 'festival of Sapunu' (lines 1-9).
2.2.1.4 List C (K TU 1.102 = RS 24.246; K TU 1.139 =
RS 1.001:13-9)
We have to consider the list of gods provided by K TU 1.102 = RS
24.246:1-14 along the same lines (exempt list and cultic use). It is
a list (C) used in the cult in K TU 1.139 = RS 1.001:13-9, i.e. this
is a standard list not a casual one. Thus, the group of 14/16 deities
menti oned there presupposes a selection which in name and num-
ber largely agrees with the one provided by the group of texts which
we call 'dynastic' (cf. below).
1. il bt
uhry
ym.b'l
yrf}
5. ktr
pdry
dqt
trt
10. r'sp
'nt f}bly
10
The 'month' would only be a pattern, without necessarily implying, on the
other hand, a daily celebration in honour of each one of the gods. Also, compar-
ison with RS 26.142:16 suggests correcting ktrt to atrt (nin.mah) in KTU 1.148 =
RS 24.643:25, so written probably because of the sequence mm w ars ktrt in list A
(but cf. atrt in line 31; Pardee reads [-]-rt).
p pgr
iltm hnqlm
yrh kty
Thi s 'list of gods' contains a group of deities exclusive to the quoted
texts (trmn, dqt, trt and the epithets
c
nt hbly, p pgr, iltm hnqtm; yrh(m)
kty also occur in K TU 1.123 = RS 24.271:7), and also includes the
maj or deities of Ugarit [b'l, ym, yrh, ktr,
c
nt, p).
2.2.2 Lists of names of divine kings
2.2.2.1 List D (K TU 1.102 = RS 24.246:15-28)
The dynastic nature menti oned above explains why the list of K TU
1.102 = RS 24.246:1-14 is continued on the reverse of the tablet
by another (D) of theophoric names, to which in K TU 1.39 = RS
1.001:19" correspond the references to glmt, b
c
lt bhtm, ins ilm. Thi s
suggests that these theophoric names are also divine names, actually
of the kings of Ugarit, of their ins ilm, 'divine peoples', of which
K TU 1.106 = RS 24.250:3-5 already provides proof (three: ydbil,
yaril,
c
mtr) as recipients of offerings and the colophon K TU 1.6 =
RS 2.[009] vi 58 assigns one (yrgb.b
c
l) to king Niqmaddu of Ugarit.
12
This interpretation, however, has incurred some opposition, although
alternative suggestions are not convincing.
13
Consequently, we consider K TU 1.102 = RS 24.246 to be one list
or single pantheon which belongs to the dynasty with its gods and
divinized dead, which as such (ins ilm, gtrm, rpum) are only listed glob-
ally in the common standard patheon under the official title of mlkm.
These divine names are:
11
Understood in this way, KTU 1.39 = RS 1.001 is a 'generic' royal ritual
which closes by invoking the ins ilm, specified in KTU 1.102 = RS 24.246:15-28,
and as such could be added to it together with the sacrificial element thus sup-
posed, e.g. in KTU 1.106 = RS 24.250+:2-5 (gdlt).
V1
On K T U 1.102 = R S 24.246 in general cf. VI ROL L EAUD 1968, 594; DE MOOR
1970b, 326-7 (see 1990, 241); HERDNER 1978, 3-7; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ SANMARTI N
1975b, 545-6; CAQUOT 1979b, 1404; STAMM 1979, 753-8; XEL L A 1981, 328-31;
DEL OL MO L ETE 1986a, 282-5; 1987:43-6; 1992a, 117-20 = 1999, 168-75.
13
Cf. PARDEE 1996b, 273-87; SCHMI DT 1994, 71; 1996, 300; the reply by DEL
OI .MO L ETE 1996b, and the counter-reply by PARDEE 1998b.
15. y(r)gbhd
yrgbb'l
ydbil
yaril
yrgmil
20. 'mir
ydbil
yrgblim
'mtr
yaril
25. ydbb'l
yrgmb'l
'zb'l
ydbhd
2.2.2.2 List (K TU 1.113 = RS 24.257)
A suppl ementary text, possibly with a similar pattern to the one
cited, is K TU 1.113 = RS 24.257 on the reverse of which (lines
13-26) we have the list () of the proper names of the (dead) kings
of the dynasty of Ugarit.
14
It reflects the same royal ideology as sup-
posed in the previous text, providing us with the list of 'personal'
names of the kings of Ugarit preceded by the determinative il. It is,
therefore, a classification of them as 'divine beings' or divinized
beings,
15
as already dead of course, and reigning in the 'Underworl d',
for we have no indications that the kings of Ugarit were deified in
their lifetime, in spite of the possible proleptic use of these names
while a king was still alive.
The reverse seems to be a hymn or evocation, whereas the obverse
is a text divided into two columns, as is evident from the traces of
a double vertical line before the last lines on the right. The text has
been studied in detail by Kitchen and interpreted as a 'rising' or
14
Cf. VI ROL L EAUD 1962, 94~5; 1968. 561-2; K I TCHEN 1977, 131-42; X EL L A
1981, 288-91; DEL OL MO L ETE 1987a, 47-9, 68; 1992a, 121-3 = 1999, 176-80;
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1983a, 496f.; PARDEE 1988b, 165-78; L EWI S 1989, 47-52;
Y OUNGER 1997, 356-7; WY A T T 1998C, 399-403.
15
An interpretation opposed to the divinization of kings, following an earlier
proposal by Liverani, is defended by SCHMI DT 1994, 67fT.; 1996, 289-304; however
cf. PARDEE 1996, 276. L EWI S 1989, 49ff., instead, suggests a weakened 'divinization'
of the kings of Ugarit which in our opinion does not do justice to all the ritual
texts which give abundant evidence of the cult of dead kings and their entry into
the 'pantheon', though this does not necessarily mean they were worshipped as the
'great' gods were; nor were the other 'mi nor' gods of the pantheon worshipped in
that way either.
'retrograde' list of the kings of the Ugaritic dynasty, starting with
the predecessor of 'Ammurp, the last king of Ugarit, under whose
command this list of divinized ancestors was drawn up. I nevitably,
the various possible reconstructions of the text leave a wide margin
for hypotheses and there is no use trying to insist on any particular
one. The text is as follows:
12.
[
]xx[ ]
[
il 'm]ttmr
[
il n]qmp'
15.
[ ]
il
C
m<r>pi
[ ]
il ibm
[ ]
il/drd
[il 'mttm]r il tiqmp'
[il nqm\ d il ibm
20. [il arhi]b[ i]l 'mrpi
[il nq]mp
C
[ il] nqmp
C
[il 'mt]tmr il ibm
[il nq]md il nqmp'
[ ]
il ibm
25.
[ ]
il nqmd
[
il yqr
Elsewhere we have suggested readi ng this list in descending order.
The left-hand col umn, which ended with the historical sequence
Ar-H alba/Niqmepa
c
/
c
Ammittamru/Niqmaddu (lines 24-26 are written on
the edge) continued with the last three names on the right which
corresponded to the last three kings of Ugarit Ibiranu/Niqmaddu/ Taqaru,
with the last name applied to the ruling king,
C
Ammurpi, bearer of
the dynastic seal inscribed with that name.
16
Each king is the 'new'
Yaqaru,
]1
in this case the last sovereign of Ugarit. Even so, we do
not know the structure of the names in the left-hand column and
their possible relationship to those on the right.
16
Cf. DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 123 = 1999, 179. See also the new combined
reading of both columns and their comparison with the names of KTU 1.102 =
RS 24.246:15-28, proposed by DE MOOR 1990, 240- 1. For a general discussion of
these matters cf. ABOUD 1994, 3-11.
17
Cf. NOUGAY ROL 1955, X L X L I I I ; L I VERANI 1962, 137; CA QUOT 1978a, 574f.;
X E L I A 1983, 404; RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A 1979, 155-6.; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 123
= 1999, 179. This in turn would explain why the determinative il is placed before
yqr and not before the personal name of the ruling king, which would imply some
'divinization' in his lifetime. The king would undoubtedly be supposed as having
divine 'character' in his lifetime, at least for reasons of protocol and in anticipa-
tion as is apparent from KTU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ i 911, 20-3, and from his epi-
thets adn (ilm rbm), b'l (?) and trmn (cf. KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [009] vi 58).
2.2.3 Lists which are litanies of gods' names
A couple of texts, which seem to be prayers in the form of litanies,
each provide lists of divine names which are completely strange in
respect of their formal characteristics and the sequence of epithets,
which also seem unrelated to each other. Whereas the first list keeps
to the list of known deities, the other list has a series of divine names
otherwise unknown in Ugaritic literature. Perhaps this is an expres-
sion of social religion which lies outside the 'official' systematic
arrangement.
K T U 1. 65 1. 40 1. 123
il ab il wilm il-
bn il bn il il qds mlk
dr bn il dr bn il il r kbd dil gd[
mphrt bn il mphrt bn il dgn wb'l mr mnmm
tkmn wnm tkmn wnm tt wkmt bmn aryn
il watrt yrh wksa a^hn tlyn
il h il yrhm kty atdb wtr
add tkmn wnm qd wamn
b'l spn ktr whss thr wbd
qd wamn
b'l ugrt 'ttrt 'ttpr ktr hss
il (7) hr wlm il bt
ngh wrr il hst
'd wr rp
sdq mr ins ilm
hn bn il dn drm ilm
kbd wnr
These texts which are prayers in the form of litanies have a set of
characteristics in common which are extremely interesting:
a) First of all, they all have a clear preference for double invoca-
tions, either of the 'construct' type (b
e
l spn) or of the 'copulative' type
(il watrt). Thi s predomi nant use of a particular linguistic construction
possibly has cultic reasons and is perhaps connected with the cor-
rect use of the 'name' of the god and his proper match as an expres-
sion of his particular personality and therefore of his invocation. Thi s
match follows criteria which are not 'matri moni al ', apart from a few
exceptional cases (il watrt). Criteria of ethnic and functional origin
are more prevalent (b
c
l-dgn, 'nt-'ttrt, yrh-rp . . .). (DE MOOR 1970a, 227).
18
18
On the possible merging of pantheons implicit in such double names cf. DEL
OL MO L ETE 1992a, 40 = 1999, 52.
b) I n this type of cultic text there is also a marked persistence of
fixed sequences. A text such as K TU 1.65 = RS 4.474, possibly also a
'litany', begins with the same sequence which forms the concluding
invocation, repeated 5 or 6 times, of the long expiation text K TU
1.40 = RS 1.002+. It comprises, undoubtedly, a cultic sequence of
prayer or general invocation of the supreme god and of all 'his fam-
ily', the pantheon, in a nutshell, which ends in the first text by the
invocation of il watrt, as a suitable literary and genealogical inclusio.
More surprisingly, instead, at first is the mention in this series, as a
single specific deity (or as separate deities), of tkmn wnm, about whom
we have no exact information,
19
although, as is clear from this series,
they are connected specifically to the supreme god (cf. K TU 1.114 =
RS 24.258:18-9.) and to the pantheon in general. Accordingly, the
hypothesis can be put forward that they are 7/m's 'messengers' or
'dioscuroi', in parallel with qd amn (cf. the reference to both pairs
in K TU 1.123 = RS 24.271:26), the messengers of Atirat according
to mythology.
2.2.4 Cultic lists of gods
2.2.4.1 Lists of gods in sacrificial texts
Most of the cult texts of Ugarit are provided with rubrics which pre-
scribe or describe the sacrificial ritual to accompany the various fes-
tivals or days of the month. The literary plan (cf. de T a r r a g o n
1980, 55ff. who analyses the cult vocabulary; for the syntax of the
texts and their formulae cf. d e l O l mo L et e 1992a, 19ff. = 1999, l l f f . )
is extremely simple and it invariably specifies, as said above, the vic-
tim of the offering or sacrifice and the divinity to whom it is offered,
together with directions for the ritual to be performed on it, but
without spelling out the details. These texts, therefore, comprise the
best evidence of the cultic and official pantheon of Ugarit and of
the catalogue of gods of liturgical practice in its most generic and
popul ar form: sacrifice. The other texts belong to rarer and more
specific events (divination, atonement, royal cult). The texts consid-
ered here are as follows, omitting a long series of fragments which
are inconclusive in this respect and add nothing new: K TU 1.39 =
19
They occur in other ritual texts, but are unknown in mythology and in the
Canaanite pantheon; cf. PARDEE 1988b, 195 9.
RS 1.001, K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+, K TU 1.43 = RS 1.005, K TU
1.46 = RS 1.009, K TU 1.48 = RS 1.019, K TU 1.49 = RS 1.022,
K TU 1.50 = RS 1.023, K TU 1.81 = RS 15.130, K TU 1.87 = RS
18.056, K TU 1.105 = RS 24.249, K TU 1.106 = RS 24.250+, K TU
1.109 = RS 24.253, K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256, K TU 1.115 = RS
24.260, K TU 1.119 = RS 24.266, K TU 1.126 = RS 24.276, K TU
1.130 = RS 24.284, K TU 1.139 = RS 24.300, K TU 1.148 = RS
24.643, K TU 1.162 = RS [Varia 20], K TU 1.163 = RI H 78/14,
K TU 1.164 = RI H 77/02B+, K TU 1.165 = RI H 77/04+, K TU
1.168 = RI H 77/10B+, K TU 1.170 = RI H 78/11, K TU 1.171 =
RI H 78/16, K TU 1.173 = RI H 78/04 (for other fragments cf.
X e l l a 1981, 128-68; d e T a r r a g o n 1989, 222-3).
Besides the separate lists reproduced above, these cultic texts of
Ugarit have preserved for us stable and repeated sequences which
presuppose the existence and persistence, at least in the cult, of fixed
series of divine names, transmitted in these 'lists of offerings' (cf.
below) and are thus indirectly 'lists of gods'. However, most, of
KTU 1.41/1.87 KTU 1.39 KTU 1.41/1.87 KTU 1.39
il 'nt
b'lt bhtm il il
ins ilm t' ilhm ilhm
ils t'm tkmn wnm tkmn wsnm
ilhm t'm
2i
rp rp
ym
ilh ilh rp
ilhm ilhm ilh
ilhm ilhm ilhm
b'l b'l il
atrt atrt tkmn wnm KTU 1.39:
ikmn wnm tkmn wnm ilt bt
'nt 'nt b'l spn b'l spn
rp rp spn spn
dr il wphr b'l dr il wphr b'l b'l ugrt b'l ugrt
lm lm ilib ilib
ilhm b'lm ilhm b'lm [atrt]
spn b'l spn ridn
glmt ilt mgdl atrt
yrh ilt asrm ins ilm
nkl b'l
b'lt bhtm spn
ins ilm b'l ugrt b'l ugrt
ilhm 'ttrt 'nt spn
p
these sequences of recipients of offerings are not fixed and seem to
be somewhat haphazard, al though in fact they were not and this
impression is due to lack of documentati on.
20
I n any case, it is irele-
vant now to call it a 'list' of gods. Onl y in a few cases does the rep-
etition of the sequence in different texts or in different sections within
the same text prove it to be normati ve. I n fact, several of them must
be split up in different series, as they represent different cultic actions
or the repetition of the same action on different days.
Thus we have in K T U 1.41/1.87 = RS 1.003+/18.056, K T U
1.39 = RS 1.001 and K T U 1.109 = RS 24.253 a significant and
i mportant list of divine names (or rather, a set of sub-sets) whi ch we
can consider standard in the cult. Apparentl y, this sequence is related
to the 'communi on' sacrifice (lmm), whi ch is expressly menti oned.
Wi thi n this sequence can be noted several repeated sub-sections
(e.g. il/h, ilhm, (il), tkmn wsnm || (il), b
c
lt bhtm, ins ilm, (ils), ilhrr). It
is possible that each group or section of the list belongs to a specific
ritual. The damaged condi ti on of the texts makes proof difficult.
Smaller sections also occur in other sacrificial texts such as: b'l spn,
rm, lm, b'l spn, spn (cf. K T U 1.46 = RS 1.009:12-5; K T U 1.109 =
RS 24.253:5-10; b'l ugrt, ilib, il, b'l, 'nt, spn, pdry (cf. K T U 1.46:16-7;
K T U 1.109:11-4; cf. DE MOOR 1970a, 221); b'l ugrt, b'l hlb, yrh, 'nt
spn, pdr(y) (cf. K T U 1.130 = RS 24.284:10-5; K T U 1.109:16-8).
Y et other sections or even couples are very stereotyped and not very
relevant, e.g. the begi nni ng of K T U 1.46 or the end of K T U 1.130.
Lasdy, some texts such as K T U 1.50 = RS 1.023, K T U 1.81 =
RS 15.130 and K T U 1.119 = RS 24.266, have completely anom-
alous sequences both from the canoni cal and the cultic points of
view. Others again are too broken for any conclusions to be drawn,
e.g. K T U 1.48 = RS 1.019, K T U 1.49 = RS 1.022, K T U 1.90 =
RS 19.013, etc.
As an exampl e of the i ncongrui ty of the lists of gods in the rit-
ual texts see some of the sequences provi ded by the subgroup of
texts whi ch, however, as their tenor is royal or of the palace, are to
some extent perti nent (K TU 1.43 = RS 1.005, K T U 1.46 = RS
20
Cf. PARDEE 1997b, 68: 'les listes divines que l'on peut tirer des rites sacri-
ficiels . . . sont, potentiellement au moins, innombrables', DE MOOR 1970a, 204 16,
provides a table arranging the gods in 38 sets; it is hardly relevant.
21
Other scholars consider the term to denote a generic type of 'offering'.
1.009, K TU 1.105 = RS 24.249, K TU 1.106 = RS 24.250+, K TU
1.109 = RS 24.253, K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256, K TU 1.115 = RS
24.260, K TU 1.162 = RS [Varia 20], K TU 1.165 = RI H 77/04+,
K TU 1.168 = RI H 77/10B+, K TU 1.170 = RI H 78/11, K TU
1.171 = RI H 78/16, K TU 1.173 = RI H 78/04).
KTU 1.112 1.105 1.106 1.43 1.115 1.139 1.162
b'lt bhtm b'lt bhtm rsp ('ttrt) uhr hlmz ilib ilib
ins ilm b'l 'rkm ins ilm il(m) bbt il bt b'l z(!)/
'ttrt hr btbt ydb il ktr hlmz il t'tr b'l b'l
gtrm b'l yar il (gtrrr) qlh 'ttrt dgn
il spn 'mtr p il bt glmt yrh
b'l spn rp bbt rp yrh att pdry(?) ym
b'l ugrt ins ilm ins ilm gtr il bt il t'dr b'l
atrt rp mlk pdry 'nt bbt 'nt hbly
btbt b'lt bhtm ilm ars p ushr a$.)rt
22
il msd(?) ktr arsy yrh hlmi dr il wphr b'l
btbt gtr qlh spn
ilt bt
gtrm
'ntm
'ntm
lm(?)
ufyiy(?)
There is no fixed order in these sequences of deities, but as in the
group seen above, within the same text, some sections are repeated:
ushr, bbt, hlmi, qlh (K TU 1.115 = RS 24.260); p, yrh, gtr, 'nt/ilt bt
(K TU 1.43 = RS 1.005); and some of two names only: rp, ins ilm
(KTU 1.105 = RS 24.249, K TU 1.106 = RS 24.250+, K TU 1.171 =
RI H 78/16); rp, b'lt bhtm(?) (K TU 1.105; cf. K T U 1.91 = RS
19.015:14-5).
The only conclusion in this case is the strong dynastic or palatine
nature of these series of deities (DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 44- 5; 1999,
58-9.). Here also there is the shortened group of the great gods of
the official pantheon, not always in domi nant position. Arranged
hierarchically, we can set them out followed by the index of their
frequency: ilib (4), il (5), dgn (2), b'l (5), b'l spn (3), b'l ugrt (1), atrt (3),
spn (3), ktr (2), s'ps (2), yrh (3), 'nt (4), 'ttrt (1
?
), pdiy (2).
22
Cf. DEL OL MO L ETE 1997, 164ff. Note that this list agrees both with List A
(beginning: ilib, il, b'l, dgn) and the dynastic List C (where dgn, ym, 'nt f}bly are
specifically mentioned).
From all this it can be deduced, as was already apparent in the
separate lists, that within standard orthodoxy the palace, the royal
family, has a special cult of particular or selected deities. Some are
dynastic in type and almost all of them are foreign to the original
Semitic pantheon of the city; these dynastic gods correspond, per-
haps, to what the letters call 'gods of the ki ng/queen'. Others are
'tutelary' deities of the palace and as generic epithets can occur in
other rituals as protectors of the 'house' of each of the faithful. Lastly,
others still are 'ancestral' and correspond to the cult ancestors.
Turni ng to the general group of sacrificial texts, their series of
divine names have the following features:
a) There is consistency in the headi ng to the texts, in the mai n
occupied by Ilu, in one or other epithet (il, ilib), followed by Ba'lu
in one of his epithets (b'l, b'l spn, spn).
b) Starting with the initial position, in any case, the sequence does
not always follow the hierarchy expected from mythology (most often
it does in the three or four first positions). The order is now deter-
mi ned by different criteria from i mportance and function in the pan-
theon; perhaps the criteria are patronage and cult specialization.
c) The absence of a vertical order is also corroborated by the lack
of a horizontal one: in these lists there are no sequences of divine
'pairs', a lack already noted in myth.
d) Some local epithets retain their meani ng in these texts (b'l ugrt,
b'l hlb, 'nt hlb, 'nt hl[?]), as well as b'l spn, 'nt spn from mythology.
e) Some deities, who frequently feature in the dynastic and div-
inatory pantheons in special forms, also appear here (gtr[rri\, 'ttr, 'ttpr,
bbt[m], b'lt bhtm, ins ilm), clear testimony to the introduction of the
palace cult into the town cult.
f ) The absence of Mtu as a recipient of sacrifices may be noted,
although he is known as a harmful deity against whom one has to
take precautions (cf. K TU 1.127 = RS 24.277:29).
Statistically, in terms of their occurrence in various literary genres
(DE MOOR 1970a, 217; above, n. 20) the principal gods of the cultic-
sacrificial pantheon of Ugarit, those receiving the most offerings are:
1. ill dgn 5. yrh. 9. p 13. 'ttrt
2. b'l/hdd 6. ktr 10. lm 14. uhry
3. 'nt 1. 'ttr 11. ins ilm 15. alrt
4. rp 8. tkmn wsnm 12. b'lt bhtm 16. pdry
17. arsy
2.2.4.2 Lists of gods in non-sacrificial texts
Another series of texts of ritual practice refers to non-sacrificial cultic
actions, in which the worshipper addresses a divinity with the word
or goes in search of it. These actions may be accompanied by sacrifices,
although they remain marginal and these texts do not have the form
of stricdy sacrificial offerings to a deity. As they comprise a uniform
category, to a certain extent, due to the language or life-setting which
they share, it is worth considering the divine recipient of such ritu-
als, although we shall not analyse them in detail. These texts are:
K TU 1.40 = RS 1.002+, K TU 1.65 = RS 4.474, K TU 1.78 = RS
12.061, K TU 1.82 = RS 15.134, K TU 1.90 = RS 19.013, K TU
1.96 = RS 22.225, K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244, K TU 1.103+ = RS
24.247+, K TU 1.104 = RS 24.248, K TU 1.107 = RS 24.251+,
K TU 1.123 = RS 24.271, K TU 1.124 = RS 24.272, K TU 1.127 =
RS 24.277, K TU 1.140 = RS 24.302, K TU 1.141 = RS 24.312,
K TU 1.142 = RS 24.323, K TU 1.143 = RS 24.326, K TU 1.144 =
RS 24.327, K TU 1.155 = RS 24.654, K TU 1.169 = RI H 78/20.
Others in this category (divinatory and oracular) do not mention gods,
an extremely i mportant fact, which emphasizes the specific nature
of magical liturgy in contrast to sacrificial liturgy. The result is as
follows, divided into two categories:
a) divination- -oracle b) incantation-magic
K T U 1.78 K T U 1.124 K T U 1.100 K T U 1.107
Ipl adn ilm(?)
(.pi)
hm( 3)
rp dtn (phlt)
dtn (ps') IpI(3)
il il whm
b'l b'l wdgn
dgn
'nt w'ttrt 'nt w'ttrt
yrh yrh wrsp
rip
'ttrt 'ttr 'ttpr
ZZ wkmt
ZZ wkmt
mlk mlk b'ttrt
ktr whss ktr whss
Ihr wslm Ihr wslm
hm
I n the divination and oracle texts, as noted above, the scant refer-
ence to deities and then basically only in descriptive terms (cf. K TU
1.124 = RS 24.272:2), as granting omens, not as recipients of offerings,
is evident, a datum which highlights the i mportance of 'magical
liturgy' in contrast to sacrifice.
On the other hand, texts of magic and incantation, like the lita-
nies discussed above, have a long series of double deities in almost
the same sequence. The standard double series is given in K TU 1.107 =
RS 24.251+. This text and K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244 also invoke
hrn and p in a special way, as the principal deities in incantation.
Again, the repetitive sequence (partly reflected in K TU 1.123 = RS
24.271; cf. above) exhibits a fixed cultic structure of curse-prayer
with possibly a magical and thus unalterable meaning. Several of
these couples are already known in mythological literature (hr-lm,
ktr-f}ss and to some extent,
c
nt-
c
ttrt, b
c
l-dgn); others occur determined
by cultic-magical use (il-hrn, yrh-rsp); and others still need to be stud-
ied more closely to explain the meani ng of the relationship ('ttrt-'ttpr,
ZZ-kmt; for mlk-b
e
ttrt cf. K TU 1.108 = RS 24.252:1-2). Otherwise,
apart from these last deities or invocations/epithets, the remai nder
belong to the mythological pantheon.
As a whole, then, the pantheon of these texts is evidently very
fixed and sequential, with a preference for 'doubl e' and 'pai red'
names, as expressed in K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244 and K TU 1.107
= RS 24.251+.
A ppendi x : T h e L i st s of H u r r i a n G o d s
The influence of Hurri an religious, mythological and cultic tradition
in Ugarit is strong and is attested by the many texts written in that
language found in various archives (K TU 1.26 = RS 1-11.[048],
K TU 1.30 = RS 1-11.[046], K TU 1.32 = RS 1.[066], K TU 1.33 =
RS 1.[067], K TU 1.34 = RS 1.[076], K TU 1.35 = RS 1.[069],
K TU 1.36 = RS 1 .[070], K TU 1.42 = RS 1.004, K TU 1.44 = RS
1.007, K TU 1.51 = RS 1.027, K TU 1.52 = RS 1.028+, K TU
1.54 = RS 1.034+, K TU 1.59 = RS 1. [049 a], K TU 1.60 = RS
2.[006], K TU 1.64 = RS 3.372, K TU 1.66 = RS 4.474, K TU
1.68 = RS 5.200, K TU 1.110 = RS 24.254, K TU 1.116 = RS
24.261, K TU 1.120 = RS 24.269+, K TU 1.125 = RS 24.274, K TU
1.128 = RS 24.278, K TU 1.131 = RS 24.285, K TU 1.135 = RS
24.295, K TU 1.149 = RS 24.644) as well as some bilinguals, for
example K TU 1.111 = RS 24.255 and K TU 1.132 = RS 24.291,
in which the Semitic and Hurri an epithets are mixed ( X el l a 1981,
303-21; P ar d ee 1997b, 66ff.).
Besides this evidence from liturgical practice, the Hurri an pan-
theon in Ugarit was also known through canonical lists (?), as shown
by texts such as K TU 1.26 = RS 1-11. [048] (broken; note the
attributive morpheme -d) and is included in others of a ritual nature
such as K TU 1. 110 = RS 24. 254 and K TU 1. 116 = RS 24. 261
(cf. K TU 1. 148 = RS 24. 643: 13- 7) . By combi ni ng the various series
it is possible to sketch out the following list of the Hurri an pantheon
exacdy as it was known and used in Ugarit. Little is known about
its actual meani ng, for which reference may be made to discussion
of Hurri an religion.
2
' It is given here together with a normalized
transcription (in Akkadian) ( L ar o c h e 1980; W i l h el m 1982 = 1989;
for the Hurri an normalisation cf. D i et r i c h - M a y e r 1994, 1997) .
KTU 1.110 KTU 1.116 KTU 1.132 KTU 1.111 Ugaritic
Pantheon
in tin/Eni Salanni 'ttrt in tin in atn ilib
in atn!Eni attanni tutk hbt il il
il/Ilu kzg bdr ttb dgn
ttb/ Teub/p in hmn dqt kmrb b'l
kdg/ Kuuh nnt hdn
kdg
yrh
irw prz/(?) kit Ijdlr in prz mlk
kmrw/Kumarw/bi nbdg hnng nkl nkl
bbt/Bibita nbdg
yrh yrh
tutk/ Sawuka
in Ilm tgn in sin
in atn kid il
il ttb
ttb kmrb
tutk
kdg
kmrb
kzg
iy/E(y)a iy iy
attb/Atabi attb attb 'ttrt
'nt/'Anatu in ard in ard
tmg/ Simike in hmn tmg p
23
Cf. VI EY RA 1970, 538-66; VON SCHUL ER 1965a, 141-215; WI L HEL M 1982,
69-105 ('Gtter, Mythen, Kulte und Magie') = 1994, 49-76; DI ETRI CH - MA Y ER
1994, 73- 112; (1995, 7 42); MAY ER 1996, 205- 11; PARDEE 1997b, 63-80; DI ETRI CH -
MA Y ER 1997, 161-81. There is a great deal of material in the first two volumes
in the series Studies on the Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the Hurrians, Wi nona
Lake, I N 1981/1987.
nkl/Nikkalu nbdg
in ard/(?) 'nt
nbdg/Nub adig tmg
pddph/Piaaphi
hbt/Heb/pat
dqt/D/ Taqitu
hdn/Hud/ tena
hdlr/Hud/ tellura
ihr/ Ihara
aln/Allani
nkl/Nikkalu
nnt/Ninatta
klt/ Kulitta
adm/Adamma
kbb/Kubaba
The first series of the Hurri an pantheon of Ugarit (in tin, in atn, il,
ttb, kmrb, kdg, iwr prz, nkl, tutk) corresponds to the beginning of the
Ugaritic canon and in fact represents the group of the great Hurri an
gods, repeated with remarkable consistency in K TU 1.110 = RS
24.254:1-5; K TU 1.111 = RS 24.255:3-5, 8-10; K TU 1.116 = RS
24.261:11-4, suggesting a certain established sequence in which the
position of certain deities can fluctuate and Sawuka is not always
present. The mother goddess Hebat is missing. Thi s series, in which
Teub does not occupy a privileged position, is in fact an adapta-
tion of the classical Hurri an pantheon to the canon of Ugarit.
A second series (cf. K TU 1.110 = RS 24.254:6-10; K TU 1.111 =
RS 24.255:10-2; K TU 1.116 = RS 24.261:14-7) includes the fol-
lowing deities:
iy / Eya Kotaru(?)
attb / Atabi 'Attar(t)u
'nt / 'Anatu 'Anatu
in ard / (?)
(?)
in hmn / (?)
(?)
tmg / Simegi Sapu
nbdg / Nubadig
(?)
These two series are completed by the list of gods provided by texts
such as K TU 116 = RS 24.261:18-23 and K T U 1.132 = RS
24.291:4-12, already difficult to square with the Semitic pantheon.
Thi s is, in principle, a cultic pantheon known from the sacrificial
texts. However, the syntax used for listing some of them makes them
equivalent to a 'god list'. We are unable, however, to decide whether
the lists are canonical or simply functional. The same problem is
presented by K TU 1.42 = RS 1.004, a cultic text in which seven-
teen repeated records list as many Hurri an deities in this sequence:
1. in atn 5. ddm 9. hdn f}dlr 13.
c
nt
2. il kmrb 6. u[k] 10. tgrbn pddph 14. ibnkl pdgl
3. ttb lb 7. ]nd 11. tmg 15. nbdg
4. iy kdg 8. attb 12. irxxi/hdrp 16. in k[]l/d in trhn in atthn ttb
17. bbt
These are the same gods just quoted but in a different order.
2.3 Lists of offerings
As was noted above, most of the texts labelled as 'cultic' or 'ritual'
are really only 'lists of offerings' where the divine recipient is noted.
They can thus be considered as administrative accounts which entail
descriptive ritual elements. Thei r classification will be along similar
lines to those used before: first we shall consider lists which are inde-
pendent and then those which form part of more or less complex
cultic contexts. We shall only consider data that are certain; disputed
or purely hypothetical elements are dealt with in a description of
the Ugaritic cult as a whole.
24
2.3.1 Lists without offerings
2.3.1.1 Record of sacrificial material (K TU 1.91 = RS 19.015,
K TU 1.48 = RS 1.019, K TU 1.87 = RS 18.056)
a) Perhaps the clearest and purest example of a 'list of offerings', in
terms of administration, is provided by K TU 1.91 = RS 19.015.
23
The introduction (lines 1-2), specifies the product (yr) and the occa-
sion of its generic use in the cult (dbh mlk). Next there follows the
only example we have of a 'record of rituals' (lines 3-20), referred
to by their keyword or brief description of the basic ceremony (del
O l m o L e t e 1992a, 174-7; 1999, 259-64, for its identification and
compari son with extant rituals). On the reverse (lines 21-34) are
24
Cf. in general DEL OL MO L ETE 1999, 7-23.
25
Cf. VI ROL L EAUD 1965, 7-10; FI SHER 1970, 49I ff.; DE MOOR 1972/ 11, 26-8;
XEL L A 1979, 833; 1981, 335-6; DE TARRAGON, 1989, 174-7; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ
1988, 321-2; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 171-7 = 1999, 254-64.
noted the places which are to provide the product menti oned, even
distinguished as to category (jyn: msb/hsp). The final section (lines
35-36) gives the sum total of what has been provided.
Although not really a ritual, it provides information about the ele-
ments of ritual (time, type, subject, predicate, obj ect/materi al ) and
so forms part of the corpus of cultic literature. From it can be deduced
clearly, unless the contrary is stated, that everyday wine of ordinary
quality, the so-called msb was used even in the cult. As confirmed
by the administrative texts ( del O l mo L e t e - S a n ma r t i n 1998,
192- 4) , this was a product normally used in the Ugaritic cult and
will again be menti oned in other lists of offerings considered here.
Wine to be consumed . . .
in the king's 'sacrifices':
the 'sacrifice of Sapunu',
Ibnm (shall provide) ten ('gallons') of wine
hlb gngnt " " three " " of wine
bir ( " " ) ten (kdm) of mz[b (wine) and two] kdm of hsp (wine)
hpty " " two kdm of m^b (wine)
Total (amount of) wine . . .".: sev[enty four kdm],
and of hsp (wine): two, as one lot.
(KTU 1.91 = RS 19.015:1-4, 21-36)
As it is an administrative text, its interest lies in the material and
the provider. Even so, it is not possible to be deceived about the
value of this type of text. Not only do such texts give information
but they also define a fiscal-cultic situation, and as such have pre-
scriptive value, both for what refers to the centres providing mate-
rial and for its use in the rituals menti oned. As such, the text could
belong either to the archive of the civil or palace warehouse, or to
the cultic or temple archive. I n fact, there was only a single econ-
omy in these kingdoms.
26
26
The text was found in room 81
palace of Ugarit; cf. VI ROL L EAUD 1965,
istrations in general cf. LI PI NSKI 1979.
of the South-Western archive of the royal
7. On the relationship between both admin-
b) Similarly, K TU 1.48 = RS 1.019
27
records one material for
offering, in this case 'birds' (
c
srm), intended for a particular type of
sacrificial ritual ([dbh] tph b
c
l), noting in one case the divine recipi-
ent and in others the type of ritual use in it, and also noting at the
end a pair of centres which provide it (lines 18-19). It does not pre-
serve, however, the strict nature of a record which the previous text
had, but instead is already close to the lists of cultic offerings to be
seen below.
We do not think, then, that it is a ritual of popul ar cult, (it was
found in the house of the 'Hi gh Priest'), nor is it from a small group
with meagre resources ( X e l l a 1984a, 165-8; P ar d ee 1988c, 185,
n. 19). It is rather an administrative record related to the official
cult, determi ned by the i mportance which birds had as an offering
to the ins ilm, 'the divine peoples' in a sacrifice of a dynastic type
(tph b'l) ( P ar dee 1988c, 185; d e l O l mo L et e 1987a, 66). The men-
tion of the respective rituals and their divine recipients gives the text
its 'ritual' character, at least as an 'agenda'. It is a pity that the poor
state of preservation does not permit more definite conclusions.
[Book-keeping record] of birds
[(for) the sacrifice] of the stock of the 'Lord'/sovereign:
28
three birds
for
29
the 'Lady of the Mansions',
three [. . .] for Dagnu,
[ . . . . ] [ . . . .];
one tp sn't game bird,
one tr bist
30
bird
whose owner put
hgm [ ]rf;
31
27
Cf. XEL L A 1981, 113-6; 1984a, 165-8; PARDEE 1988b, 173-91; 1989, 43,
n. 10; DE TARRAGON 1989, 167-8; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 68-9 = 1999, 89-90.
28
Here, b'l is a royal title whereas in Ugaritic, the 'family of Ba'lu is pf)r/dr b'l.
For the empirical meaning of Iph/s'ph cf. KTU 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+ i 24 (= bt, line 7).
29
PARDEE, 1988c, 178, 186, suggests the restoration [/] before the I. Although
not impossible, reference to a 'ram' would be strange if our text is understood as
a record of 'birds'.
30
They would be two unidentified types of birds, with feminine adjectives ('dis-
agreeable', 'foul-smelling'), the grammatical gender denoted here by the noun 'sr\
cf. XEL L A 1984a, 168; PARDEE 1988C, 188. However, reference to a 'bull' would
be odd in this and the other cultic texts, although the translation 'a bull which his
master placed on the fire (b it)' cannot be excluded; cf. DE TARRAGON 1989, 168,
. 89.
31
Possibly an unidentified type of plant which 'sweetens' 'wild' birds for offerings
and sacred repast. The restoration l[al]rt would fit the context but is purely hypo-
thetical; cf. PARDEE 1988c, 182, 188.
two
32
[birds] for [....];
one in the hmn [....] two(?).
On the (very/same) day of the sacrifice of the stock of the 'Lord':
one for the 'libation'" of [. .],
one for the offering to the [divine ]
34
mountain,
four birds,
the 'estate' of trmn\
one, Salhu.
c) It is probabl e that K TU 1.87 = R S 18.056:58-61 (DEL OL MO
L ETE 1992a, 69 = 1999, 91) is also an account record in which are
noted the contributions to the cult made by individuals, although
this time we do not know what type of offering was involved. The
fact that it is added to text K TU 1.87 (but not however to its dupli-
cate K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+), indicates the purely administrative
value put on these texts and allowed them to be suppl emented
archivally with other notes of similar significance when space on the
tablet allowed.
d) A list of multiple offerings as a simple record with no divine recip-
ient is also provided by K TU 1.148 = RS 24.643:18-22 (cf. below).
To complete the picture of pure cultic records, the various admi n-
istrative texts have to be cited (category 4 in KTU) which record
material for offerings, since they do not differ in genre and scribal
structure from those above menti oned; they also mention festivals
and gods who receive the offerings (cf. K TU 4.149 = RS 15.039
(wine; cf. K TU 4.213 = RS 16.17:24), K TU 4.168 = RS 15.082
(clothing), K TU 4.182 = RS 15.115 (clothing), K TU 4.219 = RS
16.179:1-3, K T U 4.279 = RS 17.156(?), K T U 4.280 = RS
17.236:13-4 (silver), K TU 4.284 = RS 17.285:5-6(?) (wine and
oil), K TU 4.781 = RI H 83/28+: 1-2 (oil). However the accepted
32
Cf. PARDEE 1988c, 182, 188; cf. GORDON, UT, 43- 4, on the ambiguous use
of tn in respect of agreement of gender.
33
In view of the context and perhaps its parallelism with mkt, the meaning of
which is quite definitely 'immolation' (cf. KTU 1. 40 = R S 1. 002: 24 and par.; XEL L A
1981, 116), I prefer to understand mzy as referring to a type of offering, although
difficult to justify etymologically (cf. Akk. maza'u, 'to squeeze', Arab, mazza, in con-
nection with sour or semifermented drinks; cf. VON SODEN, AHW, 637; CAD M/ l ,
439; L ANE, AEL, 2710) ; see also DI J KSTRA 1995. In any case, the presence of a P N
here is hardly likely in terms of context and morphology; cf. PARDEE 1988C, 188 9.
There are several possible restorations for the end of the line; e.g. bn [il(m)/bt].
34
Cf. KTU 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+ iii 29 (btk gry il spn).
distribution of the texts obviates that; texts which we have otherwise
grouped together and analysed elsewhere ( del O l mo L et e - S anmar t i n
1998).
2.3.1.2 Lists of assigned offerings (K TU 1.90 = RS 19.013, K TU
1.164 = RI H 77/02B+, K TU 1.168 = RI H 77/10B+, K TU 1.162 =
RS [Varia 20], K TU 1.148 = RS 24.643, K TU 1.105 = RS 24.249,
K TU 1.109 = RS 24.253, K TU 1.46 = RS 1.009, K TU 1.130 =
RS 24.284, K TU 1.43 = RS 1.005, K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+, K TU
1.87 = RS 18.056).
However most of the lists of offerings are to be found among the
texts labelled rituals, the ritual nature of which is generally reduced
to listing victims and offerings for each deity, with a generic descrip-
tion (in the headi ng or beginning of each section) of the cultic occa-
sion and even the place where the offering takes place. Thi s implies
that these texts are basically lists of offerings and lists of gods (cf.
above).
a) As an intermediate stage between pure records of offerings and
lists of assigned offerings can be cited a series of texts which in their
fragmentary condition give offerings to one or two deities only: K TU
1.90 = RS 19.013, K TU 1.164 = RI H 77/02B+, K TU 1.168 =
RI H 77/10B+. They belong to the genre of 'visits'(?) (id yph mlk)
and thus are close to the group of divination texts and oracular con-
sultations in which we have already noticed a reduction in the num-
ber of gods menti oned.
The king is expressly menti oned as the officiant of the ritual.
Otherwise, the texts do not specify the place of worship (KTU 1.164
= RI H 77/02B+ 1: b hmr), which has to be assumed, as does its
moment in the cultic calendar. As most of the texts come from Ras
ibn Hani , it is taken for granted that these rituals are celebrated in
the cultic installations of the palace.
35
The textual agreement among
them is surprising, with only the relevant verb (ydbh/yph) changing.
The initial, single introductory offering is followed by the double
rp/lmm ritual, all dedicated to the deity whom the king 'visits'/
'sacrifices', sometimes accompani ed by others in the repetition lmm:
rp,
c
nt, ilib || -,
c
nt, ins ilm, il, mn(?). There is also great uniformity
35
For a general bibliography on the texts from RI H cf. DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a,
212 n. 74 = 1999, 316 n. 75.'
in the the distribution of the victims in the parallel sections of these
texts: hgb/slh/0, ap wtips, ksp whrs || 0/hi, alp ws || / [
c
srm\. K TU
1.164 = RI H 77/02B+, which does not apparently pertain to a visit
but to a sacrifice, is the one showing the greatest variation within
the same pattern. The bad state of preservation does not allow all
the information which these texts provided concerning Ugaritic liturgy
in its various rituals to be extracted. Onl y K TU 1.164 = RI H
77/02B+: 19-20 and K TU 1.90 = RS 19.013:20-2 provide the end
section, which in both cases seems to refer to the desacralization
process and the conclusion of the king's liturgical activity, a moment
whose precise definition was seemingly i mportant.
b) One of the most outstanding examples of this type of offering list
is provided by K TU 1.162 = RS [Varia 20], Here, the syntactic
structure used (/ + DN + X), except in the first offering (to ilib),
forces the series of divine names (cf. above) into first position, fol-
lowed by the list of victims: invariably one 'ram' (s), except in the
first case ('two head of cattle and two rams' to ilib) and the last
('one calf', to Sapunu). The beginning and end of the text provide
ill-defined ritual elements. Entitled dbh il bldn, it quite definitely deals
with one of the dbh mlk enumerated in K TU 1.91 = RS 19. 015 (cf.
line 6: il bldn), possibly known as nskt ql
c
(cf. line 2) (DEL OL MO L ETE
1998a, 164-7).
c) However an even more striking and complete example of a 'list
of offerings', sacrificial in type, is provided by K TU 1.148 = RS
24.643, as is shown when set out as a table (DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a,
89-91 = 1999, 131-3).
36
The text is complex and contains several
rituals, in the manner of the familiar anthology genre found in other
texts of this type. Horizontal lines separate the said rituals. The chief
concern of this arrangement of the text into sections and cultic
moments is the attribution and recording of the offerings. Thi s does
not prevent it from also providing i mportant supplementary infor-
mation concerni ng ritual (type of sacrifice, place, occasion . . .). The
syntax is asyndetic (DN + X), which gives the 'god list' pride of
place.
36
Cf. ASTOUR 1966, 279-82; VI ROL L EAUD 1968, 580 4; L AROCHE 1968a, 517-518;
DE MOOR 1970b, 306-12; FI SHER 1970, 493-4; MI L ANO 1977, 23-4; CA QUOT 1979,
1406; DE TARRAGON 1980, 109-10, 201 (index); 1989, 224-8; XEL L A 1981, 91-312;
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 305 8; PARDEE 1992, 153-70; DEL OI . MO L ETE 1992a,
88-94 = 1999, 130-8; WY A T T 1998c, 427-9.
The first section, correspondi ng to the dbh spn (lines 1-9 + 10-12;
cf. K TU 1.91 = RS 19.015:3) presents the series of divine names
which we call 'List A' (cf. above) and undoubtedl y corresponds to
the principal liturgy carried out by the dynasty in honour of the
gods of Ugarit. The correspondi ng offerings are divided into three
groups: 'one head of cattle and one ram' (alp w) for the first four
invocations, as well as for the following seven of Ba'lu\ for the remain-
ing gods of the pantheon, 'one ram', with an addition, with no
specific recipient, of 'two head of catde, two birds and one cow'.
The repetition lmm (lines 10-12) mentions only 'one ram' for ilib
and ilu, and 'one head of cattle for the other six b'lrr (alp, kmm), but
the logic of this distribution is not evident. Probably this second sec-
tion represents only one incipit and the ritual lmm included identi-
cal victims (alp) for the rest of the pantheon.
37
The following festival, 'when 'Attartu of the steppe enters the royal
palace' (lines 18-22; cf. K TU 1.91 = RS 19.015:10) provides a sim-
ple record of offerings, with no divine recipient, apparently cere-
monial rather than sacrificial in nature ( del O l mo L et e 1992a, 93 =
1999, 136):
38
articles of clothing and vegetable products.
Lastly, the section on the reverse (lines 23-45) is a unit corre-
sponding to the ritual of the 'gods of (the month) Hiyarv and in this
case the series of divine names corresponds to list B (cf. above). The
victim offered is basically the 'ram', alternating with 'head of cattle
and ram' offered to Ba'lu(?) (lines 26-45).
e) Tabl et K TU 1.105 = RS 24.249,
39
also concerni ng a ritual of
the month Hiyaru, has the clear structure of a 'list of offerings'. Aside
from the possible inverted order of the two faces, it presents a series
of blocks of offerings distinguished by place, time and type of offering.
However this is not a 'list of gods'. By the interchange of semantic
patterns, victims are assigned to various gods and in particular, many
37
The third section (lines 13 17) is written in Hurrian, which is unusual for a
mere account listing offerings, although the Hurrian insertion does not seem to be
one.
38
The kind of offerings makes this section coincide partly with the one presented
by the ritual of the 'Entry of 'Attartu of the tomb(s)' (KTU 1.43 = RS 1.005:1-5),
although there animal victims were also offered.
39
Cf. VI ROL L EAUD 1968, 588-92; HERDNER 1978, 11-5; CA QUOT 1977, 461-2;
1979b, 1408-9; FI SHER 1970, 485-501; 1975, 142-7; DE MOOR 1970b, 318-22;
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ - SANMARTI N 1975b, 158; DE TARRAGON 1980, 21-2, 165-76,
201 (index); 1989, 181-4; X EL L A 1981, 35-42; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 314-5;
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 206-8 = 1999, 307-10.
others are recorded without any specific assignment, in terms of the
cultic installation in which the sacrifice takes place.
Accounts are thus given for the following victims, according to
cultic situation (including the purification of the king) and various
recipients: on the day of the new moon, 'one head of cattle and one
ram' (alp w) to the b'lt bhtm; day 14, two 'rk-m ('puff-pastry cakes'[?])
to Ba'lw, [the 18th] in the gb of Sapunu as a /^-sacrifice, 'gold and
silver' for t', 'two rams' for btbt as a holocaust, 'one head of cattle'
as a peace-offering for Ba'lu, 'one bird' for Sapunu, 'one (piece of)
offal' and 'one ram' for Raspu, 'two birds' for the ins ilm and (for
another deity) 'two ewes'; in the gb of rp, as a holocaust 'one ram'
and 'one white ewe'(?); in the gb of Hiyaru, '38 sheep' (sin) and 'seven
head of cattle'; in the temple of Ba'lu, 'two rams' (to the same?),
'one head of cattle and one ram' (alp ws) to Raspu, 'rams' from three
different places to the b'lt bhtm and 'two rams' to Ktaru as a tzg-
sacrifice, 'two rams' and 'one bullock' (pr) from a specified place.
The gods venerated do not form any particular list.
The restricted and domestic nature of the deities commemorated
is striking. I n this respect, the agreement with K TU 1.106 = RS
24.250+ and K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256 is impressive: b'lt bhtm, btbt,
ins ilm, on the one hand, and rp, b'l, spn [+ ktr], on the other. It
belongs, therefore, to the range of palatine texts with their own pan-
theon and in connection with celebrations which are strongly funereal
in nature. This was already to be assumed not only from the place
of the offerings (gb), but also from the name of the month (hyr).
f) According to the heading, the Ugaritic text K TU 1.109 = RS
24.253 is a list of offerings made during the full moon in various
sacred locations and according to a different type of sacrifice,
40
pre-
ceded by the well known ritual of 'purification of the king'. Thus
we have in this full moon ritual the well known multiplicity of
sacrificial units on the same day in various sacred places, in palace
40
Cf. VI ROL L EAUD 1968, 592-3; CAZEL I .ES 1969, 505; DE MOOR 1970b, 322 6;
CA QUOT 1977, 462; HERDNER 1978, 16-221; X EL L A 1981, 49-54; DI J KSTRA 1984,
69-76; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 316 8; DE TARRAGON 1989, 188-91; DEL OI .MO
L ETE 1992a, 182-5 = 1999, 271-7. The most important study of these texts (KTU
1.109 = RS 24.253 and KTU 1.46 = RS 1.009) is by Dijkstra, who completes it
with other fragments (KTU 1.28 = RS I 11[021], KTU 1.56 = RS 1.044, KTU
1.31 = RS 1-11 [022], KTU 1.27 = RS 1.[064]; and perhaps KTU 1.134 = RS
24.294 and KTU 1.160 = RS 28.059); KTU 1.130 = RS 24.284 is a dupli-
cate/partial variant of them.
and town, mostly, also in this case, to the great tutelary gods of the
dynasty and with the cult of the 'dead' predomi nant.
