Takuya Soma (2012) The Art of Horse-Riding Falconry by Altai-Kazakh Falconers, HERITAGE 2012 (vol.2)- Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference on Heritage and Sustainable Development: pp. 1499-1506.

HERITAGE 2012
HERITAGE 2012

Proceedings of the 3
rd
International Conference
on Heritage and Sustainable Development
Porto, Portugal
19-22 June

Edited by

Rogrio Amoda
Srgio Lira
Cristina Pinheiro

HERITAGE 2012
3
rd
International Conference on Heritage and Sustainable Development

Edited by
Rogrio Amoda, Srgio Lira & Cristina Pinheiro

2012 The Editors and the Authors

All rights reserved No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form
or by any means, without prior written permission from the Publisher

ISBN 978-989-95671-5-3
e-ISBN 978-989-95671-8-4

Published by
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1
st
edition, June 2012

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The Editors and the Publisher are not responsible for the use which might be made of the following information

Foreword

Heritage 2012, 3
rd
International Conference on Heritage and Sustainable Development followed
the path established by previous editions of this event and aimed at establishing a state of the art
event regarding the relationships between forms and kinds of heritage and the framework of sus-
tainable development concepts. The number, variety and quality of papers presented and pub-
lished allow a final and positive balance. In fact, for this edition of Heritage double-blind peer-
review of papers applied and the number of definitive rejections was relatively low, confirming
the over-all high quality of submitted material.
As nowadays sustainable development was brought much forward than the concept expressed
in the book Our Common Future, commonly known as The Brundtland Report, Heritage
followed that path and aimed at a broader vision on heritage and sustainable development. The
role of culture and social aspects enlarged the initial statement where environment and econom-
ics took the main role, guiding the earliest research on sustainable development. The environ-
mentalist vision of the world as a whole ecological system, and the world economical trades and
product and service flows, enhanced the idea of a globalized world, where different geographic
dimensions of actions, both local and global, emerged as the main relationships between pro-
ducers, consumers, and cultural specificities of peoples, philosophies and religions. In such a
global context, heritage becomes one of the key aspects for the enlargement of sustainable de-
velopment concepts. Heritage is often seen through its cultural definition. However, sustainable
development brings heritage concepts to another dimension, as it establishes profound relation-
ships with economics, environment, and social aspects. Nowadays, heritage preservation and
safeguarding is facing new and complex problems. Degradation of heritage sites is not any more
just a result of materials ageing or environmental actions. Factors such as global and local pollu-
tion, climate change, poverty, religion, tourism, commerce, ideologies, war, are now in the cut-
ting edge for the emerging of new approaches, concerns and visions about heritage.
Thus, Heritage 2012 3rd International Conference on Heritage and Sustainable Develop-
ment was proposed to be a global view on how heritage is being contextualized in relation with
the four dimensions of sustainable development (environment, economics, society and culture)
that were the core topics of the Conference. These topics brought to discussion the definition of
a singular approach on how to deal with and go beyond the traditional aspects of heritage pres-
ervation and safeguarding. As presently heritage is no longer just a memory or a cultural refer-
ence, or even a place or an object, further analysis and other perspectives are in order: heritage
is moving towards broader and wider scenarios, where it becomes often the driving forces for
commerce, business, leisure and politics. For those reasons the topics of governance for sus-
tainability and education for the future were also included in the programme as key factors
for enlightenment of future global strategies for heritage preservation and safeguarding.
A new chapter was included in this edition of Heritage conferences: one on Preservation of
Historical Buildings and another dedicated to Early Stage Researchers. This chapter dealt with
the specific tasks of preservation, rehabilitation and maintenance of historical buildings and
sites and the number and importance of contributions to this topic made it one of the major areas
of the Conference. Key issues were preservation and rehabilitation techniques of structures and
Foreword v

materials, adaptive reuse of historical buildings, sustainability goals, and assessment tools,
among others.
This edition of Heritage also gave stage to early stage researchers and students willing to
share the results of their research projects, namely post-graduation projects and doctoral pro-
jects. Heritage received a significant number of such proposals the quality of which was con-
firmed during double-blind review (by at least two members of the Scientific Committee). This
high quality level led to the granting of a significant number of reduced fee packs whose aim
was to support and encourage young researchers.
We would like to express our gratefulness to all the partners and sponsors of this edition of
Heritage, who joined the effort to make a significant Conference. Our special word or recogni-
tion to the Cmara Municipal do Porto (Oporto City Council), to the Associao Comercial do
Porto, to the Fundao Porto Social and to Porto Vivo Sociedade de Reabilitao Urbana.
A special word of gratitude to all Members of the Scientific Committee who reviewed the
papers and made suggestions that improved the quality of individual work and the over-all qual-
ity of the event.
Last, but certainly not least, we would like to thank Dr. Manuel Maio for all the support and
willingness to help.

The Editors

Rogrio Amoda
Srgio Lira
Cristina Pinheiro

Heritage 2012
R. Amoda, S. Lira & C. Pinheiro (eds.) vi

Organizing Committee

Rogrio Amoda

Srgio Lira

Cristina Pinheiro

Organizing Committee
vii

Heritage 2012
R. Amoda, S. Lira & C. Pinheiro (eds.)
viii

Scientific Committee

Alessandro De Masi Gregory Ashworth
Milan Polytechnic II, Italy Groningen University, The Netherlands
Alexander Bauer Gregory Hansen
City University of New York, USA Arkansas State University, USA
Alison McCleery Guillerme Andr
Napier University, United Kingdom CNAM-CDHTE Paris, France
Alistair McCleery Hwee-San Tan
Napier University, United Kingdom University of London, UK
ngela Barrios Padura John Carman
University of Seville, Spain University of Birmingham, United Kingdom
Anna Leask Janet Eldred
Napier University, United Kingdom University of Kentucky, USA
Annette B. Fromm John Skrzypaszek
Florida International University, USA Avondale College, Australia
Antonio Maturo John Tunbridge
University of Chieti, Italy Carleton University, Canada
Asafa Jalata Judith Sterner
The University of Tennessee, USA Alberta College of Art and Design, Canada
Christian Wilson Frost Kirsty Altenburg
Kingston University, UK Department of Sustainability, Australia
Christina Birdsall-Jones Li Bai
Curtin University of Technology, Australia Nanjing Normal University, China
Cludia Ramos Matteo Mariotti
University Fernando Pessoa, Portugal Sapienza Universit di Roma, Italy
E. Wanda George Maria Gloria de S
Mount Saint Vincent University, USA University of Massachusetts, USA
Francisco Queiroga Mary Kenny
University Fernando Pessoa, Portugal Eastern Connecticut State University, USA
Gabriella Caterina Michael Ripmeester
University of Naples Federico II, Italy Brock University, Canada
Gabriella Duca Nabil I. Mohareb
University of Naples Federico II, Italy Beirut Arab University, Lebanon

Scientific Committee ix

Pamela Sezgin Srgio Lira
Gainesville State College, USA University Fernando Pessoa, Portugal
Paula Judson Sidney Cheung
RMIT University, Australia Chinese University of Hong Kong, China
Paulo Loureno Teresa Ferreira
University of Minho, Portugal University of Porto, Portugal
Paulo Seixas Teresa Marat Mendes
Lisbon Technical University, Portugal ISCTE, Portugal
Peter Davis Theodore Prudon
Newcastle University, UK Columbia University, USA
Richard Field Yvette Staelens
Saint Mary's University, Canada Bournemouth University, United Kingdom
Rogrio Amoda Xavier Roig
University Lusada, Portugal Universitat de Barcelona, Spain
Roy Jones
Curtin University, Australia

Heritage 2012
R. Amoda, S. Lira & C. Pinheiro (eds.) x

Partners

Partners xi

Heritage 2012
R. Amoda, S. Lira & C. Pinheiro (eds.) xii

Contents

Foreword v

Organizing Committee vii

Scientific Committee ix

Partners xi

Contents xiii

VOLUME 1

Chapter 1 Heritage and governance for sustainability

A historiography of interventions in the archaeological sites from Turkey in the UNESCO World
Heritage List
3
Z Aktre
Heritage, conservation and good governance - heritage issues in Saudi Arabia 13
D A Alzahrani
POMPEI: Project of Optimization Management Policies for Ecotourism Innovation: zero Km and
zero emission energy production for zero emission electric transportation
23
A Apicella & B R Aversa
Revealing relationships between the state of authenticity/integrity and the factors affecting Island of
Mozambique
31
S G Damen, R Derks , T L M Metgod, A R P Roders, L Veldpaus & A T Silva
Enhancement strategies for cultural heritage management: Sicilian manor farms reuse 41
S De Medici & C Senia
Politics succeeding the Egyptian revolution: which will revitalize Historic Cairo? 53
R Y Gharib
Contents xiii

Cultural heritage preservation and sustainable development. Notes for a shared approach
construction
63
M C Giambruno & R Simonelli
Adaptive re-use of the former Prince Henry Hospital, NSW, Australia 71
M Gl & J Dee
Is conservation policy responsible for the economic development of the historic urban
environment? The case of Greece
81
I Katapidi
Heritage as a driver for sustainability in infrastructure development 93
A MacKenzie & S Moulis
Industrial heritage of Petroani and Reia cities (Romania)- cultural approach 103
F C Merciu, A L Cercleux, D Peptenatu, G L Merciu, C C Drghici & R D Pintilii
Natural world heritage listing and the governance for sustainability in small islands: a comparative
case study of Fernando de Noronha Archipelago (Brazil) and Lord Howe Island (Australia)
115
L Nogueira de Moraes
Colonial military services and postcolonial international peacekeeping training in Ghana:
substantiating a linking concept in cultural heritage tourism
127
A Odai & E Addo
Landscape (European Landscape Convention) vs. Cultural Landscape (UNESCO): towards
territorial development based on heritage values
139
M D Oliveira & J T Ribeiro
Chandigarh: the dynamic transformation of residential sectors 153
C Pozzi
Cultural heritage and politics in the framework of globalisation 159
C T Ramos
Who owns the coast? Holiday structures and public access 167
P Spearritt
World heritage cities: Amsterdam's canal district case study 175
J J Swart, K A Bakker, L Veldpaus, K E A Claus & A P Roders
Museums in monuments, questions of sustainability: the case study of the Picasso Museum in Paris 187
K Tavantzi-Physentzides
Cultural policy and safeguarding intangible heritage: traditional performing arts in Taiwan 197
Y T Tsai

Chapter 2 Heritage and society

The change of urban fronts in post-earthquake Messina 209
E Caminiti
Agricultural landscape as heritage? Gaps in Taiwans tobacco history 221
H -H Chen
Heritage 2012
R. Amoda, S. Lira & C. Pinheiro (eds.) xiv

Social conflicts and the fate of urban heritage 231
G Csandi & A Csizmady
Living heritage: Universities as anchor institutions in sustainable communities 245
A R Green, S V Lloyd & S Parham
Involving local communities in assessing the contribution of cultural heritage features to place
character in Australian coastal settlements
253
R J Green
A tale of two theatres: can the localism bill provide a sustainable future for local heritage in
England?
263
S A Jackson
Understanding the potential of transformation/innovation of social practices & knowledge repertoires
Towards a model for a sustainable activation of ICH
273
E Lupo & N Pedrazzini
Museum' space as a home interior: the twentieth century arrangements at Villa Reale in Milan 281
C Manfredi & S Colombo
Integrating heritage management with development. Sustainable conservation and developmental
guidelines for rat as-Sayban, Barkat al-Mawz, Oman
291
G Quattrone & S Bandyopadhyay
Heritage, city, tourismand sustainability. A discussion on the model of the city of Valencia 303
M Ruiz Torres & B Santamarina
Mediterranean networks and the shaping of built form: a quick overview 311
A Sapounakis
Exhibitions of Greek architectural sculpture as tools for social cohesion 319
L J C Snook
Architectural heritage in contemporary towns in Poland: its per-ception and forms of promoting 327
E Stachura
Heritage as bearer of memory 339
G Vedru & K Karro
Non-Greek farmers and heritage in the sustainable development of the Greek countryside 349
J P Verinis
Displacement for conservation: one of the adverse impacts of cultural world heritage management
in Hue, Vietnam
365
K C Wood

Chapter 3 Heritage and environment

Sustainable sanitation in ancient adobe buildings 379
A Alcorn & L H Abidi
Rehabilitation and energy efficiency - methodological strategies for the historic centre of Oporto 387
S Alves & J J Sendra
Contents xv

Conserving and protecting our natural heritage in Western Australia 397
A Briggs
A method to assess the effect of energy saving interventions in the Swedish stock of historic
buildings
405
T Brostrom, P Eriksson, P Rohdin & F Sthl
Climate adaptation of traditional dwelling in Ensenada Mxico 415
C M Caldern Aguilera & O Baeza Herrera
Proposals for sustainable planning for the territory of Seulo 423
L Cannas, P Casu, L Di Pilla, A Meloni, C Mura, B Pau, D Porr & M Stara
Small energy production plants in ancient settlements: the case study of Camogli (IT) 433
G Cassinelli & A Magliocco
Heritage sites: connectivity with contemporary urban landscapes 443
L M S A Costa, R L Cavallazzi & D B P Machado
Thoughts towards a new definition of heritage 451
C Deom & M-A Thiffault
From 2005 to 2010: towards a re-construction strategy for housing in heritage areas after
earthquakes in Chile
463
B M Devilat
The virtual Sydney Rocks: a case study of a virtual heritage environment 475
K Devine
Ancient coastal railway stations in Campania: rehabilitation opportunities and priorities 485
D Diano & S Viola
Sustainable rehabilitation od built environment: technical issues in identity preservation 493
G Duca
The historical fountains of Alcala de Henares and water supply, a heritage to recover in a
sustainable manner
501
E J Fernandez Tapia, F da Casa Martin & I de Bustamante Gutierrez
The sustainable technological design as an instrument to re-generate the genius loci of the historical
built heritage
511
A Ghini & B Gherri
Using a building performance evaluation approach to achieve deep low-carbon retrofitting of a
Victorian case study house in Oxford, UK
521
R Gupta
Learning from our heritage: the regeneration of the San Mateo Neighborhood 531
J L Higuera & F J Montero
Solar radiation in the open spaces of Madrid convents: a sustainability approach 543
B Jimnez Alcal
Amplified Silence 553
M Leus, M Arckens & S Boom
Heritage 2012
R. Amoda, S. Lira & C. Pinheiro (eds.) xvi

The importance of maintenance of social capital for sustainability - issues on the relation between
researchers, fishermen and government in the management of Imboassica lagoon/ Maca Rio de
Janeiro/Brazil
563
A F Lopes, C A Zago, L A L Leandro & R L Bozelli
Narratives of sustainability in the urban landscape: Canberras National Capital Open Space
System (NCOSS)
571
A MacKenzie & S Sumartojo
Environmental impact model for Andalusia constructions and its influence on heritage through the
analysis CO2 emissions
581
M P Mercader Moyano, A R de Arellano Agudo, M Olivares Santiago & E Carbajo Cruces
The inherent disconnect between historic wood buildings and Nova Scotias energy code 591
A Parsons
Predict, plan, prepare and protect: How can heritage managers adapt to climate change risks? 597
H F Phillips
The Tagus river historic centers: an approach to the heritage value of urban form 609
F Ramalhete & F Silva
The role of convent gardens and cloisters as green lungs in Madrid 619
E J Rodrguez Romero & M Anton Barco
Techniques of environmental analysis applied to the urban heritage of Cadiz 629
C Rubio Bellido, B Snchez-Montas Macas, J A Pulido Arcas & J M Cabeza Lainez
Dispersed heritage and their protect environments as new urban space 639
J Rufat Lpez
Damage in the heritage of Guadalupe by lack of urban planning 649
J -C Salcedo Hernndez
The green heritage label: the implementation of a system of voluntary sustainability standards at
world heritage sites
663
L Schubert
Contribution to the conservation prospects of sacred natural sites in southern part of Mediterranean 671
E Seva-Romn & M D Vargas-Llovera
Landscapes and memory: reconstructing the ethnobotany of Smith plantation 677
P J D Sezgin
Heritage-based land use patterns in the high mountains of Sinai Peninsula and the Alps: a neo
socio-ecological perspective
687
A Shams, B Stoinschek & U Tappeiner
Visual impact assessment 699
A Telesca & D Palacios
Biosphere of Urdaibai: the relationship between nature and the baserri 709
I Telleria Julin & M Leturia Nabaroa
Out of the Ruins 719
N Timms & K Baker
Contents xvii

Cultural heritage in Portugal: stilt-house villages of the Tagus River 729
A L Virtudes & F Almeida
Eco faades as a feature in the city sustainability 739
A L Virtudes & M Manso
Integrating sustainability metrics into heritage preservation 745
S Xu & M Hill
The analysis of the Pemeleh: decorative roof element of Malay traditional architecture 755
S R Yusoff & M S A Rashid

Index of Authors
769

VOLUME 2

Chapter 4 Heritage and economics

Valorisation of heritage in the rural space adjacent to Bucharest- Ploieti axis 777
F I Buzianu
A site of tensions: negotiating access and autonomy in the Ifugao rice terraces 787
K Cagat
Heritage institutions: economic or otherwise? 797
J Carman
Avoiding frauds: Raman spectroscopy, a fundamental tool in the analysis of artworks 805
M C Chilln, P Ferrer, S Ruiz-Moreno & A Lpez-Gil
Local museums and sustainable regional development in Greece: assessment and perspectives 815
A Doxanaki, A Dermitzaki, P Zounis, E Tsilaga & G Panagiaris
Development plans for Sremski Karlovci based on historical and cultural heritage exploitation 825
D ukanovi
Meanings of authenticity in contemporary representations of heritage in the context of tourism 835
M K Emirolu
Heritage and tourism: squander or cherish? 845
E Ennen, E van Maanen & J Wynia
The recovery of abandoned settlement heritage as a sustainable local economic development
strategy: a wide area pilot project
855
C C Falasca & C Lufrano
Restoration of traditional architectural character. A cost benefit analysis in a Greek mountainous
town, based on the implementa-tion of CVM
865
S Giannakopoulou & D Kaliampakos
Heritage 2012
R. Amoda, S. Lira & C. Pinheiro (eds.) xviii

Cultural tourism crossing the integrated development of the Bucharest metropolitan area 875
I Ianos, D P Radu, D Peptenatu, C Draghici, F C Merciu & L Cercleux
Industrial heritage as a sustainable resource: economic fact or political fiction 883
C Landorf
The potential of integration of Shared Value Creation with strategy management as an innovative
approach to environmental challenges
897
L Leandro & E Neffa
Urban regeneration as the driving force of economic recovery Casco Vello of Vigo: a project in
progress
905
M A Leboreiro Amaro
Supplying the heritage industry: an analysis of UK craft companies experiences 915
K Loader & S C Norton
XIXth Century coal mining settlements in Chile: the challenge for sustainable touristic reuse and
heritage preservation
925
M I Lpez
Merits goods, social capital and the total economic value of cultural heritage 939
J M Maneiro Jurjo & D S Salem
Food heritage for local heritage: italian experiences 947
F Miani & V Albanese
Destination branding and social Interaction in the urban heritage Space: comparative spatial
approach
955
A Michelson
A question of trust: evaluating the benefits of building preservation trusts 965
K J Moore
Formation and transformation of Kao Hong Market town, Suphanburi, Thailand 975
N Ongsavangchai & O Panin
(Re)using historic buildings as a retail differentiation strategy 985
B Plevoets, A Petermans & K Van Cleempoel
Building virtuous relations between tourism, natural resources and cultural heritage for sustainable
development: strategies and instruments
995
G Pultrone
Marketing of the historical heritage and the sustainable development of the local communities: an
exploratory research approach
1005
C Veghe, D Dugulan & I C Popescu

Chapter 5 Heritage and culture

Hosting the International World Tourism Day (IWTD) event in 2009: Ghana exemplified
sustainability and diversity in cultural heritage and tourism
1017
E Addo
Contents xix

The conservation of the built environment in Suakin, Sudan - an overview of the current context 1031
K S Ashley
New technologies for inconvenient heritages: a defensive system of the twentieth century as a case
study
1041
A Atanasio Guisado
"A Moderate Drink, for a Moderate People": Canadian beer advertising and the rise of a beer-
drinking nation, 1918-1939
1051
M J Bellamy
Community cultural festivals: content motivation and social impact 1061
N H Black
National trust contribution to sustainable heritage 1069
A Briggs
Drawing the old agro-industrial landscape in Puglia: a case study to promote the rural sustainable
development
1075
L P Caliandro & P Dal Sasso
The form(at) of heritage: perspectives from Japanese food tradition 1087
V G Cang
The industrial cultural heritage a resource for sustainable tourism in Liguria 1093
S De Maestri
Identity, visibility, recognition and integrated digital survey for interpretation and promotion of the
architectural heritage
1103
A De Masi
Synthesis of historical environment and modern society 1113
D Dijokien
Betwixt and between: the disappearing heritage of the craft artisan 1123
A E Dixey
Dubai: heritage house, alternative exhibitions, the vernacular as a codified expression of culture 1133
M El Amrousi
Cultural heritage management and the impact of tourism the case of Tripoli - Lebanon 1143
K El Barazi
An interactive e-cultural hub for democracy practices and future heritage creation 1153
B R A El Fadl
Learning from traditional rural building cultures 1161
M T Feraboli
The decline of the Orczy Park The position of historic gardens in society, culture and politics 1171
A Firnigl & M Klagyivik
The (un)recognition of cultural heritage: the parish of Cernache do Bonjardim, Portugal 1181
M M C S Gonalves & M T Prez Cano
The holy Christ of miracles and the its religious and symbolic signification 1191
G Henyei-Neto
Heritage 2012
R. Amoda, S. Lira & C. Pinheiro (eds.) xx

The ancient-new city of Yerevan: conserving urban heritage from below 1199
A Ivanov
The cultural context in sustainable development: approaches and resources to support the 4th pillar 1209
J Jacoby & E Cooper
Literary Heritage or National Heritage? Landscape Preservation and Change in Dorset 1219
R Jones & T Dolin
The second wave: aboriginal cultural centers in sustainable development 1227
T Jones & C Birdsall-Jones
Five dimensions of community 1239
S Krempl & D Marinova
Culture, environment, and the quality of life 1249
A La Vergata
Hygienism, salubrity and regulations. The Oporto's collective dwelling in the 1st half of the 20th
century
1255
G Lameira
Restoring the social and historic heritage of Meliana 1267
X Laumain & A Lpez Sabater
Designing the landscape of memory: conditions for sustainable development 1277
M Leonardi
Pompeii sustainability between preservation and modern use 1281
G Longobardi
Cultural bridge of linking past and future: military dependants villages in Taiwan 1289
Y -C Lu
Landscapes as ancient heritage in Bziers area: from appreciation to enhancement 1299
S Marchal
Origins of sustainability in cultural heritage 1309
M Mariotti
Remaking cultural heritage: a role for responsible tourism? 1317
A McCleery & A McCleery
Infill architecture: chasing changes of attitudes in conservation of urban heritage 1325
E Navickien
Passive resistance in the poem Black Woman 1335
D Pardo
Africa: tourism and heritage 1341
M G P da Passano
Underground housing in Crevillente (Spain): a way of living or an economic necessity? 1347
B Piedecausa Garca & S Chinchn Yepes
Geocaching: a review of knowledge and practices as a factor of promoting heritage 1357
C Pinheiro, R Amoda & S Lira
Contents xxi

Perceived image and the predictors of heritage tourism - The case of Douro Region 1369
L Pinto
Integrating indigenous needs through participatory action research community-based indigenous
heritage in the Altai Republic
1379
G Plets, V Van Eetvelde, R Plets & J Bourgeois
Lithuanian baroque organ heritage: origins, formation and influence in the East Europe 1391
G Povilionis
Integrating indigenous and modern heritage conservation practice in Nepal 1401
N Pradhananga & C Landorf
Accessibility and inclusive design in UNESCO heritage sites in Spain 1413
M Puyuelo Cazorla, L Merino Sanjun, M Val Fiel & J Gual Ort
The heritage of tourist territory. From winter resort to Costa del Sol, (1860-1955). Influences of
painting and literary currents in the spaces of leisure and the transformation of landscapes
1423
A B Quesada Arce
The labrador metis and the politics of identity: understanding the archaeological past to negotiate a
sustainable future
1435
L Rankin & A Crompton
Innovative technologies for the knowledge and the enhancement of Hyblean rural heritage 1445
F Restuccia, M Galizia & C Santagati
Preserving intangible heritage of Palestinian Territories cultural landscape: the Bethlehem Riwaya
Museum
1457
T A Rinella
Emerging indigenous voices: safeguarding intangible heritage in Colombia and the reaffirmation of
cultural rights
1469
N Rodriguez-Uribe & D Rodrguez-Uribe
Cultural heritage in China: Shaxi, a world heritage designated his-toric town at the cross-roads of
development
1481
S Schriver
Intangible heritage and its role in the formation of social and personal identity 1491
J Skrzypaszek
The Art of Horse-Riding Falconry by Altai-Kazakh Falconers 1499
T Soma
Not the way to do it: the case of Suakin, Sudan 1507
S Taha
Cultural heritage & the politics of indigenous identities in Australia 167
D Trigger
Bamboo entwines: a design intervention to envision culture and innovation values of local crafts 1517
F Valsecchi, S Pollastri & L Yongqi
Cultural heritage in sustainable development of a urban context: a case study of Ragusa 1527
G Vecchio
Heritage 2012
R. Amoda, S. Lira & C. Pinheiro (eds.) xxii

Discovering and preserving Albanian's heritage to build the future 1537
A Versaci & A Cardaci
Heritage and sustainability, a binomial complex. The case of the historic quarter of the city of
Colonia del Sacramento
1547
T Vicente, J Rey & B Santamarina
Vernacular architecture in post-disaster contexts of reconstruction in Indonesia 1557
G Weichart, U Herbig & F Zamolyi

Chapter 6 Heritage and education for the future

Sustainable development and cultural heritage in the new East Timor curricula 1573
A M Capelo, M C Santos & M A Pedrosa
Industrial Heritage: awareness and sustainable design in architectural education. The former
industrial canal zones of B5, The Netherlands
1581
I Curulli
Spiritual heritage & education today 1591
X Di
Sustainable development through heritage and education: the new Peterborough effect 1601
A Hunt & A Kershaw
The relationship between World Heritage Sites and school trips in Japan 1611
T Jimura
Eco-efficiency eco centre network in school system 1621
C H Levinton, M E Yajnes, M Weksler, R Tartaglia, L Amielli, S Rossi & F Breyter
Environmental and Heritage Education as a tool for the sustainable development: an analysis on
experimental science and social science textbooks in Secondary School
1633
H Morn, M C Morn, A M Wamba & J Estepa
Diffusion of heritage and culture through design in Alcntara 1645
C S Rijo

Index of Authors
1651

VOLUME 3

Chapter 7 Preservation of historic buildings

Analysis and rehabilitation of San Miguel Arcngel Church in Jalance, Valencia 1659
A Alonso, A Martnez, J Moreno & V Llopis
Design for Conservation (DfC): integrating sustainability dimensions in buildings rehabilitation 1669
R Amoda
Contents xxiii

Steel vs. wood. Hygrometric and structural impacts for replacement of timber structures by metallic
ones in protected buildings
1679
M Arroba, D Mencas, J A Meneses & P Bentez
Evaluation of the Burdur mansions for sustainable use of todays conditions 1689
S Ate
Knowledge, science and enhancement of historical decaying buildings in Tuscany. The
ArTeSalVa project
1701
L Benassi, A Parri, E Siotto, M Callieri, P Pingi & R Scopigno
The energy improvement of historical buildings. A project between compatibility, conservation and
sustainability
1711
M Boriani, M C Giambruno & A Garzulino
Valorization and preservation for citadel of Messina. Studies for a sustainable recovery 1719
F Cantone & L Tringali
Survey and material characterization of the altars of San Sperate (Sardinia) 1729
P Casu & S M Grillo
Lighthouses: heritage and contemporary uses. The case of Catalonia 1739
G Domnech Casadevall
Restoration and reuse of historical heritage in hydraulic public works. Case study: Hurchillo
Cisterns
1749
V Echarri Iribarren, V Galiano Garrigs, A L Gonzlez Avils, A Benigno, P Milln & M Isabel
The post-seismic rehabilitation as a strategic action for the restoration of historic values 1759
C C Falasca & C Lufrano
The Romanesque route in the north of Portugal. Safeguard, conservation and maintenance 1767
T Ferreira
Conservation and valorization of historical building: the case-study of Stampace quarter in Cagliari
(Sardinia, Italy)
1777
D R Fiorino, C Giannattasio, S M Grillo & G Vacca
Structural consolidation of vaults and domes. The Chapel of the Holy Sepulchre in Orihuela: a case
study in the south eastern part of Spain
1787
A L Galiano Garrigs, V Echarri Iribarren, G Ramrez Pacheco & A Espinosa Fernndez
Plaza de la Reinas creation and its deep impact on Valencia Cathedral 1797
E Garca Alas
The Lacera and the Casa de Pilatos doors in Seville, Spain 1809
M A Garrote, M D Robador & A Muoz
Knowing, preserving and regenerating. Urban archives for PEEP Districts in Parma 1819
A Gravante & M Zazzi
The culture of technology and sanitary engineering 1829
A Guagnini
Preserving the Roman Wall of Lugo (Spain) with terrestrial laser scanner 1837
B Guimarey, M Cordero, D Miranda & R Crecent
Heritage 2012
R. Amoda, S. Lira & C. Pinheiro (eds.) xxiv

The blast furnace n 2. Sagunt, Spain: the recovery of the future memory 1847
L F Herrero Garca, C Gradol Martnez & A Sanz Martnez
Tangible cultural heritage and adaptive reuse: the old government house, Brisbane, Australia 1857
A Kumarasuriyar & D Nielsen
Study and guidelines for the preservation of Nollas Palace 1867
X Laumain & A Lpez Sabater
Towards an aionic conceptualization for the preservation of his-toric buildings 1877
J Len Casero
Sustainable small town development through heritage preservation. The Sot de Chera case 1887
V Lpez Mateu & T M Pellicer Armiana
Technologies of the future for the re-use of the past: the electrochromic glass. 1897
D Ludoni, G Loddo, G P Cossu & M Pittaluga
Planification and intervention in historical buildings: studies prior to the project in the Palacio del
Infantado in Guadalajara
1909
V Macas Gutirrez & E Martnez Sierra
Resources for the On-going Care for Heritage Housing in New Zealand A Public Proposal for the
Private Realm
1919
C A Mackay, V Rickard & N J Hughes
Heritage conservation and environmentally sustainable performance of historic structures.
Environmental upgrade of listed church buildings
1931
M Makrodimitri & J W P Campbell
Decreasing energy consumption in heritage buildings rehabilitation 1941
A Martnez-Rocamora, M Marrero & J Sols-Guzmn
The re-use of a Monastic space in Lisbon: ideals and realities of the BernardasConvent 1949
A M T Martins & J S Carlos
TLS and digital photogrammetry as tools for conservation assessment 1961
L Mateus, V Ferreira, J Aguiar & M Barbosa
Millimeter waves for non-destructive monitoring, disinfection and treatment of culture heritage 1971
V V Meriakri & S V von Gratowski
The vernacular rural architecture in Guilan (case study: Guilan Rural Heritage Museum) 1983
A Mosavi
Rehabilitation of historic buildings for Cultural and University uses. The case of Cyprus 1995
Philokyprou & E Limbouri-Kozakou
An evaluation of the use of building maintenance as a strategy for reducing carbon emissions in
historic English dwellings
2005
J S Ritson
Grout injection as a rehabilitation technique for heritage preservation 2017
E Rodrguez-Mayorga, E Yanes, V Compn & A Sez

Contents xxv

Preservation and maintenance of the historical buildings: the use of unmanned aerial robots as an
auxiliary mean in the inspection tasks
2027
P Rubio de Hita, C Rodrguez Lin, M J Morales Conde, J R Martnez de Dios & A Ollero Baturone
Historic preservation in 20th century Italian new towns 2037
P Sanjust
Introducing and technology of ornaments in the Khajeh Attabak-e Kerman's tomb tower 2047
A Sasani
Preservation and valorisation of historical buildings: a method to verify the sustainable re-use of
transformations
2055
A U Scolaro & M Dettori
Il restauro del restauro: restoration of the restoration of the 60s in Tarragona, cultural world
heritage city
2067
P Sol-Morales Serra, J Lluis i Ginovart, J M Toldr Domingo & C Salom
Knowledge gap in historic buildings conservation institutions 2077
S M Tarhuni & J Kamara
Restoration of the church of the Convent of the Immaculate Conception of the Mercy nuns."Las
Gongoras
2085
J Tejela Juez & M Anton Barco
Preservation of historic buildings. The case of Atarazanas de Barcelona 2095
R Terradas & C Rueda
Conservation of productive architectures in southern Italy. A fortified farmhouse in the County of
Modica
2099
F Todesco
Projects in the monumental complex of the Amphitheatre of Tarragona (Spain) 2111
J M Toldr Domingo, P Sol-Morales Serra, C Salom & J Lus i Ginovart
Evaluating the wetting and drying of a vented airspace in a spray-foam insulated solid masonry
historic building
2121
E S Tzekova, K D Pressnail, M F Touchie, N Pearson & P Pasqualini
Plan to promote and preserve the fortifications of Pamplona 2131
J V Valdenebro
From the knowledges project to the urban restoration: a case study in Enna 2141
A Versaci, S Zuccarello & A Cardaci

Index of Authors
2153

Heritage 2012
R. Amoda, S. Lira & C. Pinheiro (eds.) xxvi

Chapter 4

Heritage and economics

1 INTRODUCTION
This study is a chapter of the pending doctoral thesis The Dynamics of the Rural Settlements in
the Area Adjacent to Bucharest-Ploiesti Axis to be completed. During the preparatory stage the
statistical and archived data were collected, synthesised, processed and analysed at the same
time with the selection of bibliographic materials (scientific works published, such as treaties,
university courses, doctoral theses, atlases, dictionaries, encyclopaedias, monographs, specia-
lised articles published in various magazines etc., legislative acts such as laws, decrees, gov-
ernment ordinances, government decisions, orders etc., General Development Plans and carto-
graphic materials), made available by specialised institutions.
Both classical and modern methods were used in the preparation of this work, methods spe-
cific for geographical, historical and sociological research. The method of analysis was used
both in the preparatory stage, by reading the bibliographic materials on the concerned region
and theoretical issues, as well as in the stage of field research focused on specific geographical
features of various natural and man-made components.
The field research (observation, field investigation) included identification, mapping, visiting
and photographing the sites of cultural and historical value, in order to identify to what extent
these values are preserved and promoted. During the field visits I tried to also note and analyse
the behaviour of the tourists visiting the concerned rural area, to examine and analyse a wide
range of demographic, social, cultural and economic phenomena influencing the preservation
and valorisation of the cultural-historical heritage of the region, because heritage has today be-
come a powerful instrument in the economic and territorial development of a community, when
Valorisation of heritage in the rural space adjacent to Bucharest-
Ploiesti axis
F. I. Buzianu
Faculty of Geography, University of Bucharest, Bucharest, Romania
ABSTRACT: The restoration and valorisation of the cultural-historical heritage could stimulate
local and regional economies and generate improved rural living standards, higher employment
rates, less commuting and less permanent migration. Domestic tourism could thus develop and,
if internationally promoted, local cultural-historical landmarks could attract more tourists. The
tourism potential of this area is insufficiently exploited and tourism affects the environment.
This is a wake-up call for those who can improve heritage transformation and conservation
technologies and must be aware that historical monuments need preservation and restoration.
Moreover, tourists should know that unless the environment is maintained within its regenera-
tive capacities and the cultural-historic heritage is preserved, tourist attractions may become un-
interesting or even repulsive. This study relies on field and bibliographic research, and it can be
used as a travel guide presenting the natural and man-made tourist attractions as well as the ac-
commodation infrastructure of the concerned area.
Chapter 4 Heritage and economics 777
properly valorised and promoted, often in the context of tourism related activities (A Guide for
African Local Governments. Cultural Heritage & Local Development: 26).
Interviews were used during the field research, discussing with the residents of the concerned
villages, the official representatives of the heritage sites and some tourists who accepted to dis-
cuss with me.
The unique natural landscapes and biodiversity of the natural heritage, the unique traditions
and customs and the numerous man-made sites of significant cultural and historic value are key
elements for the development of rural tourism which is an effective source of income for Roma-
nias (but not only Romanias) rural communities and for the development of the rural settle-
ments. Exploiting the cultural and historical heritage of rural areas, including man-made attrac-
tions in tourist tours and valorising biodiversity, maintaining the natural environment within the
limits of self-regulating capacity and attracting investors may bring a stop to the depopulation of
the rural area by the increase in the number of jobs, living standards and quality of life of the
residents of the rural area, the development of the concerned rural settlements and, implicitly, of
the country.
English Heritage, the main authority responsible for the protection of Englands historic envi-
ronment considers that an attractive environment contributes to attracting foreign investments
and supporting business in any sector, not only the tourism industry. Implementation of the sus-
tainable development of cultural and historical heritage will have a positive effect on the local,
regional and even national economic recovery, and also positive effects on the quality of life of
rural communities.
One of the most important resources that may be exploited for the development of the Roma-
nian rural areas is the presence of many heritage sites of outstanding cultural and historical
value. But unfortunately our built heritage is generally degraded. I believe that we should all be
educated since childhood to appreciate and valorise our inheritance, because as in the editorial
of Naturopa European rural heritage (No. 95/2001: 3) Mr. Walter Schwimmer, Secretary
General of the Council of Europe argues it is our responsibility to recognise the value of the
past, and to protect and promote this heritage, an essential factor in economic, social and cul-
tural development. Starting the conservation of the built heritage could be a change with a vi-
tal role in the social and economic regeneration of small and large cities, as well as in the crea-
tion of safe, stable and sustainable communities. The role of built heritage in the revitalisation
of communities is widely recognised across the United Kingdom, a vast and complex conserva-
tion industry being developed to such purpose
1
. I think that Romania should also follow the
example of this country, because its valuable cultural and historical heritage deserves to be con-
served, valorised and promoted in order to obtain alternative sources of income for the rural
communities (besides agriculture and crafts).
People have always had the need to refer to their history in order to ensure the continuity of
a common identity that evolves over time. Heritage is a collective property which tells the his-
tory of a people, a city, or a territory, and is transmitted from one generation to the next. Heri-
tage makes it possible for the present generations to understand their place in history and to
better cope with the constant mutations in society : it is an element of stability in a rapidly
changing world. Heritage is also an essential element that makes it possible for a people to
show its uniqueness, to manifest its own way of perceiving the world and to express its capacity
for cultural creativity(A Guide for African Local Governments. Cultural Heritage & Local
Development: 26).
This case study is an attempt of proving the truthfulness of the above.
2 MAN-MADE TOURIST SITES OF HISTORICAL, CULTURAL AND
ARCHITECTURAL VALUE LOCATED IN THE ADMINISTRATIVE TERRITORY OF
THE COMMUNES LOCATED IN THE SPACE ADJACENT TO BUCHAREST-PLOIESTI
AXIS
The analysed area is within the sphere of influence of the capital and Ploiesti, seat of Prahova
County. In administrative terms eight of the analysed communes are part of Ilfov County and
three communes are part of Prahova County. The documentary evidence of the existence of the
11 communes located in the space adjacent to Bucharest-Ploiesti axis dates back from the XV
th

Heritage 2012
R. Amoda, S. Lira & C. Pinheiro (eds.) 778
XVII
th
centuries. In 2009 the total population of the rural settlements in the analysed area was
68,076 residents.
Cultural heritage, just like heritage or legacy as a whole, has two dimensions: material and
non-material (Dragan Nikodijevic, 2011: 259-276). This study mainly focuses on the material
heritage, although the non-material heritage is quite significant (traditions and customs, tradi-
tional crafts, such as pottery, manual brick making, (reed, bulrush and willow) wickerwork,
etc.).
The National Heritage Institute (Institutul Naional al Patrimoniului), a public institution of
national importance, having legal personality, subordinated to the Ministry of Culture and Na-
tional Heritage, financed from own funds and subsidies from the State budget, listed in 2010 the
Romanian historical monuments classified in 4 categories: archaeological monuments, architec-
tural monuments, public monuments and memorial and funerary monuments. As to the value of
the monuments, there are two categories: monuments of national interest (category A) and
monuments of local interest (category B).
In the administrative territory of the rural settlements located in the space adjacent to Bucha-
rest-Ploiesti axis (47 villages, 11 communes), the referred institution inventoried 200 archaeo-
logical monuments, 50 architectural monuments and 3 public monuments.
2

The 200 archaeological monuments are: 36 archaeological sites, 160 settlements dating back
to the Prehistoric Age, Antiquity, Middle and Modern Ages, a burial necropolis dating back to
the XV
th
-XVI
th
centuries (in Gruiu), two cremation necropolises dating back to the III
rd
century
and Iron Age, namely late Hallstatt period (in Gruiu and Brcnesti) and an Iron Age stronghold
dating back to La Tne period (in Puchenii Mari). All these archaeological monuments are listed
as monuments of local interest.
A number of 22 monuments from the 50 architectural monuments existent in the administra-
tive territory of the 11 communes analysed are of national interest: 12 in a total of 25 churches
and 3 monasteries, in a total of 4, plus the former Snagov Monastery complex (the XIV
th
-XIX
th

centuries) and the bell tower (the XVI
th
-XVIII
th
centuries), located on the island in the middle of
Lake Snagov, the precinct wall of Balamuci Monastery, built in 1752, the picture gallery of
Cldrusani Monastery, dating from the end of the XIX
th
century, the cells of Ghighiu Monas-
tery, built in 1856, the bell tower of Ghighiu Monastery, built in 1856 and the precinct wall of
this monastery, built in the same year. The three monasteries classified in category A are:
Balamuci Monastery (Nuci Commune), dating back from the XVII
th
-XIX
th
centuries, Cldru-
sani Monastery (Gruiu Commune), built in 1637-1638 and Ghighiu Monastery (Brcnesti
Commune), built in 1817 and subsequently, in 1856-1866.
I mention only some architectural monuments classified as monuments of local interest: the
former Alexandru Ghica Palace complex and its park (the XIX
th
century) and Alexandru Ghica
Palace (1830), located in Moara-Vlsiei Commune (Cciula|i Village) and the bell tower of the
church in Ciolpani Village (1776).
The three public monuments dedicated to the heroes of the First World War are located as
follows: one monument in Moara-Vlsiei Commune (1925), another in Peris Commune (1920-
1945) and the other one in Snagov Commune (1916-1919). These monuments are classified, ac-
cording to the list cited above, in category B. The bust of Vlad-|epes
3
, sculpted by Ion Ladea,
located in Ghermnesti Village (Snagov Commune), in the park in front of the City Hall and
Culture House could be listed as a category B monument. This monument is not included in the
list prepared by the National Heritage Institute.
The fame of Snagov Monastery is related to the personality of Vlad-|epes, who built a sur-
rounding wall fortifying the building, as well as a bridge, a bell tower, a fountain, a refuge tun-
nel and a prison for traitors and ill-doers. Some historians speculate that Vlad-Tepes was killed
in Blteni forest (Peris Commune), in 1476, and buried at Snagov Monastery, where his grave-
stone can be found. However the researches have not confirmed that the body of the voivode,
followed by the hatred of the foe even after his death, was buried there.
Of all the monasteries around Bucharest, Snagov is the one that enjoys most appreciation.
The church of the monastery, a wonderful piece of Medieval architecture, dominates the isle in
the middle of the lake, surrounded by history and legend. As to Snagov Monastery, some histo-
rians say it was erected in 1457, under the rule of Vlad-|epes, and some others say the year was
1453, during the reign of Vladislav II
4
, and other historians reject both such hypotheses, relying
on the existence of a metal panaghiar, an object made of precious metals used as a support for
Virgin Marys icons. The panaghiar was donated to Snagov Monastery and dated 1431, i.e. a
year that preceded the reigns of |epes and Vladislav-Voivode
5
. In support of this assumption
come two documents dated prior to 1457. The inscriptions on the panaghiar as well as the icon
prove that the monastery was built long before Vlad-|epess reign. The chronicle of Snagov
Monastery contains a document from the 23
rd
of March 6908, i.e. 1400. This is the oldest docu-
ment related to the history of Snagov. The year when the monastery was built is an impossible
thing to know. But one thing seems beyond doubt after a thorough enquiry into historical re-
sources: Snagov Monastery is not the work of Vlad-epe (Mihileanu, 1931?: 16-17). The as-
sociation of beyond doubt and seems is rather interesting and proves that Eufem Mihileanu
is not sure that his assertions are true. In other opinions, the monastery dates from the reign of
Mircea cel Btrn: Here, on the isle of Lake Snagov, which was once covered by the great
Vlsiei Woods, Snagov Monastery stands proud, defeating time since the reign of Mircea cel
Btrn
6

(Popescu, 1973: 108).
The church is the only thing left from this monastery, and it was restored after the 1940
earthquake
7
. The current church was erected by Neagoe Basarab
8
, in 1517-1519 (Popescu, 1973:
109-110). The cited author mentions in his work the church paintings which are relevant for the
great past of this monument: the portraits of Neagoe Basarab and his son, Teodosie and of
Mircea Ciobanul
9
, his three sons and his wife.
Snagov Monastery was many times the place of refuge for the ruling families and of exile for
others, for example some of the bonjourists
10
who led the revolution in 1848, a fact also con-
firmed by Eufem Mihileanu in the referred work.
Snagov Monastery should be known to all Romanians for the printing activity performed by
Antim Ivireanul
11
, who printed here the first books in Latin letters. A bust of the learned Antim
Ivireanul, sculpted by Ion Ladea is located in the park of Mihail Koglniceanu Theoretical
High School, Snagov Village.
The history of Snagov is as mysterious as many of the deeds of the rulers and boyars, held in
secret by the beauty of the field, of the surrounding forests and the water many times reddened
by innocent blood. The mere sight nature is such a bless, said Carlyle, the great English writer
(Mihileanu, 1931?: 20). As Eufem Mihileanu said in the referred work Snagov is despite the
historic darkness of its origin, a magnificent bless. Until the middle of the last century the
printing house and the monastery were the centre of Romanian and Christian culture of the
East. The secularization made from Snagov a mere historic name, a deep lake surrounded by
large forests and a place for trips for those who want to escape the city noise (Mihileanu,
1931?: 27). I believe that indeed few of those spending a few hours, at weekend or on holiday,
on the bank of Lake Snagov or of those who spend their spare time in Snagov Commune be-
cause they have holiday or weekend houses or secondary residences built there know at least
some of the history of these places. I think that this glorious past of piety, blood and light
(Mihileanu, 1931?: 38) of Snagov should be promoted at international level.
Snagov Palace was built in 1930 and completed in 1932 by Camil Roguski, the architect, on
the initiative of Prince Nicolae, the fourth child of the royal couple Ferdinand and Maria, and it
was extended in 1970-1977 by the Ceausescu family, subsequently to the extension having 1500
m area. The architectural style of the palace is Brancovan and the furniture is Baroque. The
first plans were designed by the architect Henriette Delavrancea Gibory, daughter of Barbu-
Stefnescu Delavrancea, the Romanian writer, one of the most appreciated Romanian architects
of that time. In 1937, Prince Nicolae is disinherited by his brother and expelled from Romania.
The Prince would never see again Romania or Snagov Palace, which was successively used by
Ion Antonescu
12
and Gheorghiu Dej
13
, as a residence for meetings, for short periods. Between
1970-1989 the complex was host to the meetings with the Council of Ministers, receptions, din-
ner parties and it was also the secondary summer residence of the Ceausescu family.
At present the entrance, lobby and the stairs are the only elements remaining from the origi-
nal architecture designed by Henriette Delavrancea. Snagov Palace is now administered by the
Public Corporation for the Administration of State Protocol Heritage (Regia Autonoma a Patri-
moniului i Protocolului de Stat). When there are no protocol activities organised there, Snagov
Palace and the outbuildings host various events such as weddings, baptism parties or meetings
of multinational companies which afford to lease the Palace rooms to such purpose (Kislinger,
2010).
Heritage 2012
Nicolae Lascr (2003) provides us with historic data about the writings documenting the exis-
tence of Caldrusani Monastery and the village of the same name. According to the author, in
1637-1638, the ruler Matei Basarab
14
decided to erect a monastery on Cldrusani Peninsula
(the lake of the same name; more precisely, the place where Cldrusani Village used to lie
back then) and to this end, he started purchasing lands from various landlords.
The analysis of a number of historic documents that he cited in his work (such as deeds
signed for making property exchanges, sales, purchases or transfers) led Nicolae Lascr to con-
clude that around 1639-1640, Cldrusani ceased to exist as a village. As the ruler had paid
them golden coins in exchange for their lands, the better-off villagers left the locality and moved
to other properties that they owned. The remaining residents stayed on to work at the monastery,
while the less prosperous, but free moved to the neighbouring villages.
Cldrusani Monastery was an important culture and craft hub, where religious, legal and
secular books were translated and copied. These activities gained momentum once a printing
house was established at Cocioc Church, which was built in 1825. The church formerly known
as the Holy Varvara and All Saints Sunday Church of Lipia Village (Gruiu Commune) is
an architectural monument of national interest
15
. The craftsmanship workshops at Cldrusani
Monastery were the workplace of bookbinders, bakers, Communion bread makers, drapers,
house painters, etc. Many of Cldrusani Monasterys paintings were made by Nicolae
Grigorescu
16
.
As part of a an old group of monasteries, Cldruani Monastery () has been, along its
history, a significant and blessed centre of culture and spirituality in general, and a centre of
ecclesial and Romanian culture in particular, as father Florin Serbnescu, Patriarchal Coun-
sellor put it.
|ignesti Monastery (1812), located on the bank of Lake |ignesti (Ciolpani Commune) was
built by Radu Golescu
17
. The place hosts a textile industry unit operating under the Patriarchys
authority and manufacturing Persian carpets for export.
Saint Nicholas Church (Blteni Village, Peris Commune) is located in the close vicinity of
|ignesti Monastery. It is the church of the old Blteni Convent erected in the XVI
th
century,
plundered by the Turks in 1602 and rebuilt in 1626. It is a genuine old Romanian art monument,
unfortunately rarely visited due to the lack of proper access roads. This church is classified as a
monument of national interest
18
.
One of the architectural monuments of special value, but of lesser fame is Ghica Palace (C-
ciula|i Village, Moara-Vlsiei Commune). In 1832, Dimitrie Ghica (the rulers father) started
building a palace to be used as a summer residence by Alexandru Ghicas family. The palace
was located between the hamlets of Mavrodin and Fieni (which no longer exist and which are
currently part of Cciula|i Village, Moara-Vlsiei Commune), and in the very same year
Dimitrie Ghica laid the first stone of a church dedicated to the Dormition of the Mother of God
located in Moara-Vlsiei Village (Moara-Vlsiei Commune), built in Neoclassic style. In 1924,
following some rows, the Blarembergs, the Filipescus and the Mavorcordats, i.e. the families in
line to the throne, donated the palace to the Romanian Academy, which has so far continued to
manage it. The palace is in good condition, it has large halls and fully equipped rooms. It is in
the middle of a park of old trees, its back terrace facing a lake and a garden which, if better
taken care of, would look wonderful. The vintage furniture in one of the bedrooms is in Louis
XVI style and used to belong to Elena Lupescu
19
, who was for a while a resident of the Palace.
Pissiota Monastery (1928-1929) is nine kilometres away from National Road 1 - the most
heavily trafficked Romanian road running from Bucharest to Ploiesti, Prahova County seat. Al-
though from an administrative and territorial perspective this monastery is part of Poienarii Bur-
chii Commune which is beyond the limits of the area subject to our analysis I saw it fit to
bring up a few things about this enchanted place, hard to imagine to be lying out there, at the
flat heart of the plain (Bucuroiu, 2010).
The monastery is the work of Nicolae Pissiota, prominent engineer and cultural figure. This
place of worship is a perfect synthesis of East and West, of the Italian Renaissance and the
Classical Byzantine style according to the previously cited author. The church is the work of
Costin Petrescu (1872-1954), a famous Romanian painter who executed the frescos of the Ro-
manian Athenaeum and Alba Iulia Cathedral. The furniture was carved by Gheorghe Anghel
(1904-1966), who also produced a statue representing the Romanian poet Mihai Eminescu,
which is displayed in front of the Romanian Athenaeum. The flooring inside the monastery is
made of Carrara marble, and the iconostasis is carved in rose and sweet cherry tree wood
brought from Greece. The monastery church is the repository of several treasures. The most
famous of them is a miracle-working icon representing the Holy Mother and Child. It was
painted by Eustatiu Stoenescu (1884-1957), who employed an impressive technique: wherever
you may be inside the church, the Holy Mothers eyes will follow you. Moreover, there is a
reliquary donated by his Holiness Varsanufie, bishop and vicar of Bucharests Archiepiscopacy.
The reliquary houses the relics of several saints and an icon painted on wood by Nicolae
Grigorescu.
Ghighiu Village (Brcnesti Commune), which is less than five kilometres away from Ploi-
esti, hosts one of the most famous place of worship in Prahova County and in Muntenia region,
i.e. the Ghighiu Monastery, built in 1817 and 1856-1866, respectively. This monastery, as well
as the 1817-built Small Church dedicated to the Resurrection of Saint Lazarus, and the 1866-
built Large Church dedicated to the Life-Giving Spring are classified as architectural monu-
ments of national interest
20
.
The monastery erected in the middle of a forest that used to be part of the legendary Vlsiei
Woods (Codrii Vlsiei) attracts worshippers from across the country, as people say that it is
home to a healing spring and a miracle-working icon of the Holy Mother (dated XVI
th
century)
brought from Syria and painted on sandalwood. The Large Church of Ghighiu Monastery was
affected by the 1940 earthquake and the 1944 shelling of the oil fields from Ploiesti Plain. The
church was restored in 1954-1958. Moreover, it was affected by the devastating earthquake of 4
March 1977, and required major shoring up and painting restoration works, which lasted until
1990, when the church was rededicated. Just like the miracle-working icon from Pissiota Mon-
astery, the one from Ghighiu follows the viewer, wherever such viewer may be inside the mon-
astery (Bichir, 2007).
3 MEASURES REQUIRED TO BE TAKEN FOR THE RESTORATION AND
SUSTAINABLE VALORISATION OF THE CULTURAL AND HISTORIC HERITAGE
On 14 March 2008, the Ministry of Development, Public Works and Dwellings launched an
open call for projects on Priority Axis 5 Sustainable Development and Promotion of Tourism
of Regio Regional Operational Programme, key area of intervention 5.1 Sustainable valori-
sation and restoration of cultural heritage, and setting up/modernization of related infrastruc-
ture
21
.
In my opinion, the following measures should be taken in order to restore the cultural and
historic heritage of the region analysed hereunder:
- restoration, protection and conservation of interior paintings, frescos and outside wall paint-
ings of churches and monasteries - in particular those that are of national interest.
- provision of equipment and performance of works to ensure inside and outside lighting,
emergency lighting and design lighting, in order to showcase the exhibits inside architectural
and historic monuments visited by tourists, as well as the paintings and sculptures inside
churches and monasteries.
- restoration and reshaping of the facades of historic architectural attractions (on this line, in
my opinion the restoration of the Ghica Palace is strictly necessary).
- landscaping, in order to render more visible the restored heritage site (such landscaping is
required in particular for an enhanced visibility of the churches of national and local interest).
English Heritage shares the idea that adapted landscaping helps a place to better define its indi-
viduality.
- improvements to the inside equipment of cultural and historic attractions (equipment and
systems for ensuring air conditioning, fire safety, anti-burglar systems).
- modernization of the technical and public utilities of the heritage site. Moreover, due to the
lack or poor condition of the technical and building utilities the owners of tourist hostels are
confronted with a number of problems, while the utilities and maintenance costs are higher. The
improvement of the technical and public utilities of the area (ensuring the supply of drinking
water and the sewerage of wastewater on centralized basis, the supply of electricity, telephony,
thermal energy and gas) is a major priority for the area under analysis.
Heritage 2012
- laying out protection areas through the demarcation and fencing of heritage sites, according
to Law no. 422/2001 (in particular when dealing with archaeological sites). In order to justify
our opinion that archaeological sites need protection areas around them we quote the following
sentence, imported here from the Snagov Commune General Development Plan (2004), i.e. the
latest general development plan of the referred commune: We point out that upon drafting
hereof, no specialized studies had been made in order to demarcate protection areas for the fifty
sites and three monuments of historical importance.
- the construction of the related utilities (car parks, rest rooms, drinking fountains for tour-
ists).
- laying out/waymarking tourist guiding paths/ cultural and religious itineraries, and placing
signs pointing to restored heritage sites; putting up tourist information centres.
- promoting the heritage sites in various ways (brochures, spot advertisements in the mass
media).
- construction/improvement/development of ways for access to the restored heritage sites.
- removing the illegal waste disposal sites at the edge of the forest, of communication roads
and agricultural lands; legal measures taken by the competent authorities and bodies in order to
prevent the creation of uncontrolled landfills (by applying fines).
- it is required to increase the number of accommodation units and accommodation capacity,
and to develop the existing accommodation space (by building up new hostels, health centres,
leisure centres, provided with sports fields, nautical clubs, etc.); moreover, it is required to ex-
tend the operating time periods of the already existing accommodation units, food-service estab-
lishments and leisure centres, currently operating mainly on a seasonal basis. Due to the in-
creased number of accommodation opportunities, the area will no longer be a mere transit
region for the tourists willing to spend more time there and to visit as many cultural and historic
sites as possible. Thus, the rural community will derive larger revenue from the cultural and
historic sites, with a part of such revenues being used for the conservation and restoration of
tourist attractions and investments can thus be made for local infrastructure rehabilitation pur-
poses. The development of tourism is a potential source of many types of financial gain, re-
garding the entrance fees to sites and museums, guided tours and visits, sales of handicrafts,
documents and photos, and the development of the craft industry. It is also a source of more im-
portant financial repercussions in areas such as the hospitality industry, transportation and res-
taurant services. For local governments tourism is also a potential source of revenues through
taxes. (A Guide for African Local Governments. Cultural Heritage & Local Development: 26)
- the performance of some investments for organic farming purposes, as organic farming is to
the benefit of tourist activities (rural tourism, agritourism) and environmental protection.
Based on the measures indicated above, the development of the cultural infrastructure is in-
tended to ensure an alternative source of income for the rural population (working mainly in ag-
riculture), to reduce the economic differences between rural localities in suburban areas (which
are better developed) and the rural localities far-flung from urban centres (which are more iso-
lated and less developed), to increase employment and to create new jobs, but also to enhance
the collective identity of the rural community
22
. In my opinion, it is important to point out amid
this context that English Heritage shares the idea that the restoration of the historic environment
creates jobs and supports the development of the local economy. Besides, according to English
Heritage, the historic environment plays an important part in local cultural activities, so the local
population (due to neighbouring sites of local interest) as well as the population across the
whole country (due to the sites of national interest) will have access to social and cultural ser-
vices
23
.
According to English Heritage, re-using the existing buildings is a simple way of achieving
sustainability. In this context, I see it worthy of pointing out that two of the historic architectural
monuments of local interest are currently used for other purposes: the inn (XIX
th
century) from
Tncbesti Village (Snagov Commune) is in good condition and up to around 2005, its twelve
rooms were used as a metal carpentry workshop
24
; the priory of the former Gruiu Monastery
(from the end of the XIX
th
century) which is located in Gruiu Village (Gruiu Commune) is cur-
rently hosting a kindergarten.
Unfortunately, the communes located in the area adjacent to Bucharest Ploiesti axis, in par-
ticular those located in the capital citys area of influence, have been invaded by many real es-
tate projects (holiday/weekend houses, secondary homes, dwellings be them individual ones
or located in large residential complexes), and thus the specificity of the historic areas including
heritage sites
25
is jeopardized.
4 CONCLUSIONS
This study revealed deficiencies of negative impact on cultural and historic sites, on the devel-
opment of rural tourism and consequently on the local economy. I point out the mandatory need
to deal with the deficiencies presented in the last chapter of the study, in order to make it possi-
ble for rural tourism to support the development of the rural community and the economic de-
velopment of this region having a tourist potential that is very high, but improperly or poorly
exploited.
After analysing the employed population structure by reference to the professional status of
the national economic activities, the conclusion was that in 2002, 421 (i.e. 2.9%) of the 18382
persons employed in the rural area work in the domain of Hotels and restaurants (An activity
of the national economy according to The structure of the employed population by reference to
the professional status of the national economic activities Recensmntul Populaiei i al Lo-
cuinelor (The Census of Dwellings and Population), 2002, the latest population census con-
ducted in Romania). The statistical data analysis has shown that the communes (administrative
and territorial units) where more than 2% of the total employed population are involved in the
economic activity of Hotels and Restaurants host the most numerous and valuable man-made
tourist sites and have a more developed infrastructure. Despite its valuable natural and man-
made tourist potential, the area is not exploited to the adequate extent, with much of the emi-
grating and commuting population representing highly qualified labour.
If implemented, the measures proposed for some of the communes which are subject to this
analysis and are already conducting tourist activities (as is the case with Snagov Commune)
could boost the percentages of revenues deriving from tourist activities, and besides some other
communes could soon earn this tourist purpose dimension, thus contributing to the development
of human settlements and implicitly enhancing the living standards of the commune residents.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The author of this study wished to thank Professor Cristian Tlng, PhD., the authors doctoral
thesis supervisor, Professor Cristian Braghin, PhD., Head of Simion Mehedin|i - Nature and
Sustainable Development Doctoral School and Professor Ioan Ianos, PhD., coordinator for the
implementation of the Project Doctoral Studies in the Field of Life and Earth Sciences, lectur-
ers in the Human and Economic Geography Department of the Geography Faculty University
of Bucharest, for the support and guidance provided to the author throughout his training pro-
gramme at Simion Mehedin|i - Nature and Sustainable Development Doctoral School.
Invest in human resources!
This work was supported by project: POSDRU/88/1.5/S/61150 Doctoral Studies in the field
of life and earth sciences, project co-financed through Sectorial Operational Program for the
Development of Human Resources 2007-2013 from the European Social Fund.
ENDNOTES