The text, with alternating syntax (X + / + DN type of sacrifice
DN + X), is arranged into two sections, separated epigraphically by
a horizontal dividing line and defined by two 'types' of 'generic' cul-
tic action which i ncorporate common and known sacrificial actions.
The first, of the 'rt type (line 5), includes two series of sacrifices srp
wlmm (lines 10, 15), identical in one case (kmrr) and different in the
other. Thi s twofold series, most probably carried out in two different
sanctuaries (palace and town), closes with another lmm-sacrifice (line
23), celebrated in a particular installation in an unknown sacred
place (burbt, line 19). Whereas the second section, of the npt-type
(line 24), also includes a repetitive series of srp wslmm-sacrifice (line
28, kmrr), which in turn is followed by what can be considered a
new series of rp wslmm (lines 36-7), with an interlude (lines 29-31)
in a new cultic installation of unspecified location (qgrt tlhn, lines
29-31). Thi s ritual symmetry forces us to take into account the
specific nature of the generic
C
rt/npt rituals, which should not there-
fore be placed at the same cultic level as the 'sacrificial' rituals. They
represent 'ceremonies of ceremonies', mixed rituals.
Accounts for the following sets of victims are given: as a holo-
caust (srp): 'two cows one month old' (yrh) for Ba'lu of Sapunu, along
with 'two ewes' and 'one dove' for Ba'lu; 'two loins' and 'one ram'
for rml; 'one liver' and 'one ram' for lm; 'one liver of one head of
cattle' and again 'one ram' for Ba'lu of Sapunu; 'one ewe' for Sapunu.
As a peace offering (lmm), the same again. Again, as a holocaust:
'two livers' and 'one (piece of) offal' (for Ba'lu?); 'one cow' for ilib;
for Ilu, Ba'lu and Pidrayu, 'one ram' each; for 'Anatu of Sapunu, 'one
head of cattle and one ram' (alp w). As a communi on sacrifice: for
ilib, Ba'lu of Ugarit, Ba'lu of hlb and Tarhu, one 'ram' each; for 'Anatu
of Sapunu, 'one head of cattle and one ram'; for Pidrayu and ddms,
'one ram' each. A new series of communi on victims includes: 'one
ram' for each of the gods ilib, Dagnu, il t'dr b'l, Ba'lu, 'Anatu and
Rapu, as well as 'one head of cattle and one ram' for Ba'lu. The
first series of the npt ritual includes: 'one ram' for Ilu, 'two rams'
for 'Anatu of his; and for the gtrm, 'the left gsb of two head of cat-
tle' plus 'one head of cattie and one ram'. The second part, besides
'thirty rams' spiced with 'tamarisk' for Ba'lu in 'the burner of the
table of the Lady/i es of the Mansions', includes by double entry
(kmrri), holocaust and communi on: 'two calves [?]' (7m) for Ba'lu of
Sapunu; 'one ram' for il bt[(?), Sapunu and Ba'lu of Ugarit, one each;
'one cow' for ilib, and for Ba'lu of Ugarit and 'Anatu of Sapunu, 'one
head of cattle and one ram' jointly.
However, the smaller number of deities commemorated in this
liturgy is evident, with emphasis on the three great deities: Ilu, Ba'lu,
'Anatu, under various invocations. In the first section they are canon-
ical deities (+ rms), whereas in the second section gtrm, il bt and b'lt
bhtm are mentioned, invocations which place us squarely in the con-
text of the dynastic ancestor cult (on the relationship of this series
of gods occurring in these texts, K TU 1.109 = RS 24.253, K TU
1.46 = RS 1.009, K TU 1.130 = RS 24.284, cf. above).
g) On the other hand, the fact that the full moon ritual included in
K TU 1.109 = RS 24.253:1-14 occurs literally in the sequence of a
menology (K TU 1.46+ = RS 1.009+) shows the solid structure of
each cultic unit, which remains unchanged. K TU 1.46:10-7 is, then,
a word for word repetition of K TU 1.109:1-14, as we have just seen.
I nstead, the beginning (K TU 1.46 = RS 1.009:1-10) belongs to
another cultic unit, indicated by time (new moon) and is, more clearly
than the following, a pure list of offerings.
41
It tells us nothing, how-
ever, about the local situation of the rites.
Otherwise, the literary structure and the syntax are like those of
the previous text (K TU 1.109 = RS 24.253). On the 1st day we
have, apparently, the classic duo rp wlmm: 'one sltf and 'one (piece
of) offal' (np) for t' and 'two livers' for the 'god of the mansi on' (il
bt); equivalently, 'one ram' for ilib, Ilu, Ba'lu and Dagnu; 'one cow'
for 'ttr-'ttpl and 'Anatu; 'one ewe' for Sapunu; several other victims are
dedicated to recipients now missing. And also on the 3rd, this time
with absolute clarity, and by double entry (kmm): 'one ram' for ilib,
Ilu, Ba'lu, Atiratu and Yammu; 'one cow' for b'l knp and another miss-
ing deity, as well as 'one ewe' for Sapunu. On this day in addition,
a 'suppl ement' to the standard dual pattern, as was the case in K TU
1.109 = RS 24.253:19ff: '[one ram and] one head of cattle' for b'l
and 'ttrt; 'two birds' to the ins ilm; 'two cows' to the two bbtm.
In the group of deities menti oned in this coda to the 3rd day
there occur the ins ilm, the deified dead of the dynasty, honoured
by their habitual offering of 'two birds' (
e
srm), corresponding to the
gtrm who occur in K TU 1.109 = RS 24.253:26. Reference to the
bbt-m, which follows immediately, also gives the ritual the significance
41
Cf . GRAY 1965, 90- 2; XEL L A 1981, 55- 8; DI J KSTRA 1984, 69 76; DE TARRAGON
1989, 164-6; DEL OL MO I J TE 1992a, 186-7 = 1999, 278-80.
of royal cult which we had noted in this text, and mention of t
e
(line 1) only corroborates this.
h) Unfortunatel y fragmentary, K TU 1.130 = RS 24.284
42
is con-
sidered by Dijkstra to be a schoolboy copy of K TU 1.46 = RS
1.009:11-7 || K TU 1.109 = RS 24.253:3-18 and he suggests read-
ing the sides of the tablet in reverse order. The sacrificial sequence
of K TU 1.109 supports this. I n spite of their variants, these texts
are interesting inasmuch as they can throw light on the royal char-
acter of these rituals.
These texts, then, fix the liturgy of the most sacred days of the
lunar calendar, new moon and full moon, carried out in various
sacred places of the Ugaritic cult, the urban and palace sanctuary,
under the highest officiant, the king. The basic rite described here
is that of sacrifice, in its various forms, accompani ed as is usual by
the purification/desacralization of the officiant. What is not clear in
this ritual, as in other rituals, is the principle which determines the
choice of deities and their epithets, as well as the reladonship between
each type of victim and the deity to whom it is offered.
i) Another text which is, in fact, a pure list of offerings, apart from
the non-sacrificial ritual elements at its close, is K TU 1.43 = RS
1.005.
43
The whole text is a single ceremonial procession in honour
of various deities ('Attartu, the gtrm) who 'enter' the palace where they
receive the offerings and a banquet is held (
C
rt). Thi s 'processional'
aspect connects it with K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643:18-22, where
another rite of the same kind occurs. K TU 1.91 = RS 19.015:10-1
refers to these texts as dbh mlk rituals and our text could be one of
them. The nature of the offerings are in line with this ritual, mosdy
of the type 'clothes' or 'precious metal', as we have seen (cf. above),
whereas the animal victims seem to be relegated to the background.
Because of this we saw a reference to it perhaps in K TU 1.91 =
R S 19.015:8 (izr) ( del O l mo L e t e 1992a, 175 = 1999, 260).
42
Cf . MI L I K 1978, 135- 8; XEL L A 1981, 101- 4; DI J KSTRA 1984, 74- 5; DE TARRAGON
1989, 216- 8; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 188- 9 = 1999, 280- 2.
43
Cf . FI SHER 1970, 492 4; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ - SANMARTI N 1975g, 525- 8; DE
TARRAGON 1980, 98- 107, 111, 113; 1989, 161- 3; CAQUOT 1979, 1406; XEL L A 1981,
86- 90; DE MOOR 1987, 168- 71; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 326- 7; 1991, 87; DEL
OL MO L ETE 1992a, 189- 94 = 1999, 282- 91; PARDEE 1993, 301 17; WY A TT 1998C,
357- 9.
The inclusion of the genre (kt'rb) in K TU 1.91 = RS 19.015 already
guarantees its royal character, which is also clear from the actual
text as it mentions the place where the rite takes place (lines 2, 10:
bt mlk) and from the behavi our of the king at its close (lines 23-26).
Thi s ritual colophon provides the situation and defines the 'genre'
of the preceding cultic actions. They are processions in which the
king takes part, 'following' and 'carrying' the 'gods' (statues), going
out to meet them and accompanyi ng them as they are moved to
the chapel or palace cultic installation, when they 'enter' the palace.
These, then, are rituals, though we cannot say whether they are suc-
cessive or separate, of procession or transfer of sacred images from
their usual place (the temple) to the royal palace; rituals which are
accompani cd, as is usual, by sacrifices and other offerings, once the
gods have arrived and been enthroned in their new quarters.
However, they do not provide us with an indication of the 'moment'
of this ritual (or these rituals), no doubt well known to those using
them as significant moments of the annual liturgical cycle, like Medi-
terranean pilgrimages and patronal feasts, which need no further
specification in the calendar.
The structure of the ceremonial supposed in the text is very clear,
arranged into two explicit rites and another six which are merely
menti oned, presumably partial repetitions of the second (double) rite.
Of these eight rituals, the first (lines 1-8) forms a separate unit, with
its own final rubric (lines 7-8: repetition 'seven times') which marks
it off and makes it parallel to the seven other sections, which in turn
are given this rubric at the end of the text (line 26: repetition 'seven
times'). It all refers to the gtrm or
c
ntm (the seventh is fragmentary).
I n its first section (lines 1-8) the ritual supposes three different
types of offering-rite (
C
r, trmt, lmm), directed to the (astral) gods and
to Ktaru (or Gataru), seven times to each of the two groups. It is
strange to find that there are also 'seven' elements or materials for
the offerings indicated here (lb, ktn, upgt, hrs, s, alp, sin), which may
not have any special significance, although it could correspond to
the series of 'seven' offerings, instead of supposing a sevenfold repeti-
tion of the whole thing. I n that case, the rubric would be explanatory.
The 'time' (parr) refers to the action and not to its object, as has
also to be supposed in line 26. Thi s way of glossing the sacrificial
rite and the listing of its elements in the other rites where they are
menti oned should be borne in mi nd as a peculiarity of these Uga-
ritic rituals.
It is most probably, then, a procession ritual which takes place in
the cultic installations of the palace when the goddess ' 'Attartu of the
tomb(s)' (DEL OL MO L ETE 1996a, 47-52) makes her 'entrance' into
them. Thi s invocation, in connection with the following section cen-
tring on the gtrm, as well as the reference to the 'Templ e of the
astral gods' make this text parallel to K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256, with
its reference to the 'ascent' of the gods and of the royal family to
the hmn of the palace' seven times' (KTU 1.112:6-8), the offering
to the goddess "Attartu of the tomb(s)' (K TU 1.112:13; the only two
references to this goddess in Ugaritic literature) as well as the appear-
ance of the gtrm on the day of the full moon (K TU 1.112:18).
The second section of the ritual (lines 9-16), also an 'entry rite',
has a clear twofold structure with respect to the deities (p-yrfo, gtr-
c
nt/ilt bt) and offerings (fors, ksp, ap-nps). We do not know whether
the final sacrificial element (alp w) refers to the previous text, as a
compl ementary peace offering, or to the following damaged text.
The first hypothesis seems the more likely. At all events, it is clear
that the epicentre of this section focuses on the gtrm and that in
principle there are 'two' of them, which occasions the repetition of
the ritual. Thi s repetition of the ritual enables us to reach the num-
ber of seven cultic actions presupposed by line 26 and also mentioned
in the first ritual (lines 7-8). With this it also partly agrees in the
'material' for the offerings (precious metals and animals, hrs/alp-),
besides the peculiarity of the funerary offering typical of holocaust,
ap wnps. However, the type of offering is not specified, and nor of
course, is the moment, although it is included as in the previous rit-
ual, in the occasion commemorated ('When the . . . enter. . .'). I nstead,
the place remains the palace, i.e. the ritual continues to be royal,
as the deities celebrated indicate.
I n what remains of the lines in the second part of this section
(lines 17-21) the repetition of the previous ritual is stated (without
elaboration) twice more per pair, six in all (plus the cultic action
presupposed in line 21).
Finally, with line 22 a ritual of royal behaviour begins (lines 22-26),
the third part of the second section of the text, which compl ements
the previous section on offerings.
Syntactically, the heading and the ending are predicative in struc-
ture, (DF. TARRAGON 1980, 98, 110), whereas the central section is
of the standard nominal type: X + I, I + X, type + X. Thi s dou-
ble syntactic pattern agrees with the twofold sacred action or rite
which makes up this ritual: procession and sacrifice.
j) A virtually 'pure' list of offerings with a duplicate (a rare phe-
nomenon in Ugaritic literature) is provided by K TU 1.41 = RS
1.003+ and K TU 1.87 = RS 15.130, with slight indications of time,
place and ceremonial type;
44
they comprise one of the clearest wit-
nesses of a monthly liturgy or menology (a sequence of sacred, espe-
cially sacrificial, celebrations, corresponding to particular days of one
month), which has been transmitted to us among the rituals of Ugarit.
It refers to the month of riyn ('of the first/new wine') and of course
has the format of a firstfruits ritual ('bunches/clusters are cut for Ilu')
of 'New Y ear' (autumn).
However, this aspect is blurred in the sequence of sacrificial rites.
Unlike other texts of the same genre, here there is a surprising con-
fusion and mix of the parameters temporal and local by which it is
usually organized. Thus, for example, the numerical sequence of days
is not followed. The reason here could be that attention has been
given to the importance of the rites, which here as elsewhere correspond
above all to ceremonies celebrated on the day/ni ght of the 'full
moon', and these have therefore been placed in first position. Full
moon and new moon appear to be decisive dates for the 'temporal '
parameter, whereas, the computati on of the week also retains its
significance, as we shall see, as is evident in other menological texts.
Within this to some extent temporal confusion, the parameters of
time and type of offering acqui re special significance for under-
standing the overall structure of the text. It is divided into 6 sections
and 2 appendices, which differ in each text; the one of K TU 1.41 =
RS 1.003:50-5 is a sacrificial ritual text; the one of K TU 1.87 =
RS 15.130 is, in turn, twofold: lines 54-57, sacrificial ritual, lines
58-62, a record (cf. above). The list of offerings is the following, dis-
tributed over the days of the month (is it one of the hdtm of K TU
1.91 = RS 19.015?): on the 1st day: 'one bunch of grapes (utkl)' for
Ilu and 'two rams' for 'Attartu (cf. line 49; apparently in different cer-
emonies). The 14th day comprises 4 or 5 sacrificial rites of different
type and recipient, accompani ed by another group of non-sacrificial
cultic actions, with the king as officiant, although the sacred place
where they occur is not specified. It opens (lines 4-6) with the
'offering of the firstfruits' (ris argmn), possibly to the gods in general,
44
Cf. HERDNER 1956, 104-12; L EVI NE 1963, 105ff.; DE MOOR 1972, 13-7; 1987,
157-65; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ - SANMARTI N 1975e 143-6; X EL L A 1981, 59-75;
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 311 4; DE TARRAGON 1989, 152 60; DEL OL MO L ETE
1992a, 72-87 = 1999, 96-128; L EVI NE - DE TARRAGON 1993, 76-115; L EVI NE -
DE TARRAGON ROBERTSON 1997a; WY A T T 1998C, 348-56.
or to the supreme god Ilu, and refer no doubt to the products of
the season of the year, primarily to wine (cf. lines 1~2: ris yn || ris
argmn). It is accompani ed (lines 5-6) by a fourfold sacrificial offering
to the same number of deities, according to standard alternating syn-
tax (X + I + DN; X + DN), with a total of 'six' victims ('four rams'
and 'two birds').
45
More significant, however, is the group of these
deities: b'lt bhtm, ins ilm, ils, ilhm (cf. above for their sequence and
relationship to what is offered in K TU 1.39 = RS 1.001). If we
except ils, who is apparently out of place (? absent in lines 23-39),
the other invocations are typical of the 'pal ace' liturgy, and are
inserted into the cult of the dead and deified kings and transformed
into gods of the palace. There follow two rituals of the king, one of
expiation and one of proclamation of this great day of the full moon
of the month of ris yn, with no ritual of offerings specified. Next we
have a new sacrificial act (srp) in the 'gml and the urbt; the second
installation is already known from other texts. The recipients of the
sacrificial victims are five or six deities: the great gods (?), Ilu and
'Anatu, on the one hand, and again the ilhm, together with tkmn wnm
and Rapu, on the other, in two distinct groups, thus formi ng the
same series that appears in K TU 1.39 = RS 1.001:2-4, clearly a
palace text.
Next (lines 13-17), the correspondi ng sacrificial action of the lmm
type is introduced, as in K TU 1.39 = RS 1.001:4-8. There follows
a simple listing of a series of offerings and recipient deities, using
the syntactic patterns X + DN, DN X, which alternate. Once again
the most striking aspect is the reappearance in pride of place of the
invocation ilh/ilhm, now formi ng an openi ng 'triad' (ilh, ilhm, ilhm),
with five items of offering ('two ewes', 'one head of catde and one
ram', 'one cow'). There follows a list of eight deities/invocations,
46
with seven victims ('five rams' and 'two cows'), which in fact repre-
sent a synthesis or summary of the official 'pantheon' in its various
sections (cf. 'List A', above): b'l/atrt, 'nt/rp, dr il, phr b'l, lm, with
the ubiquitous tkmn wsnm included among the goddesses, which does
not occur there. Possibly it is a type of sacrifice of 'general com-
muni on', offered to the whole pantheon, as is made clear in K TU
15
To these animal victims must be added 'the cruet of oil', so that we would
have 'seven' units of offering, as a group complementing the offering of 'firstfruits'.
Curiously, here dr il and pfrr b'l are grouped together whereas they are sepa-
rate in the official 'pantheon'; cf. 'List A', above.
1.148 = RS 24.643:1-9. The precedence given to ilh or ilhm only
attempts to ensure the ancestral meaning: positioned at the head of
the other gods, ilh is here synonymous with ilib, just as ilib is syn-
onymous with il at the head of the pantheon; the primordial 'divine
being' of the gods and so of the actual divinized dynasty or mlkm,
also present in the pantheon.
The unity and peculiar nature of the following ritual action (lines
17-19) is confirmed as a new type of sacrifice by K TU 1.39 = RS
1.001:8-10, whereas in both texts we have different continuations.
Thi s time the sacrifice of 'burni ng' (urm) and the three combustible
materials (entrails, cereal or early grass and grain) are again offered
to the ilhm, this time called b'lm, who thus retain pre-eminence as
recipients of offerings in the five sacrificial actions of this section. I n
this case the syntactic pattern is X + DN + X.
A new type of offering (m'rb) ( D i et r i c h - L o r e t z - S an mar t i n
1975e, 145; X e l l a 1981, 66; L i pi nski 1985, 216-7; d e M o o r 1972,
15 n. 47; 1987, 161, n. 36)
47
also begins the third ritual section (lines
19-22), comprising a dbh
w
of vegetables (oils and bread) in unspeci-
fied quantities, and of animal produce (honey and dove), remark-
ably unusual in Ugaritic liturgy and not dedicated to any particular
deity. It is a global offering which yqh bt mlk, to be understood as
a 'tribute-offering which the palace takes'.
Thi s meani ng is confirmed by the next rite (lines 22-23), which
specifies that another offering of the same vegetal kind 'wine and
flour', and perhaps as part of the same m'rb sacrifice, has to be
poured out, without indicating to which deity, in the gr. The offering
of 'wine' returns us to the beginning of the text and together with
the 'flour'
49
provides a suitable funerary communi on offering. Thi s
closes the series of ritesseven in allwhich are celebrated on the
14th day of the month in the palace and its cultic installations.
4/
Related to the root *'rb, Heb. ma'
a
rb, Akk. irbu, aibtu, the word seems to mean
approximately 'entry', in a commercial sense; however it could also have a 'funer-
ary' connotation in connection with the 'setting' said of the 'sun' which 'enters' (the
underworld).
48
Here dbh denotes the type of offering, intended for a 'festal banquet'. Text
and context are reminiscent of the dbh mlk of KTU 1.91 = RS 19.015:2; cf. DE
MOOR 1987, 161, . 38; DE TARRAGON 1989, 155, . 54; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a,
172 = 1999, 256.
4!)
In the previous line 'leavened loaves' were mentioned, their correlative, just
like wine is the correlative of oil-honey.
Next, the text takes us to another cultic scenario on the same
date, the temple of the 'goddess'///^, on the 'steps' of whose altar
(lines 23-38) three series of sacrificial rituals take place.
The first sacrificial ritual (lines 23-9), expressed according to the
syntactic patterns X + / + DN || X + DN, comprises twelve sets of
victims ('two birds' twice, 'two rams', 'four cows' and 'one ewe') and
nine divine recipients: spn/glmt, yrh/nkl || b'lt bhtm, ins ilm, ilhm || sps,
rsp. Even so, the particular meani ng of the group and reason for
each offering elude us; the second sequence repeats the beginning
of the text, lines 5-6, but without ils.
The second series (lines 29-33) has the syntactic pattern X + DN
and five deities celebrated with six victims ('two cows' and 'four ewes'):
ilh, ilhm, il, tkmn wsnm, ilt, like that of lines 10-13, with 'nt for b'lt
bhtm and without rsp. The sacrificial series closes with the offering
of two victims ('ewes') with no recipient expressed, perhaps omitted
by mistake, although the precise place of the ceremony is indicated
and the sacrificial series is divided into two.
I n the third series (lines 33-38), there are again five/six recipient
deities for the offerings: b'l spn, spn, b'l ugrt, ilib, atrt, ri-(?), to which
six or seven sacrificial units correspond ('two cows', 'one ewe', 'two
birds' and 'one/two rams'), assigned according to syntactic pattern
X + / + DN. The group of gods is almost the same as in the fol-
lowing section, but in a different sequence and with some variations:
in this last section Ilu has to be supposed for Ilib, as is usual, and
considered as being offered the 'shekel of silver'; in line 41 Sapunu
has been omitted.
Thi s section divides the sequence into two subgroups in respect
of the place of offering: il, atrt, ins ilm, b'l Spn, Spn, b'l ugrt, who also
occur in K TU 1.109 = RS 24.253:32-5. The break in the text pre-
vents us being able to determi ne how the surprising remark 'thirty
times' (which comes next and occurs in other texts) is connected
with the preceding. In all likelihood it refers only to the last sacrificial
offering, as can be inferred from the multiple parallelism with K TU
1.39 = RS 1.001:20-2, a parallelism which probably suggests read-
ing the damaged In- as l(r)i[n ilm], to whom inevitably there corre-
spond 'srm, 'two birds'.
The triple series closes with a unit of ritual which again mentions
(lines 36-8) the sacred place in which it occurs and refers us back
to the beginning (lines 23-4), a perfect literary inclusio: the altar of
the temple of the 'Lady/i es of the Exalted Mansi ons'/ Il at u. Thus far,
the rituals which take place on the 14th day, the day of the full
moon, the sacred climax of the month ris yn, in two cultic locations:
the palace sanctuary and the temple of Ilatu (possibly also located
within the palace).
The final section (lines 38-48) records the offerings correspond-
ing to the first week of the month, on its last days, which are 'fes-
tive' days: the 5th, 6th and 7th. The ritual of the 5th day takes
place (lines 38-45) in the temple of Ilu, so going back to the head-
ing of the text, which presupposed the offering of the firstfruits to
that god. The text is broken, but a first series of offerings is dis-
cernible: 'one shekel of silver' and various animal victims offered to
Ilu, Atiratu and to the ins ilm, with the known pattern X + / + DN.
The series next continues on 'the altar of ^a'/w'-presumably in the
same temple (?)-with a series of sacrifices ('one cow' and 'two ewes')
offered to various invocations of that deity, using the same pattern.
The correlation of this series with the one occurring in lines 33-6
is surprising: both reproduce the two groups of deities, of Ba'lu and
of Ilu, but in reverse order, and in both, the repetition of its last
element a specified number of times (30/22) is assumed, with or
without a particular recipient. I n this case it seems that the offering
which has to be repeated is specified: 'one ram', 'one cruet of oil'
and 'one cow'; an offering which is taken up again on the 6th day
(lines 45-6): 'two cruets of oil' and 'one cow'. The only new ele-
ment is a reference to the exact culdc installation, the
c
ly, the 'sacrificial
(place)', in which the ceremony is carried out and which has already
occurred before (line 37), in connection with the temple of Ilatu/'hady
of the Mansions', the location of the previous series of ritual actions.
The sacred and sacralizing ritual ends on the 7th day (lines 47-48)
with the desacralization of the (feast) day and of the king officiating
at sunset. Thi s refers us back, by literary inclusio and ritual sequence,
to the new purification, which will take place on the 13th and 14th
days (lines 3 and 6-7), and to the following 'procl amati on' of the
day (lines 7-8), related to the beginning of our text.
We have already anticipated above how this ritual ends (lines 48-9)
with the return to the ceremonial of the 1st day of the month (new
moon) in order to complete all its elements (lines 1-2), thus closing
the text almost as a literary unit with a final inclusio.
The liturgy of the month of ris yn is thus outlined in its first two
weeks between the climactic limits of new moon and full moon. The
rites of the first week (1st, 5th, 6th and 7th days) take place, apparendy,
in the temple of Ilu, whereas those of the end of the second week
(13th and 14/15th days) take place in the cultic installations of the
palace and in the temple of Ilatu/'Lady of the Mansions', possibly
part of them.
The appendices K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+:50~5 and K TU 1.87 =
RS 18.056:54-7 include two specific rituals which simply mention
the victims required. The first describes with sufficient detail, 'the
Canaani te ritual of huts' in which are offered 'one ram' in holocaust
and as a peace offering 'one head of cattle and one ram' (alp ws),
seven times, to an unknown deity (prgl.sqrn) (on this cf. d e l O l m o
L e t e 1992a, 84 = 1999, 123-4). The second simply notes the offering
of 'one ram' on the 14th day of a certain month (for K TU 1.87 =
RS 18.056:58-61; cf. above 7.2.2.1.1 'Record of sacrificial mate-
rial', c).
As a whole, this text has the structure of a multiple and complex
mixed sacrificial ritual (temporal-local-typological), i.e. an ordo mensualis
or ritual 'menology' of the 'New Y ear' liturgy in Ugarit.
2.3.1.3 Lists of offerings in context (K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256,
K TU 1.115 = RS 24.260, K TU 1.43 = RS 1.001, K TU 1.106 =
RS 24.250+)
a) I nstead, in the ritual K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256
50
the offerings are
set within more explicit cultic contexts. Onl y lines 22-7 are in the
nature of a 'list of offerings' which have been allocated, with a syn-
tactic variant. The text is a collection of ceremonies which take place
also 'in the month of Hiyaru(?Y, and within it, ten 'feast days' are
specified. These, calculated from the new moon ( d e V a u x 1961, 468ff.
'The Liturgical Cal endar. The new moon'), are the 1st, 3rd, 7th,
8th, 11th, 13th, 14th, 15th, 16th, 17th days.
In this text, various rituals of a sacrificial nature, of offerings, are
j oi ned with others which are non-sacrificial, such as rituals of puri-
fication, procession or oracle, which require special consideration.
The first fact that stands out is that each type of offering ritual (hdrgl,
iyn, npt) begins on the first day of the correspondi ng first three weeks
of the month (1st, 8th, 15th).
50
Cf. HERDNER 1978, 21-6; X EL L A 1981, 43-8; DE TARRAGON 1980, 113-36;
1989, 197-9; DI ETRI CH L ORETZ 1988b, 315-6; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 156-70 =
1999, 232-53.
The offerings are arranged into three categories: animals (sheep,
cattle, birds), vegetables (grai n/bread, wine), minerals (silver, pottery),
with a clear tendency to grouping them into sets of 7 and 3 units of
offering (7/3/7/7/14/?/3
?
).
51
To this cultic and sacrificial arithmetic
must be added the 7 'ascents' made by the king's sons on the first
day of the month, perhaps in connection with the 7 sets of offering.
Distributed according to their recipients, these offerings correspond
to the tutelary gods of palace and dynasty. I n reality they receive,
as we have seen, the offerings of the royal family on the 1st day:
b'lt bhtm, the 'Lady of the Mansion(s)' (de M o o r 1970a, 199 ('Anatu?);
1971, 85-6 n. 4, 95 ('Mistress of the Mansion'); de T a r r a g o n 1980,
163ff.),
52
'one shekel (of silver)' and 'one platter', as well as 'one ram'
and 'two birds' to/for the ins ilm. The 8th day: the offering of
'grai n/bread', 'one shekel (of silver)' and '(one j ar of) wine' is directed
to 'Attartu hr, whereas on the 14th day the mysterious gtrm receive 'two
rams' ( del O l mo L et e 1992a, 161-2 = 1999, 239-40.), most prob-
ably belonging to this sphere of dynastic deities. On the 15th day,
the climax of the festival, the following are offered from the sacrificial
hecatomb: 'one ram' to each of the gods Ilu, Ba'lu of Sapunu and
Ba'lu of Ugart; 'two' to btbt and the same number to Atiratu; lastly,
to the il msd/ilt mgdl, 'one pl atter/one ram' (depending on the reading),
plus 'seven cows' and 'fourteen ewes'. On the 16th day, 'one ram'
is again offered to btbt (there follows a lacuna in the text). Finally,
on the 17th day, the deity iln receives three(?) unspecified offerings.
As is evident, the deities venerated form a small group, even if
the lost sections of the text arc taken into account. Apart from the
classic group of the great gods of Ugarit (Ilu, Atiratu, Ba'lu, 'Attartu],
we also have a collection of deities, generally under obscure descrip-
tive names, who form part of what we may call the 'tutelary gods'
of palace and dynasty (cf. List C above): b'lt bhtm, ins ilm, gtrm, btbt.
Thi s limitation of divine recipients in turn corroborates the 'private',
51
Similar series of 2/7/14 animal victims can also be noted in the Hebrew Bible
(cf. e.g. Num 29:2ff.) and in other Ugaritic texts; on this, also in connection with
the materials for offerings (silver, grain/bread, wine), cf. DE TARRAGON 1980, 34ff.,
43ff. Of course here 'bread' and 'wine' stand for the respective unit, as specified
elsewhere: 'one measure/loaf of. . .', 'one j ar of. . .'. The offering of king Keret
also includes bread and wine (cf. K TU 1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ ii 16-9).
52
On the other hand, the empty space in line 2 suggests that another deity
received the two rams mentioned first.
53
For the various interpretations of this epithet cf. DEL OL MO LF.TE 1987a, 66;
1992a, 92 n. 134, 160 n. 68 = 1999, 134 n. 167, 239 n. 70.
palace nature of this ritual ( del O l m o L e t e 1992a, 44-7 = 1999,
59-62; d e T a r r a g o n 1980, 162-9).
b) K T U 1.115 = RS 24.260
54
has particular i mportance for the
information it provides about the royal pantheon, as well as for its
clear structure, which almost suggests that this text is literary. Ultimately,
however, it is a list of offerings in a clear context.
Thi s royal ritual takes place in the palace, more specifically, in its
sanctuary (line 7: qd), as we already know from other texts. It is of
the dbh type (line 1) and includes two banquets (lines 8/19: t/ylhm),
one connected to a hll y dm-ritual (lines 6-8) and the other formi ng
part of a slmm sacrifice (lines 9-10). The moment is given in the
openi ng statement ('When the king sacrifices to Uharay'), although
we do not know when it actually took place.
Its basic syntax is sacrificial, with alternating patterns: X + / +
DN / X + / + DN + type / X + type / / + DN + X, with two
prescriptive-explanatory verbs: ydbh, t/ylhm.
The most striking and peculiar thing about this ritual is its dedi-
cation to only one pair of deities (usfyr, bbt), who seem to be con-
nected with the palace cult as tutelary or 'patron' gods of the palace,
whereas they do not belong to the official pantheon of Ugarit (del
O l m o L e t e 1992a, 54-8 = 1999, 71-8) with the specific invocation
under which they are commemorated here. However, they are the
first two deities of the dynastic pantheon (list C; K TU 1.102 = RS
24.246:1-2). Thi s divine couple is the structural element of the text,
which is arranged in repetitive series in a concentric chiasmus.
The text shows a marked concentric structure with a symmetrical
twofold distribution of offerings, like the one seen in K TU 1.43 =
RS 1.005, there centred on the deities gtr and 'Anatu: 'ram', 'dove',
'ram' || 'ram' || 'ram', 'ram', 'dove'.
The ritual ends with an indication of time which claims to spec-
ify, in line with the normal semantics of ahd, the occurrence of the
double sacrificial-banquet rite on one and the same day.
54
Cf. VI ROL L EAUD 1965, 586-8; FI SHER 1969, 197-205; 1970, 49I ff.; 1975,
139-41; DE MOOR 1970b, 316-7; LEVI NE 1974, 9-11; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ - SANMARTI N
1975i, 1975j; CA QUOT 1979, 1407; J ANOWSK I 1980, 246-9; DE TARRAGON 1980,
87-91; 1989, 200-2; XEL L A 1981, 105-8; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1981, 85-8; 1988b,
319-20; AARTUN 1984, 6-7, 18-9, 24-5, 32-3; 1985, 21; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a,
177-8 = 1999, 264-6.
c) K TU 1.39 = RS 1.001 provides various series of'sacrifices', holo-
causts and communi on sacrifices, probably offered to the dead kings
under their various invocations: t\ ilh, ilh b'l, and of course, ins ilm.
There is an actual moment, 'the night of Sapu pgr wtrmnm' (of the
'dead/funerary offering' and of the 'sovereigns'), in which these trmnm
are honoured with a sacrificial ritual which involves all the gods of
the dynastic pantheon, as we saw above (List C; lines 12~9).
It is a text-list of sacrificial liturgy in which a series of offerings/
victims is itemized following the known formulae of sacrificial syntax.
55
There are very few temporal and local parameters and they are of
no help in determining clearly the structure of the text. At all events,
from line 12 it seems to be divided into two parts each with the same
number of lines, which in respect of the cultic 'moment' and the list
of gods which the second provides, are structurally and intentionally
different. The ritual of the second part (lines 12-22) takes place III,
'at night', and in bt mlk, 'the palace'. These specifications and the
systematic use of the god list of K TU 1.102 = RS 24.246:1-14,
referred to above, indicate that the whole thing is a royal dynastic
ritual of the funerary cult, presented autonomously, i ndependent of
the day of the month in which it is to be celebrated.
I nstead, the text has another parameter which is much better for
determi ni ng its structure. Thi s is the one connected with the ritual
typology which is specified with unusual precision and in this mat-
ter is very like K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256. Its first part, (lines 1-9,
9-10, 10-11) is thus arranged accordi ng to four different types of
offering/sacrifice (rp-lmm, urm, npt), each one with its particular
series of gods, some even repeated, as might be expected a prion.
Thi s sequence has a parallel in K TU 1.41 = RS 1.0034:11-17,
17-19, which gives it its 'standard' character (cf. above 'Lists of gods
in sacrificial texts' 2). The second part (lines 12-19, [19]-20-22),
instead, with a list which is itself already a unit, as we have seen,
presents one single type of sacrifice, unspecified.
The end of the text (lines [19]-20-22, reverse of the tablet) is a
supplementary ritual, which could be understood as the 'thirty times'
repetition, i.e. over a 'month' (pgr?), of the offering/sacrifice to 'two'
new deities (b'lt bhtm, ins ilm), and thus as an extension of the standard
55
Cf. DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ - SANMARTI N 1975e, 141-3; XEL L A 1979-1980, 147ff.;
1981, 76-80; DE TARRAGON 1980, 65ff.; 1989, 135-9; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b,
308- 10; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 145-9 = 1999, 213-9.
list of K TU 1.102 = RS 24.246:1-14, as a synthesis of the royal-
divine list of the reverse (cf. above 'List of Names of Divine Kings').
The distribution of offerings is as follows. As a burnt sacrifice: to
the t\rri) as a whole, 'two ewes', 'one dove', 'two loins and one liver
from a head of catde'; to Ilu, 'one ram'; 'one cow' to the ilhm, 'one
ewe' to tkmn-nm and another to Raspu. As a peace offering: to the
ilhm as a whole, 'two ewes', 'one head of cattle', 'one ram', 'one
cow'; to Ba'lu, Atiratu, tkmn-nm, 'Anatu and Raspu, 'one ram' each;
'one cow' to the groups dr il and phr b'l and another to lm.
I n a burnt sacrifice (urm): to the ilhm b'lm, 'a burnt heart' and
'fifteen measures of forage and spelt'.
56
I n a sacrifice of 'presenta-
tion' (half of it?): one 'ram' each to b'l spn, b'lt bhtm, ilt mgdl and ilt
asrm. Lastly, as a /)gr(?)-sacrifice: to the pantheon of K TU 1.102 =
RS 24.246:1-14, 'one cow' to ten of its deities, 'one ewe' to another
four, 'one ram' to one deity and two unspecified offerings (dbhrr) to
two others, without it being possible to determine the meani ng and
significance of this variety of victims. I n the final 'coda': 'thirty times
one cow' to the b'lt bhtm and 'two birds' to the ins ilm.
We can, then, understand this text as a 'sacrificial agenda' which
lists the various types of sacrifice related to the royal funerary liturgy:
rp-lmn, urm, npt, pgr and the 'daily sacrifice', with the time and
place of celebration unspecified.
d) K TU 1.106 = RS 24.250+ is also a royal funerary ritual of a
particular month, the month of gn;
57
there victims are offered to all
the 'divine peoples' and to some dead kings (the most recent?) in
particular, under their 'divine' names: yarsil, ydbil, 'mtr (cf. 'Lists of
Names of Divine Kings', above 7.2.2.2). The sacred time corresponds
to days 8, 22 and 25 (cf. lines 18, 24, 25-26). Thi s implies that the
ceremonies menti oned in lines 1-17 (18) took place on the first or
on subsequent days of the first 'week' of the month in question.
As for the sacrificial rite, we have the known type rp, '(as a) holo-
caust' (cf. lines 2 and 7), repeated twice, apparently corresponding
to the twofold menti on of the recipient deities (rp/ ins ilm/group of
three || rp/in ilm/[?]), and of the victim (hgb/np w + 'srm). The
56
This sacrificial offering is unique in all the cultic literature of Ugarit. On the
meaning of the types of rituals termed urm and npt and their possible relation to
rp wlmm cf. DEL OL MO L ETE 1995, 45, nn. 49, 51.
57
Cf. HERDNER 1978, 26-30; X EL L A 1981, 81- 5; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b,
324-5; DE TARRAGON 1989, 185-7; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 149-56 = 1999, 219-32.
remai nder or second part of this initial ritual of sacrifice has ele-
ments remarkably in parallel with those in K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256:
1) the participation of the royal family, 'sons' and 'daughters', and
then of the king himself (cf. lines 9-10, 17);
2) the performance of the cultic action in the cult installations of
the palace: the sacrifice of 'one ram' to Pidrayu and 'seven ewes' in
the hmn, 'one ram' in the qds/'ly/hmn of Nikkalu, another in the kbm
and 'one cow' 'at the door of the royal mausol eum' ( del O l mo L et e
1992a, 153 = 1999, 227);
3) the sevenfold rhythm of the ceremonial (cf. K TU 1.106 = RS
24.250+: 12-3; K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256:6-7);
4) in both texts the 'cantor' takes part (lines 157), and there is
an 'oracular response' (ttb rgm) in both, at a later stage (cf. lines 23
and 32). Also in both, but at different times, the desacralization/
purification rite of the king is menti oned, although this fact is not
of itself significant.
On the 8th day the sacrificial rite includes, together with the usual
victims numberi ng 'seven cows', 'fourteen ewes' and 'one (piece of)
offal' (cf. K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256:26-7), a new class of offering,
unknown in the other rituals of Ugarit: 'fish stew' (blt dg). Similar
ritual elements recur and close the cultic action of the third week
(cf. lines 32-3).
The decisive day of the ritual is the 25th. It comprises a sacri-
ficial-banquet) at night before the king, seated on his throne, in
honour of and in communi on with arsy and 'gods of the underworl d'
(ilm ars) with 'provisions' (lhmt) selected and prepared beforehand
(cf. lines 25 and 28: 'ni ne ewes', 'one head of cattle' and 'one
goose'), offered to the gods, and 'two ewes' and 'one cow' offered
to the goddess.
As for place, the cultic action shifts on day 8 from the cult instal-
lations of the palace menti oned in lines 13-4, to a new sacred loca-
tion, known only from this text and giving its name to the month
of the ritual: the 'garden' (gn) ( del O l mo L et e 1996a, 103-4, for
the identification of the gn), which fits in well with the 'infernal'/'funer-
ary' nature of the deities honoured in this ritual.
Apart from the sacrificial moment (lines 1-15, 1922, 30-31) in
honour of and communi on with deities either specifically menti oned
or assumed, it also includes the desacralization/purification rite of
the king, already known from other texts (lines 24, 26, 34), and two
new royal ceremonies, which can be considered peculiar to it and
to which we have already referred: the singing before the king and
the preparation of the funerary banquet. Its interpretation must, how-
ever, be left for another systematic analysis which goes beyond con-
sideration of the text as 'list of offerings and gods'.
e) Together with mere lists of offerings like those above, a text such
as K TU 1.119 = RS 24.266
58
provides a more complex context, a
mixture of list and elements of recitation; more specifically, a psalm
of prayer in the event of a national threat, the only one in any text
of this type. It poses the question, at least in this case, of whether
they are administrative (cf. above). However it has to be remem-
bered that the tablet was found in the 24th campai gn (1961) in the
library of the priest bn agptr, i.e. in principle in an archive more con-
cerned with ritual than with administration. The relationship of this
cultic element to the foregoing list of offerings is not clear. A 'list'
which itself already provides 'rituals' that transcend the simple record
of a victim: exact sacred place and time, type of ceremony and in
particular, repeated menti on of the royal desacralization rite, which
may or may not have included some sort of victim to justify the
allusion in a simple record of offerings. Nor can we be sure whether
both sides of the tablet belong to the same text or to two different
texts. The second (the reverse) could quite well be an authentic litur-
gical ritual, even though it also begins like a list of offerings (lines
18-22). I n fact the lower part of the tablet is broken, which means
that we have two separate texts, obverse and reverse, corresponding
perhaps to two separate rituals, either of the same month or of
different months.
The obverse (lines 1-17) has a list of offerings which corresponds
to the sacrificial ritual of the month of ib'lt, specified for various days:
7th, 17th and 18th; this datum divides the text into three sections:
lines 1-4, 4-11, 11-17. The first two are clearly distinguished by
the sequence desacralization/purification of the king, which means
that between days 7 and 17 the king does not celebrate ritually,
whereas the ceremony of days 17 and 18 forms a single unit. Thi s
58
Cf. HERDNER 1973, 693-703; 1978, 31-9; AVI SHUR 1978, 254-62; X EL L A 1978,
127-36; 1981, 25-34; DE TARRAGON 1980, 17ff.; 1989, 206-11; MARGAL I T 1981b,
62-83; SARACI NO 1983a, 263-369; 1983b, 304-6; DE MOOR 1983, 251-2; 1987,
171-4; MI L L ER 1988, 139-55; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 819; DEL OL MO L ETE
1992a, 197-205 = 1999, 292-306; PARDEE 1997a, 283-5; WY A T T 1998C, 416-22.
liturgy takes place in the temple of Ba'lu, bt b'l ugrt (lines 3, 9-10),
mgdl b'l ugrt (line 12), and then moves to the temple of Ilu, qds il, bt
il (lines 6, 14) for the second and third rituals. Even the various
areas of the temple of Ba'lu where the offerings are made are speci-
fied, which will not be discussed here. Also specified are the various
sacrificial actions of the syntactic pattern 'X + I + DN [+ type of
offering + officiant'] with, exceptionally, more verbal than nominal
syntax. Victims: besides the usual ones (large and small flocks: ram,
cow, bull, lamb), there occur others which are rarer or specific ([piece
of] offal, dove, donkey). The officiant: when specified, he is the king,
also the subject of other non-sacrificial rites (purification). However
the strangest datum of this text comprises the (divine) recipients of
the offerings, together with their type, an element which is by no
means clear.
I n the first section (lines 1-4) 'two rams' are delivered for b'l and
sacrificed in the temples mentioned. I n the second section (lines 4-11)
'three cows' are delivered to the sanctuary of Ilu and to the b'lm and
to the 'hero' (glrri), 'two sheep' ('ewes') and 'one cow' to the Damsels
(glmt), plus 'one l amb' and 'one dove' which 'are burned (tmr) It',
59
in the testimonial of the temple of Ba'lu of Ugarit'. As in other cases,
the ritual of the 17th day forms a continual unit with the ritual of
the 18th day, section three (lines 11-17), and so the desacralization
of the king is not specified. On this day the offering of 'one head
of cattle' (alp) is made in the temple of Ba'lu; in the temple of Ilu,
'one (piece of) offal' (np) for Uharayu(?), another for Ba'lu and 'a
donkey' for whom or why we do not know.
The fourth section (lines 18-36, reverse) has two clearly differenti-
ated parts: a ritual (lines 18-24 + 25) and a prayer (lines 26-36).
I n it are noted the victims which correspond to a 'week' of offerings
(apparently reserved for Ba'lu), of which have been preserved those
of the 'two birds' (twice), 'one liver' and 'one "little chain"(?) of a
liver'. Thi s complex of victims ('srm, kbd, rt) belongs more to divina-
tion or summoni ng rituals. It is possible, then, that although it takes
place in the same sacred place, the ritual on the reverse is completely
59
This lexeme, t'(y), has normally been given the meaning of 'offering' in one
of its types (which is not defined); however closer analysis makes it preferable to
see here and in other texts a divine-cultic title of the dead and divinized kings of
Ugarit, a title which is already attributed in epic to the legendary King Keret (KTU
1. 16 = R S 3.325+ i 24 and par.); cf. DEL OL MO L ETE 1988a. Cf. Wyatt 1998c,
200 n. 115.
different from the ritual on the obverse. It is not sacrificial, but a
magical entreaty, with the king as subject in both functions.
The weekly sequence of this section has a structure like that of
the 'graded numerical sequence' in myth and epic ( del O l mo L et e
1981a, 60-1), with a climax on the seventh day. The syntax is nom-
inal as usual, on days (3 and) 4 and 5 (and 6) together (num. +
X + [/ + DN + specification of place]), whereas it is verbal (ykbd)
on days 1 and 2; on the 7th, also, as a recitation, not as sacrificial
(dn). Analysis of these elements is left to the discussion of these texts
as 'ritual' as are the place and mode of the action. The same applies
to the fifth and final section (lines 26-36), which is a prayer.
As a whole, this double complex ritual refers to only a limited
range of 'deities' to whom offerings are presented (b'l, il?, b'l?/il?,
b'lm, glm, glmt, t'/b'l?, isf}iy?/b'l? ? ?/b'l). From this point of view, the
ritual is largely 'related to Baal' in respect of recipient and 'royal'
in respect of officiant. At all events, this whole set of ritual and
recited elements has already appeared in other Ugari dc texts, those
called 'cultic myths' (K TU 1.23 = RS 2.002, K TU 1.24 = RS 5.194;
'mythological rituals' instead are K TU 1.108 = RS 24.252 and K TU
1.161 = RS 34.126). I n practice, this mix of cultic elements was
probably commoner than appears from their i nadequate distribution
in literature and cult (a category which is largely a matter of lists).
Some scholars already speak of the character of myths as recitations,
an element of ritual, and many cultic texts must have had elements
which presumably were recited, as is the case in the text analysed
here. Ritual was never movement without speech, nor was 'myth'
recited without movement: gesture and speech belong together.
Here we conclude this survey of the texts of cultic practice in Ugarit
in respect of 'lists of gods and offerings', a literary form under which
many of them are given, although it allows glimpses of a more com-
plex liturgy than the act of sacrifice sketched out in these lists and
was its culminating sacred act. I n this handbook another section is
devoted to disentangling and explaining the complex ritual involved
in the liturgy of Ugarit (see 7.1).
(Translation: W. G . E . W at s o n )
3 T h e O m e n T e x t s
P a o l o X e l l a
3.1 Mesopotamian tradition
The great Mesopotami an tradi ti on of di vi nati on was well known
and accepted in Ugari t, a city whose archives have preserved sev-
eral tablets (mostly in al phabeti c cunei form) whi ch bel ong to the
same famous tradition. I n parti cul ar, we have on the one hand some
texts with teratological omens whi ch concern predictions derived from
deformed or monstrous births of ani mal s or human beings. One frag-
mentary document instead reports several astrological omens, while a
short tablet concerni ng an eclipse of the sun may also be noted;
there are also several small model s of livers and an inscribed model
of a l ung whi ch derive from the practi ce of extispicy.
I n general one can say that in Ugari t Mesopotami an tradi ti on
was followed quite slavishly, even if there are some indications of
adaptati on and specific formul ati ons connected with local requi re-
ments, both political and social. One significant fact, in this respect,
is that it was someti mes felt necessary to compose the texts of the
omens in the local l anguage, as witness to a certain desire for cul-
tural appropri ati on.
3.2 The teratological omens
The teratological omens, that is, those whi ch contai n presages drawn
from the observation of deformed births (or abortions) of ani mal s
and humans, are represented in Ugari t by three al phabeti c texts,
K T U 1.103+ = RS 24.247+, K T U 1.145 = RS 24.328A+ and K T U
1.140 = RS 24.302. They all came to light to the south of the acrop-
olis, in what has been called the Cella aux tablettes, which was part
of the house of a famous diviner (here, incidentally, were also found
model s of livers and of a l ung as well as the difficult [necromantic?]
text K T U 1.124 = RS 24.272). To this can be added a fragment
of a tablet in syllabic cunei form (RS 7.001 = A O 18.892), as yet
unpubl i shed, which was found on the surface.
1
1
Essential bibliography: KRONER 1978; DI ETRI CH L ORETZ SANMARTI N 1975d;
Thi s small group of texts is of the greatest interest because it doc-
uments translation into the local language of a type of divination
text which is typically Mesopotami an (the Babylonian series Summa
izbu studied by Leichty).
2
The documents in question, which are
approximately contemporaneous with those found in the great Syrian
archive of Mesken-Emar,
3
also allow us to examine further the his-
tory of the spread of this genre. I n fact they date back to a period
earlier than the correspondi ng documents in Akkadian and Hittite
found at Bogazky (RI EMSCHNEI DER 1970) and represent the most
direct chronological link with the Ol d Babylonian tablets which cir-
culated in series before their final 'canonization' in 24 tablets, evi-
dence for which is provided from Ashurbanipal's library at Nineveh.
The Geburtsomina of Ugarit are typologically related to those from
Bogazky and, if we follow the classification proposed by Riemschnei-
der,
4
these too can be divided basically into two types: K TU 1. 103+
= RS 24. 247+ and K TU 1. 145 = RS 24. 328A + refer to anomal ous
animal births (which are to be set alongside Tabl et V of the canon-
ical series), whereas K TU 1. 140 = RS 24. 302 concerns human births
(and seems to derive from Tablets I - I V of the canonical series).
The teratological omens from Ras Shamra are a fairly faithful
reflection of the 'principles'
5
of what is termed deductive divination,
such as the classic opposition rightleft, where the right refers to
everything concerning the country and its inhabitants, whereas the
left concerns the king and enemy countries.
6
I n this perspective, every
defect or anomal y found on the right comprises an unfavourable
omen, but if it is found on the left it is interpreted favourably. Every
'increase'even if strange or monstrousof the right side, there-
fore, corresponds to events which are positive for the king and his
kingdom. The absence of limbs or organs seems instead to portend
bad omens.
X EL L A - CAPOMACCHI A 1979; X EL L A 1981, 191-206; PARDEE 1986; DI ETRI CH
L ORETZ 1990a, 87-165; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1990C; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 237- 41
= 1999, 353-9.
2
L EI CHTY 1970.
3
Cf. ARNAUD 1985-87, V I / 1- 2 and V I / 4, 686-93.
4
RI EMSCHNEI DER 1970, who correcdy distinguished on the basis of the protasis,
texts introduced by the clause lk-ku-zu SAL- . . . a-a-i (human births) from those
introduced by the clause k-ku I Z-BU (animal births).
5
See, in general, BOTTRO 1974.
fi
Cf. WY A T T 1996c and below, 13.2.2.
I n line with the typology of these omens in the earliest period of
their circulation, there are no references to the individual and pri-
vate sphere: every prediction is of an official nature and in fact
always refers to the king or the country.
I n the Ugaritic omens also one catches a glimpse of this associa-
tion of ideas based on analogy: note for example the interpretation
of certain bodily features of the foetus. Among the examples that
can be adduced the following can also be noted: if the foetus looks
like a bird the prediction is that the gods will fly away from the land;
the head of the foetus symbolizes the king or the governor of the
land; missing or deformed feet or paws (which therefore prevent
walking) are interpreted in the sense that the land will not be able
to progress as usual in its existence due to epidemics or internal strife.
I n Ugarit, then, the dichotomy between (a) anomalies and malfor-
mations, and (b) similarities with animals has also been adopted.
From the limited material available it is not possible to verify the
presence and consequences of multiple body-parts and of a whole
range of cases of deformity and/or defects, but even so everything
suggests complete agreement with the Babylonian model.
I n Ugari t as in Bogazky there was, then, full acceptance of
Mesopotami an tradition, even if the Ol d Babylonian originals were
certainly slightly adapted for local needs which were exclusively of
public concern. What are called the 'stock apodoses' display a lim-
ited range of events which evidently reflects military politics on a
small scale, as in Ugarit.
3.3 Astrological omens
Already attested in the Ol d Babylonian period, the Mesopotami an
collections of astrological omens ( Wei dner 1941- 4, 172- 95) were
circulated widely around the mid-second millennium bce and as a
result we find copies scattered in 'peripheral' centres such as Bogazky,
Alalah, Emar and even Ugarit.
7
At Ras Shamra in particular, besides
a few as yet unpublished syllabic texts (RS 23. 38, RS 25. 440A and
RS 25. 141 + 454f ), a broken tablet in alphabetic cuneiform has
been found in the northern palace of Ras I bn Hani (K TU 1.163 =
RI H 78/ 14) .
8
It contains presages based on meteorological observations,
7
Detailed bibliography in DI ETRI CH L ORETZ 1990a, 165 95.
8
BORDREUI L - CAQUOT 1980, 352; DI ETRI CH L ORETZ 1990a, 165-95 (cf. 168-70);
of the sun and the moon, and is connected with the Mesopotami an
series Enma Anu Enlil ( W e i d n e r 1941-44). As usual, the sentences
comprise a protasis and an apodosis and the presages concern the
well-being of the king, the ruling house and their possessions. The
text is too broken to supply information or provide specific parallels
with the omens of Mesopotami an tradition. The most detailed analy-
sis available, also at the comparative level, is by D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z
(1990a) and for the time being it is not possible to progress further.
The widespread belief in astrology in Ugarit is documented not
only by references to the '(divine) stars' in some ritual texts and from
allusions in texts such as K TU 1.23 = RS 2. [024] and K TU 1.19 =
RS 3.322 + ii 1-3,
9
but also by an unusual document, K TU 1.78 =
RS 12.61. It concerns an eclipse of the sun, the simultaneous appear-
ance of the planet Mars and the presages derived from it.
10
This
astral conjunction seemed to take on a fatal and dangerous charac-
ter, confirmed by the consultation of livers expressly carried out. At
all events, the precise date of the event (probably March 5th, 1223
bce) is still debated by specialists and there is no unani mous opin-
i on." The exceptional nature of the document, which lies halfway
between astrology and hepatoscopy, further complicates its transla-
tion and interpretation. The translation provided here is still provi-
sional and hypothetical:
1 bit. ym.hdt In the si1ence(?)
12
2 hyr 'rbt (of the month) hyr down went
3 p Igrh the Sun: her gatekeeper was
4 rp Raap.
5 kbdm tbqrn (For this) (1/2) liver(s) was/were examined:
6 skn danger!
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 236 = 1999, 352; DI ETRI CH LORETZ 1988b, 94-5; DI ETRI CH
- LORETZ 1990C.
9
As correctly noted by DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 236, n. 68 = 1999, 352, n. 69.
10
Essential bibliography: DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 235 = 1999, 350; DI ETRI CH -
LORETZ - SANMARTI N 1974b, 464-5; FULCO 1976, 38ff.; XEL L A 1981, 171; DI ETRI CH -
L ORETZ, 1988b, 99, 100; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1990a, 39-85.
11
KUDL EK - MI CL ER 1971; SAWY ER - STEPHENSON 1970; DE J ONG - VAN SOL DT
1987-8; WAL K ER 1989; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1990a, 281-5 (contribution by W. C .
SEI TTER - H . W. DUERBECK). PARDEE - SWERDL OW 1993; WY A TT 1998C, 366-7.
12
For a discussion of b It see DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1990a, 50ff.; the meaning pro-
posed here is hypothetical.
3.4 Extispicy
Also typical of Mesopotami an divination tradition are the texts of
omens written on some models of livers and on one model of a
lung, found in the house of the so-called diviner-priest (which was
probably also a sort of school), also quite an i mportant person in
his official capacity.
The five models of livers we now have (KTU 1.141 = RS 24.132;
K TU 1.142 = RS 24.323; K TU 1.143 = RS 24.326; K TU 1.144
= RS 24.237; K TU 1.155 = RS 24.264)
13
report on the results of
hepatoscopic analysis concerni ng various events and it cannot be
excluded that they record i ndependent developments in respect of
the tradition from which they come.
Whereas K TU 1.155 = RS 24.654 is too damaged to provide any
information at all, the other texts are very interesting. K TU 1.141
= RS 24.312 refers to the acquisition of a youth (a slave? gzr) from
an Alashiote (= a Cypriot) by Agptr, a well-known person in Ugarit;
14
K TU 1.142 = RS 24.323 mentions a sacrificedbhin honour of
a dead person (a sort of kispum?), on the occasion of which the com-
missioner asks the diviner for a response. The contents of K TU
1.143 - RS 24.326, on the other hand, are rather vague, as the
text refers only to the performance of an extispicy requested by some-
one, without going into the causes which led to the sacrifice. Finally,
K TU 1.144 = RS 24.327 is an omen which was probably requested
by a prince with regard to the hupsu-mcrcenanes who must have
caused worries at the political level ( D i et r i c h - L o r e t z 1990a, 15).
The model of a lung (K TU 1.127 = RS 24.277), which merits a
separate study, is also connected with a Mesopotami an tradition.
15
The incised text is divided into sections marked off" by lines which
probably correspond to the anatomical regions of the lung. It seems
likely, nevertheless, that the various parts of the text are connected
to each other and comprise a unity, even if it is difficult to under-
stand (cf. for example the uncertainty concerni ng the term nat which
13
Essential bibliography: XEL L A 1981, 184-90; MEY ER 1987, 218ff.; DI ETRI CH -
L ORETZ 1990a, 24 Iff.; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 232-4 = 1999, 347-9.
14
O n hi m cf . COURTOI S 1979, 1271.
15
K RAUS 1985, 185 7; MEY ER in DI ETRI CH L ORETZ 1990a, 255ff. Specific bib-
liography in DI ETRI CH L ORETZ 1990a, 18; add DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 69 72 =
1999, 91-5.
could even be translated 'removal').
16
The most plausible hypothesis
is that this model has been inscribed with several divination exer-
cises, performed at different times, but concerning the same event
and with the same aim: to avert the danger of an enemy attack by
means of a series of rites, including also a ceremony belonging to
the well-known typology of the 'scapegoat' (lines 29-32).
It should be stressed, then, that the lung model provides us with
evidence of the fusion of two different religious traditions, one of
Mesopotami an divination and the other of West Semitic atonement
ceremonies, for which the oldest documentati on is now supplied by
the texts from Ebla in the 24th century bc e ( X e l l a 1996b).
(Translation: W. G. E . W at s o n )
16
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1990a, 25f., with a discussion of the various hypotheses.
C H A F F E R E I G H T
T HE CORRESPONDENCE OF UGARI T
1 T h e U g a r i t i c L e t t e r s
J e s u s - L u i s C u n c h i l l o s
1.1 Introductory
The origin of letter-writing is most probabl y to be sought in oral
messages transmi tted through an i ntermedi ary. By the mid-second
mi l l enni um bce, communi cati on by letter had developed consider-
ably. Likewise, the role of the i ntermedi ary between sender and recip-
ient. Dependi ng on the culture, the i ntermedi ary would be called
mar ipr in Akkadian, wpwty
2
in Egyptian and ml'P in Northwest
Semitic. The i ntermedi ary carried a short written text which served
him as a letter of accreditation in the presence of the recipient and
allowed hi m to expand the message, replying to any requests for
expl anati on the recipient might pose.
1.1.1 The texts
The 86 letters or fragments written in al phabeti c cunei form and in
Ugaritic with their various collations are as follows: K TU 2.1 = RS
3.427, K T U 2.2 = RS 3.334, K T U 2.3 = RS 1.013 + 1.043, K TU
2.4 = RS 1.018, K T U 2.5 = RS 1.020, K TU 2.6 = RS 1.021,
K T U 2.7 = RS 1.026 + 2.[025], K T U 2.8 = RS 1.032, K T U 2.9 =
RS 2. [026], K T U 2.10 = RS 4.475, K T U 2.11 = RS 8.315, K T U
2.12 = RS 9.479a, K T U 2.13 = RS 11.872, K T U 2.14 = RS
[Vari a 4], K T U 2.15 = RS 15.007, K T U 2.16 = RS 15.008, K T U
1
MUNN- RANK I N 1956, 68-110; BOTTERO 1977, 333-4, 233-6 and 211 sub 3;
EBELI NG 1964, 212-3; OT T EN 1964, 213-4; L UKER 1968, 55-77; HOL MES 1975,
376-81.
2
See VAL L OGGI A 1976.
3
CUNCHI LLOS 1981a, 1982, 1991.
2.17 = RS 15.098, K T U 2.18 = RS 15.107, K T U 2.20 = RS
15.158, K T U 2.21 = RS 15.174, K T U 2.22 = RS 15.191 [a], K T U
2.23 = RS 16.078+, K T U 2.24 = RS 16.137[bis]+, K T U 2.25 =
RS 16.196, K T U 2.26 = RS 16.264, K T U 2.27 = RS 16.378a,
K T U 2.28 = RS 16.378b, K T U 2.29 = RS 16.378c, K T U 2.30 =
RS 16.379, K T U 2.31 = RS 16.394, K T U 2.32 = RS 16.401, K T U
2.33 = RS 16.402, K T U 2.34 = RS 17.139, K T U 2.35 = RS
17.327, K T U 2.36+ = RS 17.435+, K T U 2.38 = RS 18.031, K T U
2.39 = RS 18.038, K T U 2.40 = RS 18.040, K T U 2.41 = RS
18.075a, K T U 2.42 = RS 18.113A, K T U 2.43 = RS 18.113[b],
K T U 2.44 = RS 18.134, K T U 2.45 = RS 18.140, K T U 2.46 =
RS 18.147, K T U 2.47 = RS 18.148, K T U 2.48 = RS 18.285[a],
K T U 2.49 = RS 18.286+, K T U 2.50 = RS 18.287, K T U 2.51 =
RS 18. [312], K T U 2.52 = RS 18.[364], K T U 2.53 = RS 18.[380],
K T U 2.54 = RS 18.[386], K T U 2.55 = RS 18.[387], K T U 2.56
= RS 18.[400], K T U 2.57= RS 18.[443], K T U 2.58 = RS 18.[482],
K T U 2.59 = RS 18.[500], K T U 2.60 = RS 18.[528], K T U 2.61 =
RS 19.011, K T U 2.62 = RS 19.022, K T U 2.63 = RS 19.029, K T U
2.64 = RS 19.102, K T U 2.65 = RS 19.158b, K T U 2.66 = RS
19.181a, K T U 2.67 = RS 19.181b, K T U 2.68 = RS 20.199, K T U
2.69 = RS 24.660G, K T U 2.70 = RS 29.093, K T U 2.71 = RS
29.095, K T U 2.72 = RS 34.124, K T U 2.75 = RS 34.148, K T U
2.76 = RS 34.356, K T U 2.77 = RI H 77/01, K T U 2.78 = RI H
77/2 1a, K T U 2.79 = RI H 77/25, K T U 2.80 = RI H 78/21, K T U
2.81 = RI H 78/3 + 30, K T U 2.82 = RI H 78/12, K T U 2.83 =
RI H 78/25, K T U 5.9 = RS 16.265, K T U 5.10 = RS 17.063, K T U
5.11 = RS 17.117.
4
To date we know of 20 other unpubl i shed letters.
5
1.1.2 Structure
Usually, a letter compri ses headi ng, mai n message and endi ng. The
study of letters written in Ugari ti c has not progressed much since
C u n c h i l l o s 1989a; see there for lengthier discussion of matters raised
here.
4
CUNCHI L L OS - V I TA 1993a, 239-306, 863- 4; the texts, in corrected form are
available in Sapnu, Publicaciones en I nternet, at http://wwvv. labherm.filol.csic.es.
5
See M ALB RAN- L ABAT 1995a, 103 n. 2.
1.2 Heading
The headi ng, also called the i ntroducti on, comprises the address,
proskynesis, greetings and wishes.
1.2.1 The address can take on various forms:
(a) / recipient rgm + thm sender
(b) thm sender + I recipient rgm
The name of the more i mportant person preceded the name of some-
one of lower rank, unless out of politeness the name of the recipient
had to come first ( L i ver ani 1979a, 1328). I n other words, the second
formul a shows that the sender has hi gher rank than the recipient,
whereas the first formul a shows the higher rank of the recipient or
else is an indication of politeness between persons of the same rank.
If this is the case, Ugaritic usage would be the same as in other
regions ( L i ver ani 1979a, 1328 with bibliography).
However, not all scholars share this opinion. For some, hi erarchy
is the only criterion that explains the precedence of the name in both
cases ( K nut s o n 1975, 199; K r i s t ens en 1977, 144-5; C a q u o t 1979b,
1414). Ugaritic usage would then differ from that of other areas,
except for El Amarna ( K nut s o n 1975, 199).
As we shall see later on ( 8.1.2.2), proskynesis occurs only when
the first formul a is used. Thi s is the one, then, that is used when
an inferior addresses a superior.
The personal names of both the sender and the recipient are quite
often replaced by terms denoti ng relationship. For example, adty, 'My
Lady', occurs in K T U 2.12 = RS 9.479a.2; K T U 2.24 = RS
16.137[bis]+:2; K TU 2.33 = RS 16.402:1; K TU 2.56 = RS 18.[400]:1;
K T U 2.68 = RS 20.199:1; K TU 2.82 = RI H 78/12:2; adtny 'our
Lady', K TU 2.11 = RS 8.315:1, adny 'my lord', K TU 2.64 = RS
19.102:2; b'ly 'my lord', 'my master', K T U 2.40 = RS 18.040:1;
K T U 2.42 = RS 18.113 a: 1 ; K T U 2.61 = RS 19.011:2; K T U 2.63
= RS 19.029:1; K TU 2.64 = RS 19.102:10; b
c
lh 'his master', K TU
2.47 = RS 18.148:2; b'lny 'our master', K TU 2.70 = RS 29.093:1;
b'lkm 'your (pi.) master', K T U 5.10 = RS 17.063:3; umy 'my mother',
K TU 2.11 = RS 8.315:1; K TU 2.13 = RS 11.872:2; K TU 2.16 =
RS 15.008:2; K TU 2.30 = RS 16.379:1; K TU 2.34 = RS 17.139:2;
K TU 5.10 = RS 17.063:3; K T U 2.82 = RI H 78/12:1; buy 'my son',
K TU 2.14 = RS [Vari a 4]:3; 'my brother', K TU 2.14 = RS
[Varia 4]:3; K TU 2.38 = RS 18.031:2; ihy 'my brother', K TU 2.44
= RS 18.134:2; ahty 'my sister', K TU 2.21= RS 15.174:3; ahth 'his
sister', K TU 5.10 = RS 17.063:1; 'bdk 'your servant(s)', K TU 2.11
= RS 8.315:4; K T U 2.12= RS 9.479a.5; K T U 2.24 = RS
16.137[to]+:4; K TU 2.33 = RS 16.402.2; K TU 2.40 = RS 18.040.4;
K TU 2.42 = RS 18.1 13a:3; K TU 2.64 = RS 19.102:12; K TU 2.68
= RS 20.199:3; K TU 2.75 = RS 34.148:4; K TU 2.81 = RI H 78/03
+ 30:5), bnk 'your son', K TU 2.13 = RS 11.872:4; K TU 2.30 =
RS 16.379:3; K TU 2.64 = RS 19.102:5; ahk 'your brother', K TU
2.38 = RS 18.031:3.
The terms 'father', 'mother', 'brother' and 'son' do not have the
literal meani ng of blood-relationship among those concerned. They
are terms of respect. The king is called 'father' and the queen,
'mother' (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 247-8).
The noun thm, 'message', differentiates the Ugaritic formul a from
contemporary Akkadian formulae (El Amarna and even Ugarit itself)
which begin with umma, 'thus'.
6
Sometimes an unbroken line separates the address from what fol-
lows (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 249). No account is taken of this line
by epigraphists, except for TU. The unbroken line is one of the
punctuati on marks of Ugaritic. It corresponds to our full stop, new
paragraph (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 248-9) except when it is used as
a writing guide. In that case it recurs regularly in all or nearly all
the lines of the text.
I .2.2 The proskynesis is a formul a of prostration and respect towards
the recipient. It is used only with the first type of address formula
as given above. There are four different types. The simplest is / p'n
qlt, 'at the feet of (the recipient) fall' (K TU 2.13 = RS
I I .872:5-6; K TU 2.30 = RS 16.379:4-5; K TU 2.64 = RS 19.102
obverse:6-7; K TU 2.79 = RI H 78/3 + 30:5-6; K TU 2.80 = RI H
78/12:2-3; see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 249, n. 26). Somewhat more
6
It occurs in K TU 2.4 = RS 1.018; K TU 2.10 = RS 4.475; K TU 2.11 = RS
8.315; K TU 2.12 = RS 9.479A; K TU 2.13 = RS 11.872; K TU 2.16 = RS 15.008;
K TU 2.21 = RS 15.174; K TU 2.24 = RS 16.137[to]+; K TU 2.26 = RS 16.264;
K TU 2.30 = RS 16.379; K TU 2.33 = RS 16.402; K TU 2.34 = RS 17.139; K TU
2.39 = RS 18.038; K TU 2.40 = RS 18.040; K TU 2.42 = RS 18.113A; K TU 2.44
= RS 18.134; K TU 2.46 = RS 18.147; K TU 2.49 = RS 18.286+; K TU 2.61 =
RS 19.011; K TU 2.63 = RS 19.029; K TU 2.64 = RS 19.102; K TU 2.71 = RS
29.095; K TU 2.76 = RS 34.356; K TU 2.78 = RI H 77/2 1a.
distant is I p
c
n mrhqtm qlt 'at the feet of I /we fall from afar'
K TU 2.11 = RS 8.315:5-7; K TU 2.33 = RS 16.402:3-4; K TU
2.45 = RS 18.140:11-2 (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 249, n. 27). More
solemn is / p
e
n tnid sb
c
d mrhqtm qlny 'at the feet of twice seven
(times) I /we fall' K TU 2.64 = RS 19.102 obv. 13-16; K TU 2.70
= RS 29.093:8-10. Or also I p'n b
C
d wsb'id mrhqtm qlt 'at the feet
of seven and seven (times) from a distance I fall' K TU 2.12 =
RS 9.479a:6-11; K TU 2.24 = RS 16.137[w]+:5-7; K TU 2.40 =
RS 18.040:5-8; K TU 2.42 = RS 18.1 13a:4-5; K TU 2.51 = RS
18.[312]:2-3; K TU 2.68 = RS 20.199:4-7 (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a,
249, n. 29). The two last expressions could have the same meani ng
although it is not completely certain and they could have different
nuances (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 250). fall' is a translation of qlt
from Vqyl, cognate with Akkadian qlu (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 250).
'From afar' is a translation of mrhqtm or mrhqm, an adverb derived
from Vrhq.
1.2.3 Greetings. The sender usually greets the recipient with a jus-
sive: ylm I- 'Peace to N! (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 251 and n. 36) ,
which occurs in several letters.' Its variants arcyl m ly
8
and InylmP
The nominal use of lm cannot be excluded in some cases.
10
1.2.4 Wishes. The greeting can be followed by a wish with a reli-
gious content as expressed by the sender in favour of the recipient.
When both elements are present, the action seems to be progressive.
I ndeed, with the greeting the sender wishes the recipient to enjoy
good health when receiving the letter, while with the wishes he
expresses the hope that the gods may continue preserving the recip-
ient's good health. The same progression is glimpsed in the body of
the letter. The greeting, then, can be differentiated from the wishes or
7
K TU 2.1 = RS 3.427; K TU 2.4 = RS 1.018; K TU 2.6 = RS 1.021; K TU
2.10 = RS 4.475; K TU 2.13 = RS 11.872; K TU 2.16 = RS 15.008; KTU 2.21
= RS 15.174; K TU 2.30 = RS 16.379; K TU 2.33 = RS 16.402; K TU 2.34 =
RS 17.139; K TU 2.38 = RS 18.031; K TU 2.41 = RS 18.075; K TU 2.44 = RS
18.134; K TU 2.46 = RS 18.147; K TU 2.52 = RS 18.[364]; K TU 2.63 = RS
19.029; K TU 2.67 = RS 19.181B; K TU 2.71 = RS 29.095; K TU 2.81 = RI H
78/3 + 30.
8
K TU 2.30 = RS 16.379; K TU 2.33 = RS 16.402; K TU 2.68 = RS 20.199;
K TU 2.72 = RS 34.124. See CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 252.
9
K TU 2.79 = RI H 78/ 3 + 30. 6, see CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 252~3.
10
K TU 2.70 = RS 29.093; K TU 2.72= RS 34.124; KTU 5.10 = RS 17.063.
expression of wish/desire
11
al though there are different opinions (see
CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 253- 4) .
The religious expression normally used in the wishes (see CUNCHI L L OS
1989a, 229-34) is ilm tgrk tslmk, 'May the gods protect you and keep
you healthy!'.
1
'-' Ugaritic uses two verbs because two actions are meant
to be represented (see CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 254). The verb tgr, Ingr,
denotes the action of 'protecting'.
13
Theoretically, tlm could be the
aphel causative or the intensive D stem. However, both Akkadian
and Hebrew normally use the verb Sim in the intensive stem. Ugaritic
probabl y does the same.
14
Thus, the expression manifests the wish
that the gods conti nue preserving the health of the recipient.
The formul ati on of the wishes or desires can change. The letter
writer has freedom of expression which is evident, for exampl e, in
K T U 2.16 = RS 15.008:4-6, when he writes ily ugrt tgrk tslmk, 'May
the gods of Ugarit protect you and keep you healthy!', an expres-
sion which has its equivalent in the Akkadian of Ugarit: ilnu ugarit
ana ulmni lissurka or else ilnu sa ugarit ana ulmni lissurka (see
CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 256). The author of the letter K T U 2.4 = R S
1.018 sends wishes to the Hi gh Priest ilm tslmk tgrk t'zzk, 'May the
gods keep you healthy, protect you and keep you hardy!' (lines 4-6).
A longer version occurs in K T U 5.9 = RS 16.265:2-6: ilm tgrk tslmk
t'zzk alp ymm w rbt nt b'd
c
lm, 'May the gods protect you, keep you
healthy, keep you hardy for a thousand days and ten thousand years
for ever!'. Finally, there is the formul a b'lysul lmk, 'May Ba'al take
care of your health!' of K T U 5.11 = RS 17.117:2, which becomes
intelligible if compared with the Hebrew expression THWHys'l Islmk,
of Arad Letter 18 and the Akkadian expressions ilnu ulumka . . . lisal
of EA 96:4-6, ilnu lial ulumka of Taanak 1.5-6 and Aramai c
c
lhy
c
ylw lmk of AP 56:1 (see CUNCHI L L OS 1983a).
11
Further details and discussion in CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 251- 2.
12
With some variations it occurs in KTU 2.1 = RS 3.427:1-2; KTU 2.4 = RS
1.018:4-5 (ilm tslmk tgrk) KTU 2.6 = RS 1.021:5-6 (ilm tgrkm ts'lmkm), KTU 2.11
= RS 8.315:7-9; KTU 2.13 = RS 1 1.872:7-8; KTU 2.14 = RS [Varia 4]:4-5;
KTU 2.21 = RS 15.174:5-6 (ilm tslmk tgrk)] KTU 2.30 = RS 16.379:6-7; KTU
2.34 = RS 17.139:3-4; KTU 2.38 = RS 18.031:4-5; KTU 2.41 = RS 18.075:1-2;
KTU 2.44 = RS 18.134:4-5; KTU 2.46 = RS 18.147:4-5; KTU 2.63 = RS
19.029:5-6; KTU 2.68 = RS 20.199:9-10 (collation: Pardee); KTU 2.70 = RS
29.093:6-7; KTU 2.71 = RS 29.095:4-5 (ilm tslmk tgrk); KTU 2.75 = RS 34.148:6.
13
Others consider the root to be gyr; see CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 255.
14
See CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 254-5; TROPPER 1990a, 164.
1.3 Body of the letter or message
1.3.1 Structure of the message. The second part of the letter is laid
out in dialogue form, marked in some cases
15
by the adverbs hnny,
'here' and tmny, 'there' (further details in C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 257,
n. 66). Generally (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 258, n. 68) the sender uses
hnny,
lfi
or its equivalent hlny
17
to open the section where he provides
news of his circumstances, limited to the expression 'everything is
(very) fine with
18
(me/us)'
(
mn(y) kll (mid) lm in various forms (see
C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 259, n. 70). The term tmny is used to begin the
expression (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 259, n. 73) by the sender that
all may go well with the recipient
c
m mnm lm.
The two expressions introduced by hnny and tmny in the body of
the letter are the counterpart of the greeting and wishes in the struc-
ture of the text. The greeting, like the expression introduced by hnny,
denotes the situation as at present, whereas the wishes, like the expres-
sion introduced by tmny, are set in the future. I n both cases there
is an element of progression.
In
c
m mnm lm, the verbal form Sim is probably an optative
qatala, and in
c
mn(y) kll (mid) lm the qatala is in the present.
19
1.3.2 Syntax. Within the dialogue section, the key to the wording
and of course to understandi ng is syntax. Unfortunately, this is the
least known part of Ugaritic grammar. The research undertaken by
us in Madri d has not yet provided results. The key to syntactic struc-
ture frequently lies in particles which are still largely not understood,
although their mysteries have been penetrated to some extent. Thus,
15
In K TU 2.1 = RS 3.427; K TU 2.11 = RS 8.315; K TU 2.13 = RS 11.872;
K TU 2.21 = RS 15.174; KTU 2.24 = RS 16.137[w]+; KTU 2.30 = RS 16.379;
K TU 2.34 = RS 17.139; K TU 2.36+ = RS 17.435+; K TU 2.38 = RS 18.031;
K TU 2.46 = RS 18.147; K TU 2.56 = RS 18.[4001; K TU 2.65 = RS 19.1 58B;
K TU 2.67 = RS 19.181B; KTU 2.68 = RS 20.199; KTU 2.70 = RS 29.093; KTU
2.71 = RS 29.095; KTU 2.72 = RS 34.124; KTU 2.76 = RI H 77/2 1a; K TU
2.83 = RI H 78/25.
16
K TU 2.11 = RS 8.315:10; K TU 2.38 = RS 18.031:6; K TU 2.46 = RS
18.147:6; K TU 2.56 = RS 18.[400]:4; K TU 2.65 = RS 19.158 b:1; K TU 2.71 =
RS 29.095:5; K TU 2.72 = RS 34.124:4.
17
K TU 2.1 = RS 3.427:3; K TU 2.13 = RS 11.872:9; K TU 2.21 = RS 15.174:7;
K TU 2.24 = RS 16.137 [Aw] + :8; KTU 2.30 = RS 16.379:8; K TU 2.36+ = RS
17.435+:2; K TU 2.47 = RS 19.181 B:4; K TU 2.70 = RS 29.093:11; K TU 2.76
= RI H 77/21a:4; K TU 2.83 = RI H 78/25:2.
18
See CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 258, n. 69.
19
See CUNCHI L L OS 1986, 259 60; 260, n. 75.
ht, usually translated by 'now'
20
has the peculiarity of always marki ng
the passage to the second part of the discourse
21
or argumentati on.
It means 'also', in the first case and 'but'
22
when followed by the
conditional particle hm, 'i f'. Other particles, such as w which begins
an apodosis, also contribute to the recognition of structural elements.
23
Ugaritic w, as in Hebrew, can also denote the beginning of a con-
ditional clause or a subordinate conditional clause.
24
I n this way, step
by step the syntax is revealed, but the picture is still incomplete.
If we consider the letter as a whole and not just the body of the
message, we can add that epistolary style may be marked by the use
of a large number of jussive, imperative and optative forms. The third
person jussive is used frequentiy, for example in yslm Ik in the greet-
ing and ilm tgrk tslmk in the wishes, but also in the body of the mes-
sage, for instance in tmny mnm lm and sometimes throughout the
whole letter as in K TU 2.16 = RS 15.008. Perhaps this is one of
the characteristics of epistolary style,
25
which is due to the involve-
ment of a third person in the communi cati on, an intermediary who
reads the written message aloud. Scholars who do not accept the
role of the mlak have great difficulty in understandi ng the use of the
third person.
26
It cannot be excluded that the use of the third per-
son is an expression of respect.
1.3.3 Literary aspects of the letters. The letters are the work of various
authors preserved in a single copy, as short unvocalized texts full of
hapax legomena which allude to contexts which are unknown to us.
These are the historical contexts in which the letters were written,
the archaeological contexts in which they were found. We also lack
the essential communi cati on link of the 2nd millennium BCE, the
maVak who held the key to interpretation, the additional explana-
tions demanded by the text so as to be fully understood by the recip-
ient. So much for the inherent difficulties of the letters. However, it
20
See CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 262, n. 77; DLU, 169-70.
21
For example in KTU 2.4 = RS 1.018 and KTU 2.14 = RS [Varia 4]. See
CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 273 n. 6 and 295 n. 12 respectively.
22
See CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 337, n. 36; 278, n. 10.
23
CUNCHI L L OS 1989b, commentary on the letters K T U 2.10 = R S 4.475; K T U
2.30 = RS 16.379; KTU 2.33 = RS 16.402.
24
See CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 338 n. 40.
25
PARDEE - WHI TI NG 1987.
26
KRI STENSEN 1977, 145 in respect of K T U 2. 47 = R S 18. 148.
has to be accepted that on the other hand it presents several advan-
tages compared to other literary genres. The letter has spatial bound-
aries which cannot be said of more compl ex literary texts such as
myths and legends. Thi s factor assures us beforehand that if the
tablet is intact, the meani ng of the letter will be complete.
It has been claimed that the correspondence in Ugaritic is only
a translation from Akkadian texts. The arguments for and against
have been set out elsewhere.
27
There is a strong possibility that
Ugaritic correspondence was original.
1.4 Closing formula
The body of the message is followed by a request for i nformati on
concerni ng the recipient and his surroundings. The formul a is usu-
ally rgm ttb I-, 'Send a reply to (lit. return a word to)!'. The verbal
form ttb is a Shaphel imperative of the verb twb, with assimilation
of the phoneme /a/ typical of the Shaphel to / ta/ . When the let-
ter is written in the third person, tttb is used in the closing formul a,
3rd pers. fem. sing, jussive: 'May she return a word to her servant!'.
Thi s occurs in K TU 2.12 = RS 9.479A: 14
28
and K TU 2.16 = RS
15.008:19.
29
1.5 Conclusion
Historical and social importance of the correspondence. The sender of most
of the letters preserved is a ki ng/queen or a pri nce/pri ncess. Some
seem to come from lesser court officials.
Of all the letters preserved, the one by queen Pudugibat or Puduhepa
(K TU 2.36 = RS 17.435+), is undoubtedl y the most interesting for
its historical significance, but also for the i nformati on it provides on
diplomatic relations and even on the political tactics used by Ni qmaddu,
king of Ugarit. Puduhepa was the wife of Hattusilis, the mother of
Tudhal i ya and a contemporary of Ramesses I I .
The kingdom of Ugarit was a vassal of Hatti, and the king of Ugarit
was obliged to present himself each year in the Hittite court, bring-
ing a tribute established beforehand. As the letter shows, the king
27
See CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 264-7.
28
See CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 286 n. 6.
29
See CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 302 n. 25.
of Ugarit had to bring a quantity of gold for the House of the king,
but the same amount also for the House of the queen. Ni qmaddu
sent the required amount of gold that was due to the king by adopt-
ing the ruse of sending it to the House of the queen. Similarly,
Ni qmaddu, king of Ugarit, had to send a certain quantity of pre-
cious stones which had been worked in his kingdom to the Hittite
court. Ni qmaddu pretended not to have any gem cutters.
I n the rest of the letter, he asks the Hittite court for help in assur-
ing that the caravans going to Egypt would pass through Ugarit, no
doubt thinking of the benefits such commercial traffic would entail.
I n another letter, (K TU 2.38 = RS 18.031), the king of Tyre in-
forms the king of Ugarit that the fleet he had sent to Egypt found
itself in the middle of a great storm which forced the fleet to split,
half going to Tyre and the other half to Acre. The fleet was car-
rying wheat. The captain made them take the wheat out of the
amphoras and lay it out to dry, but first he delivered it to the king
of Tyre, the one responsible on land. The king of Tyre informed
the king of Ugarit that the cargo had again been loaded on the
boats and that the fleet had resumed its j ourney.
Another letter, (K TU 2.68 = RS 20.199), by Urfcteub, seems likely
to deal with the old Hittite king who had fallen into disgrace and
had had more than friendly relations with Ugarit.
Each of the letters is a remnant of someone's life and reflects the
society to which he belongs.
1.5 Appendix: the vocabulary of the letters
.- The total number of Words with their Morphological Display
(or WMD)
30
in the Ugaritic corpus published so far is 6521.
31
The
number of WMD exclusive to a single literary genre is as follows:
Administration: 2031; Myth: 1164; Epic: 495; Ritual: 438; Correspond-
ence: 332; Assorted Fragments: 81; School Exercises: 44; Law: 44;
I nscriptions: 40; Hippiatric texts: 37.
876 of the 6521 WMD contained in the published Ugaritic texts
occur in the Correspondence. Of these, 544 are also common to
other genres, leaving 332 as exclusive to the Correspondence.
30
Palabras en Alorfologia Desplegada or PAID in Spanish. Here the English abbre-
viation is used for convenience. See 16.2.2.
31
CUNCHI L L OS - V I TA 1993a, 1-2191.
B.- The Vocabul ary of the Correspondence shared with other lit-
erary genres:
1.- Correspondence and Admi ni strati on: ad
c
; adty, ahty, alyyn; anyt;
argmnm; atlg, ibm\ iwrdn; iwdr, iwrpzn; ihy; lytlrrv, ilp; iltkm; itn; ittl; ubr'y;
ully; urgttb; bdhm; blym\ b
c
ly\ b
c
lyskn\ b'rm; gzl; gib; grgs; dym; dmn; drdm,
drm; hyil; hpr.; hlpn, hpn\ hpnm; ybnn; ymz', kbr.; ky, kkr, klby; ksphm; ktt;
Iby; Iqht; mz'/m; wz^wA; mkr, mlb] mly; mlkytn; mrdt, sny;
c
bdb
c
l;
c
bdyrh;
c
bdm;
c
yn; 'ky, 7; 7r, 7;
c
ttry, plsy, pm\ psn; spy, rhbrv, kn; lmy; ml, sm't; s't,
stn; tyt; tlmyn; tmtt; fry; trgds; trtn; tby; tpbt
c
l\ tpn.
2.- Correspondence and Myth: ad\ adnh; ah; ams\ ar; ilak; iph\ irstk;
bnk\ dbr, dtm; hdd; hdt\ hin, hmk\ h; hsri\ y bit, y
c
msn\ klm\ kpr, lah, lit, lp\
mla; mlak; mgt; mrt, mtt; n'mm; sip",
c
bdk\
c
nn\ p
c
nk; slm; qbt, qdt, qlh\ qlt;
qmh; rgmt, b
C
d, dt; kb; ntm\ pr, thmk) tm; t'tqn; tgrk; tttb; tbh\ tmt.
3.- Correspondence and Epic: adnk; ahtk; amrk; argm\ akn; atn; ikm;
itt; b
C
lny; d'\ dt\ hndt, ytb
C
mnd
C
\
C
rym\ tadnv, tdbr, tmgy; ta; tqb; tnnth.
4.- Correspondence and Ritual: , aspt\ dbhn\ dr', hwth] hrdh\
htm] y dbh; ysal; mzn\ mit.; msqt, mrhqm, ndr, si.
5.- Correspondence and Law: iky, brt; mgsh,
c
mnk.
6.- Correspondence and Assorted Fragments: hdr, mli; tzn; ts
c
.
7.- Correspondence and School Exercises: h; t; mtr.
8. Correspondence and Vocabul ari es: ikt.
9.- Correspondence and the Hi ppi atri c Texts.
C. - Vocabul ary exclusive to the Correspondence, as has been seen,
comprises 332 WMD. A prel i mi nary analysis results in the following:
Verb forms:
labd 'to be eternal', 'to perish': tubd.
Vahb 'to love': ihbt.
\lawd 'to weigh, pay': udh\ tud.
^1aw 'to make a gift, give': nul.
^azr 'to gird': yizr.
^lahd 'to grasp, seize': did] didn.
Jahr 'to delay': yihr; tiffrhm.
^aty 'to come': nitk.
^ar 'to ask, desire': art; yir.
^lbll 'to moisten, ferment': iblblhm.
V67 'to work, make': ysb'l, ib'ltn.
Jb'r 'to burn', 'to abandon, destroy': ib
c
r; b'r, yb'm.
ylbqt ' to seek': bqt\ ybqj.
yIbtt 'to move away', S 'leave aside': ybt\ ubt\ ubtm.
^lgd' 'to cut': agd
c
.
Igrr 'to move': igr.
Adhl 'to fear, be scared': tdhl.
Idhs 'to be excited/nervous': tdhs.
\Ihbt 'to humble, demolish': hbt; yhbt\ thbt.
1
ihdy 'lacerate, gash oneself': hdy.
^lwhl 'to be discouraged': twhln.
"Jwzn 'to weigh': yzn.
Jwpt 'to spit': pt?
2
Vzwd 'to provision, supply', Nifal 'to be provisioned, supplied': nzdt.
Ahdy 'to see, look', 'rejoice': hd.
Ihwy 'to prostrate oneself, 'to live': hw, hytn.
"Jhlq 'to perish', 'to be absent': hlqt.
yhpn 'to cover, protect, wrap': yhpn.
'to snatch, conquer, defeat': hti; nhtw, f}tat.
Jycf 'to know': yd'm; Id
c
.
33
^y'b 'to be spacious': y'b.
lysa 'to go out': assu; yssa; su.
ylyra 'to fear, be frightened': yritn.
\lyrd 'to descend': yrdnn.
yytn 'to give, sell': atnnk) ytnh, ytnnn; tnt; tnth; tntn.
^lytb 'to sit, dwell in': ytbt; ytbtn.
*ikwn 'to be establish', 'to create, make preparations': tknn, tknnnn\
ykn.
^lkhd 'to erase', 'to hide': khdnn.
Mhm 'to eat', 'to fight', 'to be suitable': ilhmn.
vlik 'to entrust with, commission, send': ilakh, labrr, likt, lut, tlikr, tlikn.
lwy 'to follow, enclose, go round': aslu (?).
Mwt 'to mould (clay)': Itt (Gt).
ymkr 'to trade': amkrn.
^lmla 'to fill': mlit (part. act. G. fem.pl.).
>Imgy 'to arrive, come, reach': ymgyk; mgyy; mgyk\ tmgyy.
^lnad 'to raise': nitk.
yinhr 'to cause to flow': /Ar.
34
^nw' 'to move', 'ask, request': n'kn.
AIns' 'to uproot': //.
Ingr 'to protect': tgrkm; tgm.
Intb 'to pull up': ntb.
Vsyr 'to travel': syr.
yspr 'to write, tell, relate': yspm.
V
e
wr 'to be naked', 'to go blind', 'to worry': t'wr.
"J'zz 'to be strong, prevail', D 'to preserve strength': t'zzk.
V
e
mt 'to hit, tie, wrap':
c
mt.
VVy 'to empty, unload', 'to turn':
c
ryt.
" Hapax. It comes from a pupil's exercise.
33
Hapax. Text in bad condition, but it is a preposition + inf. const, of yd'.
34
Hapax. Possible but not certain.
V'/r 'to invite': t'sr.
V
c
tq 'to pass, move forward', 'to become old': t
c
tq\ s'tq.
^gzr 'to fortify': agzr.
^lphy 'to discern, see, perceive, experience': iphn\ phn'\ phnn.
4pit 'to set free, save': npl.
Vsba 'to grow, to rise (of the sun)', 'to decrease, to set (of the sun)': sb\
\Iswq 'to squeeze': sq 'to press'.
AIshq 'to laugh': tsshq.
\Ispy 'to cover, put on', 'observe, keep guard': aspy\ tspy.
Iqwr 'to flow', 'be curved': qr.
^qyl 'to fall': qlny.
^lqr 'to knot, join': qr; tqr.
^Jqty 'to end': tql.
ylrhl 'to worry, travel': trhln.
^lri 'to swell up, have a headache': rus.
vrws 'to be poor': yrs.
TO 'to destroy': yrs.
vay 'to wait, lie in wait': asi.
^al 'to deal with, watch over/supervise': yul.
^Iil 'to question, ask, request': il; silt, iai, ialhm, tal; ytal; yil.
^livr 'to besiege, enclose': ym.
Jyt 'to place, set': itn.
1
1kh 'to meet/find': tkh; nkh.
ylh 'to send', 'to found, build': nlh.
y Ilm 'to be well, be in peace': lmt; lmtn\ tlmk; tlmkm.
^lmh 'to rejoice': mht.
^lm' 'to hear': sm'fi; trrnv, mrrt.
^lqp 'to strike, break': yqp.
4ty 'to drink, taste': itn.
yltbr 'to break, smash': ttbrn.
^ltkp 'to be demolished, resist, repel': ntkp.
Vt'y 'to correct, inspect', 'to offer': tt'y.
Nouns:
adn 'Lord, father, master, foreman': adny; adnty.
idn 'permission, consent': idn.
adt 'Lady': adtny.
az 'fringed carpet': azt.
amt 'maid, maidservant, slave; forearm, elbow': amtk.
any 'fleet': anyk\ anykn.
argmn: 'tribute' argmny.
ins 'people': ink.
udr 'nobility, the most noble'; 'camels'; 'slope, skirt (of a mountain)':
udrh\ udrk.
udr 'courier, messenger'; 'salvation': udrh.
u/} 'brother': uhy.
un 'sorcery, magic': unk.
urk 'length': urk.
bnny: bnny (or preposition bn 'between' + suff. -ny 'us').
bs 'linen': bs.
g 'voice': gy.
gm 'rain': gm.
dbr 'plague, pestilence; thing, word'; 'pastureland, pastures, hut': dbrm.
dn 'receptacle, amphora': dnh\ dntm.
dr' 'arm'; 'wheat seed': dr'hm.
hwt 'life'; 'house, dynasty, country, territory, district, region'; 'animal,
serpent': hwtk, hwtm.
hmy 'wall'; hmy.
hbt 'freeman, fugitive'; 'soldier, proletarian': /)btm.
hrd 'guard, sentinel'; 'part of the conscript army': hrdk.
kw 'liquid measure': kw.
ksu 'throne': ksiy.
ksp 'silver': kspym 'silversmiths'.
lb 'heart': Ibk.
lbs 'garment': Ibsk.
Ig 'gallon': Igk.
35
Idt 'receptacle, cellar': Idtk.
Ih 'cheek, jaw, snout, fauces'; 'tablet, writing, dictation, message': Ihy.
mid 'abundance': midy.
md 'surveyor': mdym.
mhr 'surveyor'; 'dung'; 'courtier'; 'coat, cloak': mhrk.
mkr 'trader': mkrn.
mlakt 'mission, assignment, embassy': mlakt] mlaklh\ mlakly; mlaktk.
mli 'full, complete' (qatil mla 'to fill'): mlit.
mlg 'a type of sacrifice': mlgt.
msgr 'casde, fortress': msgr.
m'n 'reply': m'nk.
mrdt 'carpet': mrdtt.
mrkbt 'chariot': mrkbtk.
mtn 'repetition, reply': mtnn.
n'r 'boy, lad, soldier, knight/horseman, cadet'; 'a type of roasted or
dry flour'; 'mix, mixture': n'ry.
np 'throat, cheeks, desire, person, animal, living being': npy.
npn 'abundance'; interjection: 'by (my) life!'.
npt 'type of offering': nptn.
nr 'yoke': nrm.
nt 'inner part': nt; nty.
sglt 'property': sglth.
shl 'driller (of precious of semi-precious stones)': shlk; sf}lm.
'ps 'frontier': 'ps.
't 'moth, louse': 'tty.
Hapax. The text is very corrupt.
gb 'sacrificial pit': gbny.
gl 'depression, hollow', 'reedbed': glhm.
qnu 'lapis lazuli': qnim; qnuym.
qrt 'city': qrtn.
rgm 'word, speech, matter, claim, complaint': rgmh; rgmy.
r
c
'shepherd', 'friend, companion': r'.
M 'field': sdk.
sin 'gift, peace offering': sink.
lm 'peace, appeasement, peace offering'; 'satisfied'; 'victim of com-
munion sacrifice': lmk.
m 'name': my.
ty 'water, river': ty; th; 0>ny.'
iR
thm 'errand, resolution, decree, message': thmhy.
Personal names:
agzr] ahtmlk; ibrkd; iwrphn; ihqm; illdr; irrtrm; gnryn; ddyn: yrmhd: ytrhd; nmy\
nmry; 'bdmlk; pgn; pdgb; pzy\ pzy, plz', pnht\ pgsdb\ ptmy\ ttyy.
Divine names:
atrty, 'Athirat'.
Toponyms:
grgms 'Carchemish'; Iwsnd 'Lawasantiya'; mgh 'Muki'; ngt 'Nuhae';
gblm 'Byblos' (unless it is a gentilic: 'Byblians'); ns.
Gentilics:
ugrtym 'Ugaritians'; mny: smnyk.
Names of professions:
kspym 'silversmiths'; mdym 'surveyors'.
Numbers: snp 'two-thirds'.
Personal pronouns: ankn T.
Demonstrative pronouns: hndn\ hnt, hnkt.
Indefinite pronouns: mhy; mhk\ mhkm\ klklhm\ kllh.
Adverbs: ikmy; inm\ innm; hnny; midm; mrhqt; mrhqtm; sb'id 'seven times';
tmny; tnid 'twice'; 'rid 'ten times'.
Prepositions: 'mrv. 'mny; 'mnkm; 'Un 'against'; gmt 'according to, in accord-
ance with'; bn 'between': bnny (with suff. -ny 'us').
Conjunctions: uy; uk; uky.
Excluded from the above classification are: 1. The WMD which are
susceptible to different analyses. The list is as follows: akin, ally, ankm,
ptn, tittm, tbt, tnlh, ttk.