1
Valorisation of cultural heritage as a factor of educational, cultural, social and economic development
for community benefit project. Pilot project: Using the built heritage for community benefit Bnffy
Castle, Bontida, prepared by Transylvania Trust Foundation, project financed by the Governments of
Iceland, the Principality of Liechtenstein and Norway through the European Economic Area Financial
Mechanism, 2009-2010.
2
Full list of historical monuments (2010) may be accessed at www.monumenteistorice.ro, official web-
site of the National Heritage Institute the Romanian Ministry of Culture and National Heritage.
3
Vlad-|epes ruled Wallachia in 1448, 1455-1462 and1476.
Heritage 2012

4
Vladislav II ruled Wallachia in 1447/1448?-1448; 1448-1456.
5
Snagov Commune General Development Plan, 2004
6
Mircea cel Btrn ruled Wallachia in 1386-1394/1395? and 1397-1418.
7
Snagov Commune General Development Plan (2004).
8
Neagoe Basarab ruled Wallachia in 1512-1521.
9
Mircea Ciobanul V ruled Wallachia in 1545 -1552, 1553 -1554 and 1558-1559.
10
According to the Romanian Explanatory Dictionary bonjourist means name assigned, after 1830-
1840, to the young Romanian progressionists who had studied in France; (last century) name given
(usually ironically) to the young (having progressist ideas) who, returned from studies in France, used
to greet using the French term bonjour
11
Antim Ivireanul (1650-1716) was a Romanian author, printer, engraver, theologian, bishop and metro-
politan of Georgian origin. He was an outstanding cultural personality of the Old Romanian literature.
He set up the first public library in Bucharest, in the XVIII
th
century (according to Wikipedia website)
12
Ion Victor Antonescu (1882-1946) was a Romanian politician, officer, general, head of Operations Di-
vision of the Great General Headquarters of the Army during the First World War, military attach in
London and Paris, head of the Superior School of War, Head of the Great General Staff and Minister
of War, and from 4 September 1940 until 23 August 1944 he was the Prime-Minister of Romania and
Head of the State having dictatorial powers (according to Wikipedia website).
13
Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej (1901-1965) was the leader of the Romanian Communist Party since 1948
until his death and President of the State Council of the Popular Republic of Romania between 21
March 1961-18 March 1965.
14
Matei Basarab was Wallachias voivode between 1632-1654
15
According to the 2010 list of Romanias historic monuments, as drafted by the National Heritage Insti-
tute Ministry of Culture and National Heritage, running number 635/Ilfov County
16
Nicolae Grigorescu (1838-1907) is a renowned Romanian painter.
17
Radu Golescu (1814-1882) was one of the important actors in the 1848 Revolution.
18
tute Ministry of Culture and National Heritage, running number 586/ Ilfov County.
19
Elena Magda Lupescu (1896-1977) was King Carol IIs wife.
20
tute Ministry of Culture and National Heritage, running numbers 572,573,574/ Prahova County.
21
www.eurocult.ro, official website of the Consultancy Centre for European Cultural Programmes.
22
According to the Valorisation of cultural heritage as a factor of educational, cultural, social and eco-
nomic development for community benefit project. Pilot project: Using the built heritage for commu-
nity benefit Bnffy Castle, Bontida, developed by Transylvania Trust Foundation, project financed
by the Governments of Iceland, the Principality of Liechtenstein and Norway through the European
Economic Area Financial Mechanism, 2009-2010.
23
According to the Valorisation of cultural heritage as a factor of educational, cultural, social and eco-
nomic development for community benefit project. Pilot project: Using the built heritage for commu-
nity benefit Bnffy Castle, Bontida, developed by Transylvania Trust Foundation, project financed
by the Governments of Iceland, the Principality of Liechtenstein and Norway through the European
Economic Area Financial Mechanism, 2009-2010.
24
Snagov Commune General Development Plan, 2004.
25
English Heritage shares the opinion that large-sized real estate endeavours might annihilate the speci-
ficity of historic areas.
REFERENCES
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Bucharest: Societatea Geografic Romn, Stabilimentul Geografic J.V. Socecu.
Bichir, F. 2007. Ghighiu-susurul credin|ei (Ghighiu - the Suave Sound of Faith). Lumea Credin|ei, anul
III, nr. 5(22), www.crestinortodox.ro.
Bucuroiu, R. 2010. Mnstirea Pissiota-Renastere si Inviere (Pissiota Monastery Revitalisation and Re-
demption). Lumea Credin|ei, anul II, nr. 9(14), www.crestinortodox.ro.
Brtescu, P. & Moruzi, I. 1897. Dic|ionar geografic al jude|ului Prahova (Geographic Dictionary of Pra-
hova County). Trgoviste: Tipografia si legtoria de car|i Viitorul.
Cndea, M., Erdeli, G., Peptenatu, D. & Simon, T. 2003. Poten|ialul turistic al Romniei si amenajarea
turistic a spa|iului (Romanias Tourist Potential and Improvement of Space for Tourism Purposes).
Bucharest: Editura Universitar.

Cndea, M., Simon, T. & Ttaru, A. 2007. Spa|iul rural, turismul rural si agroturismul (Rural Space, Ru-
ral Tourism and Agritourism). Bucharest: Editura Transversal.
Dumitrache, L. & Vintil, G. 1995. Un model de evaluare a dinamicii asezrilor rurale n perspectiva
dezvoltrii durabile (A Model for the Evaluation of the Dynamics of Rural Settlements for a Sustaina-
ble Development). Bucharest: Editura Academiei Romne.
Glvan, V. 2003. Turism rural. Agroturism. Turism durabil. Ecoturism (Rural Tourism. Agritourism. Sus-
tainable Tourism. Ecotourism). Bucharest: Editura Economic.
Hall, M.C. & Page, S.J. 2007. The Geography of Tourism and Recreation: Environment, Place and Space.
London: Routledge.
Iordan, I. 1973. Zona periurban a Bucurestilor (The Periurban Area of Bucharest). Bucharest: Editura
Academiei Republicii Socialiste Romnia.
Kislinger, C. 2010. Palatul Snagov (Snagov Palace). The Titi Tudorancea Bulletin, Edi|ia n limba
romn (Romanian language edition), www.tititudorancea.ro.
Lascr, N. 2003. Studiu monografic al comunei Moara-Vlsiei si al mprejurimilor (A Monographic
Study of Moara- Vlsiei Commune and the Surrounding Areas). Bucharest: Grupul Editorial Art.
Mihaileanu, E. 1931?. Snagovul: monografie (Snagov: a Monographic Study). Bucharest: Editura Tiparul
Oltenia.
Nikodijevic, D. 2011. Valorization of Cultural Heritage in the Context of a Social Policy of Sustainable
Development Developmental and economic potentials of cultural tourism. Megatrend Review 8(2):
259-276.
Odobescu, Al. 1909. Cteva ore la Snagov (A Few Hours in Snagov). Bucharest: Editura Librariei Leon
Alcalay.
Olteanu, C. 1997. Direc|ii de valorificare a patrimoniului turistic al zonei Snagov (Lines for the Valorisa-
tion of Snagov Areas Tourist Heritage). Bucharest: Academia de Studii Economice.
Page, J.S. & Getz, D. (eds) 1997. The Business of Rural Tourism: International Perspectives, London: In-
ternational Thomson Business Press.
Petrea, R. (ed.) 2006. Rural Tourism and Sustainable Development. Oradea: Editura Universit|ii din
Oradea.
Popescu, T. 1973. Plaiuri ilfovene. Ghid (The Fields of Ilfov. A Guide.). Oficiul Jude|ean de Turism Il-
fov, ntreprinderea Poligrafic Buletinul Oficial, Sec|ia 2.
Voicu, M. & Voicu, B. 2006. Satul romnesc pe drumul ctre Europa (The Romanian Village on its Way
to Europe). Bucharest: Editura Polirom.
*** A Guide for African Local Governments. Cultural Heritage & Local Development. Craterre-
ENSAG/Convention France-UNESCO.
*** (2001) Naturopa - European rural heritage. No. 95.
*** (2002) Recensmntul Popula|iei si al Locuin|elor (The Census of Dwellings and Population).
*** (2004) Snagov Commune General Development Plan.
*** (2009-2010) Valorisation of cultural heritage as a factor of educational, cultural, social and economic
development for community benefit project. Pilot project: Using the built heritage for community ben-
efit Bnffy Castle, Bontida, developed by Transylvania Trust Foundation, project financed by the
Governments of Iceland, the Principality of Liechtenstein and Norway through the European Econom-
ic Area Financial Mechanism, 2009-2010.
*** www.monumenteistorice.ro, official website of the National Heritage Institute - the Romanian Minis-
try of Culture and National Heritage.
Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
In 1995, The Rice Terraces of the Philippine Cordilleras became one of the first agricultural
landscapes to be inscribed in the UNESCO World Heritage List. According to UNESCOs
World Heritage List Operational Guidelines, the Ifugao Rice Terraces (IRT) were inscribed due
to their, outstanding examples of living cultural landscapes. They illustrate traditional tech-
niques and a remarkable harmony between humankind and the natural environment (1996). In
2001, the fragility of the structures was highlighted when it was added to the World Heritage in
Danger List (UNESCO, 2002). Due to the cultural value institutionally ascribed to the terraces,
its deteriorating state became a concern. The concern over the condition of the rice terraces have
resulted in local, state, and international interventions, and efforts to manage the IRT has pro-
duced tensions. Communities are especially ambivalent of conservation efforts that will clearly
come at the expense of economic activities and limit communities access to resources.
In her study of the Angkor World Heritage Site, Miura observes that the 1972 World Heritage
Convention acknowledges the relation of communities to World Heritage Sites. As Miura men-
tions, part of UNESCO objectives is to ensure that heritage sites contribute to the development
of nearby communities, whereby community planning programs and protection of heritage are
merged (Miura, 2005). Communities near heritage sites are sometimes underdeveloped, with
very little infrastructure and limited education and health services. Eaton suggests that devel-
opment objectives has become a component of conservation efforts, so that protected areas are
not, perceived as denying people access to their traditional subsistence resources (Eaton,
2005). An awareness of heritage concerns may actually lead to, substantive and meaningful ac-
tivity, which, though beginning with material conservation efforts can...extend into more infra-
structure development endeavours (Giovine, 2009).
A site of tensions: negotiating access and autonomy in the Ifugao
rice terraces
K. Cagat
School of Oriental and African Studies, London, UK
ABSTRACT: Since 2001, the Ifugao Rice Terraces has been listed as a UNESCO World Heri-
tage Site in Danger. Maintaining the heritage site, while not curtailing needed infrastructure, has
become a challenge. This research focuses on the link between heritage conservation efforts and
development projects. The Ambangal Mini-hydro Plant, which began operation in 2010, is
meant to provide alternative energy to Ifugao Province, and profit from selling the plants gen-
erated power is invested in a heritage conservation fund. The hydro plant and ongoing conserva-
tion efforts, demonstrate the link between heritage conservation and community development.
From ethnographic research done in Ifugao Province, I explore how diverse values are embod-
ied and negotiated in the management of the heritage site and hydro plant. As this paper demon-
strates, spatial relations are at the crux of tensions. Issues regarding access to resources, and
autonomy over its management are entangled in peoples sense of place.
In order to bridge the need for the provinces economic development and heritage concerns,
development projects must now address how it will avoid impacting the landscape, or how it
can contribute to restoration of the IRT. Such was the case with the small-scale Ambangal Mini-
Hydro Plant (AMHP) in the municipality of Kiangan, Ifugao. The AMHP was funded by e8, an
organisation that consists of leading, global electric companies from G8 nations. The
project was designed and implemented by Tokyo Electric Services Power Company
(TEPSCO) a subsidiary of Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO), which was the e8
member who endorsed the project (e8, 2010). The construction and operation of the AMHP
in Kiangan is linked to conservation efforts since profit from the plants generated energy must
be invested in an Ifugao Rice Terraces Fund (IRTF). As such, an annual and more regular fund
for conservation projects will be available. The establishment of the fund demonstrate the way
heritage conservation objectives are being affixed to development plans, particularly infrastruc-
ture projects.
My approach to this research is to highlight how peoples sense of place impact decisions and
actions. In this case, places produce the very relationships they are an integral part of (Gell,
1992; Ingold, 2007). This approach will better illuminate the indelible link between dynamic
subjectivities and environmental conditions. In the process of balancing conservation objectives
and community development in Ifugao, values and subjectivities are negotiated amidst shifting
socioeconomic conditions that is very much tied to the ever-changing landscape. In his concep-
tualization of environments, Ingold notes that, a place owes its character to the experiences it
affords to those who spend time there to the sights, sounds and indeed smells that constitute
specific ambiencethese in turn, depend on the kinds of activities in which its inhabitants en-
gage in (Ingold, 2000). My research documents and analyzes varying actors responses to the
changing environment to illuminate the transformative nature of place, its ability to incite
change as it undergoes change, and from which, social and material engagements emerge.
2 VARIED GROUNDS
The IRT is both a cultural legacy and an agricultural field. Its maintenance goes beyond issues
of authenticity and tradition. In fact, the management of the terraces concerns access to land and
resources, along with peoples autonomy over their economic activities. Ifugao values regarding
their environment cannot simply be thought of as a particular world view, since such philoso-
phies underpin peoples agricultural practices. What is at stake in the management of the terrac-
es are: claims to land, resources, and the right to regulate such claims. For that reason, place is
as much about autonomy and access.
For the people whose quotidian occur in this World Heritage Site, the concern is not simply
about having control of a place; more importantly, it is about having control over the mode of
living in that place. Understanding the saliency of landscapes is particularly significant since,
food and economic security require access to land (Pottier, 1999). In this case however, I sug-
gest that landscapes are not simply there to provide land, which can be tilled and ordered. Nor
are landscapes simply storage for resources. Instead, they are part of the very natural and social
systems that allow for humans to dwell in a place.
When proponents of heritage conservation speak of the Ifugaos agricultural practices, sustai-
nability is often linked primarily to the continued existence of rice terraces. However, it must be
noted that Ifugaos acknowledge the cyclical nature of agricultural fields. As such, the cyclical
change of land use is not necessarily seen as destructive. In Conklins seminal research on Ifu-
gao agriculture, he notes that transformations in land use may be seasonal, annual or indefinite
(Conklin, 1974). When swidden fields are abandoned and left fallow, this does not indicate the
farmers complete detachment from it. Farmers do not automatically have negative responses to
abandoned terraces overtaken by vegetation nor do they prohibit conversion of terraces for other
agricultural purposes.
As Ifugaos frequently proclaim, land is life, since spatial engagements are not only an
integral aspect of social relationships, they also produce them. This is articulated in the way
land is classified, managed and transmitted. In fact, the role of rice in kinship is maintained
through the distribution of land. Since the division of rice field between siblings is seen as a po-
tential source of conflict, a primogeniture law is upheld. In this case, the oldest child, regardless
Heritage 2012
of gender, is given the lion share of inherited property. The oldest child in return, is obligated to
use their inherited land to support younger siblings. Though, this tradition is no longer upheld,
its adverse effect created an imbalance of wealth, and consequently generated inequities within
families (Barton, 1919; Brosius, 1988; Drucker, 1977).
Actually, issues regarding property were among the tensions that emerged before construc-
tion of the hydro plant commenced. The channel needed for the mini-hydro plant was over one
kilometre in distance and must pass through private properties. As a result, each property owner
must be compensated for the right of way. However, some properties were owned by families
or clans, so multiple individuals had claims to the land and its resources. As the provincial engi-
neer explained, due to the compensation scheme stipulated by TEPSCO, only one individual can
be deemed the rightful owner and claim payment. Thus, families and relatives had to settle who
would be designated as a rightful owner. This person in return, would be responsible for divid-
ing the compensation received. Similarly, issues regarding property occurred when individual
trees were claimed by owners. Therefore, besides payment for the land cleared, each tree that
was cut for the construction of the channel had to also be compensated.
While the previous practice of primogeniture law resulted in inequities within families, the
practice was actually rooted in a philosophy of stewardship. The establishment of primogeniture
inheritance laws were for the purpose of keeping properties intact, instead of divided into small-
er plots and dispersed. Owners of properties were meant to act as stewards. In this way, agricul-
tural resources are safeguarded for future generations, and present possession is trivial com-
pared to the familys claim and access to such resources. The practice of stewardship continues
to the maintenance of muyongs, the clan or private forests.
For instance, embedded in the maintenance of muyongs are practices that serve as unwritten
rules and proper management guidelines. Regulations regarding selective cutting or permission
for access serve as protective measures. Even the practice of regular cleaning in the muyong
serves two purposes. Regular cleaning rids the forests of reeds and underbrush that may prevent
new growth. Additionally, it allows for boundaries to be clearly visible, and thus, prevent boun-
dary disputes, especially after a change of ownership by way of inheritance or sale (Dulawan,
2002).
Just above the muyongs are forest areas. The upper sections of mountains are important wa-
tershed areas where human activity is limited and only gathering of fruits and vegetation is per-
mitted. These areas are integral not only to water sources, but also for the prevention of
landslides. This area ensures that the trees which capture water are not destroyed and thus, im-
pacting water sources and soil stability (SITMo, 2008). Protection of these areas is supported by
a social taboo that prohibits resource exploitation in the upper forests. Anyone who exploits re-
sources in the watershed area risks disapproval from fellow community members, or worse,
they may incur bad fortune.
Interestingly, though the heritage cluster of Nagacadan and Julongan are considered primary
water sources for Kiangan, neither village were considered host communities for AMHP. The
host communities, as defined by TEPSCO, are only the three communities affected by the con-
struction. Thus, Nagacadan and Julongan were not given their own percentage of funds from the
IRTF. However, because they are heritage clusters, they are deemed priority villages to be
funded by the LGUs share of the IRTF.
Land use below the forest areas and the muyong slightly vary between ethnolinguistic groups
and therefore, municipalities, since ethnolinguistic groups are often related to geographical loca-
tion. In the case of Hungduan and Kiangan, residential areas populate the area below the
muyong. These residential areas are often surrounded by planted trees and gardens and are lo-
cated above the rice fields. In Kiangan, building houses within rice fields is often a taboo, unless
no other alternative land is available. Residential areas were traditionally built to accommodate
access to rice fields, so houses were in close proximity, but not within, the rice fields.
However, Mayoyao is an exception due to the municipalitys topography. Mayoyao is sur-
rounded by steep mountains, and building within the surrounding mountains proved laborious
and ineffective (Lambrecht, 1929). Mayayao cultural values adapted to this feature by not set-
ting cultural taboos regarding construction within the terraces. In Mayaoyao, houses are dis-
persed within the terraces. From UNESCOs concern regarding infrastructure, they noted, ma-
jor threats to the rice terraces is extensive new housing construction along the access roads, and
in some barangays, within the terraces themselves (UNESCO, 2011). This gives the impression
that building within the terraces is a modern practice. However, house settlement patterns within
terraces are well documented as a traditional practice for certain ethnolinguistic groups of Ifu-
gao. Any heritage conservation efforts concerning the terraces must take these cultural variances
into account, because house settlements are not just about placement and location of houses,
they are also about cultural mentality regarding what is allowable behavior.
Land zoning in fact, is guided by Ifugao spiritual values. The huuwan di nabugbugan di
page, the rice myth recited during the Ani, or harvest (Dulawan, 2005), serves as a way to
transmit knowledge, to explain the logic behind cultural practices (Castro, 1983; Dulawan,
2005; Scott, 1975). In the myth, the protagonists are guided by deities instructing them on how
to: till sloped-lands, smooth out terraced walls, make sacrifices, and invoke chants to keep pests
away, or ensure bountiful harvest (Dulawan, 2005; Scott, 1975). Agricultural practices are done
in a certain way not simply because it is ecologically sound but also, to serve the deities, in or-
der to pacify the forces that may impact crops. In this way, people and places are deeply con-
nected, since world views are manifested in the way people interact with their environment. Al-
though agricultural rituals and oral traditions are no longer widely practiced, the principles
featured in such cultural traditions, are implicated in how communities currently engage with
their environment. As Ifugao religious values transform, the Ifugao community makes an at-
tempt to find new meanings and motivations for continuing land management practices.
Particularly, pressures to provide tourist facilities or lack of available land have caused some
residents to build in areas where they would not otherwise. In cases where it is a traditional
practice to build within the terraces, an ongoing issue is the size of the house being constructed.
As new economic opportunities emerge, sizes of homes become larger, sometimes in ways that
impact what the surrounding environment can tolerate without being negatively affected. How-
ever, these global pressures have caused farmers to also consciously ponder and discuss motiva-
tions for the continuation of long established land use practices. Currently, farmers often talk
about land management practices as paying respect to their ancestors, who taught them how to
farm or who tilled the land that they now derive benefits from. Such agricultural traditions are
also seen as a means to secure a dignified future for subsequent generations. Agricultural com-
munities have also begun to strategize on how to better manage and regulate touristic activities
with minimal impact and disturbances not just to the environment, but also to the lives of resi-
dents in heritage clusters.
In a conversation with Ms. Rachel Guimbatan, a technical advisor for Save the Ifugao Ter-
races Movement (SITMo), she stated that Ifugao culture is a culture of conservation. However,
the environmental values of Ifugaos cannot be taken for granted. In the instance of Ambuwayya
Lake in Kiangan, some community members have noted that barangay boundaries have resulted
in the neglect of the lake. As one community member noted, there was conflict between two ba-
rangays over the position of the lake, whether it belonged to Ambabag or Pindongan. During
this time, residents disregarded maintenance of the lake for fear that if they invest on its main-
tenance, but the other barangay is named the rightful location, then they would have invested a
great deal of effort on a resource they cannot claim. Since the lake also provides easy access to
water for home consumption, some residents have siphoned water from the lake, thus furthering
the decline of its condition. Therefore, though traditional values may be based on conservation,
we cannot ignore the way lack of infrastructure, such as water utilities, can force communities
to adapt practices against established values.
Interestingly however, inadequate electric utilities in Ifugao have resulted in the communitys
willingness to experiment with alternative-energy technologies. The topography of Ifugao,
along with house settlement patterns, has made rural electrification a constant battle for the Ifu-
gao Electric Cooperative (IFELCO). According to the director of IFELCO, because of the prov-
inces terrain, low-energy consumption and sparse population, some neighbourhoods cannot be
cost-effectively electrified. As a result, some isolated sitios have taken advantage of abundant
water sources by establishing pico and micro-hydro plants for electrification. The provincial
government, facing challenges regarding the development of Ifugao Province and management
of the terraces, saw the potential of hydropower technology to address both issues.
Heritage 2012
3 LOCATION MATTERS
UNESCO reports on the IRT acknowledge that the most critical issue facing the IRT is its bat-
tle with conservation and development (SITMo, 2008). These reports show a concern for the
need to provide the marginalised communities of Ifugao Province with better infrastructure and
health and education services. However, there is also fear that such developments may ad-
versely affect the local culture (ibid) and compromise the heritage value of the landscape. The
differentiation of core and buffer zones has led to inconsistencies on the development of muni-
cipalities in Ifugao. Core zones refer to the heritage clusters, the areas in most need of safe-
guarding. Buffer zones are areas of compromise, where regulated development may occur.
Since Kiangans heritage cluster comprises of a distinct area, they are fortunate enough to have
established residential and industrial areas outside the heritage cluster of Nagacadan and Julon-
gan. On the other hand, the entire municipality of Hungduan is a heritage site. Thus, the entire
municipality is a core zone, and development will be restricted in all areas of the municipalities.
Fears on how improvements in the provinces infrastructure may transform local practices, illu-
strate the reciprocal relationship between people and places.
Interestingly, the development of the mini-hydro plant emerged during a forum in Banaue,
Ifugao, when the provincial government hosted potential NGOs and foreign agencies who could
invest in conservation efforts. Initially, interest for the potential of a mini-hydropower technolo-
gy was directed towards Hungduan, the neighbouring municipality of Kiangan. However, the
project was later denied. The comparison between Kiangan and Hungduan reveal how the di-
verse landscape of the Ifugao province incited particular and inconsistent categorisation of her-
itage sites. Since the entire municipality of Hungduan is a heritage cluster, infrastructure
projects in that municipality are much more restricted and monitored than ones in Kiangan. In
this case, the landscape inspires a conservation strategy, and this conservation strategy is then
translated into a municipal development plan.
In 2003, Japan Consulting Institute produced a feasibility study report indicating Hapao,
Hungduan to be an ideal site for a mini-hydro plant. However, the project was later denied, and
no further study was conducted. In Hungduan, electrification remains a major development con-
cern. According to Hundugans Ancestral Domain Sustainable Development and Protection
Plan (NCIP, 2006), only the village of Ba-ang is fully energized, and its energy supply is sup-
plemented by micro-hydro plants. All other villages are only partly energized, with one village,
Maggok, not energized at all. Even with such circumstances, Hungduan was denied as a mini-
hydro plant site.
In 2004, members of the Sangguniang Bayan, the municipal council, discussed the 2003 fea-
sibility study conducted in Hapao, Hungduan. Excerpts from the meeting minutes demonstrate
that community members were not oppose to further studies regarding the construction of a
mini-hydro plant. The following is stated in the minutes: The purpose is development of our
natural resources for the rice terraces and the mechanics were explained on how they will make
it not only the barangays, but also the municipality and the province as a whole to (sic)
benefit from this (2004). However, negative reactions from the community regarding the pro-
posed mini-hydro plant cannot go unmentioned. From recent interviews with Hapao and Ba-ang
community members, they expressed that many of them did not approve of the mini-hydro
plants design. The design would have required excavation through fields for the construction of
the headrace. According to the feasibility study report, the design called for a tunnel to, be ex-
cavated in one direction from the intake point to the water tank (2003).
What must also be highlighted in the meetings documentation is the presence of UNESCO
regarding the project. The meeting minutes and my current conversations with community
members reveal that people have frustrations over certain agencies having significant influence
on decisions for the municipality. As stated in the minutes of a municipal council meeting, Af-
ter the workshop, negative comments came out from JBIC, Manila and UNESCO but as direct
stakeholders, we should be the one to give our comments regarding this (2004). In the 29
th
ses-
sion of the World Heritage Committee, the issue of hydropower plants in World Heritage Sites
surfaced. In response to interests on hydropower development, the committee requested a moni-
toring mission to, assess the impact of a proposed hydropower plant project on the heritage
values of the property (2005).
Hapao and Ba-ang community members have expressed their confusion and disappointment
over the fact that since the community consultation meeting held in 2003, no other communica-
tion or information regarding the plant has been presented. The disappointment comes from the
fact that while many of the community members opposed the tunnelling, they were nevertheless
interested in alternative design schemes. Most importantly, they were willing to give mini-hydro
technology a chance, in light of their electrification issues. For community members, the sudden
discontinuation of hydropower study in Hapao gave the impression that the heritage concerns of
external agencies were being prioritised over the interests of residents.
The need to reconcile development projects with heritage concerns has lead to compulsory
Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) for all development initiatives (UNESCO, 2009).
Such projects must also undergo a Heritage Impact assessment (HIA) and a Free Prior and In-
formed Consent (FPIC) from the National Commission for Indigenous Peoples (NCIP). Prior to
the undertaking of the AMHP, Ambassador Preciosa S. Soliven, the Sectretary General Of UN-
ESCO National Commission of Philippines, recommended that a Cultural Impact Assesment be
conducted (TEPCO, 2008). The reason the AMHP was supported by UNESCO is due to the fact
that the hydro plant is constructed outside the World Heritage Property. The project also pro-
vides funding for conservation efforts, while providing the community with sustainable energy
and employment opportunities (2009).
It must be noted that the initiative received support only after an extensive feasibility study
was undertaken, in which members of UNESCO confirmed that the project will be able to avoid
or alleviate any social and natural adverse effects (e8, 2010). From their evaluation report on the
current state of the IRT, UNESCO stated, mini-hydro plants should be permitted as long as
they are mini-hydro plants and position...with minimal visual impact on the terraces and outside
of the World Heritage designated areas, themselves (2011). Before the plan was carried out,
several potential sites were considered for the location of the power plant. In this way, the cho-
sen site for the Ifugao-Ambangal Mini-hydro Project had to reconcile the tension between a de-
velopment objective, such as electrification, and efforts on heritage conservation.
The matter of location for the site of the mini-hydro plant reveals a tension between concern
for the state of the IRT and the need for much needed utilities. On one hand, requiring develop-
ment projects to undergo EIA, CIA and FPIC is underpinned in commendable ethical and envi-
ronmental concerns that endeavour to regulate potential exploitive and destructive projects.
However, the root of the communitys frustrations is not primarily directed at these regulatory
practices. Instead, frustrations come about when restrictions occur without alternative plans or
even the discussion of alternatives. This has resulted in community members feeling discon-
nected from decisions directed at the management and utilization of their resources.
4 CHANGES IN PLACE
While policies are ever-changing, they are still the outcomes of a particular time and place, and
they are crafted by people who are under the same spatiotemporal restrictions. It is difficult to
anticipate what issues may arise from policies, and even more difficult to craft policies that ad-
dress future challenges. As a consequence, what result are policies which, take as given what at
the moment of their inception appears unproblematic, what appears eternally fixed and natural,
but which subsequently becomes variable and problematic (Burawoy, 1985). The same chal-
lenges exist for development projects. No matter how many impact studies or community con-
sultations are involved, there will be some concerns left unaddressed, because they are unfore-
seen.
The construction of the mini-hydro plant created 180 hourly jobs, and its maintenance gener-
ated six full-time positions (e8, 2010). When possible, as the host municipality, Kiangan resi-
dents were prioritised during the recruitment of labourers. Similarly, for the six full-time posi-
tions, residents from the three host villages, Amababag, Pindongan and Mungayang were also
given priority over other candidates, provided they passed the required exam. Priority access to
these job opportunities was a stipulation established by the host communities. In this case, con-
nection to a place resulted in a direct link to opportunities. However, since an exam was re-
quired for the operators, claims to employment opportunities still had to be negotiated. Actually,
Heritage 2012
out of the six operators, Mungayang is the only host community not represented, since no resi-
dent of Mungayang met the exam requirement.
As a result of the hydro-plants construction and operation, the host villages also received
improvements on their civil structures. Particularly, concrete lining of community irrigation sys-
tems (CIS) canals and maintenance and repair of stonewalls has occurred. Likewise, canals be-
ing used for the hydro plant also allow water to reach fields where destroyed CIS canals cannot
reach. Cemented pathways were also created during construction. Isolated power has also be-
come available for parts of Mungayang, lower Ibulao and Baguinge, Kiangan. As such, the
aforementioned villages can get electricity during power outages. Of course, there is now also
available annual funding for terrace conservation efforts.
However, these positives results come with concerns. The three host communities are disap-
pointed that they have not received any benefits in terms of electrification. The Provincial Plan-
ning and Development Office (PPDO) has mentioned that the plant is meant to generate power
for sale to IFELCO and then invested in the IRTF. PPDO cannot control how this power is dis-
tributed. This is in fact a precise description of how the plant operates. The archived minutes
does show that electrification of communities was going to be addressed. Excerpts from minutes
of community consultation meetings show that members of Mungayang had as a condition,
Electrification of Barangay Mungayang (NCIP, 2008). Consultation meeting minutes from
2007, also show that then Governor Baguilat mentioned, total electrification of the province is
one of the priorities...The Provincial Government is to looking at micro-hydro systems to energ-
ize said areas (TEPCO, 2008).
The design of the whole system called for electrical lines to be placed in very specific places.
Unfortunately, the locations of the erected electric lines and its coordination with the mini-hydro
plant can only serve very specific locations during power outages. As a result, due to the com-
munities disappointment regarding electrification, the plant operators must now have to field
complaints from their fellow community members. However, these plant operators have no ju-
risdiction over how the power is distributed. In this way, the plant has had some unexpected im-
pact in the social relations of community members. In understanding the unforeseen outcomes
of the AMHP, I take note of Mosse and Lewiss observation regarding the implementation of
policy into practice. As Mosse and Lewis suggests, policies, and perhaps in these case plans,
cannot be taken as an instrumental or scripted translation of ideas into reality, but as a
messy free-for-all in which processes are often uncontrollable and results uncertain
(2006)
In the process of latching development projects onto conservation efforts, the risk is that so-
cio-political concerns are framed to suit technical solutions (Li, 2007). What is implied in UN-
ESCO reports and e8s energy initiative is that the maintenance of a World Heritage Site can
contribute to solutions regarding the national governments neglect of the Ifugao Province.
With the Ifugao-Ambangal Mini-hydro Project, e8 proposes that the facility will, improve the
lives of the terrace rice farmers, by providing the Ifugao Province with a much needed sustain-
able energy source, while implementing this particular technology as a means to fund conserva-
tion programs (2010). Buried under the heavy focus on sustainability and conservation, are is-
sues of access and autonomy that are not being properly addressed.
The construction of the hydro plant and its link to conservation objectives has magnified cur-
rent issues regarding access to resources (i.e. electricity, water, job opportunities or community
funds). Likewise, it has revealed the inequities between heritage cluster communities and non-
heritage agricultural communities. The provincial planner of Ifugao has expressed concern over
the focus on the heritage sites. She has expressed dissatisfaction that funding is most often di-
rected towards villages within the heritage clusters. As she mentioned, and as so many agricul-
tural communities have highlighted, Ifugao Province, as a whole, consists predominantly of ter-
raced, rice field cultivators, and yet support for farmers flow mainly to cultivators in heritage
clusters. The notion of heritage then, must be questioned, since heritage agencies often have cri-
teria for the designation of World Heritage Property that may not be in parallel with the com-
munity members own concept of their heritage.
This unequal distribution of resources is perpetuated by the IRTF, in which a bulk of the
funds must be utilized to fund projects within the heritage clusters. It must be noted that this
was a stipulation of e8 and TEPSCO. Historically, previous availability of funding exclusively
for heritage cluster has actually caused a breakdown of traditional values regarding community
work and self-reliance. A tenet in Ifugao values is the importance of cooperation to assist each
other with laborious tasks, especially agricultural tasks. Such a practice is called ubbu or bad-
dang. Due to available funds, in some cases, communities do not make an effort to restore pri-
vate stone-walls or CIS canals until they are given the funding.
Unexpectedly, non-heritage terraced communities, to cope with the lack of funding, has been
able to better organize their irrigators association and more regularly practice the tradition of
community work. An irrigators association in Mungayang has developed a system of contribut-
ing a share of their rice harvest to the association; this share of rice is used as compensation for
the labourers who maintain the CIS. In cases of emergencies, farmers in Pindongan also practice
ubbu to repair damaged stonewalls for fellow farmers, especially if the particular paddy is cru-
cial to the flow of water to other paddies.
Though, it must be noted that in other ways, communities in heritage clusters have been gal-
vanized to actively develop strategies in managing their resources. The community of Na-
gacadan has institutionalized Ifugao values through a land use ordinance. With the crafting of
the ordinance, traditional land use values have been translated as a means to regulate tourism
and rapid overdevelopment. The ordinance was crafted by agricultural communities in Na-
gacadan, in collaboration with SITMo. The ordinance delineates the core, buffer and multi-use
zones of the Nagacadan Rice Terraces and the heritage areas in Nagacadan, Kiangan. The ordi-
nance also sets official regulations, which protects the muyongs or forests areas. Additionally,
indigenous species must be the ones planted for reforestation. The ordinance demonstrates how
people are translating their spatial relations into policies.
Similarly, the ordinance establishes an outline for community-based tourism. For instance,
treks for tourists must be guided by locals. An environmental fee is also collected from tourists
wishing to hike within the heritage cluster. Just recently, a tourism symposium was held in
Kiangan, Ifugao. During the symposium, a discussion on carrying capacity emerged. As such,
the community is in the process of indicating how much visitors can the municipality receive,
without resulting in disruption and negative environmental impact that the town cannot ade-
quately manage. The barangay ordinance of Nagacadan also addresses infrastructure within
their heritage cluster. The ordinance acknowledges that in cases when there are no alternative
available land, property owners may build within terraces, but must follow restrictions on the
extent and intensity of construction.
Informants from Nagacadan express that their land use ordinance is rooted in their ancestors
traditional practices, but now, these values are made official and legitimized through an ordi-
nance. They however, also express that they are constantly faced with restrictions that limit their
freedom to learn and experiment with solutions that address housing, development of roads or
global forces such as, climate change. Community members proclaim that people who are pro-
hibiting communities to experiment on solutions limit activities without proposing viable solu-
tions. The benefit with allowing communities to problem solve, is that solutions are internal-
ized. Through community-based problem solving in regards to irrigation or damaged walls,
community members are forced to have a dialogue regarding their changing needs and concerns.
These dialogues provide an opportunity for people to come up with ways to re-invent social
values and practices.
The problem of electrification has motivated residents of Hungduan to come up with more ef-
ficient ways in getting electricity. This has resulted in community managed micro-hydro plants
in the villages of Ba-ang and Maggok. The presence of such micro-hydro plants catapulted a
collective, a cooperative of people who volunteer to manage the plants operation and collect
fees to ensure the hydro plants sustainability. This demonstrates the reimagining of ubbu for
the use of managing not just agricultural resources, but also technologies that address the prob-
lem of electrification. The micro-hydro plants are also a tangible materialization of the new alli-
ances people have forged. The micro-hydro plant project in Maggok is operated in collaboration
with SITMo along with Villanova University, an American institution. The Ba-ang micro-hydro
plant was implemented in collaboration with Benguet State University.
In regards to management of the current IRTF, both the provincial and local government
units have learned from past mistakes of funding support for heritage terrace farmers. Presently,
conservation projects now operate under a counterpart system. In this case, funding will be
given to a particular project, but the community receiving funding must also actively contribute
to the project. For instance, the current scheme for stonewall repairs is that, if materials are
Heritage 2012
bought with the IRTF, the community members will volunteer as labour for construction work.
Alternatively, the community can provide materials, and funds will be available to pay the
workers wages. The aforementioned activities are proofs of the way communities may organi-
cally respond to the tension of conservation and development, and the way traditional values
can be re-imagined as a means of solution.
5 CONCLUSION
Changes in Ifugao values should not be simply perceived as the breakdown of tradition, since
tradition is not the preservation of the past, but rather the, distinctive way of changing
(Sahlins, 1992). In this case, it is the framework that guides how people respond to unforeseen
circumstances. In his study of Djenns masons, Marchand reiterates that traditional should
not imply stasis; instead, traditional should be understood as peoples, direct and un-alienated
mode of production (Marchand, 2009). The risk in how organisations address heritage conser-
vation is that it may result in further restrictions on peoples autonomy to make adjustments on
their practices. Since tradition becomes an issue of livelihood, it is imperative that heritage con-
cerns are discussed within the context of development.
The greatest frustration for community members within heritage clusters is that they are con-
stantly faced with restrictions that limit their freedom to learn and experiment in coming up with
solutions to problems impacting their environment, and thus, their livelihood. These restrictions
are seen as blocks that prevent communities from accessing resources or opportunities that al-
low residents to better cope with their changing environment. However, one must acknowledge
that conservation efforts have galvanized communities to think about their resources and how
such resources are being managed and utilised. This paved the way for communities to be con-
scious of how their changing practices are reciprocally changing their environment in ways that
may be counterproductive.
The fact that municipalities are now consciously pondering their management practices allow
for strategies and dialogue that emerge from within the community. Such dialogue is necessary
for internal solutions. Through ongoing management of CIS, community based tourism and vil-
lage-level electric cooperatives, people have been forced to discuss their changing values, and
this has become a catalyst for the re-invention of traditional practices. Likewise, the aforemen-
tioned community endeavours can impact policy making and force politicians to address what is
lacking in the communities they serve. The activities of Kiangan and Hungduan residents are
evidence of the way communities may organically respond to the tension of conservation and
development. Such activities reveal that traditional values can be re-imagined for solutions.
Central to this process is that, as people adapt to their changing environment, they transform old
material and social engagements or develop new ones. For that reason, places are not simply
where social relations occur, they are also essential to how they occur (Retsikas, 2007).
REFERENCES
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cadan Rice Terraces and the heritage areas in Nagacadan, Kiangan, Ifugao (Nagacadan Barangay
Council).
Barton, R.F., 1919. Ifugao law. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Eth-
nology 15(1): 1-186.
Brosius, J.P., 1988. Significance and social being in Ifugao agricultural production. Ethnology 27 (1): 97-
110.
Burawoy, M., 1985. The politics of production: factory regimes under capitalism and socialism. London:
Verso.
Castro, J., 1983. General introduction. In J. Castro et al (eds), Anthology of ASEAN literatures: epics of
the Philippines: 1-5. Quezon City: APO Production Unit Inc.
Conklin, H., 1974. Ethnographic research in Ifugao. In J. Kuippers & R. McDermott (eds), Fine descrip-
tion: ethnographic and linguistic essays: 435-464. New Haven: Yale University Southeast Asia Stu-
dies.
Drucker, C.B., 1977. To inherit the land: descent and decision in Northern Luzon. Ethnology, 16(1): 1-20.
Dulawan, M., 2002. The Ifugao. Manila: National Commission for Culture and the Arts.
Dulawan, M., 2005. Oral literature of the Ifugao. Manila: National Commission for Culture and the Arts.
e8, 2010. The Philippine Ifugao-Ambangal mini-hydro project. Montreal: e8.
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zon.
Gell, A, 1992. The technology of enchantment and the enchantment of technology. In J. Coote & A.
Shelton (eds), Anthropology, art and aesthetics: 40-63. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
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Books.
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13(SI): 19-38.
Japan Consulting Institute, 2003. Feasibility study report on small-scale hydroelectric power development
project at Ibulao Basin in Republic of the Philippines.
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Li, T., 2007. The will to improve: governmentality, development, and the practice of politics. Durham:
Duke University Press.
Marchand, T., 2009. The masons of Djenn. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
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World Heritage Site. Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites, 7(1): 3-18.
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Mosse & D. Lewis (eds), Brokers and translators: the ethnography of aid and agencies: 1-26. Bloom-
field: Kumarian Press, Inc.
NCIP, 2006. Hungduan ancestral domain sustainable development and protection plan.
NCIP, 2008. Free prior and informed consent process (consensus building) for the proposed Ambangal
Mini-hydro Power Plant located at Ambangal Creek. Mungayang, 29 July 2008.
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Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
At the Heritage 2010 conference in vora I gave a paper (Carman 2010) that argued for a colla-
boration between students of heritage who come at it from the two different directions of the
humanities and the social sciences, especially economics. In that paper, I argued that there were
three perspectives on the heritage as a concern of economists, derived from the work of interest-
ed economists:
that heritage objects represent economic goods like any other because of the benefits
that accrue from them and that their cultural value is seen as the reason for ascribing
them economic worth (eftec 2005; Peacock & Rizzo 2008; Rypkema et al. 2011)
that heritage objects represent a store of cultural value that is different from that of
economic goods and that these value schemes operate independently (Throsby 2001);
or that
they can be valued both in economic and cultural terms simultaneously (Mason
2008).
None of these economists of course deny the availability or usefulness of economic analysis
to cultural goods: it is a question of the relationship between these two value realms and
whether the two are causally related, quite incommensurable or merely independent. Others at
these conferences have since joined the call for economists to take an interest in heritage and to
apply economic analysis to that particular phenomenon (Armbrecht 2010; Gibson 2011). In my
own paper in 2010 I argued that while students of heritage have a lot to learn from economists,
Heritage institutions: economic or otherwise?
J. Carman
University of Birmingham, UK
ABSTRACT: Economics is par excellence the discipline most concerned with issues of value
and valuation, and increasing interest is shown by economists in studying and commenting on
issues of Heritage as a realm of value. Despite this, the interest shown in economics by those
who study Heritage as an aspect of culture remains limited. In part this is due to the approach
taken by economists. In general they argue that their ways of understanding issues of value are
of benefit to the Heritage field, but they choose not to engage with the discussions of value tak-
en by others. Instead, these are dismissed as providing the basis for economic decision-making
or as an alternative realm of value completely different from and therefore irrelevant to that
of economics. Whatever stance they take, however, it is generally assumed that economic think-
ing is of direct benefit to Heritage practitioners. This paper will argue that while economic ideas
are of great benefit in understanding the phenomenon that is Heritage, the application of those
ideas is in general badly flawed. It will argue that Heritage institutions do not work the same
way as other kinds of bodies, and therefore the direct application of economic decision-making
and value theory to them is misleading.
economists may also have a lot to learn from students of heritage, the reason being that the cate-
gory of heritage falls outside of the realm where traditional systems of economic value apply.
I want to develop that line of argument here.
2 SCHEMES OF VALUATION
I argued the case in 2010 on the following bases:
Economists have a real difficulty with phenomena that are collective in nature rather than
related to individual choice mechanisms. As individuals, we do not choose heritage places:
they are granted to us by cultural mechanisms that deny us choice and are inevitably shared
(see e.g. Smith 2006). If economics is defined as "the science which studies human behaviour
as a relationship between ends and scarce means which have alternative uses (Robbins 1935,
16) then abundant resources that are not scarce and can be shared by many without depletion
are a problem. There is no scarcity and there is no choice: without these things, economics
can say nothing.
In similar vein, economists have a tendency to provide solutions to issues of resource use in
terms of ownership regimes: as Cole (2002, ix; emphasis in original) puts it, all approaches
to environmental protection [including those of heritage] are property-based. The trend
among economists, where resource depletion is perceived as an issue, is to proffer the holding
of exclusive rights as a solution, and to grant them either to the state or to private owners. The
same is true in the field of heritage management (see Carman 2005). However, the rhetoric of
the heritage field (e.g. Merriman 1991, 1; Smith 2006; Smith & Waterton 2009) is that herit-
age is a resource that is owned by everybody. The allocation of exclusive rights of control is
therefore in direct contradiction of principles most heritage professionals would hold to. This
too is a problem for economists. In part, however, it is also solved by them: we can draw on
the work of institutional economics (Eggertson 1990) to understand how successful com-
munal property regimes can be made to work, and heritage is an area where experiments in
such regimes can be tried. Beyond this, taking the rhetoric of the heritage field to its extreme,
we can offer economists the opportunity to study heritage as an area where open access or
non-property status applies and thus release them from their ties to particular sets of power
relations (Carman 2005).
Economists consider heritage indeed the arts and culture in general from two perspec-
tives. One is to analyse the kinds of benefits that accrue to individuals, groups or to society in
general, usually using a model based upon a division of use and non-use values. These are fur-
ther divided into different kinds of benefit that can be ascribed to particular recipients (Table 1).

Table 1: Economic value types (adapted from Armbrecht 2010)
USE VALUE TYPES NON-USE VALUE TYPES
Descriptor Example Descriptor Example
Direct Use Values

Indirect Use Values

Current pleasure,
health, education,
wealth creation
Current pleasure, crea-
tion of social unity,
education
Option Value

Existence Value

Bequest Value
Future pleasure, toler-
ance, education, health
Community cohesion,
identity creation
Future pleasure, health,
education, wealth crea-
tion of others

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Here, use values and non-use values correspond quite closely: the difference lies in the bene-
ficiary (oneself, a group to which one belongs, or to others) and whether the benefit accrues
immediately or is deferred to some specified or unspecified future. The kinds of benefits that ac-
crue are the same whether current or deferred, direct or indirect.
The other approach economists take is to attempt a quantification of the value of particular
components of the heritage. This was the approach advocated for so-called heritage assets in
the UK (ASB 2006), whereby they would be assessed for their financial value in order that this
information could be included in the annual reports of the bodies responsible for them mu-
seums for their collections, heritage agencies for sites, monuments, buildings, and so on. This
approach was strongly criticised on a number of grounds, some philosophical and some practic-
al, by academics, heritage bodies and by accounting professionals, but nevertheless it remains a
scheme to be implemented at some future time. The philosophical objections have been pub-
lished elsewhere (e.g. Carman 2005) but practical objections focus on the precise methods of
valuation to be applied. The most widely accepted is that of Contingent Valuation, but that too
is recognised to be faulty in some respects. Accordingly, efforts have been made to rectify the
method to assure its greater effectiveness, such as by Gibson (2011) who at last years Sharing
Cultures conference in Tomar argued for Contingent Valuation to be supplemented by a process
that records the kinds of values that accrue to stakeholders. Taking a slightly different perspec-
tive, Carnegie and Wolnizer (1997) argued for an approach that evaluated heritage places es-
pecially museums on the basis of how well their activities reflected or contributed to achiev-
ing their objectives as set out in their own mission statements.
In most cases, attempts by economists to contribute to the value debate about heritage col-
lapse into a concern with the values that derive from the use of heritage sites and places, rather
than an attempt to understand the nature of the phenomenon of heritage. In doing so, they make
assumptions about heritage that are not necessarily justified, in particular that it can and
should be assessed in utilitarian terms based on rational-choice mechanisms. This is despite
the large literature (including from economics) that identifies clear differences between com-
mercial transactions and other types of behaviour. One such is the distinction between the auc-
tion as a site of economic competition and of so-called tournaments of value (Appadurai 1986,
21). Baudrillard (1981) in particular has discussed the art auction, where competition expressed
in terms of the amount people are prepared to pay for the purchase of particular objects in fact
represents competition on another level entirely it is in fact a competition to establish who
among a restricted group of connoisseurs demonstrates the greatest appreciation of art. While
the offer of money is the means of expressing this, the real area of dispute is about taste and
knowledge. In comparison to purely economic transactions, such competitions demand criteria
for entry and require participants to demonstrate their fitness to take part (Table 2).