2. Also excluded from the previous grammati cal classification are
the WMD for words which as yet remain unexplained. The list is
as follows: ahnnr; itrhw; ul'nk; us'nk; bas; bby; bnptn; hzb; hhb; hkm; htm;
ysin; ysunn; stn; t'pr; pkdy; prhn; tlhmy.
36
Hapax. It occurs in KTU 5.11 = RS 17.117.
The next step is to determi ne whether other noun or verb forms,
i.e. the same noun with different suffixes or other forms from the
same root are attested in other literary genres besides Correspondence.
Thi s and other suppl ementary i nformati on can be found in the
Concordance of Ugaritic Roots, in preparati on (see 16.2).
(Translation: W. G . E . WATSON)
2 T h e A k k ad i an L e t t e r s
J o h n H u e h n e r g a r d
2.1 Introduction
Some 354 letters or fragments of letters have been found at Ras
Shamra. Of these, 134, or just over one-third of the total, were dis-
covered duri ng the 1994 season of excavations in the 'House of
Urtenu', and have not been published as of this writing.
1
Of the 220
letters or letter fragments found before 1994, 24 remain unpublished;
thus, the total number of letters available for study is 196.
While many of the published Akkadian letters were written within
the kingdom of Ugarit, many others were sent to Ugarit from cities
and states across the Near East. Perhaps as many as 43 of the letters
may be said with some degree of confidence to have originated within
Ugarit itself, or to be copies of letters sent from the Ugaritian court.
But about twice that number, roughly 85 of the letters, give some
indication of their point of origin outside Ugarit, and among these
at least 17 places of origin are attested: A1aiya, Amqu, Amurru,
Assyria, Atate, Beirut, Carchemish, Egypt, Hatti, Mari, Muki, Parga,
Qadesh, Sidon, Siyannu (and Unatu), Tarhudae, and Tyre (perhaps
also Alalah, Emar and Ma'haz, as well as a second town named
Bei rut/Bi 'rut; see the listing at the end of this chapter). It is not sur-
prising, perhaps, that the largest numbers of letters come from Ugarit's
overlord, Hatti, and Hatti's provincial capital, Carchemish. Of course,
there are a great many letters between individuals, in which the
sender did not specify his or her location at the time of writing, or
in which in any case such information can not be recovered.
2.2 Format and Formulae
Most of the Akkadian letters exhibit a common format (see Ahl
1973; Y amad a 1992) . They begin with an address, which gives the
identities of the sender and the addressee, in the form of a command
to the scribe/messenger: in its simplest form, 'Say to [the addressee];
1
See BORDREUI L - MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995; L ACKENBACHER 1995a; and especially
MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995b for overviews of the 1994 Akkadian tablets.
thus/word-of [the sender]' or the inverse, 'Thus/word-of [the sender];
say to [the addressee]'. Normally the party that appears first in the
address is the one with a higher social rank ( N o u g ay r o l 1955, 2-3).
There usually follows a salutation, which may contain any or all of
the following elements: a statement of obedience if the sender is
of lower social rank than the addressee; a wish for the well-being of
the addressee; an invocation of divine blessing. A salutation is omit-
ted in letters from the Hittite overlord. Following the salutation there
may be a stereotyped statement of the sender's well-being and a
polite request for news of the well-being of the addressee. Then
comes the body of the letter. These various elementsaddress, salu-
tation, statement/i nqui ry of well-being, bodyare often separated
from one another on the tablet by a ruled horizontal line. The scribe
may also use such a line to mark off separate topics in the body of
the letter.
To illustrate the introductory formulae, the following letters may
be presented. I n the first, RS 20.238 = t/g 5 no. 24, the king of
Ugarit writes to a king of superior rank; after the address, there is
a statement of obedience (prostration) and a lengthy wish for the
well-being of the addressee and his household; then follows the body
of the letter.
Ana ar mat Alaiya abi-ya qibi-ma;
umma ar mat Ugarit mri-k-ma:
Ana p ab-ya a[mq]ut.
Ana muf}hi ab-ya l ulmu. Ana btt-
ka hrt-ka sb-ka, ana gabbi mimm
a ar mt Alaiy[a] ab-ya d[a]nni danni
l ulm[u].
Ab, anumma elepptu a nakr Ulaka;
ln-ya ina iti iairip, u amt []
banta \in\ a libbi mti te[p]. Abya
ul [d]e k gabbu sb . . . -ya ina mt
Hatti ab u gabbu e[lepp]t-[y]a ina
mt Lukk abu? \Ad~\ni ul ikudan-ni.
U mtu km-ma nadt. Ab-ya amt
annta l de. Inanna 7 ekpptu a nakr
a illakan-ni, u amt maikta tep-ni.
Inanna umma elepp[tu] a nakr antu
Say to the king of the land of A1aiya,
my father; message of the king of
the land of Ugarit, your son:
I f[a1]1 at my father's feet.
May my father be well. May your
houses, your wives, your army, every-
thing of the king of the land of
A1aiy[a], my father, be v[e]ry, very
weip].
My father, now then, the enemies'
ships have been coming; they have
been setting fire to my towns, and
so they (the enemies) have do[n]e
something [u]np1easant [i]n the land.
Does my father not know that all
my . . .troops are situated in Hatti
and all [m]y s [hip] s are situated in
Lycia? They have not [ye]t reached
me. The land could be overthrown
ibai-mi, t[m]a \ayy\akmma upr[a]n- this way. My f at her shoul d be awar e
ni, u l de. of this. No w t he enemi es' ships t hat
have been comi ng agai nst me ar e
seven, and t hey (the enemi es) have
done somet hi ng hei nous agai nst us.
No w, i f t here are mor e of t he ene-
mi es' ships, send [ m] e ne[ w] s [so]me-
how, t hat I may know.
I n the next letter, RS 19.070 = PRU 4, 294, the king and queen of
Ugarit write to a man of lesser rank; after the address there follow
a brief expression of well-wishes and an invocation of divine blessing.
Umma ar mat Ugarit u arrat mat Ugarit]
ana Kila'e ab-ni qib-ma:
Lu utmu ana muhhi-ka.
Iln ana ulmni lissur-ka.
Anumma Ili-milku mar-ipr-ni ana
c?li Mmi a atri btx-ni naltapar-u. [. . .
Message of t he ki ng of t he l and of
Ugar i t and t he queen of t he l and of
Ugar i t ; say to our f at her Ki l a' e:
May you be wel l .
May t he gods keep you i n good
heal t h.
We have sent her ewi t h our mes-
senger -mi l ku to i nqui r e af t er t he
wel f ar e of our l or d t he ki ng. [ . . .
Finally, a letter to the king of Ugarit from one of his agents, RS
17.383 = PRU 4, 22I ff., illustrates the stereotyped statement of the
sender's well-being and inquiry concerni ng that of the addressee; we
quote here only the introductory part of the letter:
Ana ar mat Ugarit beh-ya qibi-ma;
umma Taguhli ard-k-ma:
Ana p bl-ya itu rqi inu sebu
amqut.
Enma itti sarri u itt-ya gabba ulmu.
Aranu itti arri bl-ya mnumm ulmnu?
Tema litenni.
Say to my l or d t he ki ng of Ugar i t ;
message of your servant Taguhl u:
I f al l at my l ord' s feet f r om af ar
t wi ce seven t i mes.
No w t hen al l is wel l wi t h t he ki ng
and wi t h me. Is everyt hi ng wel l di ere
wi t h my l or d t he ki ng? May news
be sent back to me.
2.3 Topics of the Letters
A wide range of topics is addressed in the Akkadian letters. Most of
the letters from Ugarit's overlords, Hatti and Carchemi sh, concern
military and political matters, such as movements of enemy troops;
requests for troops, arms, or information; border disputes; the activ-
ities of merchants; and other legal matters. Others, however, have
to do with the sending of gifts and tribute, or accompany the send-
ing of a high official. Letters from other courts often discuss gift
exchange, alliances, and good relations, or present requests for com-
modities. Letters between individuals concern economic matters, offer
or request news, or simply bear a greeting from sender to addressee,
with a request for a return letter.
2.4 Grammar
The letters found at Ras Shamra, like the other Akkadian texts, are
for the most part written in the western peripheral type of Middle
Babylonian that is termed Hurro-Akkadi an or Syro-Anatolian. Thi s
type of Akkadian usually exhibits a certain amount of confusion in
the writing of stops and sibilants; an enclitic particle, -me, which
tends to replace normative Akkadian -ma on prepositions, conjunc-
tions, adverbs, and pronouns (e.g., in the conjunction km instead
of kma; the adverb anumm instead of anumma\ and the indefinite pro-
noun mannumm instead of mannumma); the frequent appearance of
the conjunction u to introduce mai n clauses after protases of condi-
tional sentences, after relative clauses and other subordinate clauses,
and after instances of casus pendens. Peripheral Akkadian texts also
tend to exhibit an admi xture of several core Mesopotami an dialects
into the Middle Babylonian matrix, such as Ol d Babylonian and
Ol d and Middle Assyrian forms. They also betray substrate influence,
i.e. features of the scribes' native languages, including lexical items,
phonological and morphological patterns, and syntactic structures.
Finally, the peripheral texts also show a certain amount of gram-
matical simplification and reduction, the result of creolizing tenden-
cies as the scribes attempted to write their imperfecdy-learned Akkadian.
The features just listed are common to all Syro-Anatolian Akkadian
texts, including the Ras Shamra Akkadi an letters. Texts written
in a particular locale, however, will exhibit each of the various fea-
tures to a greater or lesser extent than texts written elsewhere. I n
other words, the grammar and orthography of peripheral texts vary
according to their provenance. For example, letters from Sidon tend
to have a large number of Assyrian forms ( A r naud 1992) , as in the
following:
RS 34.149 = RSO 7, no. 38.
Umma Adad-isme ar mt Sidni;
ana ar mat Ugarit ahi-ya qibi-ma:
Alterne l [ip]ura ahu-ya an[a muhhi]-
ya: .
Ittalak ana l Sid[n]a il-ya ana'
ep' ipn-u. Aptiqis-su ina akl ina
bt[ -s]u ina m a [ui]b annaka.
A[numm]a ana muhh-[ka utta"]er-u.
Message of Adad-ime king of the
land of Sidon;
say to the king of the land of Ugarit,
my brother:
I have heard that my brother
[wro]te t[o m]e: '. . .'
He arrived at Sid [on], to me, to
produce his message. I provided him
with bread in [h]is hous[e] for the
days that he [stay]ed here. [I have
now retur]ned him to [you].
The following distinctions between texts written at Ugarit proper and
texts written at Carchemish have been noted, inter alia ( H u eh n er g ar d
1979) :
U GA R I T
sporadic instances of incorrect bro-
ken writings
intervocalic /w/ written either <W>
or <M>
does not always > I before dental;
utu and ultu
inandin, less often inaddin
attu- does not occur
3fs prefix normally t-, rarely i-
subordination marker -u virtually
absent
mixing of I ll-weak forms: ileqqe/
ilaqqe, iqtabi/ iqtebi
many clauses not verb-final
ynu is common
l is rare
preterite and perfect interchangeable
for past tense
CA RCHE MI SH
unexpected broken writings virtually
absent
intervocalic /w/ written <M> only
> I before dental always, except
for iltu (never ultu)
inaddin, never inandin
attu- does occur
3fs prefix i- (t- in one text only)
subordination marker appears about
half the time
Ill-weak forms all normative Baby-
lonian
nearly all clauses verb-final
ynu unattested
l is common
perfect in main clauses, preterite in
subordinate
The following two letters, the first from the king of Carchemi sh and
the second from the king of Ugarit, illustrate several of these distinctions:
RS 17.423 = PRU 4, 193.
Umma sarrim-ma; Message of the king;
ana Ibrni ar Ugarit qib-ma: say to Ibrnu king of Ugarit:
Lu ulmu ana muhhi-ka.
Enma Misra-muwa arnu itti Kuzv-
arru-ma abi illaka. U atta itu ztt-
u k tbi l tteneppu-u. Appnama
ana sis-u tibna l tattanaddin-ma.
Summa atta ul td-u, ah-u a Uppar-
muwa t; mr anim-ma t. U itu
Ztt-u k tbi l tteneppu-u.
May it be well with you.
Now then, Misra-muwa is com-
ing there to stay with Kuzi-Sarru-
ma. You must treat him consistently
well, according to his due. In addi-
tion, you must keep his horses sup-
plied with grain (and) straw. In case
you do not know him, he is the
brother of Uppar-muwa; he is the
king's own son. So you must always
treat him consistently well, accord-
ing to his due.
RS 20.184 = Ug 5 no. 28.
Ana Hemi-Teup bl-ya qib-ma;
umma Ammitamri ard-k-ma:
Ana p bl-ya amqut.
Ana muhhi bl-ya l ulmu. Ana bt-
ka hrt-ka, ana gabbi mimmu a bl-
ya danni danni l [ulmu].
Bl-, enma k uebbal arru bl-ya
sis ana ard-u ina qti a Taguhli [...],
u hataddi arad-[u . . .]. K aknak-
k[u. . .?].
Inanna sis[. . .]
. . . several lines missing . . .
[Anumma'] Amu[tara' ana mu]/}hi arri
bl-ya altap[ar]. Bl-ya Amutara [ana\
pn ani bl-ya lumbu. Amt-u k
a tbi bl-ya ana pn arri bl-ya
lidbub u k damqi lir[ibu].
Say to my lord Hemi-Teup;
message of your servant Ammi-
tamru:
I fall at my lord's feet.
May my lord be well. May your
house, your wives, everything of my
lord's, be very, very [well].
My lord, now then, whenever my
lord the king would send horses to
his servant in the charge of Taguhlu
[...], h\is\ servant would always be
glad [...]. How does it seem toyo[u? ...]
Now, horse [s . . .]
. . . several lines missing. . .
[Herewith] I have sen[t] Amu[taru
t]o my lord the king. May my lord
present Amutaru [t]o my lord the
king. May my lord discuss his con-
cerns before my lord die king as well
as possible, and prese[nt him] as
properly as possible.
U bl-ya ana pn ani bl-ya liqbi
u 2 sis damqti u 1 qata damiqta sa
mt Hanigalbat luba ana ard-u ina
qti Amutari (arKu pn-ya.
U atta bl- 1 qata damiqta a mat
Hanigalbat bila ana ard-ka ina qti
Amutari ^arKu pn-ya.
Anumma ana ulmni bl-y[a] itn
kit rabtu damiq[tu] u itn kit an
damqu ultbilakku.
Also, may my lord speak before
my lord the king, that he may send
two good horses and a good bow
from Hanigalbat to his servant in
the charge of my . . . Amutaru.
Also you, my lord, send one good
bow from Hanigalbat to your serv-
ant in the charge of my .. . Amutaru.
Herewith, as a greeting gift for
m[y] lord, I have sent you one goo[d]
large linen garment and one other
good garment.
Such grammati cal peculiarities exhibited by individual dialects may
be used as evidence for the provenance of a letter whose point of
origin is otherwise uncertai n, or at least, in some instances, to sug-
gest that a given letter is probabl y not from a given place.
2.5 Akkadian Letters according to Place of Origin
Letters discovered at Ras Shamra before the 1994 season are listed
below accordi ng to where they were wri tten. The assi gnment of
provenance is frequentl y uncertai n; this is reflected in the list by ?
or ?? before a RS number. Letters for which the place of origin is
unknown appear at the end of the list.
2.5.1 Alalah
Perhaps RS 4.449 ( V i r o l l eau d 1936a, 23ff.): Muki or Alalah?; see
also B unnens 1987.
2.5.2 Alasiya
RS 20.018 = Ug 5, no. 22;
perhaps also RS [Varia 16] (RSL 1) = Ug 5, no. 23: Alasiya or
Carchemi sh; see B e r g e r 1969, 219; Y amad a 1992.
2.5.3 Amqu
?RS 17.424e + 397b = PRU 4, 219-20.
2.5.4 Amurru (see I z r e' el 1991)
?RS 15.024 + 050 = PRU 3, 18b;
?RS 16.111 = PRU 3, 13-4;
??RS 16.116 = PRU 3, 10b;
RS 17.116 = PRU 4, 132ff;
RS 17.152 = PRU 4, 214;
RS 17.286 = PRU 4, 180;
??RS 19.006 = PRU 6, no. 1;
? R S 20.033 = Ug 5, no. 20; see I z r e' el - S i nger 1990;
RS 20.162 = Ug 5, no. 37;
R S 23.023 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995b, 35-6);
R S [Vari a 27] ( F al es 1984).
2.5.5 Assyria
??RS 6.198 ( T h u r eau - D an g i n 1935);
??RS 34.165(+) = RSO 7, no. 46;
perhaps also RS 18.054a = PRU 4, 228-9: Assyria or Sidon; see
M a y e r 1971, 2; A r n a u d 1992, 193 (5.4).
2.5.6 Atate
?RS 34.134 = RSO 7, no. 31;
??RS 34.141 = RSO 7, no. 32;
??RS 34.173 = RSO 7, no. 33.
2.5.7 Beirut
RS 11.730 = PRU 3, 12-3;
RS 34.137 = RSO 7, no. 37;
R S 86. 2212 (unpublished; see A r n a u d 1992, 192 (3.5));
see also the next entry.
2.5.8 Bi'rut
RI H 8 1 / 4 ( A r naud 1984, who suggests that this Bi'rut is the Ugaritian
port rather than the Phoeni ci an city).
2.5.9 Carchemish (see H u e h n e r g a r d 1979)
RS 8.333 = PRU 3, 7-8;
RS 15.077 = PRU 3, 6-7;
RS 16.003 = PRU 3, 3-4;
? R S 17. 078 = PRU 4, 196- 7;
RS 17.289 = PRU 4, 192;
R S 17. 292 = PRU 4, 188;
RS 17.385 = PRU 4, 194;
RS 17.423 = PRU 4, 193;
RS 20.022 = Ug 5, no. 2;
?RS 20.174a = Ug 5, no. 25;
??RS 20.182c = Ug 5, no. 63;
?RS 20.216 = Ug 5, no. 35;
RS 20.237 = Ug 5, no. 31;
? R S 25. 461 ( L ac k en b ac h er 1989, 317- 9) ;
RS 34.136 = RSO 7, no. 7;
RS 34.138 = RSO 7, no. 8;
?RS 34.143 = RSO 7, no. 6;
RS 34.145 = RSO 7, no. 9;
R S 88.2013 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t in 1995b, 39);
perhaps also RS 13.007b = PRU 3, 6a: Carchemi sh or Hatti;
perhaps also RS [Vari a 16] (RSL 1) = Ug 5, no. 23: Alasiya or
Carchemi sh; see B e r g e r 1969, 219; Y a ma d a 1992.
2.5.10 Egypt
R S 86.2230 (unpublished; see A r n a u d 1992, 181 . 6);
R S 88.2158 (unpublished; see L a c k e n b a c h e r 1995b);
perhaps also RS 26.158 = Ug 5, no. 171: Hatti or Egypt.
2.5.11 Emar
?RS [Vari a 26?] (Latakia 88) = RSO 7, no. 30; see A r n a u d 1982a,
105 with n. 33.
2. 5. 12 Hatti (see H a g e n b u c h n e r 1989)
?RS 15.033 = PRU 3, 15-16;
RS 17.130 = PRU 4, 103ff. (letter/treaty);
RS 17.132 = PRU 4, 35ff);
RS 17.133 = PRU 4, 118-9 (letter/legal);
??RS 17.144 = PRU 6, no. 6;
RS 17.247 = PRU 4, 191;
?RS 17.429 = PRU 4, 227-8 (letter?);
RS 18.003 = PRU 4, 103ff. (letter/treaty);
RS 20.212 = Ug 5, no. 33;
RS 20.255A = Ug 5, no. 30;
RS 34.129 = RSO 7, no. 12;
?RS 34.133 = RSO 7, no. 36;
??RS 22.216 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t in 1995b, 36);
?RS 88.2009 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t in 1995b, 39);
perhaps also RS 13.007b = PRU 3, 6a: Carchemi sh or Hai ti ;
perhaps also RS 17.383 = PRU 4, 221ff.: Hatti or Ugarit;
perhaps also RS 17.422 = PRU 4, 223ff.: Hatti or Ugarit;
perhaps also RS 26.158 = Ug 5, no. 171: Hatti or Egypt.
2.5.13 Ma'fraz
? R S 10. 046 ( V i r o l l eau d 1941, 1- 2; see also PRU 3, 9- 10) .
2.5.14 Man
?RS 34.142 = RSO 7, no. 47.
2.5.15 Muki
RS 20.003 = Ug 5, no. 26;
perhaps also RS 4.449 ( V i r o l l eau d 1936a, 23ff.): Muki or Alalah?;
see also B unnens 1987.
2.5.16 Parga
RS 15.019 = PRU 3, 13b.
2.5.17 Qadesh
RS 20.016 = Ug 5, no. 38;
RS 20.172 = Ug 5, no. 39;
?RS 20.200b = Ug 5, no. 40;
RS 34.146 = RSO 7, no. 15;
R S 80.387 ( A r naud 1982a, 221-2).
2.5.18 Sidon (see A r n a u d 1992)
RS 11.723 = PRU 3, 9b;
R S 25. 430a (unpublished; see A r n a u d 1992, 193 (5.7));
R S 34. 149 = R S O 7, no. 38;
R S 86. 2208 (unpublished; see A r n a u d 1992, 193 (5. 11));
RS 86. 2221 + 86. 2225 + 86. 2226 + 86. 2240 (unpublished; see
A r n a u d 1992, 179- 94 ( 5. 12) ; much of text transliterated and trans-
lated in footnotes);
?RS 86. 2234 (unpublished; see A r n a u d 1992, 193 ( 5. 13) ) ;
perhaps also RS 18. 054A = PRU 4, 228- 9: Assyria or Sidon; see
M a y e r 1971, 2; A r n a u d 1992, 193 (5. 4).
2.5.19.1 Siyannu
RS 17.083 = PRU 4, 216;
RS 17.143 = PRU 4, 217-8;
?RS 17.288 = PRU 4, 215;
RS 17.425 = PRU 4, 218b;
?RS 20.017 = Ug 5, no. 43;
RS 20.021 = Ug 5, no. 42;
??RS 21.183 = Ug 5, no. 41.
2.5.19.2 Siyannu/Unatu
RS 34.158 = RSO 7, no. 16;
perhaps also RS 20.219 = Ug 5, no. 44: Ugarit or Siyannu.
2.5.20 Tarhudai
RS 34.139 = RSO 7, no. 14.
2.5.21 Tyre
R S [Varia 25] = Latakia 7 ( A r n au d 1982b).
2.5.22 Ugarit (see H u e h n e r g a r d 1989)
Aphek 52055 (TA 8, 7 - 8 [ Owen] ; see also S i n g er 1983) ;
?Ber1in 1690 (EA 48);
Berlin 1692 (EA 45);
?Ber1in 1693 (EA 47);
?Ber1in 1694 (EA 46);
Cai ro 4783 (EA 49);
? C K 7 (private collection; unpublished; see A r n a u d 1992, 192 (3.6));
?RS 15.011 = PRU 3, 19;
?RS 15.014 = PRU 3, 5;
??RS 15.063 = PRU 3, 20a;
RS 16.112 = PRU 3, 4b;
?RS 17.239 = PRU 6, no. 8;
RS 17.455 = PRU 6, no. 3;
RS 19.070 = PRU 4, 294;
?RS 19.080 = PRU 6, no. 2;
?RS 20.013 = Ug 5, no. 49;
??RS 20.015 = Ug 5, no. 53;
??RS 20.019 = Ug 5, no. 48;
?RS 20.023 = Ug 5, no. 54;
??RS 20.141b = Ug 5, no. 34;
?RS 20.158 = Ug 5, no. 51;
RS 20.168 + 195p = Ug 5, no. 21;
RS 20.178 = Ug 5, no. 55;
?RS 20. 182a(+)b = Ug 5, no. 36;
RS 20.184 = Ug 5, no. 28;
RS 20.200c = Ug 5, no. 29;
??RS 20.232 = Ug 5, no. 58;
RS 20.238 = Ug 5, no. 24;
?RS 20.239 = Ug 5, no. 52;
?RS 20.243 = Ug 5, no. 32;
??RS 22.347 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t in 1995b, 35);
? R S 25. 131 ( L ac k en b ac h er 1989, 318, 320) ;
? R S 25. 138 ( L ac k en b ac h er 1989, 318- 20) ;
?RS 32.204 = RSO 7, no. 19;
?RS 34.135 = RSO 7, no. 17;
?RS 34.140 = RSO 7, no. 11;
?RS 34.150 = RSO 7, no. 10;
?RS 34.151 = RSO 7, no. 13;
??RS 34.153 = RSO 7, no. 35;
?RS 34.154 = RSO 7, no. 18;
?RS 34.180,17 (34.180f) = RSO 7, no. 26;
?RS [Varia 10] (1957.2) = AnOr 48,23-4;
perhaps also RS 17.383 = PRU 4, 22 Iff.: Hatti or Ugari t;
perhaps also RS 17.422 = PRU 4, 223ff: Hatti or Ugari t;
perhaps also RS 20.219 = Ug 5, no. 44: Ugari t or Si yannu.
(Unatu: see Siyannu 8.2.5.19)
2.5.23 Provenance unknown
R I H 7 7 / 1 7 ( A r n au d - K en n ed y 1979, 318) ;
R S 1. 056 ( V i r o l l eau d 1929, pl . 76/ 1) ;
RS 1 .[057] ( V i r o l l eaud 1929, pi. 76/2);
RS 1-11.[028] = AO 19.952 (unpublished; pardal transliteradon in
PRU 3,
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
11.794
11.834
12.005
12.033
15.018
15.108
15.124
15.178
17.142
17.148
17.315
17.390
17.391
17.393
n. 1);
= PRU 3
= PRU 3
= PRU 3
= PRU 3
= PRU 3
= PRU 3
= PRU 3
= PRU 3
= PRU 6
= PRU 6
= PRU 4
= PRU 6
= PRU 4
= PRU 4
17.394 + 427 =
17.398 = PRU 6
17.428 = PRU 6
17.451 = PRU 6
17.452 = PRU 6
17.456 = PRU 4
18.057 = PRU 6
18.089 = PRU 6
18.268 = PRU 4
18.281 = PRU 6
19.050 = PRU 6
19.053 = PRU 6, no. 18
19.115 = PRU 6, no. 19
RS 20.095 = Ug 5, no. 65;
RS 20.130 = Ug 5, no. 46;
RS 20.141a = Ug 5, no. 76;
RS 20.150 = Ug 5, no. 56
RS 20.151 = Ug 5, no. 50
RS 20.159 = Ug 5, no. 74
RS 20.182d = Ug 5, no. 67;
RS 20.189d = Ug 5, no. 73;
RS 20.191 = Ug 5, no. 75;
RS 20.194 = Ug 5, no. 62;
17-8; (letter?);
17b;
16-7
14-5
11-2;
20-1 (letter?);
21b (letter?);
8-9;
no. 4;
no. 7;
111;
no. 10;
226a;
226-7;
PRU 4, 220b;
no. 11;
no. 9;
no. 12;
no. 5;
228b (letter?);
no. 13;
no. 15;
229b;
no. 17 (letter?);
no. 14;
RS 20.196d = Ug 5, no. 77 (letter?);
RS 20.200A = Ug 5, no. 78;
RS 20.2 14d = Ug 5, no. 79;
RS 20.225 = Ug 5, no. 45;
RS 20.227 = Ug 5, no. 57;
RS 20.242 = Ug 5, no. 72;
R S 20.244 = Ug 5, no. 61 (same tablet as R S 21.063f? [ K h n e
1974]);
RS 20.246 = Ug 5, no. 68;
RS 20.248 = Ug 5, no. 59;
RS 20.426,14+ = Ug 5, no. 70;
RS 20. [438] = Ug 5, no. 47;
RS 21.006c? = Ug 5, no. 80 (letter?);
RS 21.007c = Ug 5, no. 71;
RS 21.054b = Ug 5, no. 66;
R S 21.063f = Ug 5, no. 60 (same tablet as R S 20.244? [ K hne
1974]);
RS 21.064 = Ug 5, no. 64;
RS 21.072 = Ug 5, no. 69;
RS 21.201 = PRU 6, no. 20;
RS 22.006 = PRU 6, no. 16;
R S 23.031 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t in 1995b, 37);
R S 23.365 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t in 1995b, 35);
R S 23. 368 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t in 1995b, 37);
R S 28.017 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t in 1995b, 35);
RS 34.070 = RSO 7, no. 29;
RS 34.152 = RSO 7, no. 40;
RS 34.155 = RSO 7, no. 21;
RS 34.160 = RSO 7, no. 24;
RS 34.161 = RSO 7, no. 22;
RS 34.163 = RSO 7, no. 39;
RS 34.164 = RSO 7, no. 34;
RS 34.167 + 175 = RSO 7, no. 25;
RS 34.170 = RSO 7, no. 23;
RS 34.171 = RSO 7, no. 20;
RS 34.174 = RSO 7, no. 41;
RS 34.180,12 (34.180e) = RSO 7, no. 28;
RS 34.180,5 (34.180g) = RSO 7, no. 42;
RS 34.180,60 = RSO 7, no. 27;
R S 88.2011 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t in 1995b, 39);
RS 86.2216 (unpublished; see RSO 5/1, 357);
RS 86.2232 (unpublished; see RSO 5/1, 359);
RS 86.2236 (unpublished; see RSO 5/1, 359);
RS 86.2241a (unpublished; see RSO 5/1, 360);
RS 86.2249a (unpublished; see RSO 5/1, 360: letter?);
RS [Varia 34] = AO 29.507 (unpublished; see RSO 5/1, 381).
CHAPTER NI NE
T H E L E G A L T E X T S F R O M U G A R I T
I g n ac i o M a r q u e z R o w e *
1 I n t r o d u c t i o n
1.1 Definition and scope
What constitutes a legal document? And what is the difference between
a legal and an administrative text, both often associated and some-
times even confused? These are two basic questions we should attempt
to answer before we begin to discuss the evidence.
Strictly speaking, a legal document serves mainly as written proof
that a transaction has taken place. Since the transaction itself can
be validated if, and only if, it is performed before a body of wit-
nesses, the legal document, as opposed to administrative records,
must menti on the name or names of the witnessing party. It should
also be noted in passing that although the practice of signing or seal-
ing, i.e. affixing a personal mark, is almost a prerequisite in the com-
position of a legal document (for it provides the proof that the person
who signs is present or has assumed the obligation undertaken in
the transaction) it is by no means confined to this genre (adminis-
trative texts or letters may also bear such marks).
However satisfactorily these definitions may have answered the
openi ng questions, anyone who has dealt with this kind of source
knows well that the probl em is not so simple. I ndeed, the dividing
* I wish to express my most sincere thanks to Pierre Bordreuil and Dennis Pardee,
epigraphists of the Mission de Ras Shamra, who kindly made available to me their
transliterations and copies of the unpublished Ugaritic texts discussed in this paper.
I am also grateful to Mme Florence Malbran-Labat, also epigraphist of the Mission
de Ras Shamra, who kindly provided me with the contents of the newly excavated
Akkadian legal documents as well as with her transliterations and copies of other
unpublished texts. My especial thanks go to Dennis Pardee, who read critically an
earlier draft of this paper, making several corrections and annotations. It goes with-
out saying that any mistakes remain my own responsibility.
line between a legal and an administrative document is far from
ideal. For example, as early realized, bills and receipts that are usu-
ally classified among administrative records may sometimes menti on
that the act has been performed before witnesses; and, on the other
hand, some contracts may unexpectedly omit any reference to them.
This general problem is also found in the corpus of legal texts
from Ugarit. As already remarked by Nougayrol in publishing the
first i mportant group of clay tablets of legal content unearthed at
Ras Shamra, three out of his thirty-eight texts lay in fact ' la limite
du domai ne juridique'.
1
As a result of these attested cross-reladonships
(in addition to the uncertain identification of badly damaged frag-
ments) the number of legal documents of Ugarit obviously varies
in accordance with the individual scholar's point of view. Although
this is no place to discuss every controversial case, mention will be
made here of the criteria followed and the consequent inclusion or
exclusion of documents.
Given the broad scope of a handbook it has been considered more
convenient here to frame our material not according to its linguis-
tic provenance but rather according to its find-spot. Thi s means that
we shall include not only the maj or group of domestic legal texts
(over 250 texts and fragments) but also the international legal docu-
ments comprising edicts and treaties (about 100 texts and fragments)
that have been found at Ugarit, which stem namely from the courts
of Hatti, Carchemish, Amurru, Siyannu as well as that of Ugarit itself.
2
Regardless of the place of the composition of the texts, legal doc-
uments found so far at Ugarit are inscribed without exception on
single clay tablets (and called accordingly in Akkadian tuppu, and in
Ugaritic spr) without envelopes.
1.2 The find-spot
Due to the ever-increasing corpus of texts excavated at Ras Shamra,
only a general, but not complete, picture of the archaeological dis-
tribution of the written material of Ugarit can be attempted. Another
1
NOUGAY ROL 1952, 182 n. 2.
2
This same scope was also applied in the last survey of the legal texts published
by D. Pardee and P. Bordreuil in the ABD article on Ugarit (PARDEE - BORDREUI L
1992, 718FF.). In contrast, in the corresponding contribution to SDB, Sznycer dealt
only with the legal texts written in the Ugaritic language (SZNY CER 1979, 1417FF.).
limit to the interpretation of the archaeological context of tablets
and fragments is the presence of stray finds: intrusions among the
different archives of Ugarit do exist as shown by joins between far
distant pieces.
3
The bulk of the legal texts of Ugarit was unearthed from the royal
palace archives at Ras Shamra (around 300 texts and fragments). It
was soon observed after the excavation of the palace that the con-
centration of these records followed a deliberate pattern according
to their genre. I ndeed, the royal domestic legal texts, in which the
king appears regularly either as the person presiding or as one of
the parties of the transactions, come mainly from the so-called 'cen-
tral archive', while legal texts dealing with international affairs were
kept as a rule in the palace 'southern archive'.
Several private archives outside the royal palace have also yielded
legal material. Each of them contains a relatively small number of
texts (they rarely exceed 10 records) and apparently deal with the
private business of the owners of the households over some genera-
tions. As reported from the last epigraphic finds, the archive in the
house of Urtenu kept copies of three international legal documents.
4
I n this regard, one should note that the owners of these archives
were presumably high officials of the kingdom of Ugarit, so that
both the existence and content of the archives may be explained to
a certain extent on account of their political and social status.
1.3 Chronology
Dati ng texts was not practised at all by Ugarit scribes. Strictly speak-
ing, not even legal records were dated, in contrast to the common
legal tradition. Thi s is also true of the international documents drawn
up by scribes of the courts of Hatti, Carchemish, Amurru or Siyannu.
The only chronological reference is the name of the king (obviously
normally attested in royal documents) or a possible prosopographi-
cal connexion, such as for example the name of the scribe. I n any
case, the most accurate date we can give for any document stands
grosso modo for the span of one particular reign.
The chronological frame of our material covers the reigns of seven
successive kings, from Ni qmaddu II down to
c
Ammurapi ', in all like-
3
Cf. VAN SOL DT 1991a, 50.
4
MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995b, 110- 11.
lihood the last monarch of Ugarit. Thi s means that this corpus
belongs to a period, in absolute terms, of about 150 years, from
around 1330 bce down to the destruction of Ugarit.
5
1.4 Language and script
No doubt Ugarit has provided us with very rich textual material,
both in number and variety, attesting up to seven different languages
and five different scripts. Scribes at Ugarit, however, were mainly
biscriptal:
6
they basically wrote Ugaritic, their own tongue, in alpha-
betic cuneiform, and Akkadian, the lingua franca of the time, in syl-
labic cuneiform.
What was noted for the archival distribution of the legal texts is
also true for the language and script. The genre in question seems
to be closely connected with the language employed. I ndeed, except
for a few cases, legal texts are drawn up in Akkadian in syllabic
cuneiform. The few exceptions correspond to several Ugaritic docu-
ments and one Hittite text.
The reason why the treaties and international legal documents
found at Ras Shamra were composed in Akkadian can be easily
explained on account of the aforementi oned diplomatic nature of
the language. Concerni ng the domestic texts, however, the explana-
tion has to be sought elsewhere, especially because scribes did chiefly
choose Ugaritic to write their local administrative records.
Admittedly, this question seems to be intimately related to the
genre of the material. I n coining the expression and discipline of
'cunei form law' Koschaker meant to make clear that the strong
appeal of Mesopotami an or, more exactly, Babylonian law to other
cultural centres of the ancient Near East was fixed at a formal level,
of which script and language constituted the basic aspects.' A closer
look at the internal evidence shows furthermore that the few Ugaritic
examples are fully influenced by their Akkadian counterparts.
Because the division of legal texts in this section is made accord-
ing to the language of the texts the order will follow the linguistic
conventions of this genre in Ugarit.
5
We follow here the absolute dates proposed by VAN SOL DT (1991a, 1- 46) .
6
This designation was coined by VAN SOL DT (1995a, 186).
7
KOSCHAKER 1935, 27.
2 T h e A k k ad i an L e g a l T e x t s
We have menti oned above that Akkadian was the language par excel-
lence of legal documents. We also stated that this Akkadian corpus
consists of two mai n different genres or sub-genres, namely records
dealing with domestic affairs and records that concern foreign affairs.
Accordingly, we propose here to deal with them separately. It should
be noted that scribes at the royal court of Ugarit were probably
familiar with this distinction; not only because of the content of the
documents they could read or the characteristic physical aspect of
the tablets (such as their shape or seal impressions) but also because
they deliberately filed them separately within the royal archives, as
pointed out above.
2.1 The domestic legal texts
Texts dealing with domestic transactions, and thus written at Ugarit,
are by far the maj or group of legal documents. Nougayrol suggested
classifying these records according to the nature of the witnessing
party (as we have seen, the mai n defining element of this genre). He
distributed them into three different categories: 1) acts performed
before witnesses, 2) those performed before the king and 3) acts of
the king, in which no menti on of the witnessing party is made.
8
Concerni ng the latter type, it is generally agreed that the active role
of the king must have rendered unnecessary the mention of witnesses
in the text. I n other words, one must assume that the king presided
over these transactions too. This, as we shall see, can be supported
by the seal impression of the tablets in question.
As a result, we suggest dividing the domestic legal texts of Ugarit
into two mai n groups: 1) records describing acts presided over by
or performed before the king, and 2) records describing acts per-
formed before witnesses.
I n spite of this division, both royal and non-royal documents were
written by Ugaritian scribes (in fact, we know of scribes who wrote
both kinds of texts) and present, therefore, several common features
that distinguish them from other, foreign texts. At first sight, it is
possible to distinguish a legal text composed at Ugarit on the basis
8
See NOUGAY ROL 1952, 182 T. and 1955, 23.
of both the shape of the tablet and the sealing practice. The pro-
totype is the common tablet (about 90 x 70 mm, the thickness
exhibits more variation, reaching sometimes about 40 mm) with one
single seal impression placed on top of the obverse, hence at the
head of the text (sometimes divided by a ruling). A close look at the
tablets shows that the seal was rolled (very seldom stamped) before
the text was written. The text, on the other hand, also presents sev-
eral characteristic features of this local legal practice. No doubt the
most typical example is the invariable opening adverbial phrase 'From
today' (itu mi annm).
2.2 The royal legal texts
2.2.1 Definition and scope
Thi s group consists of those legal texts in which the king of Ugarit
presides, explicidy or not, over the transactions involved. These 'actes
royaux', as Nougayrol called them, are as a rule characterized by
one mai n feature: they consistently bear the same seal impression,
that of the so-called 'dynastic seal' of the kings of Ugarit. Thi s fea-
ture is of course essential to define a legal text, for the presence of
this impression implies that the owner of the seal, i.e. the king, was
present at the transaction. Therefore, the preservation of the royal
seal impression, or the correspondi ng seal identification formul a,
quickly characterizes a royal document. Of course, the form and
content which describe the nature of the transaction are also good
indicators for identifying these texts. I have counted altogether about
170 texts and fragments in Akkadian that describe domestic trans-
actions presided over by the king.
2.2.2 Find-spot
All but three of the documents were found within the walls of the
royal palace. Thi s should not be surprising when dealing with royal
documents. Most significant, however, is the distribution of these
texts within the palace proper. Of the approximately 170 texts and
fragments, at least 147 come from the same royal archive, named
by Schaeffer 'les Archives Centrales'. A closer look at the archaeo-
logical context has shown that these records were in all likelihood
stored on file in a room located on the upper floor of the northern
wing of this area.
9
Also of interest is the fact that almost all the legal
texts discovered in this archive are royal documents. Therefore it is
reasonable to assume that this archive was probably meant to keep
royal domestic legal documents.
2.2.3 Form
The physical characteristics of these documents have been referred
to above. One should note, however, the existence of exceptionally
large tablets like the Sammelurkunde RS 15.109+. We also menti oned
that the seal impressed at the head of these tablets, except for just
a few cases, is the 'dynastic' or state seal of Ugarit. This cylinder
seal, as the legend reads, belonged to 'Y aqarum, son of Ni qmaddu,
king of Ugarit', very likely the Amorite ancestor and founder of the
Ugaritic dynasty. All the members of the dynasty from Ni qmaddu II
down to the last monarch
c
Ammurapi ' used as a rule this seal as
well as an official replica of it to sign their records. Other royal seals
did exist and were occasionally impressed on royal documents like
the stamp ring-seal of Ni qmaddu (presumably Ni qmaddu II) on RS
17.147.
The form of the royal documents follows a very regular and con-
cise pattern. The first section consists of a description of the com-
pleted part of the transaction; it is thus phrased in the past (preterite
or perfect) and in objective style. For example, the king has granted,
the buyer has purchased. Characteristic of this part is the openi ng
adverbial expression 'from to-day', menti oned above, usually com-
bined with the closing expression '(and) for ever' (ana/adi dntim is
the most frequent formula). The king appears then after that intro-
ductory phrase either as having presided over the transaction, 'before
RN' (ana pni RN), or as first and active party. Apart from the king
the other parties involved are properly identified too by name with
or without further qualification. Sometimes a summary or the result
of this event marks the end of this section.
Next follow the so-called 'final clauses'. These deal with the present-
future stipulations or obligations of the transaction such as the guar-
antee, eviction or services inherent to the contract, and are therefore
phrased regularly in the durative, also in objective style. For example,
9
See VAN SOL DT 1991a, 88-93.
no-one will take the estate granted or purchased from the grantee's
or buyer's hands; the grantee will or will not have to perform the
ilku/pilku-servce.
Finally, the document closes with the formula that identifies the
dynastic seal, either as '(great) seal of the king' or as 'seal of RN',
often followed by the name of the scribe who is sometimes qualified
as witness.
Schematically, then, the structure of royal documents can be
described as follows:
10
a) dynastic seal impression,
b) operative section,
c) seal identification formula,
d) name of the scribe.
On the other hand, a royal document can describe one or more
transactions. These compound transactions deal as a rule with the
same party involved as beneficiary. At least in some cases it seems
that each of them may have been previously written in one single
document (the most illustrative example is the above menti oned doc-
ument RS 15.109+, already qualified as Sammelurkunde). These trans-
actions may bel ong to the same category, called accordingly by
Nougayrol 'actes multiples homognes' (e.g. RS 15.109+, RS 15.122,
RS 16.248), but also to different ones. One example of the latter
'actes multiples htrognes' is RS 15.85 which contains a royal
transaction (in lines 1-10) beside a non-royal one, i.e. performed
'before witnesses' (in lines 11-21).
Before closing this chapter, it should be noted that the legal prac-
tice of Ugarit hardly had any recourse to the divine action against
transgressors of contracts; on the other hand, there are no examples
of promissory oaths.
2.2.4 Content
Almost all the royal documents that preserve a more or less com-
plete and intelligible text are deeds of conveyance. Gifts (e.g. RS
15.88, RS 15.145, RS 16.142, RS 16.150), sales (e.g. RS 15.136,
10
Other schemes have been proposed by NOUGAY ROL 1955, 24, HAASE 1967,
196 (for the sale documents), K I ENAST 1980, 533 (also for the sale documents) and
K I ENAST 1979, 433.
RS 16.137, RS 16.156), purchases (e.g. RS 15.119, RS 16.284),
barters (e.g. RS 15.123+, RS 16.158, RS 16.246) or divisions of
inheritance (e.g. RS 15.90, RS 15.120), and even royal verdicts that
concern litigations on landed property (e.g. RS 16.254c, RS 16.356)
record the resulting transfer, usually heritable, of title to real estate.
Real estate in the legal texts of Ugarit basically consists of houses
and land which include, as the most characteristic cultures of this
Medi terranean area, vineyards and olive groves. The description of
the property conveyed is as a rule very concise providing only the
name of the previous tenant; no measurements or boundaries are
given and sometimes a brief geographical reference of its location is
menti oned. By far the largest group of documents is composed by
deeds of royal gifts, with or without countergift (i.e. in return for a
sum of money like RS 15.126, RS 16.135, RS 16.167 or RS 16.174).
I n a few records the gift concerns entire villages (e.g. RS 15.114,
RS 15.147) and/or some of their taxes (e.g. RS 16.153, RS 16.244).
Among the few transactions that do not concern, strictly speak-
ing, the law of property one should menti on several deeds of adop-
tion (e.g. RS 15.92, RS 16.200, RS 16.344) and manumission (e.g.
RS 16.267) as well as grants of privileges like franchises (e.g. RS
16.238+) or promoti ons (e.g. RS 16.348).
As for the parties involved in these transactions, no doubt the king
stands as the mai n protagonist. Documents from the time of
c
Ammit-
tamru II are by far the most attested. The donees of royal gifts are
often found not only benefiting from several grants but also as the
contracting parties of deeds of sale, purchase and barter. Accordingly,
Nougayrol grouped these records under different 'dossiers'. Among
these individuals, who are not always well identified, we find mem-
bers of the royal family and officials of the court of Ugarit.
2.2.5 An example
Transacti ons described in royal deeds obviously differ from text to
text, not only in contents but also in form due to the particular style
of each scribe. Nevertheless, for the sake of illustration, we have cho-
sen one of these documents, namely RS 16.275, a gift of real estate
from Ni qmaddu II to his brother Nuri ynu, to show the pattern
described above.
Obv
Impr essi on of dynasti c seal
is-tu u4-mz [an-ni-(i-)im]
l
nq-ma-
d
ikur dumu
['Ammittamru]
l ugal
aru
u-ga-n-i[t]
it-ta-i -/[tt]
5 sa
l
pa-be-y[i]
i-na
uru l
ul
]
-l[a-mi]
id-d[in-u]
Rcv
a-na ^nu-r[i-ia-na]
a-na dumu.me[ -r ]
10 a-na da-n-tim[-ma]
ma-am-ma-an la-a i-l[eq-q(-u)]
is-tu u-ti
l
nu-n-ia-[na]
i-tu u-ft dumu[.me-i u]
a-na da-n-tim-rn[a ]
15
na4
ki i b s'a 1uga[]
Fr om t oday
Ni qmaddu, son of
' Ammi t t amr u,
ki ng of Ugar i t ,
has t aken t he house
of PN
(whi ch is l ocat ed) i n T N
and has gi ven i t
to Nur i ynu
and to his sons
f or ever.
No-one wi l l t ake i t
f r om t he hands of Nur i y nu
or f r om t he hands of his sons
ever.
Seal of t he ki ng.
2.3 The non-royal legal texts
2.3.1 Definition and scope
Thi s second group of domesti c legal texts consists of those records
which describe transactions performed before witnesses and that were
not presided over by the king. As opposed to royal deeds, these doc-
uments are regarded as 'private deeds'.
Following our definition above, we have excluded from this cor-
pus memoranda (e.g. RS 15.41) or bills (e.g. of personal security like
RS 15.81 or RS 16.287) in whi ch no menti on of a body of wit-
nesses is made. On the other hand, a text like RS 16.354 whi ch
recapitulates a series of debt-notes with their respective testimonies,
lies precisely on the borderl i ne of the legal domai n. All in all the
materi al consists of about 65 relatively well-preserved documents and
of several fragments.
2.3.2 Find-spot
As one would expect, most of these documents have been found in
private archives. The maj or concentrati ons come from the so-called
'Residential Quarter': nine documents from the house of Rasap'abu
and eight more or less compl ete documents and several fragments
from the house of Rap'nu. One should also menti on the recently
discovered archive of Urtenu which counts now some seven Akkadian
legal records. Of interest is the fact that the royal palace has also
yielded private documents. The reason for this find-spot is not easy
to explain. It has been suggested that the king was highly involved
in the legal life of Ugarit. But other explanations are also possible.
It is plausible, for example, that some of the documents could actually
belong to court officials or other personnel closely connected with
the palace. I n this regard, one should note that three of these deeds
(RS 17.86+, RS 17.102, RS 17.325) belonged to the queen's 'dossier'
and at least two of them (RS 11.856, RS 15.182) to the skiniCs.
2.3.3 Form
As already menti oned above, the physical appearance of these tablets
is not essentially different from that of royal documents. The seals
impressed at the head of the documents were usually anepigraphic
cylinder seals and belonged to the private people involved in the
transactions, especially those undertaki ng obligations. A small num-
ber of deeds, however, are without seal impression (e.g. RS 11.856,
RS 20.176) and some of them show the sealing space in blank (like
RS 20.146).
The schema and form of these texts are also similar to the ones
described above for royal documents, and as was menti oned above,
we know of scribes like Nu
C
me-raap, I ltahmu or Munahhi mu who
wrote down both royal and private transactions. The text begins
with the phrase 'from to-day', followed by the mention 'before wit-
nesses' (ana pni bti) which thus determines the 'private' charac-
ter of the deed. After these introductory expressions the operative
section describes in the past and in objective style the fulfilled part
of the transaction. Next follow the obligation clauses drawn up in
the durative and also in objective style. No stipulations on services
are attested in private deeds; on the other hand, penalty clauses
occur rather frequently in these texts.
The note that identifies the seal impression and the list of wit-
nesses, which often includes the scribe, close the document. The fol-
lowing scheme can be outlined:"
" See previous note.
a) private seal impression
b) operative section
c) seal identification formul a
d) list of witnesses (often including the name of the scribe)
2.3.4 Content
Private archives contain a relatively restricted number of deeds and
they are concerned with the activities of the members of the fam-
ily. Among them we find deeds of conveyance like sales of land (e.g.