Table 2 Commercial transactions and tournaments of value (after Appadurai 1986 and Baudrillard 1981)
CRITERIA COMMERCIAL TRAN-
SACTION
TOURNAMENT OF
VALUE
Participation
Location
Relations between participants
Type of objects exchanged
Role of objects
Examples
Open
Public or private space
Rivalry between equals
Everyday
Commercial
Daily market, shop
Restricted
Designated arena
Parity of the privileged
Tokens of value
Affirmation of status
Art auction, fashion show

As research into the public response to heritage has shown (e.g. Merriman 1991), heritage
places demonstrate the same kind of restrictions on access as the locations where tournaments
of value take place: it requires a certain level of cultural capital of knowledge and expe-
rience of the museum and of history to make such places familiar. Merrimans research (1991;
confirmed by other surveys in the two decades since) indicates the connection between educa-
tional attainment, likelihood to visit museums and the attitude towards them: non-visitors are
most likely to have low levels of educational attainment and to regard museums as most similar
to mausolea rather than anything else(Merriman 1991, 62). Although regular museum visitors
may not be indulging in an obvious tournament of value with each other, they exhibit the same
traits as those who habitually do so: and indeed at a subliminal level that may be exactly what is
going on when one visits a heritage site. The point of this apparent digression is to suggest that
heritage places are something different from ordinary economic phenomena and operate in dif-
ferent ways. The rules of the market and of conventional economic choice mechanisms do
not apply. They therefore cannot be assessed on the same basis.
A further issue that may be worth our consideration is the manner in which the costs and ben-
efits of activity are distributed in the different realms of the private and public (Table 3). In the
private realm of conventional commercial economic activity, benefits in the form of monetary
return on time and expertise accrue to those who work inside the institution its managers, em-
ployees, and of course owners. Costs are externalised by passing them on to the purchasers of
products. These bearers of cost do not directly benefit from the work of the institution except as
buyers of its services: they are outsiders in every sense of the term.
By contrast, the benefits of public institutions accrue to those outside the institution: to a
largely anonymous public or to the abstract notion of society on whose behalf they work. They
represent a form of corporate saving as outlined by Douglas and Isherwood (1979, 37), which
is made for the benefit of groups quite separately from their individual members at any one
time: such savings always belong as much to the future as to the present. The costs of such insti-
tutions are however borne by those who also benefit from the work of the institution: the tax-
payer (who are the public or society by another name) and donors of various kinds. In other
words, in general, costs of museums and other kinds of heritage institution are borne by those
who also its beneficiaries. The relationship of beneficiaries to bearers of costs is thus reversed in
the public and private realms, confirming the fundamental differences between them.

Table 3 Accrual of costs and benefits
PRIVATE REALM PUBLIC REALM
Costs borne by Beneficiaries Costs borne by Beneficiaries
(Outsiders)
Customers

(Insiders)
Owners
Managers
Employees
(Insiders)
Donors
Owners (including the
public)
(Outsiders)
The public
3 GRADIENTS OF VALUE
A comparison of the distribution of objects through different kinds of space further elucidates
the issue of the difference between private space and the public space of heritage (Fig 1).
In domestic space in western European contexts, in general the most valued objects will be
those on display in the shared and therefore more public areas in so-called reception rooms
such as the living and dining rooms where not only the family but non-resident guests will be
entertained. By convention these rooms are generally located downstairs and at the front of the
property. Here you will find pictures, photographs, ornaments, as well as the most comfortable
furniture, and probably the newest entertainment media (television, DVD player, music system,
etc.). By contrast, more functionally-specialised spaces the kitchen and bathroom which
contain few or no valued items are located at the rear of the property; these are also the spaces
where various kinds of refuse are most likely to be processed. Bedrooms the most private and
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Figure 1 suggests a convenient way of representing this difference. The staircase in both con-
texts can be seen as a metaphor for the gradient of value along which objects can lie. In the do-
mestic space this runs downwards, with the most valued items more likely to be placed down-
stairs towards the front of the building. In the public space of the museum, this runs upwards
with the most highly valued objects in the collection to be located furthest from the public en-
trance, upstairs and towards the rear. The lower, more abstract, diagram shows how the value
gradients lie oppositional to each other in the separate realms of public /collective and private /
individual. Here again, as suggested in relation to the distribution of costs and benefits, the
realms of the private commercial and the public heritage operate in entirely contradictory ways.
4 CONCLUSION
This paper is an attempt to address the recent entry of economists into debates about heritage.
The major point is that, while economics as a discipline has significant insights to offer those
concerned with the study of heritage and its valuation, that contribution is hampered by the ap-
proaches economists have generally taken. These assume that heritage institutions are similar in
form to other kinds of economic institution and are therefore amenable to analysis from the
standpoint of conventional economic understanding. This paper suggests that in a number of
ways they differ considerably from other areas of life:
heritage institutions are more akin to sites of tournaments of value than those
of conventional economic exchange;
the relationships between those who bear costs and those who claim benefit are
effectively reversed in the two realms; and
objects are distributed differently in the different realms, so that gradients of
value are effectively reversed.
Taken together with the overriding characteristics of heritage its collective public nature
and its abundance so that it cannot be considered scarce the difference of heritage institutions
from other areas of life are sufficiently significant that available techniques of valuation are not
relevant. Instead, new approaches need to be devised. These, I believe, can only be achieved by
economists and other students of heritage working together. Economists have the skills to ana-
lyse value: others from other fields have an understanding of the phenomenon with which we
deal. Together we can come to a fuller understanding of the nature of heritage as a contempo-
rary phenomenon.
REFERENCES
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Board 2006 Discussion paper. London, Accounting Standards Board.
Appadurai, A. (1986) Introduction: commodities and the politics of value, in Appadurai, A. (ed.) The
Social Life of Things: commodities in cultural perspective. Cambridge: University Press, 3-63.
Armbrecht, J. (2010) The value of cultural institutions: a review and conceptual development of value ca-
tegories. In Amoda, R., Lira, S. & Pinheiro, C. (eds) Heritage 2010: heritage and sustainable develo-
pment: proceedings of the 2nd international conference on heritage and sustainable development, vo-
ra, Portugal, 22-26 June 2010, Lisbon: Greenlines Institute for Sustainable Development, 343-352.
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Press.
Carman, J. (2005) Against Cultural Property: archaeology, ownership and heritage. London, Duckworth.
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Douglas, M. and Isherwood, B. (1979) The World of Goods: towards an anthropology of consumption.
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Heritage 2012

1 INTRODUCTION
It is a fact that in the art market there are not sufficient legal mechanisms to ensure the quality
of the process of transactions or sufficient documents required to protect scientific and artistic
researches, which demostrate, if not authorship, at least one possible attribution. The absence of
these documents and, usually, purchase invoices, leaves the collector largelly helpless and com-
plicate the situation in the art market, making them the target of traders.
Furthermore, the lack of artistic and historical training of the collector, who does not have to
understand art history, in combination with his actions, driven by aesthetic sensibility, his desire
of possession of a major firm, or pure investment, are reinforced by the profit motive of the
dealers, galleries, antique shops and auctions, plus the lack of a code of conduct within the mar-
ket, which at least would require reports accompanying the work, all these reasons mean that the
world heritage is being questioned, and is therefore at risk.
Every work is unique and different, and it should be studied and investigated in depth and
multidisciplinary way. How does the historian know, for example (and a trained eyed, of
course), if the constituent pigments of the artwork belong to the century that is assuming? In
what context the artwork was created? What stylistic comparisons the historian can provide to
convince us?
Some of the world's most prestigious museums work in their departments of conservation and
restoration with several non destructive scientific technologies applied in the study of artwork,
but we believe there is still a long way to go. Generally, most of the museums (especially in the
case of Spain) should become aware of the need to investigate their pieces from a viewpoint
Avoiding frauds: Raman spectroscopy, a fundamental tool in the
analysis of artworks
M. C. Chilln
Universidad Politcnica de Catalunya, Barcelona, Spain
P. Ferrer
S. Ruiz-Moreno
A. Lpez-Gil
ABSTRACT: When we refer to a patrimonial piece, undoubtedly, the economic and cultural
concepts are closely linked to the transaction case, especially so when paintings are concern. For
this reason, a concrete protocol of action should be established in order to adequately accompa-
ny any objective documentation that would verify the quality of the patrimonial piece when an
economic transaction is done. The knowledge of physical-chemical reality of such artwork, that
is to say, to know the materials used by the artist, the periods of the use of pigments throughout
history, the patent dates of synthetic pigments and the historical complementary documentation
about the piece of art (and/or the creator), are the keys to correctly attribute, if possible, the au-
thorship of the masterpiece. The investigation of this work proposes a multidisciplinary meth-
odology to carry out an investigation of artworks through three experimental cases.

multidisciplinary, because, only in this way, the studies in art history can be complete and more
objective.
Throughout the History have been many falsifiers. The most recent ones got to have such
high consideration for their own work that they wanted to transcend writing their memoirs. This
is the case of Federico Joni (Joni, 1932) and Eric Hebborn (Hebborn, 1994). However there
were others before them, some very famous, for whom we would surely pay a fortune to have
one of their fakes today. Lorenzo di Pier Francesco de Medici said to Michelangelo, in 1495, af-
ter seeing Sleeping Cupid (now lost): "If you treat it artificially, so that it seems to have been
excavated, I will send it to Rome, it will pass off as an antique, and you can sell it for a much
higher price" (Wittkower, R. & M. 2010). In addition, the painter Nicolas Poussin was copied
and faked from 1624, when he came to Rome from Paris, and Thuillier told him that a dealer
called Monconys, having bought some of his works, thought it was prudent to visit him to certi-
fy that they were really of his own hand (Thuillier, 1975).
Later, Bastianini (1830-1868), Dossena (1878-1937) and van Meegeren (1889-1947) ap-
peared and Max J. Friendlnder called the aristocrats among falsifiers (Friendlnder, 1944).
And today, which is even more irritating: it is sufficient to add a faked signature in an artwork.
The aim of this paper is to propose a methodology for multidisciplinary action to investigate
the artworks, merging the work of scientists and historians. This type of research ensures, first,
the physic-chemical reality of the work of art heritage, and second (and always in that order), its
artistic-documentary contextualization. The empirical data of the science support the arguments
(always as objective as possible) of the history of art. Only in this manner it can be useful to the
artistic heritage of the museums and, also, the unprotected heritage which is circulating in the
market.
2 METHODOLOGY TO INVESTIGATE ART WORKS
a) Preliminary study of the piece of art.
When an artwork, for example an easel painting, arrives at the laboratory to be analyzed it is
very important to make a previous study without any pretensions and with total impartiality. It
is necessary to check its state of conservation and so to determine the restored zones (or simply
retouched), and which ones compose the original piece. For this, an analysis micro and macro
photographic is done in order to detect possible craquelure, observe the depth of them, repainted
areas, integration of the firm, and even the mineral or synthetic origin of the used pigments.
With IR reflectography it is possible to visualize the underlying drawing of the artwork pre-
viously made with carbon, the corrections and the regrets by the painter or even, hidden paint-
ings or signatures under the pictorial layers or aged varnish.
In some case it is necessary a previous intervention of restoring and/or elimination from all
things which dont belong to the original piece. This work must be very meticulous, and it will
help both the art historian as the scientist researches.
b) Scientific analysis with non destructive techniques.
Raman spectroscopy is a direct analysis technique, that is to say, without any sample extraction,
which allows to know in an objective way the physical-chemical reality of an artwork and,
therefore, the pigmentation used by the artist (Clark, 2002). This technique consists in the irra-
diation of a monochromatic light (laser) on a material, in this case on the pigments constituting
the artwork. The fundament of this analytic technique is described in detail, among others, by D.
A. Long. Briefly, when a pigment is irradiated with a laser, a part of the scattered light, known
as inelastic (or Raman), contains light frequencies which are proper to the material. This set of
frequencies, is called Raman spectrum, and it provides molecular information corresponding to
the analyzed pigment. It can be called the fingerprint of the pigment.
This information, unknown a priori, is compared with Raman spectra of the reference pig-
ments to carry out their correct identification. In this way it is possible to determine the poly-
chromy of the analyzed artwork. Many of the identified pigments will correspond to periods and
geographical areas, which will establish, among other things, an approximate dating and or geo-
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graphical area of origin. The most important advantage of this analytical technique is its non-
destructiveness concerning to the analyzed object (Coupry & Brissaud, 1996).
c) Documental analysis of the palette. Dating the artwork.
At the present there are thousands of pigments, may be mineral or synthetic origin, or organic
and inorganic nature (Eastaugh et al., 2004). Some of these pigments have been used since Pre-
historic times until today such as iron oxides and hydroxides. However, there are other pig-
ments, whose historical data about their first utilization or their disuse are the keys to date a
piece of art (Friedstein, 1981; Edwards, 2011). Among these pigments can be found, for exam-
ple, Prussian blue, it was discovered in 1704 and its use was common in 1730; or also, several
yellow ceramic pigments derived from Pb, Sn and Sb oxides were used in the times of Renais-
sance and Baroque (Edwards, 2011; C. Sandalinas et al., 2006).
For these reasons it is very important to have well characterized the reference pigment, and
consequently collect, in a Historical- Scientific Documental Library, all the relevant scientific
data. These data are essential to avoid mistakes in restoration processes due to incompatibility
among the substances; their Raman spectra are vital for their optimum identification, and also it
is useful to know all the different names that have been given to a pigment by the artistic, histor-
ic and scientific areas, as well as to know the documentation relating to the patent dates of the
synthetic pigments, the accessibility dates to the artists and the periods of their utilization.
This historical and scientific documentation is the key to realize a correct dating of the art-
work and the most accurate possible, and of course, this documentation is vital to realize a diag-
nostic about the authenticity of the piece.
d) Historic- artistic analysis of the masterpiece.
Art history, as a scientific discipline, aims to research works of art in relation to the circum-
stances in which they were made. These circumstances can be anything that might influence the
artist, both externally (political, social, cultural, philosophical, etc.) and personally (stylistic,
thematic, aesthetic, etc.).
The study of artworks requires an objective and multidisciplinary methodology of action
which is summarized, broadly, in the following sections:
1. Description of the work and identification of the iconographic theme.
The first step is to place the item (if it is a portrait, a landscape, a marina, a still life scene, etc.).
Following, it is performed a detailed narrative about what is depicted in the artwork (objects,
characters, action, atmosphere, etc.). Finally, we attempt to identify the iconographic theme,
which can be related to a biblical, mythological or literary theme.
The iconography of an artwork almost always relates to the iconology, which is the intrinsic
meaning given to the image of that particular artwork. Usually, this is about the moral sense of
the painter or the person who commissioned the work.
2. Contextualization of the work
With the findings of the scientific investigation about the pigmentation, it already has a date of
creation which puts the artwork in a period of time. Often, there is a premise of original author-
ship which can be maintained with the findings of pigmentation. The art research thesis will
begin contextualizing the artwork within the proposed period, considering what painters worked
in that period and, finally, researching the life and work of the starting painter.
3. Go to the documentary sources, files, catalog raisonn and specific bibliography.
Fortunately there are many catalogs raisonns and an extensive bibliography, as well as docu-
mentary sources, for example, the first documents in which certain information appears men-
tioned. With the stylistic comparisons and documents, a series of arguments will be formed
which support the initial thesis regarding the assumed authorship, or else change to another,
launching a new research via.

4. Write a conclusions with data obtained.
If it is possible, an attribution of the artwork will be given and, in the best of cases, an author-
ship.
3 EXPERIMENTAL CASES
a) How to proceed to an anonymous work
In a first step the polychromy of the anonymous artwork (Fig.1) has been analyzed with Raman
spectroscopy. The experimental results have been compared with the Raman spectra of the ref-
erence pigments and then, the palette used by the painter has been obtained: Vermilion (HgS),
Red lead (Pb
3
O
4
), Lead, tin and antimony ternary oxide Yellow (Pb
2
SbSnO
6 5
), Lead White
(2PbCO
3
Pb(OH)
2
), Smalt (CoO NSiO
2
) and Indigo Blue (C
16
H
10
N
2
O
2
) (Fig.2).
The results indicate that the investigated work was painted during the seventeenth century in
Italy, not only by the type of pigmentation in general, but by the yellow triple oxide lead, tin and
antimony, in particular (which was only used during this century, and in this country), the work
of the art historian is limited to a very concrete period and area of Europe to facilitate their re-
search.

Figure 1. a) Nicolas Chaperon (1612-1656). The faune and his female. Etching. 227cm. x 163 cm.
Bibliothque Nationale, Paris. b) Attributed to Nicolas Chaperon. The faune and his female. Oil on
canvas. 59cm. x 44,5 cm. For sale in Gui Rochat Old Masters. New York; c) Anonymous. Childhood of
Bacchus. Oil on canvas. 75 cm. x 98 cm.

The first phase was to determine the iconographic theme. For the characters that appear, it
can be concluded that it could be a childhood scene of Bacchus. Following this, several catalogs
of prints of the time were consulted. During the seventeenth century it was very normal that the
paintings were engraved they were created, so it seemed appropriate to start the research in this
direction. One etching by Nicolas Chaperon (1612-1656) (Fig. 1a) was found. It shows an iden-
tical subject and composition as the anonymous investigated artwork (Laveissire & Jacquot &
Kazerouni, 1999).
Could Chaperon have painted the anonymous artwork which was being investigated? A sty-
listic comparison exercise was conducted between Chaperon works and the anonymous, and al-
so Chaperon works were currently searched in the market. In Gui Rochat Old Masters, of New
York, a work entitled "The faun and his female" (oil on canvas, 59cm. x 44.5 cm.) (Fig. 1b) was
for sale, it was attributed to Nicolas Chaperon by Dr. Jacquot, which seemed, at first view, to be
the work which led to the etching.
Chaperon's work offered more quality than the anonymous canvas. The lines of the drawing
were more maintained, and, therefore, it gave a more harmonious pictorial result. This is per-
fectly visible by comparing the face of the nymph in the figures, or the child's face looking to
the satyr who is back. The treatment of the light is also obvious, and it is clearer and more
Heritage 2012
transparent in the Chaperons work. It allows us to see the faces of the figures and the details of
the landscape where the scene is located.
The final conclusion has been that, this artwork was created during the seventeenth century in
Italy, and it could have been painted by someone in Nicolas Chaperons circles, or at least by a
follower of Nicolas Chaperon.

Figure 2. Raman spectra obtained of the palette of the artwork analyzed and the corresponding spectra of
the referent pigments: vermilion, red lead, Pb-Sn-Sb triple oxide yellow, Lead white, Cobalt Smalt, Indi-
go Blue.

b) Detection of a fake
In the hypothetical case of Kees van Dongen, pseudonym of the painter Cornelis Theodorus
Marie van Dongen (1877 - 1968), the figure of the art historian is no longer required. The re-
search findings of the analysis of pigmentation make clear, without a doubt, that it is a falsifica-
tion. The pigments found analyzing this work with Raman spectroscopy (Fig. 4) were: Anatase,
(TiO
2
), Zinc yellow (ZnCrO
4
), Toluidine red (C
17
H
13
N
3
O
3
), Phthalocyanine blue (Cu
(C
32
H
16
N
8
)) and Carbon Black. These results indicate that the dating of the artwork would be
reasonable between 1945 and today.

Although Kees van Dongen made several versions (at least two) of the same topic, it is im-
possible for this Fauvist painter to have created the investigated work (Fig. 3), because it is im-
possible to paint with unknown materials.

Figure 3. Kees Van Dongen (1877-1968). The balustrade. Oil on canvas. 61cm. x 76 cm.

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Figure 4. Raman spectra corresponding to the analyzed artwork: phthalocyanine blue, Carbon Black, Zinc
Yellow, Toluidine Red, Rutile.
c) Confirmation of correct attribution
As in the two experimental cases discussed above, the artwork was analyzed with Raman spec-
troscopy and the following pigments were identified: Chrome Yellow (PbCrO
4
), Lead White
(2PbCO
3
Pb(OH)
2
), Vermilion (HgS), Prussian Blue (FE
4
[Fe(CN)
6
]
3
) (Fig. 6).
It started the investigation from the premise that the artwork (Fig. 5) was already attributed to
the painter Eugenio Lucas Velazquez (1817-1870) and in agreement with the conclusions of the
study of the pigments (the palette is consistent with the nineteenth century), only it remained to
confirm the style with a detailed study of the painter's work. It was consulted the works by Jos
Manuel Arnaiz (Arnaiz, 1981) and Andrew Ginger (Ginger, 2007) and the style of several
works with themes of majas and the precious technique that characterized Lucas Velazquez
were compared. Moreover, it was also analyzed the integration of the firm in the paint layer
with a binocular microscope of 500x magnification. The conclusion of this investigation was
that, effectively, it could confirm that the initial attribution of the artwork to the painter Eugenio
Lucas Velazquez was correct.


Figure 5. Artwork attributed to Eugenio Lucas Velzquez (1817-1870). Majas. Oil on canvas. 57 cm. x
45 cm.

.
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Figure 6. Raman spectra corresponding to the palette of the artwork analyzed: Chrome Yellow, Lead
white, Vermilion, Prussian Blue.
4 CONCLUSIONS
The experimental cases are only three examples of what happens today. It is also common that
an artwork of a high artistic quality made, for example, in the nineteenth century (dated previ-
ously with the analysis of its pigments with Raman spectroscopy technique), had a firm that dis-
appears when the surface is cleaned. This is because many firms (which are always of great
painters) are added unscrupulous to facilitate the sale. Of course, it is also very common to do it
to create a fake of an artwork (using pigments that the original painter never used and never
knew). Obviously, the firm never fails. These are cases that happen not only in the art market,
but also in the museums and foundations with their heritage. While the art market closes its eyes
to this reality because it is not legally regulated and has a lucrative interest in commercial trans-
actions, museums should bet heavily on multidisciplinary research. The clearest example is that
an artwork certified by the so-called experts can be false or a bad attribution.
To say that the art market does not offer a research study of the work that goes on sale is triv-
ial. But what studies have museums and foundations of the artworks they have in their collec-
tions? A high percentage of the word file also includes, at best: the author or an attribution,
the title of the artwork, the technique used in performing it, measures and the provenance (when
the museum or foundation acquired the artwork). To defend the artistic heritage first we must
know it. This is implies responsibility and knowledge because it is very difficult to make an ob-
jective attribution of an artwork, and few art historians want to accept this responsibility.
An artwork needs a multidisciplinary research. It is a necessary condition to support its phys-
ical-chemical reality; and the amount of exercise professionals, both scientists and those of art
historians, will prevent the proliferation of ambiguous conclusions and subjective opinions of
certain experts. These experts have been created by society and the art market by the need
to have the so-called certificated. A museum should investigate its artworks including a de-
tailed study, but in the art market the rules should be as stricter, or more. The collector is enti-
tled to purchase an artwork together with a dossier detailing the investigation, both an analysis
of the pigments, as a historical and artistic study. The collector has also the right, or should be
required, the invoice, to avoid future problems with the trade. So, we propose a multidiscipli-
nary action criterion to investigate artworks that we have shown activity in three experimental
cases. First: preliminary study of the artwork. Second: scientific analysis with non destructive

techniques (Raman laser). Third: documental analysis of the pigment (dating the artwork).
Fourth: historical and artistic analysis of the artwork.
Raman spectroscopy, a non destructive technique which identifies the molecular pigments
from the artworks and offers a time of a realization, along with the artistic and documentary re-
search, is a complete, multidisciplinary and objective action methodology that we propose to in-
vestigate artworks.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This work has been supported by the Spanish Government Project (CICYT, TEC 2009-07855),
entitled Investigation and Optimization of Raman Spectroscopy Applied to the Direct Analysis
of the Cultural Heritage.
REFERENCES
Arnaiz, J. M. 1981. Eugenio Lucas. Su vida y su obra. Madrid: M. Montal. Ed.
Clark, R.J.H., 2002. Pigment identification by spectroscopic means: an arts/science interface. C.R.CHimie
5: 7-20.
Coupry, C. & Brissaud, D.1996. Applications in Art, Jewwelry and Forensic Science. In G. Turrell &J.
Corset (eds.), Raman microscopy Developments and Applications: 421-453. London: Elsevier Aca-
demic Press.
Eastaugh, N. &Walsh, V. & Chaplin, T. & Siddall, R. 2004. Pigment Compendium A Dictionary of His-
torical Pigments. Oxford: Elsevier Butterworth-Heinemann.
Edwards, H.G.M. 2004. Probing history with Raman spectroscopy. Analyst 129: 870-879
Edwards, H.G.M. 2011. Analytical Raman spectroscopic discrimination between yellow pigments of the
Renaissance. Spectrochimica Acta Part A Molecular and Biomolecular spectroscopy 80: 14-20.
Friendlnder, M. J. 1944. On art and connoisseurhip. Londres: Bruno Cassirer.
Friedstein, H.G. 1981. A short history of the chemistry of painting. Journal of Chemical education 58:
291-295.
FitzHugh E.W. 1997. Artists' pigments a handbook of their history and characteristics. Vol 3. R. L.
Feller & E. W. FitzHugh, A. Roy (eds). Washington : National Gallery of Art. Oxford University
Press.
Ginger, A. 2007. Painting and the turn to cultural modernity in Spain the time of Eugenio Lucas Velz-
quez (1850-1870). Selinsgrove: Susquehanna University Press, cop.
Hebborn, E. 1994. Troppo bello per essere vero. Le affascinanti memorie scandalose del pi grande fal-
sario del secolo. Milano: Neri Pozza.
Joni, F. 1932. Le memorie di un pittore di quadri antichi, con alcune descrizioni sulla pintura a tempera e
sul modo di fare invecchiare i dipinti e le dorature. Firenze: Societ Editrice Toscana. Sancasciano val
di Pesa.
Laveissire, S. & Jacquot, D. & Guillaume Kazerouni. 1999. Nicolas Chaperon, 1612-1654/1655. Du
graveur au peintre retrouv. Nimes: Nimes Muses. Actes Sud,p.102-104.
Long, D.A. 2002. The Raman Effect. A Unified Treatment of the Theory of Raman Scattering by Mole-
cules. Chichester: John Wiley & Sons,LTD.
Sandalinas, C. & Ruiz-Moreno S. & Lpez-Gil A. & Miralles J. 2006. Experimental confirmation by Ra-
man spectroscopy of a Pb-Sn-Sb triple oxide yellow pigment in sixteenth century Italian pottery. Jour-
nal of Raman Spectroscopy 10: 1146-1153.
Thuillier, J. 1975. La obra pictrica completa de Poussin. Barcelona: Ed. Noguer S. A. Rizzoli Editore.
Wittkower, R. & M. 2010. Nacidos bajo el signo de Saturno. Madrid: Ed. Ctedra: note 55, p. 192.
Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
The exploitation of local museums is an interesting field of investigation, especially when com-
bined with cultural and economic research of the regions with rich historical tradition. It is,
however, surprising how few studies have been made on the value of culture, considering sus-
tainable regional development.
The clarification of the term local museums is a complex one, since worldwide there are no
commonly accepted criteria regarding their content and role. In an attempt to define local mu-
seums, we could describe them as the ones that operate at a specific geographical scale, deliver
services to the population of this specific area and adopt a local introspective (Resource, 2001;
Davis, 2007: 59). Their main purpose is, usually, to promote the identity and the culture of a lo-
cal community. Their function ensures preservation of customs and activities that constitute the
particular casts of feature of a specific geographic region and local community (Antzoulatou-
Retsila, 1987: 198). Local museums, as agents of culture, have the potential to make a valuable
impact on a region. They contribute to the economic well being of a community and stimulate a
greater sense of regional identity and pride in the areas heritage. Thus, it is important to point
out that a sustainable development of a region requires not only its economic growth, but also
the improvement of the environmental and social conditions faced by local people, the devel-
opment of cultural capital and community ties (Davis, 2011; 9 & Kates et al, 2005: 12).
Greece is a country with a wealth of museums. Especially, since 1970, there has been a
TGreek local museums. Lack of records, concerning local museums, was the main problem that
Local museums and sustainable regional development in Greece:
assessment and perspectives
A. Doxanaki
Museum Studies Research Center, University of Athens, Athens, Greece
A. Dermitzaki
Museum Studies Research Center, University of Athens, Athens, Greece
P. Zounis
Postgraduate Course of Museum Studies, University of Athens, Athens, Greece
E. Tsilaga
Technological Educational Institute of Athens, Dept. Conservation of Antiquities and Works of Art,
Athens, Greece
G. Panagiaris
Technological Educational Institute of Athens, Dept. Conservation of Antiquities and Works of Art,
Athens, Greece
ABSTRACT: Local museums are central elements in cultural tourism and play an important
role as key visitors attractions. The purpose of this paper is to pinpoint their economic value as
well as to examine specific factors that affect the function and the visiting patterns of Greek
local museums, operating in small areas. The key role of local museums is that of preserving
and enhancing the heritage and contributing to education and entertainment. One of their main
problems is lack of resources, new technologies and qualified personnel as well as their proble-
matic administration scheme. A visitors study in one representative local museum, Nautical
Museum of Galaxidi, revealed that a noteworthy percentage of visitors cares for the heritage and
considers that museums are the most important source of knowledge of local history. Within
this context, museums can play a significant role in the country improvement as long as they are
integrated into a broader strategic development plan, participate in accreditation schemes and
create suitable networking
the research team had to face. The list of targeted museums was prepared based on all available
sources of information The sources included the list of the museums in the official web site of
the Ministry of Culture, published directories, previous surveys in this field, bibliography and
internet search. In all, 116 museums that met the criteria of the research were detected. Further-
more, to fulfill the requirement of the survey, a proper questionnaire was designed.
116 questionnaires were sent to the institutions, identified by the research team, in February
2006. The response rate reached 44% of the total population, a percentage which can be re-
garded as satisfactory (Paraskeuopoloulos, 1993). The self administered questionnaire was for-
mulated on the basis of the research priorities of the project and on similar surveys undertaken
abroad (Prince & Higgins, 1985; Drysdale, 1990).
2 OPERATION OF GREEK LOCAL MUSEUMS
Opportunities are emerging for local museums to assert their contribution to these agendas and
demonstrate their active role in an areas sustainable development. The main findings, which are
presented below, should be seen as an opportunity to assess the status of local museums and the
basic requirements, which were mostly highly valued for their operation. The results of the sur-
vey reviewed not only the current status of local museums, but also demonstrated in which
fields significant improvements should be made, so that local museums should be able to re-
spond to their social, economic and cultural value.
2.1 The organizational structure of local museum
The survey asked respondents to complete background questions on their museum ownership
status. Private museums account for almost half of the number of museums (49%), 29,4% of the
museums belong to cultural heritage bodies, 21,6% are local authority museums and a signifi-
cant minority (3,9%) belongs to a bequest.
Respondents were asked to indicate whether their museums have Articles of Incorporation or
a Legal Act of Establishment. The results showed that 54,9% have no Legal Act or Articles of
Incorporation.
Information was also gathered regarding local museums governing body. The vast majority
of the respondents (76,50%) are not run by a director. However, over half of the respondents
(55%) indicated that they have a board of members appointed to operate the museum. Concern-
ing the participation of representatives of the local population in their board of trust, it is notable
that 62,7% of local museums responded that the local population did not participate in their op-
eration.
In terms of defining the size of the museums workforce, the results showed that a small local
museum might be run entirely by one person (23,5%) or by a team of 2-5 persons (47,1%) of
full-time paid staff. Only 10% of local museums stated that their workforce ranges from 6-10
persons, while a small percentage 9,8% answered that they have no permanent paid staff.
2.2 The facilities offered by local museums
2.2.1 The Building
The facilities and services offered by a museum largely depend on the quality of the buildings
the museum uses. Ideally, museum buildings must respond to the needs of local communities
and provide permanent and temporary exhibition spaces, educational sessions, events, cafes,
resting spaces etc. Respondents were asked to indicate when the museum building was con-
structed, as well as whether the building was museum purposed built.
The answers to this question demonstrate that most of museum buildings are considerably
old. A significant percentage of them (15,7%) has been constructed between 1670-1830, even
before the establishment of the modern Greek state. Similarly, 19,6% of the museum buildings
was erected during the period 1831-1900 and 11,8% between 1921-1940. Nevertheless, the ma-
jority of museum buildings (41,3%) were established after 1960s (see also Tsavaropoulos 1985,
154). The image of old museum buildings is enforced by answers to one further question, which
Heritage 2012
was aimed at illuminating the fact whether the building of the museum was purpose built. The
vast majority of museums (70,6%) confirmed that their building had a different initial use. Most
of them were used as households (25,5%), edifices of administrative use (23,5%), while some
of them were industrial buildings (3,9%) or even schools (9,8%). The latter figure is not surpris-
ing, since in many local areas with little population (under 10.000 residents) many schools have
closed and their buildings have been given gained a different use.
It is a paradox that while most of the museum establishments had an original different use
and they are old buildings, a sizeable majority of the respondent museums stated that the present
condition of their building is considered as good (45,1%) or even fair (41,2%). On the contrary,
relatively few museums (13,7%) were not satisfied with their establishments. The research re-
sults suggest that this high percentage of museum satisfaction in terms of their building estab-
lishment is stemming from the pride of the people in charge of local museums, related to the
fact that they have created a local collection. Therefore, the technical problems of the building
are considered of minor importance.
Consequently, most local museums are located in period buildings, which, in correlation with
the surrounded area, influence the interpretation of the objects they contain.
2.2.2 Visitors facilities
In order to fully understand the organization and the role of local museums, a series of questions
were aimed to examining the museums public image, in terms of the facilities and services they
offer. The word communication has gained an important meaning in the mission statement of
the modern museum (Hooper-Greenhill, 1995). An aspect of communication is related to the
visitor services and facilities that museums offer, in order to assist not only the physical but also
the emotional and the intellectual access of the public. Thus, the range of ancillary services used
by museums, even by local ones, is very important for their success (Ambrose & Paine, 1993:
56).
The survey conclusions suggest that the services offered by the majority of regional museums
fall into specific categories. Nearly half the museums provide general visitor facilities, such as
toilets (74,5%) and car parking (52,9%). A satisfactory number of museums have sales point
(43%), an exhibition catalogue (47,1%) and rooms for temporary exhibitions (41,2%).
It is obvious that local museums regard themselves as places attracting a significant number
of tourists, therefore, they offer publications in foreign languages (45,1%). Furthermore, the
high percentage of them with rooms for temporary exhibitions can be explained by the fact that
museums lay much importance to the exhibition development. Their side functions like the pro-
vision of lectures or the educational activities -nearly one third of the museums provide lectures
rooms (33,3%) and libraries (27,5%)- as well as the role of entertainment are considered less
significant, therefore, relatively few museums provide permanent refreshment facilities for their
visitors (21,6%) and even fewer operate restaurants (7,8%). Similarly, less than one third of mu-
seums offers facilities especially designed for the disabled, owns offices for their personnel
(29,4%) and has individual rooms for educational activities (17,6%). It is noted that most of the
regional museums interpret exhibits using most traditional means like free information leaflets
(62,7%) or exhibition catalogues (47,1%), while the use of most contemporary means like audio
guides (27,5%) is sporadic (see also Prince & Higgins, 1986: 115).
It is evident that the operation of local museums is improved as their visitors are able to enjoy
a wider range of facilities in comparison to 20 years ago.
2.2.3 Number of visits
The present survey asked museums to state the number of recorded visitors from 2002 until
2005. The vast majority of museums (64,7%) stated that they record the numbers of people vi-
siting their museum by different methods. According to the results, the mean of the number of
visitors for the year 2005 is running into 9490, while a decline can be observed in the previous
years (table 1). The personnel in charge of the museums referred to a number of reasons, which,
according to their opinion, account for this increase or decrease in visitor numbers. The answers
varied, but the majority attributed their rise or decline to tourism (21,6%), good or bad advertis-
ing of the museum in the area (17,6%), while only a small proportion of the museums correlated
visitor numbers with the new temporary exhibitions.


Table 1. Mean of number of visits in Greek local museums from 2002 until 2005.
Year Number of visits
2005 9491
2004 7297
2003 7570
2002 7974

2.2.4 Opening hours
In addition, the scope of the questionnaire was to measure the physical access of local museums,
hence each institution was asked to state the number of days, months and hours it was open each
year. The fact that only a small percentage of local museums (23,5%) are open by appointment
only is encouraging to their efficient function.
It is also clear that almost half of the local museums (49%) are open seven days a week. Fol-
lowing the examination of the seasonable opening of the museums in conjunction with visitor
numbers, it is suggested that most of them function during summer and fall
3
the months that are
characterized as those of big tourist trade. Thus, it is obvious that museums in Greece, even the
regional ones, are regarded as tourist traps. Given these figures, a key outcome is that local mu-
seums present an ameliorated function in conjunction with previous researches in this field, like
the one conducted by the National Centre of Social Research. In this research, the occasional
opening of the museums was obvious, since the percentage of local folk life museums that were
operating occasionally in 1979 was 48,35%, while in the present research the percentage
reached 23,5%, (see Gizelis et al., 1979: 44-45).
2.3 Typology of collections of local museums and their collections care
Another section being researched in the questionnaire concerned the type of material of the ba-
sic collection and the ways of its development and management. The survey proved that across
the country there are stark examples of local museums, the majority of which (51%) hold collec-
tions of historical and ethnographical objects and 96.1% of respondents reported that the geo-
graphical origin of the collection is local. These findings confirm the role that local museums
are expected to play, that is to protect and enhance the areas environment and heritage, to por-
tray distinctive ways of the past life of the community, as well as themes directly related to the
present life.
Museums were also asked to consider their policies in respect of collections development. In
response to the documentation of the collections, 72,5% responded that the collections were do-
cumented, while a significantly smaller percentage (27,5%) said that they were not
5
In the same
frame, museums were also asked to state whether they adhere to acquisition policies agreed by
the governing body. The majority of museums (84,4%) reported that they dont have a special
policy document. As suggested above, the absence of agreed procedures concerning an acquisi-
tion policy might be related to various factors. Three can be traced as the most important: a) in
Greece up to 2011 there was no accreditation scheme, which compelled museums to collect ac-
cording to detailed, published policies that state clearly what, how and why the institution col-
lects, b) the majority of the Greek local museums are established under individual initiative, so
there was no strategic planning for their sustainability, and c) in the past an acquisition policy
document was not set out as a minimum standard that these kinds of institutions should meet, in
order to be accredited as museums. The recent new Act (2385/ 26-10-2011) relating to the ac-
creditation of museums aims to promote all the necessary measurements that will assure that
museums meet established criteria.
2.4 Museums income
One aim of the survey was to identify which is the basic source of income of local museums.
According to Neil Kotler & Philip Kotler (1998, 296), sources of fundraising for museums may
Heritage 2012
derive from four basic categories: 1) individual givers, 2) foundations, 3) corporations and 4)
government grants. Results suggested that 21,60% is funded by local authority, while the same
rate applies for funding by the Ministry of Culture. Almost one third (31,40%) said that the
main basic source of income derives from sponsorships, while 29,40% mentioned donations.
Nearly 20% stated that its basic income derives from the museum shop. The same study con-
cluded that there is no sufficient income being raised by research programmes or by other re-
sources, (7,80%), while almost 10% said that it had no records available.
The survey covered the admission charges. It is notable that almost half of the museums
(41,20%) offered free admission and the average charge for it was 2 euros.
3 SWOT ANALYSIS
A SWOT analysis was also developed from data derived from the survey. This analysis is in the
basis for the development of goals and future strategies, so it can be a useful tool that local mu-
seums can use in order to identify their opportunities, threats, strengths and weaknesses. By de-
fining the internal and external factors that affect their performance, local museums can use this
information to set institutional goals (Lord & Lord, 2001: 44).
According to the research, local museums diversity and capillarity, good pricing policy, pub-
lications and leaflets in foreign languages can be recorded as their greatest strengths. The find-
ings suggest that the most important opportunity is local museums to meet visitors expectations
regarding a range of facilities and services in the area of education, information and entertain-
ment. Furthermore, new governance models and healthy funding streams can contribute to their
regeneration, as most of them are governed without clear organizational purpose. Their wellbe-
ing can be also achieved if they launch activities in order to attract a diverse audience, such as
families, older people, schools etc. Greater efforts must be made to reach local population. This
approach will be a good opportunity, especially for small museums, -being free from the limita-
tions imposed on big national museums (Davis, 2011; 45)-, which can develop new ways to
work closer with their communities. The design of specific educational programs, conducting
tours, loan boxes and conversations within communities about specific issues are few examples
that can lead to the modernization of local museums agenda (see Dodd & Sandell, 1998; Peers
& Brown, 2007). Thus, inclusive processes are necessary to enable local museums to break
down the barriers which are erected between them and the public, to empower local communi-
ties, to encourage greater use of their collections and services and to make statements about lo-
cal identity and local distinctiveness. While the engagement of local community is fundamental,
it is important to stress that it asks for an equal relationship between museums and local com-
munities rather than a superficial involvement. On the other hand, local museums face signifi-
cant weaknesses. An important one is the instability of various legal and administrative areas
observed. It is notable that the composition of most museums governing bodies is determined
by personal choices of the owners (municipality, private organizations, local associations etc).
The absence of a director and of a legal act of establishment hinders their operation just as well.
Furthermore, most local museums do not depend on substantial resources and funding, as a re-
sult they suffer from a considerable uncertainty that affects their operation. This uncertainty is
also enhanced by the lack of strategic planning for seeking external funding in order to meet
their needs. Another weakness that local museums anticipate is their inefficient building con-
struction, as most of them are located in period buildings. These old edifices make even more
difficult the task of renovation of museums according to the current museological standards, so
it is not surprising that most of them lack rooms for educational activities, refreshment facilities,
or rooms for temporary exhibitions. The quantitative findings also suggest that their visitation is
clearly affected by the fact that a great percentage is open to the public during the touristic pe-
riod (mainly during summer). The seasonal museum operation can negatively affect not only
their annual visitation but also the way local people feel about their museum within the commu-
nity. It can be assumed that for local people, local museums can be a projection to outsiders, ra-
ther than a vital part of their local life.
It can be also claimed that there are serious threats local museums have to deal with. The pol-
icy of local museums to attract mass tourism can be a serious threat to their sustainable devel-
opment. Even though mass tourism, in its wider sense, is a form of cultural tourism (De Blavia,
1998; 22), unlike the latter, it serves tourists that seek sun, sea and sand. On the other hand, cul-
tural tourism places emphasis on heritage, taking the form of visits to museums, among other
activities. Finally, the dearth of specialized staff and clear governance model aligned with the
purpose of the organization (Dwyer et al, 2000) are responsible for many problems anticipated
by local museums.
4 THE NAUTICAL MUSEUM OF GALAXIDI: PILOT VISITOR SURVEY
The relationship between museums and their audience is a developing field worldwide. Many
museums today are reviewing the ways they are thinking about visitors by undertaking
innovative research into visitor experiences and learning issues. Unfortunately, in Greece, re-
search projects on museum visitors are not widespread. As a result, there is a lack of knowledge
about the general characteristics of visitors in Greek museums and, in particular, in local mu-
seums. With this in mind, a pilot research was undertaken at the Nautical Museum of Galaxidi.
Galaxidi is a small town with a population of about 3000 residents. This population is usually
increased during the peak summer holiday season due to Galaxidis proximity to other heritage
attractions (archaeological site and museum of Delphoi) and to the fact that is situated by the
sea. Galaxidi has a long naval history, as it was one of the greatest ports and trade centers of the
18
th
and 19
th
century. Its cultural tradition, in combination with the fact that tourism industry is
increasing in the area, emerged as the key elements in order to conduct a pilot visitor survey
about the Nautical Museum of Galaxidi.
The Nautical Museum is established in a well preserved house, which was built in 1868-1870
and used to host a boarding school and later the towns city hall. The idea of a local museum,
which was founded in 1928, belonged to doctor Efthimios Vlantis, descendant of a naval family
and mayor of Galaxidi. The museum celebrates Galaxidis long history as a centre of sea trade
and industry. Therefore, the collection consists of paintings, sailing ships, nautical instruments
and figureheads. In 1932 the Archaeological Collection of Galaxidi was created, hitherto
housed in the building of the Nautical Museum. The museum today belongs to the Municipality
of Delphoi and is funded by it.
The survey conducted in 2007, to a sample of 50 people, both local inhabitants and tourists,
as the quality of its collections and its proximity to tourists routes may have attracted, as Davis
suggests, a different audience (Davis, 2011; 36). The survey sought to uncover information
about visitors, such as demographics and leisure habits, as well as their perception of the
museum and the reasons for visiting. It also aimed at identifying if respondents have also visited
other heritage attractions in the area as well as the money they have spent, during their staying
in Galaxidi.
The findings of the survey suggest that the majority of Nautical Museums visitors (89,8%)
are not residents of Galaxidi town or of the county in general. Furthermore, the pilot survey re-
vealed that within the visitors the percentage of women (69,9%) was higher than that of men
(30%). The majority of museum audience is aged between 27-35 (34,7%) and the 24.5%, of the
respondents follows who were aged between 36-45 years old. Only a small percentage of visi-
tors (4,1%), was aged over 61 and relatively small was also the percentage of visitors aged be-
tween 16-18 (10,2%) and 19-26 (12,2%) years old. These findings confirm similar findings
from other surveys conducted abroad, which suggested that the majority of museum visitors are
aged between 35-59 years old (Merriman, 1991: 64).
The survey also suggested that the Museum attracts visitors with high educational status,
since the 65,3% of the respondents had finished the full time education. One third of museum
visitors has finished the secondary school, whilst only 6,1% of the respondents are graduates of
the primary school.
Another scope of the pilot survey was to investigate in which ways people prefer to explore
the past. The respondents were asked to indicate the best way of finding out facts about local
history. From the answers to this question it is obvious that there is a clear correlation between
museums and learning about the past. 42% of the respondents felt that museums are the best
medium to explore the local past, whilst 24% indicated reading a book on local history as the
best method and 20% considered a trip to the county as a good way to obtain information on lo-
cal history.
Heritage 2012
In order to understand annual frequency of museum visiting in general, respondents were
asked to indicate when they last went to a museum within the last 12 months and whether they
have visited another cultural area within the county. The survey showed that 50% of the respon-
dents claimed to have visited museums 5 to 10 times per year, almost a half (40%) 2 to 4 times
per year, 28% at least once a year, whilst only 4% of the respondents answered that does not
visit museums, except for their current visit to the Nautical Museum of Galaxidi. The frequency
of museum visitation is positively surprising, but one way behind it is a rather high educational
status of the audience. The replies to the particular question must be combined with the res-
ponses to a question, aimed at exploring the visiting patterns of the audience. For that reason,
visitors were asked to indicate whether they have visited Delphoi area, one of the most impor-
tant cultural areas worldwide, or other cultural places of the county. 66% of the respondents
answered that they have visited Delphoi, while 53% answered that they have been to other cul-
tural places of the area. The study also examined the specific reasons for visiting the Nautical
Museum. The answers to the question varied, however a substantial proportion of the people
(44%) visited the museum as part of their sightseeing of the town. Reasons for visiting the Naut-
ical Museum were also attributed to the museums positive reputation (16%), professional inter-
est in its subject matter (12%), while 10% answered that they had no motivation for visiting the
museum and casual reasons, such as passing by, were given.
The important conclusion, arising from these statistics, is that most people who visited the
Nautical Museum of Galaxidi did so due to their personal interest not only in museums but in r
cultural attractions in general. This interest is confirmed by the frequency of visits to other mu-
seums and heritage places of the area. In this sense, the Nautical Museum of Galaxidi could be
associated with other main attractions of the county in order to form a network of heritage insti-
tutions which will improve their status through collaboration, as well as their cultural and so-
cioeconomic value. These findings could forward further research in order to better understand
the tourists diverse imaginings, association with places and perceptions of authenticity, which
could be a useful information not only for the museums of the region but also generally for the
development of the tourism (Prentice, 2001: 12).
5 FUTURE PERSPECTIVES
The museums and in general the cultural sector of a region is undoubtedly a fundamental re-
gional fund, which integrates meanings, symbols and expressions (symbolic capital). In this
context, the aforementioned should be accredited and enhanced in order local museums to main-
tain their sustainability. This will be achieved in the framework of a holistic regional strategy
that will incorporate all the existing funds.
On the 2nd of May, 2007, the EU members States Ministers, responsible for urban develop-
ment, agreed upon common principles and strategies for urban development policy. This agree-
ment has been depicted on a document entitled Leipzig Charter on Sustainable European Ci-
ties
(http://www.eukn.org/E_library/Urban_Policy/Leipzig_Charter_on_Sustainable_European_Citi
es). In this text, the recommendations for European cities focus on the drawing up of an inte-
grated urban development programme for the city as a whole, creating a vision for the city and
involving citizens and other partners who can contribute substantially to shaping the future eco-
nomic, social, cultural and environmental quality of each area.
According to the Greek law 3028/28-06-2002 On the protection of antiquities and cultural
heritage in general, the protection of Greek cultural heritage is included in the goals of all
kinds of land lay out, developmental environmental and urban planning. In addition, a new law
is recently passed (2385/26-10-2011) On the establishment and registration scheme of mu-
seums which states that any institution that wishes to be registered as a museum should be as-
sessed by the Ministry of Culture every 5 years, based on some professional standards, such as a
well defined policy for its establishment, function and mission, a clear acquisition and disposal
policy, an acceptable provision for the care of the collections, the premises of the institution and
the personnel, as well as a good communication strategy.
Obviously, it is very difficult for every local museum to meet the new laws requirements. It
could only be achieved if the regional authorities take initiatives to network all the museums of
their regions and incorporate them into their developmental and urban plans.
An example of good practice concerning such networks is referred to in Florinas Museums
Network (Karantoni et al, 2010). A challenge that local societies are facing nowadays is the
need for networking and collaborating at the international level, aiming at maintenance of cul-
tural diversity and urban sustainable development.
These networks may define the required standards and good practices for the local museums
sustainability and could offer to their members the added value resulting from the common
knowledge management and the international impact of their actions. An indicative example is
Alliance of European Cultural Cities (AVEC) (www.avecnet net).
It is recommended that museums should network with not only the regional authorities, but
also with the academic institutions so as to have access to the research innovation and technolo-
gical development and to be a fundamental part of the emerging society of economy and know-
ledge in Greece.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
We would like to thank Helen Zikova for having the linguistic editing of this paper.
ENDNOTES
1
It is important to exclude from these figures the visitors to the New Acropolis Museum which summons
around the 43% of the total visitation of Greek museums (Doxanaki 2011, 288).
2
State local museums have a very specific governing and funding pattern that defines their function
(Voudouri, 2003: 317-350).
3
However, although included in the new ICOM definition of the museum, zoos, science centers, libraries,
planetariums etc. were intentionally excluded from the targeted institutions.
4
Concerning their annual coverage, in terms of the months when they are open, it is evident that most of
them (85%) are open to public during summer and the first months of fall, while only 54.9% are open
during winter.
5
Lack of documentation provision within the folklore/ethnological museums in Greece is evident in the
research carried out by the Greek Department of ICOM Committee, the Sector of Folk life Culture of
the Ministry of Culture and the University of Patras in 1996-1997, which aimed at recording the condi-
tion of collections documentation. The research which was implemented in the frame of the research
program Ethnomuseum/net for the diffusion of the know how for documenting ethnographic objects,
concluded that among the 180 Folklore and Ethnographic museums and collections which participated
in it, 25% did not document the collections (Theologi-Gouti, 2004: 258).
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Heritage 2012
1 CULTURAL HERITAGE AS A SOUND BASIS FOR DEVELOPMENT
1.1 The aim of this research
The aim of this research, that considers the case of the historic town of Sremski Karlovci, is to
propose how development plans may be improved on the basis of a re-appraisal of the towns
cultural heritage. The research departs from the assumption that cultural heritage may be used as
a sound basis for the development of a municipal zone.
The municipality of Sremski Karlovici is defined as a cultural and historical site and a natural
treasure in the Law on Cultural and Natural Resources of the Republic of Serbia. With its dis-
tinguished character, urban, cultural and historical identity originating from its multinational
surroundings, specific local attributes and natural beauties, this town is already a well known
tourist destination within Serbia. However, it could be much more. Historical and cultural herit-
age exploitation has been recognized as the main factor of local development. A special Law on
Development and Revitalization of Sremski Karlovci was enacted in 1991. Nevertheless, de-
spite the potential that such heritage evidently affords for local development, and despite a
number of projects implemented in the past decades with the aim to reveal its beauty, tradition,
culture and spirituality, the town remains only moderately developed.
The specific task of this study is to suggest possible ways for establishing cooperation be-
tween various stakeholders, such as the local community management, institutions involved in
protection, conservation and presentation of the heritage, tourist organizations as well as pro-
ducers of tourist attractions of any kind. The aims of this cooperation would be: to develop tour-
ism and create consumption benefits for tourists on heritage sites, to utilize the historical and
cultural heritage and present it to the public in an attractive way, to manage it in everyday life,
Development plans for Sremski Karlovci based on historical and
cultural heritage exploitation
D. Dukanovic
University of Novi Sad, Faculty of Technical Sciences, Department of Architecture and Urbanism, Novi
Sad, Vojvodina, Serbia
ABSTRACT: Historical and cultural heritage exploitation is being recognized as the principle
factor of development of the historic town of Sremski Karlovci, Serbia. The Law on Develop-
ment and Revitalization of Sremski Karlovci was enacted in 1991. A number of projects sup-
posed to reveal its beauty, tradition, culture and spirituality have been implemented since then.
Nevertheless, the town remains only moderately developed. The primary reasons for the lacklu-
stre results of tourist development of Sremski Karlovci recognized in the research are the choice
of an inappropriate method of presentation of cultural monuments and insufficient involvement
by the local people. Further reasons considered in the study are: poor utilization of the surround-
ing area, a lack of tourism management and a lack of investment policies in heritage conserva-
tion. The insights provided in this research, conducted primarily through personal interviews
with visitors and locals, can benefit the town management in defining ways to improve devel-
opment plans by making a re-appraisal of its historical and cultural heritage.
to utilise it for the local community benefits in the broadest meaning of the word, and to achieve
the best possible economic results for the municipality.
1.2 About Sremski Karlovci
The town of Sremski Karlovci is the centre of one of 12 municipalities of the South-Backa Dis-
trict in the Autonomous Province (AP) of Vojvodina. It is one of the most developed districts in
Serbia. With less than 9.000 inhabitants Sremski Karlovci is ethnically mixed
1
, just as the entire
area of the District. Geographically, the town is situated in the northern Srem and extends along
the right hand bank of the river Danube on one side, and northern slopes of the Fruka Gora
Mountain National park on the other. Sremski Karlovci is located between the the two largest
cities in Serbia, the capital Belgrade and Novi Sad, the seat of the autonomous province of Vo-
jvodina. The area which the municipality covers is one of the smallest but also one of the most
important administrative territories in the Republic, due to its rich history and cultural signifi-
cance. It takes an outstanding position within the overall cultural and historical heritage of Ser-
bia.
The history of this region has been marked by constant political turmoil and military con-
flicts, changes of rulers, and frequent migrations of people. During its history, the town often
changed sovereigns. Initially, it was part of the Medieval Srem County in the Hungarian King-
dom. It became part of the Sanjak of Srem during the Ottoman rule (1541-1699) and belonged
to the Srem County within the Habsburg Monarchy (from 1745 to 1918) . One of the most im-
portant events in the modern history of Europe took place in Sremski Karlovci: the signing of
the Treaty of Karlowitz in 1699 between the Holy League
2
on one side and the Ottoman Empire
on the other side. Since the beginning of the 18
th
century, Sremski Karlovci has become a kind
of Serbian spiritual and cultural centre, being the most important hub of religion, culture and
learning of the Serbs in Vojvodina. The town had a significant role in the spread of cultural in-
fluences and establishment of relations with the Serbian people outside the Habsburg Monarchy.
Despite the destruction and disappearance of many material proofs of the past during the
town`s turbulent history, numerous cultural and historic monuments are still present as testimo-
nies of former life in this area. Most of the preserved cultural monuments in Sremski Karlovci
date back to its more recent history, i.e. to the period from the 17
th
century up to the present.
The Old Core of Sremski Karlovci which comprises twelve historic monuments cultural assets
of the highest national value
3
was declared a Spatial Cultural and Historical Site. In close
proximity of the town, there is the Fruka gora National Park, with a group of sixteen Orthodox
monasteries from the late Middle Ages that reached their prime during the 17
th
and 18
th
century.
Permanent and temporary exhibitions operate within several local museums and galleries show-
ing objects from the archaeological, historical, ethnological and artistic collections.
4

Figures 1.and 2. View of the church towers and the main square of Sremski Karlovci.