RS 15.182, RS 17.61) and persons (e.g. RS 11.856, RS 20.236), pur-
chases (RS 15.37, RS 17.22+) and gifts especially in contemplation
of death (RS 8.145, RS 17.38, RS 17.378a). As with royal docu-
ments, houses and lands are described in a very concise manner
(note the exceptional reference to measurements in RS 17.22+).
Very common among such family transactions are deeds that con-
cern the law of persons, such as deeds of emancipation (e.g. RS
8.279bis, RS 16.129, RS 20.176, RS 27.53) and deeds of adoption
(RS 17.21, RS 20.226, RS 21.230, RS 25.134).
Little is known of the identity of the contracting parties. As we
have already menti oned, the queen appears in some of these docu-
ments (deeds of sale) and one can argue that many of the other con-
tractors must have belonged to the relatively high social class in
Ugarit. On the other hand, the number of witnesses is not uniform;
three to five witnesses seems to have been the general tendency but
examples of texts with as few as two and as many as fourteen wit-
nesses (e.g. RS 14.16) are attested.
2.3.5 Publication and studies
The majority of these Akkadian texts was published by Nougayrol
in three volumes of the French Mission de Ras Shamra: N o u g a y r o l
1955, 1968 and 1970. The former contains most of the royal legal
texts and also includes an excellent study of the material. I n the same
volume, B o y er (1955) offers a juridical interpretation of the docu-
ments as compared to other cuneiform legal sources. Other scattered
non-royal texts were published by T h u r eau - D an g i n (1937), V i r o l l eau d
(1941c no. I I , 1951 no. V I ) and, more recently, L ac k en b ac h er (1991)
and Mal bran-Labat ( B o r dr eu i l et al. 1991, no. 29). A few still remain
unpublished.
Apart from some scattered partial studies, two dissertations have
dealt with the legal texts of Ugarit, chiefly those written in Akkadian:
M i l l e r 1980 and L i b o l t 1985. The former basically consists of an
English translation with a brief commentary of all the domestic legal
documents (including also some administrative records); and the latter
exclusively deals with the royal land grants, presented in transliter-
ation and translation in chronological order, and aims at determin-
ing the evoludon of Ugaridan society through a thorough examination
of the changes in language, namely the clauses on heritability in
these texts. A study by the present author of both the language and
the content of the royal deeds of conveyance is forthcoming.
2.4 The international legal texts
2.4.1 Definition and scope
Under this category we include all legal documents unearthed at
Ugarit that are concerned with international matters such as treaties,
edicts, verdicts or any other transactions that involve parties of more
than one state. Thi s material consists of approximately one hundred
texts and fragments. More often than not it is the state or states
proper that are involved, in which case the parties stand for the
rulers themselves or also sometimes their plenipotentiaries. Therefore
the division of the evidence in accordance with the witnessing party
corresponds mutatis mutandis with the palace, viz. the court of the
state of origin. A verdict promul gated by the Hittite suzerain usually
took place at his own court, and the same holds true for arbitrations
or agreements drawn up by the scribes of the kings of Carchemi sh,
Ugarit, Amurru or Siyannu (the provenance of a small number of
texts and fragments cannot be determined due to the obscure or
fragmentary context).
2.4.2 Find-spot
I nternational documents found at Ugarit obviously concern in one
way or another the state of Ugarit proper. Therefore, as one would
expect, most of these records have been discovered in the archives
of the royal palace. As we have already menti oned, the distribution
of these texts follows a clear pattern. Over three quarters of this
material come from the same concentration of tablets, the so-called
'southern archive'. Like the domestic royal legal texts found in the
palace central archive, international documents were probably stored
on file on the upper storey,
12
and they seem to have been kept there
separately. Moreover, some of them were identified by means of
labels or tags attached either to the tablets themselves or the bas-
kets in which they were placed.
13
Although some of the few finds outside the royal palace could
have been misplaced, it is nonetheless probabl e that several private
archives belonging to high state officials would also have contained
some of the international legal documents (as is certainly true of the
epistolary material). Thi s seems indeed to be the case of the archive
of Urtenu which, accordi ng to the last epigraphic report already
menti oned above, has yielded three documents of Hittite origin.
2.5 The texts from Hatti
2.5.1 Definition and scope
It goes without saying that the nature of the foreign records found
at Ugarit is intimately connected with the political and diplomatic
relations existing between the states involved. I ndeed, the fact that
Ugarit was annexed to the Hittite empi re as a vassal state during
the reign of Ni qmaddu II explains why the approximately thirty legal
documents stemming from the Hittite court discovered at Ras Shamra
basically consist of vassal treaties, edicts and verdicts establishing
Ugarit's foreign relations. Dated texts range from the days of the
annexation of Ugarit by Suppiluliuma I down to the reign of Tud-
haliya I V.
I n openi ng the section on legal texts we referred to the general
probl em of drawing the line that divides legal texts from adminis-
trative records. With Hittite documents the controversy is further
raised mainly due to the form of the texts. As is well known, Hittite
scribal practice often opens the text with the epistolary Akkadian
formul a umma PN/ RN 'Thus (says) PN/RN', regardless of the basic
nature of the document (e.g. in treaties or annals). Furthermore, the
use of subjective or objective style in the body of the text is not con-
clusive either since both are attested in letters and legal documents,
and they may also occur side by side in the same text. As a mat-
ter of fact, one may wonder whether the Hittite Great Ki ng made
12
See VAN SOL DT 1991a, 97.
13
See labels nos. 27-32 in VAN SOL DT 1989b.
any distinction at all: he decreed and proclaimed, the document was
issued, and next it was presented or sent to the vassal king. Therefore,
what really mattered was the point of view in which the text was
couched (and accordingly sealed) rather than the formul ae used. One
should recall here the three duplicates of a text called by Nougayrol
'lettres-dits' (RS 17.130 and dupl.). The introductory formul a ana
RN qibma, 'speak to RN', leaves no doubt about the epistolary char-
acter of the documents; the text, however, describes Hattusili I l l 's
regulations conccrning the business activities of the merchants of Ura
in Ugaritic territory. To the same domai n of ambiguity belongs the
suzerain's letter-verdict RS 17.133 sealed with queen Puduhepa's seal
about a litigation over a shipwreck. Finally, RS 17.132 should be men-
tioned, a letter containing the early proposal from Suppiluliuma I to
Ni qmaddu II for a military alliance which includes the legal stipu-
lations following the description of the contractual agreement.
2.5.2 Form
I n spite of these concurrent problems of definition, a Hittite tablet
of legal content is in principle not very difficult to identify at first
sight. One can even speak of prototype if by this we understand the
more common appearance of documents. Thi s would be a relatively
large tablet (larger than the prototype of Ugarit: the thickness aver-
ages some 40 mm) and 'cushion'-shaped showing a highly raised sur-
face on the centre of the obverse where the deep impression of the
stamp seal (in our corpus especially the Tabarna seal) is to be found.
Other types are of course attested; the above menti oned verdict and
edict-letters, for example, bear the seal impression on a sort of appen-
dix protrudi ng from the left upper edge (or 'shoulder', as Nougayrol
would put it) of the tablet. The exception to this kind of tablets are
the duplicates of the treaty between Muri1i II and Ni qmepa' (RS
17.79+ and dupl.), which possibly represent copies of an original
metal tablet kept at Hattua (in fact, some of the duplicates could
have been made at Ugarit). Thei r shape is already unusual: they are
extraordinarily large and flat on both sides; also exceptional is their
fine script as well as the absence of any seal impression.
As for the text, apart from the already menti oned common open-
ing letter-formula (in documents issued by the Great Ki ng we nor-
mally find umma Sami RN 'thus [says] "the Sun" RN' followed by
his titles and filiation), one should menti on the usual recourse to
divine action to secure and guarantee the undertaken agreements.
2.5.3 Content
Of course the basic 'binding' text (Akk. tuppu a nksi/kilti) for the
above-menti oned international state of affairs is the vassal treaty.
Two such texts have been found at Ugarit. One is the treaty between
uppiluliuma I and Ni qmaddu II (RS 17.340, RS 17.369), and the
other is the one already mentioned between Muri1i II and Ni qmepa'.
Like other Hittite vassal treaties, the stipulations contained in these
texts concern the extradition of fugitives, the frontiers of the king-
dom of Ugarit, military assistance and the vassal's loyalty. Other
documents complete this mai n agreement, for exampl e the edict
establishing the detailed inventory of the tribute due to the Hittite
overlord (RS 17.227 and dupl., cf. also RS 17.380+) or the decree
regardi ng extradition of fugitives concl uded by Hattusili I I I (RS
17.238). Compl ai nts of, or disputes between vassal states concerning
one of these basic stipulations were arbitrated by the Hittite Great
Ki ng himself; so the decision given by Muri1i II on the dispute of
border territory between Ugarit and Muki (RS 17.62+ and par.)
and between Ugarit and Siyannu (RS 17.235+ and par.), or also
the above mentioned verdict promul gated by Hattusili III regulating
the business activities of the merchants of Ura in Ugaritian territory.
Problems concerning the dynastic succession of the kings of Ugarit
also belonged to the jurisdiction of the Hittite overlord; so, for exam-
ple, the case of divorce of 'Ammi ttamru II and the daughter of the
king of Amurru, who was also niece of the Hittite king (RS 17.159,
RS 17.365+), or the case of conspiracy against this same king appar-
ently plotted by the sons of the queen of Ugarit (RS 17.35+-), both
adjudicated by Tudhal i ya I V.
2.6 The texts from Carchemish
2.6.1 Definition and scope
No doubt, the role of the king of Carchemi sh as viceroy of the
Hittite Great Ki ngand thus overlordof the Syrian vassal states
accounts not only for the considerable number of documents issued
from this court and found at Ugarit, namely about thirty texts and
fragments, but also their significant nature: most deal with inter-state
arbitrations. Although a few are dated to Ta1mi-Teub most of the
material belongs to the reign of his father I ni-Teub.
Here also special reference should be made to one text that may
defy classification. Like RS 17.132, RS 17.334 opens with the expres-
sion umma arrima 'thus [says] the king' and contains the proposal
from arru-kuuh to Ni qmaddu II for a military alliance against the
king of Nuhai and includes the resulting stipulations of the agree-
ment. Of particular interest is the fact that this text is preserved in
a copy sealed by I ni-Teub of the original, broken document.
2.6.2 Form
Characteristic of the legal texts from Carchemi sh is their physical
appearance. All arbitrations and most other deeds are written on
oblong formatted tablets and the cylinder-seal is rolled in the mid-
dle of the reverse. On the other hand, the text of verdicts begins
invariably with the formul a 'before PN' or more often 'before RN'
(ana pni RN). Onl y three records (RS 17.146, RS 17.230, RS 18.19)
differ from this pattern and the three are shaped after the Hittite
prototype (note that they are all deeds of agreement). The difference,
however, is that the name and titles of the king of Carchemi sh are
not introduced by umma.
Arbitrations of lawsuits are phrased after a clear standard pattern.
After the openi ng formul a 'before RN/PN', the two litigant parties
coming to court are named and the statement of one or both of
them is presented, usually in subjective style. Next the verdict of the
king is menti oned also in subjective style, followed by the result or
execution of the royal decision phrased this time in objective style
and in the past. The text ends with the clauses that forbid any future
claims comi ng from either of the two parties and the final clause
that states the irrevocable character of the document. Deities are
invoked in only one of the deeds of agreement as guarantors of the
transaction.
2.6.3 Content
By far the largest group of documents from Carchemi sh concern
international arbitrations. Almost all these transactions are presided
by king I ni-Teub. Among the parties involved one should mention
the king of Ugarit and his skinu as well as the whole communi ty
of Ugaritian citizens. These verdicts concern different matters such
as, for example, an action for a debt (e.g. RS 17.314, RS 17.346)
or a complaint about the death of a prisoner (RS 19.63); but the
most frequendy attested are cases of assault, theft and especially the
murder of merchants in Ugaritic territory (e.g. RS 17.128, RS 17.145,
RS 17.158, RS 17.234). Thi s maj or problem is precisely the subject
of the four preserved deeds of agreement between the states of Car-
chemish and Ugarit (RS 17.146, RS 17.230, RS 18.19, RS 18.115).
On the other hand, the role of the king of Carchemi sh as viceroy
of the Hittite Great Ki ng over Ugarit is reflected in other inter-state
arbitrations such as RS 17.59, in which I ni-Teub presides and
enacts Tudhal i ya I V's exemption of 'Ammi ttamru II from his mili-
tary obligations in the war against Assyria, or the same cases that
were presided by the Hittite suzerain himself, such as the divorce
between 'Ammi ttamru II and the daughter of the king of Amurru
(RS 17.396, RS <20.>1957.1) or the family conspiracy against the
same king of Ugarit (RS 17.352).
2.7 The texts from Ugarit
2.7.1 Definition and scope
Scribes at Ugarit also drew up transactions undertaken by parties
from different states and some of these documents (around ten) have
been found at Ugarit. The problem, however, is again one of definidon,
for a few of them are said to have been presided over by foreign
officials. The fragmentary verdict RS 17.371+, for example, which
is written by Nu'me-Rasap, the well-known scribe of domestic legal
texts of Ugarit, is arbitrated by the kartappu of Carchemi sh. How,
then, are we to classify these records? Admittedly these cases do not
agree with the criterion stated above, namely correspondence between
witnessing party and place of composition of the tablets. There seems
to be little doubt that in these arbitrations the court of the overlord
(Hatti or Carchemish) was transferred for some reason to the seat
of the vassal (note e.g. that in RS 17.371+ one of the parties is the
king of Ugarit); in such cases the overlord himself would then appoint
at least one of his officials as authorized arbitrator. Following in a
strict sense the tide of this chapter we have resolved to include these
documents here.
2.7.2 Form
The mai n physical characteristics of documents composed at Ugarit
have already been described above. It is interesting to observe that
RS 16.170 in which the king of Ugarit acts as overlord is shaped
and styled in exactly the same way as any other royal legal docu-
ment (one should further note that this document was found among
the royal documents in the palace central archive). By contrast, the
documents that describe acts presided over by a superior, foreign
authority at Ugarit significantly show a distinctly eclectic aspect. For
example, RS 18.02 in which the king of Ugarit redeems certain
people from the Hittite priest of I star of Zi nzaru, is shaped after the
Carchemi sh fashion (i.e. an oblong tablet) and sealed with the Hittite
stamp seal of the priest in the Hittite fashion (i.e. in the middle of
the obverse); nevertheless, since the scribe is Nu'me-Rasap the text
clearly follows the local form of Ugarit (as in, for example, the open-
ing phrase 'From to-day').
2.7.3 Content
I n spite of its fragmentary state, RS 16.170 describes in all likeli-
hood a verdict of king Ni qmepa' concerning the long-standing conflict
of border territory between the kingdom of Ugarit and Siyannu, then
its vassal state, thus previous to its defecdon to the king of Carchemish.
One tablet that belongs to the large dossier of the divorce of king
'Ammi ttamru II and the daughter of the king of Amurru (RS 16.270)
bears the impression of two seals of 'Ammi ttamru, the dynastic seal
and his personal one, and seems to have been written by a scribe
of Ugarit.
As for the arbitrations of foreign commissioners at Ugarit, RS
17.371+, which is somewhat damaged, probabl y refers to a litiga-
tion involving the merchants of Ura, and RS 18.02, as already stated,
is a deed of redemption. Other deeds written at Ugarit record pri-
vate international transactions. For exampl e, RS 16.180 and RS
17.251 are deeds of sale; the former records the sale of a horse from
the huburtanru of the king of Carchemi sh to the king of Ugarit (note
the possible badly preserved Ugaritic summary at the end of the
text),
14
and the latter, written by Burqnu, describes the sale of an
individual by two Hittite brothers to the skinu of Ugarit.
14
See MA RQUEZ ROWE 1996a, 457f.
2.8 The texts from Amurru
2.8.1 Definition and scope
A few legal texts written by scribes from the chancellery of Amurru
have been found at Ugarit. The two matters that are recorded reflect
on the one hand the nei ghbouri ng situation of both kingdoms and,
on the other, the i ntermarri age that was relatively frequently prac-
tised between both dynasties. The former is represented by one text,
RS 19.68, a treaty between Ni qmaddu II and Aziru, which is possi-
bly one of the oldest agreementsi f not the oldestrecovered from
the royal palace archives. The latter is constituted by four docu-
ments that bel ong to the large dossier concerni ng the divorce ease
between 'Ammi ttamru II and the daughter of Benteina and sister
of augamuwa.
2.8.2 Form
Some formal features of the treaty RS 19.68 have led to the origin
of the tablet being called into question. I ndeed, the menti on through-
out this parity agreement of the royal name Ni qmaddu in first posi-
tion as well as the interference of subjective style within the text
phrased from the viewpoint of the Ugaritic king could suggest that
the text was composed by a scribc of the royal court of Ugarit. On
linguistic and epigraphic grounds, however, it seems more likely that
Amurru was the original provenance of the scribe;
15
on the other
hand, the seal impression at the head of the text corresponds to the
cylinder seal of Aziru. The later documents of his descendant auga-
muwa show the strong Hittite influence that developed through the
years. I ndeed, not only are the tablets in the 'cushi on' shape but,
more significandy, the cylinder seal of Aziru gives way to Sausgamuwa's
stamp seals inscribed with Hittite hieroglyphs, of which the impres-
sion can be found in the middle of the raised surface of the obverse
of the tablets (so in 'tablette G. Badr','
6
RS 17.228, RS 17.318+,
and RS 17.360a+, which also bears the cylinder seal impression of
Aziru on top of the obverse).
As for the text, the scribes of the chancellery of Amurru, like the
ones of Ugarit, used the formul a 'from to-day' to open the document
15
See NOUGAY ROL 1956, 281, and I ZRE'EL 1991, 21.
16
Edited by ARNAUD - SALVI NI 1991-2.
(RS 17.228, RS 17.360A+, RS 19.68). Divine curses are attested
only in the treaty RS 19.68.
2.8.3 Content
The treaty between Ni qmaddu I I and Aziru describes the latter's
renouncement of the former claims of Amurri te rulers to adj acent
Ugari ti an territory (including Siyannu); the text declares that Aziru
accordingly received satisfaction, namel y 5,000 shekels of silver. Fur-
thermore, military aid from the Amurri te king in case of an enemy
attack against his northern nei ghbour is stipulated.
The divorce between 'Ammi ttamru II and the daughter of Benteina
obviously provoked a serious i nternati onal di pl omati c conflict. Thi s,
as we have seen, is well reflected not only by the number of records
that were needed to regulate the affair but also by the authorities
who had to supervise it, such as the Hittite emperor (who was in
turn the divorcee's uncle) or his viceroy in Syria, the king of Carchem-
ish. The documents that were issued and sealed by the king of Amurru
and brother of the divorcee describe his obligations in the agree-
ment: 'tablette G. Badr' concerns her expulsion, and RS 17.228, RS
17.318+, and RS 17.360A+ concern her final extradi ti on (for exe-
cution) and resulting compensati on of 1,400 shekels of gold.
2.9 The texts from Siyannu
2.9.1 Definition and scope
Onl y two legal documents stemmi ng from the court of Si yannu have
been found at Ugari t. They are both related to the l ong-standi ng
disputes of border territory between both states (see above the ver-
dict of king Ni qmepa' or the final regul adons decreed by the emperor
Mursiii I I ). RS 18.01 was issued by king Padi ya and RS 17.123 by
king 'Abdi -Ni nurta.
2.9.2 Form
The physical appearance of both tablets is hardl y distinguishable
from the Ugari t prototype (possibly as a result of political influence).
The cylinder seal impressed by Padi ya at the head of the document
is that of his predecessor, Sassi (used thus as a 'dynastic seal');
c
Abdi-
Ni nurta, in turn, rolled another, anepi graphi c one. Also like the doc-
uments composed at Ugari t, they are i ntroduced by the openi ng
phrase 'from to-day' and they are couched in objective style.
2.9.3 Content
Both deeds concern real estate property. More precisely, they describe
the final result and state of affairs after litigation concerni ng the own-
ership or jurisdiction of land that belonged to frontier districts between
Ugari t and Siyannu. Thi s is explicitly menti oned in RS 17.123 in
which the arbi trator was the Hittite overlord. The districts involved
in this case are uki and Harmana. Vi neyards of the former fron-
tier district are also the object of partition in RS 18.02, this time
between the religious associations (marzihu) of Ugarit and Si yannu.
2.9.4 Publication and studies
The bibliographical picture is almost the same as we have seen for
the domestic texts. The great maj ori ty of the international material
was magisterially publ i shed by Nougayrol in two vol umes of the
French Mission de Ras Shamra: N o u g a y r o l 1956 and 1970. The
former contains most of the documents as well as an excellent study
of them. Other scattered texts have been published by F i s her (1971),
M a l b r a n - L a b a t ( B o r d r eu i l et al. 1991, no. 1) and A r n a u d - S al v i ni
(1991-2), and a few still remai n unpubl i shed.
The treaty between Muri1i I I and Ni qmepa' was thoroughl y
analysed by d e l M o n t e (1986), and B ec k man (1996c) has recently
provi ded us with a handbook of Hittite i nternati onal documents.
Menti on must also be made of two other monographs that offer a
comprehensi ve pi cture of the i nternati onal relations as descri bed
among others by the documents of Ugarit: K es t emo n t 1974a (more
restricted to the juridical aspects) and L i v er ani 1990.
3 T h e U g a r i t i c L e g a l T e x t s
Since Akkadian was the l anguage par excellence of legal documents it
is hardl y surprising that this genre is far less represented in the
Ugaritic corpus. Thi s is illustrated, for exampl e, by the fact that the
chapter of legal texts in the standard edition of this corpus (indexed
with the digit 'K TU 3.') runs to barely six pages.
1
' I ndeed, we should
regard these few legal documents written in alphabetic cuneiform as
exceptions. Probably on this account and also because the phrase-
ology of some of the documents was obviously inspired by the
Akkadian pattern, it has been suggested that these texts could be
translations of Akkadian originals.
18
Thi s seems to be true of the one
international document, namely the edict that establishes the inven-
tory of the tribute due to the Hittite overlord. However, this is not
so obvious for the rest of the material, not even for royal documents
that clearly show a parallel phraseology.
19
I ndeed, concerning the
latter, how could one explain that the so-called 'translated copies'
were found among other original Akkadian documents in the palace
central archive? And where, then, were the Akkadi an 'originals'
accordingly kept which, on the other hand, have so far not been
found? I n fact, it seems reasonable to ask why scribes who were
admittedly biscriptal would not have written, if only exceptionally,
legal texts in Ugaritic (note that Burqnu, for example, drew up at
least three documents in Akkadian [RS 8.145, RS 25.137 and RS
17.251] and one in his own tongue [K TU 3.8 = RS 19.066]).
20
The fact that these texts are written in Ugaritic implies that they
were most likely drawn up at Ugarit. In this chapter we shall fol-
low the plan proposed for the Akkadian corpus. Accordingly we shall
divide Ugaritic legal documents into two sub-genres: on the one
hand, the domestic texts and, on the other, the one international
document.
3.1 The domestic legal texts
All Ugaritic legal texts but one deal with domestic transactions.
According to the nature of the witnessing party these documents can
be classified into two categories, the same ones by which we classified
the Akkadian domestic texts, namely the royal and the non-royal
documents.
17
One should note that in spite of the corrections and additions to this edition
(DI ETRI CH L ORETZ SANMART N 1995) that will be pointed out throughout this
paper this preliminary appreciation is not significantly changed.
1R
See KI ENAST 1979, 433, 444, or L I BOL T 1985, 359.
19
For the parallel phraseology see e.g. NOUGAY ROI . 1962, 29, RAI NEY 1969, 132ff.,
KI ENAST 1979, MI L ANO 1980, 182ff.
20
Of course one may still question with VAN SOI .DT (1991a, 27 n. 213) whether
this text is not a Ugaritic copy of an Akkadian original.
3.2 The royal legal texts
3.2.1 Definition and scope
As defined above, this group consists of those legal texts in which
the king of Ugarit presides, explicitly or not, over the transactions
involved. These royal documents (in Ugaritic: spr mlk as attested in
K TU 2.19:13
21
include four published examples (K TU 2.19 = RS
15.125,
22
K TU 3.2 = RS 15.111, K TU 3.4 = RS 16.191+ and
K TU 3.5 = RS 16.382) and one unpublished text (RS 94.2168)
found in the recently excavated archive of Urtenu. From this same
archive came another unpubl i shed record (RS 94.2965) arranged
similarly, and containing clauses typical of royal legal documents;
although no reference of the witnessing party is made and no royal
seal is impressed (nor is there a space left free on the tablet for seal-
ing) it is possible to understand implicitly that the king presided over
this transaction. (One should note that RS 94.2168 also does not
bear the royal seal impression: were these two documents actually
private 'copies'?) Furthermore, an unclassified fragment (K TU 7.63
= RS 15.117) that has often been taken to list the royal tides of
Ni qmepa' could also belong under this category.
23
3.2.2 Find-spot
As already menti oned, one or two royal documents have been found
outside the royal palace, namely in Urtenu's house. The other four
deeds (as well as the fragment K TU 7.63 = RS 15.117) come from
the palace archives. Of interest is the fact that these four tablets
come entirely from the same concentration, the so-called palace cen-
tral archive where, as we have seen, most Akkadian royal domestic
legal documents were kept (K TU 7.63 was discovered in the palace
eastern archive).
21
VI ROL L EAUD ( 1957, 15FF.) used the designation 'actes royaux' differently, for he
also included royal letters.
22
Although still included under the epistolary category with the resulting digit
in DI ETRI CH L ORETZ SANMARTI N 1995, 168, it is now generally agreed that this
fragment is of legal content (see already KI ENAST 1979, 433, 444ff).
23
Note that VAN SOL DT (1991a, 564) suggests cataloguing the text as epistolary
or legal.
3.2.3 Form
We have referred to the fact that royal legal texts drawn up in Uga-
ritic reflect, and presumably imitated the Akkadian pattern. Actually
it is reasonable to assume that the same scribes shaped and wrote
both the Akkadian and Ugaritic tablets. For example, as regards the
shape of tablets, it is interesting to observe that although written in
the shorter alphabetic script Ugaritic royal documents have the same
average measurements attested for their Akkadian counterparts (e.g.
K TU 3.5 = RS 16.382 measures 90 x 70 x 35 mm). The sealing
practice is also identical: the royal seal impression is placed on top
of the obverse and could be divided from the text by a ruling. Note
that the dynastic seal of the kings of Ugarit was rolled on K TU 3.2
and K T U 3.5, whereas the ring-seal of Ni qmaddu (presumabl y
Ni qmaddu II) was stamped twice in order to fill the sealing space
in K TU 3.4 (although not preserved, K TU 2.19 was certainly sealed
by the king as stated in 11. 6ff.).
24
As for the text, the phraseology clearly reproduces the Akkadian
formulae. Thus, the text begins with the temporal expression 'From
to-day' (I ym hnd), which could also be combi ned with the closing
expression '(and) for ever' ('d 'Irri). The first section of the text describes
the completed part of the transaction, obviously phrased in the past
(perfective) and in objective style. The king appears in first position
either as active party (so in K TU 3.2 and K TU 3.5) or as having
presided over the transaction (so in RS 94.2168, omitted in K TU
3.4), i ntroduced by the preposition 'before' (/ pnperhaps to be
restored before the royal name in K TU 7.63:1). Next follow the final
clauses that deal with the obligations of the transaction, phrased this
time in the future (imperfective) and also in objective style.
Although the seal identification clause is only preserved in K TU 2.19,
its restoration at the end of texts K TU 3.2 and K TU 3.5 seems very
plausible. Perhaps the same holds true for the name of the scribe
which is not attested in these texts. The scheme of the Ugaritic royal
documents is thus not very different from their Akkadian counterparts.
3.2.4 Content
The contents of these texts is as follows: K TU 3.2 = RS 15.111 and
K TU 3.5 = RS 16.382 are both deeds of royal gift; RS 94.2168
24
As shown after collation, the upper part of the fragment K TU 7.63 is lost.
concerns the rights of succession of
c
Abdi-milku's children and in
particular the inheritance of the property he received from the king;
and RS 94.2965 lists estate property acquired by a Y abninu together
with the rights and obligations bound to it.
K TU 2.19 = RS 15.125 is a deed of franchise (note the Ugaritic
designation spr d tbrrt in lines 9-10), namely from the ?7/t-service
(called in Ugaritic unt). The final document, K TU 3.4 = RS 16.191+,
concerns the redemption of seven persons from the Berutians by one
Iwrikili for 100 shekels of silver and the resulting obligations imposed
on them.
As for the parties involved, 'Ammi ttamru II is the donor king of
K TU 3.2 and K TU 3.5 as well as the donor and guarantor of the
rights of succession in RS 94.2168, and Ni mqaddu (I I /I I I ) is the
grantor of privileges in K TU 2.19. Unfortunatel y it is difficult to
idendfy the other contracting parties due to the want of more solid
prosopographical evidence. Still, it is possible to relate some of the
Ugaritic documents to the Akkadian 'dossiers'. For example, amtm,
the donee's father in K TU 3.2, could be identified with the well-
attested Amutarunu. And the
c
Abdi-milku whose inheritance is the
topic of RS 94.2168 is very likely the homonymous main party of
one of the largest dossiers identified by Nougayrol; moreover, we
learn from this Ugaritic text that he was married to the king's daugh-
ter. Thi s explicit information supports the assumption that many of
the beneficiaries of these dossiers were members of the royal family
as well as court officials (with this regard, one should note that the
protagonist of the fragment K TU 7.63 = RS 15.117 is the skinu of
the palace and door-keeper of the king).
3.2.5 An example
I n order to illustrate the similarities in the scheme and form between
these Ugaritic documents and their Akkadian counterparts, we pres-
ent here in transliteration and translation the royal document K TU
3.5 = RS 16.382:
Impr essi on of dynast i c seal
I ym . hnd
'mttmr . bn
nqmp
c
. mlk
ugrt . ytn
Fr om t oday
' Ammi t t amr u, son of
Ni qmepa' , ki ng of
Ugar i t , has gi ven
5 d . kdgdl t he field of PN
h
uskny . d . b d[y] from TN , (which is located)
in the territory of
Lo.E.
x m . [y\d gth TN
2
, together with its factory,
Lo.E.
yd . zth . yd . and its olive grove, and
[A] rmh . yd its vineyard, and
10 [k]lklh whatever belongs to it,
Rev.
w ytn.nn and he has given it
I . b'ln . bn to PN
2
, son of
kltn . w . 1 PN
:)
, and to
bnh . 'd [.] 7m his sons for ever.
15 Ihr .
e
lmt In the future
bn bnm no one
I . yqhnn . bd will take it from the hands
b
c
ln . bn . kltn of PN
2
, son of PN
3
,
w . bd . bnh .
e
d and from the hands of his
20 'lm . w . unt sons ever. And there is no
in . bh service on it.
(end broken off)
3.3 The non-royal legal texts
3.3.1 Definition and scope
We include under this second group of domestic legal texts those
records which describe transactions performed before witnesses (Ugaritic
yph) and that were not presided by the king. Such definition imme-
diately excludes from our corpus texts like K TU 3.3 = RS 15.128,
a bill concerni ng personal security, K TU 3.7 = RS 18.118, a list of
Egyptian persons entering the ilku (Ugaritic n/)-service,
25
and K TU
3.10 = RI H 84/33, a list of debtors,
26
in which no menti on of a
body of witnesses is made. On the other hand, K TU 3.6 = RS
17.[468] is too fragmentary for classification.
27
As a result, only two
other K TU 3. series texts can be included under this category, namely
K TU 3.8 = RS 19.066 and K TU 3.9 = RS [Varia 14] = RS
1957.702, which do list the witnesses of the transaction. In addition,
25
See more recently MA RQUEZ ROWE 1993b.
26
Note that it partially duplicates K T U 4.791 (see BORDREUI L 1995a, 4-5) listed
thus within the administrative records; other debts lists are e.g. KTU 4.123 = RI H
84/04 obv., KTU 4.283 or KTU 4.310.
27
Note that even DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ - SANMARTI N ( 1995, 202) admit that its
content is 'uncertain'; the presence of the sequence <y h> (>yph [?]) at the end
of 1. 2 is in a completely fragmentary and obscure context.
reference should be made to other texts that have been classified as
administrative and could in fact lie on the borderline of the legal
domai n. Like the above menti oned Akkadian text RS 16.354, K T U
4.386 = RS 18.111 (restoring [y]ph at the beginning of 1. 3 and also
possibly [yp]h at the beginning of 11. 7 and 9), K TU 4.632 = RS
19.073, K TU 4.778 = RI H 83/12 with its duplicate K TU 4.782 =
RI H 84/08,
28
K TU 9.477 = RI H 83/39+
29
and perhaps also K TU
4.258 = RS 17.007+ (sec 1. 5) record a series of debt-notes together
with the witnesses involved. As a matter of fact, the explicit men-
tion of witnesses is what distinguishes these texts from other debt-
notes tablets like K TU 3.10. Significantly, the same holds true for
K TU 3.8 vis--vis K TU 3.3. Both are bills of personal security and
use a similar phraseology (also parallel to the Akkadian counterparts
RS 15.81 or RS 16.287 referred to above).
30
However, as already
stated, neither the latter nor the Akkadian texts mentions any wit-
nesses.
31
Stronger doubts about the legal nature of K TU 3.8 and
also K TU 3.9 have been expressed basically because both lack seal
impressions and do not use phrases typical of legal texts (like the
introductory formulae 'from to-day' or 'before witnesses'). As a result,
it has been suggested that these texts should rather be identified as
'memoranda'.
32
Despite the doubts of classification, which may indeed question
once more the accuracy of our definitions, both documents will be
included under this category following thus our basic premise, viz.
the more or less explicit mention of witnesses in the texts.
3.3.2 Find-spot
Very little can be said about the find-spots of K TU 3.8 and K TU
3.9. The former was found in the open space between the royal
palace and the so-called 'southern palace'. As recently pointed out,
28
See BORDREUI I , 1987, 29 . Note that some of the debt-notes in this text do
not mention the witness.
29
See BORDREUI L et at. 1984, 430.
30
See MI L ANO 1980, 186ff. and HOFTI J ZER - VAN SOL DT 1991a, 189ff.
31
The list of persons on the reverse (11. 10ff.) correspond to the sureties (cf. 1. 1 :
spr. 'rbnm, see most recently HOFTI J ZER VAN SOL DT 1991, 189) and not to the
body of witnesses (as stated by MI L ANO [ 1980, 188]).
32
So KI ENAST 1979, 432f, with critical comments upon the former inclusion of
this and other K T U 3. series texts within the category of 'Vertrge' in DI ETRI CH
L ORETZ SANMARTI N 1976a (see also SZNY CER 1979, 1418).
tablets unearthed in this area 'could have come from different parts
of the surroundi ng buildings',
33
which means either from the palace
or from a private house. As for the latter, it is almost certainly from
illegal excavation at Ras Shamra.
34
It is not without interest that all witnessed debt-notes come from
the palace archives and that two of them (the two duplicates) were
found in the palace at Ras I bn Hani .
3.3.3 Form
We have already menti oned that K TU 3.8 and K TU 3.9 lack some
of the characteristic features of legal documents. To begin with, nei-
ther of them bears a seal impression. On the other hand, the for-
mulas that usually introduce a legal text, like 'from today' or the
one attested in the Akkadian counterparts 'before witnesses', are
absent. Nevertheless, examples with these same atypical features can
be found within the Akkadian corpus (compare also the Ugaritic
royal document RS 94.2965). RS 11.856, for instance, describes the
transaction without any such introductory formulas, lists the witnesses
at the end of the text after a ruling and bears no seal impression.
These are exactly the same characteristics and scheme as in K TU
3.8 (significantly, the unusual shape of both tablets is similar).
35
As
for the text itself, K TU 3.8 follows the general pattern of legal doc-
uments. It is phrased in objective style, the completed part of the
transaction is in the past (perfective) and the final clauses in the
future (imperfective). After listing the three witnesses, the name of
the scribe is menti oned at the very end of the document.
The text of K TU 3.9, on the other hand, is exceptional in that
it combines both objective and subjective style, an unusual feature
in domestic contracts. The names of two witnesses close the document.
3.3.4 Content
K TU 3.8 is a deed of security: five persons assume surety for two
debtors. K TU 3.9 concerns the inauguration of a religious associa-
33
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 146.
34
Note that it has recently been possible to trace back the find-spot of another
Claremont Ras Shamra tablet, namely from the palace archives (ARNAUD - SALVI NI
1991-2, 8 . 5).
35
Viz. they are small and nearly square: KTU 3.8 measures 48 X 42 X 28 and
RS 11.856, 40 40 22 mm.
tion (mrzh) by a amumanu and stipulates the binding obligations
for both its founder and leader and the rest of its members.
3.4 The international legal text
3.4.1 Definition and scope
It is hardly surprising to find only one Ugaritic text, K TU 3.1 =
RS 1 1.772+, under this category since Akkadian was not only the
legal but also the diplomatic language par excellence at that time in
the Near East. As a matter of fact, what is truly surprising is pre-
cisely the very existence of one document written in al phabeti c
cuneiform that describes a transaction between two states, namely
Hatti and Ugarit. The discovery in the palace southern archive of
the Akkadian parallel text, namely the edict that establishes the inven-
tory of the tribute of Ni qmaddu II owed to his overlord Suppiluli-
uma I (RS 17.227 and dupl., see above 9.2.5.3), clearly showed
that we are dealing here with an Ugaritic version.
36
Thi s interpre-
tation, however, has been recently challenged arguing that the lan-
guage and formul ae of K TU 3.1 do not correspond to a legal
document but, rather, that they reveal the epistolary nature of the
text.
37
Thi s opinion, however, takes into consideration neither the
ambiguous language used by Hittite scribes (as discussed above under
9.2.5.1), also present in the Akkadian original edict, nor proper
Ugaritic epistolary structure.
38
3.4.2 Find-spot
The different fragments of this tablet were found scattered within
and around the palace western archive. Of interest is the fact that
the Akkadian tribute list RS 11.732[] was discovered at this same
archive and that the content thereof is predomi nantl y administrative.
On this account, it has been reasonably suggested that the Ugaritic
version of the edict was kept there for administrative purposes.
39
36
See e.g. NOUGAY ROL 1956, 37ff., DI ETRI CH L ORETZ 1966a, or VAN SOL DT
1990a, 354ff.
37
K NOPPERS 1993, followed by TROPPER 1995b, 235.
38
See also the remarks of PARDEE ( 1998) .
39
See VAN SOL DT 1991a, 57-8.
3.4.3 Form
As already mendoned, the text is preserved from several fragments
(RS 11.772+11.780+11.782+11.802). The original tablet must have
been relatively large. Unlike the Akkadian duplicates, however, K TU
3.1 is not 'cushion'-shaped and its width, namely 30 mm, and rather
flat surface seems to rule out a prion the original presence of the
Hittite seal impression in the lost middle part of the obverse.
The scheme of the text corresponds to the Akkadian original, the
first preserved paragraphs to the historical introduction, and the fol-
lowing to the detailed definition of the tribute. Although not pre-
served, the end of the text may have contained the invocation to
the gods as witnesses and guarantors of the agreement, as in the
Akkadian text.
Finally, it has been pointed out that the order of some of the
tribute items as well as that of the Hittite officials follows the text
of the treaty of Muri1i II (RS 17.380+) rather than the edict of
Suppiluliuma I.
40
3.4.4 Content
The historical introduction so typical of Hittite edicts and agree-
ments relates how Ni qmaddu II refused to take part in the anti-
Hittite coalition and thus stresses his loyalty towards his overlord
Suppiluliuma I. The text then describes in detail the inventory of
the tribute that as a result the king of Ugarit owed to the Great
King, the queen his wife, as well as his high officials.
4 T h e H i t t i t e L e g a l T e x t
The excavations at Ras Shamra have so far yielded only two cuneiform
texts written in the Hittite language. One is part of a trilingual lit-
erary composition (RS 25.421+) and the other is a complete legal
document (RS 17.109). The latter, with which we are here con-
cerned, is thus uni que in that it is the only Hittite original document
found at Ugarit. Shortly after its discovery, Hittitologists, too, agreed
with the uniqueness of RS 17.109 for not only was this tablet the
first Hittite legal document discovered outside the Anatolian core of
40
See VAN SOL DT 1990a, 341.
the Hittite empire but also the only source which could shed light
on the form of Hittite private legal practice.
4.1 Definition
RS 17.109 was catalogued by E. Laroche with the number CTH
296 as one of the Hittite 'procs' within the brief chapter of law.
He titled it 'tmoignage crit de Pallariya'. I ndeed, the text describes
the tesdmony of a witness of an inter-state transacdon, namely between
Hatti and Ugarit; the deposition is made before two witnesses and
properly authenticated by means of a seal impression. On epigraphic,
linguistic and also prosopographi c grounds, the tablet can be safely
dated to the second half of the 13th century bce, and thus it fits
into the general chronology of the Ugarit archives. On the other
hand, the fact that the text is written in the classical script of Bogazky
does not necessarily mean that the tablet was drawn up at the Hittite
capital. As we have already seen, it is possible, and in this case even
probable, that Hittite officials would arbitrate international affairs in
foreign states or courts like Ugarit.
4.2 Find-spot
The tablet was found in the palace southern archive. Thi s find-spot
agrees well with the nature of RS 17.109 since, as we have men-
tioned in several occasions, this royal archive was meant to keep the
legal documents concerned with foreign affairs.
4.3 Form
The shape of RS 17.109 is rather peculiar. I n fact, it belongs to a
category of Hittite tablets we have already seen above ( 9.2.5.2).
The tablet bears a kind of appendi x that protrudes from the mid-
dle of its upper part, on top of which the stamp-seal impression is
to be found.
Also typical of Hittite scribal practice (and of deposition docu-
ments), the text opens with the word umma (here as an Akkadogram).
I n this case it introduces the statement of one of the parties involved.
Then his witness declares, also phrased in subjective style and in the
past. Next follow the clauses that settle the affair and validate the
written document, mainly provided for the other, absent party.
After a ruling, the menti on of the two witnesses (of whom one
probably acted as judicial officer) close the text.
4.4 Content
As catalogued by Laroche, RS 17.109 is a deed of deposition. It
contains the declaration of Pallariya, the witness of a transaction,
namely the receipt of a large amount of silver by the Hittite tax col-
lector from the skinu of Ugarit. The same state officials, especially
the latter, are often protagonists in other international legal cases
that were most often arbitrated, as we have seen above ( 9.2.6), by
the king of Carchemi sh.
4.5 Publication and studies
The tablet was published in transliteration and translation by L a r o c h e
(1968b no. 1); recently, S al v i ni (1995a) has provided us with the
copy and photos, and also a few readi ng improvements. Apart from
Laroche's first interpretation, one should also menti on the contribu-
tions by H a a s e (1971), v o n S c h l e r (1971) and M a r q u e z R o w e
(1999).
T H E E C O N O M Y O F U G A R I T
M i c h a e l H e l t z e r
The economy of the kingdom of Ugarit is considered here under
three headings: the administrative texts, commerce and crafts and
industries.
1 T h e A d mi n i s t r at i v e T e x t s
1.1 General
The administrative texts written in both Ugaritic and Akkadian be-
long to the time span from the middle of the 13th century bce to
the destruction of the kingdom in about 1180 bce or a few years
later. It is impossible to separate the Ugaritic and Akkadian texts,
for they deal with the same issues, and often the same persons are
menti oned in the texts in both languages. It is also impossible to
determi ne the exact number of the texts, for (a) there are hundreds
of tablet-fragments, which rarely can be used to explain anything;
(b) many texts and text fragments in the administrative economic
field are still unpublished.
1
There is also the probl em of dividing the texts according to con-
tent. Some of the administrative texts are economic, others are agrar-
ian, etc. I n all, we possess approximately 550 clearly and fairly legible
texts of this kind in Ugaritic and 160 in Akkadian, a ratio of 7:2.
We can divide these texts, albeit not absolutely, into pri mary tablets
made on the spot or at the time of the administrative (economic or
fiscal) act, and tablets which are monthly or even annual summaries.
' For the overall number of the texts and their editions, cf. TEO. The Akkadian
texts are generally cited according to their publication in PRU 3, 4, 6 and Ug 5.
Other occasional publications are quoted separately. On unpublished texts cf.
KTU
2
, 9.
I n some instances it is also difficult to draw a dividing line between
administrative and commercial texts (in cases when the prices of the
goods are not given). We also include here the texts excavated in
the territory of the kingdom of Ugarit (Ras-ibn Hani (RI H)).
I n general, all these texts reflect the structure of Ugaritic society,
which was divided into two sets. One comprised the 'sons of Ugarit'
(Akk. mr
M
Ugart), i.e. the villagers, who had a certain commu-
nal organization ( H el t z er 1976). The other comprised the 'servants
of the king' (Ug. bn mlk, Ugaritic Akk. bunusu milki, Akk. ard
U
arri) or royal servicemen, who received various deliveries for their
service from royal stores and also, for performi ng their duties, land
al l otments on condi ti onal hol di ng ( H e l t z e r 1982). Thi s social
stratification is known from the text PRU 4, 107 = RS 17.238, which
also mentions the 'servants of the servants of the king' (Akk. arde
U&
ard
m
'
&
arri). From this text, as well as from the administrative texts,
it is clear that some of the royal servicemen were in a position to
have underlings. The royal servicemen were organized into profes-
sional groups and at the head of every group stood a royal nomi-
nee-official or rb (lit. 'great', 'big'). They performed their duties (taxes,
conscription and corves).
2
The various professions of craftsmen, agri-
cultural workers, different military groups, priesdy professions, officials
and palace personnel were organized in groups sometimes of ten.
1.2 Classification of the administrative texts
There is some difficulty in classifying the administrative texts as they
are largely of mixed contents, but in general it is possible.
1.2.1 Lists of villages
We shall begin with the lists of villages (Ug. qrt, Akk. lu). Thi s cat-
egory contains the texts which merely provide the names of villages
(since the numbers which follow them are sometimes broken, as are
the first and last lines, where the purpose of a text was given).
3
They
can be further classified as:
2
Therefore it is impossible to define them as 'guilds', as this would presuppose
at least some degree of internal self-government which is not apparent in the bnl
mlk texts.
3
K TU 4.94 = RS 11.832; K TU 4.303 = RS 17.370[B]; K TU 4.365 = RS
18.073; K TU 4.414 = RS 18.251 [c]; K TU 4.621 = RS 19.048[A]; KTU 4.622 =
a) Lists of mobilization of villagers for military purposes (or some-
times for the corve); sometimes arms were delivered to them: 'bows'
(qstm), 'shields' (Akk. gabb
ME
), 'slings' (ql
c
m) and 'spears' (mrhm).
4
b) A list of payments of tribute in silver to the Hittite king (prof-
essional groups of bn mlk also appear in this text, K TU 4.610 =
RS 19.017).
c) Payments by the villagersnot individually but as a unitof
silver, wool, cereals, olive oil, wine and cattle to the royal treasury.
3
d) Tablets recording the distribution of 'food' (akl) or 'rations' (hpr)
to the villages in corpore at the time of performi ng their corve and
other texts where the villages are listed (K TU 4.41 = RS 8.280).
1.2.2 The gt
We learn from the administrative texts that there was a well devel-
oped royal economy in the kingdom ( H el t z er 1979a). It was divided
into units (Ug. gt, Akk. dimtuf which were dispersed over all the
kingdom.
7
Here too certain groups of texts shed light on the eco-
nomic activities on the gt's. Texts include:
19.048[B]; K TU 4.629 = RS 19.061; K TU 4.661 = RS 19.167A: K TU 4.676 =
RS 19.174i; K TU 4.684 = RS 19.257; K TU 4.685 = RS 19.258; K TU 4.686 =
RS 19.259; K TU 4.693 = RS 20.157; K TU 4.770 = RI H 77/27; PRU 6, 97 =
RS 19.118; PRU 6, 169 = RS 18.279; Ug 5, 102 = RS 20.207A; 103 = RS 20.143B;
104 = RS 20.144; etc.
4
K TU 4.68 = RS 11.716; PRU 3, = RS 11.841; PRU 6, 131 = RS 19.35A; cf.
also K TU 4.63 = RS 10.052 where mobilized people of various villages receive
their arms; PRU 6, 95 = RS 19.74; K TU 4.683 = RS 19.256; and Bordreuil 4 =
RS 34.131 etc.
5
K TU 4.73 = RS 11.724+; K TU 4.93 = RS 11.776 + 11.800; K TU 4.95 =
RS 11.836+; K TU 4.108 = RS 12.003+; K TU 4.113 = RS 12.018; KTU 4.232 =
RS 16.355; K TU 4.267 = RS 17.103; K TU 4.308 = RS 17.386; K TU 4.553 =
RS 18.[479]; K TU 4.609 = RS 19.016; K TU 4.611 = RS 19.018; PRU 3, 194 =
RS 11.830; PRU 3, 191 = RS 11.841 [a]; PRU 3, 191 = RS 15.020; PRU 3, 191 =
RS 15.179: PRU 3, 192 = RS 15.183; etc. PRU 6, 104 = RS 19.43; PRU 6, 105 =
RS 19.117; PRU 6, 106 = RS 19.119; Ug 5, = RS 19.80; Ug 5, 111 = RS 19.129;
Ug 5, 113 = RS 19.26; Ug 5, 187 = RS 19.27 (although it is not always certain
whether these are payments or deliveries).
6
The literal meaning of gt is 'oil or wine press' (HEL TZER 1979b).
7
The texts concerning the more than 70 royal gts are: K TU 4.89 = RS 11.796;
K TU 4.96 = RS 11.840; K TU 4.97 = RS 11.841; KTU 4.103 = RS 11.858:45;
K TU 4.110 = RS 12.006; K TU 4.122 = RS 13.012; K TU 4.125 = RS 14.001;
K TU 4.139 = RS 15.017; KTU 4.141 = 15.022+; RS 4.142 = RS 15.023; KTU
4.175 = RS 15.096; K TU 4.200 = RS 15.189; K TU 4.213 = RS 16.127; K TU
4.243 = RS 16.395; K TU 4.271 = RS 17.115; K TU 4.296 = RS 17.031; K TU
4.297 = RS 17.326; K TU 4.307 = RS 17.384; K TU 4.313 = RS 17.399; KTU
4.320 = RS 17.444: KTU 4.345 = RS 18.033; K TU 4.358 = RS 18.048; KTU
a) The tablets concerni ng villagers, villages and royal service peo-
ple whose service fields were in the area of a certain gt and con-
nected with it, who had to deliver their share of their own produce
to the gt,
a
where it was processed.
b) Texts concerni ng stocks of agricultural tools on various gts.