Heritage 2012

Figures 3 and 4. The Patriarchy residence the seat of the Orthodox bishop of Srem and the
Orthodox cathedral

Figures 5 and 6. The Theological Orthodox School and the Chapel of Peace, the Peace Treaty of Karlovci
memorial building.

Figures 7 and 8. The Grammar School in Sremski Karlovci the oldest Serbian high school and the Foun-
tain The Four Lions

Figures 9 and 10. One of the oldest wine cellars in Sremski Karlovci and the museum of beekeeping.

The region of Sremski Karlovci is famous for its hundreds of acres of vineyards and wineries
some of which are nearly 200 years old. The most famous traditional wine of the region is called
Bermet.
5
It was declared a protected brand of Serbia by the Ministry of Agriculture in 2007. In
addition to the Institute for Wine and Fruit Production Cellar and the Patriarchy Cellar, there are
23 other wine cellars run by local families engaged in wine tourism. When they open their wine
cellars (some of them dug deeply into the hillside in the 18
th
or 19
th
centuries) and offer wine
tasting, they promote not only local wines but also the culture of wine production and consump-
tion. Among others the most distinctive is the Wine cellar ivanovic which houses the Museum
of Beekeeping.
As a result of continued efforts to improve tourist attractions, a number of annual and weekly
events
6
were introduced and became traditional and well known all over the country and even
abroad. The concept of these events is based on promotion of culture and tradition through such
events as sales exhibitions of flowers and plants, honey and bee products, wine, souvenirs and
products of the old crafts, and through art exhibitions, performances, concerts, literary events,
etc.
1.3 Earlier attempts to protect, present and promote heritage, to reveal the hidden treasures
and to improve the tourist attractions
The towns beauty and various attractions are well known and its potential potential for tourist
development is evident. However, despite the fact that heritage exploitation was recognized as
the main factor of local development, cultural tourism in Sremski Karlovci had been almost
completely neglected until the 1990s. A reversal occurred in 1991 when the Law on Develop-
ment and Revitalization of Sremski Karlovci was passed by the Parliament of the Republic of
Serbia. According to this unique law, the development and revitalization of the town and its cul-
tural assets had to be financed directly from the state budget to an approximate annual amount
of around 1.000.000 . The Parliament appointed a committee with a task to monitor the imple-
mentation of the Law. During the years to follow significant projects were undertaken on the
preservation and revitalization of individual monuments and shaping of the urban character of
the town. In 1993, an expert panel was formed, charged with a task to define the ways of pre-
servation, revitalization and urban renewal of Sremski Karlovi.
7
The efforts of the panel were
focused on the creation and implementation of a new approach to protection of heritage which
treated the territory of Sremski Karlovci as a historical and cultural landscape. The panels ap-
proach was based on stable financing of the projects and resulted in a flourishing town devel-
opment. Unfortunately, the implementation of the Law expert panels approach lasted only for
five years. In the years of turbulent political crisis in Serbia, the activities of the expert panel
were suspended until 2003 when a new long term program of renewal and revitalization of arc-
hitectural and landscape heritage of Sremski Karlovi was created. However, the provisions of
the Law that ensured project funding from the state budget were abrogated, which caused a ces-
sation of the long-planned revitalization of the town. The Law on Development and Revitaliza-
Heritage 2012
tion of Sremski Karlovci is still in force, but without regular funding provided therein, the re-
newal and revitalization projects are sporadic and fragmented.
The municipality of Sremski Karlovci has been involved in most of the regional and interna-
tional projects implemented in Vojvodina during the last few decades:
In 1999 Serbia organized a celebration of 300 years of the Treaty of Karlowitz. The celebra-
tion brought to the town the highest diplomatic representatives of all countries that partici-
pated in the signing of the Treaty in 1699.
210 years from the foundation of the Karlovci`s Grammar School was celebrated in 2001.
In the framework of the project based on regional development cooperation, an agreement
entitled Italian Negotiated Programming in Serbia (I.Ne.P.S.) was signed between Italy and
Serbia in 2005. During the following three years a segment of the project related to design of
development plans based on an appraisal of the cultural heritage. Through the creation and
promotion of itineraries of cultural tourism in the South Backa District, some isolated cultural
monuments within smaller territorial units of the District were selected. Sremski Karlovci,
with its distinguished character, was chosen to be a focal point for one of the four suggested
cultural tours. It was made an important component of the so called Diffused Museum that
was planned to be promoted. The realisation of this project demonstrated that architectural
and artistic heritage represents an excellent foundation for the development (not just cultural
but also economic) of a zone boasting of a rich history, culture and tradition. (Dukanovic,
2010.)
The central event of the celebration of 250 years of the erection of the Orthodox Cathedral
was held in Sremski Karlovci in May 2011.
The central event of the 2011 European Heritage Days entitled The Treasury of European
Heritage - integrative protection of the cultural and natural heritage was also held in this
town.
1.4 Pros & Cons - Implementation of the Project
A thorough field research was conducted within the scope of the project, primarily through per-
sonal interviews with visitors and locals, and the results were used to analyse the supply and
demand trends in the field of tourism.
The results of previous touristic analysis conducted between 2005 and 2008 within I.Ne.P.S.
were used as the basis for this study. (Dukanovic, 2010.) According to these results, the tourist re-
sort of Sremski Karlovci has distinct advantages consisting in its very good geographic location
(the Danube river and Corridors 7 & 10), diverse ethnic structure, rich cultural and historical
heritage, a revival of traditional arts and crafts, and the culture of grape growing. To this may be
added the presence of several cultural institutions in it, its recognisable tourist products and
events, and finally, the fact that it is situated in one of the economically most developed dis-
tricts. Unfortunately, the town still suffers from inadequate protection and utilisation of heritage
and a lack of legislative regulation. It requires more investment into the tourist sector and cul-
tural protection and promotion. Insufficient cooperation between local stakeholders, such as lo-
cal government, cultural institutions and tourist organizations, shortage of quality accommoda-
tion, a bad system of environment protection control, poor involvement of local people, mass
movement of population to cities, and aging population are all recognized as its disadvantages.
During the last few decades, and especially after the uprise of cultural tourism in the early
nineties, the utilisation of cultural heritage, events, tradition and integrated tourist products and
attractions, have been recognized as factors that will provide job stability and security and a
chance for economic development of the municipality. Since then, the directions and trends of
local development have been largely determined by a growing awareness of the need for envi-
ronmental protection, and a growing trend towards nature and rural tourism. The common inter-
ests and goals have been defined for heritage, culture, crafts, agriculture and tourist sectors, and
all this has coincided with an increasing number of foreign tourists in Serbia.
2 HERITAGE EXPLOITATION IN LIGHT OF RESEARCH ON THE INSUFFICIENT
CONSUMPTION OF THE TOURIST OFFER
2.1 Theoretical background
A key feature of postmodernism is that the lines between high and popular culture are gone or at
least beginning to fade (Jameson, 1988). A cultural change is taking place that leads away from
the current globalization toward a more regional orientation as a typical paradox of postmodern
society (Bechleitner & Zins, 1999). Based on such trends, contemporary consumption of herit-
age is determined by the consumers desire for authenticity, identification with regional culture
and its products, and perception of self. The modern presentation of heritage services are there-
fore necessarily involved in the process of motivating individual reactions and experiences
(Goulding, 1999). Results of the survey conducted through a general enquiry with visitors and
locals in Sremski Karlovci were analyzed in light of six categories of the potential benefits of
heritage (derived from a research conducted at one of the most significant and popular heritage
sites in Pennsylvania, US): knowledge, escape route to the free area of the past and fantasies,
aesthetic value as an appealing aspect of visitor`s experience, connection with the past, valua-
tion of origins, and identification with the moral values of the past. (Chronis & Hampton, 2006)
2.2 The Research Results
The main reasons for the insufficient consumption of the tourist offer of Sremski Karlovci rec-
ognized in the research are the choice of an inappropriate method of presentation of cultural
monuments and insufficient involvement by the local people. Further reasons to consider are:
poor utilization of the surrounding area and of the proximity of two big cities, a lack of tourism
management and a lack of investment policies in heritage conservation.
2.2.1 An inappropriate choice of the method of presentation of cultural monuments
Because of very bad condition in which cultural monuments of Sremski Karlovci were found
conservation efforts conducted in the last few decades mostly concentrated on their technical
and technological protection and preservation. Much less attention was paid to their presenta-
tion. Heritage management was mostly neglected. Moreover, there has been no coordination be-
tween owners or institutions that manage individual monuments, tourist organizations and local
government. This resulted in a total lack of permanent and coordinated tourist offers. Significant
progress has been made only in the publishing activity. In the past decade dozens of books, tour-
ist maps and other written material promoting the values of Sremski Karlovci have been pub-
lished.
2.2.2 An insufficient involvement of the local people
Since 1980s, a policy of fostering cultural tourism in rural areas and using it for improving the
quality of life of the local people has become common in European countries. The analysis fol-
lowing the survey conducted among locals in Sremski Karlovci shows that local people are in-
sufficiently involved in the supply of the towns tourist offer. A positive trend in the involve-
ment of locals is evident only in the field of presentation and promotion of family run wine
cellars. In some cases two or three generations are involved in the family business that com-
prises (besides cultivation of wine) an offer of guided wine and food tasting cellar tours. The
initiative to organize a summer camp for school children from abroad that has originated from a
family run business, is also worth mentioning.
2.2.3 Poor utilization of the surrounding area
The geographic advantages, such as the excellent location on the river Danube, the proximity of
the two largest cities in Serbia and of the crossroad between two European corridors, are also
not used to promote the prosperity of Sremski Karlovci. There is no river port in the town al-
though its construction has been planned for at least two decades. The bad condition of local
roads and railways significantly affects the reduced number of visitors. Links with the art-
related offer in the neighboring historic locations are adversely affected, as well.
Heritage 2012
2.2.4 A lack of tourism management and investment policies in heritage conservation
During the last few decades, heritage conservation and presentation projects were financed by
the local government from its own funds, or from the funds of the Serbian state or international
funds. Only during the short period of application of the original Law on Development and Re-
vitalization of Sremski Karlovci stable financing was provided. Since then, sporadic funding,
project by project, has been provided, but it has not been a stable base for the implementation of
the development plans. Moreover, a lack of tourism management is evident. The historic
monuments are not used for any form of revenue generation, not even to support their own
keeping. No fees are charged, not even for the entry to monuments in Sremski Karlovci. Con-
sidering that there are about 100000 visitors at the annual wine festival, charging tickets in the
value of only 1 for a visit to a monument would represent a significant contribution to local
funds. A prerequisite for this is that during the event all the monuments are open and accessible
all day long, which has not been the case so far. The disorganization of the tourist offer as well
as the poor cooperation between local authorities, owners of the monuments and tourist organi-
zations, indicate a lack of good management and policies in the field of tourism.
3 EXPECTED RESULTS OF THE RESEARCH PROJECT THEIR IMPACT ON
IMPROVING THE HERITAGE CONSUMPTION
The conclusions drawn from the analysis of the survey conducted among visitors and the locals
are used as a basis from which to identify criterions that have a significant impact on improving
the heritage consumption:
The role of the monument in presenting the most important cultural values of the nation and
the whole region determines an acceptable modality for the presentation of the monument
fund.
The new concept of town planning should be applied with the aim to design an important
cultural centre which will become a regional attraction with numerous additional tourist of-
fers and possibilities.
Strong local and regional support is needed in all activities related to the promotion of the
monument fund and its place in the overall tourist offer.
Stable cooperation should be established between the municipality, religious and cultural in-
stitutions, institutions charged with the protection of monuments and tourist organizations in
order to promote cultural resources through tourism.
Choice of appropriate presentation of cultural assets and other historical monuments should
be made aimed at creating a tourist offer that will attract people to leave their normal place of
residence to satisfy their cultural needs.
Presentation of the heritage, events and other attractions of the zone should be planned in de-
tail for the whole offer, under the auspices of the local government, in such manner to open
the possibilities for individual choice of places and events to be visited, and to allow leisure
time planning for each individual visit.
3.1 Increasing the production of heritage attractions
An increase in the production of heritage attractions based upon the evaluation of a large num-
ber of cultural resources follows trends oriented towards the production of experiences for con-
sumers. As it has been already emphasized, the choice of appropriate presentation is essential.
Authentic and unique offers presented under a new concept, with original idea and contempo-
rary design, will enable heritage to become a tourist attraction.
3.2 Establishing a system of heritage attractions
If heritage attractions are to have a positive economic effect their acceptance by the tourists may
not come into question. Cultural exhibition tourism has its inner structural laws on which the ef-
fects of its acceptance have to rely. The acceptance of the exhibition/attraction results from the
authenticity and uniqueness of the product offer and from support rendered to it by the exhibi-
tion/attraction management on the local and regional level; a management responsible for the
idea and concept, for the design and the supply of the relevant infrastructure, as well as the ac-
companying customer service is needed. (Bechleitner & Zins, 1999) For that purpose, cultural
management should be given an essential role in establishing cooperation between municipality
government, owners and different institutions on the local level. It should also be given prime
responsibility for meeting the demands and the common goals on a regional basis. Only in this
way the system of heritage attractions may be established.
3.3 Connecting with the surrounding territories
Achieving a better connection with cultural sites dispersed all over the remaining territories will
increase the number of attractions and facilitate establishing a system of heritage attractions. All
the cultural sites planed to be in the tourist system should be valorized as possible attractions for
the purposes of tourism.
3.4 Connecting with the neighbouring cities
One of the most important tasks for the future is to achieve good transport connections with the
neighboring cities to increase the number of visitors. Belgrade with about 2 million inhabitants
is about 50km away. Novi Sad is just 15km away. Most of its 400.000 inhabitants have a dis-
tinct sense of identity with the spirit, history, architecture and cultural heritage of Sremski Kar-
lovci. According to recent data almost 700.000 foreign tourists visited Serbia last year. Most of
them stayed in Belgrade. Ship visits to Serbia bring about 80.000 foreign tourists each year.
More than 400 ships dock at Novi Sad, Belgrade and a few other nearby ports. If there were a
port in Sremski Karlovci, those tourists could visit various destinations in and around Sremski
Karlovci and enjoy its sights.
3.5 Conclusion
In order to develop tourism and make a better use of the cultural heritage, it is necessary to re-
design the Development Plan of the zone and regularly adapt it to contemporary trends of
supply and demand in the field of cultural tourism. The prerequisites for better utilization of cul-
tural heritage are defined in this research with the aim to increase the consumption of heritage
attractions. The implementation of a redesigned Development Plan by the local municipality is
expected to yield further benefits and have the following concrete results with direct impact:
On economy
Increased number of visitors, accompanied by increased use of tourist-related services
Development of small reception facilities
New small enterprises operating in the field of tourism and culture related services
On community
Improvement of the quality of life
A higher level of identity of the local people with their cultural heritage
A higher degree of regional identification of Sremski Karlovci
The results of this research will have another particular application, i.e. they will be used in
elaboration of the initiative of the city of Novi Sad to run for the European Capital of Culture
2020. The municipality of Sremski Karlovci joined the initiative as a segment of the cultural of-
fer of Novi Sad because of the vicinity of two towns.
ENDNOTES
1
Serbs 75%, Croats 8.5%, Yugoslavs about 3%, Hungarians 2.5%, Montenegrins 1% and Germans about
1%. The remaining 10% of the population of Sremski Karlovci consists of members of 15 other ethnic
and national groups.
2
A coalition of various European powers including the Habsburg Monarchy, the Polish-Lithuanian
Commonwealth, the Republic of Venice and Russia.
3
The most important cultural and historic monuments of Sremski Karlovci are: the Patriarchy residence
the seat of the Orthodox bishop of Srem and the most monumental building from the 19th century in
Vojvodina built between 1892 and 1895, the Orthodox Cathedral the baroque church situated close
Heritage 2012
to the Patriarchy residence, built in 1762 and dedicated to St. Nicolas. Teodor Kracun`s and Jakov Or-
felin`s icon-painting of the iconostasis in the Cathedral with its fully developed baroque altar parti-
tions, is considered to represent the crowning achievement of the Serbian Baroque painting in Vojvo-
dina. Among monuments of the Orthodox confession there are also the Upper Church dedicated to
the Entrance of the Mother of God into the Temple dating from 1746 and the Lower Church dedicat-
ed to the apostles St. Peter and St Paul, dating from 1719. There are, further, the Theological Orthodox
School the oldest Serbian theological school and the second oldest in Europe, established in 1894,
which currently hosts a department of the Archive of the Serbian Academy for Science and Arts, Ste-
faneum built as a boarding school on the initiative of the patriarch Georgie Brankovic in 1904, and
the Seminary - a boarding school for the pupils of the Theological School built in 1903. Among mo-
numents of the Roman Catholic confession there is the Catholic Church dedicated to the Holy Trinity
dating from 1768, but incorporating elements that remain from an earlier Gothic building and the Cha-
pel of Peace, built in 1817 as the second memorial building on the site where the Peace Treaty of Kar-
lovci was signed in 1699. In the main town`s square there is the Town Hall dating from the beginning
of the XIX century, Karlovci`s Grammar School the oldest Serbian high school founded in 1791, and
the Fountain the Four Lions built in 1799 in honour of finishing the first public system of water
supply in Karlovci.
4
Two most famous permanent exhibitions are the Home Collection of Sremski Karlovci, exhibited in the
Sremski Karlovci branch of the City Museum of Novi Sad and the Treasury of the Patriarchy Resi-
dence which operates within the Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church.
5
Bermet is a dessert, aromatic wine that has been produced in this area for centuries. It was sold well be-
fore the grape harvest to the Court in Vienna; it was also exported to the USA regularly from the mid-
dle of the nineteenth century. Today it is promoted by the contemporary producers who do their best to
revive the former glory of this truly special wine.
6
The best known and the most popular annual event, the Karlovci Grape Picking, attracting over 100.000
visitors takes place every first week of October. It has emerged from the traditional and customary cel-
ebration of the beginning of the grape picking season. The event was reestablished in 1992 with the
aim to preserve and promote the cultural and spiritual tradition of the town, to stimulate wine produc-
tion, to support and promote wine-culture and improve the tourist offer of the town. On Saturdays dur-
ing spring and autumn tourist season, sales exhibitions of fine items are organized at the main town
square market next to the famous fountain the Four Lions. Every year, at the end of May and the be-
ginning of June, the Art Gallery of the Cultural Centre organizes The Art Colony of Water-colours
and Drawings in Sremski Karlovci, while at the end of September, it organizes the Danube Art Colo-
ny The oil Assembly. Both are followed by exhibitions, literary and other cultural events. Concerts
and recitals of religious choir singing entitled In the memory of Kornelije are organized in the Theo-
logical Orthodox School and Karlovci Grammar School at the end of July and the beginning of Au-
gust. At the same time of the year the Summer Educational Camp gathers children and youth from
abroad around the project of learning the Serbian language and learning about life and traditional val-
ues in the country. The beginning of September is marked with three conceptually different events
the poetry reading event of Brankovo kolo, a sports competition held in the Royal Garden, the Night of
the Martial Arts, and the Festival of the National Cake which promote the culinary tradition of the var-
ious national groups that live in Vojvodina. At the very end of the year, during "The Christmas Cele-
brations in Sremski Karlovci" which is organized every December, religious choir concerts and theatr-
ical performances are staged on several locations. The content of the events includes masses and
religious services in Karlovci churches.
7
The members of the expert panel were associates of the Republic Institute for Protection of Cultural
Monuments from Belgrade and the Provincial and Municipal Institute for Protection of Cultural Mo-
numents from Novi Sad.
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Heritage 2012
1 1 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Rationale
What covered wide range of discussions of last decays is that the conditions of modernity pro-
duced placelessness as the result of uniformity, universality, homogenization, instability, and
inauthenticity. Consequently, the placelessness that people came across reveals a loss of mean-
ing in the relationship with their built environment and an intention to find a place that com-
municate with themselves meaningfully. The concept place is a space which is composed of
meaningful places with respect to definition of Norberg-Schulz. Therefore, the loss of place
can be identified as the space that is composed of meaningless places, is explicitly claimed that
a product of modernity.
As a consequence, even today, in 21
th
centurys super-modern society, living in a built en-
vironment that is a complex of anonymous and similar series of spaces, called by Aug (1995)
as non-place. This condition was called by Norberg-Schulz as the collapse of the split be-
tween thought and feeling. Space is a unit and collective manifestation of our mind, our way of
life, our organizational formation, our practice, and also our imaginations. It is because of this
nature, space becomes interpretative. As well, it might be appropriated as the means of reuniting
thought and feeling. In line with Gideons definition of feeling; the authentic relationship
of human being to a meaningful environment can be constructed with creating meaningful
places.
This meaningful communication of user with space is what makes a space different from oth-
ers, marks it as identical. Therefore, tourism generates a worthwhile research area in under-
standing the forms of meaning that contemporary people look for in the places they visit. While
Meanings of authenticity in contemporary representations of
heritage in the context of tourism
M. K. Emiroglu
Beykent University
ABSTRACT: The study deals with the topics of authenticity, architectural heritage and modern-
ization in a particular context in tourism. The choice of this subject is influenced by a specific
kind of touristic spaces that take replicas of architectural heritages as their theme to constitute
identity. Originating from the assessment that modernization results in a longing for authentici-
ty, the study questions the meaning produced in these spaces labeled as authentic. In this
light, a reproduction of one of the unique heritages of 15
th
century Ottoman architecture in
Turkiye is taken as a case. The methodology of the case study distinguishes two distinctive parts
as encoder (designer) and decoder (tourist). Formal and informal interviews and question-
naires conducted to identify the intentions of the designer and meaning of the designed space for
the tourists. Consequently, the study displays how meanings of authenticity can challenge and
diverse during touristic experience in the age of modernization.
visiting a place, the information a tourist store in his/her minds shapes his/her image of the
place. Thus the design of a touristic space is crucial due to the meaning conveyed through it by
the visitors image on mind.
According to the research titled Vision 2020 of World Tourism Organization, the rising
trend of tourism attractions in forthcoming years is the themed resort hotels. There is already a
rapid proliferation of themed resort hotels in tourism destinations. The most explicit reflections
of themed resort hotels came into being in Turkiye in 2000 under the label of World of Wonders
resort hotels: these establishments are presented as all-inclusive resort hotels, including parts of
original buildings built in smaller scales by housing different functions of the hotel.
These kind of touristic destinations, a part from architectural discourses, are important to ana-
lyse the ways and which contemporary people are communicating with built environment. By
the examples akin to this case, it is questionable how the intended and received meanings are
produced by contemporary tourism actors. At the same time, by rebuilding architectural objects
of past, which are mostly seen as cultural heritages of today, the designers of touristic spaces
and the users of touristic spaces undertake the idea of authenticity in a distinctive way which is
a stimulating area to focus on.
1.2 Authentic: a modern quest in tourism
The term authenticity is attributed to the truthfulness of origins. In his seminal work The
Tourist MacCannell (1999) defined authenticity as an essential feature of objects, other times,
and places. According to this view, the authenticity is found in the periods before modernity.
Thus, it is not an idea in contemporary Western culture. In line with that longing for authentic
is seen as a notion of the modernity.
Thus, the idea of authenticity is based on the consideration that modern society creates aliena-
tion that results in a longing for kind of experiences that might be labeled as authentic. These
so-called authentic experiences are demanded in tourism.
MacCannell (1999) introduced the quest for authenticity as the primary motive for tourism.
After MacCannell, by studies of theorists like Wang (2000), Olsen (2002), Kelner (2001) the
concept of authenticity has covered a distinct part in tourism studies. Consequently, tourism
has often been defined as a modern quest for authenticity (Cohen 1972, MacCannell 1973).
1.3 Authentic: architectural representation
The relation between the idea of authenticity and reproduction is important. According to Tafuri
(1980), the authenticity of something is the essence of everything that can be transmitted from
its source, and goes from its material extent to its significance as an historical remain. As the
latter is based on the former, in reproduction, where the first is taken away from man, the se-
cond its value as remain -begins to falter also. Moreover, to Benjamin (1998), by reproduc-
tion the authority of the thing itself begins to falter precisely.
The denotation of the term authentic presupposes that the original is better than its coun-
terpart, the copy (Olsen, 2002). The crucial point in this statement is that it does not define au-
thenticity of something as the essence of it that can be transmitted from its source; rather it
presupposes a copy / replica. Thus, it suggests that a copy can also signify essential meanings
for the reader.
Barthes (1967) states As soon as there is society, every usage is converted into sign of it-
self. With this statement it is emphasized that the general tendency of culture is to convert his-
tory into nature (Barthes, 1972). In respect to this, it can be suggested that any sign of history
traced in modernity can be converted into nature by the reader of this sign. In relation with that,
Preziosi stated in 1979, that there is no human society which does not communicate architec-
tonically. Having this in mind, the reflections of this may be traced in the examples of post-
modern architecture, which are commonly called as exotic image, revivalism, vernacular,
eclectic, etc. All these examples have one thing in common in their representations: they carry
the traces of past time. In practice, they are concentrated on the use of historical elements of
collective memory which is called historicism.
A particular form of these examples, in which the historical element is reproduced in con-
temporary context, is worthwhile to focus on. This is called straight revivalism without inter-
Heritage 2012
pretation by Akcan (1992), her particular criticism is that any such revival of history is the de-
nial of history. But, Tafuri (1980) claims that, architecture, due to its nature already allows a
shared perception of reproducibility; a use that gives permission to relaxation and reflection in
those involved in the theatrical achievement. Baudrillard's theory of simulation is an explicit
challenge to todays world via these kinds of representations; calling it as a result of capitalism
and states that any concept of the real, or of meaning, or of history, has been eroded (1988).
By the above brief literature review for the concept of authenticity and reproduction, it can be
seen that although there is a wide range of critical look to reproduction, but also the relation of
it with the concept of authenticity is still remains as polemical.
2 SEMIOTIC APPROACH
2.1 Parts of meaning production
To reproduce or to make a replica of a building from past which has / transmits meanings in its
original context is to ascribe new meanings to it. The quest for intended meaning in a space
evokes a spatial communication between the builder of this meaning and the receiver (reader) of
that intended meaning. In other words, there is an encoding-decoding process taking the terms
from the field of Semiotics.
In line with that, the touristic space is seen as a pre-coded system composed of architectural
objects and distinguishes two parts that engage into meaning production process; encoder and
decoder. For these distinctive parts the theories of tourism construct the basis: the tourist at one
side (the individual who travels for his / her pleasure) and the tour (the destination; the services
prepared for the tourist) at the other side. In this sense; the encoder is identified as a part of the
tour: touristic space and developer of that space; where the decoder is the one who experience
touristic space: the tourist.
Consequently, the developer of themed resort hotels posits as the encoder of the resort space.
The term developer is frequently seen as the architectural firm that inhabits architects, interior
architects, engineers, landscape designers, etc. Moreover, management takes a crucial role in
this encoding process because of the specific requirements which have to be supported for the
sustainability of the resort hotel. Therefore, the intentions in the design of the resort [hotel]
come to be an important quest as being the initiative conceptions towards the presupposed se-
miotic process.
For an ideal semiosis to take place in a space, to produce meaning, primarily there should be,
initially, an intention to ascribe meaning. With the aid of this statement it is questionable what
these replicas try to communicate with and how? This can be discussed by penetrating into lim-
its of tourism research.
2.2 Intentions of designer: authenticity
One of the valuable examples of themed resort hotel trend is the Venetian Hotel in Nevada, Las
Vegas which is built by the firm Wimberly Allison Tang & Goo. The hotel is constructed as a
replica of the most famous buildings of Italian City: Venice.
With respect to the semiotic triad, here is presented a variety of quotations of the developers
of resort destinations in order to highlight the themes and the intentions that construct contem-
porary themed resort -interior- designs. At this point, it would be telling to look for the views of
the developers of the Venetian Hotel, the most profound architectural firm among the resort de-
velopers, WATG (Wimberly Allison Tong & Goo). In this line, the senior leaders of the firm
state that George Peter Wimberly, the firms founder, has been creating architecture with a
strong sense of place long before it was fashionable. Additionally, they claim that they are still
heeding the principle of cultural authenticity. Were expanded the idea of sense of place to
include places that exist only in the imagination; lost cultures and created myths invite us to ex-
plore history as it might have been. We think of our job as not just designing buildings but as
scripting experiences (cited in Wolff, 2001).
This statement expresses a reflection of Norberg-Schulzs criticism of loss of place refined
as sense of place. Thus, this intention of WATG leaders may be translated as a quest for recre-
ation of the sense of place that had been declared many times as lost. Moreover, the firms
leaders refer, to the paradigms of post-modern and modern movement; the longing of contempo-
rary people to the past times, lost cultures.
The Disneyland Hotel in Paris Resort is defined as the destinations flagship resort and in-
corporates the entry gates to the Magic Kingdom in its design a first for a Disney theme park.
The hotel is decorated in pastel shades, the spacious guestrooms incorporate Disney images
throughout, such as on the tiled frieze in suite bathrooms (Wolff, 2001). The Disneyland Hotel
at the Disneyland is designed by WATG, with the intentions of creating a Disneyworld
themed resort.
The investigation of the intentions of the resort developers may reveal the origins of the code,
the context that the encoder uses in order to transmit messages of the space. However, this can-
not be considered apart from the intentions of the decoder. In Anatomy of Destination by Mi-
chael S. Rubin (president of MRA International and chairman of MRA Eventures, specializing
in entertainment-based development) admits this statement as;
In an age in which every place is electronically accessible but remote from our
touch, we seek remote places that offer access to new perspectives, discoveries,
and encounters. Creating a destination-a setting for leisure and renewal- is, there-
fore, a special kind of place-making. The destination is first and foremost an imag-
ined place, an ideal experience we hope for in the future and cherish from the past.
As an ideal place, the destination cannot simply be appreciated passively but re-
quires participation in an experience that is, by definition, transitory. Physically
and psychologically, the guest must leave a familiar world of routines to enter a
novel realm of discovery and renewal (Rubin, in Wolff, 2001).
Moreover, Sol Kerzner (chairman of Sun International Hotels Ltd.) states: our role as resort
developers is no longer as simple as providing services. It entails providing visitors with
unique experiences that stimulate their senses and surpass their imaginations -whether in the ca-
sino or out by the pool. (Kerner, in Wolff). Therefore, mostly the intentions originate from the
possible imaginations of decoders of the space due to the foreseeing of the encoders. Wherever
Calder, explains how the interior-architects worked with historians to recreate with authenticity
the feeling of being transported to Venice, complete with hand-painted frescoes, canals, and
gondolas (with singing gondoliers):
To build a replica of 15
th
century Venice in record time, architects used 21st. centu-
ry technology. Working with a large team of consultants from different disciplines
and locations, the architects established an Extranet-based Project management
sys tem that served as a repository for the projects documents and accelerated de-
sign and construction, in response to a very tight schedule (Calder, Authenticity is
the basis for fantasy in this Venice-themed resort hotel and casino located in the
heart of the glittery Las Vegas strip, quoted in Wolff, 2001).
The prior intentions that construct the design of contemporary tourism architecture are based
on the concepts of authenticity and sense of place. These concepts are being revealed in ref-
erence to periods in past times, past architecture, historical objects, past living styles, and pre-
sented to user, as authentic attractions.
2.3 Expectations in touristic experience: authenticity
The crucial point in here is the kind of identity a reproduced authenticity of a real building can
represent and the legibility of these intentions during users experiences. It is clear that the
meanings revealed or the ideas of authenticity are complicated in general. In the process of
meaning production both by the creator of the meaning and the reader of the meaning, the idea
of authenticity is not seen as a distinctive part of the space, but as a cultural value constantly created
and reinvented in social processes (Cohen, 1988). Thus, the reader of the meaning, the user of
the space, voluntarily enters in a pseudo experience. However, MacCannell, by interpreting
these touristic settings as staged authenticity, claims that the primary motivation of tourist is to
overcome the front regions of touristic space in order to experience authenticity in the back re-
gions. In this light, authenticity, is a projection of tourists own expectations (Kelner, 2001).
Heritage 2012
A part from that, tourist experiences have been seen by Mannell and Iso-Ahola to have some
special quality, that is, to be more than simply an experience accompanying travel or tourist be-
haviour. The ultimate tourist experience has been described according MacCannell (1976); as a
quest for authenticity; to Cohen (1979) as a quest for centre; for Meyersohn (1981) as a quest
for meaning; and Przeclawski (1985) considers it as a quest for values (cited in Ross, 1994).
A crucial analysis of touristic experience is done by Boorstin (1964) who indicates that con-
temporary Americans cannot experience reality directly but thrive on pseudo-events. The
foregoing trends in touristic spaces are the prime example of these [pseudo-events] (Eco, 1986;
Baudrillard, 1988). According to this understanding, the mass tourist who is away from the
original environment, while travelling in guided groups and tours tend to enjoy with inauthentic
contrived attractions, pseudo-events and ignoring the real world outside.
MacCannell, however, is concerned with the inauthenticity and superficiality of modern life.
The tourist as a metaphor in MacCannells work refers to the Western middle class sightseer but
is also defined as a model for modern-man-in general. Here modern condition is seen as a
state of differentiation that creates a freedom which presupposes and creates risks, alienation,
and longing for stability. The necessary result of differentiation is alienation that has a conse-
quence of longing for wholeness and authentic (Olsen, 2002).
Most of the theorists have proposed that primary touristic experience is a quest for authentic-
ity, but there is not adequate study describing the features of authentic, meaningful touristic
events. The point here is to examine the factors that lead people to describe an attraction, an ac-
tivity, or an event as authentic tourism or touristic experience(s). Consequently, forthcoming is
a case study and its outcomes are described in order to gather data and evaluate the discussions
and ideas put forward up to now.
3 CASE STUDY: TOPKAPI RESORT HOTEL IN TURKEY
3.1 Significance of the case
This phase of the study is concentrated on the case of themed resort hotels in Turkiye which
happens to be an example of reproduction. Therefore it constitutes a case for the special type of
themed resort hotels that in which a building of past architecture is rebuilt in contemporary con-
text. The significance of this case is that the original building still exists as a product of tourist
gaze in its original settlement in Istanbul / Turkey, which is one of the unique heritages of 15
th
century Ottoman architecture in Turkey. This constitutes an important concern in the search of
authentic experience of tourists with the touristic space.
The Topkapi Resort Hotel (TPRH) is one of the realm of Palaces and constitutes one of the
rings of WOW (World of Wonders) Resort Hotels chain, located in south-coast of Turkiye.
The hotel is situated in the coast of Kundu which is a village of Aksu, in Antalya city. The
Kundu village is significant as being the only touristic establishment in Aksu, composed of five
themed resort hotels yet, labelled as Realm of Placaes located along side each other: Kremlin
Palace Resort Hotel, Venezia Palace Resort Hotel, Green Palace Resort Hotel.
3.2 Method
The case study comprises a part of authors unpublished master thesis Semiosis of Resort Inte-
riors completed in 2004. This broader study includes an interactive analysis of the case; by
conduct interviews with designers, and informal interviews with tourists to identify the inten-
tions of the designer and meaning of the designed space medium of these intentions- for the
tourists. Three interviews are conducted with encoders of the space in site and outside of the ho-
tel. The first of the interviews conducted with encoders is done with the director of the architect
group of the developer firm, who is an architect in the headquarters in Ankara. The rest of the
interviews are conducted with general manager and operation director of the TPRH, inside the
hotel. Formal and informal interviews and questionnaires are done in different spaces inside the
hotel with 150 tourists visiting the resort hotel for holidaying. Two questions of the question-
naires are re-evaluated and re-interpreted in here for this kind of study.
Table 1. Definitions of authenticity as difference
_______________________________________________________________

Different
Original: not ordinary
Different as being out of time
Something that has a typical characteristic of itself
Different: interesting
Traditional and Cultural
East
Food, color, building, music
Something original and different from the rest
Clothes
Beautiful / Special
Antique / Historic place
Like Ephesus Antique City
Local

The most explicit common point for the intentions can be detected as culture. This identifies
the quest for authenticity as a quest in something that has a cultural value; which is defined in
words: local, cultural, and traditional. The most significant one is that different and
cultural is defined as East. Definitions as differences mark the quest for authenticity as a
quest for something that has cultural value, indicated with the words as local, cultural, and tradi-
tional.
3.3.2 Authenticity as reality
A secondary group is categorized defining authenticity by using the words real or reality. The
search for real in something that has authentic value is not every time for original reality, rather
it seems satisfactory to experience something that seems realistic. Indeed these second group
definitions demonstrate degradation in the concept of reality. Therefore, they are in a quest of the
markers of the past in which they will evaluate the authenticity of the reconstruction with signi-
fiers of the original building.

Table 2. Definitions of authenticity as levels of reality
Real
Something original and not fake
Just Real
Close to reality
Honesty to reality
Similar to real thing
Realistic
Belongs to original place

Definitions of authenticity as reality apprehended as levels of reality beginning from the
original real, and ends with honesty to reality.
3.3.3 Authenticity as copy
However the third group definitions demonstrates a relevant example to this, in which the defi-
nition of authenticity is emphasized as a copy of the original. Each definition in the third
group constitutes a signifier to an original signified. This expresses the place as a representation
of something else.
Table 3. Definitions of authenticity as copy
Appropriate to its original
Copy from original
Copy of the real thing
Something that is just like the real culture
Something that reminds its original
Something that looks like its original
Like its original
Something that does not destroy its normal.
Copy of an original
Honesty to its genuine
Reminds its genuine / appropriate to its genuine
Similar in decoration
Something that is a copy of something without any change
Reviving culture as close as possible to reality
Gives feeling that accommodates with its surroundings
Nearly regular, equal

Definitions of authenticity as copy constitutes a signifier to an original signified. As can be
seen from definitions authenticity is recognized as mostly as a counterfeit to its original one.
3.3.4 Authenticity as past
Consequently, there is a forth group of definitions made up from the responds of the tourists in
TPRH which can be evaluated in the limits of third group with a slight difference: emphasis on
past or history. The definitions pointed out a counterpart, a copy by giving reference to past. In
this forth category authenticity is emphasized as a new construction but a re-construction of the
past. This means that it has a complete and immaculate simulation of as it once was, as original
opposed to a copy, as credible and convincing today. Definitions of authenticity as past em-
phasizes authenticity as a new construction but a re-construction of past.

Table 4. Definitions of authenticity as past
Something that reminds past
Something that reminds past as being a part of oriental culture
Something very old and without any difference from original
Something from past and need to remind something
The history in today
To enlighten our past
Something that makes past alive
To feel history in today
Have an appearance of past
Belongs to the past times
That evokes the life-style of past: Anatolia
Something that has a relation with past
To keep historical monuments
To be connected with historical pattern
To experience history
The reflection of history in a modernized form
The one that is a heritage of the past and revitalized in today
A design that revitalize the past

Heritage 2012

Ultimately, the ideas of authenticity are heteroglot. These definitions indicated a counterfeit
to the real thing in which the tourists are in search with the markers of original to name it as au-
thentic.
3.3.5 Authentic: spatial correspondences
The outcome of the results of the interviews and questionnaires marks specific spaces as au-
thentic in the case and directs to detailed analysis of their spatial characteristics. These spaces
marked as authentic from tourists point of view are namely Lalezar Main Bar which is a
smaller replica of a fountain in original palace; Sultans Tent where traditional Turkish foods
are being sold; Kiraathane where special Turkish coffee is served; Caf Sofa where tradi-
tional Turkish deserts are being serviced.
The summary of the indications of tourists while describing the authentic values of these
places are as below:
-Colours
-Products
-Furniture
-Costumes of staff
-Entrance
-Wall treatments
-High ceiling
-Decoration
-Information signs
-Lighting quality
-Facade
-Panorama
It is significant that the places marked are mainly public spaces decorated as staged authen-
ticity with signs of the originals. It is analyzed that these interior spaces tend to communicate
more meaningfully. Indeed the costumes of staff, the visual elements, (signs, food menus, in-
scriptions, etc.) and the products are involved as the interior design elements which are totally
transform the interior space into a theatre stage.
4 CONCLUSION
In Topkapi Palace Resort Hotel meaning of authenticity challenges and produced in the experi-
ence. This is pointed out in four levels in which the authenticity is apprehended as difference
of something. This difference, on the other level, is apprehended as the levels of reality
beginning from the original real and ends with the honesty to reality. In the further level, the
authenticity is apprehended as the past in which the original is stated as existing in the past
and has reflections in today, which presupposes that there is an original one which is better. In
(consequent) level, the apprehension of authenticity is defined as directly as copy, a counter-
part to the original one.
The analysis consequently leads to a claim that the intended meaning in contemporary touris-
tic space, in the case of reconstructions, is to create authenticity. Therefore the focus of the
study oriented itself on these touristic interior spaces in which they are encoded in order to lead
to a representation that is authentic.
Consequently, the study displays possible assessment on the kind of identity a reproduced
authenticity of a real building can represent and how the meanings of authenticity challenge
and diverse in modernity. This is to declare indeed the dominance of authority that consists a
part of encoder; the management system. Because the activities and facilities are organized by
the management throughout the day to make the tourist away from private room that is a stan-
dard 5 stars room. According to this, the concepts of management plays an important role in the
construction of authentic atmosphere in the interior design of the resort hotel, orienting the
fronts and back regions / stages according to the intended experience of authenticity for the
tourist.
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ages Publishing Group Pty. Ltd.
Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
This paper addresses three different but closely related issues. The first section focuses on the
dilemma between history making and the creation of heritage. This part illuminates the paradox
that can occur between heritage creation often for the purpose of attracting more visitors to a
destination and history making. The paper then continues with the relationship between com-
modification in heritage tourism and authenticity. This section argues that the commodification
of heritage may not necessarily be at odds with authenticity. The third section deals with the di-
lemma that exists between, on the one hand, the economics of heritage in terms of tourism reve-
nues, employment opportunities and other economic spin-offs, and on the other hand, the possi-
ble loss of intrinsic heritage values as a consequence. Finally, by means of its conclusions, this
paper wants to contribute to the ongoing academic discussion on heritage preservation, man-
agement and tourism development.
With respect to the issues introduced above, the history of the port wine culture in the Douro
River valley is an illustrative example. Nowadays the production of port is one of the most im-
portant icons of the Portuguese culture. However, it actually has its origins in British geopolitics
of the 17
th
and 18
th
centuries, during which there was a demand for a good quality wine in Brit-
ain as a substitute to French wines. For quite some time the British monopolized the production
of port wine in Portugal. At that time many British port wine exporters settled in the Douro Riv-
er valley and the English names of the most famous port houses - such as Graham's, Dow's and
Sandeman - are reminders of that period. Nevertheless, the production of port today is generally
recognized as a genuine Portuguese tradition. However, when viewed from the perspective of
our paper, this little historical fact may serve as food for thought to an interesting debate on au-
thenticity, heritage creation and commodification.
Heritage and tourism: squander or cherish?
E. Ennen
NHTV, Breda University of Applied Sciences, the Netherlands
E. van Maanen
J. Wynia
ABSTRACT: The relationship between tourism and heritage is an asymmetrical relationship:
tourism needs heritage much more strongly and strictly than the other way around. Heritage is
an interpretation of the past that occurs in the here and now, and it is about people and future.
Tourism uses heritage as a tool to increase visitor flows, thus providing renewed energy and
economic vitality to the destination concerned. In this paper we will discuss three different but
interrelated dilemmas that will contribute to the discussion on heritage and sustainability. The
first dilemma concerns the tension between the desire for the true and fact-based history, and the
wish for as many as possible visitors. Three different types of discourse will be illustrated in re-
lation to heritage. The second dilemma concerns the tension between commodification practices
of the past and the urge for authenticity of the present. The third dilemma of money versus value
discusses the tension between the different kinds of revenue generated by heritage.
2 MAKING HISTORY VERSUS CREATING HERITAGE
Central to this dilemma is the construction and coexistence of different realities in academic
discourse, professional discourse and normative discourse. It is very important to recognize and
understand the different kinds of discourse in the field of heritage and sustainable development
which is the overall theme of this conference. Each kind of discourse has its own distinct con-
text in terms of knowledge base, objectives, realities, and in terms of the types of questions it
generates.
The type of knowledge produced in academic discourse - or defined by Gibbons et al. (1994)
as Mode 1 knowledge production - is the more traditional disciplinary theoretical knowledge
based on existing rules, conventions and procedures (i.e. hypotheses and research methods). The
general purpose in academic discourse is to analyze theoretical concepts and principles in order
to learn more about the reality, which is the academic reality. What and why questions are
asked to describe and analyse academic themes.
Professional discourse, Mode 2 knowledge production, is the type of knowledge related to the
world of professionals and it involves practical applications in order to solve practical problems.
It has its own distinct theoretical structures, research methods and modes of practice which
may not be locatable on the prevailing disciplinary map (Platenkamp and Isaac, 2012). Profes-
sional discourse occurs in different realities depending on the parties involved in the problem
area. In addition to what questions (to describe the problem), how questions (to solve the
problem) are asked.
Kunneman (2005) added normative discourse, Mode 3 knowledge, to the other two modes
because of the absence of normative and existential questions in academic (mode 1) and profes-
sional (mode 2) research (also see Platenkamp and Isaac, 2012). Knowledge in normative dis-
course is related to economic and political interpretations, the general aim being to understand
different views of the subject studied. Different realities exist in normative discourse, depending
on the economic and political rules in the context studied. The questions asked are mainly of the
who variety.
We will try to illustrate, by means of a fictional example, why it is important to be aware of
the different types of discourse. Let us suppose that an archeological site in area X is the topic
of discussion. In academic discourse this is a site of great importance because of its valuable
archeological excavations. Knowledge is produced along proven methods and academic rules.
Excavation locations are meticulously mapped and any excavated soil is carefully replaced to
avoid additional damage. The most important objectives apart from academic research and
knowledge production are indeed achieved. At the same time, research is being carried out
within the framework of professional discourse to uncover ways for this archaeological site to
be developed into a proper tourist destination. What problems must be defeated, which parties
should be involved to manage the site in an adequate way? However, the excavations do not
match the prevailing political and religious ideology. The artefacts recovered from the excava-
tions suggest, for instance, that the history of the area was in fact rather different from what po-
litical leaders deem desirable. Is this our heritage? Political leaders want to give minimal atten-
tion to the site and are even considering destroying it. Is there a possibility for these different
kinds of discourses to be united?
A clear understanding of this dilemma requires distinguishing of the concepts of past, history,
memory from the concept of heritage. These concepts are strongly interrelated and are frequent-
ly used interchangeably. However, their meanings are quite different. The past is a simple con-
cept: it is that which happened before the now, everything that is behind us. The concept of his-
tory is far more complicated. Although it relates to the past, that which happened before the
now, its focus is from a particular pair of glasses: academic discourse. History tells us the true
story on the basis of facts, figures and numbers. It is about wanting to know what happened,
when and how. History knowledge is produced in academic discourse according to academic
rules that suggest objectivity. We use the word suggest here, because history is still a story
about certain pasts in certain contexts, told from a certain perspective. In doing so, the concept
of memory, and in particular the collective memory, plays an important role. Events and expe-
riences are selectively remembered and forgotten. Our national memory is taught in school
whiles the formal memory causes us to remember an official past according to the views of con-
temporary political leaders (with attendant laws and rules (i.e laws regarding the preservation of
Heritage 2012
historic buildings and sites). The collective memory is strongly formulated in normative dis-
course and takes care of conflicts between what is remembered and forgotten. The destroyed
Buddha statues of Bamiyan are a good example in this context. These statues dated back to pre-
Islamic culture and according to the Taliban regime they were reminiscent of a barbarian re-
gime and therefore had to be destroyed even though they were included on UNESCOs World
Heritage List in 1975 (www.unesco.org).
Heritage is not interested in objectivity. Heritage is a narrative of those facts which are said to
have happened. It provides an interpretation of the past, matching the true story to the au-
dience in question. Sometimes aspects of the pasts are omitted whereas others are fabricated.
For instance, where spatial planning is concerned, a clear trend can be seen on the interface of
spatial quality and heritage. The number of locations where historicity is staged also referred
to as created heritage is increasing (Ennen, 1999). Heritage is not 'what is protected and pre-
served by an institutionalized selection process nor 'everything that a society or individual
gives through but heritage is a personal or group interpretation of elements from the past
(Ashworth, 1991). However, what is real? And who decides what is real? Historical information
is interpreted and experienced very differently. Elements from the past will only qualify as her-
itage if they have meaning to the individual concerned. In this way heritage can be created, de-
spite the lack of an actual past. Venice in Macau and Las Vegas, Dutch cities in Japan, but also
residential areas in the Netherlands such as Brandevoort in Helmond are all examples in which a
past is chosen, complete with attendant story, in order to raise the profile of the city or district
and to make the place attractive to live in or to visit.
Although created heritage projects and residential areas are positively received by residents
and visitors (confirmed by the substantial visitor flows and the demand for houses in such
areas), using the past as a coordinated principle in new construction projects is criticized by arc-
hitects in particular. Suggesting an era from the past which never actually existed is perceived to
be history falsification and false romance (Feddes & Graaf, 2003). Apparently, the debate con-
centrates on the outer appearance of created heritage projects.
However, this begs the question of whether the true story is really damaged. Is heritage re-
moving its own roots? The inexhaustible flow of progress has led to 'the erosion of a sense of
place' (Walsh, 1992). This means that social processes and developments such as mass commu-
nication, mass culture and an internationally-oriented economy have ensured that places increa-
singly lose their uniqueness. Many city centres are becoming more and more alike, in various
respects. As industrial activity retreated from city centres, shopping became the main function
in the city centres. The arrival of large retail chains with uniform faades, advertisements, colors
and materials, and their equally monotonous stores makes it difficult to establish whether one
finds oneself in Rotterdam, Madrid of Lyon. This is also called placelessness: to an increasing
degree individuals are missing a feeling of being connected with a place (Relph, 1976).
The experiential aspects of created heritage are emphasized by its proponents in particular.
Ennen (2004) for instance, demonstrated empirically the possibility that created heritage gives
to individuals to connect emotionally to their housing environment. The use of cultural capital
in the deliberate design of a distinct lifestyle constitutes the motivation in this process. This
emotional connection could be understood in terms of identification. The individual derives part
of his or her identity from the cultural identity of his or her spatial environment. Identifying
with heritage allows the individual to give form and meaning to his or her own lifestyle and
gives heritage meaning (Graham & Ashworth & Tunbridge, 2000). The meaning given to herit-
age strongly depends on the contribution of the identification to profile the own identity. Metz
(2002) described heritage as what we use from history to distinguish ourselves from others re-
ferring to the striking term identity policy. By interpreting certain characteristics of his/her liv-
ing environment as being heritage, and subsequently emphasizing these characteristics, the indi-
vidual marks his/her own entity and distinguishes him/herselves from others. Therefore,
heritage may be considered as a commodity to be used to clarify ones individual identity to
oneself and to others.
It is not only the individual that tries to distinguish himself, , also subgroups within a society
and even societies as a whole try to create a distinct identity for themselves by selecting heritage
that emphasizes this identity. With regard to the contribution of a shared identification process,
Ashworth & Howard (1999) also asserted that heritage provides a feeling of mutual connected-
ness: defining an inclusive (we are us) through the use of heritage (because we have al-
ways been us) inevitable excludes others (we are therefore different from them ) (Ash-
worth & Howard, 1999: p60).
It is the awareness of the various types of discourse occurring at the same time - each with its
own realities, objectives, rules and conventions that may mitigate and clarify the dilemma be-
tween the preservation of the intrinsic values of heritage on the one hand, and heritage as an in-
strument for tourism purposes on the other hand. The next section involves a further analysis of
the possible consequences of heritage products for the intrinsic values of heritage (such as au-
thenticity).
3 COMMODIFICATION VERSUS AUTHENTICITY
Along the lines of the previously described dilemma between making history and creating heri-
tage is where the paradox between heritage commodification and authenticity can be found. In
academic circles, the concept of authenticity in connection with the development of heritage
tourism is receiving more and more attention. It is MacCannell (1973) who introduced the con-
cept of authenticity in connection with tourism and it still receives ample scientific attention to-
day.
Gilmore and Pine (2007) described authenticity as the growing need among consumers for
the real. They consider the need for authenticity as a reaction to the constructed reality that
originates from the process commercialisation and technological advancements in modern soci-
ety. Therefore, authenticity as a concept in this respect is closely interwoven with todays ex-
perience economy. In the past, the focus was especially on the consumption of products and
services, but by now these products and services have become secondary to the experiences
built around them. In this altered consumption approach the main aim is to create, as much as
possible, a feeling or sense of the real. Authenticity is often associated with a longing for
realness, genuineness, naturalness originality and uniqueness etc. (Boyle, 2003). How-
ever, authenticity is a frequently discussed, multi-interpretable and paradoxical concept. For ex-
ample, one aspect of authenticity is that it is related to tangible objects, sites and sights, while on
the other hand authenticity can be approached as part of a state of being expressed in feelings
and emotions, among other things (see also former section). Several studies about the relation-
ship between tourism and authenticity confirm this dichotomy in which authenticity is divided
into object authenticity and subjective or existential authenticity (Wang, 1999; Reisinger and
Steiner, 2006).
Following on from this line of thinking, it is a relatively small step to explore similarities
within the development of heritage tourism. For example, heritage as an interpretation of se-
lected resources from a past is a subjective phenomenon. It is the present in which communities
make use of their past. Adding a political, economic and/or socio-psychological value to re-
sources implies that these resources are transferred into commodities. By approaching heritage
as a commodity, terms such as target groups (i.e. consumers), resources (i.e. products) and mar-
keting (i.e. interpretation) become closely interrelated. This process of commodification is the
transformation of resources into products through interpretation (Tunbridge and Ashworth,
1994).
Heritage tourism defined by Timothy (2011, p. 4) as seeing or experiencing built heritage,
living culture or contemporary arts is just one example of this commodification process. He
continues by saying that its resources are tangible and intangible and are found in both rural
and urban setting. Visits are motivated by a desire to enhance ones own cultural self, to learn
something new, to spend time with friends and family and to satisfy ones curiosity or simply to
use up excess time. In short, heritage tourism encompasses a multitude of motives, resources
and experiences and is different for every individual and every place visited. An interesting as-
pect of this definition is that it makes clear the dilemma between heritage tourism, as an exam-
ple of commodification, and authenticity. After all, many activities, motivations, behavior and
experiences in tourism are not necessarily triggered by a search for whatever authenticity. In
fact, heritage tourism is about building tourist experiences in which the use of authenticity - as a
part of this experience - is just a means or concept that may contribute to the creation of these
experiences, either through object authenticity or existential authenticity. However, especially
when heritage becomes part of this experience, existential authenticity is the most appropriate
Heritage 2012
and interesting approach to study and explain the dilemma between heritage tourism and au-
thenticity. After all, heritage tourism essentially does not focus on tangible objects and sites but
on tourism experiences that inspire personal emotions and feelings, which is obviously much
more in keeping with the concept of existential authenticity than it is with the authenticity of ob-
jects.
In fact, it is exactly this point that makes it possible to identify several parallels in the discus-
sion on the interpretation of heritage. An interesting viewpoint that can be extended towards this
discussion was introduced by Smith (2006). With the introduction of the concept of authorized
heritage discourse she challenges a traditional widespread heritage discourse in which West-
ern ideas dominate and are institutionalized. She criticizes this traditional Western perspective
on heritage because it tends to emphasize the tangible resources and places a restriction on non-
Western heritage perspectives. The traditional Western account of heritage tends to emphas-
ize the material basis of heritage, and attributes an inherent cultural value or significance to
these things. Furthermore, the sense of gravitas given to these values is also often directly
linked to the age, monumentality and/or aesthetics of a place. The physicality of the Western
idea of heritage means that heritage can be mapped, studied, managed, preserved and/or con-
served, and its protection may be the subject of national legislation and international agree-
ments, conventions and charters. (Smith, 2006, p.3)
Therefore, according to Smith (2006) heritage discourse should be more concerned with and
related to cultural and social processes in the establishment of values and meanings regarding
the past and present. So, heritage is the manifestation of cultural processes and not objects, sites
or monuments. These sites, monuments or objects are just the tangible resources and tools that
form stages or environments in which social and cultural processes of remembering, commemo-
ration and passing on memories and narratives take place, establishing values and feelings that
create and engage an understanding of the past and present.
Like heritage, authenticity is much more related to social and cultural processes that occur in
a society. The commodification of resources from the past into heritage tourism and the concept
of existential authenticity may be considered as an outcome of these processes. Therefore, in the
experience of heritage tourism and authenticity it is not so much a question of whether a land-
scape, beach, historic city centre, tour, or holiday is authentic, real or unique, but how it is
interpreted and experienced on a personal or intra-personal level. That is why the approach of
authenticity as being object-related is an inadequacy in the study and explanation of heritage
tourism as a phenomenon.
As a matter of fact, heritage and existential authenticity are all about interpretation, therefore
always subjective and dynamic. That is why in the interpretation of heritage and authenticity
some similarities can be found, for example in the way in which both concepts are related to a
process such as identity formation. For example, identity is a term applied in a wide range of
contexts, linked to an equally wide range of explanations. This plurality of identities depends on
the multiplicity of its uses. This implies that there is a great variety in identities, because of the
associated subjectivity in determining priorities on an individual as well as on a collective level.
This means that the presumed dilemma between heritage tourism and authenticity may in fact
be less acute than one might expect initially. For example, if heritage is predominantly inter-
preted from an authorized heritage discourse perspective, as described by Smith (2006), and au-
thenticity is studied as from an object-related angle, the presumed dilemma will be less promi-
nent. After all, in this way both concepts focus on tangible objects, sites and sights and have an
emphasis on preserving, cherishing and passing on the past that is embodied in the objects to fu-
ture generations. Furthermore, the presumed dilemma also turns out to be less acute than ex-
pected if heritage and authenticity are both interpreted as a phenomenon that originates from the
social and cultural processes in a society. Viewed in this light, both concepts are valued on the
basis of a personal and subjective interpretation. However, a significant dilemma between the
concepts exists when heritage is seen from an authorized heritage discourse perspective and
authenticity is defined and characterized as existential authenticity. In this context, heritage
mainly represents tangible listed buildings, places and sights, whereas existential authenticity
places greater emphasis on the search for oneself, making this a unique, individual and personal
activity.
In conclusion, the current tendency in academic debate is for authenticity as a concept to be
interpreted from a socio-psychological point of view, which is partly due to our present-day ex-
perience economy. Seen from a tourism perspective, this is manifested in a search for oneself
and ones identity in the consumption of tourism products and services. Therefore, it is interest-
ing to mention that in many tourism studies of authenticity the shift is moving away from an ob-
ject-related authenticity approach. In essence, because of a socio-psychological interpretation of
authenticity, a study of the authenticity of tangible sights, sites and places is becoming irrele-
vant. The focus lies on tourism in connection with an imaginative and a personal sort of reality.
With regard to the dilemma between commodification and authenticity one may conclude that
this dilemma is either lacking altogether or not that strongly present as one would presume. This
occurs especially in situations where authenticity and heritage tourism are both primarily inter-
preted from a socio-psychological perspective.
4 MONEY VERSUS VALUE
There is an asymmetrical relationship between heritage and tourism. Tourism uses heritage as a
tool to increase visitor flows, thus providing renewed energy and economic vitality to the desti-
nation concerned. From the viewpoint of heritage as the contemporary uses of the past, very few
heritage tourism objects, sites, events, personalities or narratives were created, are maintained or
financed for tourism purposes specifically. In academic knowledge production heritage is va-
lued for its intrinsic qualities, worth preserving and cherishing for future generations.
In the process of the commodification of the past, as described in the foregoing sections, a se-
lection is made from different pasts, interpreted for different purposes and transformed into
marketable (tourism) products. Therefore, the meaning of authenticity balances between the
wish to tell the true story and having as many as possible visitors. However, does this mean
heritage is squandered because its usage for tourism purposes will eventually affect its intrinsic
value? Earning as much money as possible may signify the necessity to add something to the
story or dismiss aspects in order to make the tourism products more marketable and thus profit-
able in terms of monetary value. At the same time, however, financial revenues are needed to
maintain, conserve or restore heritage sites, particularly in times of retreating governments and
financial crises.
When we take a closer look at the different types of discourse mentioned in the first part of
this paper, academic discourse states that heritage is an interpretation of the past, heritage in it-
self is therefore subjective and is indifferent to figures and facts. Academic knowledge produc-
tion is not so much concerned with arbitrary issues like how much money is concerned. Howev-
er, a growing demand for objective measures and methods to understand the value of goods
and destinations is observed in the field of heritage management. In professional discourse, of
course, it is arguable whether heritage cannot simply be passed on or conserved without know-
ing, or at least trying to get to know, the present monetary value of heritage goods and destina-
tions (in terms of costs and revenues) or more importantly, the potential revenues. Since there is
no endless amount of resources available, decision makers have to select what is preserved and
what is not.
There are many studies available on the difficulties of attaching economic value to heritage
goods or destinations. A key concern for economists is to develop methods and approaches that
objectify the valuation of heritage. A first difficulty that has to be faced when valuing heritage is
finding a clear definition of economic value. In neoclassical economic theory, economic value is
most often expressed in terms of prices. In economist jargon valuing goods means pricing
goods; they particularly focus on the moment of exchange because at that moment a price is set.
The intangible aspect of many of the benefits of heritage makes it impossible for them to be
priced in any existing market. Economic revenue is the degree of prosperity that heritage gene-
rates for society (Ruijgrok, 2006). Tourism is the most obvious choice in utilising heritage as an
economic resource but not the only one. The degree of prosperity produced by heritage is much
more than the financial benefits (i.e. money earned) of exploiting heritage tourism products. The
benefits or revenues that heritage generates are generally divided in user and non-user benefits
(see for instance, Ennen, 1999). User benefits are those revenues that can be derived from the
direct or indirect use of a heritage site. Direct use concerns the benefits and costs for the resi-
dents or visitors, like entrance fees that have to be paid. Indirect user benefits concern multiplier
Heritage 2012
effects on income and employment resulting from the direct use of the good. Non-user revenues
are the intangible benefits associated with a heritage site, these are its option value (benefits
from having the option to visit the site in the future), its existence value (benefits associated
with knowing that a heritage site exist even if they do not intend to visit themselves), and its be-
quest value (benefit is gained from knowing that a site is preserved and can be bequeathed to
their heirs). The non-user revenues cannot be measured through market transactions because
there is no existing market on which these benefits can be traded. Sociocultural values, such as
historical, symbolic or aesthetic values can also be regarded as non-user or non-market values.
The aesthetic qualities of a buildings faade are an important locational variable and represent
value to the owner of the building as well as to visitors or passers-by. A company residing in a
historic building can use this as an important marketing feature: the building was built to last, so
this must be a reliable company. The sociocultural values however can be classified as econom-
ic values because people would be willing to pay for protecting and keeping them (Throsby,
2002). Many non-user valuation methods have been developed, especially contingent valuation
methods are widely used in decision making (Mourato, Mazzanti, 2002). By means of a ques-
tionnaire, a hypothetical market is created in which the heritage good can be traded. People
are asked to express their willingness to pay for the benefits received or their willingness to ac-
cept compensation for their loss. Hansen (1997) described a study of willingness to pay for the
Royal Theater in Copenhagen and concluded that the contingent valuation method worked well
for this well-known Danish building. On the other hand the method is very resourceintensive,
and therefore expensive, and the outcome of the survey depends strongly on the information
provided. Respondents, who were told about the subsidy that the Royal Theater receives, re-
ported a lower willingness to pay than respondents who were not told about this. The different
methods have in common the aim of sidelining the heritage specialist by rendering the valuation
process objective and democratic (Klamer, 2011). Only then will decision makers be able to
make rational choices concerning the selection and financing of cultural projects.
Another difficulty with measuring the earning capacity of heritage is that historic buildings,
sites and areas are most often non-priced public goods. In most cases heritage is freely accessi-
ble or produced without the necessity of paying for production (Ennen, 1999). A public good
has properties that make distribution through private markets impossible. Ennen (1999) named
three basic concepts that are important and applicable to these public goods: the concept of joint
supply or non-competitiveness (if a heritage good, e.g. a museum is supplied to one person, it
can also be supplied to others without extra costs for the supplier), the concept of non-
excludability (if the museum is supplied to one person it is not possible to withhold it from other
persons) and the concept of non-rejectability (even the persons who do not wish to visit the mu-
seum are supplied with it). The problem with the valuation of a public good is that those who
benefit from it cannot be made to pay for these benefits. A supplier of a public good can there-
fore not recover the full costs needed to provide the good.
With heritage assets provided essentially as free accessible goods, this means that there is al-
ways the danger of free riding, leading to excessive and unsustainable use (Garrod & Fyall,
2000; Grant et al., 1998). The degree to which a balance is achieved between the heritage desti-
nation and its users (both residents and other parties such as businesses, government, etc.) and
visitors is crucial to the quality of the heritage destination. The balance between visitors, herit-
age destination and user is vulnerable; striving for an optimal balance requires constant monitor-
ing of the effects of visitors. These effects can be positive in terms of monetary revenue (i.e.
more entrance fees) but negative in terms of social well-being because of overcrowding. With a
growing accessibility to travelers, there is increasing pressure on heritage destinations. A good
example of this are the hot springs and travertine terraces at Pamukkale in Turkey, listed as a
UNESCO World Heritage Site. Because of the growing tourism industry in the 20
th
century, ho-
tels were built over the ruins of the old city, causing severe damage. Generating visitor flows
means searching for the turning point from where positive experiences (and positive revenues)
change into more negative experiences (and loss of revenues). It is important to realize that,
when striving for an optimal balance, the monetary benefits are only a part of the total revenue
that heritage generates. Apart from the monetary benefits, heritage destinations have a strong
sociocultural, psychological and political meaning (see other sections of this article), which
generate benefits that cannot be measured in an objective manner right now but only in the
longer term.
A shared feature of sustainability and heritage is that they are both concerned with future
generations. We can speak of sustainable development as a process which ensures that we pass
on to the next generation a stock of (natural and built) capital assets no less than the stock we
have now (Pearce, 1992). Additionally, heritage involves interpretations of the past that we want
to preserve for future generations. Heritage is interpretation; interpreting the true story in a
way that makes the heritage product more marketable or profitable in terms of financial reve-
nues is justifiable. When the vulnerable balance between the heritage destination and its users
and visitors is disturbed or not optimal, it may affect the sociocultural value of the heritage des-
tination in an irreversible manner.
5 CONCLUDING COMMENTS
In this paper we discussed three dilemmas that together contribute to the insight into the asym-
metrical relationship between heritage and tourism. For example, is tourism responsible for
squandering heritage destinations? For heritage is used as an instrument to attract visitors and/or
to give places renewed energy and economic vitality by which the intrinsic values of heritage, in
terms of its cultural and historical values, are liable to be pushed aside.
The first dilemma addressed in this paper concerns the tension between the desire for true his-
tory based upon facts as far as possible, and the wish for as many as possible visitors. It makes
clear that although many heritage destinations are unique, there is to an increasing degree what
Tunbridge and Ashworth (1996) call a mismatch between sender and receiver. The problem of-
ten occurs if the intended meaning of a destination (the sender) is not perceived as such by its
users (the receivers). Or in other words, it is quite difficult to combine the normative rules in-
volved with professional targets. Identities of destinations are much more robust than identities
that users derive from destinations: they change much more quickly as a result of all kinds of
different trends in what is termed the taste economy (Mommaas, 2000). The awareness of the
existence of the different but interrelated types of discourse (with their own realities, objectives,
rules and conventions) provides a far better insight into the debate around the intrinsic values of
heritage.
The second dilemma subscribes to the already mentioned role that heritage plays in the for-
mation of identity. However, is important to realize that individual identity and collective identi-
ty are two different concepts. More often than not, these two are approached as if representing
the same thing, which is not the case, as identity may have nothing to do with groups. An indi-
vidual identity is the result of all kinds of personal characteristics or traits that make us unique
individuals. In addition to these personal traits, other more communal characteristics may con-
tribute to the construction of an identity based on a common background in terms of origin, cul-
ture and ethnicity (see also Van Maanen, 2011). Therefore, existential authenticity, as a search
for oneself, can be seen as a psychological concept that may contribute, just like heritage, to the
formation process of a persons identity.
The third dilemma showed the difficulty of the question does everything that is selected to
be preserved need to have monetary value? This may lead to decisions based on monetary val-
ue; close this museum because it worth less than another one in terms of money or future reve-
nues? It is necessary to take into account that decisions made in this field can be irreversible.
Heritage is not a static phenomenon; what is considered important enough to conserve today,
may be worthless tomorrow, so who gets to make the decisions based on what reality? Is it so-
ciety, heritage professionals or economists?
Another problem is the problem in terms of optimizing revenues, even when there is a market
for goods and destinations, in the way that introducing entrance fees to maximize visitor num-
bers can damage or overcrowd the destination, which will have a reverse effect on the sustaina-
ble development and conservation of the destination (Steiner, 1997).
All the dilemmas addressed in this paper - each in their own way and discipline - contribute
to the discussion on the relationship between heritage and tourism. However, it has become
clear that when studying the relationship between heritage and tourism it is almost inevitable to
approach it from different but contextually closely related perspectives. These perspectives are
based on the predominant disciplines in todays society, such as economic, social, political and
Heritage 2012
cultural disciplines. The interwoven relationship that exists between these disciplines, as de-
scribed by Bazelmans (2009), provides some interesting viewpoints for future debate on herit-
age and tourism.
For example, all of our actions, values and standards are closely related with and influenced
by these various disciplines. The individual as well as the collective, each with their own values
and principles, make up an active and integrated part in all these disciplines. This means that
studying the existing relationship between heritage and tourism in terms of a causal connection
and/or cause-and-effect relation is actually based on a misconception. In other words, the devel-
opment of heritage and tourism cannot be regarded in terms like cherishing or squandering. Af-
ter all, these terms are the result of interactive processes that are taking place in society, as well
as choices that are made within the various disciplines separately and collectively. To put it
short, the supposed cherishing or squandering of heritage - the latter defined as a loss of intrin-
sic values - is not necessarily accountable to the economic exploitation of heritage. Furthermore,
the changes in the interpretation of concepts such as authenticity, identity and values - caused by
the constant state of flux within and between the various disciplines - may lead to a changing
position and interpretation of heritage. This complex relationship justifies a study that focuses
on the dynamics of the processes taking place within and between the disciplines described. To
put it differently, what are the prevailing economic, political, social and cultural relations, val-
ues and standards in a society at a certain point in time, and what does this mean for the inter-
pretation of heritage and its possible relation to tourism?
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Ashworth, G.J., 1991. Heritage planning: conservation as the management of urban change. GeoPers.
Groningen.
Ashworth. G.J & P. Howard, 1999. European heritage planning and management. Intellect books. Exeter.
Bazelmans, J., 2009. Wie betaalt, bepaalt? In: Het cultuurhistorisch argument. Essaybundel, pp 47-59.
Roto Smeets Grafiservices. Utrecht.
Boyle, D., 2003. Authenticity: Brands, Spin and the Lust for Real Life. Flamingo. London.
Ennen, E., 2004. Bindingen in Brandevoort.
Ennen, E., 1999. Heritage in Fragments. The Meaning of Pasts for City Centre Residents. NGO 260.
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Ruimtelijke Ordening, jaargang 84, nummer 3, pp. 8-11.
Garrod, B. & Fyall, A., 2000. Managing Heritage Tourism, Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 27, No. 3,
pp. 682-708.
Gibbons, M., Limoges, C., Nowotny, H., Schwartzman, S., Scott, P. and Trow, M. 1994. The New
production of knowledge. SAGE. London.
Gilmore, J.H. and Pine, B.J., 2007. What consumers really want. Harvard Business School Press. Boston.
Graham, B., G.J. Ashworth & J. Tunbridge 2000. A Geography of Heritage - Power, Culture & Economy.
Arnold. London.
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and the Free Good Factor. English Tourist Board Insights, January, A95A101
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nal of Cultural Economics, Vil. 21. pp. 1-28.
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Journal of Sociology. 79(3): 589 603.
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Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
In the mountains and foothills of the Province of Teramo, within an environmental and land-
scape setting, one of the best preserved and most picturesque in Italy, there are 127 small and
medium sized historic settlements, called villages in a state of almost total neglect. A forgotten
heritage, disused, involving 15 municipalities over an area of about 56,000 hectares mostly
within the Gran Sasso-Laga National Park of European interest, 40 km from the sea. Of this, 32
villages were the subject of detailed research comprising a total of 550,124 cubic meters, 923
building units, of which 256 abandoned and 341 in seasonal use. To this, housing stock of over
11,000 hectares of land under public ownership is added, largely ignored by local governments.
Figure 1. Panoramic view of the territory of the Monti della Laga.
The recovery of abandoned settlement heritage as a sustainable
local economic development strategy: a wide area pilot project
C. C. Falasca
University G. DAnnunzio Chieti-Pescara, Department of Engineering and Geology, Pescara, Italy
C. Lufrano
University G. DAnnunzio Chieti-Pescara, Department of Engineering and Geology, Pescara, Italy
ABSTRACT: Within a wide mountainous area of the Province of Teramo (Italy), 127 small and
medium sized historic settlements are in a state of near total abandonment. The recoverability of
this heritage was defined in the drafting of an Inter-municipal Unit Strategic Plan of local eco-
nomic development based on the potential for re-use of forgotten local resources. The aim is to
promote re-anthropization of the area through gradual resettlement that assumes man as prota-
gonist with the needs and aspirations of our time. In order to define an appropriate methodology
of approach, a pilot project was developed in a sample area as an experimental prototype as
demonstration of the feasibility, of the idea, of a global strategic plan. The strength of the
project is in the research of the settlement capacity, for the sizing of plan, of the historical herit-
age in the transition from old to new modes of use.
2 ISSUES INVOLVED IN WIDE SCALE HERITAGE: REUSE AS A STRATEGY FOR
RECOVERY
Given this situation, following an initial design trial on three sample villages with the aim of
exploring the potential for recovery for a widespread receptivity, the question of just what to do
with the other 124 villages was immediately posed. Given the sheer amount of heritage, it
would be impossible to provide an answer, to be able to decide what to preserve and what to
change, if the why were not clear, if a purpose is not determined which is, other than from a cul-
tural perspective, socially and economically sustainable. That is, unless there is a vision of a
possible future that reintegrates building stock within the area that generated it. Thus a wide
area comprehensive strategy based on the potential for compatible reuse within a development
model appropriate to the specificity of the places. The concept of reuse presumes a user, and
therefore the revival of human presence even before building recovery as a necessary condition
for technical and economic sustainability. A new human presence that expresses a new needs
based framework in relation to that for which each settlement was established. It will therefore
be within this context that the new needs based framework will be the filter through which it
will be possible to decide what it is appropriate to do with the existing building stock, whether it
should be preserved, transformed, integrated or replaced. More specifically, the categories of
compatible intervention on each building consistent with the strategy implemented upstream can
be established.

Figure 2. View of small sized historical settlement.

Reuse is therefore not meant as an operational category on building artefacts determined be-
forehand, detached from a socio-economic reference context but as a goal that is located up-
stream of it, expressing a broader concept that involves the attitudinal profile of the territory and
is receptive to innovation in new housing standards. It places emphasis on the pursuit of the aim
of the intervention within a systems perspective by determining the compatible modes of use of
the building space. These modes will in turn be evaluated on a case by case basis for each build-
ing artefact in order to verify its compatibility with the relevant service faculties. It will be the
use that is deemed compatible, assessed in relation to the architectural and historical "values"
present, which will determine oscillation between what can be preserved and what needs to be
transformed.
This research into the "sense" of the recovery of the building heritage preceding the how to
technically implement recovery was the strong point that led to the decision of the Provincial
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Administration of Teramo to proceed to the formulation of a long-term system program-
framework aimed at the area re-anthropisation in its globality to such an extent that it is consi-
dered more appropriate to speak of recovering the settlement system and not of a single village
estranged from its local context or of the individual building. The program identifies in the an-
cient villages and in the countryside where they are located the potential to respond to the new
emerging housing demand based on modern immaterial requirements of our time which refer to
environmental quality and psycho-physical comfort.
To this end, a Feasibility Study of the program was drawn up. The study identified two priori-
ty actions for the trigger: a) the drafting of an inter-municipal "Unit Strategic Plan" of local sus-
tainable development; b) the identification of a priority intervention area to be promoted in the
short and medium term. An initial scenario of possible local sustainable development was envi-
sioned for this area, conceived as a model-structure orientation for the transition from a histori-
cally spontaneous anthropisation process to a process of systematically programmable re-
anthropisation.
3 THE PILOT PROJECT: DEFINITION OF THE AVERAGE STANDARD RESIDENTIAL
HOUSING APPROPRIATE FOR RESETTLEMENT
The vastness of the area of intervention meant the need to proceed with the establishment of a
pilot proyect of a sample area subsystem.The aim of this project was to explore in detail the
framework of possible actions intended for the integrated recovery of all the territorial compo-
nents at stake, from which to draw the methodological and technical guidelines to be extended
to the remaining area for drafting of the Unit Strategic Plan.
The attitudinal profiles of the territory based on analysis of the actual state in relation to four
categories of intervention were identified: consolidation, revitalisation, resettlement, regenera-
tion. The need to define resettlement action for scaling of the intervention program was para-
mount for the purposes of re-anthropisation.
The action of resettlement is determined by the settlement capacity that the territory is able to
express that is, in this case, by the availability of existing building stock for reuse for residential
purposes. To this end the volumetric consistency, conservation status and the condition of use
for each building unit were identified and a map of settlement weights of the entire territorial
subsystem was created, highlighting within it the conservation status of the typological and
morphological native characters. The map is primarily aimed at restoring the framework of the
potential use of individual settlements, both in terms of historical and architectural as well as
functional value.
On the basis of this cognitive data sizing of the Plan in relation to the new housing require-
ment was performed. It was considered appropriate to achieve sizing by not applying uncritical-
ly the conventional parameters dictated by current regulations (100 cubic metros/inhabitant), but
through a complex assessment geared to the actual potential of available heritage, separated case
by case based on their settlement, historic or new creation matrix, as well as typology character.


Figure 3. The map of prevailing attitudinal profile.

In this sense, the procedure adopted was to draw out from the relationship between the land
and the reconvertible housing stock the average compatible and sustainable housing standard,
that is the number of potential inhabitants that can be reinstated in the medium and long term.
One of the main factors of complexity is represented by the radical transformation over the last
fifty years of the two main parameters in play:
- the number of members of the average household, reduced to one quarter when compared to
the national statistics and more than halved when considered in response to the local socio-
economic model under project;
- the level of living comfort required, undoubtedly much higher compared to the past.
To be able to determine the average standard of the project, consistent with the places, it was
considered appropriate to commence with the original one determined based on a representative
sample of type situations, with specific reference to the historic building stock purified of new
buildings and of non residential premises (30% of the Se total) used for production activity ser-
vice functions. The average value thus obtained was then updated in a manner appropriate to the
new needs based framework through a suitable increase appropriately differentiated primarily in
terms of the conservation status of the historical value of each settlement. Differentiation was
necessitated, for reliability of the average value sought, given the large gap determined by the
transition from a historical building based on real needs to post-war construction since the six-
ties of last century induced by the regulatory plan building index, generally oversized and wide-
ly dictated by speculative pressures of the moment.On this basis, the average values assigned
are 45 sq. m/inhabitant for the villages and rudimentary historical clusters, 60 sq. m/inhabitant
for villages with great transformation potential, 75 sq. m/inhabitant for isolated houses and 90
sq. m/inhabitant for newly built clusters.
The total population for resettlement in the short and medium term within the entire subsys-
tem sample was estimated to be 1,381 inhabitants, while for the long-term it amounted to 2,725.

Heritage 2012
Figure 4. The definition of the average standards residential housing
4 ZONING OF THE PLAN: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SETTLEMENT CAPACITY
AND CHARACTER IDENTITY OF THE TERRITORY
Based on the sustainable settlement load of the area, re-zoning was activated. This was namely
the technical act aimed at representing the operational identity of the constituent parts of the
area, identified as zones, that are able to express their own specificity of promotional actions of
development in line with the natural and anthropogenic resources available. The zone in this
sense is the operational area of the delegated Plan which would be of significance and play a
role in the envisioned system framework.
Therefore, in relation to the afore-mentioned attitudinal profiles, the area was divided into
strategic territorial components such as territorial entities structurally endowed with their own
character identity in terms of physical and psycho sensory benefits, each consisting of different
types of settlement and indigenous production capacity which, of various kinds and levels of
quantitative and qualitative consistency, contribute synergistically to the promotion of develop-
ment. They were separated, in relation to the development mode, into areal and linear. The areal
components in turn were divided in relation to their degree of complexity into three subcatego-
ries: in descending order, cell, pole and point of integrated development. Each component is it-
self made up of several homogeneous functional areas, which explain the specific aspects of the
prevalent uses active within it.
Figure 5. The map of strategic territorial components

The completely abandoned villages are the springboards for the vitality of the cells, and as
such are to be fully regenerated, which due to their strategic location in places of outstanding
beauty, offer a strong incentive towards the creation of centres of excellence for different types
of tourist accommodation.
The objectives for reusing existing building stock were formulated with regard to the charac-
teristic essence of the individual area component in accordance with a basic strategy that is the
need to activate a two-way relationship between the work of resettlement and the action of pro-
moting tourism in the area. That means achieving a true combination between stable and tempo-
rary users, between residential and touristic benefits. The union of these two factors, without
one prevailing over the other, ensures the viability of the system is the essence of development,
is the protection of values.
These objectives are followed by the Plan through a series of specific actions defined for each
component area according to a ratio of compatibility of the same with the performance capabili-
ties related to its specific character connotation. For the purposes of understanding the metho-
dology adopted for illustrative purposes, that established for cells C1 and C2 is stated:
for cell C1, which is distinguished by the high degree of conservation of the environmental
and landscape features and the high level of natural environment accompanied by low settle-
ment density, a predominantly agricultural character connotation (50%) and pastoral lives-
Heritage 2012
tock (50%) was identified for which the overall specific characterising objective was estab-
lished: the recreation of a condition of balanced ecosystem of the relationship between man
and environment through actions that promote the cell as a place of a natural and artificial
continuum where there is natural presence backdrop, of scarcity of human action, of relaxa-
tion and mental and physical regeneration through direct contact with the practice of agricul-
tural and pastoral activities, of the return to slow time, of silence;
for cell C2, that is distinguished by the morphological and environmental variety of the phys-
ical support and the resulting fragmentation of the relationship between man and environment
that witnesses the prevalence of the naturalistic component, a basic character connotation was
identified which also predominantly featured agriculture and sedentary livestock.
To this end the overall specific characterising objective was established: to enhance the envi-
ronmental qualities of the area through actions that promote the cell as location of the domina-
tion of widespread nature to be experienced in its many emotional performances, of visual
changes, both limited and broad in expanse, that alternate between depths of field, of movement
that alternates between ascents and descents, of spaciousness, of dynamism and lightness, of
flight into nature and the sublimation of the senses, of constant emotion that peaks in poles of
excellence.

Figure 6. The map of the pilot project.

In this vein, resettlement is invariably dependent on the productivity of the area. An extin-
guished productivity that the Plan aims to renew, to re-establish on its same patterns, those that
resulted in the historical settlement. Certainly not reproducing like the original set-up, but
through the modernisation of land use methods, of the forms of enterprise and production, of the
organisational structure of commercialisation and through the integration of new suitably lo-
cated complimentary compatible productivity.

Figure 7. Panoramic view of the landscape of historical settlements.
5 CONCLUSIONS
At the end of the training process, the pilot project has fully confirmed the feasibility of these
purposes in its capacity as exploratory tool. In particular it highlighted:
a) the high degree of spatial planning due to the multiplicity, the diversity and the widespread
distribution of natural and human resources available;
b) the feasibility of system strategies of the re-antropization program which is given by a
wide range of performance capabilities of forgotten autochthonous resources;
c) the large capacity of the existing settlement heritage to meet the new demand for intangible
assets required in our time;
d) the wide availability of resources which can express a high degree of attractiveness able to
act as a trigger.
All of the information gained, all the difficulties and the potentialities emerged finally pro-
vided the information necessary to formulate guidelines on methods, techniques and procedures
for the design of Inter-municipal Unit Strategic Plan of the whole territory under analysis.
The findings of that research, especially about the detailed reality-sample offered by the pilot
project, shows a way of living that goes over the boundaries of the physical size of the housing.
It invests variable spatial extent of the territory contrasting the uniform and static contemporary
city with the heterogeneity and dynamism of natural systems. According to the new develop-
ment model the complex net of existing settlements takes the form of an exemplary eco-city
whose design does not need to be invented, but just reinterpreted in the light of the new users
behavioral patterns.
According to the impressions gathered during the surveys, this forward projection, that the
recovery project intends to operate, provokes two opposite reactions in the opinion of local
communities, mostly made up of elderly people. On one hand there is the pride of belonging to
a vision of the future that makes them protagonists, on the other hand there is the lake of confi-
dence in the operational capability of the higher-level governments (Province, Region, State) in-
creasingly absent.
The relevant element is the fact that about the local governments, which are smaller and
smaller for the high rate of depopulation, are free of financial resources. On the other side the
regional and national policy of the country shows no interest in the medium and long term
strategies that a resettlement program requires. This is demonstrated by the fact that the project
is currently is at a standstill in the hands of the Provincial Administration who promoted the
drafting and has not yet had a public presentation which could allow the comparison with the
citizens and the cultural and socio-economic authorities of the area.
Heritage 2012
An other obstacle to the realization of the program is the inadequacy of the existing planning
instruments, either too general or too specialized and sometimes even conflicting with each
other, which at the present do not provide any idea of future oriented to restore habitability of
places.
The strategic approach aims to overcome these institutional gaps opposing to the risk of an
inevitable re-naturalization of a forgotten land through the trigger of a virtuous process that sees
the primary actor the man who lives in the places. This process is oriented to the construction of
a new socio-economic identity which will be historically rooted and culturally advanced.
REFERENCES
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Bonamico, S. & Tamburini, G. 1996. Centri antichi minori dAbruzzo. Roma: Gangemi Editore.
Cavallari, L. 1983. Il progetto di recupero. Note per un approccio tecnologico 31-51. Roma: Veutro Edi-
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Centofanti, M. 1978. Territorio e citt: lettura dei valori storici, architettonici e ambientali. In Piano di
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turale e salvaguardia. SantArcangelo di Romagna (RN): Maggioli Editore.
Miarelli Mariani, G. 1993. Centri storici note sul tema. Collana Strumenti n.6. Roma.
Soc. Coo. R.L. Sistema-Ambiente. 1980. Progetto Regionale per una indagine qualitativa e quantitativa
sul patrimonio architettonico dei centri storici minori abruzzesi. Provincia dellAquila Regione Ab-
ruzzo. LAquila.

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1 INTRODUCTION
One of the most significant cultural characteristics of Greek mountainous areas is their tradi-
tional settlements. The vernacular architecture of them was created at the pre industrial era and
comprises a well preserved reflection of past social structures. This heritage is threatened in
many cases either by mass tourism or by a rapid and, usually, profit oriented development. In
both cases there is a steady degradation of its characteristics that may lead to its distinction. A
relative survey was contacted to a mountainous town that reveals the importance of the protec-
tion and preservation of the local vernacular architecture. It was proved that the visitors of the
place not only welcome and encourage local architectures protection but they would also be
willing to contribute themselves, economically, to it. Furthermore, a restoration project was
studied for the recovery of the towns local character and identity which was further completed
with its analytical cost estimation. Comparing the necessary restoration cost with the total esti-
mated economic value of vernacular architecture it comes into light that protecting the architec-
Restoration of traditional architectural character. A cost benefit
analysis in a Greek mountainous town, based on the implementa-
tion of CVM
S. Giannakopoulou
National Technical University of Athens (NTUA), Metsovion Interdisciplinary Research Centre
D. Kaliampakos
National Technical University of Athens (NTUA), Metsovion Interdisciplinary Research Centre
ABSTRACT: Greek mountain areas hold an important number of traditional settlements. How-
ever, most of them have undergone a severe decline of their traditional character. With the re-
sults of an aesthetic anarchy prevailing, the loss of their unique traditional identity is already ev-
ident. One of the basic arguments against preserving and enhancing old buildings architectural
characteristics is the high construction cost involved. On the other hand, there are two parame-
ters that can change the situation, cost wise. Architectural design based on fresh ideas and clev-
er thinking can provide low cost solutions, able to drastically improve the aesthetic quality of
a place. The second parameter is that this aesthetic improvement can be translated into added
touristic value, which can be expressed into monetary terms, by using modern economic tools,
such as the Contingent Valuation Method. The Greek mountainous town of Metsovo was used
as a case study. Several buildings along the entrance and the main street were selected as objects
of restoration. Basic aesthetic problems were pointed out. The buildings facades were rede-
signed aiming at regaining their initial architectural characteristics as well as being harmonically
embodied into the towns traditional physiognomy. Then, a restoration proposal, regarding the
overall enhancement of the entrance and the main street was made and restoration cost was es-
timated. Furthermore, a questionnaire survey, based on CVM, was conducted estimating the
economic value of the aesthetic quality of the place. Based on the outcomes of this research, it
is proved that restoration cost is reasonable. At the same time, the benefits derived from the en-
hancement of the place, revealed with the help of CVM, proved also to be well balanced with
the cost, thus, helping the realization of the restoration project.
tural characteristics of the town is feasible and multiply beneficial for the future local develop-
ment.
2 TRADITIONAL SETTLEMENTS IN GREEK MOUNTAINOUS AREAS
Greek mountain areas hold an important number of traditional settlements. Their creation dates
back to the 14th and 15th ct. during the Ottoman Empire conquest in Greece. Greeks found ref-
uge in the mountains where they built their first settlements that later evolved in larger villages
and towns. The initial buildings were small sized, simple, one storey constructions that sheltered
men and animals. Only when people started to gain wealth and safety did they built larger con-
structions. Houses became two or three storied and more rooms were added in order to cover the
increasing needs. The building process followed the social needs and the available economic re-
sources. Settlements evolution lasted almost four centuries. These settlements were steadily
developing communities. Architecture was the cultural reflection of these communities evolu-
tion. It was during the 17th and 18th ct. that these areas reached the peak of their development.
Male population of many of these areas was traveling all over Greece and Europe selling their
products to many European cities that were the main merchant centers of the time. Merchants
made money that they later invested in their home places bringing prosperity and wealth to their
local communities. It was mainly during these centuries that most of the educational, religious
and other public buildings were constructed in the Greek mountain regions. The social decline
of these areas took place in the next century. Due to the general socioeconomic national condi-
tion many mountainous areas habitants left their home places searching for better life prospects
in the urban centers. Many villages were abandoned and the social life of these areas stayed at
the backstage of the national development planning. Hence, this social exclusion is largely ac-
countable for the preservation of many traditional settlements in mountainous Greece. Lack of
evolution was like an ice shell for the local architecture that kept it almost untouched for
years. Greeces mountains today are among the very few places, at national level, that hold an
important amount of well preserved traditional settlements.
3 ARCHITECTURAL DECLINE IN TRADITIONAL MOUNTAIN SETTLEMENTS
At the beginning of the 20
th
ct. Greece was transforming from a rural country to an urban one, in
terms of its populations habitation status. Rural way of life became, somehow, synonymous to
social delay and non development. Urban lifestyle was at the focus of interest. In this sense,
tourism in mountainous areas was out of the lifestyle choices of the time apart from few and
specific mountain regions that developed ski tourism. It was not until many years later when
mountain tourism began to grow and people returned to these areas, as visitors. Old houses were
reconstructed, new ones were built and many abandoned villages became second house places.
Despite of the general abandonment some regions managed to keep their population and pre-
sent a permanent habitation and a steady development till today. Lifestyle habits were altered at
these places, as well. New needs replaced the obsolete ones. Former social isolation was put
aside, rather quickly, mainly due to the strong televisions influence as well as the improvement
of the infrastructure facilities that brought these areas closer to the urban centers. Mountain re-
gions were before a new challenge: social evolution that had to find its expression in old, ver-
nacular building environments. Social changes and tourism, both unavoidable and necessary for
local mountain development, revealed a strong threat to what abandonment and nature had well
protected for years: the architectural heritage of these areas. Lack of design rules and inspired
local authorities hold important responsibility for the decline that these traditional building envi-
ronments undergo. A short sighted and profit oriented touristic development tends to trans-
form some of the most valuable architectural heritage to indifferent places of endless rows of
traditional like resorts. On the other hand, new buildings took away an important part of their
local identity. Structures with no architectural virtue seemed to have been planted among
compact building environments that counted hundreds years of life. Lack of continuity in forms
and function led to the creation of rather dull environments. Furthermore, the rapid invasion of
new building and land uses did not let the necessary time for their smooth and even absorption
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and embodiment. The coexistence of new and old is a challenge that can lead to inspired crea-
tions and improvement of a places character. Unfortunately, this is not what describes the ma-
jority of mountainous settlements, in Greeces mountains, today.
4 RESTORATION OF TRADITIONAL ARCHITECTURAL CHARACTER
Vernacular architecture is a national cultural heritage. It is a valuable vehicle of the history, the
social life and the technological development of the past. Once it is lost it cant be replaced.
Traditional settlements can not be reconstructed. Their physical existence in the natural envi-
ronment where they were born is an important part of their value. Furthermore, they are not
valuable as isolated buildings so as unities it is the structure of the villages, the interconnec-
tions between different building elements (buildings, bridges, squares, open spaces, streets,
e.t.c) that comprises the architecture.
When it comes to the protection and the preservations of vernacular architecture many issues
arise. Relative knowledge, necessary policy, constructive regulations, human skills, inspirational
architects and cost are among the most important. Many times cost appears to be an important
obstacle. Since economic resources are limited certain decisions have to be made, concerning
the distribution of these resources. In many cases the protection of vernacular buildings requires
work of high cost. Or, this seems to be the common feeling. Sometimes, just the idea of an ex-
pensive procedure is enough for it not to be realized.
Restoration of vernacular buildings is a common field in the architectural process. There is a
huge variety of restoration projects that demonstrates very good examples of embodying new
uses into old buildings. In Greek mountain regions there are such examples concerning the res-
toration of old buildings and their transformation mainly to hotels or museums. Apart from oth-
er obvious advantages the reuse of old vernacular buildings offers an additional benefit to the
improvement of the local communities living quality, as well. Restoration projects may as well
concern modern buildings in an effort to regain their lost initial architectural characteristics. Re-
designing of such buildings may contribute to the regaining of the declined traditional character
of many places.
5 CASE STUDY: THE MOUNTAINOUS TOWN OF METSOVO
In this paper a case study of a restoration project is presented. The project took place at the
mountainous town of Metsovo, in Greece, a small town of 3,500 inhabitants. It holds an im-
portant amount of vernacular buildings along with new ones that have been built since the 50s.
Many parts of the town undergo severe decline of the local architectural character. Loss of local
identity is already evident and pointed out from the towns visitors and its habitants. The resto-
ration project concerns the redesign and enhancement of several buildings and the main en-
trance of the town. Aiming at the regaining of the lost traditional character it is focused mainly
on the redesign of the facades of the buildings along with specific design proposals for the
towns entrance and the main street. The design proposals are accomplished with analytical con-
struction cost. Furthermore, a survey was applied to the visitors of the town revealing their opin-
ions on local architecture, the need for its protection and their willingness to contribute with an
amount of money for the preservation of local vernacular architecture. The results of the survey
proved really interesting. The visitors willingness to pay was revealed with the application of
Contingent Valuation Method (CVM). It was proved that the total amount of money, the visitors
being willing to give, can be compared with the local Municipalitys annual budget and justifies
the amount of money required for the restoration project.
5.1 The vernacular architecture of the town of Metsovo
Metsovo is located at an altitude of 1,150m. in the mountain range of Pindos. It is situated at an
inclined slope surrounded by mountains and forests. Metsovos vernacular architecture bears the
general characteristics of the local architecture of Epirus region holding at the same time some
special, local peculiarities. Vernacular architecture in Metsovo, as everywhere else, is strongly
influenced by the landscape, the climatic conditions and the available natural resources. The
buildings are two or three storied taking full advantage of the strongly inclined land. The exter-
nal walls are built with stone taken from the surrounding mountainous terrain. They are 0,70
1,00m. thick. In some cases part of the external walls of the second or the third floor is made of
wood structure, painted on the external faade. Windows are few and small. They are placed on
the south side of the building, in order to avoid thermal loss (from the north). A usual character-
istic of the upper floor is a small wooden structured projection in the middle of the faade. It is
made to raise the inner space and enable more light to the inside of the house. The buildings are
covered with inclined roofs made of wooden structure and covered with thin stones (limestone).
The roof extends the perimeter of the house (0,40 0,60 m.) in order to protect it from the
rain and the sun. Being very close to one another (the buildings) the roofs extensions create
shadow to the roads under them and protect people from rain. Fireplaces are put in one or two
rooms of the house and their chimneys create a very interesting architectural characteristic
throughout the settlement. Buildings are close to each other for the maximum use of limited
space. The settlement is developed around a central square that is the social, commercial, reli-
gious and administrative center of the settlement. Several smaller centers, around churches, did
develop through years in other parts of the settlement. Stone made fountains are dispersed
throughout the settlement for the best public service. In the following pictures there are some
representative vernacular buildings of Metsovo.

Pictures 1 4. Vernacular architecture of Metsovo
5.2 Modern constructions in the traditional environment of Metsovo
The building environment is the spatial expression of the social needs and changes. The town of
Metsovo is a vivid place under constant evolution. Its architectural characteristics today witness
the development procedure that has been taking place. The first important alterations, at the
building environment, took place at the decade of fifties, mainly, when new construction mate-
rials replaced the old ones. Concrete and aluminium were then used instead of the local stone
and wood. New materials were easier to find and at a lower cost. Skilled craftsmen of stone or
wood were rather scarce, since this occupation was becoming rare among young people. New
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materials also offered more freedom to morphological experiments and maximized the used
space. (Thinner external walls enabled bigger inner space. Concrete constructions were free of
storey limitations). New buildings were constructed in some parts of the town, irrespective of
the local traditional character. Holding no architectural virtue, these new buildings covered spe-
cific needs when, at the same time, contributed to a severe loss of local architectural identity.
Important parts of the town began to resemble to any other indifferent urban centers, of Greece.
It was only in 1975 and 1978 when the town of Metsovo was included among 400 settle-
ments, all over Greece, that were declared as traditional settlements and special law was applied
in order to secure their architectural characteristics protection. Yet, there had been almost twen-
ty years of construction activity, in Metsovo, that had already shaped firmly parts of the town.
Protective building regulation did pose certain restrictions although it did not prove to be very
efficient. Regulations made obligatory the use of stone at the external walls of the buildings (on-
ly to the height of the ground and first floor) as well as posed certain restrictions to the height of
the buildings and the materials of their windows structure. But, detached regulations without an
overall plan for the place are not effective. Therefore, there was not much improvement to the
whole character of the town even after the building constructions restrictions. A general view
of the architectural characteristics of Metsovo is presented in the following pictures.

Pictures 5 and 6. New architecture of Metsovo
5.3 A restoration proposal for the town of Metsovo
In view of regaining the towns local traditional identity a restoration project was realized.
Methodologically the project consisted of three steps:
a. Analytical study of the existing buildings and public spaces condition.
b. Detection of the main elements that contribute to the decline of the local traditional archi-
tecture and set up of the main design principles and goals.
c. Presentation of the design project through sketches and drawings.
Fourteen buildings along the main street of the town were selected according to their special
characteristics. Three general building categories were identified: Old vernacular buildings that
have undergone various changes to their external facades, newer buildings that bear some char-
acteristics of the local vernacular architecture (i.e.: stone walls, wooden openings, e.t.c.) and
newer buildings that are typical of the common urban, Greek architecture. Different kind of de-
sign approach was decided for each one of the three categories. Design proposals for the exter-
nal facades consisted either of few slight changes or, in some cases, of a holistic new redesign
of the building. The proposals aim was to reestablish a morphological dialogue between tradi-
tion and modernity. Reconstruction of parts of some buildings brought elements that combine
the old with the new. The main principals of the design proposals were: The reduction of the
openings size when this was possible (especially the window-frames of the shops), the use of
stone on the external facades (following the local building technique), the use of wood on the
openings frames, the use of wood instead of other materials for the construction of the balco-
nies rails (according to local traditional rails construction techniques and patterns), the removal
of every decorative piece of the buildings facades in accordance with the local austere architec-
ture (i.e.: little statues), the removal and reconstruction of decorative stone facades, the removal
and redesign of signs and labels on the buildings. One of the main aims of the proposal was the
establishment of continuity between nearby buildings. Existing elements of buildings were tak-
en under consideration during the design procedure.
Furthermore, the open space was also studied. Several proposals were made for the open
space between the buildings and the street. Part of the main street was redesigned as a cobbled
road for pedestrians. Several parking places were designed along the pedestrian road. The open
spaces infrastructure was also studied and design proposals were made for the signs as well as
the general set up of the street tubs. Finally, a design proposal for the redesign of the main en-
trance of the town was made consisting of the creation of a special entrance landmark, the re-
placement of part of the asphalt with cobbled road (mainly for the optical signaling of the en-
trance), the creation of pedestrians sidewalks, along the street, that lead to the central square
and the creation of parking space, near the entrance, outside of the sore of the town.
Every construction work was cost estimated according to the relative building cost legisla-
tion. The construction cost of the design proposal was estimated to vary between 6,500 and
25,000 depending on the building. An average cost of 150 /m
2
was estimated. The cost for the
reconstruction works for the fourteen buildings was estimated to 700,000. Finally, the cost for
the reconstruction of the whole proposal (including the cobbled road and the main entrance of
the town) was estimated at almost 1,200,000 1,400,000 .
In the following pictures some characteristic examples of the design proposal are presented.

Picture 7 a. Existing building
Unfinished upper floor, yellow walls, big signs and large openings are the buildings main problems

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Picture 7 b. Design proposal
Stone walls, wooden construction on part of the upper floor, reduction of openings size

Picture 8 a. Existing building Picture 8 b. Design proposal
Balconys rail, large openings, signs are the buildings main problems. Reduction of openings size, chro-
matic unification of the openings, redesign of the signs and replacement of the rail with a wooden one is
the design proposal.

Picture 9 a. Existing building Picture 9 b. Design proposal

Large openings, yellow walls, signs, rails are the buildings main problems. Stone walls, wooden con-
struction for the unification of the two floors, reduction of openings size and removal redesign of the
signs is the design proposal.

Picture 10 a. Existing building
Picture 10 b. Design proposal
Large openings, pink frames, metal rails and general mess of the building were its main problems.
Reduction of openings size, removal of pink frames and replacement with wooden ones, removal and re-
design of signs and lighting, wooden construction on the upper floor and separation of the balcony in two
smaller with wooden rails is the design proposal.
6 THE VISITORS OF METSOVO OPINIONS ON THE LOCAL TRADITIONAL
BUILDING ENVIRONMENT
In 2008 and 2010 two surveys were contacted to the town of Metsovo, regarding its visitors
views on the protection of the local vernacular architecture. In both surveys visitors opinions
were similar. It came out that an 18% of the visitors consider Metsovo to be a totally traditional
settlement. Almost half of the visitors stated that Metsovo preserves its traditional character
pointing out, at the same time, several elements that contribute to the decline of the local charac-
ter. Almost 17% of the visitors point out many elements that lead to the loss of local traditional
character. Furthermore, almost half of the visitors think that the preservation of the local tradi-
tional character is important because it is part of the national cultural heritage and it should be
protected for the next generations. Another 45% of the visitors stated that its protection is neces-
sary because it represents the identity of the place; if its lost the town wont be an attractive
tourist destination any more. Visitors of Metsovo pointed out the main elements that, in their
opinion, contribute mostly to the local architectural characters decline. The vehicle traffic in
the town and especially along its main street and around its main square proved to be the most
negative parameter of all. The morphological characteristics of the buildings (new materials and
their way of use) along with the public spaces infrastructure (road signs, commercial signs,
waste tubs, e.t.c) are the following two elements that degrade the local identity of the place.
Among all, the buildings characteristics are considered to have the most intense impact.
7 ESTIMATING THE LOCAL VERNACULAR ARCHITECTURE OF METSOVO WITH
THE APPLICATION OF THE CONTINGENT VALUATION METHOD
In order to estimate the economic value of local vernacular architecture of Metsovo CVM was
applied. Visitors were given a hypothetical scenario to which they were asked to respond. This
scenario was: The protection and preservation of local architectural character requires several
construction work restoration of old buildings, restructure of cobbled roads, e.t.c. If an institu-
tion was to be founded in order to take on this kind of work would you be voluntarily willing to
give an amount of money, to the institution?
If yes, how much money would you be willing to give?
Almost 40% of the visitors, in both surveys, were willing to pay an amount of money that
varied between 5 to 500.
Visitors were then asked to state the reasons for which they would be willing to pay the
amount of money. Almost half of them (45%) stated that that they would so because vernacular
architecture should be protected as cultural heritage and be passed on to the next generations.
Almost 25% of the visitors would support the institution because protecting the local architec-
ture is actually a good investment in the towns future development preservation of local
traditional character will attract tourists to the town. Almost 17% of the visitors would be will-
ing to give an amount of money because, to them, protecting the vernacular architecture is syn-
onymous to the protection of the local natural environment. Finally, another 15% of the visitors
stated that they would contribute economically as a continuation to the local tradition of bene-
faction.
In order to estimate the total value of the local vernacular architecture three elements were
taken under consideration:
a. The total annual number of visitors in the town of Metsovo
b. The percentage of the visitors who were willing to pay an amount of money
c. The average amount of money, per person, that the visitors were willing to pay
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In view of the above parameters the total annual economic value of the local vernacular archi-
tecture of Metsovo was estimated to vary between 900,000 to 1,300,000.
Comparing the construction cost estimated in order for the restoration project to be realized
with the total amount of money that the visitors of Metsovo would be willing to pay for the
preservation of local traditional character it becomes evident that the realization of the project is
feasible in terms of cost. The assertion that protection and preservation of traditional architec-
ture is impractical due to huge construction cost required proves to be groundless. Restoration
projects do indeed require an attainable amount of money. Mostly, they require inspiration and
practical solutions that will offer multiple added value with the less needed construction work.
8 CONCLUSIONS
Many interesting findings came out of the survey. The building environment of a mountainous
region plays important role to its development. A well preserved and of high aesthetic quality
building environment adds important value to the place. It is actually one of the main reasons
that attract visitors. To them, the architectural identity of a place is of primary importance and
should be definitely protected and further enhanced. Although they are attracted by a traditional
settlement they do encourage its protection mainly for its cultural and its bequest value. Restora-
tion of the traditional characteristics of a place requires definitely some amount of money.
Mostly it requires inspirited design proposals that will deprive the place from everything that ru-
ins its identity and reveal its hidden, or lost, special character. Just a simple organization of the
place with the removal of anything unnecessary can very much improve the places image with
no cost. Architectural proposals inspired from the local tradition and history aiming at harmoni-
cally unite the old with the new can ensure a successful restoration project. Furthermore, CVM
proved a very useful tool to the direction of estimating the real value of vernacular architecture
and, mainly, to utilize the results in a documented argumentation in favor of the protection of
vernacular architecture in mountainous areas.
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studies in Spain. Journal of Cultural Heritage 5(1): 101111.
Giannakopoulou S, Kaliampakos D (2010) Valuing vernacular architecture: An innovative tool in sus-
tainable tourism and development in mountain regions. International Conference on Global Change
and the World's Mountains, 2630 September, Perth, Scotland.
Godde P, Price MF, Zimmermann F (eds.) (2000) Tourism and development in mountain regions, CAB
International, Wallingford.
Hampton MP (2005) Heritage, Local Communities and Economic Development. Annals of Tourism Re-
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Harisis V (1995) Metsovo. In: Filippidis D (ed.), Greek vernacular architecture. Thessaly Epirus (vol.
6), Melissa, Athens. (In Greek)
Keppa C (2007) The traditional settlements of East Macedonia and Thrace. Texnografima 12/336: 12
13. (In Greek)
Kim SS, Wong KKF, Cho M (2007). Assessing the economic value of a world heritage site and willing-
ness-to-pay determinants: A case of Changdeok Palace. Tourism Management 28(1): 317322.
Noonan DS (2003). Contingent valuation and cultural resources: A meta-analytic review of the literature.
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1 INTRODUCTION
The interconnected impact relation between socioeconomic sustainable development and her-
itage conservation was increasing over the 1980s-1990s; but the significant impact started to
take place by the end of the 1990s-2009 as a result of mass urbanization-modernization process
(Shams, 2010). Cultural tourism means the travel of people far from their regular residence, the
purpose of the travel being to acquire new information and experiences and to satisfy their cul-
tural needs. Cultural tourism is that branch of tourism that relies on the cultural heritage of a
certain territory. Cultural tourism does not refer only to those material tangible things sites and
items but those intangible, too, such as the language spoken, oral traditions, social practices,
rituals, festive events, etc. Most times cultural tourism contributes to the discovery of a life-
style, of daily habits, often reflected in buildings, sites and historical monuments. Frequently,
cultural diversity is acknowledged as fundamental and in perfect harmony with the guidelines of
sustainable development, whence the need that it should be familiar to and accepted by future
generations (UNESCO, 2006). The cultural heritage is a key resource for the sustainable de-
velopment of the current local communities (Altenburg, K. F., 2010, Oliveira and Ribeiro,
2010), but, the success of sustainable development requires the active participation of the local
communities involved (Chou, 2010).
From the point of view of development, cultural tourism is part of the smart development
category. In the end, the integrated development of the Metropolitan Area of Bucharest is an in-
stance of smart development, therefore cultural tourism in the area leads to Smart Metropolitan
Development. This concept, similar to the concept of smart growth, emerged 20 years ago,
Cultural tourism crossing the integrated development of the
Bucharest metropolitan area
I. Ianos
University of Bucharest, Bucharest, Romania
D. P. Radu
D. Peptenatu
C. Draghici
C. Merciu
University of Bucharest, The Bucharest, Romania
L. Cercleux
ABSTRACT: Cultural tourism is a traditional form of the Bucharest metropolitan area, charac-
terized by a diversity of cultural objectives. The cultural resources addresses to a distinctive cat-
egory of tourism demand, attracted to history and culture of the capital and its surroundings,
numerous historic events related to the capital left their mark also in the adjacent area. The pur-
pose of this study is to rank the existing cultural heritage of the metropolitan area of Bucharest
in order to develop a process of delimitation of areas of tourist attraction based on objective cri-
teria. The delineation of the concentration of the cultural tourism assets is designed to support
the integrated development. Metropolitan area characteristics can be summarized in the exist-
ence of morphological features, based on the physiognomy of the urban landscape, with fre-
quent "breakthrough urban" areas of attraction due to central areas generated by the historical
ties between the city and its metropolitan area.
and it is increasingly often used by urbanists, architects and historians. This concept concerns a
long-term development, and the general term to best describe this concept is that of sustainable
development, resource stewardship (Resource Stewardship) or best practices (Best Practices),
which, basically, are not merely ideas (Ramos, 2010).
The rapid development of the relations between tourism and creativity indicates in the recent
period an increasing share of the role of creativity in the tourism industry, and simultaneously,
the multiplication of the tourism studies that resort to the creative industry. The role of creativity
in tourism is reflected in a positive manner in cultural tourist enterprises. Creativity in this field
has the role of transforming traditional cultural tourism (the switch from the tangible cultural
heritage towards the intangible culture, much more involved in the everyday life of local com-
munities that conduct current activities in the respective destinations). The birth of creative tour-
ism reflects the close relation between tourism and the various strategies for touristic develop-
ment (Richards, 2011).
This kind of tourism includes among others tourism in urban areas, especially in those cities
marked by an important historical past, where the ancient buildings, testimony of past architec-
tonic styles, are found, with a big load of historical wealth. Moreover, cultural tourism is also
defined by museums, which retain and at the same time preserve history, by means of their
themed layout. At the same time, the cultural side of tourism is also defined by theaters, which,
by way of the actors unique talent, manage to stage works that recall to mind certain past cus-
toms. As a place of occurrence, cultural tourism can also be practiced in rural areas, by present-
ing the traditions and customs of local communities (costumes, traditions, festivals, customs,
etc). A statement valid as a rule on cultural tourism is that the cultural tourism market sector is
much more dynamic than the other sectors of that market. Because of the ever-rising popularity
of cultural tourism, exploitation of cultural resources is an opportunity for economic develop-
ment (Loukaitou-Sideris and Soureli, 2012). A recent report released by the OECD empha-
sized the important role of cultural tourism may have in regional development, in various re-
gions of the world. By its contribution to the local budget, it turns out to be an important
contributor to the economic balance of the local communities, where that sector is well-
developed and even there where investments in this sector proved to be in incipient stages. On
the other hand, culture and tourism are two important elements for development in general, as
well as for economic development, in particular. In the context of current development, these
are very difficult to tackle in separation.
Environment, economy, society and culture are the four 4 sides of sustainable development
(Sterner, 2010). Economic development must be viewed in such a way as to be integrated in a
systemic manner. This presupposes that the sector of cultural tourism should be developed,
alongside the other sectors of tourism, and tourism as the bigger economic venture should not
disturb the natural algorithm of evolution and functioning of the respective territorial system.
Some cities, with an important historical past, can find a genuine challenge in pleading for the
support and development of cultural tourism. On the other hand, if that challenge resorts to less
competitive tourist destinations, certain problems related to management, to funding capacity,
and to the sustainability of the phenomenon per se, may arise (Suosheng et al., 2011).
2 MATERIALS AND METHODS
The metropolitan area of the city of Bucharest, a functional entity made up of the City of Bucha-
rest and 186 administrative-territorial units (cities, towns and municipalities) (Fig. no.1). As far
as its functionality is concerned, currently the capital of Romania, although from the point of
view of the number of inhabitants it would seem to be the sole city to comply with the prerequi-
sites for the creation of a metropolitan area, it has not managed to establish a legitimate metro-
politan area. The space around the capital has been organized into a natural manner, according
to the written and unwritten laws of territorial development. The Metropolitan Area of the City
of Bucharest was outlined by means of a complex methodology, grounded in the overlapping of
several areas of influence (minimum three). The areas taken into account are the economic area,
the demographic area, the socio-cultural area, the leisure and weekend activity area and the
transport area. Bearing in mind that the urban influence of a city consists in several areas of ur-
Heritage 2012
ban influence, one may say that its average size is determined by the intersection of the areas of
influence of at least three elements (Ianos, 1987), so:

( )
n
j
aj
n I Ia
1
3
=
= ; (1)
I
a
= the influence area of a town;
I
aj
= influence area of an element;
n = number of elements taken into account.