9
c) Lists of the state of cattle on the gts. These include beasts of
burden (oxen and donkeys), cattle for fattening (mr) and poultry,
10
listed together with the working teams.
d) Texts concerni ng agricultural products (cereals, wine, oil, etc.)
which are at the gt, including fodder and products delivered by the
villagers and (non-agricultural) craftsmen to the gt stores. Sometimes
the name of the month is given, in which case these are monthly
reports."
e) Tablets concerning 'royal servicemen' (bn mlk), who had agricultu-
ral professions: 'pl oughmen' (hrtm),
12
'vine dressers' (gpnym), '(sheep-)
shearers' [gzzm), 'shepherds' (nqdm and r'ym), and other personnel
who were partly referred to as 'man of the gf (bn gt) and 'belong-
ing to the gf (bdl gt).
n
4.365 = RS 18.073; K TU 4.380 = RS 18.099; K TU 4.382 = RS 18.106+; K TU
4.386 = RS 18.111; K TU 4.397 = RS 18.136; K TU 4.400 = RS 18.139; K TU
4.405 = RS 18.143[c]; K TU 4.409 = RS 18.146 bis; K TU 4.424 = RS 18.296;
K TU 4.618 = RS 19.045; K TU 4.625 = RS 19.052; K TU 4.636 = RS 19.097;
K TU 4.638 = RS 19.100B; K TU 4.750 = RS 29.094; PRU 6, 122 = RS 21.203;
Ug 5, 95 = RS 20.01; Ug 5, 96 = RS 20.12, etc.
8
K TU 4.110 = RS 12.006; K TU 4.244 = RS 16.396; K TU 4.643 = RS 19.105,
etc.; cf. also L I VERANI 1979c.
9
K TU 4.625 = RS 19.052; K TU 4.632 = RS 19.073, etc.; cf. also PRU 6,
141 = RS 19.112 (?).
10
K TU 4.89 = RS 11.796; K TU 4.128 = RS 14.176; K TU 4.175 = RS 15.096;
K TU 4.275 = RS 17.125; K TU 4.296 = RS 17.140; K TU 4.358 = RS 18.048;
K TU 4.367 = RS 18.076; K TU 4.618 = RS 19.045; K TU 4.636 = RS 19.097;
Ug 5, 95 = RS 20.01.
11
K TU 4.143 = RS 15.031; K TU 4.213 = RS 16.127; K TU 4.243 = RS 16.395;
K TU 4.269 = RS 17.106; K TU 4.271 = RS 17.115; K TU 4.345 = RS 18.033;
K TU 4.397 = RS 18.136; K TU 4.400 = RS 18.139; K TU 4.636 = RS 19.097.
12
K TU 4.65 = RS 11.602:1.
13
K TU 4.35 = RS 8.183+; K TU 4.65 = RS 11.602; K TU 4.71 = RS 11.721;
K TU 4.87 = RS 11.789; K TU 4.96 = RS 11.840; K TU 4.99 = RS 11.845; K TU
4.106 = RS 12.001; K TU 4.122 = RS 13.012; K TU 4.125 = RS 14.001; K TU
4.126 = RS 14.084; K TU 4.129 = RS 15.001; K TU 4.141 = RS 15.022+; K TU
4.153 = RS 15.046; K TU 4.175 = RS 15.096; K TU 4.183 = RS 15.116; K TU
4.213 = RS 16.127; K TU 4.243 = RS 16.395; K TU 4.269 = RS 17.106; K TU
4.296 = RS 17.031; K TU 4.307 = RS 17.384; K TU 4.320 = RS 17.444; K TU
4.332 = RS 18.010+; K TU 4.355 = RS 18.045; K TU 4.358 = RS 18.048; K TU
4.374 = RS 18.082; K TU 4.378 = RS 18.087; K TU 4.382 = RS 18.106+; K TU
4.440 = RS 18.[317]; K TU 4.491 = RS 18.[389]; K TU 4.493 = RS 18.[391];
f) Many texts also deal with the deliveries from the gts for cer-
tain persons. The goods are wheat, emmer, wine, oil, wood, cattle,
textiles, metal artifacts, etc.
14
At times it is difficult to differentiate
between storage stocks and deliveries.
It should be noted that these texts may overlap with commercial
ones and we cannot draw a clear dividing line. Furthermore, many
of the texts are of mixed content and it is sometimes impossible to
classify them precisely.
1.2.3 The royal servicemen
These are texts dealing with the 'royal servicemen' (Ug. bn mlh, Akk.
ard ani) according to their professional groups. Again the divisions
are not definitive.
a) Texts where the professional group is menti oned as a unit, the
personal names of its members not being given, and where the whole
group receives deliveries of some kind.
1
'
b) Lists of royal servicemen of different professions (hrs anyt, 'ship-
wrights', hrs bhtm 'house-builders', nskm '(metal) casters', etc.) where
each professional is listed and identified only by his name plus his
father's name, or by his father's name alone (bn X 'son of (PN) X').
Sometimes they also receive certain deliveries in silver, or in kind
and sometimes in these texts give a total of the amount of the deliv-
ery. These texts also tell us in which village of the kingdom of Ugarit
they resided.
16
K TU 4.608 = RS 19.014; K TU 4.609 = RS 19.016; K TU 4.618 = RS 19.045;
K TU 4.630 = RS 19.062; K TU 4.636 = RS 19.097; K TU 4.729 = RS 24.301;
K TU 4.740 = RS 24.660e; PRU 6, 118 = RS 18.116; Ug 5, 96 = RS 20.012.
14
K TU 4.36 = RS 8.208; K TU 4.38 = RS 8.272; K TU 4.128 = RS 14.176;
K TU 4.131 = RS 15.003; K TU 4.144 = RS 15.032; K TU 4.149 = RS 15.039;
K TU 4.153 = RS 15.046; K TU 4.175 = RS 15.096; K TU 4.213 = RS 16.127;
K TU 4.216 = RS 16.165; K TU 4.230 = RS 16.341; K TU 4.243 = RS 16.395;
KTU 4.263 = RS 17.049; K TU 4.269 = RS 17.106; K TU 4.352 = RS 18.042;
K TU 4.377 = RS 18.086; K TU 4.378 = RS 18.087; K TU 4.387 = RS 18.112;
K TU 4.495 = RS 18.[394]; K TU 4.609 = RS 19.016; K TU 4.630 = RS 19.062;
K TU 4.636 = RS 19.097; KTU 4.705 = RS 21.056, etc.
15
K TU 4.105 = RS 13.014[Aw]; K TU 4.126 = RS 14.084; K TU 4.139 = RS
15.017; deliveries: K TU 4.29 = RS 3.320; K TU 4.36 = RS 8.208; K TU 4.38 =
RS 8.272; KTU 4.47 = RS 10.043; K TU 4.99 = RS 11.845; K TU 4.217 = RS
16.176; K TU 4.312 = RS 17.397[A]; K TU 4.416 = RS 18.252; K TU 4.485 =
RS I 8.[381]; K TU 4.745 = RS 25.417 and K TU 4.125 = RS 14.001 (cereals);
K TU 4.216 = RS 16.165 (wine); K TU 4.609 = RS 19.016 (hpr monthly 'ration's);
K TU 4.610 = RS 19.017 (argmn p 'tribute to the Sun', i.e. the Hittite king).
16
KTU 4.35 = RS 8.183+;' KTU 4.43 = RS 9.011; KTU 4.44 = RS 9.453; KTU
c) The bn mlk can be considered as a special category, designated
as being at the disposal of the king, queen (or queen-mother), the
'vizier' (Ug. skn, Akk. skinu) or other functionaries who are defined
as overseers. The formula here is generally spr bn (mlk) dt bd (mlkt,
skn, or a PN), 'list of the (royal) men who are at the disposal of (the
queen, the skinu or a PN)'.
17
Furthermore, these texts sometimes
note particular work in a village, on a gt or work of another kind.
d) As noted above, the professional groups had their nomi nated
rb, 'chi ef' or 'elder'.
18
Data have not survived regarding all the groups,
but we know that there were rbs in the following groups: nqdm 'shep-
herds',
19
hrsm 'craftsmen', in this case 'cartwrights',
20
note also the rb
khnm 'chief priest',
21
etc. I n some cases there could be an 'overseer'
ngr (Akk. kilf
2
instead of the rb.
4.66 = RS 11.656; KTU 4.69 = RS 11.715+; K TU 4.471 = RS 18. [363]; K TU
4.90 = RS 11.797; KTU 4.92 = RS 11.799; K TU 4.98 = RS 11.844; KTU 4.114 =
RS 12.027; K TU 4.125 = RS 14.001; K TU 4.128 = RS 14.176; KTU 4.134 =
RS 15.006; K TU 4.155 = RS 15.051; KTU 4.177 = RS 15.101; K TU 4.181 =
RS 15.106; KTU 4.187 = RS 15.157+; KTU 4.188 = RS 15.169+; KTU 4.201 =
RS 15.192[d]; K TU 4.215 = RS 16.130; KTU 4.217 = RS 16.176; K TU 4.230 =
RS 16.341; K TU 4.261 = RS 17.023; K TU 4.269 = RS 17.106; K TU 4.272 =
RS 17.118; K TU 4.286 = RS 17.290; K TU 4.310 = RS 17.392; KTU 4.321 =
RS 18.005; KTU 4.322 = RS 18.007a; K TU 4.355 = RS 18.045; KTU 4.367 =
RS 18.076; K TU 4.370 = RS 18.079; KTU 4.374 = RS 18.082; KTU 4.378 =
RS 18.087; K TU 4.379 = RS 18.098; K TU 4.422 = RS 18.293; K TU 4.440 =
RS 18.[317]; K TU 4.485 = RS 18.[381]; K TU 4.545 = RS 18.[471]; KTU 4.561 =
RS 18.[549]; K TU 4.617 = RS 19.044; KTU 4.624 = RS 19.049[A][c]; KTU
4.633 = RS 19.086A; KTU 4.655 = RS 19.158A; K TU 4.681 = RS 19.180; K TU
4.690 = RS 20.009; K TU 4.714 = RS 22.231; K TU 4.761 = RS 34.123; K TU
4.772 = RI H 78/06; PRU 3, 195 = RS 15.009; PRU 3, 194 = RS 11.839; PRU 6,
143 = RS 21.200; PRU 6, 147 = RS 19.127; PRU 6, 148 = RS 17.97; PRU 6,
149 = RS 15.354.
17
We must distinguish between the '(grand) vizier' skin mti 'skinu of the land'
(i.e. of the kingdom) and the sknm 'skinus' of various villages of the kingdom, i.e.
the 'elders of the settlements' (Akk. ffazannu).
18
K TU 4.110 = RS 12.006; K TU 4.141 = RS 15.022+; K TU 4.144 = RS
15.032; K TU 4.223 = RS 16.194 (?); K TU 4.264 = RS 17.052; K TU 4.367 =
RS 18.076; K TU 4.379 = RS 18.098; K TU 4.635 = RS 19.096; spr rb 'rt 'list of
elders (overseers) of ten (men)' (KTU 4.714 = RS 22.731:1) and K TU 4.609 = RS
19.016.
In
K TU 1.6 = RS 2. [009] + vi 56.
20
K TU 4.145 = RS 15.034:9.
21
K TU 6.6 = RS 1.[051]; KTU 6.7 = RS 1.[053]; KTU 6.8 = RS 1.[054];
KTU 6.9 = RS 1 .[055]; K TU 6.10 = RS 1 .[052].
22
ngr mdr' 'guard of the sown' (KTU 4.141 = RS 15.022+ iii 16); ngr krm 'guard
of the vineyard' (KTU 4.609 = RS 19.016:12'; KTU 4.618 = RS 19.045:6); kil
narkabti 'overseer of the chariots' or 'chariotry' (PRU 3, 84 = RS 16.157; PRU 3,
79 = RS 16.239; PRU 3, 85 = RS 16.250:17);
lXj
kil s'angi 'overseer of the priests'
(PRU 3, 168 = RS 16.186:13').
e) The 'elder' (rb), it seems, is also connected with the distribu-
tion of raw materials to the royal artisans. It was his responsibility
to deliver their produce to the treasury (and possibly to the gt).
Another type of these texts shows us the delivery of materials for
repairing military equi pment (chariots).
23
f) Like the villages menti oned above, the professional groups
both military and non-militaryparticipated in the formation of the
army and were subject to conscription. Naturally, the military pro-
fessionals were obliged to fulfil their periodic guard service as hrdm
(Akk. hurdu) 'watchmen' or 'mobilized men'. They received every-
thing from the royal storesarms, chariots, horses, even caparisons
(horse-cloths) and other items of their equi pment. These military pro-
fessional groups appear in the texts as mrynm (Akk. maryannu) 'char-
ioteers'; mdrglm (Akk. un. t u) 'watchmen, guards', tnnm (Akk. anann)
'warriors' and others.
24
Soldiers of foreign origin (Ug. trtnm Akk.
erdana) as is evident from the texts, had to serve under the same
conditions, and, received the same kind of deliveries and lands in
conditional holding.
25
Naturally, our knowledge here is also limited
by the fragmentary state of the administrative tablets.
g) As noted, there are texts on tribute delivered to the Hittite king
to which the professional groups of all specializations contributed
together with the villages. The same applies to the small number of
23
K T U 4.145 = R S 15.034; for a different interpretation cf. VI TA 1995a, 42-7.
24
K TU 3.7 = RS 18.118; K TU 4.33 = RS 5.248; K TU 4.53 = RS 10.090;
K TU 4.54 = RS 10.103; KTU 4.58 = RS 11.[902]; K TU 4.69 = RS 11.715+
(also bdt mrynm and bdl mdrglm 'subjects of the maiyannu/mdrglm'), KTU 4.99 = RS
11.845; K TU 4.102 = RS 11.857; K TU 4.103 = RS 11.858; K TU 4.126 = RS
14.084; K TU 4.137 = RS 15.015+; K TU 4.149 = RS 15.039; KTU 4.152 = RS
15.045; K TU 4.162 = RS 15.067+; K TU 4.163 = RS 15.073; (also bn mrynm-
'sons of the maiyannu', K TU 4.170 = RS 15.084 (also n'r mrynm 'youths of the
maiyannu'), KTU 4.173 = RS 15.094 (also bn mrynm), K TU 4.174 = RS 15.096;
K TU 4.179 = RS 15.103; KTU 4.183 = RS 15.116; K TU 4.213 = RS 16.127;
KTU 4.216 = RS 16.165; K TU 4.230 = RS 16.341; KTU 4.244 = RS 16.396;
K TU 4.322 = RS 18.007A; K TU 4.379 = RS 18.098; K TU 4.387 = RS 18.112;
K TU 4.416 = RS 18.252; K TU 4.485 = RS 18.[381]; KTU 4.528 = RS 18.[448];
K TU 4.561 = RS 18. [489]; KTU 4.623 = RS 19.049[]; KTU 4.635 = RS 19.096;
K TU 4.751 = RS 29.096; PRU 3, 192 = RS 12.034+12.043; PRU 3, 123 =
RS 15.123 + 16.152; PRU 3, 118 = RS 15.155; PRU 3, 142 = RS 16.136; PRU
3, 79 = RS 16.239; PRU 3, 96 = RS 16.249; PRU 3, 199 = RS 16.126B + 16.257 +
16.258 + 16.345; PRU 6, 31 = RS 19.98; PRU 6, 90 = RS 19.114; PRU 6, 93 =
RS 17.131; PRU 6, 131 = RS 19.035A; PRU 6, 136 = RS 17.240; Ug 5, 68 = RS
20.246. Cf. also HEL TZER 1979C.
25
HEL TZER 1979d; see in general VI TA 1995a, 93 129.
archers, whom the villages and the professional groups had to con-
tribute to the guard, according to K TU 4.68 = RS 11.716.
h) A very important part of the administrative texts are the agrarian
tablets, mostly in alphabetic cunei form or Ugaritic. I n contrast to
the legal agrarian texts, written in Akkadian, which list individual
cases in which the serviceman (military or civilian) receives land
grants in conditional holding from the king for his service, these are
administrative documents simply recording the delivery of a field to
a person or its transfer from one person to another. Sometimes the
texts record the service fields (or vineyards) in certain villages. I n the
Ugaritic texts these fields are called ubdy, updt or ubdit. The word is
of Hittite origin, meani ng 'carrying out, performing obligations' ( I mpa-
r at i 1974, 107) and has the same meani ng as the Akkadian word
pilku, known only from Ugarit ( H el t z er 1981; W a t s o n 1995c, 542).
The texts are composed in general according to the following for-
mulae: sd ubdy (name of profession) dt b (name of gt x), 'The service
field of the professionals X, who are at the gt. . .' Or: d/krrn ubdy
PN b (name of village), 'field/vineyard ubdy of PN in (name of the
village)'. There are also other formulae with slight variations. I n some
cases we read simply sd bd PN, 'a field in the hands of PN'. A num-
ber of texts list several fields as at the disposal of one person. Often
the title of the passage of the text where several persons are men-
tioned with their fields denotes the profession of the servicemen who
had the fields (or vineyards) at their disposal.
There is also an example of the redistribution of fields. I n this
case the formul a is as follows: sd X bd 'The field of (PN) X to
the hands (i.e. at the disposal) of (PN) Y '. Possibly it designates the
fields of the nayylu, persons who did not fulfil their obligations, which
were given to other servicemen ( H e l t z e r 1982, 19- 22) .
Last, but not least, a very interesting feature here is the distribution
or transfer to certain persons of fields designated as sbr (possibly an
abbreviation for (sd) sbr, Akk. eqel sibbiru, 'communal (or public) field');
this has a possible parallel in the early Roman republican ager publicus.
26
26
The ^-fi el ds are said to belong to the following classes: trrm 'the trrm-
professionals' (KTU 4.7 = RS [Varia 18]T); mdm 'friends (of the king)' (KTU 4.103 =
RS 11.858:1) miynm 'marjwmu-warriors' (line 8); 'liaison men' (line 20); 'rm
'overseers of ten men' (line 30); mri ibm 'liaison men of (prince) I birnu' (line 37);
tgrm 'gatekeepers' (line 39); rm 'singers' (line 41), nqdm 'shepherds' (line 44); mdrglm
'watchmen' (line 54), etc.; sd ubdy Iltm' dt bd skn 'Ubdy 'fields in the (village) llistam'i,
which are at the disposal of the skinu' (KTU 4.110 = RS 12.006:1-2); zt ubdym
i) A number of texts are devoted to pasturi ng cattle, and the
i mportant thing here is that the royal servicemen 'shepherds', r'ym,
were engaged in this. At least some of these had their 'youth(s)' sgr(rr)
or 'apprentices' (Imdm). They worked not only in the royal economy
on the gts but took cattle for pasture from the villagers of the king-
dom of Ugarit, as well as from various professional groups of royal
servicemen.
27
There is also a particular tax from villagers and royal
servicemen known as, kaspu a maqqadi, 'silver for pasturing'.
28
1.2.4 Cadastral texts
There is a group of cadastral texts, but it is not absolutely clear
whether the persons menti oned in them are villagers living in the
communal framework or royal servicemen. They are menti oned in
the same text as living in different villages. Besides the head of the
household (or family) are listed his wife (or wives), sons, daughters
(in one case even his son-in-law) and male and female slaves ('bd,
amt). Some persons designated as gzr 'youth' and pgt 'girl' figure here.
Possibly these are children, teenagers or dependent members of the
family.
29
'ubdy olive groves' (KTU 4.164 = RS 15.075:3); also KTU 4.183 = RS 15.116;
KTU 4.222 = RS 16.193; KTU 4.244 = RS 16.396; KTU 4.282 = RS 17.246;
KTU 4.340 = RS 18.027; KTU 4.344 = RS 18.030; KTU 4.356 = RS 18.046;
KTU 4.357 = RS 18.047; KTU 4.389 = RS 18.117; KTU 4.399 = RS 18.138;
KTU 4.416 = RS 18.252; KTU 4.423 = RS 18.295; KTU 4.424 = RS 18.296;
KTU 4.425 = RS 18.297; KTU 4.692 = RS 20.145 ubdy yshm'the ubdy fields of
heralds'. And according to KTU 4.631 = RS 19.072 a number of ubdy-fields in
the village are distributed among various persons. In addition there is mention of
the handing over of the field I qrt 'to the village', which received the field under
its collective responsibility (lines 4-6, 6, 9, 14, 16, 17, 21, 23-24). The sibbiru-elds
are mentioned in PRU 3, 143 = RS 16.137; and PRU 6, 55 = RS 18.022; cf. also
KTU 4.375 = RS 18.084 (jr-fields in various villages).
27
HEL TZER 1982; texts: K T U 4. 75 = R S 11. 735+; K T U 4. 125 - R S 14. 001;
K T U 4. 129= R S 15. 001; K T U 4. 153 = R S 15. 046; K T U 4. 175 = R S 15. 096;
K T U 4. 243 = R S 16. 395; K T U 4. 374 = R S 18. 082; K T U 4. 378 = R S 18. 087;
K T U 4. 391 = R S 18. 129; K T U 4. 440 = R S 18. [ 317] ; K T U 4. 493 = R S 18. [ 391] ;
K T U 4. 618 = R S 19. 045; K T U 4. 729 = R S 24. 301; K T U 4. 740 = R S 24. 660E;
these mention /ym ('shepherds') and their sgr(m) and Imdm. In PRU 6, 118 = RS
18.116 the /ym receive cattle for pasturage from various persons; the delivery of
cattle into the charge of certain persons is recorded in PRU 3, 188 = R S 16. 290;
PRU 3, 205 = R S 16. 155; PRU 6, 115 = R S 17. 37; PRU 6, 117 = R S 17. 136;
PRU 6, 119 = R S 19. 69; PRU 6, 120 = R S 19. 116; PRU 6, 121 = R S 19. 141.
28
PRU 6, 116 = R S 17.64 (MARQUEZ ROWE 1995a).
2!l
KTU 4.80 = RS 11.778; KTU 4.295 = RS 17.312; KTU 4.360 = RS 18.050;
KTU 4.417 = RS 18.258; KTU 4.419 = RS 18.289; KTU 4.432 = RS 18. [303];
KTU 4.519 = RS 18.[436]; KTU 4.644 = RS 19.106. Cf. also HEL TZER 1976, 84-90.
1.2.5 The navy
The maritime location of Ugarit gave rise to the engagement of its
inhabitants in building ships, manufacturi ng equi pment for ships and
j oi ni ng their crews. As menti oned, we know of 'shipwrights' (hr any)
who were royal ardsans. But whether the ships crews were royal
servicemen or mobilized villagers is uncertain, though the latter seems
more probabl e. The texts refer to various types of ships and naval
equi pment at the royal stores, and even to shipbuilding.
30
Documents
on foreign trade involving ships are not considered here.
1.2.6 Deserters
We have observed that there are many texts concerni ng various
obligations of the population of Ugarit of various social positions.
But not everyone was able or willing to fulfil his obligations. Apart
from the legal texts, where villagers and royal servicemen were pro-
claimed nayylu (cf. above), some administrative texts menti on 'desert-
ers' (aml
ME
mu-un-na-<ab>-tu-ti; PRU 6, 76 = RS 17.361) and
another tablet lists six men from various villages who la-li-ku sa il-ki
'did not perform the ilku (corve)'.
31
1.2.7 The bdlm
The foregoi ng (cf. 10.1.3.1 on the ard
ME
ard
ME
arri, and
10.1.2.3 on the sgrm and 1mdrr) leads us to texts concerning per-
sons who were the subjects of royal servicemen and who also received
rations and deliveries from the royal stores. They too belonged to
the bn mlk the 'royal servicemen', but as the delivery texts indicate,
they were of a lower category. I n this connection there arises the
question of the Ug. bdlm (Akk. bidalma), who appear in the admi n-
30
Ship's crews from various villages K TU 4.40 = RS 8.279 and PRU 4, 138 =
RS 19.46 with an indication that the ships belong to the king (anyt mlk) appears on
tablet K TU 4.421 = RS 18.291; various types of ships belonging to (or used by)
coastal villagers of the kingdom. K TU 4.81 = RS 11.779; K TU 4.366 = RS 18.074;
K TU 4.371 = RS 18.080A; PRU 6, 73 = RS 19.1 07A, equipment for ships PRU
6, 141 = RS 19.112 together with food {PRU 6, 150 = RS 18.101A and possibly
PRU 6, 164 = RS 19.90). Ships of the king of Carchemish in Ugarit. RSO 7 5,
23-5, RS 34.147; cf. also HEL TZER 1976: 21- 4; HEL TZF.R 1982: 188- 91 and VI TA
1995a, 159-76.
31
PRU 6, 77 = RS 19.032; cf. also Ug 5, 96 = RS 20.012, where besides men-
tioning 'servants' (arrff
M
) who performed (Mima), also mentions 16 persons la sal-li-
ma 'who did not perform their duties'.
istrative texts. They are first menti oned in alphabetic and syllabic
texts as bdl mrynm/maiyannu bi-da-lu-ma. They also appear after the
reference to the tamkars 'traders, merchants', and there are also bdl
of mdrglm 'watchmen' and of qrtjm (K TU 4.85 = RS 11.786) etc.
The bdlm/bidalma noted in PRU 3, 199 = RS 16.126b + 16.257 +
16.258 + 16.345:12 feature there as a group after the tamkr
(
L Ml
'
DAM.GR
M
), Rai ney and Astour understand this term to mean
'merchant' ( R ai ney 1963, 136-7; A s t o u r 1972a). Heltzer, instead,
argues that if we add together the bdlrn/bidaluma of all groups of the
servicemen, they amount to approxi matel y one-thi rd of the total and
so it is not possible for all of them to be merchants or traders.
32
Heltzer explains the word not from the Akk. badlu, 'to trade' but
as bd + /, 'into the hands of'. Thus, they must have been the aux-
iliary personnel of the maryannu, lamkru, etc. ( H el t z er 1978a, 122,
n. 10). Sanmarti n proposes that bdlm means 'substitutes, reservists',
or even 'subjects'.
33
The word bdlm, written in syllabic cunei form as
bi-da-lu-ma, appears in the same text (PRU 3, 199 = RS 16.126b +
16.257 + 16.258 + 16.345) as the Akkadian word tamkr and by
analogy with
lXJME
mu-/ce-nu-tum
LU M
a-i-ru-ma 'the mukntum of the
airu ('rm "overseers of ten")' (PRU 3, 199 = RS 16.126b + 16.257 +
16.258 + 16.345 iii 30) and
LME5
mu-ke-nu-tum
L M E
un. t u 'mukn-
tum of the un. t u (i.e. mdrglm)' (ibid., iv 20), they have to be consid-
ered as 'substitutes' or 'subjects' of the people to whom they belonged.
I n all the other texts from Ugarit where the bdlm appear they are
not connected with trade.
34
We mention this discussion here to demon-
strate that not all questions of i nterpretati on of Ugaritic terms have
been definitely settled.
1.2.8 The clergy
A number of texts are devoted to the clergy. First of all come the
khnm (Akk. ang) 'priests' and the qdm (Akk. br) 'diviners'. Besides
the temple personnel there are, presumably, lists from local sanctuaries.
32
Cf. also HEL TZER 1982, 114. According to K T U 4. 69 = R S 11. 715+ ii 6- 10
bdl mrynm are listed after the mrynm, K T U 4. 137 = R S 15. 015+: 4; K T U 4. 173 =
R S 15. 094: 5 and K T U 4. 163 = R S 15. 073: 8 bn mrynm 'sons of maiyannu, K T U
4. 179 = R S 15. 103 n'r mrynm, lit.' 'youth of the maiyannu'. Naturally, the subjects
of the maiyannu are mentioned very often.
33
SANMARTI N 1988a, 171- 4; 1991, 183-4. RENFROE (1988, 221 7) comes to a
different conclusion.
34
K T U 4. 85 = R S 11. 786; K T U 4. 86 = R S 11. 788; K T U 4. 96 = R S 11. 840;
K T U 4. 116 = R S 12. 048: 20; K T U 4. 134 = R S 15. 006; K T U 4. 214 = R S 16. 128.
The khnm and qdm, like other temple personnel, belonged to the
royal servicemen (bn mlk), and the texts do not indicate whether the
clergy exercised strong political or economic influence. There are
texts recording the presentation by the king of fields to the priests
in conditional holding, as well as distributions of natural products to
them.
35
As noted above, there was also a 'high priest' (rb khnm).
36
1.2.9 Mobilization
We menti oned above the lists concerni ng about mobilization of vil-
lagers and royal servicemen into the army, and also deliveries to
various people in military professions, who according to the admi n-
istrative texts did not differ formally from other professional groups.
The villagers and servicemen, as noted, also received arms for their
military or guard duty.
37
There are also texts listing various groups
of royal servicemen, always stating that they performed their service
'at the royal house (palace)'.
38
1.2.10 Administrators
A number of very i mportant sections, although not the longest, from
texts concern the royal administrators, who are also menti oned in
letters, and in legal and international political texts.
There are deliveries of silver (?), flour and garments to the sk-
inu, namely, the skinu of the country.
39
I nformati on is also available
about the family of the skn/skinu.*
0
Moreover, some tablets shed
35
K TU 4.29 = RS 3.320; K TU 4.36 = RS 8.208:1; K TU 4.38 = RS 8.272;
K TU 4.68 = RS 11.716:72; K TU 4.69 = RS 11.715+ vi 22-37; K TU 4.99 = RS
11.845:9; K TU 4.126 = RS 14.084:6; K TU 4.282 = RS 17.246:5; K TU 4.357 =
RS 18.047:24; K TU 4.412 = RS 18.251 [A] ii 1-5 (the beginning of the column is
broken but the qdm follow and usually they were preceded by the khnm), K TU
4.41 = RS 18.252:6; K TU 4.633 = RS' 19.086A:4-14; K TU 4.745 = RS 25.417:5;
K TU 4.761 = RS 34.123; PRU 3, 199 = RS 16.126B +16.257 + iii 37-55; PRU
3, 168 = RS 16.186:13; PRU 6, 43 = RS 17.131; PRU 6, 27 = RS 17.001; PRU
6, 136 = RS 17.240.
36
K TU 6.6 = RS 1.[051]; K TU 6.7 = RS 1.f053]; K TU 6.8 = RS 1.[054];
KTU 6.9 = RS 1.[055]; and some non-administrative texts in Akkadian and Ugaritic.
37
PRU 3, 191 = RS 11.841 [A]; PRU 6, 131 = RS 19.035A which documents a
consignment of arms.
38
K TU 4.137 = RS 15.015+; K TU 4.163 = RS 15.073; K TU 4.173 = RS
15.094; K TU 4.174 = RS 15.095; K TU 4.179 = RS 15.103.
39
K TU 4.342 = RS 18.028[a] K TU 4.361 = RS 18.051; K TU 4.132 = RS
15.004:5; cf. also LI PI NSKI 1973.
40
K TU 4.102 = RS 11.857:16.
light on the difference between the skn/skinu of the country and the
local skns who were the royal nominees as governors of certain vil-
lages (Ug. skn qrt, Akk. skin li or ha?jinnu h).
4]
Other administrative personnel such as the 'r(m) (Akk. airu), 'over-
seers) of (teams) of ten', also feature in the administrative texts.
These, together with the maryannu and others, receive large quanti-
ties of oil,
42
as well as other products, possibly on a yearly basis,
including lands in dependent holding.
The administrative texts make it possible to distinguish different
groups of the mrum (Akk. mur'u), possibly of the king; mr'u skn (Akk.
mur'u skinu); and mr'u ibm (Akk. rnur'u ibirna (apparently, when I bir-
nu was the heir to the throne). Similar is the mr'u utryn (Akk. mur'u
uriyanni) 'the mr'u of the heir.' All the texts listing deliveries to them,
together with their appearance in non-administrative texts, show them
to be some kind of liaison-officers
43
of the king, the heir to the throne
and the skinu. The administrative texts hardly mention scribes, unlike
the other texts from Ugarit.
44
However, the 'friends of the king', Ug.
md(m) (Akk. mdu), are often also menti oned in administrative texts.
45
1.2.11 Ancillary palace personnel
The auxiliary palace personnel likewise finds a place in the admi n-
istrative archives of Ugarit. We believe that at least the gatekeepers
41
K TU 4.63 = RS 10.052; K TU 4.288 = RS 17.293; K TU 4.609 = RS
19.016:11.
42
PRU 3, 199 = RS 16.126B +16.257 + iii B; cf. also K TU 4.68 = RS 11.716;
K TU 4.99 = RS 11.845; KTU 4.103 = RS 11.858; K TU 4.125 = RS 14.001;
K TU 4.392 = RS 18.130; K TU 4.415 = RS 18.251 []; K TU 4.609 = RS 19.016;
PRU 3, 134 = RS 15.137; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131; PRU 6, 116 = RS 17.064;
PRU 6, 131 = R S 19.035A:3; PRU 6, 72 = R S 19.065 and other texts; cf. VI TA
1995a, 145-7. Note also the rb 'rt 'chief of ten' (KTU 4.714 = RS 22.231).
43
HELTZER 1982: 154-6; K TU 4.36 = RS 8.208; K TU 4.47 = RS 10.043; K TU
4.48 = RS 10.045; K TU 4.69 = RS 11.715+; KTU 4.92 = RS 11.799; K TU 4.99
= RS 11.845; K TU 4.103 = RS 11.858; KTU 4.105 = RS 13.014 [bis]; K TU
4.126 = RS 14.084; K TU 4.137 = RS 15.015+; K TU 4.163 = RS 15.073; K TU
4.173 = RS 15.094; K TU 4.174 = RS 15.095; K TU 4.179 = RS 15.103; K TU
4.207 = RS 16.006; K TU 4.212 = RS 16.107; K TU 4.332 = RS 18.010+; KTU
4.410 = RS 18.250BA; K TU 4.416 = RS 18.252; K TU 4.745 = RS 25.417;
PRU 3, 162 = RS 16.348; PRU 3, 194 = RS 11.839; PRU 3, 199 = RS 16.126B
+16.257 +iv; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131; PRU 6, 116 = RS 17.64; PRU 6, 131 =
RS 19.35A; PRU 6, 136 = RS 17.240.
44
K TU 4.89 = RS 1 1.796.
45
HELTZER 1982, 161-3; K TU 4.38 = RS 8.272; K TU 4.47 = RS 10.043; K TU
4.54 = RS 10.103; KTU 4.99 = RS 11.845; K TU 4.103 = RS 11.858; K TU
of the palace belonged there. Thus, the texts even menti on the 'gate-
keeper of the king' (,tgr mlk) and 'the gatekeeper of the palace' (tgr
M/).
46
Some texts refer to the palace 'fowlers' (yqm, syllabic ya-qi-
u-m),
47
Also mentioned are 'tailors' (
IX,
TUG.LA),
48
an 'acrobat' (
]V
huppu)
for performing, a 'jester' (aluzinnu)
49
and a 'seal-cutter' (
u
parkullu).
M
A 'singer' (
L
nru), a 'cook' (
l u
nuhatimmuf
1
and a 'cymbalist' (
Ll
ma-
si-lii) appear in the same text.
52
It is also interesting that among the
'royal servicemen' (bn mlk) a 'barber' (gallbu) figures once also.
1.2.12 The royal stores
What is known about the royal stores is derived almost exclusively
from the alphabetic texts. Note that we do not know about the dis-
tribution of these products, for they are neither staple foods nor wine
or oil. Naturally they were among the goods made by local artisans
or imported by the authorities. But due to the lack of information
on the prices of these products, and since tamkrs are not menti oned
in connection with them, we cannot ascribe them to the commer-
cial texts. Even so, they provide us with a wealth of economic data.
Thus, various textiles and garments are listed, including pgndr,
53
kndw
'net',
54
kndpnt (?),
55
hpn 'a kind of blanket',
56
pld (Akk. palidu), some
4.188 = RS 15.169+; K TU 4.245 = RS 16.397 i and ii; K TU 4.387 = RS 18.112;
K TU 4.690 = RS 20.009; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131.
4,1
K TU 4.224 = RS 16.195; K TU 4.63 = RS 10.052; cf. also K TU 4.195 =
RS 15.184 and K TU 4.103 = RS 11.258; K TU 4.126 = RS 14.084; K TU 4.128
= RS 14.176; K TU 4.141 = RS 15.022+; K TU 4.195 = RS 15.184; K TU 4.609
= RS 19.016: 7.63 and PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131.
47
K TU 4.99 = RS 11.845; K TU 4.114 = RS 12.027; K TU 4.126 = RS 14.084;
PRU 6, 136 = RS 17.240; Ug 5, 96 = RS 20.12.
48
PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131:17.
49
PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131:21, 22.
50
PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131:24.
51
PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131:24-25.
52
PRU 6, 136 = RS 17.240:10.
5:1
Hurri an pa/fandari, and in our opinion, Mycenaean pekitira, some kind of cloth
or blanket; K TU 4. 4 = R S 2. [ 032] : 1- 2; K TU 4. 370 = R S 18. 079: 10; PRU 3, 206
= R S 15. 135; (Ribichini - X el l a 1985, 61) .
54
K TU 4.4 = RS 2. [032] :4 (RIBICHINI - XELLA 1985, 41).
55
K TU 4.4 = RS 2.[032]:2; PRU 3, 206 = RS 15.135:13 (RIBICHINI - XELLA
1985, 41).
56
K TU 4.4 = RS 2.[032]:3 (RIBICHINI - XELLA 1985, 41). K TU 4.4:4; K TU
4.148 = RS 15.038:19; K TU 4.152 = RS 15.045:5; K TU 4.156 = RS 15.053:5;
K TU 4.166 = RS 15.078:2; K TU 4.182 = RS 15.115:35; K TU 4.190 = RS 15.171
a:4; K TU 4.270 = RS 17.111:7; K TU 4.363 = RS 18.055:3; K TU 4.765 = RS
34.180,10:4; K TU 5.11 = RS 17.117:16 (Ribichini - XELLA 1985, 39).
kind of cover,
57
hlpn, possibly a kind of tunic,
58
nps, more probably
a set of clothing, as the text concerns textiles,
59
lb/p 'garment',
60
mrdt 'carpet',
61
kdwt (?),
62
ktnt 'tunic.' (Akk. kitu), rt, possibly a 'linen
garment',
63
kst some kind of cover,
64
mlb,
65
possibly a variant of 1p
'garment',
66
sk 'garment',
67
and hpn, made of linen, used as a blan-
ket both for humans and horses.
68
Textiles and garments are also
menti oned in other types of text which mostly concern stores, though
many of the terms remai n obscure.
69
There are also texts concerning chariots, one of which (KTU 4.145
= RS 15.034) mentions their components, 'wheels' (apnt), 'arrows'
'quivers' (utpt) and so on, whereas other involve complete chariots.
70
There are also data about furni ture and wooden architectural
items,
71
unusual containers used for perfumes and other items.
72
Like-
wise, there are various spices such as mastic ()
3
and aromati c oils
57
K T U 4. 4 = R S 2. [ 032] : 4; K T U 4. 146 = R S 15. 035: 7; K T U 4. 152 = R S
15. 045; K T U 4. 205 = R S 16. 004: 7; K T U 4. 270 = R S 17. 115: 8; K T U 4. 363 =
R S 18. 055; PRU 6, 128 = R S 19. 104: 3; PRU 6, 127 = R S 19. 57: 3; PRU 6, 129
= R S 19. 133A : 5.
58
K T U 4. 117 = R S 12. 060; K T U 4. 192 = R S 15. 176; K T U 4. 630 = R S 19. 062;
K T U 4. 721 = R S 23. 028: 1, etc. (RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A 1985, 38).
59
KTU 4.166 = RS 15.078:1; RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A 1985, 54.
60
K T U 4. 166 = R S 15. 078: 3; K T U 4. 205 = R S 16. 004; K T U 4. 721 = R S
23. 028; RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A 1985, 44- 6.
61
K T U 4. 205 = R S 16. 004: 6; RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A 1985, 50- 1; cf. also mrbd K T U
4. 270 = R S 17. 111: 11.
62
K T U 4. 205 = R S 16. 004: 19; RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A 1985, 40- 1.
6:I
K T U 4. 203 = R S 16. 001: 8; K T U 4. 206 = R S 16. 005.
64
K T U 4. 206 = R S 16. 005: 1; K T U 4. 337 = R S 18. 024; K T U 4. 363 = R S
18. 055: 1; K T U 4. 402 = R S 18. 142; K T U 4. 721 = R S 23. 028: 1; RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A
1985, 43- 4.
65
KTU 4.206 = RS 16.005:5; RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A 1985, 42.
66
KTU 4.257 = RS 17.[473] [b]:5; Cf. KTU 4.182 = RS 15.115:63 and Akk.
malbau from Ugarit; RI BI CHI NI XF.I .LA 1985, 49.
67
KTU 4.270 = R S 17.111:6; (cf. KTU 4.525 = R S 18.[445]:1); RI BI CHI NI -
XEL L A 1985, 55.
68
K T U 4. 270 = R S 17. 111: 7; K T U 4. 363 = R S 18. 066: 3- 4, 6- 7; K T U 4. 765
= R S 34. 180, 10: 4, etc. Cf . RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A 1985, 39.
69
So far, the best example of the organization of the textile industry remains the
large tablet on distribution of raw material to weavers: THUREAU- DANGI N 1934.
70
K T U 4. 167 = R S 15. 079; K T U 4. 447 = R S 18. [ 325] +; K T U 4. 500 = R S
18. [ 402] ; K T U 4. 602 = R S 18. [ 551] .
71
K T U 4. 195 = R S 15. 184.
72
sp(m) 'cup(s)' (KTU 4.34 = RS 6.216) spl 'cup' (KTU 4.385 = RS 18.110:3;
KTU 4.123 = RS 13.014:17); KTU 4.123 = RS 13.0141 also lists irpm 'vases' (20)
trqm (meaning unknown) (20) and mqhm 'pincers' (possibly for perfume) or 'tongs' (21).
73
KTU 1.148 = RS 24.643:22 kL ; KTU 4.402 = RS 18.142:10-11 'r kat
(read ktt) 'ten flasks of balsam'.
such as 'myrrh oil' (mn mr),
u
'spiced oil' (smn rqh)
75
and even 'lamp
oil' (mn nr),
16
possibly a kind of olive oil treated in a special way.
77
There are also texts listing various metal implements, though it is
not completely clear whether they were used for agriculture, for ship-
building or for military purposes.
1.2.13 Descendants
I n a large number of tablets, especially those in alphabetic cuneiform,
the names of persons, villagers or professional royal dependents are
listed, followed by wnhlh, 'and his descendant(s)', sometimes with the
addition of wnhlhm, 'and their descendants'.
78
The 'descendants' receive
deliveries and fields in conditional holding together with the royal
dependents (bnl mlk).
1.2.14 Labels
There is also a relatively large number of bullae or labels which
were sometimes added to various delivered goods and described their
contents.
79
1.3 Conclusion
Thi s brief description of the administrative and economic texts in
the alphabetic Ugaritic script and in syllabic Akkadian from the king-
dom of Ugarit provides an insight into the social and economic his-
tory of this kingdom at least duri ng the 13th and up to the early
12th century bce.
80
Naturally, it is impossible in this brief summary
74
K T U 4. 14 = R S 1.012:2, 7, 15 ( however, cf. SANMARTI N 1990); K T U 4.91 =
R S 11. 797: 14; K T U 4. 786 = R S [ V ar i a 22]: 14.
75
K TU 5.10 = RS 17.063:7-8; K TU 1.148 = RS 24.643:21.
76
K TU 4.786 = RS [Varia 22]:8 kd smn nr 'a j ar of lamp oil'.
77
K TU 4.670 = RS 19.174B; PRU 6, 142 = RS 19.135.
78
It is impossible to list such texts here as there are scores of them; cf. K TU
4.35 = RS 8.134 i 20, 22, 26, ii 5-6, 20; K TU 4.631 = RS 19.072:2, 3, 7, 8, 10,
12, 15, 18-19, etc.
79
K TU 6.11 = RS 5.262 kd []yn I prt 'one j ar of wine to Prt'; K TU 6.12 =
RS 5.269; K TU 6.20 = RS 15.097
1
nsk *[sp]
2
'rt
3
w ns[p] 'To the jewellers (lit.
"silver-casters") ten and a half'; cf. also K TU 6.21 = RS 15.192A; K TU 6.22 =
RS 15.226; K TU 6.24 = RS 17.072; K TU 6.26 = RS 17.318B; K TU 6.27 = RS
17.361B, etc. See, in general, VAN SOL DT 1989b.
80
It seems that these short and concise documents were often unbaked and not
kept for very long, in contrast to the royal archives containing legal and political
texts.
to give a full description of the texts, study of which can yield so
much information. Among the texts cited but not included in this
short account may be noted many small fragments of texts. Clearly
they provide meagre i nformati on. However, sometimes new finds
and the publication of tablets, if there are parallel or similar texts,
make it possible to reconstruct some texts which has been done to
some extent in the existing publications. Many tablets remain unpub-
lished
81
and we must hope that this situation will change. We must
also bear in mi nd that the classification of the texts in various cat-
egories, as given above, is somewhat artificial, but may be the basis
for further studies.
2 C o m m e r c e
2.1 Ugarit as a trade centre
Ugarit was an i mportant centre of international trade in the latter
half of the second millennium bce, and possibly there was also inter-
nal trade on a smaller scale. Our knowledge of Ugaritian commerce
comes from archaeological documentati on, especially from the exca-
vations in the port of Ugarit, modern Minet-el-Beida.
By the 18th century bce, Ugarit was already an i mportant com-
mercial centre, with connections in one direction with Mesopotami a
(Mari) and in the other with Crete and the Aegean area. The infor-
mation about the visit of the king of Mari , Zimri-Lim, to Ugarit,
and his commercial activities provides good evidence for this claim.
82
The flourishing period of this international centre, however, was
from the 14th to the beginning of the 12th centuries bce. We find
here something similar to a royal monopoly of foreign trade: mutual
regulation by political agreements between neighbouring countries
and states concerni ng their trade. We learn much about prices, pay-
ments and transportation conditions of total overland and maritime
trade as well as about mutual coordination among various 'national'
metrological units, a necessary precondition for international trade.
01
KTU category 9, unpublished texts (CA 569-603) listing 529 tablets and frag-
ments of tablets. Note that only alphabetic texts are mentioned.
K
The text ARA IT 23 No. 556, edited with comments by VI L L ARD 1986. On the
general problems of Mari trade with the Aegean via Ugarit, see HEL TZER 1989a.
2.2 The tamkari
I n practice, trade was in the hands of the tamkrs (Ug. mkrm, Akk.
tamkru
Mh&
, Sum. dam. gar ) , who were the royal commercial agents
of Ugarit and its nei ghbouri ng countries, although they sometimes
managed their own commercial operations, too.
The tamkrs (mkrm), like the other professional groups of royal
dependents (bns mlk), received land allotments as conditional hold-
ings for their tamkrtu-service.
83
The tamkrs (mkrm) as a professional
group are known from a number of Ugaritic (alphabetic) and syl-
labic Akkadian texts.
84
Together with members of other professional
groups the tamkrs also had to participate in guard service as archers
and, together with these other professional groups, received deliver-
ies in kind.
85
2.3 International treaties
The most i mportant trade relations guaranteed by i nternati onal
treaties, as well as by orders of the Hittite king, were established
between Ugarit and the Hittite Empi re and with the latter's vassal-
kingdoms, Carchemi sh, Emar and others (cf. A bo ud 1994, 91- 103) .
There are international texts concerni ng trade based on recipro-
cal agreements. Thus we know of the declaration of I niteub, the
king of Carchemish,
86
that in cases when the tamkr sa mandatti
87
of
the king of Ugari t, who mai ntai n their commerci al activities in
Carchemi sh, or the tamkrs of the king of Carchemi sh, with their
activities in Ugarit, are killed and robbed, the culprits shall be found
and punished. Restitution of property has to be made. If the mur-
derers are not found, the people of the territory where the murder
83
PRU 5, 130 = RS 18.285 (KTU 2.59 = RS 18. [500]) in which a certain
Abdi hagab receives land allotments and for this ''pit-k[a]-u "'/
LMES
tamkru-ut-ti
U
-ub-bal 'the service of tamkrship he shall perform.'
84
K TU 4.36 = RS 8.208; K TU 4.38 = RS 8.272; K TU 4.68 = RS 11.716;
K TU 4.126 = RS 14.084; K TU 4.137 = RS 15.015+; K TU 4.163 = RS 15.073;
K TU 4.173 = RS 15.094; K TU 4.174 = RS 15.095; K TU 4.179 = RS 15.103;
K TU 4.214 = RS 16.128; K TU 4.217 = RS 16.176; K TU 4.263 = RS 17.049;
K TU 4.369 = RS 18.078; K TU 4.430 = RS 18.301 []; K TU 4.745 = RS 25.417;
K TU 6.17 = RS 14.023; PRU 3, 20 = RS 15.063; PRU 3, 199 = RS 16. 126B +
16.257 + 16.258 ii 1-36; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131:3, etc.
8f
' K TU 4.68 = RS 11.716 and K TU 4.36 = RS 8.208; K TU 4.38 = RS 8.272.
8,i
PRU 4, 154 = R S 17.146; HEL TZER 1978a, 126-7; also Y ARON 1969, 70-9.
87
The tamkrs are the trade-agents of the king or those who pay him taxes.
was committed had to pay 3 minas of silver as compensation.
88
We
also know that such cases occurred and that compensation for the
life of the tamkr was paid.
89
Some of these texts are also written as
agreements between the peoples of Carchemi sh and Ugarit.
Another i mportant text is a dccrce (or dclaration) of the Hittite
king Hattusilis III made to Ni qmepa, king of Ugarit.
90
The former
reacts to the complaint of the king of Ugarit that the stay of the
tamkrs of Ura (the seaport of the Hittite Empire) in Ugarit for a
full year is a heavy burden. The Hittite king declares that the tamkrs
of Ura have to leave Ugarit in wintertime. The tamkrs even had
the right to take all the moveable property of their debtors, as well
as their families and even the debtors themselves, but the lands of
the debtors had to remain in the hands of the king of Ugarit.
91
From another text we learn that objects in an olive grove belong-
ing to the tamkrs of Ura were stolen, and then returned.
92
And in
yet another text the tamkrs of Ura are required to leave Ugarit in
wintertime (i-na ku-us-si), and not stay there and the same applies to
the 'sons of the city of Kutupa'.
93
It is clear from these texts as well as from others that com-
mercial relations, especially in foreign trade, were bound by inter-
national law.
Again, Ura appears in the texts on international commercial rela-
tions at the end of the Hittite Empire, as does Ugarit about 1200
bce. According to Ug 5, 33 = RS 20.213, the Hittite king orders
the king of Ugarit to transport 200 kur (ca 500 tons) of grain on his
ships to the Hittite country via the port of Ura.
94
2.3.1 Trading partners
The commercial texts may be classified into several categories depend-
ing with which country or countries Ugarit was trading.
88
See also PRU 5, 76 = RS 18.045 and PRU 4, 160 = RS 18.019.
89
PRU 4, 106 = RS 17.229 and PRU 4, 153 = RS 17.230.
90
PRU 4, 103 = RS 17.130; also HEL TZER 1978a, 127-8; Y ARON 1969, 71-2.
91
Duplicates PRU 4, 154 = RS 17.461 and RS 18.003 (mentioned PRU 4, 103).
92
PRU 4, 182 = RS 17.319; possibly a similar text is the fragment PRU 4, 190 =
RS 17.316.
93
The location of this city is unknown. Text: RSO 7, No. 1 = RS 34.179.
94
See also the fragment Ug 5, 145 = RS 26.158; HEL TZER 1978a, 153 5.
2.3.1.1 Trade with Canaan
Certain texts pertain to the relations between Ugarit and the cities
of the Canaanite coast which concerned maritime trade. Thus, accord-
ing to PRU 6, 126 = RS 19.029, a number of pieces,
95
25 in all,
are handed over to a certain Abihili 'to Byblos' (a-na gu-ub-li). Another
text (K TU 4.338 = RS 18.025) mentions a sum of "540 "shekels
of silver; this is the silver of the ships
l 2
that was pledged among the
ships
l 3
for the king of Byblos,
l 4
and
15
the king of Byblos took 50
(shekels) of silver
l6
as the property (cargo) of his ship'.
96
Possibly, too, there were maritime commercial relations with Sidon.
97
I nformati on is available about mari ti me connections with Tyre (sr).
98
It also seems that in addition maritime relations were mai ntai ned
with Ashdod and Ashkelon on the south coast of Canaan.
99
2.3.1.2 Trade with Egypt
Naturally, the commercial texts have a great deal to say about Egypt.
A letter concerni ng a ship bound for Egypt has been menti oned
above. PRU 6, 14 = RS 19.050 is devoted to commercial trips to
Egypt and Hatti.
An interesting text from many aspects is Ug 5, 42 = RS 20.21.
The king of neighbouring Unatu, connected with Ugarit, writes to
the king of Ugarit that he had a treaty with him. He relates that
he sent a certain Ba'aliya with other persons and property. Also,
that this person, possibly Ba'aliya, 'gave over this person, his com-
pani on, to the sons of Egypt, and left him there',
100
but took his
property. Thi s is not the only such text.
Another text is RSO 7, No. 16 = RS 34.158. Again, the king of
Unatu writes to Uzzinu, who was the skinu (of the land of Ugarit).
He says that one of his servants, (i.e. a Ugaritian) 'handed over the
95
subti^ elippti
MfcS
ma-as-fra-tu-ma '7 garments of ships' (possibly sai1s(?)).
96 W
hm m't arb'm
11
kbd ksp anyt
n
d 'rb.banyt
l3
/ mlk gbl
H
w. bmm ksp
i5
lqh mlk gbl
16
lbs any tk. See also HEL TZER 1978a, 143; MA RQUEZ ROWE 1993a.
97
Cf. PRU 6, 81 = RS 19.182. Byblos is also mentioned in this text.
98
KTU 2.38 = RS 18.031 and KTU 2.40 = RS 18.040. In a letter, the Tyrian
king reports that a ship bound for Egypt is still in Tyre. Akko is also mentioned
there.
99
KTU 4.635 = RS 19.096; PRU 6, 79 = RS 19.042:4. Arwad is also men-
tioned in this text; PRU 6, 96 = RS 19.91:4; PRU 6, 156 = RS 19.020.
100 15
e-nu-ma amla a-a-i
16LU
tap-pi-u "ip-u-ru-un-mi
,H
a-na mr
N
"
S
mi-is-r[i-i]
9
iz-za-ab-u.
slave (or servant) to the sons of the land of Egypt'.
101
Later in the
text, he makes the accusation that the culprit is Ba'aliya, who was
menti oned in the previous text. Thus we even learn about criminal
activities in commercial relations with Egypt.
There are also other texts about more regular trade relations with
Egypt, including the fact that some tamkrs were combi ni ng their
efforts. The tablet K TU 3.8 = RS 19.066 is an account of this.
According to this tablet, a few persons combi ned their capital and
efforts and go together on a tamkr-trip to Egypt.
102
RSO 7, 71-2
No. 33 = RS 34.173 possibly shows us other existing commercial
relations with Egypt.
2.3.1.3 Trade with Cyprus
A number of texts also tells us about maritime trade with Cyprus
(Akk. alasiya, Ug. ally). According to RS 34.153:31-5,
103
the king of
A1aia has to receive two horses from the king of Ugarit. Text K TU
4.352 = RS 18.042 mentions 660 j ars of oil.
104
Ug 5, 21 = RS
20.163, also mentions a Cypriot tamkr. The text K TU 2.42 = RS
18.1 13a provides evidence of trade relations with Egypt, Cyprus and
Ugarit.
2.3.1.4 Trade with Anatolia
We also have information about mari ti me trade relations with other
countries of the Hittite zone of influence in Anatolia. For example,
in the text of a litigation before I niteub, king of Carchemish, between
the tamkr Ariimiga, servant of the king of Tarhudai, and the 'sons
of Ugarit'.
105
Commercial transactions between Ugarit and Tarhudai
are also noted at the time of the last king of Ugarit, Ammurapi.
106
2.3.1.5 Trade with Crete and Carchemi sh
We cannot end this section without considering the trade relations
between Ugarit and Crete (Kapturi). One of the chief tamkrs of
101
H-pa-a-ar IR
8
[]
1
[x]-le-'
1
U a a-na mre
MtS Km
mi-is-r.
102
HEL TZER 1978a, 139 42. For a different opinion, see LI VERANI 1969.
103
RSO 7, No. 35, 75-6.
104
The kd 'jar' of Ugarit had a capacity of ca 22.5 litres (HEL TZER 1989a).
105
PRU 4, 169 = RS 17.158; Cf. also PRU 4, 171 = RS 17.042, where the mat-
ter of compensation for the life of a lamkr who has been killed is debated.
,0<i
RSO 7, No. 14, RS 34.139.
Ugarit, Si narnu, son of Siginu, was freed to pay to the 'palace',
(i.e. to the authorities) any tax payments and exemptions from per-
formi ng service obligations.
107
Taki ng into account his land transac-
tions, he was one of the richest persons in Ugarit.
108
Naturally, trade relations with Carchemi sh were overland. The
same is to be said about Qadesh (Kinza). It seems that responsibil-
ity for the regularity of relations and the payment of all duties by
tamkrs was in the hands of the skinu
109
(the 'vizier' of the country),
the mkisu ('customs official'),"
0
and the
[ lJ
kil kari ('overseer of the
quay').
111
We learn from the texts that there was also a bureaucratic
apparatus overseeing trade activities in this kingdom.
Overl and transportation to Carchemi sh and its vicinity, the vas-
sal states and Emar, was undertaken by donkey caravans. We learn
this from an interesting text (PRU 4, 176 = RS 17.346), in which
the king of Ugarit is accused before the king of Carchemi sh 'that
the king of Ugarit has stolen the caravans of the tamkrs'.
n2
According
to PRU 4, 150 = RS 17.059, the king of Ugarit had to transport
the payment of his tribute to the Hittite king 'on 10 caravans'."
3
We also have information about other caravans going to the coun-
try of the Hittites and Egypt.
114
Ug 5, 57 = RS 20.227 mentions a
caravan route to Emar in the southernmost part of the land of the
Euphrates."
5
Commerci al relations with Emar are also known from
a number of letters."
6
107
PRU 3, 107 = RS 16.238. Crete occurs in line 10. On the commercial activ-
ities and buying of lands by Sinarnu, Son of Siginu, the tamkr ^tamkru) PRU
3, 106 = RS 16.206 see HEL TZER 1988a.
108
HEL TZER 1978a, 132-3.
109
PRU 4, 215 = RS 17.288; PRU 4, 196 = RS 17.078; PRU 6, 7 = RS 17.148,
etc.
110
PRU 3, 15 = RS 15.033; PRU 4, 196 = RS 17.078; PRU 4, 235 = RS 17.135
+ 17.360B + 1 7.360[d]; PRU 4, 202 = RS 17.371 + 18.020; PRU 4, 239 = RS
17.232, etc.
111
PRU 182 = RS 17.424; Ug 5, 13 = RS 17.469.
112 5
. . . ma-a ar
KllR
U-ga-ri-it f}ann
m
* sa
LL M
tamkre
ME&
[il]-ta-na-ri-iq-mi.
113 12
i-tu 10 (fa-ar-ra-ni.
114
PRU 6, 14 = RS 10.050.
115
Possibly, commercial caravans are mentioned in Ug 5, 38 = RS 20.016; Ug
5, 53 = RS 20.15; PRU 6, 137 = RS 19.27; PRU 4, 138 = RS 19.46.
116
RSO 7, No. 30 = RS [Varia 26]; No. 31 = RS 34.134; No. 32 = RS 34.141;
No. 33 = RS 34.173, etc.
2.3.2 Exchanging gifts
From primitive times, a certain kind of commerce or commercial
exchange involved the exchange of gifts. Thi s feature is also widely
known from the ancient Near East from the 15th to the beginning
of the 12th cent. bce. We know that it took place between rulers
of equal rank, between queens and between high officials of various
ranks. Also 'gifts' from abroad from persons of lower rank or from
vassals to the ruler, queen, or official of higher rank were sent to
Ugarit, and vice versa}
17
There is a large international correspondence
in this field. The objects are mostly called by the term 'gift' (nmurtu
and ulmnu).
US
(Here we do not consider the official 'tribute', man-
dattu, which appears in a number of texts). As for the 'gifts', these
include silver, even gold, precious stones, metal vessels and utensils,
horses, donkeys, various textiles and garments, and many other items.
There are many texts in which various goods are mentioned which,
without any doubt, were used for trade, for foreign trade of the first
rank. We cannot define them as commercial goods when their prices
are not given or at least when it is not written that they were a
'gift' (Ug. mnh) or when they concern the trading of cattle, food
products, and artifacts, where the equivalent of the exchange is given.
2.3.2.1 Slaves
We can begin with the slave trade. The amounts involved were not
large, even if we consider the price of redeeming a slave. From some
of the texts"
9
it is clear that the price of a slave (male or female)
was between 14.3 and 120 shekels of silver,
120
and the average price
of a slave was about 33 shekels (see 11.1.6.6).
117
The exhaustive work on this question is ZACCAGNI NI 1973.
118
PRU 3, 14 = RS 12.33; PRU 4, 191 = RS 17.247; PRU 3, 194 = RS 17.385;
PRU 4, 214 = RS 17.152; PRU 4, 221 = RS 17.383; PRU 4, 223 = RS 17.422;
PRU 6, 6 = RS 17.144; PRU 6, 7A and = RS 17.148; PRU 6, 8 = RS 17.239;
PRU 6, 13 = RS 18.057; PRU 6, 14 = RS 19.050; PRU 6, 16 = RS 22.006; PRU
6, 149 = RS 17.354; Ug 5, 21 = RS 20.168; Ug 5, 38 = RS 20.016; Ug 5, 39 =
RS 20.172; Ug 5, 46 = RS 26.130; Ug 5, 48 = RS 20.19; Ug 5, 50 = RS 20.151;
Ug 5, 53 = RS 20.015; Ug 5, 56 = RS 20.150; Ug 5, 57 = RS 20.227; Ug 5, 62
= RS 20.194; Ug 5, 67 = RS 20.182D, etc.
119
KTU 4.36 = RS 8.208 (THUREAU-DANGIN 1937); PRU 4, 238 = RS 17.231;
PRU 4, 236 = RS 17.251; PRU 4, 109 = RS 17.028; PRU 4, 109 = RS 17.108;
PRU 4, 201 = RS 18.002; KTU 3.4 = RS 16.382; KTU 4.659 = RS 19.166; Ug
5, 10 = RS 17.067.
120
On the Ugaritic shekel of 9.4 gr. cf. PARI SH 1981.
2.3.2.2 Food and agricultural products
'Wheat' (ht), sold accordi ng to the pansu measure (ca 90 litres), cost
1 shekel for 1 pansu, and 1 pansu bought 0.2 j ars of (olive) oil = 4.5
litres.
121
'Barley' (/V) was measured by the ^/-measure, as was 'emmer'
(ks/sm or kfrm)
m
and 'oil' (zt [mn]). I n Ugari t, olive oil was sold at
a price of 1.5 shekels per j ar (22.5 litres).
123
Many texts menti on the
sale of oil, but the state of the texts does not permi t exact calcula-
tions.
124
The price of 'wi ne' (jyn) cannot be calculated.
125
'Honey'
(nbt), 'dried figs' (dblt), and 'raisins' (smqrri) were also commercial goods,
as were 'cheese' (ga
meS
), 'black cumi n' (sbbyr) and other products.
126
As for catde, we know that the price of an ox was between 10
and 17 shekels.
127
Sheep were priced at of 1-1.5 shekels each
128
and
horses were sold for 20-300 shekels each.
129
Donkeys and mules were
also objects of commerci al transactions.
130
2.3.2.3 Textiles and dyes
Textiles and garments played an i mportant role in the commerce of
Ugari t. Besides 'flax' (pt t )
n 1
the texts also menti on 'wool' (
C
rt), the
pri ce of whi ch was from 1-7 shekels of silver per tal ent (ca 30
kilos).
132
There are also texts menti oni ng 'blue (violet) purpl e wool'
121
The 'jar' (kd) was a standard measure of ca 22.5 litres. (HEL TZER 1989b); the
texts are KTU 4.710 = RS 22.003:11-12; KTU 4.60 = RS 11.[913] and KTU
4.402 = RS 18.142:7-8.
122
KTU 4.710 = RS 22.003:11 (although KTU
2
read kst).
123
KTU 4.31 = RS 5.197+:11.
124
PRU 3, 197 = RS 16.181; PRU 6, 155 = RS 19.07; KTU 4.91 = RS
11.795:2-3; KTU 4.150 = RS 15.040; KTU 4.123 = RS 13.014; KTU 4.158 =
RS 15.062:3; KTU 4.341 = RS 18.028:20-21; KTU 4.402 = RS 18.142:9.
125
KTU 4.123 = RS 13.014:22-23.
126
Not all the words denoting the products can be translated exactly (HEL TZER
1978a, 19-21).
127
PRU 4, 38 = RS 17.356:6; KTU 4.337 = RS 18.024:21; cf. also KTU 4.402
= RS 18.142:5: '5 pairs of oxen'.
128
KTU 4.337 = RS 18.024:22; KTU 4.709 = RS [Varia 13]: 5; also KTU
4.34 = RS 6.216:4, 9.
129
KTU 4.158 = RS 15.062:6; PRU 3, 41 = RS 16.180; PRU 6, 7 = RS 17.148;
Cf. also Ug 5, 28 = RS 20.184; PRU 6, 6 = RS 17.148 and RSO 7, No. 21 =
RS 34.155 where the price of the purchase is not given.
130
PRU A, 176 = RS 17.346; PRU 6, 6 = RS 17.144; PRU 6, 8 = RS 17.239;
PRU 6, 14 = RS 19.030; Ug 5, 36 = RS 20.016; Ug 5, 53 = RS 20.015.
131
KTU 4.182 = RS 15.115:8; KTU 4.168 = RS 15.082:11; KTU 4.206 = RS
16.005:4.
132
KTU 4.158 = RS 15.062:17-8; KTU 4.341 = RS 18.028:4-5, 14-15; KTU
(Akk. uqnutakiltu) and 'red purple wool' (Akk. pat uqnu husmnu,
Ug. phm). Large quanddes of these types of wool are menti oned but
no prices are given.'
33
A large number of tablets concern dyes, per-
fumes, and vessels for them.
134
A great variety of garments and other
textile artifacts existed.
135
2.3.2.4 Metals, minerals and wood
The precious metals, gold and silver, are i mportant, although gold
was relatively cheap in Ugarit. According to the texts, its ratio to
silver was 1:3-4.
136
We can also calculate the prices of other met-
als: 'tin' (Akk. a-na-ku [ an. na] ; Ug. brr),
[37
with a tin-silver price ratio
of 200:1, which seems to be realistic,
13
" and 'copper' (Akk. en2, 'bronze'
Akk. sipanu, Ug. tit)this could possibly mean that their ratio to sil-
ver must have been 200-235:1.
139
Other commercial itemsartifactsare often mentioned: golden
and silver cups (ks hrs, ks ksp),
H0
and artifacts of copper (bronze),
which have an i mportant place in trade. The exact price of these
items is unknown.
141
Various stones and minerals appear as trade
objects in the commercial texts. Sometimes they consist of beads,
alum, possibly even as rare an item as glass (? me-e-ku PRU 6, 6 =
RS 17.144:40) also 'carnelian' [m), 'lapis-lazuli' (iqnu), etc.
142
Ti mber
4.337 = RS 18.024:9-10; K TU 4.707 = RS 21.1 84A: 15-8; K TU 4.721 = RS
23.028:9, 14; and a large number of other texts.
133
Cf. HEL TZER 1978a, 23-7.
134
HEL TZER 1978a, 27-8.
135
Cf. RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A 1985, in which an exhaustive analysis of all textiles
known from Ugarit, is given.
136
HEL TZER 1978a, 28-9; K TU 4.341 = RS 18.028:1-2, 5-6, 10, 16-7, K TU
4.337 = RS 18.024:20. But the scarcity of data makes this rate questionable. See
VARGY AS 1980, esp. 106-7, and STI EGL I TZ 1979.
137
Ug 5, 12 = RS 17.150+; 38 = RS 20.16; PRU 6, 155 = RS 19.07; K TU
4.337 = RS 18.024:4-5.
138
HEL TZER 1978a, 29-30, VARGY AS 1980a, 110.
139
HEL TZER 1978a, 30- 1, VARGY AS 1980a, 108.
140
No account is taken here the artifacts that were paid as tribute to the Hittite
king: K TU 3.1 = RS 11.772+; PRU 3, 181 = RS 11.732[B]; PRU 4, 40 = RS
17.227; note also PRU 3, 12 = RS 11.730, PRU 3, 33 = RS 16.114:5; PRU 6,
158 = RS 19.024; Ug 5, 12 = RS 17.150+ (copper cups).
141
K TU 4.123 = RS 15.115:17, 21; K TU 4.385 = RS 18.110:3, 5; PRU 6, 7 =
RS 17.148; PRU 6, 6 = RS 17.144; PRU 6, 14 = RS 19.50; PRU 6, 158 = RS
19.24; PRU 6, 163 = RS 19.64; Ug 5, 38 = RS 20.16.
142
K TU 4.182 = RS 15.115:10, 12, 16, 17, 27; K TU 4.158 = RS 15.062:14-15;
K TU 4.206 = RS 16.005:6; K TU 4.337 = RS 18.024:25; PRU 3,20 = RS 15.063;
PRU 3, 39 = RS 16.359; PRU 3, 187 = RS 15.043; PRU 6, 6 = RS 17.144:40;
from various trees and reeds were objects of commerce,
143
as were
wooden artifacts.
144
Naturally, the list of all such objects of trade
could be extended, but space does not allow this.
2.3.2.5 Weights and measures
One very i mportant feature also needs to be taken into account in
the commercial life of Ugarit: its metrological system and its adap-
tation to the conditions of international trade. As menti oned above,
the Ugaritic mi na consisted of 50 shekels of 9.4 grams, almost equal-
ling the Egyptian kit of 9.2-9.3 grams. As Parise has pointed out,
145
for trade with Mesopotami a, the Ugaritic mi na was divided into 60
shekels, and then the shekel was weighed according to the Mesopota-
mi an standard of ca 8 grams. For transactions with the Hittites, the
mi na was divided into 40 shekels according to the Hittite system,
and a shekel weighed 11.75 grams. Naturally, this 'exchange rate'
eased commercial relations. There is one other i mportant matter.
From the texts of Ugarit, we also know of another metrological unit,
the f t (,fdt), a-i-tu in Ugaritian Akkadian.
146
We have reached the
conclusion that in Ugarit it was
2
of the kd 'jar' of 22.5 litres, and
that this unit of measure comes from Egypt, where it was ^ of the
Egyptian deben of 92-94 grams, and known as 't, \t), sniw. Thi s
adaptation of metrological units facilitated trade relations with Egypt.
147
3 C r a f t s an d I ndus t r i es
Ugarit was an i mportant centre of developed crafts in the second
millennium bce, especially from the 14th to the beginning of the
PRU 6, 133 = R S 18. 057: 3; PRU 6, 156 = R S 19. 020: 3; Ug 5, 48 = R S 20. 019: 11;
Ug 5, 12 = R S 17. 150 + 17. 034: 5- 50, etc.
143
K T U 4. 91 = R S 11. 795: 7, 8; K T U 4. 158 = R S 15. 062: 12, 20- 22; K T U
4. 247 = R S 16. 399: 29, K T U 4. 402 = R S 18. 142: 3; PRU 6, 158 = R S 19. 24; Ug
5, 12 = R S 17. 150+: 8- 32.
144
K T U 4. 123 = R S 13. 014: 21; K T U 4. 127 = R S 14. 129: 2; K T U 4. 158 = R S
15. 062: 7; K T U 4. 385 = R S 18. 110: 10; PRU 6, 158 = R S 19. 24: 9; PRU 3, 163 =
R S 19. 64; PRU 6, 162 = R S 19. 36: 5; Ug 5, 28 = R S 20. 187: 10.
145
PARI SE 1981, 156.
K T U 4. 778 = R I H 83/ 12: 5; K T U 4. 782 = R I H 84/ 8: 7- 8 and K T U 4. 771 =
R I H 78/ 2: 5- 8; K T U 4. 150 = R S 15. 040: 5; only once in Akkadian, Ug 5, 95 =
R S 20. 425: 10.
147
HEL TZER 1994; CASTL E 1992.
12th centuries. Archaeological material found there can sometimes
add to our knowledge when we can establish a connection with pro-
fessions or artefacts menti oned in the written sources.
148
3.1 Royal service
The craftsmen of all branches of production belonged to the 'royal
(service) men' (bn mlk - Akk. bunu milki). From royal stores in var-
ious parts of the kingdom they received rations and where neces-
sary, raw materials for processing. They also received land prebends
(sd. ubdy) as conditional holdings. The group known as bns mlk per-
formed their professional duties as their 'corve obligation' (pilku)
(see 10.2.3). Thi s type of centralised system for the whole econ-
omy, including crafts, is also known in other countries of the ancient
near East. However, the organization most like it is documented in
the Linear tablets of Mycenaean Greece.
3.2 Crafts and industries
Unfortunately, we know almost nothi ng about the existence of pri-
vate artisans, or of private crafts which must have been practised
within families. Thi s includes weaving textiles at home, home-made
pottery and other activities. Crafts and industries can be classified
as follows:
3.2.1 Collective work
By collective work is meant shipbuilding, chariot construction, the
construction of houses and other buildings. Thi s type of work often
required various components made by craftsmen of different kinds
such as 'house builders' (Ug. hr bhtm, Akk. itinnu), who are docu-
mented in many texts'
49
and 'shipwrights' (Ug. hr anyt; K TU 4.125 =
RS 14.002:1).
150
Naturally, the shipyards were in the coastal villages.
148
On archaeology cf. SCHAEFFER 1939a, 1949, 1956. Also the archaeological
reports by Schaeffer in Syria from 1929 onwards. Cf. also COURTOI S 1979.
149
K TU 4.35 = RS 8.183+ i 16; K TU 4.38 = RS 8.272:6; K TU 4.47 = RS
10.043:10; K TU 4.183 = RS 15.116; K TU 4.376 = RS 18.085; K TU 4.609 =
RS 19.016:18; K TU 4.630 = RS 19.062:8-9; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131:11; PRU 6,
131 = RS 1 9.035A: 1; Ug 5, 99 = RS 10.15:12. Cf. HEL TZER 1982, 80ff, esp. 86-7;
SANMARTI N 1995a, esp. 178.
150
HEL TZER 1982, 85-6; SANMARTI N 1995a, 177-8.
Some tablets also mention components of ships, including masts (trn)
( V i ta 1995a, 137-76). Menti on is also made of'chari ot-makers' (hrs
mrkbt) and 'cartwrights' (hr Vi/).
151
Using information from these texts
it has been possible, to some extent, to reconstruct the technology
of chariot making ( Cal der s 1977). I n addition, chariots were repaired
in the workshops for which the workers received materials of vari-
ous kinds, including hrs, 'gold' (K TU 4.167 = RS 15.079:1-2).
3.2.2 Agriculture
Olive oil was a very i mportant product and is listed in deliveries of
rations. The peasant farmers, it seems, had to supply olives for the
production of oil to the gCs which comprised the basic units of the
royal economy. Olive oil was produced in large quantities ( H el t z er
1996) but as yet no installations from the Late Bronze Age for the
production of olive oil have come to light. However, the industry
was so developed that, according to PRU 3, 99 = RS 16.257+, 220
persons in royal service received at least 502 'jars' (Ug. kd, Akk.
karpatu) of oil, i.e. about 11,030 litres.
152
Delivery on this scale seems
to have been yearly. Refined oils are also attested, including smn mr,
'myrrh oil', smn nr, 'l amp oil' and smn rqh, 'aromati c oil' (on these
see 10.1.2.13). On rqh see below.
Wine also played an important role and there were, of course, wine
makers. I nformati on on wine is derived chiefly from the lists of the
royal stores and from deliveries made to individuals, to the court
and for cultic purposes ( H el t z er 1990). Here, mention may be made
of the professions within the bn mlk connected with the processing
of cereals. These are 'millers' (Ug. alhnm, Akk. alahhinu) attested a
few times.
153
The existence of a bt alhnm 'house of the quartermas-
ter (lit. "miller")' (K TU 4.392 = RS 18.130:4) shows that we are
dealing with an organization. It is possible that the ksdm
154
were also
151
HEL TZER 1982, 87-8; SANMARTI N 1995a, 178; K T U 4.46 = R S 10.035:13-4;
K TU 4.47 = RS 10.043:8; K TU 4.98 = RS 11.844:6, 8; K TU 4.141 = RS 15.022+
iii 20; K TU 4.145 = RS 15.034; K TU 4.183 = RS 15.116 ii 12; K TU 4.243 =
RS 16.395:2; K TU 4.339 = RS 18.026:16; K TU 4.609 = RS 19.016; K TU 4.743 =
R S 25.140; PRU 6, 93 = R S 17.131:13. Cf. VI TA 1995a, 35-72.
152
One kd/karpatu = 20-25 litres.
153
K TU 4.102 = RS 11.857:25; K TU 4.337 = RS 18.024:11; PRU 6, 70 = RS
17.050:11, although these are P N N ; cf. HEL TZER 1982, 80; SANMARTI N 1995a, 175-6.
154
K TU 4.99 = RS 11.845:16; K TU 4.125 = RS 14.001:8; K TU 4.126 = RS
14.084:16; K TU 4.186 = RS 15.156:1, 9; K TU 4.332 = RS 18.010+: 18.
'millers' ( H el t z er 1982, 90; DLU, 226) . The 'bakers' or 'cooks' (Ug.
apy, Akk.
11
nuhatimmu\ Ug. kkrdn, Akk.
11
kakardinnuf" also belonged
to the bn mlk and received rations and allotments of land.
3.2.3 Metal-working
The role of metal-working, in both copper and tin, was very impor-
tant. To begin with there are the nskm, '(metal-)casters'
156
(Akk.
nsikma).
]37
We do not know why there is no term for their special-
ization in these texts (but see next paragraph). One reason is sup-
plied, perhaps, by K TU 4.261 = RS 17.023, which has the heading:
spr argmn nskm 'list of the tribute of (metal) casters', where every per-
son menti oned in the text had to deliver 200-500 (shekels?) as trib-
ute (argmn) which the king of Ugarit had to pay the Hittite king, his
overlord. Here belongs the large group of nsk tit 'copper (or bronze)
casters"
58
(Akk. nsiku u r u d u ; PRU 3, 195 = RS 15.009 : 1 and
l
(
ME)
SI M U G U R U D U )
PRU 3, 204 = R S 15. 172a: 10; PRU 6, 93 = R S
17.133:23). A sample passage is Hit. d. ysa
2
bd. mmn ^largmn Hnskm
D
tmn. kkrm
b
alp. kbd '[m]itm. kbd 'Copper (or: bronze) which was deliv-
ered by umamnu to the casters for tribute, eight talents, one thou-
sand two hundred (shekels)' (K TU 4.43 = RS 9.011). From this text
we see that umamnu distributed about 250 kilos of copper (or
bronze), for processing or for making the final product, which had
to be paid to the Hittite king. umamnu seems to be the 'elder'
(rb) of the casters.
There were also different types of metal-worker, for example, nsk
him/hdm,
159
'arrowsmiths' (K TU 4.630 = RS 19.062:14). Arrow pro-
duction was the work of several specialists (see below). One profes-
sion involved in metal-working was the hr qtn who were makers of
155
SANMARTI N 1995a, 176,180; KTU 4.126 = R S 14.084:27.
156
The root is nsk, 'to pour, found, cast' (KTU 4. 43 = RS 9. 011: 4; KTU 4. 98 =
R S 11. 844: 17; K T U 4. 133 = R S 15. 005: 3; K T U 4. 261 = R S 17. 023: 1; K T U 4. 310
= RS 17. 392: 2, 5; KTU 4. 396 = RS 18. 135: 20) . We do not accept the opinion of
DOHMEN ( 1983) that the verb means 'to forge'.
157
PRU 6, 136 = R S 17.240:15; cf. SANMARTI N 1995a, 1812.
158
HEL TZER 1982, 93-4; SANMARTI N 1995a, 182; texts: KTU 4.35 = R S 8.183+
ii 8; KTU 4.43 = RS 9.011:4; KTU 4.126 = RS 14.084:18; KTU 4.183 = RS
15.116 ii 27; KTU 4.222 = RS 16.193:8-11; KTU 4.181 = RS 15.106; KTU
4.272 = RS 17.118; KTU 4.310 = RS 17.392.
159
In KTU 4.609 = RS 19.016:25 him is the Hurrian spelling of h
Z
m.
sickle-bladed swords.
160
There is a problem in connection with cop-
per artifacts and the producti on of bronze at Ugarit since there were
no local sources of metal ( Z ac c agni ni 1970). It seems that metal-
working had a long tradition in Ugarit since we know that when
Zimrilim, king of Mari , visited Ugarit, all along his route he dis-
tributed large quantities of tin to rulers and in particular to Cretans
living in Ugarit ( V i l l ar d 1986).
3.2.4 The textile industry
Raw materials in the form of 'flax' (ptt) and 'wool' (s
c
rt) were available
locally in sufficient quantities, for treatment. It is possible that spin-
ning was a home industry, but at least four 'spinners' (gzlm) are listed
among the bn mlk.
161
'Weavers' (Ug. mhs, Akk. mhisu and usparuf
62
are also mentioned in many texts.
163
Although there were many terms
for textiles and garments, it is not always possible to determi ne what
they mean ( R i bi chi ni - X e l l a 1985) I n one text purple-dyed wool
is distributed to weavers for further treatment ( T h u r eau - D an g i n
1934). A wide spectrum of minerals and herbal dyes was used which
involved complex treatment ( van S o l d t 1990a). Among those who
treated textiles were the 'fullers' or 'dyers' (kbsm/kbsm).
160
HEL TZER 1997; SANMARTI N 1995a, 182; K TU 4.47 = R S 10.043; K TU 4.98
= RS 11.844:9; K TU 4.183 = RS 15.116 iii 16; K TU 4.609 = RS 19.016:23;
K TU 4.630 = RS 19.062:12; K TU 4.370 = RS 18.079:35; K TU 4.742 = RS
25.139:12; K TU 4.745 = RS 25.417:18. Note that the yshm (KTU 4.47 = RS
10.043:7; K TU 4.68 = RS 11.716:67; K TU 4.99 = RS 11.845:19; K TU 4.105 =
RS 13.014[iw]:2; K TU 4.126 = RS 14.084:10; K TU 4.147 = RS 15.036:5; K TU
4.151 = RS 15.044 ii 1; K TU 4.207 = RS 16.006:5; K TU 4.609 = RS 19.016:9;
K TU 4.626 = RS 19.056:1; K TU 4.692 = RS 20.145:1, 8) were 'workers in bronze'
(SANMARTI N 1987; 1995a, 185).
161
HEL TZER 1982, 96-8 and 123-4, where the mf}sm were mistakenly considered
to be military personnel; cf. SANMARTI N 1995a, 181: RI BI CHI NI - X EL L A 1985, 20- 1.
Texts: K TU 4.99 = RS 11.845; K TU 4.102 = RS 11.115; K TU 4.107 = RS
12.002; K TU 4.123 = RS 13.014; K TU 4.124 = RS 13.020; K TU 4.128 = RS
14.176; K TU 4.158 = RS 15.062; K TU 4.182 = RS 15.115; K TU 4.183 = RS
15.116; K TU 4.266 = RS 17.074; K TU 4.332 = RS 18.010+; K TU 4.338 = RS
18.026; K TU 6.48 = RS 20.401 AB; PRU 3, 204 = RS 15.172; PRU 6, 10 = RS
17.390; Ug 5, 99 = RS 20.425.
162
AHw, 581; CAD M/ l , 102; AHw, 397; CAD I /J , 255-6. Texts: PRU 3, 205 =
RS 15.172 A:7; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131:23; Ug 5, 99 = RS 20.425:5.
163
K TU 4.99 = RS 11.845:15; K TU 4.103 = RS 11.858:57; K TU 4.121 = RS
13.009:1; K TU 4.125 = RS 14.001:9; K TU 4.128 = RS 14.176:5; K TU 4.182 =
RS 15.115:56; K TU 4.187 = RS 15.157+:1; K TU 4.269 = RS 17.106:8; K TU
4.332 = RS 18.010+-: 14 7; K TU 4.635 = RS 19.096:7; PRU 6, 166 = RS 19.099;
cf. SANMARTI N 1995a, 181.
The b'l tgptm was the 'maker of horse-cl oths' or 'maker of
caparisons'
164
and there were other textiles which could be used in
chariot making, shipbuilding, the manufacture of weapons, etc. (see
next paragraph). The only term for 'leather-worker' known is Akk.
akpu] he made objects for both military and civilian use. Even the
relatively scarce material provided here is indicative of the impor-
tant role textile production had in Ugarit, partly for the purposes of
foreign trade.
3.2.5 Weapon production
The manufacture of military equi pment and weapons was i mportant
to the economy which was fully controlled by the palace authorities
and run by the bn mlk system, although individual work was pos-
sible. The b'l tdtt were 'makers of breastplates'.
165
The production of
arrows was complex. Besides the 'arrow casters' (nsk h^m) there were
also 'modellers of arrows' (psl hzyn, also termed hdglm)
m
who appar-
ently produced/made the non-metallic part of the arrow and placed
it on the arrowhead.
167
The evidence for this comes from K TU 4.609
= RS 19.016 which among other professions lists by name three
hdglm (line 16) and eight nsk hdm (line 25; cf. . 159). Similarly, those
involved in the construction of bows were called hr qt 'bow-maker'
and psl qt 'bow-modeller', which would point to composite bows
since they had to have an aesthetically pleasing form. Craftsmen
from other professions such as htbm 'woodcutters' or even possibly
'carpenters, furniture makers'. Although the term firs was usually
specified further, as we have seen (hr bhtm, hr qt and hr qtri), some-
times hrm occurs on its own in the texts and it is impossible to
determi ne its precise meani ng ( S anmar t i n 1995a, 177). See also
11.4.7.
164
HEL TZER 1982, 82-3; SANMARTI N 1995a, 176-7; texts: PRU 3, 15 = R S 15.033;
PRU 3, 77 = RS 16.142; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131:14, PRU 6, 109A = RS 19.131:5;
PRU 6, 131 = RS 19.035A:8; Ug 5, 83 = RS 20.146:20.
165
Akk. tudittu, 'pectoral'; HEL TZER 1982, 83-4; SANMARTI N 1995a, 177; K TU
4.608 = RS 19.016:35-39.
I G6
HEL TZER 1982, 92; SANMARTI N 1995a, 179.; K TU 4.609 = R S 19.016:25;
K TU 4.630 = RS 19.062:14.
167
HEL TZER 1982, 84; SANMARTI N 1995a, 183, possibly Akk.
L(J
sa-si-nu (KTU
4.141 = RS 15.022+ iii 19; K TU 4.134 = RS 15.006:2; K TU 4.150 = RS 15.040;
K TU 4.188 = RS 15.169+; K TU 4.609 = RS 19.016:16).
3.3 Other crafts
Pottery, or the art of ceramics, was also an i mportant craft. The
Ugaritic word for 'potter' isjyjr (Akk.
w
ya-si-ru-ma,
LV
pahhru).
m
The
expression for jeweller in Ugaritic is nsk ksp, lit. 'silver caster' (kutimmu
in Ugaritic Akkadian).
169
Also documented are the pslm, i.e. 'sculptors,
carvers, engravers',
170
who most probably worked in stone. The only
occurrence of Akk. parkullu 'seal cutter', is in PRU 6, 93 = RS
17.131:24 (as
l u
bar.gul ).
171
I n addition there was the profession of
'pharmacist' (Ug. rqh) who also mixed ointment or prepared perfume.
172
Naturally, we do not have a complete picture of all the arts and
crafts in Ugarit, but only the sample given here, which is sufficiently
representative.
168
HEL T ZER 1982, 89-90; SANMARTI N 1995a, 185. Texts: K TU 4.46 = R S
10.035:11-2; K TU 4.87 = RS 11.789:3; K TU 4.93 = RS 11.776+:11; KTU
4.126 = RS 14.084:28; KTU 4.367 = RS 18.076:18; KTU 4.339 = RS 18.026:2-4;
KTU 4.338 = RS 18.025:10; PRU 3, 204 = RS 15.172; PRU 6, 136 = RS 17.240:11.
169
HEL TZER 1982, 92-3; SANMARTI N 1995a, 183; Texts: KTU 4.47 = R S 10.043:5;
KTU 4.68 = RS 11.716:74; KTU 4.99 = RS 11.845:18; K TU 4.183 = RS 15.116
ii 22; K TU 4.609 = RS 19.016:32; KTU 4.745 = RS 25.417:7; KTU 5.20 = RS
24.281:1; PRU 6, 70 = RS 17.050:4; PRU 6, 131 = RS 19.035a:29.
170
HEL TZER 1982, 96; SANMARTI N 1988, 183; texts: KTU 4.68 = R S 11.716:63;
K TU 4.99 = RS 11.845:18; KTU 4.103 = RS 11.858:36; KTU 4.126 = RS
14.084:8; KTU 4.207 = RS 16.006:7; KTU 4.370 = RS 18.079:45; KTU 4.412
= R S 18.251 iii 9; a possible Akk. parallel is
11
iadimmu\ cf. SANMARTI N 1995b, 455,
n. 2.
171
On seal cutting see SANMARTI N 1995b.
172
SANMARTI N 1988, 183-4; texts: KTU 1.41 = R S 1.003+:21; KTU 1.87 = R S
18.056:22; KTU 1.148 = RS 24.643:21; KTU 4.31 = RS 5.197+:2, etc.
CHAPTER ELEVEN
THE SOCI ETY OF UGARI T
J u an - P ab l o V i t a
1 P eopl es, C u l t u r e s and S o c i al M o v emen t s
1.1 The size and demography of the kingdom
1.1.1 The kingdom of Ugarit covered a territory of considerable
size.
1
It covered about 5,425 km
2
when its expansion was greatest
and 2,200 km
2
without the additional territories granted by Suppi-
luliuma I of Hatti ( A s t o ur 1995, 55). According to several studies
( G a r r 1987; H e l t z e r 1976, 103-12; L i v er ani 1979a, 1319-20), the
population of the kingdom was between 31,000 and 33,000 people,
approximately, with 6,000-8,000 in the capital and about 25,000 in
the rest of the territory. However, the archaeological evidence avail-
able at present counsels the greatest prudence in calculations of this
kind ( Y on 1992; C a l l o t 1994, 199).
1.1.2 The Ugaritic 'atonement' ritual K TU 1.40 = RS 1.002 (and
parallels; d el O l mo L et e 1992a, 99-109 = 1999, 146-60) is addressed
to all the people of Ugarit, to whom the words 'sons/daughters of
Ugari t' refer. It is the same as the term used for Ugaritians in inter-
national juridical texts.
2
As will be seen in the following paragraphs,
this people came from a range of different cultures.
' The final version of this chapter was prepared while staying at the Altorientalisches
Seminar of the Freie Universitt, Berlin, thanks to a research grant provided by
the Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung. I would like to thank Prof. Dr J . Renger
for the friendly welcome he extended to me and for the facilities he made avail-
able for my research at the above institute.
2
For example, PRU 4, 107-8 = RS 17.238; PRU 4, 161 = RS 17.341.
1.2 The Semitic component
1.2.1 The basic component of Ugari ti an cul ture is Semitic, as
attested by the local language (Ugaritic), its alphabet, a high pro-
portion of the personal names, or by the religion reflected in the
indigenous myths, legends and rituals. The alphabet normally used
in Ugarit, with its ag#-sequence, shows the fusion of various Semitic
traditions ( D i et r i c h - L o r e t z 1988a). I n terms of form, a consid-
erable number of the signs in the Ugaritic alphabet can be linked
to Semitic alphabets of the western type; a second group, with a
smaller number of signs, can be connected with southern alphabets;
finally, a third group corresponds to both traditions. The mixed ori-
gin of the signs could be an indication of the southern origin of
part, at least, of the historical Ugaritian population, where it might
have taken on elements from both traditions (western and southern)
for the formation of its own alphabet.
1.2.2 Thi s last hypothesis is strengthened by the recent discovery
in Ugarit of a cuneiform al phabet which follows the hlh sequence,
i.e. the one peculiar to the South Arabic al phabet ( B o r dr eui l
P ar d ee 1995a). The cuneiform alphabet in the South Arabic sequence
found at Beth Shemesh ( D i et r i c h - L o r e t z 1988a, 277~96; P uec h
1991; S ass 1991) would comprise the geographic link between the
South Arabic alphabet of the south and the South Arabic alphabet
of Ugarit.
3
1.3 The Human component
1.3.1 As attested by the onomasticon and a significant number of
texts in Hurri an found in Ugarit, Hurri an is the second ethnic, lin-
guistic and cultural component basic to the kingdom. On the one
hand there are documents which belong to the world of the scribes
(for example, polyglot vocabularies); on the other, documents which
are religious in nature, including texts with musical notation ( L ar o c he
1979; S al v i ni 1995) . They were written using both the syllabic sys-
tem and the local alphabet.
3
On the relationships among the various alphabets of the South Arabic type
and the alphabetic sequence attested in Egypt see TROPPER 1996. See 4.2.
1.3.2 It should be stressed that the only successful adaptation of
the Ugaritic alphabet to another language, in a significant way, was
to Hurri an.' The Hurri an documents written in this way are cultic in
character ( D i et r i c h - M a y e r 1994; 1995). Sometimes, Hurri an and
Ugaritic alternate within the same document, which shows that some
scribes may have been bilingual ( P ar d ee 1996b). Hurro-Semitic syn-
cretism is also reflected in the mix of divine names from both tra-
ditions found in some of the rituals, a genre which shows to what
extent the Hurri an pantheon was known in Ugarit ( del O l mo L e t e
1992a, 62-5 = 1999, 82-6; D i e t r i c h - M a y e r 1997b).
1.3.3 Everything, therefore, points to a high level of integration of
the Hurri an element, as a living culture, within Ugaritic society.
3
The supposition of a limited use of Hurri an as a spoken language
in Ugaritian society ( v an S o l d t 1991a, 519; D i e t r i c h - M a y e r
1995, 38-40) has to be revised in view of texts such as RS 23.031,
an (unpublished) letter in which Akkadian and Hurri an alternate in
a sort of mixed language, used perhaps in commercial transactions
( M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995c, 37).
6
At all events, the ritual K TU 1.40 =
RS 1.002 ( 11.1.1.2) seems to suggest that at least in the period
of King Ni qmaddu the Hurri ans had not yet been integrated fully
( L i v er ani 1979a, 1321; P a r d e e 1996b, 76).
7
1.4 Foreigners in Ugarit
1.4.1 The ritual K TU 1.40 = RS 1.002 ( 11.1.1.2; cf. 13.6.2)
mentions other groups of foreigners in Ugarit, such as Hittites and
Cypriots and refers, in general, to the 'guests of the walls of Ugarit'.
Thus it is a reflection of Ugarit in its known role as a meeting-place
where languages and cultures interchange."
4
With the exception of the few examples of texts in Akkadian written using the
alphabetic system (SEGERT 1988).
5
In this context, note the coexistence of Semitic and Hurrian personal names
within the Ugaritic royal family (LIVERANI 1979a, 1322).
6
Elements of Hurrian influence are also evident in the Akkadian of Ugarit
(HUEHNERGARD 1989, 281 2; VAN SOLDT 1991a, 521-2). As for Ugaritic, it contains
a significant contribution of words with a Hurrian origin (WATSON 1995c, 533-41;
1996a, 701-4).
7
A king mentioned in KTU 1.40 = RS 1.002:28; KTU 1.84 = RS 17.100 [A]+:40;
K TU 1.121 = RS 24.270A:9; the Hurrians are mentioned in KTU 1.40:29, 37 (re-
stored in lines 12 and 20); KTU 1.84:4 (restored in lines 15 and 20). On the historical
moment in which the text can be set see DEL OLMO LETE 1992a, 108 = 1999, 157.
8
An interchange which, at the lexical level, is expressed in the presence of a
1.4.2 The historical relationship between Ugarit and Hatti is well
documented.
9
It is not surprising, therefore, that the Ugaritian admin-
istrative texts mention Hittites in connection with food rations from
the palace.
10
The most famous episode, however, concerns the pres-
ence of Hittite traders in Ugarit. At the request of Ni qmepa of
Ugarit, Hattusili of Hatd stipulated, by decree," that the Hittite mer-
chants from the Cilician locations of Ura
12
and Kutupa
13
operating
on Ugaritian soil were to carry out their activities only in summer,
and were required to leave Ugarit during the winter. Perhaps it was
a political decision by the king of Ugarit, in an attempt to limit the
massive buying up and export of Ugaritic grain and thus to maintain
economic stability and social peace ( V ar gy as 1995) . I n turn, the
intense political relations between Ugarit and the Hittite kingdom of
Carchemish led to the signing of agreements about financial compen-
sation should the citizens of one country be assassinated in the other
country ( 11.1.4.6).
14
The person called Takhul i nu was at a differ-
ent level, if it is accepted that besides being mud of the queen of
Ugarit,
15
he was kartappu of the king of Carchemish (so N o u g a y r o l
1955, 111;
16
but see S i nger 1983; cf. 11.1.5.1). By means of a series
of documents, Ki ng Ammi ttamru II allows him to buy lands and vil-
lages in Ugarit; however, these properties seem to be conditional on
the loyalty of Takhulinu and his descendants to the Ugaritic crown.
17
1.4.3 Political relations between Ugarit and Cyprus are attested
since the conquest of the island by Hatti and its later inclusion in
considerable number of foreign contributions to the indigenous language (WATSON
1995c; 1996a). For a possible reference to Assyrians in the texts from Ugarit see
KTU 4.230 = R S 16.341:3 (alr[y\m\ cf. the personal name atry, CUNCHI LLOS - VI TA
1995a, no. 534) and Ug 5, no. 56 = RS 20.150:7. There is a discussion of the term
ubru, probably a foreigner of some sort attested in Ugarit, in VARGY AS 1995.
9
See, most recently, LEBRUN 1995; NEU 1995b. See also 15 below.
10
KTU 4.149 = RS 15.039:4; KTU 4.216 = RS 16.165:9.
11
PRU 4, 103-5 = RS 17.130 and its version RSO 7, No. 1 = RS 34.179. The
second text mentions the people of Kutupa.
12
On Ura and its possible location see LEMAI RF. 1993. Merchants of the Hittite
king native to Ura also appear, as witnesses, in international juridical texts found
in Ugarit; cf. PRU 4, 190 = RS 17. 316; PRU 4, 202 = RS 18. 20+.
13
A place mentioned in R S O 7, No. 1 = R S 34. 179; see MALBRAN-I ^ABAT 1991,
15, n. 4.
14
PRU 4, 153 = RS 17.230.
15
PRU 3, 113 = RS 16.353.
I(i
PRU 3, 44 = RS 16.273.
17
PRU 3, 113 = RS 16.353.
a common defence system ( 11.5.4.3). The abundance of Cypriot
pottery,
173
the Cypro-Mi noan texts found in Ugarit ( L i ver ani 1979a,
1322-3) as well as letters
18
and administrative texts,
19
are also wit-
ness to relationhips between the two communities at both the cul-
tural and the commercial levels. Some Cypriots (ally, altyy, DLU, 33)
receive from the Ugaritian administration food and clothing,
20
others
belong to the guild of craftsmen.
21
On the other hand, from its struc-
ture the administrative text K TU 4.102 = RS 11.857 seems to be
a list of prisoners of war, or of persons detained for some reason,
who come from Cyprus ( V i t a 1995a, 108). An unpublished letter
found in Ras Shamra in 1994, which reports the dispatch of an
emissary of the king of Cyprus to Ugarit to deal with the freeing of
Cypriots detained on Ugaritic soil,
22
could support this hypothesis.
1.4.4 The correspondence which has been preserved shows that
political relations between Ugarit and the coastal centres of south-
ern Syria and Palestine were, in general, smooth and cordial.
2
' Within
a common cultural area ( X el l a 1995b) commercial relations and the
exchange of persons took place at the same level as political rela-
tions.
24
The presence in Ugaritic administrative texts of persons from
Tyre, Byblos,
25
Sidon, Beirut,
26
Acre, Arwad, Ashkelon or Ashdod
27
17A
YON 1984b, 430.