Figure 1. The Metropolitan Area of Bucharest and the main cultural and historical heritage
3 RESULTS
The core hypothesis used as the starting point is that cultural tourism elevates the territo-
rial development of a metropolitan space. This is the consequence of the fact that tourism valor-
izes certain touristic resources. The client pool of this form of tourism is of a particular type. In
general, it consists in people belonging to a medium-to-high social class, people with above-
average income, people with certain standards, who are eventually willing to allocate much big-
ger sums of money on such touristic enterprises, with the respective leisure services.
Also in the map there are represented the main cultural and historical heritage. It can be no-
ticed that around the Capital there are located a lot of old settlements, some of them are dated
from the prehistorically era. In order to preserve the cultural heritage, in some towns around
Bucharest were established some museums. Their role is to present for the next generations the
customs and the tools, our ancestors used in the past. These, are also kept nowadays in some lo-
calities around, such are the pottery (ceramic) and wickerwork.
The cultural heritage and the touristic activities specific to that niche, an improvement of the
general or specific infrastructure, as well as an improved capitalization of the extant touristic
patrimony, are highly recommended (Pintilii et.al., 2010).
In order to develop the entire area, from the economic point of view, the tourism as a main
component, acts as variable elements. By some correct decisional impulses, with a sufficient
loading for attaining the some economic standards, other components of the territorial system
can be set in motion to sustain the development process (Peptenatu et al., 2009).
For the Metropolitan Area of the City of Bucharest, cultural tourism is a form of tourism with
a long tradition. The area encompassed by this study disposes of a diversity of assets with cul-
tural historical meanings. In order to be able to create a consistent strategy to capitalize on the
cultural tourist heritage, a first step has to be inventorying the touristic resources with a cultural
value in the metropolitan area of the city of Bucharest, followed by their classification from the
point of view of typology, in turn followed by an analysis of the general and specific infrastruc-
ture available to the Metropolitan Area of the City of Bucharest. For the inventory of the cultur-
al touristic resources, the list of historical and cultural monuments was used as the main source
of data.
Cultural-historical resources, in general, target a specific category of tourist demand. Thus,
they are sought by that group of tourists who are attracted to history, to culture and to numerous
historical events linked to the city of Bucharest and its surroundings. For this reason, one may
justly say that cultural tourism in Bucharest and the neighboring area is an elite tourism.
The touristic resources with a cultural-historical vocation, inventoried by the competent min-
ister, were divided into 18 categories (Tab. no. 1). Thus, the biggest part of the cultural histori-
cal tourist attractions in the metropolitan area of the capital city is included in the settlement
category. They amount to a total of 211, 3 of them fortified settlements.

Table 1. Types of cultural heritage in the Metropolitan Area of Bucharest

Source: INMI, 2012

Churches rank on the second place, with a total of 101. They are supplemented by a number
of 3 places of worship exclusively built in wood. They all belong to the Orthodox Christian de-
nomination, as mentioned in the name of the place of worship. Most of them are named after
Site
Number of
sites
Settlement 211
Church 110
Archaeological site 52
House 51
Palaces and manors 36
Memorials 13
Monastery complex 12
Religious monument 12
Ruins 10
Necropolis 9
Old schoolhouse 7
Curtain wall 5
Inn 2
Museum 2
Hospital 2
Fort 1
Mill 1
Park 1
Total 537
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Saint Nicolas, Saint George and Saint Elijah. Archaeological sites (52) also hold an important
place in the hierarchy of memorials. The houses, with a historical cultural value, are ancient
constructions, which were inventoried and included on the list of historical monuments because
of their architectural style as well as their age. The palaces and manors, the latter also known as
villa rustica, as province residences of the medieval nobility, are relatively numerous in the
metropolitan area of the capital city. After a refurbishing and restoration in the architectural
style and using the materials typical of the time of their construction, they could be included in
the tourist circuit, thus completing the cultural tourism offer of the Bucharest peri-urban area.
Among them, mention should be made of the Mogooaia palace Constantin Brncoveanus
summer residence, the Ghica Palace, the tirbey Palace, and others. These royal residences, lo-
cated close to the capital city, are connected with the construction of the most representative
churches and monasteries of classical Romanian architecture.
The 13 historical monuments are complexes built in places with a particular significance for
the Romanian people. They were built on the battlefields of the wars that marked the history and
evolution of the Romanian people. Their purpose is to remind of the forebears valiant struggle
in past wars, and their sacrifice in fighting to defend the whole of the Romanian state. The num-
ber of monastery complexes equals that of religious monuments, a total of 12. Some of the most
representative monastery complexes are located within the metropolitan area of the capital city
(Pasrea, Cernica, Snagov, Cldruani, Comana, among others). Some of them make up genu-
ine complexes, and, in terms of location, they benefit from the presence of lakes or tracts of for-
est, which makes them wonderful places to spend leisure time, particularly on weekends. For
cultural tourism, they are important because museum complexes are established on their prem-
ises which present the history of the places and the times past, but also artifacts that refer to the
customs and trades of those respective periods.
With a much more limited variety, less than 10 assets, the other cultural-historical attractions
round up the cultural potential of the metropolitan area of the capital.
According to the distribution in terms of counties of the number of cultural-historical attrac-
tions, inventoried inside the metropolitan area (Tab. no. 2), Ilfov county ranks on first place
(237 assets 44.13%), followed by Giurgiu county (108 assets 20.11%). Teleorman county
ranks on last place (21 assets 3.91%). The figures in the table are influenced on the one hand
by the number of townships in the respective county that are included in the structure of the
metropolitan area of the capital city, and on the other hand by the history and tradition of the
place, by the role and the function of the respective settlements in various stages of history.

Table 2. Cultural-historical attractions, inventoried inside the Metropolitan Area

Source: INMI, 2012

These cultural-historical assets may be grouped into areas of tourist attraction, so that coher-
ent strategies for integrated development could be designed. The complexity of the metropolitan
area of Bucharest is highlighted by the development of a new form of leisure tourism, which
rounds up the tourist offer, mainly meant for the inhabitants of the metropolis.
County Cultural resources
% of to-
tal
Prahova 35 6,52
Teleorman 21 3,91
Ialomita 46 8,57
Calarasi 54 10,06
Dambovita 36 6,70
Giurgiu 108 20,11
Ilfov 237 44,13
Total 537 100
Because of the overcrowding of the capital city and the increasingly acute shortage of intra-
urban green areas, one could recently notice a need to accept a sustainable metropolitan devel-
opment policy, which would take into consideration both the capital city, and its metropolitan
area, as two sub-systems with mutual relations. The effects of the deindustrialization of the re-
cent period could be countered by means of the development of tourism and especially cultural
tourism. Tourism in the metropolitan area of the capital city presents a new and distinct model
compared to urban tourism. The latter is different, function of the motivation, duration, dynam-
ics and costs (Pintilii et al., 2011).
4 DISCUSSION
Thus, cultural tourism developed in the Metropolitan Area of the City of Bucharest has an im-
portant contribution to the areas integrated development, because of several factors. The com-
plementarity of touristic resources was identified among these factors. Numerous cultural and
historical assets, as well as assets of other kinds, were identified both inside the city of Bucha-
rest and in its vicinity, and their role is to add to the man-made tourist potential of the entire
metropolitan area. Another factor is determined by the direct and indirect effects on the built-up
space. Experience has proved that the presence of tourist resources in a particular territory was
able to (re)organize it in an improved way, giving (or restoring) it an improved and special func-
tionality. At the same time, tourism in general, and cultural tourism in particular contribute to
local and inter-local development. It leads to the growth of local and regional budgets, having a
significant contribution to the economic balance. Therefore, due to the fact that the weight of
cultural historical tourist resources of the total is quite significant, cultural touristic activities in-
side the Metropolitan Area of the capital city can contribute to an integrated sustainable devel-
opment of the entire space analyzed. Thus, a series of mutual relationships can be established
among the elements of that space, with lasting effects on the inhabitants, effects that have prov-
en to be always positive.
Historical cultural tourist attractions inside the metropolitan area of the city of Bucharest can
be classified function of their historical value. They have a particular significance for the history
of the region. In addition, the aesthetical value by means of the degree of preservation and
their embedding into the natural environment and their architectural value led to the develop-
ment of auxiliary services in high-potential areas.
The development of cultural tourism can act as an important factor and premises for the de-
velopment of the creative industries in Romania. One example in this respect is the development
of the film studios in Buftea (the MediaPRO studios), as well as the creation workshops in
Mogooaia. In addition, certain restored buildings are nowadays used as settings in the shooting
of historical films or films whose action unfolds in the periods of time the respective buildings
go back to.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
This study was supported by the strategic projects POSDRU /89/1.5/S/58852 Post-doctoral
program for training of researchers in science co-funded by the European Social Fund by way
of the Operational Sectoral Program for Development of Human Resources 2007-2013.
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Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
Like many industrial regions in the developed world, the mining districts and manufacturing areas of the
United Kingdom have experienced a steady decline since the turn of the twentieth century. A significant
proportion of these areas remain amongst the most disadvantaged in terms of income, employment,
health, education and housing (DCLG, 2011; Scottish Government 2009; Welsh Government 2011).
While the relationship between influencing factors remains complex, such persistent disadvantage indi-
cates long-term social as well as economic and environmental problems (Saunders, 2011). Many former
industrial areas, therefore, represent a significant challenge for public policy and strategies for regional
regeneration.
De-industrialised areas do not generally conform to the stereotypical image of heritage as an aesthetically
pleasing expression of artistic achievement nor do they stand as compact commemorative symbols of his-
torically significant events. They do, however, represent a period, in the relatively recent past, of signifi-
cant technical innovation accompanied by extensive socio-cultural change and the global ascendency of
Western Europe. As time fades the memory of poor living conditions and unsafe work practices, a strate-
gic shift has taken place in a search for the legitimacy of industrial heritage. Nowhere is the outcome of
this shift more evident than in the trebling of industrial sites on the World Heritage List since 1997.
Long championed by technical enthusiasts, there has been an increasing interest in industrial heritage
amongst heritage professionals and the wider public. This interest has been prompted as much by curios-
ity in Victorian innovation and enterprise as it has by a desire to celebrate national achievement and com-
pensate for a lessening of pre-eminence on the global stage (Alfrey & Putnam, 1992; Pendlebury, 2009).
Industrial heritage has, through this process, become an essential expression of national identity in many
former industrialised countries.
Industrial heritage as a sustainable resource: economic fact or
political fiction
C. Landorf
The University of Queensland
ABSTRACT: An important issue currently facing many complex industrial heritage sites is the integra-
tion of sustainable development into their planning and management processes. While UNESCO has re-
cently affirmed that heritage is an instrument for the sustainable development of all societies, relatively
little attention has been paid to the implications of this for heritage practice. This paper opens with an ex-
amination of the theoretical dimensions of sustainable development before moving to consider the utilisa-
tion of heritage as a vehicle for sustainable development policy. Based on this understanding, the paper
then aims to identify the extent to which the principles of sustainable development are being applied at six
industrial World Heritage sites in the UK. The research is founded on a content analysis of management
plans, and a thematic analysis of physical surveys and interviews. Ten issues facing the sustainable man-
agement of industrial heritage sites are identified. The paper concludes with the presentation of a man-
agement model that responds to the requirements for conservation as well as the sustainable use of indus-
trial heritage sites.
Such nostalgic concern is matched by the utilised of industrial heritage in public policy. This is particu-
larly evident in the use of historic environments as a vehicle for interventions aimed at combating the de-
cline associated with de-industrialisation (Hospers, 2002; Reeves et al., 2011; Waterton, 2010 & 2011).
The utilisation of heritage in this way is most obvious in Europe and the UK where strategies for the re-
generation of historic environments have been linked to wider policy concerns with social inclusion and
sustainable development (Pendlebury, 2009; Waterton & Smith 2010). Despite the strong theoretical im-
petus, however, more research into the practical outcomes of such policy is needed before a relationship
can be positively established (Bramley & Power, 2009; Colomb, 2007; Landorf, 2011). Without this evi-
dence any connection between the historic environment and social behaviour remains largely an assumed
one.
In addition to the developments noted above, industrial heritage faces several unique issues that impact on
its perceived value and management as a sustainable resource. These include the scale, complexity, ordi-
nariness and contaminated nature of many industrial heritage sites. Such factors are further complicated
by the recent affirmation by UNESCO (2005) that heritage is an instrument for the sustainable develop-
ment of all societies. As this paper will argue, such a statement carries with it two implications. The first
relates to the implementation of a long-term and holistic planning process at heritage sites and the second
relates to the engagement of multiple stakeholders in that planning process. Both of these concepts are
well supported in the literature as contributors to sustainable development. However, like the connection
between the historic environment and social behaviour, limited empirical evidence is available to support
their effectiveness in practice.
This paper aims to explore the impact of these mitigating factors on the management of industrial heritage
sites and, specifically, the extent to which the principles of sustainable development are being applied at
six industrial World Heritage sites in the UK. The paper opens with a brief examination of the theoretical
dimensions of sustainable development before moving to consider how industrial heritage is being util-
ised as a vehicle for sustainable development policy. This understanding is used to inform a content
analysis of management plans, and a thematic analysis of physical surveys and interviews. The analysis
centres on six dimensions derived from the literature on sustainable development and heritage manage-
ment situational analysis, strategic direction, organisational design, and stakeholder identity, scope and
continuity. Based on this analysis, ten key issues facing the sustainable management of industrial heritage
sites are identified. The paper argues that these issues, evident in current management frameworks and
collaboration processes, potentially limit the development of sustainable local commercial activities and
associative attachments. The paper concludes with the presentation of a management model that responds
to the requirements for conservation as well as the sustainable use of industrial heritage sites.
2 THE DIMENSIONS OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
Despite the contentious nature of sustainable development, two key operational characteristics or strategic
dimensions are evident in the literature. The first dimension is the use of a long-term and holistic plan-
ning process as the framework for stakeholder participation. Specific support can be found for strategic
planning as a long-term and holistic planning process. While there is no universally accepted definition,
strategic planning as a concept encapsulates the process of aligning an organisations resources with its
external environment so as to improve its relative competitive performance (ORegan & Ghobadian,
2002). Most definitions are also concerned with setting a long-term direction for an organisation, devel-
oping the capacity of an organisation to respond to a changing external environment, and increasing the
sustainability of an organisations activities (Johnson et al., 2008).
Strategic planning embodies many of the principles of sustainable development first defined by the World
Commission on Environment and Development (WCED, 1987). Simpson (2001:12) observes that strate-
gic planning implies a long-term perspective, requires consideration of multiple situational influences, is
. . . goal oriented, and can accommodate a wide variety of conflicting perspectives. This aligns with the
WCED appeal for a coordinated approach to the parallel problems of environmental degradation and lack
of equitable economic and social development. Strategic planning also adopts a circular model of inte-
grated cause and effect (Simpson, 2001). This promotes the holistic and future oriented approach required
for intra-generational and inter-generational equity, also promoted by the WECD as a critical sustainabil-
ity principle. Further support is provided by Williams (2006) who argues that a strong strategic planning
process establishes the accountability and evaluation frameworks considered necessary for sustainable
development by the WCED.
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The second strategic dimension of sustainable development is the participation and empowerment of mul-
tiple stakeholders in any long-term and holistic planning process. As an idealistic concept, the meaningful
engagement of multiple stakeholders throughout the decision-making process is generally accepted as
fundamental to achieving a collective sense of ownership and responsibility for the sustainable develop-
ment of a resource (Aas et al., 2005; Jamal & Getz, 1995; Wood & Leighton, 2010). It is this collective
responsibility that is central to the concept of social cohesion and the impetus for much of the public pol-
icy in the area of social sustainability (Bramley & Power, 2009; Robinson, 2005).
A fundamental assumption is that stakeholders, particularly local stakeholders, have a more direct need to
reduce the inter-generational impacts of any resource use (Milne & Ateljevic 2001). There is also an as-
sumption that local stakeholders have a greater understanding of the economic, environmental and social
needs and resources of a community, and how these might best be integrated into broader regional and
national systems (Evans, 2000; Richards & Hall, 2000). This aligns with the WCED principle that all de-
velopment should be intra-generationally and inter-generationally equitable, and that economic, environ-
mental and social concerns should be integrated into a holistic decision-making process. While theoreti-
cally supported in the literature, a significant complicating issue for the practical application of strategies
for stakeholder participation is the identification legitimate stakeholders and, once identified, their equita-
ble contribution to the process.
While participation in community decision-making has been the cornerstone of Western democracy, the
literature suggests it has been slowly eroded over time. Many reasons for this can be identified but three
have direct implications for the sustainable management of historic environments. The first is the rise of
knowledge-based expertise, a development that has been argued to diminish the equitable flow of dia-
logue between expert and community. Smith (2006) has, in particular, argued cogently about the as-
cendency of heritage experts as the recognised stewards of the past and the impact this has had on the
promotion of, firstly, a more homogenised approach to history and, secondly, a reduced level of stake-
holder participation in the management of that history.
A second reason for the erosion of community participation in decision-making stems from the commer-
cialisation of functions once performed by government. The argument extended here is that the private
sector is not subject to the same public accountability as a democratically elected government, nor is it
subject to the same requirement to respond in the public interest (Bull & Jones, 2006; Davidson & Lock-
wood, 2008; Davies, 2002). This has obvious implications for government initiated regeneration strate-
gies in historic environments that are, ultimately, enacted by the private sector.
Finally, a central strategy toward achieving social sustainability has been the adoption of more participa-
tory modes of governance and the devolution of power from central government to local communities
(Chhotray and Stoker, 2009). This would theoretically support an increase in stakeholder participation.
However, Gallent (2008) draws attention to an inherent need to retain some level of central control over
functions that might otherwise be the subject of considerable conflict and indecision at a local level, and
have potentially negative consequences for sustainable development at a national level. Land use plan-
ning and development control is one such function where governments are struggling to balance strategic
oversight with the empowerment of local communities. Having established two strategic dimensions of
sustainable development, the following section examines the primary implications of those dimensions
for the management of historic environments.
3 HERITAGE AS A VEHICLE FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
With limited evidence to support a connection between the historic environment and social behaviour, it
is no surprise that there is little agreement on, firstly, the strategies that should be implemented to achieve
sustainable development and, secondly, the indicators that should be used to evaluate the outcomes of
those strategies. This is particularly so in historic environments where the relationship between sustain-
able development and heritage conservation is seen to be complex if not intrinsically contradictory
(Stubbs, 2004). As previously mentioned, a further complication is the emergence of governance, seen as
a response to concerns about civic engagement as well as the legitimacy of governments and their capac-
ity to deliver services efficiently and effectively (McLaughlin et al., 2002).
While practices vary, one platform of governance theory is a reduction in top-down hierarchical processes
in favour of greater participation in decision-making at the community level (Chhotray and Stoker, 2009).
Opportunities certainly exist within this framework for community capacity building and empowerment
through the sustainable development evaluation process (Roberts, 2006). Where tensions arise, however,
is that there is still a need for a level of overarching coordination if the dimensions of sustainability (eco-
nomic, environmental and social) are to be prioritized and integrated successfully into national sustain-
able development policy and heritage practice.
Strategy evaluation in this context is understood to be a procedure for expressing a value-based judge-
ment about the impacts of a policy or an action on the natural or built environment, or on a community
(Brandon and Lombardi, 2005). The evaluation of social sustainability can be distinguished from more
established approaches to the evaluation of economic or environmental impacts (Colantonio, 2009).
Wood and Leighton (2010) suggest the key issue is that social value refers to non-financial impacts,
such as individual well-being and community cohesion, which are difficult to quantify and measure using
traditional quantitative valuation techniques. This point is also made by Snowball (2008) in relation to
cultural value when she argues in favour of an evaluation methodology that combines qualitative and
quantitative indicators. However, there are a wide range of sustainable development strategies and evalua-
tion methods. Few take all the issues of sustainable development, and particularly social sustainability,
into account in a comprehensive long-term and holistic manner (Landorf et al., 2008).
Critics have noted that much has been made at a policy level of the opportunities for heritage-led regen-
eration and the potential for historic environments to enhance social inclusion (Hospers, 2002; Jones and
Munday, 2001; Pendlebury et al., 2004; Waterton, 2010). Indeed, urban renewal and heritage-led regen-
eration policy carries with it the implicit assumption that the empowerment and mobilisation of communi-
ties will spearhead urban change, social integration and economic revitalisation. For example, a UK De-
partment of Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS) policy initiative regarding social inclusion and the historic
built environment argued that a high quality well managed built environment [was] essential for commu-
nity cohesion (DCMS, 2002:3). In 2004, a further DCMS policy initiative regarding cultural regeneration
made reference to the economic drawing power of culture and the importance of quality of place in
successful regeneration projects (DCMS, 2004:5).
However, as noted earlier, there is little empirical evidence to support such claims. This is acknowledged
in the 2004 DCMS report, Culture at the Heart of Regeneration, which stated that there is a need for a
stronger and more sophisticated longitudinal evidence base to support many of the social benefit asser-
tions made in relation to the historic environment (DCMS, 2004:5). In Australia, a background paper to
the 2007 Heritage Economics Workshop, convened by the former Department of Environment, Water,
Heritage and the Arts (DEWHA), also suggested that without comprehensive and consistent data sets on
heritage traditional valuation techniques such as cost-benefit analysis fail to adequately capture the in-
tangible benefits of heritage (DEWHA, 2007).
Therefore, while much of the literature has inferred the social benefit of a sustainable historic environ-
ment, little work has been done to develop useful and reliable strategies and evaluation indicators. As
Stubbs (2004) has noted, the challenge lies in ensuring that such ideas permeate into the operational level
of heritage management where the focus to date has primarily been on the conservation of the more tan-
gible aspects of heritage (Sullivan, 2003; Smith 2006). Any sustainable development framework will need
to be robust and allow for adaptation to local heritage contexts but at the same time provide for regional
and national comparisons. The following section introduces a case study that aims to determine the extent
to which the principles of sustainable development are being applied at six industrial World Heritage sites
in the UK.
4 CASE STUDY OF SIX INDUSTRIAL WORLD HERITAGE SITES
4.1 Methodology
Strong support was found in the literature for case study as an effective research strategy for the investi-
gation of contemporary and inter-related phenomena in changing real life contexts (Easterby-Smith et al.,
2008). Given this definition, case study was considered an appropriate research strategy for an investiga-
tion into the sustainable management of World Heritage sites. However, a case study research strategy is
concerned with providing a detailed description of a bounded system. Case studies allow the specifics of a
case to be examined, revealing the complexity and detail within a case (Stake, 2003). While allowing
comparisons across multiple case study sites, this would suggest that there are limits and boundaries to
Heritage 2012
the case as a whole. In the investigation of a complex problem that would otherwise defy efforts to de-
lineate boundaries and identify causes, such as the sustainable management of World Heritage sites, it
was found that a case study research strategy would benefit from being combined with other research
methodologies.
Combining case study with an approach such as systems theory enabled the specifics of the case to con-
sider the influences of broader systems and external environments. Using a multiple embedded case study
approach in the context of a system offered, firstly, the benefits of an in-depth case exploration using
comparative analysis between case study sites and, secondly, an enhanced understanding of the network
of inter-dependent relationships both within the case study and between the case study and the broader
environment (Anuf et al., 2007). Combining case study with a social problem solving framework further
accommodated the dynamic nature of a complex problem (McCann, 1983; Williams, 2006). This is par-
ticularly evident in the design and functional viability of intervention strategies for sustainable develop-
ment at complex historic sites. The combination of case study and systems theory research is shown in
Figure 1.

Figure 1: Case study and systems theory re-
search strategy

The case study is shown on the right as a sys-
temic model of six sites within a bounded sys-
tem. This allows the specifics of each site to be
examined in detail and cross-case comparisons
to be made to determine a current best practice model for heritage management. Strategic dimensions and
evaluation criteria drawn from the literature are then applied to this current state to form a substantive
theoretical best practice model for sustainable heritage management shown at the bottom of the diagram.
The substantive model is then applied to the six case study sites and adjusted to form a final theoretical
best practice model for sustainable heritage management.
As the aim of the research was to inform the sustainable use of World Heritage and other complex his-
toric industrial and urban sites, the validity and transferability of the study findings was important. As a
new phenomenon, the application of sustainable development to World Heritage sites also required fur-
ther theoretical elaboration. Therefore, a multiple embedded case study design utilising theoretical sam-
pling and multiple data collection methods was used to enhance the validity and reliability of the results
through cross-case comparison and triangulation (Ryan & Bernard, 2003). Eisenhardts (1989) approach,
based on an iterative process of theory building from case based research, provided a flexible case study
design most suited to the complex and dynamic characteristics of individual World Heritage sites.
The data used in the research included documentary evidence, observational studies of physical evidence
and semi-structured interviews with site managers and managers from each national heritage advisory
body. The main documentary evidence was each sites management plan. While noted by Rodwell (2002)
as being primarily promotional documents aimed at achieving World Heritage status, the management
plans remain the key documents guiding strategic action at each site (Wilson & Boyle, 2006). The data
were analysed using qualitative content analysis for the management plans and thematic analysis for the
observational studies and interviews. The data collection, analysis, synthesis and modelling process is
shown in Figure 2.

Figure 2. Data collection, analysis, synthesis and modelling process
4.2 Sample frame
World Heritage sites were selected as the sample frame for the research. This was done, firstly, because
the inscription process is subject to independent evaluation against internationally agreed criteria and,
secondly, sites are assumed to represent the benchmark of heritage management practice. Industrial sites
were identified as a representational sub-category of the World Heritage List. Of the 41 industrial sites on
the World Heritage List in 2008, 36 sites whose significance related to modern industrialisation were se-
lected to further limit the sample and enhance cross-site comparison. Of the 36 sites, six fell under a con-
sistent legal framework and had operational management plans. They also shared common management
issues associated with their regional locations and complex site characteristics including diverse heritage
attractions, extensive scales, indistinct boundaries, limited perceived aesthetic value, complex ownership
issues, and demands on contemporary use that did not necessarily relate to the heritage values placed on
the site. The selected sites, shown in Figure 3, were the Blaenavon Industrial Landscape, Cornwall and
West Devon Mining Landscape, Derwent Valley Mills, Ironbridge Gorge, New Lanark and Saltaire.
Heritage 2012

Figure 3. Location of the six industrial World Heritage case study sites
4.3 Analysis
The data analysis commenced with the two strategic dimensions of sustainable development derived from
the literature and outlined in the oping section a long-term and holistic planning process, and the par-
ticipation and empowerment of multiple stakeholders in that process. These two dimensions, together
with a third heritage management dimension, formed the conceptual categories for further coding. The
data analysis involved the identification of coding dimensions for each conceptual category. The literature
revealed consensus in relation to six component coding dimensions from the three conceptual categories
defined as follows:
Situation analysis used to assess the extent that influences on the management of each World
Heritage site were identified as a starting point in the planning process (Viljoen & Dann, 2003).
This included internal influences, such as heritage assets and staff skills, and external influences,
such as trends in heritage policy or tourism demand.
Strategic orientation used to evaluate the extent that the planning process was long-term and ho-
listic (Viljoen & Dann, 2003). Using the understanding generated in the situation analysis and
stakeholder identity dimensions, a strategic orientation should establish a goal oriented approach
toward the achievement of a collective vision.
Organisational design used to evaluate the extent that the organisational systems and structures
at each site were designed to support collaborative linkages between organisations and across pol-
icy fields (Wilson & Boyle, 2006), and encourage flexibility, innovation and organisational learn-
ing (Williams, 2006).
Stakeholder identity used to establish the extent that stakeholder values, needs and expectations
were integrated into a strategic vision for each site (Simpson, 2001). Establishing values, needs
and expectations is a key step in establishing who the legitimate stakeholders are and then devel-
oping a holistic understanding of situational influences.
Participation scope used to determine the breadth of stakeholder engagement and the degree of
influence each stakeholder group had on the decision-making process (Simpson, 2001). Broad
stakeholder participation is fundamental to establishing a collective vision for the future. Stake-
holder empowerment through this process is also needed if long-term incremental change is to be
effected (McCann, 1983).
Participation continuity used to determine the extent that the breadth of stakeholder engagement
and degree of influence, identified at the start of the strategic planning process, was maintained
(Simpson, 2001). Appropriate and continuous stakeholder engagement facilitates ongoing interde-
pendence and commitment, identified as necessary for the viability of a social problem solving in-
tervention (McCann, 1983).
These six coding dimensions were developed into a draft qualitative content analysis coding instrument.
The draft instrument was used to code one of the management plans and a computer assisted key-words-
in-context approach was trialled as a means to sharpen the process (Ryan & Bernard 2003). This was fol-
lowed by a manual review of the contextual use of words or phrases and colour coding to identify coding
themes. The coding instrument was updated based on this closer reading of one management plan and
then applied to all six plans.
The thematic analysis of the interviews relied on the qualitative content analysis coding dimensions used
in the management plan analysis. The coding dimensions were used initially to generate the interview
questions and then to analyse the data. Each interview commenced with an outline of the research project.
This was followed by a general question about the participants background and how they came into their
current position. The primary difference between the qualitative content analysis applied to the manage-
ment plans and the thematic analysis applied to the interviews was that the thematic analysis allowed for a
stronger and more flexible process of iteration between theory and emerging themes.
4.4 Results
The analysis indicated that the management plans did not generally meet the criteria for the integration of
sustainability principles into the planning process. However, the interviews and physical surveys sug-
gested a more complex and nuanced management situation as follows:
Situation analysis the analytical techniques normally utilised in a strategic planning process were
not applied consistently across the six case study sites. The skills and resources of the partnership
organisations and specialist consultants were critical to the provision of technical support for deci-
sion-making. Site managers did not have the logistical support or technical skill to carry out this
type of work. A lack of performance indicators was also an issue.
Strategic orientation the strategic planning processes and funding arrangements did not indicate
a truly collaborative long-term and holistic approach. Few sites had an embedded evaluation and
review process and all used specialist consultants, potentially problematic in relation to the devel-
opment of consistent indicators and organisational learning.
Organisational design the complex and multi-faceted partnership structures at each site had an
impact on collaborative decision-making. All sites needed to collaborate out of necessity but the
level of collaboration varied and it was limited primarily to partnership organisations. The partner-
ship structure did, however, provide flexibility and allow for innovation.
Stakeholder identity there was limited evidence of broader community participation in the devel-
opment of a mission/vision for most sites. There was awareness that each site had a broader role
within the community. However, the constraints of the partnership structure and the principle
commitment to conserving the historic significance of a site limited the capacity to develop exten-
sive socio-economic strategies and to evaluate their outcomes.
Stakeholder participation the integration of stakeholders into the formal planning process was
limited, at the majority of sites, to those organisations who were members of the partnership struc-
ture. Broader engagement was sought but limited to a consultation rather than a participation proc-
ess.
Stakeholder continuity the roles of partnership members were not reviewed regularly. Reference
was made to volunteer organisation input into working groups and other mechanisms for stake-
holder input such as newsletters. However, there were difficulties obtaining broad participation.
There were also problems associated with the collaborative evaluation of objectives and outcomes
as part of a holistic planning process.
Heritage 2012
5 A MODEL OF SUSTAINABLE HERITAGE MANAGEMENT
The results suggest a model of current best practice heritage that remains inwardly focussed on situational
issues of immediate concern to each heritage site. The model, shown graphically in Figure 4, indicates an
inwardly focussed organisation with a dynamic central partnership core of independent key stakeholders
(organisational design). The long-term or strategic orientation is segmented and project specific while key
objectives are determined by individual organisational agendas rather than through collective negotiation
amongst all partnership members. The partnership is fragmented and decision-making hierarchical, power
rests with several major stakeholders which makes the management of collaborative inter-organisational
relationships difficult. Stakeholder identity is driven by an insular vision. Beyond the key landowner and
agency members of the partnership organisation, the scope of stakeholder influence is limited and there is
limited review of the partnership membership over time.

Figure 4. Current best practice model of heritage management

The results suggest that a model of sustainable heritage management would be focussed equally on situ-
ational issues within and beyond the heritage site boundary. The model shown in Figure 5 indicates an
outward looking organisation interacting with the macro-environment and moving toward sustainable de-
velopment as a coordinated whole in response to internal and external situational issues and a strategic
orientation that seeks to balance economic, environmental and social heritage value objectives. The or-
ganisational design is shown as a set of common collaborative management processes, organisational
structures and funding frameworks founded on a common vision and mutual trust. Decision-making is
centred on collective negotiation, contextual needs and broad stakeholder participation. Stakeholder iden-
tity is driven by community values, needs and expectations. There is multiple stakeholder participation in
the process and that participation is subject to regular evaluation and review as part of a long-term and
holistic planning process.
Figure 5. Theoretical best practice model of sustainable heritage management

6 CONCLUSIONS
This paper set out to identify the extent to which the principles of sustainable development were being
applied at six industrial World Heritage sites in the UK. It was clear from the case study that there are
some inherent problems with the model of heritage management currently in place at those sites. Firstly,
limited technical expertise and data collection capacity restricted the ability to undertake a comprehensive
strategic planning and review process at each site. Secondly, the partnership structures and decision-
making frameworks in place at each site were difficult to coordinate and lacked a commitment to true col-
laboration. This emphasises the third problem, the reliance in this model on the individual skills and ca-
pabilities of each World Heritage site manager. Finally, the continuous participation of multiple stake-
holders throughout the management process was shown to be problematic and initiated only when
necessary.
The results indicate that the sustainable management of complex industrial heritage sites require a broader
approach to that proposed in Feilden and Jokilehtos Management Guidelines for World Cultural Heri-
tage Sites, the 1998 publication which formed the basis of each case study site management plan (Feilden
& Jokilehto, 1998). There was an inconsistency between the organisational structures currently in place at
each site and the World Heritage emphasis on community participation. Further inconsistencies were evi-
dent between the expectations for economic regeneration and social inclusivity, and current strategic
planning and implementation capacities. This suggests a need for revised management guidelines that en-
compass a stronger strategic planning process at complex heritage sites, and a need for greater operational
capacity linked to national funding frameworks. A model for sustainable heritage management that would
address these issues was proposed. The model incorporates the conventional approach to strategic plan-
ning found in the organisational literature (see, for example, Johnson et al., 2008) and the collaborative
decision-making framework suggested by McCann (1983).
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Heritage 2012

1 INTRODUCTION
Although governments and companies incorporate the environment as a variable in the development
of public and private strategies and policies, these players still have little knowledge about the
potential to incorporate this as an operating element in production systems (PORTER, 2011). This
lack of knowledge is caused by tensions surrounding access to natural resources and changes in
prevailing power matrices.
Since capitalism needs a continuous supply of material to promote production and maintain itself
(MARTINEZ ALIER, 2007) exponential growth of production and consumption is incompatible
with a finite amount of natural resources. To solve this problem, corporations and governments
must understand the following:
1) the concept of social-environmental sustainability;
2) the relationship between sustainable development and capitalist production system
management;
3) the way the social-environmental sustainability question affects stakeholders lives;
4) how to make the environment operational in the value chain.
ABSTRACT: The need to address environmental issues within production systems pressures
organizations to incorporate the environment as an operational variable. This article questions
whether Michael Porters proposal of Shared Value Creation (SVC), which would replace
Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) without correcting the contradictions of the production
system, can be a strategy for dealing with environmental issues within the production process.
By reconciling economic development with a sustainable environmental policy, Brazil, under
the aegis of government, is recognizing the problems caused by reducing the environment to a
resource or obstacle to prosperity under the capitalist system. Because capitalism turns all
resources into merchandise, and because this leads to the need for environmental issues to be
factored into the value chain to enhance Brazilian companies positions in the global market,
SVC may be a solution. From this perspective, this article examines the SVC proposal as an
alternative to CSR in organizations and includes Social Technology in capitalist logic. This
shows the potential and the constraints of a capitalist reproduction strategy in achieving
proposed business goals of economic growth, environmental sustainability and human
development.
The potential of integration of Shared Value Creation with
strategy management as an innovative approach to environmental
challenges
L. Leandro
Federal Rural University of Rio de Janeiro
E. Neffa
Rio de Janeiro State University
Addressing these questions leads to others that are no less important within the same capitalist
framework: how to balance growth targets and competitiveness levels with a sustainable social-
environmental agenda and how to ensure social-environmental sustainability for future generations?
In light of these questions, we note that the social-environmental heritage left by organizations and
governments is widely compromised because the emerging problem involves the search for
effective solutions.
In 1998, Porter and Linde stated that through technological and managerial strategies for production
processes, it would be possible to find solutions for environmental problems while maintaining the
competitiveness of nations and companies. However, the solutions presented by these authors
included only the material basis and excluded an analysis of social questions. However, other
researchers (VEIGA, 2010; SILVA, 2010; MARTNEZ ALIER, 2007; LEFF, 2006; CARNEIRO,
2005; LITTLE, 2001; ACSELRAD, 1999; GILBERT, 1995) have deemed it unfeasible to
dissociate the environmental question from the social problem. New ways of incorporating value to
production processes, especially in Northern Hemisphere countries, and technological changes in
the material production basis such as aeolic energy, solar energy and biomass, are increasing.
These changes are aggravating social conflicts, such as increased unemployment, uneven income
distribution, instability in health and education systems and urban decay. Addressing these issues is
one of the largest challenges for governments and corporate organizations (MARTNEZ ALIER,
2007; VEIGA, 2010).
Studies show that in the 1950s, organizations had already increased their market share through
activities that would later be known as Social Responsibility (LEE, 2008; CARROLL, 1999). These
activities were not integral parts of the businesses, but rather were treated as philanthropy that went
beyond the production of assets and client and shareholder satisfaction. Companies concerns with
Social Responsibility grew as governments and third-sector organizations linked to international
conferences related to social-environmental questions that increased political pressure (GLOBAL
COMPACT, 2011; WBCSD, 2011; WCED, 1987). Despite this political pressure, Porter and
Kramer (2011) show that the capitalist model has not become operational and is not able to insert
sustainability into Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR).
Porter and Kramers (2011) new proposition incorporates sustainability in the capitalist
production model by replacing CSR with Shared Value Creation (SVC). Such replacement exceeds
CSRs philanthropic and small profitability vision and introduces the creation of profit and
competitive advantage value. SVC, by changing problems into business opportunities at a strategic
level, directs operations toward adding shared value to organizations and society. As a result,
organizations increase the possibility of becoming more competitive in the market.
Between the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, academic institutions and Non-Governmental Organizations
(NGOs) advanced the idea of new technologies as development options for less-developed
countries. Such progress generated a movement that reflected on the role of technology in
improving peoples lives. Included in that movement were profit maximization and capital accrual,
which caused environmental degradation and social exclusion.
After much debate among researchers, governments, international agencies and society, this
movement evolved and became known as Social Technology (DAGNINO et al., 2004). As a result,
Social Technology became a systematic effort to widen the application of knowledge about
improving the quality of life of people excluded by the market actions by considering the non-
scientific knowledge of each community as a means to respect their characteristics, culture and
values (RITTO, 2008).
Considering this perspective, this paper reviews the SVC proposition as an alternative to CSR,
aiming to reflect the benefits of incorporating Social Technology methodology with capitalist logic.
This incorporation strategy of capital social-metabolic reproduction has the potential to reach
corporate goals of economic growth, human development and environmental sustainability, all
drivers for future generations. Though this study is not intended to answer all questions inherent in
the social-environmental sustainability problem of governments and corporate organizations,
through bibliographic research and analysis of cases presented in the literature, it is a preliminary
reflection contributing to a critical analysis of the capitalist production model.
Heritage 2012
2 ECONOMIC GROWTH, SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIAL-
ENVIRONMENTAL RESPONSIBILITY: CHALLENGES FOR GOVERNMENTS AND
CORPORATE ORGANIZATIONS
After World War II, concern with the reorganization of the Northern Hemisphere countries
economies caused the rise of 'development' as a synonym for 'economic growth and
industrialization.' The old concept of progress spread through modernization campaigns in the late
19th century and early 20th century had lead to a vision where the growth rates of the Gross
Domestic Product (GDP) per capita determined the economic growth level and categorizing a
country's level of development as developed, developing or lesser developed. Developing
assumed an inexorable path to becoming developed.
To promote the integration of less-economically advanced countries into the world capitalist
system during the 1960s, international organizations such as the United Nations, World Bank and
International Monetary Fund established a modernization scale that was characterized as
development planning. However, the inclusion of social indicators with economic ones has shown
that such integration did not occur in many developing countries. That outcome led to the question
of what the obstacles to growth might be. If they were merely economic obstacles, the solution
would come with the import of machines and the creation of industrial complexes. If they were
related to the workers lack of preparation, then labor training and technical assistance would solve
the problem. However, if the obstacles were inherent to the lack of a mentality that would value the
higher capacity of accumulating material assets as a (sine qua non) condition to happiness then this
integration may have been contributing to problems rather than improving them.
For Castoriadis (1987), the progress of human knowledge, production and exploration of natural
resources is infinite and continues indefinitely, with the idea that producing more is good. This idea
contrasts with the Aristotelian rule of essence - accomplishment according to nature. The ideology
of indefinite progress is based on modern postulates such as the dominance of economic
mechanisms over social ones and the belief that human beings would advance forever.
The growth of foreign debt and misery in the twenty years after the initiation of progress
development promoted by governments confirmed that the quantitative growth of the economy and
cultural imitation did not contribute to public welfare, but rather deepened social injustices, cultural
unraveling and environmental degradation. These results are the grounds for criticism of the
traditional development model.
In the 1980s, a new paradigm emergedsustainable development. Its priorities assumed fiver
factors: the integration of conservation and of development; the satisfaction of essential human
needs; the accomplishment of equity and social justice; the search for social self-determination and
cultural diversity; and the maintenance of ecological integrity.
The global discussion of sustainable development in fact imbued society and development with a
holistic concept of economic growth and postulated faith in technological solutions for the so-called
externalities of the productive process. This favored taking politics out of the ecological debate.
Nature, considered external to the social and political dynamics of society, was converted into a
variable to be managed and administered to continue development. Combining economic growth
with technical progress and sparing material resources without restricting the pace of capitalist
accumulation, the market was presented as the institutional environment best able to consider nature
as capital and sustainable development was converted into free-market environmentalism. This
meant that the work-environment relationship was subsumed to the supremacy of capital with
serious consequences to natural resources and to social relations.
Presently, based on the principles of neoliberalism competition growth, capital accrual and
movement across borders, and the incremental increase of efficiency in the capitalist dynamics of
value generation from the expropriation of added value the discursive matrix emphasizes a
revolution of efficiency to the detriment of a revolution of sufficiency.
The notion of sustainable development that has become the dominant idea promoted by the
media, companies and governments is pragmatic and short-term (short-sighted) and does not
question the basis upon which capitalist production conditions are built. Instead, it is based on
positivist instrumental reason (NEFFA, 2001; LEANDRO; NEFFA, 2010).
According to Veiga (2010), governments and corporations have already absorbed the notion of
sustainability, but the debate on its meaning still needs reflection, mainly regarding ecology and the
economy. Reports by the World Bank say that there is a deadlock on the question of decreasing
carbon emissions. According to this claim, the only way to solve the deadlock on the issue of the
social-environmental inheritance left for future generations would be the radical reduction of carbon
emissions globally. However, such a reduction could stop development, which would be harmful to
developing countries. For developing nations to reach the GDP of developed countries, constant
growth would be required and that would not allow a decrease in industrial production. Therefore,
the question of how to accommodate the social-environmental costs for growth arises.
In the midst of this discussion, governments, international organizations and some segments of
civil society have started to put pressure on companies to take responsibility for the social problems
caused by global market growth. According to Ameshi and Adi (2007), although papers on this
theme began in the 1950s, in the 1980s and 1990s it became quite clear that pressure from
governments, non-governmental organizations and other social groups instead lead organizations to
implement Corporate Social Responsibility programs. As a result, CSR is most often understood by
companies as outside pressure, and in some cases, viewed as squandering profit. In some instances,
CSR is performed only to comply with legislation or to avoid imagined problems for an
organization; CSR becomes non-operational, excluded from the business scope. Porter and Kramer
(2011) suggest that companies, societies and governments have been conflicted about social-
environmental responsibility.
For Porter and Kramer (2011), the conflicts occur in part because governments, corporations and
societies wrestle with balancing social-environmental responsibilities since capitalism that requires
the production and accumulation of capital.
3 SHARED VALUE CREATION AND SOCIAL TECHNOLOGY: NEW POSSIBILITIES?
Porter and Kramer (2011) think of capitalism as a means to improve production efficiency and a
way to create jobs and wealth. However, these authors note that a narrow conception of capitalism
has prevented governments and corporations from using all of their potential to face the challenges
imposed by contemporary society. Presently, the capitalism crisis has demonstrated that the
accumulation of abstract wealth, without the development of advanced social policies and the
creation of value, is an efficient way to exacerbate inequality, poverty and environmental
degradation. For Porter and Kramer (2011), governments and civil society often aggravate the
problem, instead of solving it, when they try to solve social problems to the detriment of the
production process expansion. Although governments are responsible for formulating social-
environmental policies, large transnational organizations play an important role in advancing
alternatives for the emerging social-environmental question. However, we note that there are
several contradictions and conceptual problems implied in the notion of development and social-
environmental sustainability. Often, these contradictions are not taken into account when
questioning the capitalist logic of accrual that causes social problems since they are based on
exponential growth of production and consumption and on the exploration of natural resources.
Porter and Kramer (2011) propose that the solution to problems caused by capitalism is within
capitalist logic itself. With that in mind, they present the methodology of Shared Value Creation
(SVC), which calls for the creation of economic value both for corporations and society. With SVC,
the notion of shared value becomes detached from the concept of Corporate Social Responsibility
because it goes beyond philanthropy and the production of social reports and balances. The authors
believe that the creation of Shared Value may generate a new organizational thought model where
the shared value will be able to go beyond the organizational strategy and will become central to the
production process.
This debate around Shared Value Creation brings us to the discussion on the Social Technology
(ST), a methodology considered as a kind of vector for adopting public policies. Social Technology
is a set of techniques developed and/or applied in interacting with the public and is appropriated by
the public. ST represents solutions for social inclusion and an improvement of quality of life and is
Heritage 2012
highlighted as an alternative to local development - this can contribute to social changes caused by
the imbalances between capital and work (LASSANCE JR; PEDREIRA, 2004; RODRIGUES;
BARBIERI, 2008, RITTO, 2010). This notion of development, as opposed to the positions of
governments and corporations, emphasizes local development and the autonomy of the community
in creating collective solutions not only as the user of technologies imported or created by external
specialists, but also as an integral part of the process.
According to our analysis, the SVC proposal presents some premises already covered by Social
Technology, a methodology developed with and for populations for problem-solving and social
inclusion through the creation of value, innovation and assessment of local potential. The difference
is that SVC moves the focus to the needs of large corporations. Although Porter and Kramer (2011)
base their theory on questioning how corporations could ignore the welfare of their target audience,
the depletion of natural resources vital for the expansion of production and the feasibility of key
suppliers causes this reasoning to become detached from the vision of Social Technology and from
a real creation of value for communities; instead, it boosts capitalist operating autonomy
1

(FEENBERG, 1999). This autonomy is boosted because the technological partnership process is
owned and controlled by the company that transfers the technology or grants the means for its
development. Despite this, the technological transfer work proposed by SVC may contribute to the
economic development of the small producer who shall submit to the corporation that is interested
in keeping its competitive position in the market because it constitutes the core driver of capitalism
(DUPAS, 2008; WALLERSTEIN, 2009).
Thus, we note that even though SVC may be an operating element in the production process, it
does not deny capitalist logic. On the contrary, it reinforces this logic by bringing a new approach
to the treatment of the social-environmental problems as a business opportunity for governments
and corporations. By adopting such a strategy, governments and companies expand their
competitive advantage by directly facing the forces that threaten them and by generating value for
partners, communities and all other stakeholders with the goal of keeping the hegemony and the
power required to maintain their status quo.
Porter and Kramer (2011) are categorical when they state that SVC is not directly linked to the
notion of sustainability: Shared value is not a social responsibility, philanthropy, or even
sustainability, but a new way to achieve economic success (PORTER; KRAMER, 2011. p. 4).
Such a statement leads us to reflect on Social Technology, which is a more effective view of social-
environmental sustainability because its intrinsic goals assume the promotion of economic and
social autonomy and environmental sustainability of the communities involved in the process
(RODRIGUES; BARBIERI, 2008).
4 FINAL CONSIDERATIONS
From the analysis of Porter and Kramers (2011) proposal on SVC, we note that it is different from
the notion of CSR because it is based on its centrality in the strategy of the corporations and of
governmental programs.
Therefore, we can see that this proposal changes the way the social players (for example, small
producers and traditional communities) are explored by creating a new supply category in the
production chain. Although it may provide local growth and social development, SVC is still
following the logic of social-metabolic reproduction of capital with operating autonomy remaining
in the hands of the large technology-transferring corporations which ensure that asymmetrical
power will continue. By comparing the notion of SVC with the methodology of ST, it can be
observed that the first, in fact, does not give opportunities of social-environmental sustainability
strategies because ST:

[...] imposes the necessity of a scientific and technological political agenda much more
complex than a proposal to create technological information bases similar to those
conceived for making the Conventional Technology (CT) available within an
environment built by conventional companies previously existing and organized to
optimize the CT (DADIGNO et al., 2004. p. 57).

This means that even though Social Technology must reflect upon the managerial solutionhow
products and services generated from their production may be inserted into the production chain to
create income and autonomy for the communitiesit is much more autonomous and generates
more social value than SVC. It develops a network of people connected with political, economic
and social development, resulting in a decrease in inequality. The projects developed by a network
of people who have specific knowledge discussing complex situations contribute to the
identification of the most suitable ways to promote advances for individuals and for the collective.
To a certain extent, organizations, universities and governments are, in this case, facilitators of
the process. Universities help the technological transfer and improve existing technologies while
governments promote the supply of credit and of funding for infrastructure. Companies help by
including the communities as integral parts of their supply chains. We can see that Social
Technology (ST) points towards alternatives that can contribute to social-environmental
rearrangement that includes people who lack capital and access to technology.
We conclude that the novelty of Shared Value Creation is propagating the idea that capitalism
may contribute to the resolution of the imbalances that it caused, provided that it is within its own
logic of competitive advantage. The methodology of the Corporate Social Responsibility presents a
certain contribution, but, according to the Porter and Kramer (2011) analysis, even though it is
sufficiently practiced, it moves away from the purpose of becoming an operating element in the
organizations. Through the analysis of case studies (SINGER; KRUPPA, 2004; RODRIGUES;
BARBIERI, 2008), we can see that Social Technology has potential and is quite manageable in
meeting social demands. However, even though some problems are solved, ST gets caught in what
we call a market trap. At a certain moment, communities long for a competitive position in
markets, seeking more efficient and effective solutions which make them take a marketing stance
that is similar to that dictated by capitalist logic. Therefore, potentially, the capitalism generated
within societies may perpetuate itself in contradiction with the emancipation of the people.
ENDNOTES
1
Power accrual process leading to the operating preservation and expansion and hegemony that is contained
in the capitalist technical code
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Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
The revival of the so-called Casco Vello of Vigo can only be seen as a work in process that
still has a long way to run despite the progress made in the last years that allows speaking of a
qualitative perception of change.
The Casco Vello is the origin of the city known today as the administrative centre of a dy-
namic, functional area. It is not very big, there are not many buildings approximately seven
hundreds according to the Special Plan records, and its architecture is not monumental. Despite
its old age, Vigo is a new city that only acquired de condition of city when the surrounding vil-
lages of Baiona, Bouzas or Redondela began to decline.
At the beginning of the 20
th
century, Vigo had 22,000 inhabitants approximately, most of
them living as they do at present, in the different parishes this 101-km
2
municipality is divided
into.
The fortified town lost its wall, just like many other Spanish ones, during the years of the
First Republic (1861). In this period, the first urban expansion area was conceived; a nineteenth-
century expansion on land reclaimed from the sea and facing a prosperous port. The Casco
Vello began to be seen as it really is; an uncomfortable place to live, a remainder of the original
fishing life. The opening of new roads such as the currently known as Elduayen Street split the
city into two. The urban continuum constructed by aggregation was broken and the social seg-
mentation and differences that are still visible today appeared.

Urban regeneration as the driving force of economic recovery
Casco Vello of Vigo: a project in progress
M. A. Leboreiro Amaro
Madrid, Spain
ABSTRACT: Neglected for many years, the so-called Casco Vello of Vigo went through a
process of serious deterioration since it was occupied by marginal, even problem people. This
led not only to the decadence of its architecture but also to a deep deterioration of its social and
economic tissue. The Consortium, created by the local and regional governments, has started a
process of urban regeneration as a comprehensive action, i.e. from building restoration to infra-
structure renovation. We are interested in seeing how urban regeneration has the capacity to
transform a situation that was considered irremediable. In the case of Vigo, activity has come
back gradually; to the city limits first and spreading to other areas later. This is because building
restoration has included ground-floor business premises. Private and public institutions go more
and more for this area and the effects of this are being made visible e.g. the Museum of Paint-
ing and specialized services.

Figure 1
2 CASCO VELLO
The Casco Vello adapts to the difficult topography on which it is settled under two military de-
fence castles: Saint George and Saint Sebastian. The former is still visible and its enclosure is
complete, whereas there are only some walls of the latter left in a green area that constitutes a
real viewpoint over the bay, being is ignored by the people from Vigo. The Casco Vello is a
group of huddled buildings as shown on Coellos plan of 1856. Taboada Leal states that in
1840, 2,767 people lived inside the fortified area. In the absence of other data, this can be con-
sidered its maximum occupation which today seems unattainable and even undesirable, given
the size of the unit lots that make hard to imagine how such a number of people could live there
under very precarious living conditions.
Although it is not a monumental group as mentioned above, its architecture based on well-
worked stone even in the humblest homes is very interesting and shows a great variety of types,
given the continuity of the occupation and its construction on itself over a long period of time
from the first settlements in the 15
th
century on. Basically, today most buildings have two floors,
are constructed in depth, and the lareiras (traditional fireplaces) constitute the centre of the
home. The stonework was really good.
The most popular and picturesque buildings were located in the Berbs area, next to the sea,
where fishermen used to live. The elegant houses were located around Constitucin square and
Real Street, where the local bourgeoisie and noblesse used to live. In general, the faades are the
elements that changed most; they usually have two or three openings, they were initially smooth
but later good railing balconies were added and then replaced by covered balconies or even such
covered balconies were added to a third floor. Arcades were related to the fish-selling activity in
the Berbs area, and related to trade activities at Constitucin square.
We must insist upon the fact that the value of the Casco Vello is not based on its architecture
we just have to see other cities next to Vigo such as Pontevedra or Orense, but on its urban
network of narrow and labyrinth streets that go up the hillside, turn into stairs or into small wid-
ening, real squares without a defined geometry when they run parallel to the level bends, paved
with stone. The continuity of the vertical and horizontal planes is only interrupted by the sky
that can be sighted in their narrow sections. A motley neighbourhood that was once full of life
until its decline began as new urban expansion areas were constructed with buildings of better
living conditions that the increase in the income level made affordable.

Heritage 2012

Figure 2

The activity began to disappear gradually in the 1950s and more quickly in the 1970s, when
the town hall left Constitucin Square and the most dynamic activities were established in the
Paseo de Alfonso-Elduayen-Policarpo Sanz-Garca Barbn area.
This way, a decadence period that was once considered irreversible started; the population
gradually grew old and an increasingly underprivileged population occupied the buildings,
reaching a clear situation of social exclusion. The traditional prostitution in the upper area was
soon joined by drugs and squatters, to the extent that many buildings were bricked up offering a
perturbing image, besides the lack of safety that made people avoid walking on the streets.
Such social degradation together with the abandonment of buildings forced their increasing
deterioration. The lack of maintenance because of the loss of their economic value took the
buildings to the ruin level that can be still seen in all its streets at present.
3 INTERVENTION INITIATIVES
Under such situation, a first initiative arises with the approval of the Urban Regeneration Spe-
cial Plan in 1981, a plan that catalogues and establishes protection categories for each building,
more aimed at a physical restoration rather than at the comprehensive action that was already
required. The authorities neglected the situation and this favoured the disappearance of interest-
ing buildings and the identity of the maritime front, such as the Continental hotel or the A Laxe
market, which were replaced by buildings of questionable architectural quality acting as a
screen in their view from the sea. Such replacement only served to break the balance and har-
mony in some areas of the Casco Vello.
The Casco Vello counted on an Urban Programme that was finished in 1999 and allowed to
try a comprehensive management model according to the European Union guidelines, resulting
in the renovation of great part of the public space (24,000 m
2
), and in the construction of build-
ings that are currently in use: Casa de Ames, two community centres, the new market of A
Pedra, the House of the Galician Culture, the Central Library, the restoration of some faades
and the promotion of the economic activity with the establishment of business premises that
were later closed because the transformation of the social tissue was neglected.
The Casco Vello Consortium was created in 2005 with the participation of the Department of
Housing (90%) and the City council of Vigo (10%). The Consortium is aimed at reactivating the
activity in the Casco Vello from several frontlines; on the one hand, the direct management of
the actions, including the expropriation of abandoned buildings and their restoration for renting
purposes, the management of financial support to private owners whether as regards the restora-
tion of their homes or the establishment of business premises, and at the same time carrying out
studies for implementing other actions.

Figure 3

The Casco Vello was declared Heritage of Cultural Interest as Historic-Artistic Site in Febru-
ary 2006, one year before the Plan Especial de Reforma Interior (PEPRI)
1
was definitively ap-
proved in April 2007. This way, the field of action in the Casco Vello is clarified through a cata-
logue that details building by building and includes a thorough specification of the potential
actions based on three criteria that are not always consistent with each other: 1) protection, 2)
densification as a criterion for economic assessment and therefore the encouragement of actions,
and 3) incorporation of measures for improving the living conditions of the houses, not only
through the implementation of compulsory regulation, but also the definition of inside align-
ments creating block courtyards. Such block courtyards mean the transformation of primitive
typologies, neglect the real protection, and are unfeasible in many cases due to the characteris-
tics of the existing buildings, the condition and occupation level of which make it impossible
except on the very long term.
Anyway, this is the planning instrument to work with and, under the Consortiums boosting
action that works by wide areas and is gradually involving the private initiative, slowly makes
the transformation of the neighbourhood possible. There is a complementary element that would
demand an independent study: the Technical Inspection of Buildings, which should lead to a
quick improvement of the buildings that are still not in ruins, but this is difficult to do given the
poor financial situation of many owners of the buildings.
The Casco Vello has been declared Area of Comprehensive Renovation, so it has access to
the Housing and Renovation State Plan 2007-2012, which already stresses on the development
of a new model of intervention that favours urban recycling as an instrument of transforma-
tion of the city against its own growth. On the other hand, the concept of renovation as an activ-
ity focused on the recovery of historical centres because their heritage value has been overcome
when speaking about comprehensive urban renovation. According to such Plan: Urban renova-
tion is the one that, in a joint and coordinated manner, takes the environmental recovery, the
building and urban renovation, and the improvement of the social and economic conditions of
the citizens into account. Although the concept of sustainability is not directly mentioned, the
truth is that the statement implicitly assumes the European Territorial Strategy, understanding
the concept of sustainability beyond the preservation of the environment. This resulted in the
Heritage 2012
Urban Initiative 2007-2013 for the comprehensive urban regeneration, aimed at setting up in-
novative strategies of urban regeneration that, by means of a comprehensive approach that in-
cludes social, economic and environmental aspects, can favour a sustainable urban develop-
ment.

Figure 4
4 PRESENT SITUATION
Speaking about urban regeneration means speaking about a process on a very long term, espe-
cially if we consider the situation of the district we are dealing with. According to the data from
the PEPRI, there are 708 buildings and 2,139 homes of which only 1,206 are occupied. Conse-
quently, 30% of buildings is in bad condition; 80 buildings are in ruins and 150 are at risk, and
such situation is only worsening excepting for some punctual actions carried out. We must add
the old age of its inhabitants, the low income levels, the presence of squatters, the detection of
overcrowding, and the visible state of social exclusion in some areas that generates a lack of
safety and detracts from the attractiveness of the district.
Does speaking about economic reactivation make sense in this context? It should be possible,
and everything points to this being achieved according to the experience in other latitudes. De-
spite it is not a long time since actions are being systematically carried out, the changes are al-
ready noticeable. It is clear that the economic activity needs a field for its development and this
has very much to do with the adaptation of the space whether public spaces or existing or
adaptable business premises, with safety in the streets, the attractiveness of the urban scene and,
last but not least, the liveliness of the streets, i.e. people walking in the area in order to obtain
services or simply for aesthetic pleasure. The liveliness of a neighbourhood favours the attrac-
tion of both residents and tourists that visit the city in an increasing number, all of them looking
for urban quality, history and services, and at the same time being potential consumers that were
dissuaded by the degradation of the district.
Maybe it is convenient now to do a small SWOT analysis; its intuitive and clear character al-
lows viewing the reality we are facing under such situations. Weaknesses, Threats, Strengths
and Opportunities allow defining a framework of actions and seeing its possibilities of success,
and at the same time verifying the recent progress without going into quantitative assessments
given the short time elapsed since actions are being carried out in depth.
4.1 Weaknesses
Following the Spanish order, we must first consider the many weaknesses that mostly rise from
the fact that people do not accept it as an identity space of the collective memory. The quick de-
velopment of Vigo made that only in 1993, 50% of the inhabitants were born in this city. This is
why too many people are not familiar with the Casco Vello, which is seen by most of them as an
inhospitable, even dangerous district excepting at its border areas.

Figure 5

As regards the tools used, we just have to speak about the lack of consensus in the process-
ing of the PEPRI and the lack of mainstreaming in its elaboration leaving out the agents in-
volved, who therefore do not see this project as theirs, besides their tacit distrust towards the
government given the lack of reaction over many years.
The delay in granting the corresponding licenses complicates and lengthens the process, and
as a result of this, actions are given up or postponed.
The lack of a monumental architecture demands an effort in the improvement of the urban
scene in order to make those values that are the essence of the Casco Vello be perceived: its
urban weave, the attentiveness in the discovery of a way of living still present in the building
typologies or in the stonework.
At the same time, such buildings that housed spaces for living but not for working are an ob-
stacle for creating the liveliness that must characterize urban life. They are building types
mostly exclusively designed as homes. On the other hand, plots are very small, thus limiting
the possibilities of the activities to be established.
The high degree of deterioration reached by the buildings demands a very strong financial
effort and the recovery process evidences the existence of unbuilt plots or plots that have
been precariously built from ruins which are hard to maintain, and detracts from the continu-
ity of the urban image in a difficult coexistence.
Another situation to be considered is the rather sociological than physical barrier created by
Elduayen Street and the clear difference between the upper area and the lower area, which
minimizes the opportunities for the upper area.
It is important to highlight the scarce adaptation of the premises to the social and economic
characteristics of the neighbourhood; there are just one religious shelter and one kindergarten,
the old peoples home was closed and the Gota de Leche building is waiting for be given an
use.
The scarce public space, excepting for Constitucin and Princesa squares, since the Berbs
area the beach at which fishermen used to arrive in the past, can be considered a failed
space.
The feeble intervention of private enterprises.
The existence of very big areas such as Panificadora and Barrio del Cura, terrains vagues
that negatively affect the recovery of the district.
4.2 Threats
Speaking about threats as external factors in the case of the Casco Vello seems excessive; there
are no clear threats, excepting in the collective subconscious. The buildings restored by the
Consortium have exceptional constructive and design conditions, and awards follow one an-
other. Even though, young couples are reluctant to raise their children under such safety condi-
tions. Its bad reputation, especially in the upper area, keep away the people with capacity to re-
generate the neighbourhood, changing the profile of the demographic pyramid and contributing
a higher education and income level together with more urban cultural and social demands.
The existence of drugs is a threat itself, as well as the drug addicts linked to the Drug De-
pendence Centre that is the door of the upper area. They spread over higher-quality places such
as Princesa square, translating their problems and disputes and corrupting a qualified central and
Heritage 2012
busy space. However, the greatest problem is not this, but the distribution of drugs and the con-
trol of the space by the dealers.
Another threat could be the persistence of the recession that prevents from renting houses and
repeats the ownership model, thus miscarrying the desirable population mobility that could
guarantee a greater social permeability. The first flats put in the market by the Consortium were
sold instead of rented.
Another conflict is the existence of road traffic despite the unsuitability of the streets, the in-
discriminate parking, and the non-compliance with the loading and unloading hours, which hin-
der the perception and enjoying of the existent public space. The latter lacks the conditions to
exercise its main function: a space for relation and coexistence, acting as a support and rein-
forcement of the other activities.
4.3 Strengths
However, once the first challenges are overcome, we may say that the Casco Vello begins to
show strengths and opportunities that were not so visible before, although they were latent. Per-
haps the most remarkable strength of the Casco Vello is its central position as well as its far-
from-negligible position related to the port. Although it will be hard to deprive Prncipe-Urziz-
Gran Va streets of their shopping activity, or Policarpo Sanz-Garca Barbn streets of their
condition of tertiary space were banks and offices are located, there are already signs of ap-
proach or change, such as the Association of Building Developers and Constructors moving to
Real Street, or the starting of works for the Registrars to move to the same street, or the recov-
ery of Constitucin Square to celebrate traditional festivals such as Mardi Grass or recreational
activities in summer.
There are also other aspects to be considered such as the increased land value as a conse-
quence of the improvement of the district that is already becoming evident. Although we must
not obviate the danger of gentrification that a rise in prices and a greater attractiveness may
generate, to the detriment of the social variety that once characterized the Casco Vello.
4.4 Opportunities
The port and the inclusion of Vigo in the route of big cruises, with an increasing number of pas-
sengers that spend at least one day in Vigo have more immediate effects. This means 250,000
passengers and 97,000 crew people arriving every year at the port, with an important peak in
spring and summer. There are people with a spending capacity of some 30-50 euro per day and
person and, more important, with the capacity of spreading the interest of the city. The problem
is that, as far as the qualities of the Casco Vello are not improved, and excepting the established
Port-Collegiate church-Constitucin square-Puerta del Sol higher-quality route, the topography
and the feeling of danger dissuade the tourists from staying there, so they go to other areas in
the city thus eliminating the possibility of consuming in the Casco Vello, which has a repercus-
sion in its economic reactivation.
Other factors to be considered are the degree of urbanisation attained, even though it affects a
reduced area, the set up of a microbus to improve the internal mobility, and initiatives such as
the Berbs-Castle of Saint Sebastian stairs which are still being planned.
Another positive factor to be considered are the car parks at its Puerta del Sol-Berbs ends,
which should favour an intense pedestrianisation compatible with resident service policies, since
although residents demand car parks inside the Casco Vello, it is unfeasible, given the dimen-
sions of the plots and the street sections. On the other hand, the admission of vehicles is only
justified by the tough topography that dissuades from walking and in no case by the dimensions
of the Casco Vello.
The existence of a privileged space such as Paseo de Alfonso, with a relevant spatiality due to
its open character and a practically restored quality-architecture, is a viewpoint over the bay and
a door for the renovated high area in the future.
The Casco Vello Consortium is a guarantee in the recovery process of the Casco Vello
through clear strategies such as the concentration of actions in the most deteriorated areas, act-
ing by complete areas such as Abeleira Menndez-Ferrera-Subida Castelo. This way, not very
great actions have an important influence in both the recovery of the social tissue and the value
enhancement of new routes in the Casco Vello, such as the access to O Castro hill, the par-
excellence park of the city and viewpoint over the impressive landscape of the bay, thus becom-
ing a must-route that would indirectly favour the shopping activity.
All the same, the action that could have a greater influence in the economic reactivation is the
policy of services spreading in the Casco Vello, first located at the border area and Constitucin
square such as the House of the Galician Culture, the Central Library and the Health Centre, and
then extending the area of implementation with quality and city-scale services such as the
Camens Foundation or the Fernandez del Riegos picture gallery. This is complemented by the
establishment of private initiatives such as the APECs headquarters or the establishment of the
headquarters of the Illas Atlnticas Park by the Galician government (Xunta de Galicia), or
maintaining others such as the citys reference market of Berbs or A Pedra market.
Other services such as the Museum of Photography and the Property Registrars headquarters
will be coming soon. This gives the possibility of enhancing the value of greater routes such as
Collegiate church-Berbs, one of the most emblematic spaces in the city and its origin too,
which is at present under a process of faade renovation after the failed results of the urbanisa-
tion of its front through the Abrir Vigo al Mar (Opening Vigo to the Sea) project. This way,
Real Street will be recovered as the districts main street.
There are other circumstances such as the maintenance, although with a residual character, of
the traditional shops such as the basket-makers in the street of the same name, and a varied hotel
and restaurant offer acting as an complementary attraction element together with a more special-
ized commerce, from accessories to wine stores or wine bars, art galleries or professional of-
fices.
5 CONCLUSION
At present, we can speak about an incipient economic recovery in the area, which turns the
Casco Vello into a lab where to verify the validity of the policies of intervention in the historic
centres. We can then state that strategies of action looking beyond the simple recovery of fa-
ades with the dramatization and museumization of the urban space, incorporating new popula-
tion through a restoration that stresses on the living conditions and the construction and design
quality, together with the protection of heritage, improving the environmental quality of the dis-
trict through urbanization, and the establishment of quality services as an element of social co-
hesion, mean the possibility of economic reactivation in an area that was declining in the past
through the creation of more sustainable spaces.
This restoration process must, within a comprehensive proposal, encourage small isolated ac-
tions (micro-urbanism) involving multiple agents, always integrated in a strategy based on an
overview capable of provoking a change not only in the perception of space but in the contribu-
tion of new population capable of influence by creating positive synergies in the neighbourhood.
The concentration of cranes today in the Casco Vello shows how in recession times adequate
intervention policies can preserve and boost the historic centres not only as identity spaces but
as central spaces of economically active life.

Figure 6
ENDNOTES
1
Spanish legal denomination for the urban plan in historial areas, includes protection and renovation.
Heritage 2012
REFERENCES
Aparicio Mourelo, A. y de Nanni, R. Modelos de gestin de la regeneracin urbana. Sepes. Entidad Es-
tatal Urbana. Madrid, 2011.
http:\\www.sepes.es/publicaciones/modelos_gestin_regeneracion_urbana.pdf
Berger, M y Bengmes, P. Bruxelles lpreuve de la participation. Les contrats de quartier en exerci-
ses. Ministre de la Rgion de Bruxelles-Capitale. Bruxelles. 2009.
Evans, G. Cultural planning: as urban renaissance? Routledge. London. 2001
Instituto Universitario Urbanstica. Universidad de Valladolid Regeneracin urbana integrada en Euro-
pa Documento de sntesis.pdf. www fomento.gob.es
Pinson, G. Urbanismo y gobernanza de las ciudades europeas. Gobernar la ciudad por proyecto. PUV.
Universitat de Valencia. Valencia, 2011.
Rausell Kster, Pau. Museos y excelencia en las ciudades. XV Congreso Nacional de la Federacin Es-
paola de Amigos de los Museos. 2007
Var den Berg, L; Van der Meer, J.; Otgaar, A. The Attractive City. Catalyst for Economic Development
and social Revitalisation. Euricur. Erasmus University Rotterdam. Rotterdam. 1999.
Velzquez Valoria, I y Verdaguer Viana-Crdenas, C. Regeneracin urbana integral. Sepes. Entidad
Estatal Urbana. Madrid, 2011.
http:\\www.sepes.es/publicaciones/ regeneracion_urbana_integral.pdf

Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
A countrys heritage can incorporate various dimensions including natural heritage, cultural her-
itage and heritage assets such as historic buildings and monuments. Heritage can provide signif-
icant economic and social benefits, for example through the provision of employment and en-
gendering a sense of community. However, for these benefits to be sustained, heritage must be
valued and cared for. In this study the focus is upon heritage assets and the historic environ-
ment. For these to be cared for effectively requires, amongst other things, the availability of
skilled and experienced crafts people operating sustainably within the heritage supply market.
Previous studies examining the levels of supply and demand for skills within the craft sector
have suggested that there is a shortage of skills (National Heritage Training Group [NHTG],
2008). However, developing and maintaining an appropriate level and range of artisan skills is
not sufficient. Craft firms must also have the resources and knowledge to be able to successfully
compete for contracts for heritage work.
Factors that can affect the ability of firms to be successful in gaining contracts include the na-
ture of the contracting organisation, for example whether it is situated in the private or public
sector, and the size of the supplier company. A growing body of work has determined that small
firms can face challenges in successfully winning contracts. The inherent resource disadvan-
tages of small firms can present additional challenges when seeking contracts, especially when
combined with the formal processes employed by larger contracting organisations. In particular
the public sector can provide additional challenges as a result of the need for government to
adopt transparent procedures and the need to obtain goods and services which provide value for
money.
These issues are both relevant for the heritage sector. A characteristic of craft firms, including
those within the traditional building craft sector, is their size, with most falling within the small
and medium enterprise sector, and with a large number operating as micro businesses. A further
feature relates to funding. Within the UK heritage sector, the public sector is a significant funder
and procurer of heritage contracts. Therefore the suggestion is that small craft suppliers are
likely to experience difficulties in obtaining work. However, a review of the literature indicates
Supplying the heritage industry: an analysis of UK craft compa-
nies experiences
K. Loader
School of Management and Archaeology Department, University of York
S. C. Norton
School of Management and Archaeology Department, University of York
ABSTRACT: This paper presents the initial findings of an exploratory study which is investi-
gating the experiences of craft companies operating within the heritage building sector. Based
upon a sample of 15 case companies we have found that their work to conserve heritage build-
ings, their business characteristics and attitude to growth, their materials sourcing and ongoing
training display the adoption of sustainable development practices. However there is a lack of
opportunity for young people to enter the sector due to barriers. These are partly due to the cur-
rent economic climate of public sector funding cuts but also to do with the interface between
client and company. We have identified that the architect plays a key role here and this will be
the subject of further research.
that there is a lack of empirical evidence, and thus a gap in our knowledge of the heritage supply
market, and of the specific experiences of craft firms in their attempts to supply this market.
This article hopes to make a contribution to our understanding of this issue, one which is es-
pecially pertinent in the current challenging economic climate which sees the UK public sector
facing cuts. It is anticipated that the heritage sector will see change and uncertainty as a result of
these cuts and this is likely to reduce employment opportunities and require a more adaptable
workforce (Institute of Conservation, 2011). Specifically the paper has the following aim:
To explore the experiences of the Yorkshire heritage building craft industry in the heritage
supply market and to consider how this might affect our future capacity to conserve heritage as-
sets.
In our study we are focusing upon skills and the supply chain experiences of craft companies
by examining how they get work, the nature of the work undertaken and the heritage market,
their sourcing of materials and labour, and training and skills developments.
1.1 Definitions
Within both the craft and heritage literatures, terms can be difficult to express precisely and def-
initions difficult to agree. Indeed, in the UK the term craft is not officially defined, but is recog-
nised as being associated with skilled labour, natural and vernacular components, and an ele-
ment of creativity (European Commission, 2011). Even the research published by the NHTG in
2008 did not pre-define what was meant by traditional building craft skills, instead associating
them with skills demanded in the repair of pre-1919 buildings, and more generally with tradi-
tional materials and methods (NHTG, 2008). The survey of client groups showed a demand for
a great range of crafts, including mason, timber preserver and glass painter, and questions re-
main about what exactly the NHTG means by traditional building craft skills beyond any work
on a historic building.
In this study we are focusing upon those firms which are employed in the conservation, repair
and maintenance of the historic environment, known as the traditional heritage building sector.
The most appropriate definition of traditional heritage building skills is that provided by
Bilbrough and Moir (2004): Specialist building skills using traditional materials and techniques
required to conserve, preserve and restore the nations historic buildings and structures.
(p.212). Even then we need some understanding of what trades or occupations fall within this
definition. Bilbrough and Moir (2004) provide a comprehensive interpretation of the types of
traditional building skills that should be included: bricklayers/craft masons, carpenters and join-
ers (bench and site), roof slaters and tilers, stone masons (including flint workers), leadworkers,
painters and decorators, steeplejacks, scaffolders, glaziers, hard landscapers, wall and floor til-
ers, plasterers (solid and fibrous), faade cleaners, thatchers, dry-stone wallers, cob and earth
wallers, rural pargetters, wattle and daubers and blacksmiths (ironwork). (p.212). Whilst some
of these can be readily identified with heritage, for example cob and earth wallers, for others
we need to know more about the nature of the work they undertake in order to classify them as
heritage workers. Whilst some may specialise in heritage work, others may work on both herit-
age and general building contracts.
1.2 Funding of heritage building projects
Earlier we suggested that the source of funding is likely to have an impact upon the contracting
process. Therefore it is appropriate to consider the funding environment within the UK. There
are various sources of funding available for heritage projects. The largest source of public fund-
ing is available via the Heritage Lottery Fund (HLF). The HLF, which is a non-departmental
public body accountable to Parliament, aims to sustain and transform UK heritage through fund-
ing innovative projects that have a long-term impact on both people and place. It is the largest
dedicated funder of the UKs heritage, claiming to be responsible for allocating about
375million a year (HLF, 2012). The value of grants awarded in 2010-11 was actually 211
million, and whilst this was a significant increase on the 101.9 million distributed in 2009-10,
it is a 48% decrease on the 2002-03 figures. Success in obtaining grants is also down, indicating
that it is becoming harder to obtain HLF grants (EH, 2011). Following the HLF, English Heri-
tage (EH) is the second largest source of grant funding for heritage projects, awarding grants of
Heritage 2012
34.8 million in 2010-11. EH administers much of the UKs heritage protection in its role as the
Governments statutory advisor on the historic environment. Funding is also provided by volun-
tary bodies and private individuals and organizations. The National Trust is the largest voluntary
organisation involved in the management of historic properties and landscapes. It spends con-
siderable sums in the operation of day-to-day activities but additionally funds capital projects
linked to historic buildings. In 2010/11 this sum was 76.2m. There are no official statistics on
private funding and so the input from this sector is difficult to quantify. However it is claimed
that the majority of funding on the historic environment comes from this sector. There have
been some attempts to estimate the scale on investment. For example the Historic Houses Asso-
ciation estimated in 2003-04 an annual spend of 3.5 billion on historic buildings by the private
sector (EH, 2011).
In addition to expressing the significance of the market through funding and economic con-
tribution, its contribution to society can also be considered in terms of the value conferred upon
it by the public. Bilbrough and Moir (2004) report a poll which found that 87% of the public in
England value the cultural contribution of the historic environment and, significantly, think that
the government should fund its preservation. The public can demonstrate their support through
their participation in heritage related activities such as visiting sites, joining heritage organiza-
tions and volunteering. More recently, in 2010-11, a survey of participation showed that 70.7%
of all adults participated, the majority through visiting sites (EH, 2011).
Bilbrough and Moir suggest that the demand for heritage building skills is likely to increase,
as the public becomes more aware of the value of the historic environment. However they also
link this to a more affluent society, and so economic downturn is likely to affect this trend.
However, developments in sustainability and a greater emphasis upon localism may also play a
part.
1.3 The UK Heritage sector and sustainability
The heritage sector has become the focus of growing attention in the UK evidenced by a range
of reports commissioned by government and heritage bodies. The UK Government recognises
that heritage and the historic environment can make an important contribution to a variety of
goals, including economic, social and environmental goals (EH, 2010). Overall it has been esti-
mated that heritage tourism generates more than 12.4 billion of expenditure per year and sup-
ports more than 195,000 full time jobs (HLF, 2010).
The historic environment and buildings are seen to contribute towards a sense of place that
engenders local pride, economic growth and community cohesion (EH, 2000 and 2002). It is al-
so acknowledged that the heritage and building conservation sectors contribute to wider factors
that relate to concepts of sustainable development. English Heritage estimates that over 3,000
volunteers spent 230,000 hours of their time at National Trust properties in Yorkshire and the
North East of England in 2010/11, displaying a sense of social and community responsibility
(EH, 2011).
A study of craft activity (relating to decorative crafts such as jewellery making and ceramics),
in Fife, East Scotland found it to resonate with principles of sustainable development fundamen-
tally, as growth models were based on the health of people, society and the environment, rather
than profit alone (Ferraro et al, 2011). The authors claim that the lifestyle patterns of the crafts-
people interviewed reflect a sustainable development model where well being rather than con-
tinued growth, is the primary motivating factor (Ferraro et al, 2011). This complements Cham-
bers and Conways argument that an individuals livelihood can be seen as sustainable if it
enhances or maintains local assets by contributing to anothers (or a communitys) livelihood
(1991), thereby building social capital as well as contributing to a local economy. If the historic
environment contributes to peoples way of life as English Heritage claims (2000, 2002 and
2011), then traditional building craft activity that maintains and enhances historic buildings can
also be seen as sustainable. By finding out more about the sites that craftspeople work on, their
practices and the supply chain that they become involved with, this study will seek to contribute
to discussions about links between sustainability, building conservation and traditional craft.
2 METHODOLOGY
Our exploration of the heritage building sector in Yorkshire and Humber comprises 3 elements.
Firstly we have undertaken a review of documents that address related policy and practices.
These include academic, practitioner and policy based sources of literature. Secondly we have
determined a range of appropriate heritage focused demographics for Yorkshire and Humber-
side. Thirdly, and most importantly, we have undertaken in-depth interviews with 15 craft com-
panies in the region.
The literature review comprised a methodical review of databases to ascertain contributions
from the academic community, both conceptual and empirical. Search terms such as craft, herit-
age, and traditional building combined with supply, small company and historic environment
were used. In addition documents produced by relevant policy and practitioner bodies were also
accessed.
Yorkshire and Humber, the 5
th
biggest of the 9 English regions, was chosen not least because
it was known to the authors as having a healthy supply of traditional building craft companies
that could be approached for interview and easily accessed. With both rural and urban areas, the
heritage in the region is broadly representative of the national picture. A range of heritage relat-
ed demographics are documented in Table 1.

Table 1. Yorkshire and Humber Region Heritage Profile.
Heritage Measure Value
% of English world heritage sites 11
% Scheduled monuments 13
% Registered battlefields 16
% Region in national park 20
% Region classed as Area of Outstanding National Beauty 6
% Conservation areas 9
% Parks and gardens 7.3
% Listed buildings 8.4
Number of Grade 1 Listed buildings 686
Number of Grade 2* Listed Buildings 1510
Number of Grade 2 Listed Buildings 29221
Number of pre-1919 buildings 601000
HLF: total value of awards 2010-11 12.039,173
EH: total value of awards 3,060,602
% adult participation in heritage related activities 70.8
Source: English Heritage, 2012 and NHTG, 2005 & 2008

The interviews provide the main contribution to the study. Original evidence has been ob-
tained from 15 craft companies working in the traditional building sector and operating within
the Yorkshire and Humber region. The evidence was obtained by conducting in-depth qualita-
tive interviews with the owner or a senior manager from each company; someone we considered
to have an overview of both the managerial and day-to-day side of the company. The interviews
were loosely structured around a set of themes, namely: methods employed to obtain work, es-
pecially but not restricted to the public sector; sourcing of materials and labour; nature of work
undertaken and market; and training and skills development.
The interviews were conducted jointly by the 2 authors and, with one exception, took place at
the companies premises or at a current site location. The choice of venue had two advantages.
Firstly we wished the interviewees to feel comfortable in order to encourage open and frank par-
ticipation, and we felt this would be maximized in a venue that provided convenience and famil-
iarity. Secondly we were also interested in observing first hand the materials and / or work that
the company was engaged in. This very often produced additional insights either through addi-
tional discussion with the interviewee, or meeting other workers as well as an opportunity to
photograph the work and materials. All interviewees gave permission for our conversations to
be recorded and these have been transcribed.
Whilst our analysis is loosely based upon the themes mentioned, we have attempted to identi-
fy, categorise and incorporate any additional themes that have emerged from our conversations,
Heritage 2012
in keeping with the exploratory nature of this stage of our study. This open approach has also
encouraged us to develop our questions and prompts with each interviewee following initial and
informal reflections by the researchers after meeting each company.
3 FINDINGS
In this section we report the findings from our conversations with the 15 participant craft com-
panies. We present our evidence structured around the four themes identified in the methodolo-
gy, but begin with a consideration of the characteristics of craft companies.
3.1 Craft companies characteristics
Bilborough and Moir identified that little was known about the specific characteristics of the
heritage building market in 2004. The quantitative work of the NHTG has filled that gap to a
certain extent on a national basis, but there are still gaps relating to qualitative characteristics
and regional variation (2005 & 2008). The qualitative approach we have adopted, of undertak-
ing semi-structured interviews with 15 craft companies located in the Yorkshire region of the
UK, seeks to address this.
It is said that 92% of people working in the heritage building industry work in companies
employing less than 8 people (Bilborough & Moir 2004). In contrast the majority of our inter-
viewees are working for slightly larger companies of between 10 and 20 people. However, this
is more likely to be reflective of the researchers decision to find out about companies of vary-
ing sizes than of the construction industry itself. That said, the companies all had a high propor-
tion of practicing craftspeople as employees and the majority of people we spoke to felt that
having a craft background or an understanding of historic buildings was important in the sector.
Details about the demographic detail of each company can be found in Table 2.

Table 2. Profile of companies interviewed
Co Craft Discipline Location Employees Craftspeople Recent performance
1 Plasterers Rural 5.2 4 Steady
2 Carpenters/joiners Urban 2 2 Steady
3 Stone masons Urban 9 8 Steady
4 Roofing Urban 22 17 Workforce reductions
7 General builders Rural 11 11 Growth
8 Blacksmiths Rural 15 10 Steady
9 Roofers Urban 20 15 Growth
10 Stone masons Rural 8 8 Growth
11 Roofers Rural 100+ Flexible Workforce reductions
12 Painters/decorators Rural 1 1 Steady
13 General builders Urban 10 9 Steady
14 Stone masons Urban 65 59 Workforce reductions
15 Stone masons Rural 1 1 Growth

Many of the senior managers we spoke to had begun their career in the workshop, as had
many of their staff, with several talking about the length of time employees tended to stay with
the company:
[Of the 11 staff] 3 are family directors, of the other 8 only 1 has joined us from elsewhere in
the last 5 years. All the others have been apprentice trained from school leaving. So, going up to
the most senior member of staff being Chris, hes in his mid 50s, hes worked with us since he
was 15. Hes got a son working for us now thats joined as an apprentice. Weve got another lad
called Steve, weve recently taken on an apprentice and thats his son. So, some say its a bit of
a life sentence when you come here.
The length of time that employees tended to stay with companies and the high level of pasto-
ral care that the senior managers showed towards their employees, with many discussing them
by name, united a number of our interviewees.
When asking about the distance companies travel for work we received a range of responses,
with some travelling distances of 100 miles and others happy to travel internationally if it was
feasible. Many companies were more likely to travel for a client they had developed a relation-
ship with. This contrasts markedly with Bilbrough and Moirs findings that most companies do
their work within a 10-mile radius (2004).
A characteristic that we have come across regularly and which can be seen to embody new
and creative definitions of sustainability, which advocate locally based livelihoods (Parts et al
2011) or build social capital (Ferraro et al 2011), is that of motivations. Interviewees have gen-
erally indicated that they and their employees are driven and inspired by factors other than fi-
nancial incentive:
They all have a passion for old buildings
Everybody that works for me, they have an interest. [] They like doing this work. So luckily
weve got an interested workforce. And if theyre interested theyll try and do the better job,
than just doing something that theyre not bothered about, you know.
Another interviewee said that their employees needed to have an artistic temperament in or-
der to work in the heritage or bespoke sector. This evokes the idea of Sennett, which emphasises
the joy of work itself (2008). The other motivations gained from conserving heritage buildings
are demonstrated in the painstaking practices that some of the companies use (figures 3 and 4).
Putting such practices in place to conserve aesthetics and heritage material take time and effort
to design and implement, and are part of saving the heritage asset for the community and the fu-
ture (Ferraro et al 2011). It could also be argued that the challenging nature of the work, which
involves introducing materials and techniques to employees, has sustainable benefits in terms of
education (Ferraro et al 2011).
3.2 Training and skills development
The shortage of traditional building craft skills has been well documented, there is evidence to
suggest that the shortage is not manifested on the ground (NHTG, 2005 and 2008). Several of
our interviewees reported that there were more skilled people than jobs since the economic cri-
sis, reinforcing the belief that the craft sector is strongest in periods of economic growth
(Bilbrough and Moir 2004). In addition, there is potential for increased competition from gen-
eral builders without expertise as there is nothing to prevent them from diversifying into this
sector (Bilbrough and Moir 2004). This challenges the NHTG research, which related the need
for skills closely to numbers of heritage assets and predicted year on year growth between 2008
and 2011 (NHTG 2008).
In an industry that largely relies on apprenticeship training for skilled craft workers, cyclical
and sustainable training patterns rely directly on the health of the construction industry as a
whole. Of the companies that we spoke to, around 200 employees were represented and only
one company was considering recruiting an apprentice. Some cited the economic slowdown as a
reason for not being able to offer training to new entrants, but it is perhaps more worrying that
some companies considered taking on an apprentice too expensive even in times of growth. One
company claimed that nearly all new staff recruited were from mainland Europe because they
were better prepared with relevant training. Although these is little evidence to suggest that this
is a trend, the lack of trainees in the sector is notable, especially as some interviewees reported
receiving unsolicited letters from potential employees regularly.

Heritage 2012

Figure 3. Technique adopted by company 7 for recording a wall prior to dismantling and rebuilding

Figure 4. Stones are individually labelled by company 10 so that they can be rebuilt in the same position

Overall the findings appear to demonstrate that despite people wanting to enter this sector
there are certain barriers, due in part to the economic climate, preventing them. However, there
may be other relevant factors: Sennetts view that the primary motivator for craft activity is the
work itself, rather than growth or educating new entrants, may be relevant (2008). Could it be
that the sustainable (Ferraro et al 2011), slow craft activity of this demographic leans away
from traditional company apprenticeship models that provide for future growth? The relation-
ships at play here need further work as at the moment there are few opportunities for young
people among our interviewees, whose companies we know can offer long-term, motivating
employment in an activity that can be seen as socially beneficial.
3.3 Gaining work
Our sample companies worked for clients across the public, private and third sectors. We found
that with public sector clients, or where the funding was sourced from the public sector, the de-
mands of the tendering process were more onerous than for private sector clients, reflecting a
formal need to demonstrate value for money and transparency (Business Link). However they
did not find the tender process obstructive and seemed more accepting of meeting qualification
criteria, such as health and safety, risk assessment, and diversity, than has been reported previ-
ously based upon evidence from the broader small businesses community (Loader, 2011).
Many of the interviewees reported that they didnt have to actively look for work, but rather
they were approached directly and invited to carry out the work, or to submit a tender. They felt
that an important element to gaining work was developing a relationship with an architect or
client, based upon reputation. Once this was established they would receive opportunities to
tender for work regularly. This resonates with Bilbrough and Moirs claim (2004) that word of
mouth is important in getting work. The significance of the role of the architect was a common
and prominent factor to emerge from our interviewees. This is an aspect which needs further re-
search and we intend to follow this up in the next stage of our study.
Another feature to emerge from our discussion was the presence of unknowns on conserva-
tion projects compared to new build for example. Such uncertainty is difficult to incorporate in-
to a specification and is likely to lead to a need for further funding, or pressure to cut costs.
Yeah, cos things changes so quickly on site. You know, we were digging that trench down
there and found a few bits of pot, a few bones. Archaeologist chap was there for two days, never
found a thing. [The plasterer] was working at one side of the trench, Id been working here, so
we were literally this distance apart. I left a little ledge as a step down to the foundation, []
steps in and says do you want me to take this ledge out. I said well Im not really bothered, it
doesnt matter. He said oh I will do. It was only a ledge in the, like that, puts his pick through
it, found a culvert. All of a sudden thats a fortnight worth of work lost You know, cos they have
to come and scrape it off, photograph it, make sure its...Unless youre unlucky you wont find
that on a normal building site.
A number of interviewees told us about jobs going unfinished, and completed jobs not being
paid for. The situation can be difficult when clients are parish or church bodies and may be de-
pendent upon grant funding.
Some interviewees reported experiencing more difficulty in gaining work recently, but sever-
al thought this to be directly linked to increased competition from other larger companies pay-
ing for work to maintain operations in the immediate term:
Theyre trying to get their feet in again. So theyre buying the jobs, not buying in, theyre go-
ing really cheap, so theyre now sometimes cheaper than me. Well this is surprising,
The majority of our interviewees would not consider this approach:
We priced it tight because we wanted the job. Im not going to start buying work
3.4 Heritage: the market and nature of work undertaken
In the year before we began our research, two Yorkshire based companies involved with herit-
age building restoration had gone into administration: 135 year old Quibells and Irwins, which
had live contracts at the National Trusts Nostell Priory and Heslington Hall, a large listed
building owned by the University of York (constructionenquirer.com accessed 2012). Then in
Autumn 2011, a renowned West Midlands based company Linford-Bridgeman, which had oper-
ated for 130 years, working recently on prestigious projects such as grade I listed Apethorpe
Hall owned by English Heritage, also collapsed (linfordbridgeman.com accessed 2012, Spankie
& Law 2009). The experience of these craft companies further demonstrates the need to analyse
the exact relationship between supply and demand in this sector, as well as companies own
perceptions of the skills shortages. The Linford case seems to have particularly shaken the sec-
tor, with several of our interviewees mentioning it as indicative of current issues
All of the companies we interviewed are still in operation and gave varied accounts of the
strength of their business in the current economic climate. A few people reported growth, while
many had remained stable and unconcerned by growing much beyond their current capacity in
future, reflecting principles of sustainable development (Ferraro et al 2011):
Id rather just stick within ourwhat we can capably do. I dont want to take on loads more
menI dont see the point. I want quality of life. I want a life as well as working. And I love my
work, so Im happy, but it mustnt be everything. And I want my lads to feel comfortable, that
they have the time and they can do the job right
It is perhaps noteworthy then that of the 15 companies represented at interview, only three of
the bigger firms had undergone reductions to their workforce (table 2).
Heritage 2012
In the main our interviewees seemed to be quite well positioned with clients in the public,
private and third sectors as mentioned before. This reinforces the view that specialisation is the
exception rather than the rule (Bilborough & Moir 2004). However, that several companies
mentioned public sector funding, sometimes via a third party client, appears to demonstrate the
importance that intervention exerts in this sector, although budget cuts are in evidence.
As discussed above, public sector intervention and competitive tender processes seem an es-
tablished and understood part of our interviewees work. However, accepted though these pro-
cesses seem to be, there is evidence to suggest that many of our interviewees considered that
they had the potential to reduce the quality of their work:
But they always go by tender procedure and that actually militates against quality.
Best value basically means cheapest price.
3.5 Sourcing materials and labour
These discussions coincide with Sennetts argument that a craftsman produces quality for the
enjoyment of it, improving quality for qualitys sake rather than in a competitive climate or one
of social enhancement (2008). Sennett suggests that while craft activity can operate within a
competitive framework or be seen to embody sustainable principles, the principle motivation of
the craft community is something quite different (2008). Indeed, we have found many of our in-
terviewees to be deeply motivated, speaking with clarity and passion about the crafts, in a way
that contrasts with research about indifference in the wider UK construction industry (Thiel
2005). The companies individual ways of working could be one reason why most of our inter-
viewees felt that new employees needed some sort of training to work with them. The amount
and type of training varied, with some suggesting that bespoke, on the job, non-accredited train-
ing was most valuable. At this stage there is not evidence to suggest that the skills conferred are
valuable beyond the job at hand, but the existence and consideration of training and continued
education can be seen to contribute to sustainable development models (Ferraro et al 2011).
As mentioned above, several of the interviewees were concerned about the nature of the ma-
terials they used, with some suggesting a preference for local or natural products. Where
sourcing materials was difficult, in the case of stone slates and certain types of stone particular-
ly, some interviewees demonstrated intimate knowledge of where suitable sources were, while
others kept stores for future use. The shortage of materials has been recognised in this sector for
some time and Local Authoritys were encouraged in Planning Policy Guidance 15: Planning
and the Historic Environment to establish banks of materials for conservation. That some craft
companies are fulfilling this role further implies their contribution to social as well as financial
economies (Ferraro et al 2011), and community self-reliance (Murray 2011). Indeed, we found
that most of the companies were committed to using local suppliers and materials: several used
sand local to the relevant building site and two discussed the potential for doing a lime burn,
thus manufacturing their materials on a micro scale.
4 CONCLUSION
The study determines the factors which affect the companies success in supplying the public
sector alongside an analysis of their behaviour and attitudes in order to contribute to our under-
standing between the supply and demand for craft skills. We have found that while craft compa-
nies experience few difficulties in winning work when the emphasis is on best practice building
conservation, there are barriers to getting work when the detail is unknown because of a vague
or absent specification document, or because of unknowns inherent in the project. In addition to
writing the specification, we have found that it is also normal practice for the architect to invite
companies to tender for work, thereby exerting some influence over who is competing. This is
why we have highlighted that the role of the architect as an interface between the client and
craft company is so important and something that needs further exploration.
We have also found that the nature of the companies work conserving heritage buildings,
their business characteristics and attitude to growth, materials sourcing and ongoing training
display sustainable development practices. However, it is currently difficult for young inexperi-
enced people to enter the sector because of a lack of opportunity. This can partly be attributed to
the economic climate and falls in public sector spending, but there is some evidence to suggest
that the issue is more deeply embedded, with several companies choosing to recruit improvers
over apprentices. The impact that this could have on our capacity to conserve heritage buildings
is as yet unclear, but with a number of companies having gone into administration and a lack of
younger people entering the sector, it is likely that numbers of skilled craftspeople will continue
to decline. If this is the case, we risk not only the capacity to care for the heritage buildings
around us, likely manifested in temporary but recurring skills shortages, but also the additional
sustainable benefits that we have seen these companies are able to contribute.
REFERENCES
Bilbrough B and Moir J .2004. Heritage Building Crafts in Collins, E. J. T. (Editor) Crafts in the
English Countryside Towards a Future Countryside Agency Publications: Wetherby
Business Link. Overview on selling to Government. The Procurement Process.
(http://www.businesslink.gov.uk/bdotg/action/detail?itemId=1073792570&r.i=1073792569&r.l1=107386
1169&r.l2=1073858827&r.l3=1074033478&r.s=sc&r.t=RESOURCES&type=RESOURCES ), 27th
February 2012.
Chambers R and Conway G .1991. Sustainable rural livelihoods: sustainable concepts for the 21
st

century. Institute of Development Studies: unpublished
Construction Enquirer .2010. www.constructionenquirer.com/2010/11/26/leed-builder-irwins-
goes-under. Accessed February 2012.
Construction Enquirer .2010. www.constructionenquirer.com/2010/11/29/quibell-sons-hull-goes-into-
administration. Accessed February 2012
Cox E and Bebbington J (n.d.). Craft and Sustainable Development An Investigation. Unpublished
Department of the Environment .1994. Planning Policy Guidance 15 Planning and the Historic Envi-
ronment. HMSO: London
English Heritage .2000. Power of Place. English Heritage: London.
English Heritage .2002. A Force for our Future. English Heritage: London.
English Heritage .2010. Impact of Historic Environment Regeneration, Final Report. English Heritage:
London.
English Heritage .2011. Heritage Counts England, Historic Environment Forum.
European Commission .2011. Final Report Future Skills Needs in Micro and Craft(-type)
Enterprises up to 2020 European Commission, DG Enterprise and Industry, Unit F.2
Ferraro E White R Cox E Bebbington J and Wilson S .2011. Craft & sustainable development reflections
on Scottish craft & pathways to sustainability. Craft + design enquiry 3.
GHK 2010 The Impact of Historic Visitor Attractions. Final Report. London.
Heritage Lottery Fund .2012. About Us http://www hlf.org.uk/aboutus/Pages/AboutUs.aspx (23rd
February 2012)
Institute of Conservation .2011. National Conservation Education and Skills Strategy . Draft for
Consultation.
Linford Masonry (n.d.) www.linfordmasonry.com/our_history. Accessed February 2012.
Murray K 2011. Craft & Sustainable Design. Craft + design enquiry 3.
National Heritage Training Group .2005. Traditional Building Craft Skills. Reassessing the Need,
Addressing the Issues. England.
National Heritage Training Group .2008. Traditional Building Craft Skills. Reassessing the Need,
Addressing the Issues. England 2008 Review
Parts PK, Rennu M, Jts L, Matsin A and Metslang J .2011. Developing sustainable heritage-based live-
lihoods: an initial study of artisans and their crafts in Viljandi County, Estonia. Journal of Internation-
al Heritage Studies 17:5.
Sennett R .2008. The Craftsman. Penguin, London.
Spankie K & Law B .2009. English Heritage. Oxford Film and Television Ltd.
Theil D .2005. Builders the social organisation of a construction site. PhD thesis, University of London.
Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
Besides its artistic or historical value, the importance of industrial remains is mainly related to
its testimonial significance. Industrial remains are a key testimony of a major social shift; i.e.
the shift from an agricultural to an industrial type of society.
Within this wider scope, mining remains can be regarded as a specific dimension of industrial
heritage. From an historical point of view, mining was a key factor of industrial revolution.
From an economical stand, it was a key contribution to the expansion of exportations. And from
a social perspective, mining workers played a key role in the appraisal of the labor unions
movement, throughout the world.
Valuing mining and industrial heritage is also related with the recognition of industrial arc-
haeology in Europe. For authors like Santacreu (1992) the notion of industrial archaeology
emerged within the context of industrial revolution, and achieved widespread attention around
de 50s and the 60s. As a result, several mining heritage societies were created.
Within the concept of mining heritage, the notion of mining-metallurgic remains include the
traces of extractive activities as well as the ones related to metal production. This type of herit-
age is considered a paradigmatic combination of cultural and natural heritage because of the
XIX
th
Century coal mining settlements in Chile: the challenge for
sustainable touristic reuse and heritage preservation
M. I. Lpez
Universidad del Bio Bio
ABSTRACT: Mining settlements and sites, established during the XIXth century, are a key tes-
timony of industrial revolution in the world. As such, they are increasingly being valued as a
particular type of industrial heritage, and promoted as tourist attractions. Particularly in Europe
and the US, many sites have been turned into open mining museums, ecomuseums or cultur-
al parks, thus recognizing the value of its physical remains, the importance of a particular cul-
tural landscape, and local identity among mining communities. Advocators of this trend have
promoted mining tourism, as a way to revert dramatic economic decay and environmental prob-
lems, in the post-mining era. In spite of this enthusiasm, several questions remain to be ans-
wered; such as:
1. What should be the role of public agencies, the local community and in general the civil
society, in this shift from mining, to cultural tourism and heritage preservation? Eg.
Who should be the new manager of the buildings and sites, after the mining company
departures?
2. What kind of urban processes, planning policies and tools, should be used in order to
achieve sustainable touristic reuse of mining heritage?
3. And finally, how can local participation be a central aspect of urban change?
Using the case of the former coal mining settlements of Lota and Coronel, at the south of Chile,
the presentation addresses these issues and proposes: a set of steps for a sustainable cultural and
touristic reuse of mining heritage.
symbiotic relation between the mine and the geological heritage which is unveiled through min-
ing. That is how the social and historical value, along with the technical and natural values are
all components of this type of heritage (Ayala-Carcedo, 2000, Pg. 34).
Thanks to the increasing recognition of mining heritage, various researchers such as Lpez
(2010); Orche (2004, 2003, 2002 and 2002b); Puche (2003 and 2000); Puche et al (1997 and
1993); and Carvajal et al (2003 and 2003b) have promoted the recovery of mining remains as
cultural heritage; and have promoted its reuse for tourism. As a result, in various countries
(specially in Europe) international organizations have fostered the creation of mining museums,
eco-museums, open air museums, and cultural parks, sustaining: touristic, recreational, scientif-
ic or even therapeutic land uses (Sabat, 2004; Carvajal, 2003 and Orche, 2003; Sabat y Schus-
ter, 2001).
In spite of this enthusiasm, several questions remain to be answered; such as: i) what should
be the role of public agencies, the local community and the civil society, in this shift from min-
ing, to cultural tourism and heritage preservation? E.g. Who should be the new manager of the
buildings and sites, after the mining company departures?; ii) What kind of urban processes,
planning policies and tools, should be used in order to achieve sustainable touristic reuse of
mining heritage?; and finally iii) How can local participation be a central aspect of urban
change?
Using the case of the former coal mining settlements of Lota and Coronel, at the south of
Chile, the presentation approaches these issues and proposes a series of steps for a successful
and sustainable touristic reuse of former mining areas. The proposal is based in the analysis of
mining heritage tourism in Europe, and in depth case study analysis of initiatives in the UK.
The research methodology considered a descriptive, an evaluative and a prospective approach.
The descriptive approach aimed to identify the main components of initiatives that succeeded to
foster tourism and heritage preservation
1
. The evaluative approach aimed to identify the main
contributions of these same initiatives to sustainable local development, according to a set of pa-
rameters based on preservation and sustainable tourism theory. And finally, the prospective ap-
proach explored the potential of the former mining territory of Lota and Coronel, in Chile, to
implement a sustainable process of tourism reuse.
The article is structured in three parts. The first part presents the main arguments supporting
heritage significance of the former mining area of Lota and Coronel. The second part presents
the main steps for a sustainable touristic reuse of heritage. And the third part presents the main
conclusions regarding opportunities and restrictions for these kind o initiatives in former mining
territories in Chile.
2 MINING HERITAGE IN LOTA AND CORONEL
In Chile, coal mining developed mainly in three areas located at the south of the country: at the
Arauco Gulf, in the Bio Bio Region (Mazzei, 1997); near the cities of Valdivia and Chilo, in
the Los Ros and Los Lagos regions; and in the Magallanes basin, in the Magallanes Region
(Martinic, 2010 and 2004). Above all, the mines of Arauco surpassed production anywhere else,
leading coal production in Chile (Ortega, 1992).
Within the Arauco Gulf, the biggest mining company was the one founded by Matas Cou-
sio in the year 1850, in Lota. The one founded by Federico Schwager in Coronel followed in
importance. That is how by the end of the XIXth century Lota and Coronel (Fig. 1) were two of
the main industrial complexes in Chile (Ortega, 1992). Accordingly, both urban settlements
were deeply modified by a new way of life, the expansion of industrial installations, and the
construction of various facilities, houses and open spaces that even today define local cha-
racter and stand out as key elements of the urban image.