I B
K T U 2. 42 = R S 18. 113A (K NAPP 1983); Ug 5, 21 = R S 20. 168; R S O 7, 35
= R S 34. 153.
19
KTU 4.390 = RS 18.119:1 (restored). See also KTU 1.141 = RS 24.312, an
inscribed model of a liver, concerning someone buying a person from a Cypriot
(DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 232 = 1999, 347).
20
KTU 4.149 = R S 15.039 (on the possible cultic nature of the text see SANMARTI N
1989, 341; KTU 4.352 = RS 18.042; KTU 4.705 = RS 21.056.
21
KTU 4.155 = RS 15.051; cf. also KTU 4.343 = RS 18.029.
22
Personal communication of F. MAL BRAN-L ABAT.
23
List of sources in ARNAUD 1992, 192-4, completed by XEL L A 1995, 257-60.
Add the letters CK 7 (ARNAUD 1991a, 219) from Beirut, and PRU 4, 219 = RS
17.424c+ from Tyre (cf. ARNAUD 1996, 63 . 94).
24
See, for example, PRU 6, 126 = RS 19.28; PRU 6, 156 = RS 19.20; KTU
4.338 = RS 18.025 (MARQUEZ ROWE 1993a). On the content of documents which
are still unpublished see MAL BRAN-L ABAT 1995a, 445; 1995b, 104.
25
On Ugaritic kblbn (KTU 4.149 = RS 15.039:6) as possibly meaning 'Byblian',
see SANMARTI N 1989, 341.
2I
' On the possibility that in the Ugaritic texts the toponym 'Beirut' denotes the
present locality of Ras Ibn Hani, see ARNAUD 1984, but also VAN SOL DT 1994, 368
with n. 20 (Ras Ibn Hani = Ra'su).
27
PRU 6, 79 = RS 19.042 (Tyre, Acre, Arwad, Ashkelon); PRU 6, 81 = RS
19.182 (Bvblos, Sidon, Acre); KTU 4.96 = RS 11.840 (Ashdod, gent. aiddy)\ KTU
4.352 = RS 18.042 (Ashdod, gent. adddy)\ KTU 4.635 = RS 19.096 (Ashdod, gent.
adddy)\ KTU 4.778 = RI H 83/12 (Tyre, gent. siy)\
K T U 4
782
= RI H 84/08
is not suprising, therefore. On some occasions their presence is due
to circumstance,
28
but at other times there seems to be a greater
degree of integration into the Ugaritian administrative structure, with
people who work in palace farms (gt; cf. 11.4.1,2)
29
or are referred
to as 'apprentice' (gamaru).
30
1.4.5 In broad outline, Ugarit moved from the sphere of Egyptian
influence to become, by treaty, part of the political system of the
Hittite empire. However, as the correspondence shows (KTU 2.36 =
R S 17.435+; K TU 2.38 = R S 18.031; C u n c h i l l o s 1989b), com-
mercial relations between both countries remained the same and at
its final stage, Ugarit seems to have resumed relations with Egypt
at the highest level ( F r eu 1988; L ac k en b ac h er 1995b). The histor-
ical ties linking both these states
31
are reflected in the significant pres-
ence of Egyptians in Ugaritian society in which they seem to be very
much integrated. Together with Ugandans and foreigners of all kinds,
persons described as 'Egyptians' or 'from Egypt' work on palace
farms,
32
and receive food and clothing from the administration.
33
Also, as the juridical text K TU 3.7 = R S 18.118 shows ( H o f t i j z er
- v an S o l d t 1991 a, 206; M a r q u e z R o w e 1993b), they can be found
in various villages of the kingdom, perform military functions such
as that of mdrgl ( 11.5.3.4) and fulfil obligations of the unuu (unt)
type. Other Egyptians enjoyed a social position which was no doubt
more influential, even receiving various properties from the king of
Ugarit without any compensation at all.
34
However, the ambiguity
in respect of the possible Egyptian origin of certain persons said to
be Egyptian in Ugaritic administrative documents even affects per-
sons of the social standing of Sipti-Ba'alu ( V i t a - G a l n 1997; cf.
11.2.6.1).
(Tyre, gent, sry), KTU 4.321 = RS 18.005 (Byblos, gent, gblji); KTU 3.4 = RS
16.191+ (Beirut, gent. pi. birtym).
28
For example, the reference to shipowners from Sidon and Acre in ships from
Carchemish anchored in Ugarit (RSO 7, 5 = RS 34.147). Both references could
also be understood as personal names (cf. also the case of adddy in KTU 4.352 =
RS 18.042:9).
29
KTU 4.96 = RS 11.840:3.
30
PRU 6, 79 = RS 19.42:9.
31
On relations between Egypt and Ugarit see, recendy, HEL CK 1995.
32
KTU 4.96 = RS 11.840:6 (gent. msiy).
33
KTU 4.352 = RS 18.042:2 (msrm 'Egypt').
34
See the case given in PRU 3, 142 = RS 16.136.
1.4.6 Life in Ugarit was not exempt from dangers for foreigners.
Several international juridical documents deal with the murder of
traders.
35
They are bilateral agreements (with Carchemish) on mon-
etary compensation for the murder of traders on each other's soil
as well as resolutions concerni ng the robbery and murder of foreign
merchants in the kingdom of Ugarit ( K l en g el 1980) . The defence
of crown interests and the protection of international trade were
sought in equal measure. Actual cases were resolved between the
king of Ugarit and the communi ty to which the murderer belonged
( 11. 3. 8) . The resolution of the conflict was brought about by
payment of a customary amount of money and not by the death of
the guilty party.
36
The non-application of the death penalty is ob-
served also in cases of serious crime in which actual persons (not
communities) are implicated,
37
although some instances of execution
are also known.
5K
1.4.7 The kingdom of Ugarit also accommodated groups of peo-
ple who were basically not sedentary and were identified by their
own names. One of these groups was the hapir,
39
also attested in
Mesopotami a and Palestine. Broadly speaking, the term denotes indi-
viduals of foreign extraction, ethnically and socially displaced, who
frequently formed roving and dangerous bands, but who could end
up being integrated to some extent within society ( B o t t r o 1972- 75) .
The latter is the situation that seems to apply to Ugarit. The ref-
erences to various categories of personnel under the command of
the 'chief of the hapir' (rb
c
prm)
w
and to a hapiru in connection with
35
The unsafe nature of routes and roads could affect those of the highest rank,
as shown by the abduction of a Hittite princess on Ugaritian soil (Ug 5, 108 = RS
20.216). Other cases of murder in Ugarit in PRU 4, 173= RS 17.234 and Ug 5,
94 = RS 20.022. See 10.
36
As is clearly shown by lines 14-23 of the letter KBo I 10+ (K L ENGEL 1980;
HAGENBUCHNER 1989, 285, 291-2) from the Hittite king Hattusili to Kadaman-
Enlil II of Babylonia, which deal with the death of Babylonian merchants in Ugarit
and Amurru.
37
Cf. PRU 3, 96 = RS 16. 249: counterfeiting the royal seal and documents; the
penalty imposed is not death (envisaged in line 22) but exile. See also the episode
of intrigue led by two Ugaritic princes, dealt with in PRU 4, 121- 4 = RS 17. 352,
17. 035+, 17. 362 and 17. 367, which also seems to be settled by the exile of those
guilty (NOUGAY ROL 1956, 120).
3
" Cf. PRU 3, 68 = RS 16.269; cf. 11.3.2.2.
39
Mentioned in Ugaritic and Akkadian texts; Ug. 'prm (plural; CUNCHI L L OS
VI TA 1995a, no. 4506); Akk. fra-pi-ri (PRU 6, No. 112 = RS 17.99:5); Sum. SAG.GAZ
(and variants; BOTTRO 1972-75, 20); DIU 85.
40
Cf. KTU 4.752 = RS 29.097:1.
oil rations
41
show that there was some degree of organi zati on within
the group alongside its i ntegrati on within the admi ni strati on of the
ki ngdom, wi thout losing its identity.
42
The menti on of a place called
'Hill of the hapir
m
in admi ni strati ve documents seems to indicate
that, as in nearby Hatti,
44
the group had a geographi cal location. At
times the hapir were the direct cause of friction with foreign coun-
tries either over legal matters
45
or due to border conflicts.
46
1.4.8 Besides the hapir, the Ugari ti an sources mendon other groups.
A label with the inscription 'for the chief of the ktkym
H1
and an
admi ni strati ve text with personal names bel ongi ng to this category
48
suggest the (controversi al ) possibility that there was a group of
Kaskaeans in Ugari t, a north Anatol i an peopl e documented chiefly
in Hittite sources (.DLU, 231). The probabl e presence in Ugari ti c
society of groups bel ongi ng to the so-called 'Sea Peoples', in partic-
ul ar the erdan, is also controversial ( L o r et z 1995) . The vari ous
kings of Ugari t also had to deal with nomadi c peoples such as the
ummn-manda, in conflicts whi ch in the last resort had to be resolved
by diplomacy.
49
The inclusion of the various groups menti oned as
mercenari es in the army of Ugari t cannot be di scounted.
1.4.9 I n warti me, the contri buti on of foreigners to Ugari t could be
due to the taki ng of prisoners or the arrival of fugitives. Both cir-
cumstances were foreseen at an international level. The treaties signed
by Ugari t with Hatti
50
or Carchemi sh
51
usually envisaged the possi-
41
PRU 6, No. 112 = RS 17.099.5.
42
See also PRU 3, 102 = RS 15.109+.54-5; cf. also PRU 3, 233.
43
Ug. H lb 'prm (CUNCHI L L OS - V I T A 1995a, No. 4506), Sum.-Akk. ffalbi
L UMES
SAG.GAz/ ' apunma) , DLU, 85, 191.
44
PRU 4, 107 = RS 17.238.
45
PRU 3, 3 = RS 16.003, a letter from the king of Carchemish to king Ammittamru
concerning the case of f)apir. PRU 4, 107 = RS 17.238, an edict of Hattusili III
on fugitives from Ugarit in the territory of the ffapir of H
att
i ( 11 -4.2.2).
46
PRU 4, 161 = RS 17.341, on border problems between Ugarit and the south-
ern kingdom of Siyannu. Note also the reference, in a negative context, to the term
'bapiru' in a scribal exercise (PRU 3, 213 = RS 16.364).
47
KTU 6.3 = RS [Varia 5] (l rb ktkym).
48
KTU 4.319 = RS 17.443.
49
PRU 4, 180 = R S 17.286; VI TA 1995a, 18-9.
50
PRU 4, 52 = R S 17. 369A , a fragment which according to NOUGAY ROL 1956,
52, must form part of the agreement PRU 4, 48 = R S 17. 340. In connection with
this agreement see the letter PRU 4, 35 = R S 17. 132. Cf. also the treaty PRU 4,
96 = R S 17. 079+ and the international verdict PRU 4, 161 = R S 17. 341.
51
PRU 4, 54 = RS 17.334.
bility of acquiring prisoners from third-party countries in the event
of war as well as keeping in their territory fugitives from these same
countries.
52
As bilateral agreements, the obligation of the signatories
to repatriate fugitives from both countries who had settled in the
neighbouring country could be stipulated.
53
1.5 Ugandans abroad
1.5.1 The presence of foreigners in Ugarit corresponded to the
departure of Ugaritians beyond its frontiers. Sometimes they are
Ugaritians who travel abroad while carrying out their duties or pro-
fession. The international relations of the Ugaritic court, for exam-
ple, required the constant exchange of ambassadors and messengers.
Takuhl i nu, the best known ambassador of Ugarit, carried out his
duties in Carchemish ( Si nger 1983; cf. 11. 1. 4. 2).
54
The king and
queen of Ugarit tried to foster the work of their envoys by means
of personal contacts in the court in question.
55
I n turn, the envoys
had to give an account of their mission by means of written reports.
56
1.5.2 Because of their profession, Ugaritian traders also went abroad
often. Runni ng the same risks as their colleagues in other countries
( 11.1.4.6), their business ranged from Emar to Egypt, passing
through Cyprus, Unatu and the ports of the Levanti ne coast
( 11.2.6.1). The scribes also had some degree of mobility, by pro-
fession ( 11.2.7). One of them, from Cyprus, requests his lord, the
king of Ugarit, to send five chairs and a table ( M al b r an - L ab at
1995a, 445; 1995b, 104). However, as shown by the episode of the
'great sin'
57
which occurred in Sidon ( A r naud 1992, 185, 189-91;
X t l l a 1995, 259), the residence of Ugaritians beyond its frontiers
was not always free of conflict. A group of Ugaritians desecrated the
52
The military history of Ugarit (VI TA 1995a, 1131) suggests that there was no
lack of occasions on which the clauses concerning prisoners and fugitives could be
put into practice.
53
Cf. PRU 4, 107 = RS 17.238. In this respect see also, for example, the treaties
AT 2 (DI ETRI CH - LORETZ 1997) and AT 3 signed by Alalah.
54
In connection with Hatti see the Ugaritic letter KTU 2.16 = RS 15.008
(CUNCHI LLOS 1989b, 297-302).
55
PRU 4, 294 = RS 19.070, Ug 5, No. 28 = RS 20.184, both in connection
with Carchemish. See also RSO 7, No. 38 = RS 34.149, in connection with Sidon.
56
Ug 5, No. 44 = RS 20.219; RSO 7, No. 10 = RS 34.150.
57
FT-TA GAL; cf. ARNAUD 1992, 190, . 54.
temple of the Sidonian storm-god. As a result, the culprits, the people
and the king of Sidon had to perform a meticulous and expensive
reparation ritual to all the deities of Sidon over a period of four days.
Some of the culprits agreed to pay the cost of the ritual and those
who refused ran the risk of being executed.
18
1.5.3 On other occasions it was not professional reasons but war
or economical circumstances which forced some Ugaritians to leave
the country ( 11.1.6.7).
1.6 Social mobility
1.6.1 As the legal and administrative documents from Ugarit show,
the inhabitants of the kingdom could belong to different social classes.
It was a very structured society with a pattern quite different from
the one reflected in the texts from nearby Alalah ( S er angel i 1978;
G a l 1988), but comprised permeable strata. Different circumstances
could bring about a change in a person's class, such as a royal deci-
sion, marri age or one's own economi c situation. The differences
between Ugaritians in general and those within the same class in
particular ( L i ver ani 1979a, 1334; V a r g y a s 1988, 117), were also
economic in character.
59
The variations in the social and economic
position of the Ugaritians are also reflected in the archaeological
remains of tombs ( S al l es 1995) and houses ( C a l l o t 1994, 199- 201)
found in the city of Ugarit, which also show clearly the social dis-
parity between the capital and the rest of kingdom. On the lowest
rungs of the social ladder there were a certain number of servants,
slaves and fugitives ( 11.1.6.6-7).
1.6.2 Certain social classes, such as the maiyann and the mud, had
their own structure and were directly connected with the crown. In
Ugarit, the term maryannu,
m
which is well known in ancient Near
Eastern sources of the second half of the 2nd mi l l enni um bce
( Wi l hel m 1987- 90) , did not denote a type of soldier of the war-
5
" See also ARNAUD 1982b on a business dispute in Tyre.
59
Note also the existence of properties which were free of obligations (for exam-
ple, PRU 3, 90 = RS 16.147) as compared with others, the acquisition of which
entailed various economic and social obligations (for example, PRU 3, 62 = RS
16.167).
60
Ug. mryn, pi. miynm (CUNCHI L L OS - V I TA 1995a, Nos. 3726 and 3727).
chariot in the strict sense but a social group, a status or class ( Revi v
1972; V i t a 1995, 93 109). Its members formed a well-defined group
within society,
61
occupying a distinct social position but without com-
prising the controlling elite of the kingdom ( V ar gy as 1988, 121).
Distributed in various places,
62
they were connected economically
with agriculture.
63
Some of their members were military personnel
connected with chariots,
64
but they are neither the only members of
Ugaritic society i ntended for the chariot squad, nor did all the
maryann have to carry out that duty.
63
1.6.3 As for the term mud,
66
it denoted the scribe of the village
( 11. 2. 7. 2) but was also the name for a kind of courtier, the 'expert',
either of the king or the queen ( S anmar t i n 1989, 337- 41) . The
maryann were also connected with the crown. On the one hand, as
in Alalah,
67
the king had the power to grant an individual the sta-
tus of maryannu,
68
which was surely hereditary.
69
On the other hand,
again as in Alalah ( N a' aman 1980, 112) , they comprised various
categories, one among them being that of 'maryannu of the king'.
70
The same person could function in both categories, maryannu and
mud at the same time.
71
Nevertheless, the category of maryannu must
have been superi or, j udgi ng from the economi c benefi ts it en-
tailed and because it was a more restricted class ( Revi v 1972, 221) .
Accordingly, maryannu and mud could have been the highest social
classes.
61
See, for example, the lists of maryannu, KTU 4.322 = RS 18.007A and K TU
4.561 = RS 18.[489]; also perhaps KTU 4.623 = RS 19.049[B].
62
Cf. PRU "i, 192 = RS 12.034+; K TU 4.244 = RS 16.396:16; K TU 4.772 =
RI H 78/06:5.
63
K TU 4.416 = RS 18.252:1; K TU 4.244 = RS 16.396:16.
04
Cf. PRU 3, 192 = RS 12.034+ and the dependence of the maryannu on the
'overseer of (the) chariot(s)' (
L U
UGUL A
GI S
GI GI R; PRU 3, 79 = RS 16.239:31-3).
65
As shown, again, by PRU 3, 192 = R S 12.34+. Thus, the theory of RF.VI V
1972, 228, according to which the maryannu gradually lost their connection with
chariots during the second half of the 2nd millennium, is very probable. They were
being integrated into spheres which were more civil than military and their place
in the army was gradually taken by members of the lower classes.
66
Ug. md, pi. mdm (CUNCHI LLOS VI TA 1995a, Nos. 3361 and 3382) .
61
A T 15; A T 91 (NA'AMAN 1980, 111-2; DI ETRI CH - MAY ER 1996b, 184-7).
68
PRU 3, 140 = R S 16.132; HUEHNERGARD 1987b, 173. At Emar, instead, this
power could belong to an individual, cf. R E 66 (BECKMAN 1996b, 85).
69
Cf. K TU 4.561 = RS 18. [489],
7(1
maryannu LUGAL (PRU 3, 79 = RS 16.239:17). Also attested are the n't mrynm 'lads/
cadets of the maryannumd and bn mrynm 'sons of the maryannma (VI TA 1995a, 105-9).
71
Cf. PRU 3, 79 = RS 16.239!
1.6.4 Changes in status by royal decree could involve other classes,
such as the qd, mur'u and airu. Tradi ti onal l y understood to mean
'commanders', 'officials', the mur' were in turn subdivided into 'mur'u
of the king', 'mur'u of the crown pri nce' and 'mur'u of the prefect'.
72
By a decision of Ammi ttamru I I , a man and his sons moved from
belonging to the mur' of the crown prince (I biranu) to form part
of the mud of the queen, a change which entailed a series of financial
privileges.
73
I n the case of another person, the same king decrees his
transfer from iru
n
to 'mud of the king', a position which entailed
the payment of a sum of money but also exempti on from certain
obligations.
7
' It can be supposed, therefore, that both cases involved
a rise in social standing.
1.6.5 Changes were also possible horizontally, as the juridical docu-
ment PRU 3, 78 = RS 15.Y seems to suggest.
76
I n the case of women,
the changes of status attested are related to marri ages ( 11.1.6.6).
1.6.6 As in other societies of the period,
77
people in Ugari t could
be bought and sold.
78
As a result, in Ugaritic society there was also
a servant class,
79
which one j oi ned chiefly through financial debts
80
(cf. 11.1.6.7). Servants formed part of a property on the same level
Ug. mru mlk/Akk. mur'u LUGAL, Ug. mru ibm/Akk. mur'u Ibirana, mur'u unyni
and Ug. mru skn/Akk. mur'u
I L
MASKI M respectively. Bibliography and discussion ('fat-
teners', 'quartermasters') in VI TA 1995, 145-7; CUNCHI LLOS - VI TA 1995b.
73
PRU 3, 162 = R S 16. 348. According to NOUGAY ROL 1968, 136 n. 4, it is very
likely that the person in question was the recipient of the queen's letter Ug 5, 136 =
R S 20. 013.
74
A category of uncertain meaning, cf. DLU, 92 (Ug. 'r).
75
PRU 3, 134 = RS 15.137.
76
The document provides two examples of a change: by decision of king Niqmepa,
a person moves from being a 'tanner' (akpu) to being a 'lancer' (
LL
ZAG.LU; cf.
HUEHNERGARD 1989, 67; 11.5.2.3) and the other, instead, moves from a 'lancer'
to a 'tanner'.
77
On Emar see ARNAUD 1981 and the references in DI ETRI CH 1990.
78
Cf. PRU 4, 161 = RS 17.341; PRU 4, 238 = RS 17.231; Ug 5, No. 10 = RS
17.067; Ug 5, No. 85 = RS 20.236; KTU 3.4 = RS 16.191+. The Egyptians seem
to have played an active role in this enterprise, cf. KTU 3.8 = RS 19.066; PRU
3, 19 = RS 15.011; Ug 5, No. 42 = RS 20.021; RSO 7, No. 16 = RS 34.158.
79
Masc., Ug. 'bd (CUNCHI LLOS - VI TA 1995a, Nos. 4289, 4296, 4306, 4310; DLU,
68, which distinguishes between 'bd I 'slave' and 'bd II 'servant'), Sum. R, Akk. ardu
(cf. polyglot vocabulary Ug 5, No. 137 = RS 20.123 iii 4; HUEHNERGARD 1987b,
96, 158). Fem., Sum. GEM, Ug. amt (CUNCHI LLOS - VI TA 1995a, Nos. 270, 287,
289; DLU, 36). For references to prisoners (Ug. asr, Akk. asru) in the texts from
Ugarit cf. DLU, 55.
80
Cf . K T U 3. 8 = R S 19. 066 (HOFTI J ZER - VAN SOL DT 1991, 191- 2) ; PRU 4,
103- 5 = R S 17. 130. On the appropriateness of speaking of'servitude' rather than
as lands, houses, animals and domesdc furniture,
81
and thus could
be transferred and exchanged for other servants.
82
For the state they
carried out agricultural tasks on the royal farms (Ug. gt, Akk. dimtu;
11.4.1.2).
83
Being a servant was not necessarily for life, as shown
by the cases of women who drop their status as servants as a first
step before marri age ( 11.3.1.4),
84
or by the possiblity of personal
freedom, with a servant left in one's stead.
83
1.6.7 Finally, Ugarit had to deal with the probl em of fugitives. As
is known, the pursuit and extradition of fugitives was an i mportant
matter in the international relations of the ancient Near East. Ugarit,
like other states in the period, confronted this situation by means of
bilateral treaties and internal legal mechani sms ( H o f t i j z er - v an
S o l d t 1991). Since the nayyalu or runaway could not fulfil the eco-
nomi c obligations towards the admi ni strati on ('/^-obligations, pilku),
86
he was pursued and lost his lands in favour of third parties ( H e l t z e r
1976, 52-7; L i v er ani 1979a, 1343; S an mar t i n 1995c, 135-6).
87
It
was another possible way of becomi ng a servant ( 11.1.6.6).
2 T h e R o y a l F ami l y , A dmi n i s t r at i o n an d C o mmer c e
2.1 Dynasty and succession
Accordi ng to the textual evidence, only one dynasty ruled in Ugarit.
The royal titularies of the juridical texts show that succession was
'slavery' in Ugaritic society, see BOY ER 1955, 299; NOUGAY ROL 1955, 31- 2; for the
opposite view cf. LI VERANI 1982, 257.
81
For example, PRU 3, 56 = R S 15. 120; Ug 5, No. 81 = R S 21. 230; PRU 6,
No. 49 = R S 17. 378A ; R S 8. 145 (THUREAU-DANGI N 1937, 249) .
82
Ug 5, No. 56 = RS 20.150; PRU 6, No. 45 = RS 18.021; RSO 7, No. 56 =
RS 34.170.
8:1
K TU 4.636 = RS 19.097; Ug 5, No. 96 = RS 20.012. Cf. also HEL TZER 1982,
64- 5; LI VERANI 1982, 257.
84
PRU 3, 85 = R S 16. 250; PRU 3, 110 = R S 16. 267; R S 8. 208 (THUREAU-
DANGI N 1937, 253; partially in PRU 3, 110) where the husband pays a certain
amount of money.
85
RSO 7, No. 23 = RS 34.170.
86
See p. 485 n. 194. Cf. also abyn 'bankrupt' in K TU 4.70 = RS 11.720:6
(.DLU, 7; KTU
1
, 237; tflq 'missing' [DLU, 192]).
87
The generic term for 'fugitive', also attested in Ugarit, is munnabtu. The label
PRU 6, No. 76 = RS 17.361A, which deals with fugitives, was probably attached
to the agreement between Suppiluliuma and Niqmaddu, PRU 4, 52 = RS 17.369A,
from father to son. The only exception was Ni qmepa', son of Niq-
maddu I I , who succeeded his brother Arhalba.
88
The king was free
to choose the crown prince, although the king of Hatti reserved for
himself the right to intervene in the royal succession.
89
I n the event
of the monarch bei ng a mi nor, the queen-mother ( L i ver ani 1974,
336; L ac k en b ac h er 1995a, 75) or the prefect could act as regents.
2.2 The king
The king, as head of state, was at the pi nnacl e of the political,
administrative and religious system of the kingdom. The royal palace,
in the capital of the kingdom ( M a r g u er o n 1995), was a clear expres-
sion of his sovereign position. He was constantly present in external
politics, as shown by the treaties, juridical documents and copious
international correspondence. On the other hand, he was the supreme
commander of the army, a function which he exercised to effect
( 11.5.1.2). I n religion, the king occupied a central position. A large
number of the rituals preserved ( del O l mo L et e 1992a = 1999) are
royal in character: they are carried out in the palace, are directed
towards the tutelary gods of the dynasty, focus on the king's person
or show him to be the principal officiant. Some rituals where the king
officiates show the monarch as protector of the kingdom and some
stelae represent him functi oni ng as a priest, as beneficiary of divine
protection and as its i ntermedi ary between god and kingdom (Yon
1991, 292-7). Once deceased, the kings then became divine beings
and conti nued to watch over the dynasty and the kingdom. Ugaritic
royalty, therefore, is very much in line with royalty elsewhere in the
ancient Near East at the time and differs sharply from the types of
royalty of contemporary Syrian centres such as Emar ( F l emi ng 1992a).
2.3 The prefect
The administration of Ugarit was not monolithic but a partitioned
system. The superior position of the monarch was tempered by the
which also regulated the problem of foreign fugitives who reached Ugarit (VAN
SOLDT 1989b, 384).
88
Also a son of Niqmaddu. This atypical succession was due to the direct inter-
vention of the Hittite king Muri1i II following the Syrian revolt led by Nuhai
and Qadesh (cf. PRU 4, 85 = RS 17.338; LIVERANI 1979a, 1306).
89
Cf. PRU 4, 126 = RS 17.159. See also PRU 4, 124 = RS 17.367 and PRU
4, 128 = RS 17.348; YARON 1963, 29-30; PINTORE 1978, 131.
existence of administrative nuclei or nuclei of power headed by the
prefect, the queen and the court nobles (cf. also 11.2.5).
90
The
'prefect' (s/nu), at the head of a 'House of the prefect',
91
complemented
the king in every aspect of government, whether internal or external,
political, commercial or juridical ( L i v er ani 1979a, 1337; M a l b r a n -
L a b a t 1995b, 109). He was also the king's deputy when he was out-
side the kingdom
92
and acted as regent if the king was a minor.
93
2.4 The queen
2.4.1 The queen ( van S o l d t 1985-6; A b o u d 1994) occupied a sep-
arate administrative and political position. I n the context of the role
played by princesses in the international politics of the period (Pin-
t o r e 1978; S i nger 1991b, 335), the foreign origin of some queens
of Ugarit
94
pardy explains this position. Another cause was her secure
financial position. Queens brought a substantial dowry to a mar-
riage,
95
control of which they retained in the event of divorce. They
could increase their possessions by direct intervention of the king,
96
by the acquisition of new properties
97
and by the activities of her
own merchants.
98
They managed her patri mony with complete free-
dom,
99
and its business activities are reflected in various genres.
100
90
The king's relatives also had considerable influence. The documents show
them as increasing their personal patrimony thanks to the direct intervention of the
king, as in the case of Niqmaddu's family, i.e. his brother Nuriyani (PRU 3, 45 =
RS 16.140) his sister Dalaptum (PRU 3, 52 = RS 15.085), his daughter Apap
(PRU 3, 69 = RS 16.276).
91
bt skn, for example in KTU 4.361 = RS 18.051 (cf. CUNCHI L L OS - VI TA 1995a,
No. 4174).
92
RSO 7, No. 37 = RS 34.137.
93
RSO 7, No. 12 = RS 34.129.
94
From Amurru: Ahatmilku (VAN SOL DT 1985 6, 70; SI NGER 1991a, 159) and the
princess called 'daughter of the Great Lady'. From Hatti: on the divorce of Ammu-
rapi and his Hittite wife see 11.3.2.3. From Egypt: on the 'marriage vase' of Niq-
maddu II and the problem of identifying the woman depicted see VAN SOL DT 1985-6,
69-70.
95
As shown by the list of the effects of Ahatmilku, Niqmepa"s wife (PRU 3,
182 = RS 16.146+).
96
PRU 3, 53 = RS 15.089.
97
Ug 5, 262-4 = RS 17.86+, RS 17.102, RS 17.325. Thus they disposed of
properties of the gt/dimtu type (cf. 11.4.1.2), cf. the letter KTU 2.21 = RS 15.174
(CUNCHI L L OS 1981b), the administrative text K T U 4.143 = R S 15.031 and the
juridical text Ug 5, 264 = RS 17.325.
98
PRU 4, 189-90 = RS 17.314, RS 17.449.
99
PRU 3, 50-1 = RS 16.277, RS 15.086; PRU 3, 53 = RS 15.89.
100
Letters: PRU 3, 14 = R S 12.033 (VAN SOL DT 1985-6, 71) and K T U 2.34 =
R S 17.139 (CUNCHI L L OS 1989b, 345-7). Administrative texts: oil ( K T U 4.143 = R S
Financial i ndependence went hand in hand with her own adminis-
trative structure which was called 'The House of the Queen'.
101
I n
matters of religion, rituals and administrative texts reflect the queen's
cultic activity.
102
2.4.2 On the basis of the economic and administrative infrastruc-
ture described, the queen extended her activity to every sphere of
the realm, retaining up to her death both her title and most of her
influence. Like other queens and princesses of the period,
103
the queen
of Ugarit took an active part in the foreign policy of the kingdom.
By means of her scribes and messengers,
104
she mai ntai ned direct
connections with the principal courts of the period.
105
The letter RSO
7, No. 9 = RS 34.145 shows the range of aspects covered by the
queen's activity abroad. An indication of the position she held in
the diplomacy of the kingdom is the letter PRU 4, 294 = RS 19.070,
the presentation of a Ugaritian ambassador to a personage from the
Hittite court, signed jointly by the king and queen. The king, in
turn, kept the queen i nformed of his activity duri ng his j ourneys out-
side the court.
106
15.031), vineyards and wine (KTU 4.219 = RS 16.179:12; KTU 4.244 = RS
16.396:9; K TU 4.246 = RS 16.398:2-3; perhaps KTU 4.230 = RS 16.341:4.5),
wheat (PRU 3, 188 = RS 16.151; perhaps Ug 5, 198 = RS 20.220), barley for the
queen's animals (MAL BRAN-L ABAT 1995a, 446). The juridical texts PRU 3, 119 =
RS 16.204 and PRU 3, 143 = RS 16.138 mention the 'service (pilku) of the
queen's sons'.
101
bt arrati, an administration comprising 'the queen's men' (bn mlkt, KTU
4. 22 = R S 1. 041: 3- 4) in the election of whom she could intervene directly, cf. for
example, PRU 4, 238 = R S 17. 231 (NOUGAY ROL 1968, 136 n. 5). The skinu is the
most important official connected with the queen, cf. PRU 3, 110 = R S 8. 208,
PRU 3, 53 = R S 15. 089, Ug 5, 264 = R S 17. 325, K T U 2. 21 = R S 15. 174.
102
Ritual KTU 1.170 ="RI H 78/11 (CUNCHI LLOS - VI TA 1993a, 225: 1.174);
administrative texts: KTU 4.149 = RS 15.039:14-15; KTU 4.219 = RS 16.179:12;
KTU 4.230 = RS 16.341:4.5; KTU 4.246 = RS 16.398:3 (XELLA 1981, 345).
103
See, for example, the letter EA 26, from Turatta to Teye of Egypt, or the
character of the Hittite queen, Puduhepa (CUNCHI LLOS 1989b, 363-421).
104
Cf. RS 6.198 (THUREAU-DANGI N 1935), RSO 7, No. 9 = RS 34.145:21; K T U
2.34 = RS 17.139:5 (CUNCHI LLOS 1989b, 343).
105
Egypt: EA 48 (MORAN 1992, 120 n. 1); Assyria: R S 6.198 (THUREAU-DANGI N
1935; LI PI NSKI 1981, 87-8); Amurru: PRU 3, 13 = R S 16.111 (SI NGER 1991a, 160);
Hatti: RSO 7, No. 18 = RS 34.154; Carchemish: RSO 7, No. 9 = RS 34.145.
On the queen's contacts with the Hittite world see also BORDREUI L 1995b, 449. It
is probable that the letter KTU 2.68 = RS 20.199 records direct contact between
the queen of Ugarit and the dethroned Hittite king Mursiii III (Urhiteub; CUN-
CHI LLOS 1989b, 360 . 3).
IOfi
KTU 2.13 = RS 11.872; KTU 2.33 = RS 16.379; K TU 2.34 = RS 17.139.
2.5 Administrative centres
A series of residences outside the palace with archives which can be
dated to the second half of the 13th cent, bce show that, at least
in the final stage of the kingdom, affairs of state were administered
in various centres. These are what are known as the 'houses' of
Raapabu ( N o u g a y r o l 1968, 1), Rap'anu ( N o u g a y r o l 1968, 42)
Y abninu ( C o ur t o i s 1990) and Urtenu ( B o r d r eu i l 1995; M a l b r a n -
L ab at 1995a; 1995b; Y o n 1995), the names of nobles of the kingdom.
The archives of the so-called 'House of Urtenu', for example, date
to the end of the 13th cent, and the beginning of the 12th cent, bce
(the last two reigns of Ugarit); as a whole, they are more recent than
the palace archives. Political, diplomatic and military affairs are the
equal concern of both archives, which also share the same more
i mportant recipients, i.e. king, queen and prefect. Despite this, in
the correspondence of the 'House of Urtenu', commerce is the prin-
cipal topic, and it displays a wider geographical horizon than the
palace, ranging from Cyprus and the Hittite world to as far away
as Egypt and the ports of the Palestine coast. Nevertheless, the exact
purpose of these residences within Ugaritic administration has yet to
be determined. A comparative examination of the international cor-
respondence kept in the royal palace and in the houses of Rap'anu
and Urtenu ( L ac k enbac her 1995a) does not reveal the criteria which
governed the classification of a document in a particular archive and
so determine the specific nature of this archive.
2.6 Power and economy
2.6.1 The various administrative centres show the close relation-
ship that existed between power and economy. The Ugaritic royal
family played an active part in the economics of the kingdom. The
kings obtained important financial benefits from their relations with
traders.
107
One of these, ipti-Ba
C
alu ( A r naud 1982b; 1991b, 65-6;
V i t a - G a l n 1997), the director of an international network of
traders who operated from Emar to Egypt, passing through Cyprus
and the Levantine ports, belonged to the royal family as the king's
son-in-law
108
and supervised the runni ng of the queen's estates. A
107
For example, Sinaranu and Amtarunu (PRU 3, 101-8 = RS 15.138+, 15.109+,
16.206, 16.238+, 16.251; PRU 3, 124-6 = RS 15.163+, 15.147, 16.162).
108
RSO 7, No. 30 = RS [Varia 26],
considerable number of juridical documents show the king's inter-
vention in the exchange and the buying and selling of lands, either
intervening directly in the operation
109
or sanctioning operations
between individuals.
110
The politics of collecting taxes on the mer-
chandise which circulated in the kingdom also depended in the final
instance on the king ( A r naud 1996, 61- 2) .
2.6.2 The same relationship between power and economy can be seen
in the residences outside the palace ( 11.2.5). Y abni nu, for exam-
ple, who was at the head of a vast administration in the period of
Ammi ttamru II, also organized commercial trips to Egypt ( C our t oi s
1990). Various business networks gravitated around the 'house of
Urtenu' ( M al br an- L abat 1995a, 446; 1995b, 105), the best known
of which was directed by Sipti-Ba'alu ( 11.2.6.1).
2.6.3 Thus the palace administration, understood in its widest sense,
control l ed a large part of the commerci al activity of the king-
dom, as is also shown by the frequent reference to traders in the
administrative documents'" and the existence of a 'merchant/trader-
obligation'.
112
The palace supplied the merchants with a quantity of
merchandise
113
or money to carry out their operations, and once
concluded, it then proceeded to calculate the balance of the results
gained ( L i ver ani 1979a, 1330; 1979b)."
4
2.7 The scbes
2.7.1 The scribes were a central element in the functioning of the
administration. Various genres are witness to the type of formation
which the Ugaritic scribes received. They were professionals who
were generally bilingual or, at least, biscriptal (in Ugari ti c and
109
See, for example, the case of the family of Abdu (PRU 3, 78-86 = RS [Varia 7],
16.239, 16.254D, 16.143, 16.157, 16.250).'
110
For example, PRU 3, 54 = RS 15.090, PRU 3, 87 = RS 15.119, PRU 3,
71 = RS 16.356.
111
For the alphabetic texts cf. CUNCHI L L OS - V I TA 1995a, Nos. 3482- 3483.
112
PRU 6, No. 30 = RS 18. [500].
113
PRU 6, No. 156 = RS 19.020; cf. also, for example, PRU 4, 154 = RS
17.146:6-7.
114
On the dangers incurred by traders in the exercise of their profession see
11.1.4.6. On traders in general and their various classes, see also HEL TZER 1978a;
ARNAUD 1996, 62- 3.
Akkadian; v an S o l d t 1995; M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1996; D al i x 1996).
Expressions of the type 'servant of Nabu and Nisaba', which they
claim in some colophons,"
3
show that the Ugaritic scribes were aware
of belonging to a guild with its roots in Mesopotamia. The docu-
ments they used in their formation show, in fact, a deep familiarity
with Mesopotami an culture as well as a certain degree of independ-
ence and originality in respect of their models ( N o u g a y r o l 1968,
199-200; A r n au d 1979, 1357).
2.7.2 The profession of scribe was usually passed down from father
to son, and at least two scribal dynasties are known. The existence
of a hierarchy within the corps can be deduced from the references
in colophons to literary and lexical texts, to titles such as 'appren-
tice' (,Imd) and others the precise meani ng of which has yet to be
determined ( van S o l d t 1995). Besides the scribes of the palace organ-
isation it is likely that there were street scribes who offered their
services in fields such as magic, divination or simple mathematics
( S anmar t i n 1989, 337-41).
2.8 Administration and territory
2.8.1 The work carricd out by the scribes helps us to know, in
broad outline, other components of the administrative structure of
Ugarit. At the head of each section of administration ( H el t z er 1982)
there was an official called the rab.
m
His actual functions are
unknown on most occasions, but titles such as 'chief of the palace'
(rab ekallim),
n
~' 'chief accountant' (rb nky),
U8
'chief of the craftsmen'
(rb hrsrri),"
9
'chief of the chariots' (rab narkabti),
m
'chief of the field'
(rb d
m
/rab eqlt),
m
or (always with reference to people) 'chief of
ten' (rb
c
srt),
m
'chief of a hundred' (rb mit),
m
'chief of a thousand'
115
See, for example, Ug 5, 252, 283.
116
On the reading rab of the ideogram UGULA, cf. ARNAUD 1996, 61 . 85.
117
PRU 3, 165 = RS 16.386.
118
K T U 6.69 = RS 7.25:3-4 (BORDREUIL 1986, 294; CUNCHILLOS - VITA 1995b,
390).
119
KTU 4.145 = RS 15.034:9.
120
PRU 3, 79 = RS 16.239; PRU 3, 83 = RS 16.157.
121
KTU 4.160 = RS 15.065:12.
122
PRU 3, 134 = RS 15.137.
123
KTU 4.609 = RS 19.016:2, 5, 7, 8; KTU 4.714 = RS 22.231:1.
124
KTU 2.42 = RS 18.1 13A:3.
(rab lim),
125
as well as the existence of'j udges' (dayynu),
126
give a good
idea of the ramifications and complexity of Ugaritic administration.
2.8.2 The lists of toponyms show that, for administrative purposes,
Ugaritic places formed units which correspond approximately to the
natural geographical divisions of the kingdom ( A s t o ur 1995, 62-3).
Acting in coordination with the principal prefect were the provin-
cial prefects,
127
and several places had a 'mayor' (hazannw, 11.3.8.2)
or local representative of the central administration ( H el t z er 1976,
80-1; L i v er ani 1979a, 1337, 1342).'
28
The functionaries entrusted
with control over the commerical frontiers of the kingdom, on land
and at sea, were the 'tax collector' (mkisu)
129
and the 'harbourmas-
ter' (rab kr)
m
( A r naud 1996, 61-2). The central administration also
managed directly part of the financial resources of the kingdom by
means of a system of farms ( 11.4.1.2).
2.9 The priests
Although they had their own financial resources ( L i pi nski 1988) , the
priests belonged to the administrative ambit of the palace ( H el t z er
1982, 132- 3) . It is not known what the functions of the khnm (Sum.
S anga) and qdm (Sum. nu. gi g) were, frequently associated in the
administrative texts,
131
but perhaps they may have been '(clerical)
administrators' and 'priests, consecrators' respectively ( A r naud 1996,
54- 8; see further d e l O l mo L et e - S an mar t i n 1998, 177- 81) .
Evidence of the priestly organization and hierarchy are the existence
of a 'college of khnm' (dr khnm)
132
and the reference, in documents of
125
PRU 6, 52 = RS 19.078.
126
PRU 3, 61 = RS 16.156:20; see also PRU 3, 141 = RS 16.132:26. On Ug.
trtn as possibly meaning 'supreme judge' cf. SANMARTI N 1989, 345-8.
127
NOUGAY ROL 1968, 139 n. 4; Ug 5, No. 51 = RS 20.158; KTU 4.160 = RS
15.065:6; KTU 4.288 = RS 17.293:2-5; KTU 4.609 = RS 19.016:10-11.
128
PRU 3, 134 = R S 15.137; Ug 5, No. 26 = R S 20.003; R S 25.134 (LACKEN-
BACHER 1991b).
129
PRU 3, 15 = RS 15.033; PRU 4, 235 = RS 17.135+; PRU 4, 237 = RS
17.066; PRU 4, 239 = RS 17.232.
130
PRU 4, 219 = RS 17.424c+; Ug 5, No. 13 = RS 17.465; ARNAUD 1982b,
102. Cf . NOUGAY ROL 1968, 20 . 2.
131
CUNCHI L L OS - VI TA 1995a, Nos. 2927 and 5071; PRU 6, No. 93 = RS
17.131:26-7.
132
KTU 4.357 = RS 18.047:24.
various genres, to a 'chief of the khnrr (rb khnm),
133
a person of high
social and financial position ( L i pi nski 1988, 126- 31) .
134
3 T h e F ami l y and t h e C o l l ec t i v e
3.1 Marriage
3.1.1 As in other societies of the ancient Near East, marriage in
Ugarit was considered to be a contract ( B oy er 1955; M ar r as s i ni
1984). The mechanics of matri mony in Ugarit are very like those
of contemporary Syrian societies such as Emar ( B ec k man 1996a,
69) and Alalah, to a large extent already documented in Babylonia
( Wes t b r o o k 1988).
3.1.2 The woman brought to the marriage a sum of money known
as the terhatu, which came from the patrimony of her own family.
13
'
The terhatu and the goods given her by her father as a dowry com-
prised the material contribution of the woman to the marriage.
136
It is possible that the term terhatu on its own denotes the dowry
( Z ac c agni ni 1973, 25 n. 60),
137
but perhaps, as in Alalah I V , terhatu
and dowry were two separate items. I n Alalah, before the wedding,
the groom presents the woman's father with an amount of money
called terhatu. From the sequence of events it can be deduced that
133
CUNCHI LLOS - VI TA 1995a, No. 2927; PRU 3, 168 = R S 16.168; PRU 6,
No. 9 = RS 17.428.
134
On the personnel connected with the cult see also, in general, DE TARRAGON
1980, 131-44.
135
PRU 3, 54 = R S 15. 092; PRU 3, 60 = R S 16. 141; PRU 3, 62 = R S 16. 158
could show that the ter/jatu also consists of landed property (BOY ER 1955, 301), but
the passage dealing with the matter is uncertain (MARRASSI NI 1984, 67).
136 pui j 3
t
[32 = RS 16.146+ shows how rich a queen's dowry could be
(Ahatmilku; NOUGAY ROL 1955, 178; BOY ER 1955, 301). Similarly, Ugaritic epic
('Keret') and myth ('The Wedding of Yarhu and Nikkal') have preserved the verb
trfy 'to marry, pay the bride-price' (DEL OL MO L ETE 1981, 639; cf. MARRASSI NI
1984, 68), as well as the noun mtrf(t 'spouse, wife' (DEL OL MO L ETE 1981a, 586);
see CUNCHI LLOS - VI TA 1995a, Nos. 6139 and 3803 respectively.
137
The meaning 'dowry' of Ug. mtg (mtghy, KTU 1.24 = RS 5.194:47) is uncer-
tain, cf. DEL OL MO L ETE 1981a, 578; see similarly mhr 'dowry, bride-price' in the
'The Wedding of Yarhu and Nikkal' (DEL OL MO L ETE 1981a, 639; cf. MARRASSI NI
1984, 72). See also WY ATT 1998C, 338 n. 15, 341 n. 30.
138
A T 92 (WESTBROOK 1994, 279; but see ZACCAGNI NI 1985, 598- 9) ; A T 93. I n
A T 17 (SPEI SER 1954, 23) only nidnu 'gift' is mentioned.
the bride's father presented the new couple with the terhatu together
with his daughter's dowry. Thus returned, the terhatu became the
indirect contribution of the husband to the marriage. Since relations
between both societies are so well documented, a procedure much
as in Alalah can be presupposed in Ugarit.
3.1.3 When the groom (or his family) presented the terhatu to the
bride's family, she was not yet fully a wife (Ug. att, Akk. aatu) but
instead had gained the status of kallatu
m
(Ug. kit) and as such starts
to become part of the political family.
140
I n the event of the engage-
ment being broken off
141
or of widowhood and the need to leave
the conjugal hearth,
142
the woman retained control of this money.
3. 1. 4 The letter K TU 2. 72 = RS 34. 124'
4 3
and the juridical doc-
ument RS 8. 208
1 4 4
mention the anointing of a woman with oil. It
is a ritual gesture attested in the context of marriage, especially in
the El-Amarna letters ( M a l u l 1988, 161- 79) . The first case seems
to be a marriage between the king of Ugarit and a princess from
Amurru. I n the second, a high official of the queen anoints a female
slave as a preliminary step to her emancipation and the later mar-
riage of both ( 11.1.6.6).
3.2 Divorce
3.2.1 The juridical documents provide us with some aspects of
divorce in Ugarit, both within the royal family and outside it.
145
I n
one case, a man declares that his wife has taken her share of the
goods and has left the hearth.
146
The reasons for the divorce are not
given, but the fact that the couple had at least one son excludes the
139
PRU 3, 60 = RS 16.141.
140
As the administrative text in Ugaritic, KTU 4.80 = RS 11.778 shows. On a
similar situation in Emar, cf. RE 6 (BECKMAN 1996b, 9).
141
PRU 3, 60 = RS 16.141.
142
PRU 3, 54 = RS 15.092.
143
RSO 7, No. 88.
144
THUREAU-DANGI N 1937, 253 (partially in PRU 3, 110).
145
The formula for divorce used in Ugarit must have been the same as in Emar,
'you are not my wife/husband'; cf. ARNAUD 1986, No. 124. It is the same formula
as used in the Old Babylonian laws, perhaps pronounced in front of witnesses
(WESTBROOK 1988, 69), as was the case in Nuzi (BRENEMAN 1971, 245).
146
PRU 3, 81 = RS 16.143.
woman's infertility as a cause.
147
I n fact, the husband does not resort
to polygamy as is foreseen in cases of barrenness ( 11.3.3.2) and
another document shows him as having a new wife.
148
Generally
speaking, the woman reclaimed her dowry in the event of the mar-
riage being dissolved.
149
3.2.2 Within the royal family, the best documented case of divorce
is that of king Ammi ttamru II from a daughter of Benteina, king of
Amurru ( Si nger 1991a, 174-5; A r n au d - S al v i ni 1991-92).'
50
The
woman appears to be the guilty party and so the husband takes the
initiative in the lawsuit. At first the reason for the divorce is said to
be that the woman was trying to prejudice the king in some way.
151
The woman leaves the hearth and takes away her belongings,'
32
but
only what she brought as a dowry, since she is obliged to forego
the goods acquired during the period of marriage in her husband's
favour.
153
Although the lawsuit is international in character, the result
reflects the characteristics of a private divorce ( N o u g ay r o l 1956,
125 n. 1). Later on, the woman is accused of having committed a
'great sin' (htu rabtu), a vague term which included various types of
offence,
154
and finally she is executed.
3.2.3 I n the separation of goods which follows the divorce of the
king Ammurapi from a Hittite princess, which is not so well docu-
mented ( A s t our 1980),
155
the king takes back a property which he
147
The fact that the woman could take away the money of the terhatu and the
rest of the goods could indicate, judging from AT 92, that the husband caused the
separation for no justifiable reason. In the case envisaged in PRU 3, 60 = RS
16.141, the woman certainly reclaims the terhatu because the matrimonial contract
was not completed.
148
PRU 3, 85 = RS 16.250.
149
PRU 3, 81 = R S 16. 143; PRU 4, 126 = R S 17. 159; PRU 4, 209 = R S 17. 355;
cf. also the case of PRU 3, 62 = R S 16. 158 and ZACCAGNI NI 1985, 599.
150
The princess is a daughter of the so-called 'Great (Lady)', possibly Gau1iyawiya,
Great Princess