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Figure 1. The expansion of coal mining properties at the south of the Bio Bio river. Source: the Author

In Lota, the mining settlement, known as Lota Alto, was built beside the industrial installa-
tions. The urban layout follows a spatial hierarchy that expresses both the organization of work
within the mining company (Muoz, 2000) and the irregular relief, thus achieving a unique ur-
ban form. The settlement expanded at the same pace as the industrial complex. And the new
technologies, originally meant for industrial purposes, were also used for urban development.
In Coronel, pioneering mining initiatives started during the mid XIXth century in the area of
Puchoco, at the north end of the Arauco Gulf (Aburto y Gutirrez, 1999, Pg. 43). Mining at-
tracted investment and workers; and in the year 1872, when the railway line was extended to the
south border of the Bio Bio River, many new inhabitants arrived (Vera, 1984, Pgs 13 14). Fi-
nally, in 1982, the merging of the mining companies of Punta Puchoco and Boca Maule, in Co-
ronel, produced one of the most important social, urban and economic transformations in the
Bio Bio Region.
Coal mining defined and fostered development in Lota and Coronel. However, international
shifts in coal mining production - during the 60s along with cost increases, led to a long crisis
of coal production. Thats how after several years of struggle - the coal field at Puchoco was
closed in 1994 and so was the coal field at Lota three years later (Prez et al, 2004). After the
mines were closed the government implemented several measures to reduce unemployment.
However these actions havent been able to attract investment nor to generate a relevant impact
in the community.
3 KEY STEPS FOR TOURISTIC REUSE OF MINING HERITAGE
Main results of the research suggest that fostering a process of touristic reuse of former mining
settlements should consider the following steps.
3.1 Assessing heritage significance and other assets of the former mining territory
This phase requires two types of analysis. Firstly, to assess the architectural, historical and cul-
tural significance of mining remains, and secondly, to precise the limits of the management
area. Heritage significance should be assessed regarding the physical remains of the site
2
and
other intangible expressions of mining culture. One important aspect is that the site expresses
not only the working conditions, but also, the social aspects of mining culture
3
. Finally, heritage
assessment should take into account whether mining remains have a local, regional, national or
universal value.
Regarding the management area, the analysis of successful mining museums suggests that
touristic success of the initiative may require the following:
1. Achieving a balance between the scale of the site and accessibility from major urban ag-
glomerations. That is how, small heritage areas (7 to 10 hectares) may only be able to attract an
important number of visitors when located at the fringes - or within - major urban centers.
Larger sites on the other hand (250 to 550 hectares) may only need to be accessible on a day trip
from major urban agglomerations (i.e. at a maximum distance of 45 km. approx.). Achieving a
balance between scale and accessibility of the site contributes to its touristic attractiveness and,
consequently, to economic feasibility of the initiative.
2. Including the local community within the management area. This feature is important to
social sustainability, for two reasons. Firstly, because it provides visitors with a more holistic
grasp of mining culture; and secondly, because it facilitates participation of the local communi-
ty.
Mining heritage areas in Lota and Coronel, may be described as a coastal border located at
the south of Concepcion: the regions capital city. Mining heritage areas may be described as
four heritage stations. The first two, when approaching from Concepcin, include the former
coal field and settlements of Maule and Puchoco in Coronel, and have a total of 64 hectares
(Fig. 2). The following station is the industrial area and coal settlement of Lota Alto, which
has 198 hectares. Finally, the last station is the Hydroelectric Central of Chivilingo and sur-
rounding areas, with a total extension of 7 hectares. In this way, the summing up of the four
stations, reaches around 262 hectares.
Finally, mining heritage areas of Lota and Coronel are still inhabited by the former mining
community.
That is how, the management site of a touristic initiative in the area, should be conceived as:
The large type of site; that is: a site including at least the whole 198 hectares of heritage
areas and, if appropriate, other areas withstanding natural or recreational value.
Including the inhabited historical settlements

Figure 2. The four heritage stations: Maule and Puchoco in Coronel, and Lota Alto and Chivilingo in
Lota. Source: the author

Regarding accessibility, Lota and Coronel are two of the various urban centers belonging to
the Metropolitan Area of Concepcin (AMC). With more than 900.000 inhabitants, the AMC is
the second most populated metropolitan area of Chile; and Lota is located 36.5 km south from
Concepcin (Fig. 3). On the other hand, even though the mining area is connected to the AMC
through the 160 Route, various measures to improve accessibility, should be implemented
4

Heritage 2012
Regarding heritage significance, even though the mining areas of Lota and Coronel have no
official designation as world heritage site (WHS), the analysis illustrates powerful arguments to
support their designation. These results show consistency with the increasing interest among
local, regional and national actors, to support Lotas application to the World Heritage List.

Figure 3. Lota, Coronel and the Metropolitan Area of Concepcin (AMC). Source: Rojas (2009)

The Arauco Gulf exhibits a rich cultural exchange that expresses the mixture of various
groups of immigrants who were attracted by the coal industry during the nineteenth century.
Immigration brought together mapuche
5
workers, Chilean farmers and entrepreneurs, and Eu-
ropean engineers and technicians. Main aspects of intangible heritage include: the development
of a rich network of social organizations and paradigmatic labor unions, as well as various cul-
tural expressions such as the language, traditions, celebrations, and artistic manifestations linked
to mining history. Also, cultural exchange triggered the development of the coal settlement of
Lota Alto as a unique adaptation of the industrial village urban model (Fig. 4), and the con-
struction of pioneer engineering facilities such as the Hydroelectric Central of Chivilingo, de-
signed by Thomas A. Edison (the first one in Chile and the second one in South America) and
the railway bridge; the first bridge to cross the widest river in Chile: the Bio Bio (Fig. 5).


Figure 4. The historical mining installations and settlement of Lota Alto. Source: the author

Within the settlement, the mining company built open areas of great beauty, such as the Isi-
dora Goyenechea Park and various buildings of architectural value. Among them the most sig-
nificant are the former house of the Park Manager (now reused as a Mining Museum), the
Matas Apstol Church, Thompson Mattews School and the Theatre of Lota (recently listed as
National Monument) (Figs. 6 and 7). All these buildings are key elements of the urban image
They stand out as landmarks because of their location (usually at corners or other key places
of the urban layout), their condition of isolated buildings and its Art Deco style of architecture;
the dominating style in Chile during the 40s. All of the above constitute examples of integration
between public buildings and the urban space, a characteristic which expresses the importance
of community life in Lota. Finally, the mining pavilions in Lota Alto stand out, as early adapta-
tions of Fouriers social utopia and as key elements of the urban image and the public realm
(Fig. 8).

Figure 5. The iron bridge across the Bio Bio
river. Source: Astorquiza, 1929.
Figure 6. View of the Parks main entrance and
the former House of the Parks Manager. Source:
Authors collection

Heritage 2012

Figure 7. The Theatre of Lota, one of the build-
ings expressing the Art Dec architectural style.
Source: SURPLAN (2005)
Figure 8. A view of one of the galleries of the col-
lective housing pavilions in Lota Alto and Matias
Apstol Church on the back. Source: Authors
collection
4 PROVIDE LEGAL PROTECTION TO MINING HERITAGE
The second step for a successful process of touristic reuse is to ensure legal protection of mining
heritage. Local authorities should use their powers in order to define as soon as possible, the
area and the buildings that should be protected. Two types of historical buildings that should be
protected in first place are: collective housing in mining areas; and the industrial installations.
This is extremely important in order to avoid important threats. In former mining areas that have
remained inhabited, housing will probably shift from only one owner (i.e. the mining company)
to several individual owners (i.e. the former miners). The fact that the houses remain occupied
diminishes the threat of decay due to redundancy. On the other hand, a major threat is that the
new home owners modify their housing units, affecting integrity of the pavilions
6
Regarding the
industrial installations, the main threat is decay due to redundancy and lack of maintenance.
Moreover, if the mining company sells the installations for a different productive use; pressures
for alterations may be very high. Thats why, in all these cases it is extremely important to de-
velop both compulsory and non compulsory preservation plans, as well as to foster local com-
mitment to preservation.
In Chile, two of the main tools for preserving built heritage are: the designation of Historic
Conservation Buildings (HBCs) and Historic Conservation Areas (HCAs) in local plans. De-
molition or alteration of protected heritage is forbidden without the authorization of the local au-
thority. Another tool is the designation of National Historic Monuments (NHM) for buildings
withstanding national significance. Applications to NHM status may be presented by any public
or non governmental entity and are decided by the National Council of Monuments (CNM).
Demolition of NHMs is absolutely forbidden; and any alterations have to be approved by the
CMN. On the other hand this legal framework for preservation has proved to be largely insuffi-
cient for various reasons.
Firstly, because it fails to ensure that the local government uses its power to protect heritage
in the local plan. Twelve years after the mines were shut down, neither of the local plans of Lota
or Coronel had been updated in order to protect heritage. Because of this lack of protection
many pavilions and row houses have suffered inappropriate modifications affecting integrity
and heritage value
7
(Figs. 9 and 10).


Figure 9. Pavilion No 81, in Lota Alto still pre-
serving its original characteristics; including the
public gallery as an intermediate space between
the houses and the street. Source: Authors collec-
tion; captured before the earthquake of 2010.

Figure 10. Row houses also in Lota Alto. The uni-
ty of the original building can no longer be distin-
guished due to inappropriate alterations. Source:
Authors collection

Also, significant open areas have been inappropriately developed. An example is the inap-
propriate occupation of the surrounding areas of the Grande Shaft
8
(Fig. 4) with social housing.
Besides the threat of occupying risk areas, inappropriate occupation has affected the importance
of the winding tower as a landmark of the mining landscape; a visual prominence that was con-
sistent with its historical and social significance (Figs.11 and 12)
A second weakness of the institutional framework in Chile is the lack of a national policy re-
garding heritage preservation and a public agency in charge of leading it. Instead, there are vari-
ous uncoordinated public entities with other main responsibilities which only tangentially
support specific initiatives in this field.

Figure 11. View of the winding tower at the Alber-
to Shaft; in its original situation standing out as a
landmark within the horizontal landscape
Figure 12. The winding tower at the Grande Shaft
now surrounded by fences and the streets of a
housing development. Source: Authors collection.
5 CREATE LOCAL AGENCIES TO MANAGE MINING HERITAGE AND ACQUIRE
KEY HISTORICAL BUILDINGS AND SITES
The third step is to create the appropriate type of agencies that will lead mining tourism in the
site. These agencies will have the goal of recovering the physical aspects of heritage, as well as
promoting cultural, touristic and educational reuse of the installations. The acquisition process
will depend on the initial situation before the mining shut down. In stately owned mining com-
Heritage 2012
panies, handing over property or administration rights may be easier and less expensive. In pri-
vately owned companies, this process may require more bargaining and expenditure. If the for-
mer mining area has a national or regional designation as a regeneration area, the preservation
initiative may find support from the agencies in charge.
The analysis suggests that some important features of the preservation agency should be:
To include in the Management Board, representatives of both the local community
9
and the
local government. The participation of local organizations is important to foster community
involvement in the preservation initiative. In turn, the participation of the local government
facilitates linking preservation goals to wider objectives of local development.
To create the agency as a non-governmental and not for profit type of organization. In
Chile the non-governmental status, allows the local government to overcome important bu-
reaucratic constraints applying to public institutions (such as: restrictions to hire professional
support or to acquire loans with private banks, among others). Also, local governments are
only allowed to participate in the Boards of not for profit organizations. Finally, not for
profit organizations are the only non governmental entities, which are eligible for public
funding.
In Lota, the former mining company (ENACAR) passed most property rights to a state
owned agency called CORFO. Later on, a few of these historic installations and buildings be-
came part of the touristic route Lota Sorprendente. CORFO entrusted the management of Lota
Sorprendente to Fundacin Chile; a national private corporation who has the Chilean govern-
ment as one of its main trustees. Even if this formula met some of the requirements listed above;
it didnt fulfill the requirement of including local representatives in the initiative. This limitation
resulted in a, long term, conflicting relation between the Foundation and the local government.
More recently the administration has been passed on to a local organization called Corporacin
Baldomero Lillo; it is yet to be seen whether this new formula will be more or less successful
than the one preceding it.
6 DESIGNING AND IMPLEMENTING A CULTURAL AND TOURISTIC FACILITY
BRIEFING, FOR THE FORMER MINING SITE
Mining heritage tourism should be oriented to implement various cultural and touristic facilities.
In order to do that, the former industrial installations, the main buildings of the settlement and
the open spaces should be reused. Also, new facilities (preserving local character) can be built.
The briefing should aim to achieve the following type of attractions:
Museums allocated at the former industrial installations and facilities, such as: underground
tunnels open to the public, theme museums showing different aspects of mining activity, oth-
er interactive scientific museums, etc.
Habilitated open spaces holding heritage significance, such as parks, main squares, pathways
or other natural areas. Habilitation efforts may include building pathways and installing sig-
nage, which explain the way in which these spaces were used during the mining period.
Cultural, educational and scientific facilities such as: theatres, arts and crafts fairs, libraries,
documentation centers, institutes or colleges
10

Other touristic facilities such as dwelling places, Visitor Centers, parking facilities, restau-
rants, and others.
These last two categories can be allocated either in newly built or in historical buildings (for
example recycling mining row housing as bed and breakfast facilities, etc).
Throughout Lota and Coronel there are some mining tourism initiatives that in a disaggre-
gated and disconnected way - approach this idea. One of the most important initiatives has been
the already mentioned touristic route Lota Sorprendente. This route includes heritage sites of:
Devils Shaft, Isidora Cousio Park, the former House of the Parks Manager (reused as a Min-
ing Museum) and the Hydroelectric Central of Chivilingo.
On the other hand the concentration of almost all initiatives in Lota Alto demonstrates the
lack of a more holistic and comprehensive approach to heritage tourism; which would include:
Important cultural attractions located in other areas of Lota (such as the fair, the library or
the former Miners Union)
The touristic potential of the costal landscape
The opportunity of connecting cultural routes of Lota to mining heritage areas in Coronel.
7 DEVELOP A PUBLIC & PRIVATE PARTNERSHIP
The preservation agency should seek coordination with key regional public agencies holding
statutory responsibilities within the site, such as: agencies of urban development and housing
provision, public infrastructure and transportation, environmental assessment, and tourism,
among others. Also the foundation should coordinate with other actors of the local level such as:
local governments, local chambers of commerce and tourism, local NGOs, and educational cen-
ters.
This coordination can be best achieved through the creation of a Strategy Group including the
above mentioned actors. The main functions of the Strategy Group would be:
To coordinate the actions of the different public and private entities having responsibility, in-
terest, or the power to affect the former mining site. One of the main goals in this respect is
to avoid that the actions of some entities, undermine the potential of the site for tourism.
To guide the process of designing and validating a Global Management Plan. The Strategy
Group should ensure that the Global Plan is consistent with other objectives of local and re-
gional development.
To monitor the fulfillment of the Plan and to assume periodical updates.
The analysis reveals important problems regarding regional planning in Chile, which have
inhibited success and sustainability of public & private partnership initiatives in Lota and Coro-
nel. These problems are:
The inexistence of a public agency capable of effectively approaching comprehensive re-
gional planning. In Chile, regional planning is only one of the various responsibilities as-
signed to the Regional Secretary of the Ministry of Housing and Urbanism (SEREMI MIN-
VU); which, in turn, has no effective tools to guide regional funds nor to influence the agenda
of other regional secretariats (such as the SEREMI of Public Infrastructure or the SEREMI of
Transport, among others)
The lack of efficient tools and incentives for inter - departmental coordination at the regional
level; to a certain extent this is related to the overwhelming concentration of decision making
at the national level, which undermines regional agents as partners in a local & regional board
The non compulsory status of regional plans
Lastly, there are other weaknesses regarding the linkage of mining preservation and tourism,
to a comprehensive urban regeneration strategy. This weakness relates to the relatively scarce
experience of the Chilean government in large scale, public & private, urban regeneration
projects
11

8 CONCLUSIONS
Historical coal mining in the Arauco Gulf has left an important architectural, urban and intangi-
ble heritage. In Lota and Coronel the significance of mining remains is related to the contribu-
tion of mining production to economic and territorial development at a local, regional and na-
tional scale; the importance of mining legacy for local identity; and the quality of urban
morphology within former mining settlements.
Additionally the presentation has proposed a series of steps to foster mining heritage tourism
in the post mining era. One of the main considerations that stems out of the proposal is the im-
portance of analyzing the location of the former mining site. In Lota and Coronel, the options of
fostering tourism benefit from the integration of these two cities to the Metropolitan Area of
Concepcion; the importance of Concepcin as a major node of service and commerce; and as
the regions capital city. A location that is integrated to a major urban agglomeration may - or
may not be - a characteristic of other former mining territories. It is clearly not the case of most
nitro mines in the north of Chile, or other mines located near the Andes
12
. It is therefore a ca-
suistic feature. Moreover, the analysis suggests that mining sites which are not accessible on a
day trip from major urban centers, should radically modify their tourist development goals and
possibly their expectations of attracting a significant number of visitors.
Heritage 2012
The findings also identify two specific issues regarding heritage tourism within mining terri-
tories. These are: i) the concentration of land ownership in the mining company, and conse-
quently ii) the complexity of empowering the local community in the management of the site
during the post mining era.
That is how, two main challenges for a sustainable management of mining heritage are the
following. In first place, to hand over property rights - at the very beginning of the post mining
phase - to an appropriate entity. That is, an entity which has an interest in preservation and cul-
tural tourism and, at the same time, fully represents the interests of the local community. In the
Arauco Gulf, the process of handing over property rights had important weaknesses such as:
handing over most buildings and sites to entities that had no attributions or responsibilities in
heritage preservation; and other installations, to entities that didnt represent the local communi-
ty
13

In second place, to create a comprehensive management board that effectively integrates the
various stakeholders that either have an interest or attributions to affect the site (the local entity
leading preservation, various local and regional public institutions, other non governmental or-
ganizations, etc.). In this way, when the mining company ceases to be in charge, the board is en-
trusted with the mission of developing a shared vision of the site. Only in this way the local
community will be able to foster urban regeneration and at the same time ensure preservation of
mining heritage.
In order to achieve the latter in Chile, it is absolutely necessary, in first place, to overcome
important weaknesses of the legal framework of both regional planning and heritage preserva-
tion. Only in this way mining heritage areas now in decay may be able to initiate a new era.
ENDNOTES
1
The analysis focused in four of the six mining museums in the UK receiving from 100.000 to 350.000
visitors a year (visitor numbers for the years 2000 to 2005): Beamish Open Air Museum, Ironbridge
Gorge Mining Museum, National Coal Mining Museum and Black Country Museum (Lpez, 2010b,
Pg xx). The comparative analysis used a Conceptual Model, built from the systems theory.
2
Eg. the number and heritage significance of the historical buildings.
3
What Cole calls the sociofacts and mentefacts of the mining culture, i.e. the aspects of social and in-
stitutional organization and the attitudinal characteristics and value systems including religion and
language respectively (2005, p. 481).
4
Such as improving public transportation and moving the toll southwards the city of Lota.
5
Mapuches are the indigenous population that inhabited the south of Chile before the Spanish coloniza-
tion.
6
Obviously this threat is also related to a lack of community commitment to preservation. Thats why it
is very important to ensure protective measures, as soon as possible after the mine is shut; before new
generations, who may be more disconnected to the mining era, increase alterations of the urban fabric.
7
Such as: changes in finishing materials, extensions, fencing of the galleries, etc.
8
One of the three Winding Towers of the coal field.
9
Such as former labor unions, or other local NGOs with an interest in mining heritage.
10
Offering careers such as geology, anthropology, architectural preservation or others which might use
the site as a living laboratory
11
Large scale urban regeneration projects including public & private partnerships began to be imple-
mented in Chile during the 90s as Comprehensive Urban Projects (in Spanish: Proyectos Urbanos In-
tegrales or PUIs); most of them have aimed to ameliorate housing conditions of an existing low in-
come population.
12
Such as the former copper mine at Sewell, listed as a World Heritage Site in the year 2005.
13
That is to CORFO agency and Fundacin Chile. The mission of the former is to foster investment. And
has no responsibilities or powers within the field of planning or heritage preservation. Fundacin Chile
on the other hand is an exogenous entity that didnt represent the local community. This condition was
at the core of various conflicts between them and the local authority, for the management of heritage
sites.
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Heritage 2012

1 INTRODUCTION
In recent years there has been a growing debate concerning the economic valuation of cultural
heritage. Behind this academic interest lies the necessity of ensuring a sustainable use of the
cultural heritage by means of a proper planning and management. As English and Lee (2003)
point out values-based management has recently become a popular term, particularly in the
field of the conservation of cultural heritage. According to these authors, the determination of
the nature of the value of cultural resources is the first step to find out how it should be
managed and what about it should be protected and respected. This is especially relevant when
referring to the built heritage, which has characteristics of a non renewable economic good or,
as Mason (2005) says when we accept thathistoric preservation is both public and private,
and has both monetary and nonmonetary purposes
i
.

Merits goods, social capital and the total economic value of
cultural heritage
J. M. Maneiro Jurjo
Universidad de Alcal
D. S. Salem
Universidad de Alcal

ABSTRACT: The traditional approach to cultural heritage valuation is based on an
anthropocentric vision, under this approach, the private market transactions, are the base for
finding the true value of cultural assets. Due to this method, there are intangible non use values
that are left aside, as they usually dont enter in market transactions. The purpose of this work
is, then, to set a comprehensive conceptual framework for analyzing the Total Economic Value
of cultural heritage, in a way that both, use and non use values, are incorporated. In order to do
so, we introduce the concept of merit goods and social capital and its relations with economic
development. The characterization of cultural heritage as a merit good will serve as the base for
the introduction of intangible non use values into the valorization, The work has three parts, the
first one we introduce and analyze the concept of cultural heritage. In the second part, we
expand the model to introduce the concept of merit goods and social capital. Finally, in the third
part we present a framework for analyzing the TEV of cultural heritage.

channels like: the enhancement of local identity and the pride of belonging to a certain
community, provision of education and economic spillovers that usually affects local business
and tourist activities (Cui, 1980 in Mazzanti, 2002).
Cultural goods have a symbiotic relationship with social capital. On the one hand, the
preservation of cultural goods needs the existence of social organizations and collective actions,
but in the other the presence of certain elements of cultural capital, like, for example, a
cathedral, can boost the sense of belonging, trust and shared norms in a community, all of which
increases the amount of social capital. For Dutta et al. (2007) The mere existence of the site
affords satisfaction to a person in the form of deriving pride in his heritage. As Durlauf and
Fafchamps (2004) point out, this is especially important in poor countries where the state is
unable to provide public goods because its tax base and its capacity to organize are limited.
Collective actions are a substitute for the state, two essential ingredients are required to set
collective action in motion, leadership and trust. For the Office for National Statistics (2001)
some consider trust as an outcome of social capitalothers view it as a component of the
shared values which constitute social capital, whereas some consider it to be both
Within the Cultural Capital we can differentiate a subset of Cultural Goods that form the
Cultural Heritage
iii
, according to Riganti and Nijkamp (2005) this term refers to a set of
recognized assets that reflect the historical, socioeconomic, political, scientific, artistic or
educational importance of a good that has been created as a visible landmark by our ancestors
even when very often such a social capital was not deliberately created as a sign of history
by the previous generation, the previous characterization has, as one of its more important
parts, the term recognized, in fact, according to these authors, the supply of cultural heritage
has two relevant elements, the act of recognition and the maintenance task. The process
of recognition or valorization is the (re)appraisal of the heritage goods by means of
deliberation, pleas by art historians, debates in public media, and so forth (Klamer and
Zuidhof, 1999)
iv
. We must be aware that, as Klamer (2001) says; values may change. People
develop values and adopt new values. They may learn to develop a positive attitude. Klamer
calls this process Valorization, that is the enhancement and affirmation of value. This
concept is important when dealing with merit goods, government policies can modify the value
a cultural good has for consumers, finding, in this way, a justification for these policies
v
.
2 CULTURAL HERITAGE AS A MERIT GOOD
Cultural Heritage elements, besides its characteristics of public or semi public goods
vi
, present
those of merit goods. This category was first introduced in 1956 by Richard Musgrave. For him
merit goods are those important enough as to make the authorities intervene in the market when
the amount of it consumed is not the one expected. Ver Eecke (1998) defines merit goods as
those goods which are the condition for the possibility of something that is desired by the
consumers, even and especially if these merit goods or services themselves are not preferred by
consumers. Within this category fall such important items as education and health care, in
general, most societies consider that all of its members, no matter the level of its income, should
get a proper amount of both goods. For Throsby and Withers (1985)
vii
, the merit good
dimension of cultural heritage is one of the simplest explanations for the participation of
governments on its management, restoration, and protection. In what regards merit goods,
government and consumers may have different preferences and actions taken by governments
could be intended to change consumer preferences.If the consideration of cultural heritage as a
merit good gives a justification for the participation of governments in the conservation of the,
for example, historic built heritage, and if, we think of cultural heritage as a form of capital,
considerations about sustainable management must be present.
Another point that must be taken into account, when valuing cultural heritage is that
cultural heritage has an important feature that distinguishes it from normal economic goods.
Cultural heritage is a social asset that cannot be substituted in case of loss or major damage and
that these historic-cultural artifacts do often not stand alone, but form a portfolio of cultural
assets (e.g, an ancient city is more than the sum of its constituent buildings) (Riganti and
Nijkamp, 2005)

The economic valuation of cultural heritage must incorporate the fact that the consumers may
not demand or prefer a certain good or service but, in the case of merit goods, the outcome
that the merit good enables. Some authors postulate that merit goods should be treated as
externalities and analyzed using neoclassical models (Duffy, 1992). The problem is that
neoclassical models found hard to incorporate the change of preferences of the individuals over
time, this is especially relevant when dealing with heritage goods
viii
, in the case of heritage
goods preferences may change over time due to changes in the perception of those goods by
experts or the public in general. So, preferences cannot be considered as fixed (Peacock, 1994),
and models must be constructed considering them as endogenous. Taking this into account, we
can analyze the way Cheng (2006) models the process of accumulation of what he calls
cultural atmosphere, according to him Our principal hypotheses are that the continuous
consumption of cultural services over time leads to an accumulation of cultural atmosphere,
which is an intangible and depreciable asset... and a form of social capital the dynamic
generated by this model leads to a situation where the more cultural services consumed the
more cultural atmosphere is likely to be generated. This gives rise to external cultural
benefits and justify the intervention of the government in the provision of cultural services. In
the creation of the cultural atmosphere we can imagine a change in the appreciation of the
cultural services, the more cultural services consumed, the more cultural atmosphere created,
the more marginal utility is obtained with the consumption of an unit of cultural services, the
more willing are consumers to consume those services, that is to say, a change in preferences
has taken place.
3 TOTAL ECONOMIC VALUE OF CULTURAL HERITAGE
If we accept the mechanism presented in the precedent section as an accurate description of the
reality it is easy to explain the differences in the value that disciplines like History, Arts or
Architecture attribute to cultural heritage and the value obtained from an economic point of
view. The process of formation of value is different, in the first case, experts are the ones who
certify what element can be consider heritage, in the second, the value is obtained from the
changing preferences of public. Throsby (2003), considers the concept of cultural value
multidimensional, unstable, lacking a common unit of measure and having elements not easily
expressed on a quantitative or even qualitative scale.
When dealing with the built heritage we assume that human beings are the source of its value.
A building is made and intended to be used by man. An historic building has a social dimension,
The society is the one who decides what buildings have value and what type of value they are
embedded with. Economic theory has identified a series of economic functions of the cultural
heritage that affects positively social welfare, these are: Cultural heritage enters as a production
factor on many production functions, like those of tourism activities. Cultural heritage is part of
the consumers utility function. Finally it has aesthetic, religious, symbolic functions.
While for the two first functions substitutes can be found for the third cannot, and this
constitutes the crucial feature that distinguishes common market goods from cultural heritage.
The application of the Total Economic Value (TEV) methodology to cultural heritage valuation
let us account for these particularities of this kind of goods.
The first important division is that between use values and non use values.
Use values are those derived from the real use of the cultural services provided by the cultural
goods. These values can, in turn, be divided into direct use values, indirect use value and option
values.
Direct use value appears when cultural heritage is used to generate utility by individuals.
Utility can be obtained through different ways; an example is the utility derived from the use by
a firm of an historical building as headquarters. An element of cultural heritage has direct use
value for all the persons who visit it for tourism, leisure, study, contemplation or any other
activity related in any way with a consumptive use of it. When dealing with cultural heritage the
consumption of its services is non extractive, even when, for example, tourism can cause
damages to the pictures of the Altamira caves, these are caused as a byproduct of the tourism
activity and not as result of the extraction of the pictures.
Heritage 2012

The indirect use value appears when heritage is the origin of the utility enjoyed by a group of
people that benefices from the existence of a good or service whose existence depends on the
heritage good.
Option value: has its origin of the existence of people that even when they are not actually
using an element of heritage get satisfaction from the possibility of enjoying it on the future.
Option value can have two meanings (Azqueta, 2002). The first one is the option value strictly
speaking, and derives from the uncertainty people have about the future availability of the good.
The second meaning is called the quasi-option value, and it is derived from the decision-
makers uncertainty which has its origin in the possibility that managers are not fully aware of
all the possible repercussions that the loss of an element of the cultural heritage may have on
society.
The non use values are a kind of values not usually reflected in market transactions but that
can be substantial and may outweigh use values, especially were goods are unique (Provins,
2008). These values are related to the consumptive or non consumptive utilization of the
cultural good in the present or in the future. Within this kind of values the more important, when
dealing with cultural heritage, is the existence value, that is, the value that an element of the
cultural heritage has for some people for the mere fact of its existence. This value express the
utility that an individual obtains from knowing that certain heritage good exists and will remain
doing it in the future, even when he is not planning a consumptive use of the good. The bequest
value is the one derived from the utility an individual obtains allowing the future generation to
enjoy the cultural good. The vicarious value is the satisfaction derived from leaving open the
option to another member of its generation to derive direct use value from the heritage site.
Other types of non use value, some of them of paramount importance in the field of cultural
heritage, are : social value, historical value, scientific value, esthetic value, educational value.
We begin with the historical and scientific value and end up explaining what we think is the
most important component of the value of the historic heritage, the social value. Following
Mason (2002) we define Historical Value as the capacity of a site to convey, embody or
stimulate a relation or reaction to the past. Within this value we can find the Educational
Valuethe potential to gain knowledge about the past in the future and the Artistic Value
for an object having this value is being uniquebeing the best, being a good example of.
While Scientific Value is the value the heritage has as an object for scientific research.
Social Value: the conservation of heritage, as is the case of the historic centre of a town, can
facilitate the uprising of social networks, for example as the result of the creation of an
association intended to protect historic heritage. Shultis (2003) presents an enumeration of the
social benefits of leisure on protected natural areas that can be easily adopted for cultural
heritage, the list includes benefits like: Community satisfaction; community, regional and
national pride; reduced social alienation; community and political involvement, ethnic and
cultural identity; family bonding: reciprocity and sharing; community integration. For Klamer
(2004), when dealing with cultural goods, the utility the society gets from them comes more
from what they mean socially than economically
ix
. Within the social value we can include
values such as symbolic value or religious value. Use and option values along with those non
use values related to different forms of altruism can be considered as extrinsic values, as long as
the good is valued on a delegated way through the utility individuals get of it. The symbolic
value, by contrast, closely related with the prestige value (certain good provides a collective
with a sense of pride or identity as a symbol of its past and as bound between past and present
society
x
). This kind of value relates directly to the merit good nature of cultural heritage and can
hardly be reflected on a model based on the conventional economic theory, as the main
characteristic of this kind of non use values is that they do not relate a person or group whose
utility is taking into account with an object but with another person or persons.
Another point is that if, like happens with environmental assets, cultural heritage can be said
to be the store of an intrinsic value. Intrinsic values, as a subset of extrinsic values, are
considered as superior order values. The final motivation behind all this analysis is to establish,
in a clear way, in which goods the relation between the agent that value the cultural good or
service and the good or service value goes beyond use values,. not allowing the goods and
services the society wants, to be produced according to market rules, and which ones hold
special values that make them deserve a special treatment according to a logic apart from that of
markets.

When dealing with the conservation of cultural heritage, even when the social benefits
derived from the preservation of an element of heritage could be less than the costs of
preserving it, there could be another type of cultural values that must be taken into account and
that could make the investment advisable. Economic valuation mustnt pretend to replace the
opinions from experts of other disciplines but to contribute with relevant additional information
(Navrud and Ready, 2002). A way to find out the economic value of the intangible goods is not
to value the good itself but its different functions. In the case of cultural capital this method
would calculate the value of the cultural services derived from it.
4 CONCLUSIONS
The determination of the value of cultural heritage is especially relevant for its sustainable
management and conservation. Cultural heritage, besides its characteristics of public or semi
public goods, present those of merit goods. The merit good dimension of cultural heritage is one
of the simplest explanations for the participation of governments on its management, restoration
and protection.
The economic analysis usually accepts that human beings are the ultimate source of the value
of cultural heritage and their preferences are usually reflected through market transactions. The
application of the total economic value methodology to total cultural heritage valuation let
account for the particularities of this kind of goods. The problem arises when dealing whit non
use values, not usually reflected in market transactions but that can be of far more relevance
than use values. This kind of values (no use) relates directly to the merit good nature of cultural
heritage. Cultural heritage is the store of intrinsic values than are considered as superior order
values. A way to find out the economic value of intangible goods is to value the different
functions of the good itself.
5 ENDNOTES
i
Mason (2005) also gives a list of more specific reasons that justify the need of an economic valuation of
cultural heritage, these are: As a justification for public policies; rationales for advocating preservation
over new construction; rationales for adopting conservative approaches to the built environment;
Justification for supporting preservation as an expression of culture.
ii
Pag 19
iii
In 1972 the UNESCO characterized cultural heritage as being composed of three main categories of
elements. Monuments: architectural works, work of monumental sculpture and painting, elements or
structures of an archaeological nature, inscriptions, cave dwellings and combination of features, which
are of outstanding universal value from the point of view of history, art or science. Group of buildings:
groups of separate or connected buildings which, because of their architecture, their homogeneity or
their place in the landscape, are of outstanding universal value from the point of view of history, art or
science. Sites: works of man or the combined works of nature and man, and areas including
archaeological sites which are of outstanding universal value from the historical, aesthetic,
ethnological or anthropological point of view.
iv
In this work, we will focus on the heritage goods, the cultural heritage and heritage sites, nevertheless,
most of the conclusions apply also to the cultural goods and the cultural capital in general.
v
According to Klamer (2001), get a cultural good listed on the Unesco world heritage list, and people
will value that good more. The same may happen when a paint ends up in a museum, or when it gets
sold for millions of dollars at auctions.
vi
Cultural Heritage has public good characteristics. In the first place, cultural heritage goods are generally
indivisible, the consumption of public-owned good is a priori identical for all consumers even
when congestion may occur (Benhamou, 2011). In the second place, externalities are also found
in this kind of goods, these externalities had to do with several issues like spillover effects for tourism
derived from the conservation of historical monuments, legacy concerns, benefits to individuals who
have no directly contribute to their preservation, etc.
vii
Mazzanti (2002) characterizes cultural heritage as a multi-dimensional, multi value and multi attribute
economic good.
viii
The recognition of a good as belonging to cultural heritage is, in many cases, due to a process of
valorization, in which, the opinin of experts or the public in general, may change over time,
Heritage 2012

increasing or decreasing the value assigned to a good. In this case, preferences, in what refers to
heritage goods, may change over time.
ix
Klamer (2004) continues: in a world in which economic values and economic capital dominate the
political domain, social capital is easily conceived to be subservient to economic capitalbut is it?,
would it not make more sense to think of economic values as being instrumental towards social
values?.
x
Ballart (1997)
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Benhamou, F. (2011), Heritage, in Towse, R. (ed), A Handbook of Cultural Economics. pp. 229-235.
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Value of Parks. pp. 43-58. Rowman & Littlefield. Oxford.UK
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Socio-Economics, Volume 27, 1, pp.133-153.


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1 INTRODUCTION
In todays global economy, the centres of gravity are cities, growing rapidly as they eat up more
and more agricultural areas, and transforming the cultural identity of regions, metropolitan
areas, and small towns.
In this complex context of post-industrial society, many people in large urbanized areas live
and work in the conflicting dynamics of these spaces, in an extremely materialistic society un-
dergoing continuous changes in networks of communication, production and consumption in the
global context of competition. Speed has become a hallmark of many aspects of consumption,
as is reflected and prompted by advertising (Knox & Mayer, 2009).
People are increasingly forced to follow irregular and exhausting lifestyles in cities that are
more and more uniform. Social links are becoming mundane, and are being substituted by ano-
nymous meetings in the suburban shopping centers, in the multi-hall cinemas, in shopping ri-
tuals in enormous supermarkets, where consumption is more standardized from day to day and
McDonaldization is affecting local eating traditions.
City-dwellers are increasingly constrained by metropolitan life, and showing signs of exhaus-
tion and of harassment. There is a need to slow down everyday life and regain a `private living
space, perhaps by moving into small towns, where it is possible to live at a lower speed (Miani,
2010, 2011b). Away from the roar of cities and the mass of shopping centres, there is a renewed
desire to enjoy a sense of time and space, tasting rather than gobbling up leisure time, holidays
and human relations, environments rich in beauty and cultural and physical landscapes. New
consumers, in other words, are turning their backs on standardized modern life and searching for
something different to allow space for creativity and the personal discovery of sites, itineraries
and products.
Food heritage for local heritage: italian experiences
F. Miani
Department of Economics, University of Parma, Italy
V. Albanese *
Department of Economics, University of Parma, Italy
ABSTRACT: Traditional local food products, based on a specific conception of food heritage,
play an important role in the development of area in Italy. They are part of a collective heritage
of people living in a particular region, and result from the management of natural resources,
landscapes and collective processes of transformation and commercialization. Authenticity is a
central aspect of local distinctiveness. Italian foods are often authentic and special. Protecting
the Italian traditional food heritage, promoting food quality and safety, and safeguarding and
enhancing typical and traditional products are very important in ensuring consumer and envi-
ronmental safety as well as economic, biological, environmental, and social identity. This paper
analyzes the principal aspects of specialty foods, and focuses on the innovative view of food as
cultural heritage, an economic and tourist attraction and a basic sector for a low environmental
impact economy. It discusses Italian Food Valleys in the light of a local and rural renais-
sance based on foods and the food industry.
The search for a new relationship with nature, the need for identity of characterizing places,
the desire to find and taste quality foodstuffs in safety is leading an increasing number of people
to visit rural areas as places of values, resources, culture and products to discover and enjoy. In
order to protect and exploit its historical heritage as a link between local products, countryside,
traditions and cultural values, farming and agriculture has taken on a multifunctional role. It is
now necessarily linked with tourism in order to emphasis of the local nature of a place and
transmit its values (Privitera, 2010).
This profound change in thinking and consuming can be summarized in the words: local, au-
thentic, slow. And the Slow philosophy can be summed up in a single word: balance. Be fast
when it makes sense to be fast, and be slow when slowness is called for. Seek to live at the
right speed (Knox & Mayer, 2009).
The Slow philosophy has been adopted in a variety of contexts, but the vanguard was the
Slow Food movement, launched by an Italian journalist, Franco Petrini, in 1989
(www.slowfood.com). In Italy, traditional local food products, based on a specific conception of
food heritage, play an important role in the development of area. They are part of a collective
heritage of people living in a particular region, and result from the management of natural re-
sources, landscapes and collective processes of transformation and commercialization.
So Italy is an interesting model and it is no coincidence that the Slow Food movement was
born here and only later spread to other countries. Although it has undergone a continuous
process of urbanization with a significant decline in farming since the Second World War, Italy
still presents an enormous wealth and a countless multiplicity of landscapes, sites, farm crops
and products which comprise a unique and extremely variegated cultural heritage.
There is a single Italy and an Italy of diversities, but today these are no longer visible in the
image of Italys towns where more often than not historical and architectural features have been
standardised and incorporated into the modern urban structure. They can however still be seen
in countryside landscapes, in small hilltop villages, in the architecture of rural houses and in the
economic activities taking place there.
The Bel Paese myth is not a new marketing creation. But a long time has passed and much
has changed since the time of the Grand Tour made by British travellers between the Eigh-
teenth and the Nineteenth Centuries. Parts of Italy that have attracted visitors from all over the
world for centuries are today in decline. Famous landscapes reproduced in guidebooks and tra-
vel literature of old are often subject to haphazard planning and urbanization, which sadly low-
ers their appeal.
A few well-known tourist destinations still have a high profile. Italy, for a lot of foreigners, is
still Rome, Florence, Venice, pizza and spaghetti! But things are changing; society today is able
to remove ancient myths, and replace them with new ones. (Miani, 2007).
Today, rather then following well-beaten tracks and common itineraries, it is possible to dis-
cover enchanting landscapes and small historical villages. Many of these have been rescued
from abandonment and dereliction, and have become once again a focus of economic activity
and interest of residents and visitors.
Local culture, with its food traditions and farming calendar festivities and feast days that once
animated small towns and rural villages, is now showing that it can transform local folklore in-
to different events representing new opportunities to attract visitors.
The cultural landscape can manifest not only through historical continuity of customs and
buildings made by the different local societies, but also through methods of land use, field
layout, traditions, local customs and models of diet that still today characterize all the small vil-
lages and local areas that have managed to preserve their own identity.
This paper discusses and highlights the principal aspects of Italian food, its authenticity, its
role in the protection of Italian traditional food heritage and its role in transforming food prod-
ucts into a tourist resource able to improve the economy of a local area.
2 UNIQUE FOOD IN UNIQUE AREAS
Food is quintessentially an expression of an area. It expresses the climate, the soil, the customs
and the culture of the area it is produced. It shapes the landscape through the care and expe-
rience of the people taking part in its production. In Italy the result can be seen in the different
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landscapes all over the country, where diversity is revealed through cultural stratification and
trade with surrounding areas.
Agri-food is among those Italian products which always attract consumer spending. And spe-
cialty foods boasting a symbiotic link with the area can create the enthusiasm to travel long dis-
tances to taste and appreciate them. Such products may be showcased in fairs and shows, and
are important in export flows.
This interest stems from a generalized reaction to globalization. In fact, some Italian special-
ties have also globalized, and in Piazza San Marco in Venice you can buy so-called lasagna al-
la bolognese, and up in the Alps in the north of Italy in Valtellina you can get pizza which was
originally from Naples in the sunny south. The trend to homologize foods for mass consumption
has led to local dishes being touted as national specialties. Today there are moves against this
phenomenon with the rediscovery of regional food traditions and coverage of local specialties.
The aim is to defend local specialties in Italy and overseas by way of initiatives such as country
fairs and tourist routes for products such as oil and wine.
Italy was the foremost country for initiatives of this type in 2009: it counted 194 food prod-
ucts bearing a marker or label certifying designation (www.repubblica.it). The second and third
countries were France and Spain. So rather than simply producing niche products, the quality
food sector is thus a driver of the Italian economy. In fact the Italian gastronomic tradition is to-
day protected as an important heritage. It is inspired by local features sometimes also safe-
guarded by regulations on the environment and countryside conservation measures which aim to
promote tourism.
The 2011 report by ENIT, the Italian National Tourism Agency, reveals that one in two over-
seas visitors particularly like the food in Italy, and food and wine is what 45% foreign tourists
remember about the country. Many of the increasing numbers of overseas visitors choosing Italy
because of its food are probably motivated by the Immaterial Human World Heritage status
awarded to the Mediterranean diet by UNESCO in 2010 (www.unesco.it). But it is not only for
the food itself; the appeal of Italy also includes the lifestyle, social customs and the multitude of
rites and festivals linked to it. The fabric of events of every type are a real point of attraction. In
every nook and cranny of the country, from cities famous for art treasures to small countryside
villages, the availability of authentic and organic food is luring increasing numbers of visitors.
Rural tourism is growing along with the opportunities to buy world famous food products at
lower prices and with quality guaranteed, which is often possible on farms and farmstay agritu-
rismi. This segment of tourism is one of the main elements of choice in what Italy offers the
tourist, and has so far not been affected by decline.
In Europe, Italy is the top producer of specialty products and boasts 214 organic products
with designated origin, 501 wines with DOC, DOCG and IGT labels and as many as 4,511 tra-
ditional specialties overall (www.magazine.quotidiano net). As well as being of course good to
eat, a specialty product needs in its spirit to express a combination of tradition, smells and rites
which urban living is making us unfamiliar with.
Italy has a heritage of tastes and flavours that is a true resource for economic growth even in
poorer areas. Good food and wine appeal particularly to those who Calvino termed gastronauts
(Calvino, 1986), people who try to learn about deep rooted customs and every type of tradition
of a place through its typical foods. A great deal of information can be gained from eating with
awareness an autochthonous product. It can tell us about the production chain, traditional skills
and know-how and processing techniques, as well as the raw ingredients all present in the area.
Food can also have a symbolic value; the traditional New Years Eve dinner in northern Italy
consists of lentils, which symbolize wealth, pork which symbolizes abundance, and pomegra-
nates which symbolize fertility. And of course it can indicate opportunities for local develop-
ment.
Food and wine tourism is based on these regional specialties, and they can be considered as
important as works of art in adding to the appeal of smaller towns and villages.
Cultural and gastronomic globalization is leading to the rediscovery of the original taste of
foods. The standardization of flavors is leading people to rediscover their roots often revealed in
the bedrock of places and foods.
In Italy an important food heritage is undoubtedly present, but it is a fact that the country is
often associated with pizza and spaghetti. These have become so internationally popular that
they can in fact be considered as globalized foods, rather than elements of appeal for Italian
towns. They do not constitute a reason for travelling to Italy for refined foodie tourists; today
such people are constantly tying to blaze a trail to new culinary niche products and dishes. They
can however still represent added value and be better appreciated as genuine dishes in the coun-
try itself.
Small villages and towns in Italy are today introducing and promoting new attractions. They
are trying to leave behind the pizza and spaghetti image and are concentrating on local specialty
foods instead. Globalization means that today they are part of an international network and they
are now seizing en masse the opportunity to launch a new image. The current trend is towards
the rediscovery of cooking traditions and local specialties which are still considered to be niche
products but which are more closely associated with particular areas. Slow Food ideas help
them particularly to enhance lower appeal smaller places. A large proportion of municipalities
in Italy (72%) have a population of under five thousand, and these smaller units retain important
legacy of skills and techniques as well as foods. They are particularly important for high quality
farming produce and are in fact home to almost all agri-food specialties (99.5%).
A big change is in fact taking place. There is a new emphasis on a slower pace of life which
contrasts with the cities of today, the food we eat and the traveling we choose. Everything is
pointing in the direction of slowing down. A minority of people are making drastic lifestyle
changes, taking trips of longer than a year or perhaps just growing fruit and vegetables at home.
But apart from more extreme behaviors, there is a widespread search for more relaxed lifestyles.
Excessive slowness, like the excessive rapidity of today, would lead to distorted and unmanage-
able lifestyles. So people are looking for an equilibrium in lifestyle as in food. The search to en-
hance quality of life implies raising the awareness of producers, consumers, operators and re-
tailers as they try to bring back quality and traditional food products. This poses the need for
education of all those employed in tourism as well as the need for raising consumer awareness
of quality products and food traditions. This trend is spreading in various countries, and in Italy
several small medieval villages have become key players in the field of global competition.
There have been many examples of food acting as a level of development in Italy; one of the
best known is Varese Ligure (www.comune.vareseligure.sp.it). This small town was the first
European municipality registered under the EU's Eco-Management and Audit Scheme in 1999.
This village with a population slightly over 2000 in inland Liguria has become an important
model for rural development in Europe. Combining environmental conservation, employment
and business it has exploited its local resources by directing them towards environmental sustai-
nability and creating employment. In 2004 the European Commission honored Varese Ligure as
the most eco-compatible rural community in Europe and it became an international point of
reference for sustainable development. The award gave Varese Ligure the impetus to launch its
image as attractive for tourism and the municipality touted organic farming methods for crops
and animals. Local products have put onto the global market the image of efficacy, attractive-
ness and sustainability. Food is an important part of this; as well as being delicious it is also
largely organic in harmony with what a tourist or city dweller expects from Italy. The interna-
tional award, environmental sustainability and good organic food are the three key factors which
Varese Ligure was able to use in raising its profile and promoting local products (Miani, 2007).
Varese Ligure is but one example of how a small municipality can use specialty product en-
hancement to trigger rebirth of an area, launch a positive image for promotion of goods and
sometimes promote tourism too.
Disappointment in gastronomy can be extremely harmful to the image of a country, and visi-
tors to Italy always have high expectations, which can even be the reason for the trip. There are
many small villages of little interest to tourists which have succeeded in raising their appeal to a
significant extent through local food specialties.
3 TRADITION AS AN OPPORTUNITY FOR ENHANCEMENT
Gastronomic tourism is no longer based on consolidated attractions; the requirement today is for
less standardized experiences that are increasingly innovative and unusual. Choosing routes and
destinations is strongly individualized; online planning and booking means that itineraries and
experiences are becoming increasingly personalized.
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A new trend is for hitherto little-known villages or towns to organize country fairs or mu-
seum visits to celebrate local specialties. Areas such as Chianti and the Langhe in Piedmont
have long been traditional tourism destinations for this type of event, but today new initiatives
are attracting high numbers of visitors to villages otherwise going into decline.
An example is the small municipality of San Cesario in the province of Lecce in Puglia,
where there is a new museum of food and cookery called Quoquo (www.quoquo.it). It orga-
nizes gastronomic themed visits every Friday, cookery classes and events promoting specialty
products, and is visited by tourists following food routes in the local Salento area. Quoquo has
attracted widespread interest, including from a large Chinese TV network which came to film
the museum and activities. In Maremma in Tuscany, workshops are held in Grosseto to revive
local specialties by way of enhancing the appreciation of local specialty products.
These are just a few of the examples of how local food can be an engine of development for
smaller villages in decline.
So the revival of food as a cultural and economic resource can undoubtedly help local regene-
ration. But it is difficult to decide whether it should be the area that enhances the product or
whether it is the product that should enhance the area. Food has systemic connections with the
geography, producers and cultural social and economic actors of an area, and these need to be
considered in how the product is positioned in an area. Quality markers such as PDO, DOC and
IGT in fact to a great extent are justified by territorial origin. Food products and models of diet
need to be contextualized by their links with their place of origin; the connection between food
and area is so strong that one cannot be discussed without the other. Food products are made
good to eat by the area they originate in, and the area is enhanced by promotion of their typical
foods. It is a virtuous circle whereby the two elements enrich and enhance one another in the
eyes of users, which generates positive income.
This is why Food Valleys are becoming more common; areas where protection of status of
food products goes hand in hand with promotion of the area. Ideally they coincide with produc-
tion areas of specialty foods as laid down in product specifications for purposes of safeguarding
standards. The areas can thus be promoted as islands of food quality. Food Valleys are becom-
ing frequent all over Europe, not only in Italy.
In Italy the various Food Valleys compete for awards, to hold events, and sometimes even to
own products. Riding the crest of the wave, high visibility on internet search engines makes
the name of an area and its products known to a much wider public. A close link with foods give
big competitive advantage for several reasons. As well as attracting cash flow from tourism and
agri-food, it is also a powerful factor in promoting all-season tourism. Food Valley areas play a
key role in development and become increasingly attractive, and may even grow out of their his-
toric role in residual tourism.
Anthony Giddens (2000) says that globalization has brought about two main changes in the
West: the disappearance of tradition and its subsequent rebirth. In this rebirth the novel element
is the non-traditional way that people go back to their cultural heritage. Taking food as an ex-
ample, gastronomy is in fact not repeating exactly the same patterns as in the past. It is rather
following new patterns on the basis of choices made by users external to local communities and
to a lesser extent on the basis of local consumption. Globalization brings down physical barriers,
partly as a result of just-in-time strategies. The new philosophy is inspiring people far away
from a food source to set up online groups to spread the word about specialty products. As local
demand is often low, in many cases online demand is probably what allows traditional products
to survive.
Because todays society is based on comparison, and vast amounts of information are availa-
ble to one and all, online demand means that tradition is being rediscovered as authentic and
typical. It is possible to make comparisons between different products, and the local producer is
able to select what is most advantageous and profitable to save from cultural heritage. So today,
traditions are being saved through a process of choice made with awareness, whereas in past
centuries the ignorance of communities which knew no alternatives meant they were handed
down from generation to generation without awareness. These traditions today have become a
valuable resource for areas with potential in the food sector like Italy.
And nowadays that nothing is left to chance, widespread availability of information means
that Italy has become aware of its local heritage. It has decided to carefully protect the heritage
for the long term, which will realize two aims; strengthen the appeal of the country and streng-
then our national identity by raising the level of awareness.
Tourists, citizens and city users are all individuals searching for their own identity. Informa-
tion floods our perception at every point, but marketing has recently started to focus on sensory
perception and tourism has become slow in order to give us time to appreciate places (Alba-
nese, 2011). So the perception of a places identity, which can be realized through gastronomy,
gives a sense of belonging and deeper knowledge of which the individual, particularly as a tour-
ist, has today sore need. Globalization has standardized everything, but has given rise to a new
desire for diversification. People are increasingly searching for aspects which will make an ex-
perience unique. And specialty products, products of folklore and artisanship are thus becoming
cultural goods rather than simply items for sale. There is thus increasing attention to the quality
of foods, their authentic taste, smell and consistency; the desire to reconstruct the gastronomic
heritage is becoming increasingly widespread.
The various areas of Italy are aware of prospects for development afforded by specialty prod-
ucts and many are investing heavily in their enhancement and promotion. As a primarily eco-
nomic resource with pronounced cultural features, food products can help even small villages
suffering from economic and population decline to survive and come back into existence. The
revival of traditional tastes, production methods and recipes as well as organic crops are all in
vogue on international markets, and can provide the underpinning for a renaissance of small
municipalities around Italy. The local area in this view is closely linked to products of the land
and local specialties; it is this link that can make it unique and attractive, and it is this that offers
the opportunity for local development.
4 CONCLUSIONS
Italy and its food constitute a winning brand, known and recognized all over the world. The
food industry represents a success chain for the national economy. Italian agri-food output,
based on typical farm produce from particular areas, has generated unique landscapes and hu-
man settlements as well as products and places where they are manufactured.
Protecting the Italian traditional food heritage, promoting food quality and safety, and safe-
guarding and enhancing typical and traditional products are very important in ensuring consum-
er and environmental safety as well as economic, biological, environmental, and social identity.
As we have seen, it is also possible to transform a food product into a resource for tourism
which can improve the economy of a local and regional area. The enhancement of cultural herit-
age through the promotion and development of cultural tourism, whereby local specialty prod-
ucts are emphasised, can make a significant contribution to the economic welfare of a country.
This is particularly true today, given the current global recession, the geo-political crisis and the
requirements for environmental sustainability. All these factors bring to the fore new paradigms
for development less tied to international events and more closely connected to internal voca-
tions of countries.
Does this mean a revival of the past? No, it doesnt, in that it is essential to have innovation
and modernization of production and marketing systems. Yes, on the other hand, it does, in that
it is essential to enhance values linked to the historical and cultural dimension of local and re-
gional spaces. The local specialty product, presented as an expression of the culture of belong-
ing and therefore of persistence, guaranteed by the rooting of identities in traditions, is part and
parcel of the process of civilisation, and indeed of social change.
The new flow of travellers looking for experience tourism is likely to be attracted by crea-
tive business and craft activities, by gastronomy, by green tourism in surroundings and ac-
commodation facilities obtained from the renovation of historical buildings, villages and small
rural hamlets (Miani, 2010).
For all these reasons, the rural landscape can, once more, act as a springboard for a new way
of using the local resources, drawing on culture and traditions, minor architectural heritages and
urban planning, typical products and local customs. Cultural heritage could without much diffi-
culty be integrated into daily life, and indeed it should be. Much planning policy needs to be re-
thought in order to be more accepting of the practical dimensions of heritage. It needs to conso-
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lidate the traditional bond between inhabitants and their land, promoting a culture of identity
and a sense of belonging to a local space (Miani, 2010).
As researchers such as Loulanski have stated, the correct integration of cultural heritage into
development strategies and initiatives aimed at simultaneously addressing interconnected eco-
nomic, environmental, social and community objectives and challenges would be a good way to
provide diverse and wise use of heritage. It would also encourage realization of its significant
multi-functional potential (Loulanski, 2006).
From Food Valley to Slow Food, from typical food products to labels and markers for the
protection of products, research and statistics are increasingly indicating that food, with its cul-
ture and its tradition, can once again constitute an important element of Italian economic policy.
But it is important to distinguish the artificial revival of tradition, used as marketing slogan,
from the wider and more deep-rooted concept of heritage and territorial identity. Food places
are linked to rituals and processes on which it is possible to build the identity of a social group.
The quality and reliability guaranteed by an area is the warranty of the specialty consolidated in
history.
Food and gastronomic traditions are extremely sensitive to change, imitation, external influ-
ences, and are in a continuous dialectic between identity and exchange. Using the concept of
tradition means constantly testing its meaning, its components and the infinite possibility of
enriching and perfecting it (Quintelli, 2011).
The great innovation for the third millennium may in fact be the search for a new quality of
life, accompanied by the search for quality of food. Only since industrialization, in the last two
centuries, has food commanded less attention; throughout history in fact food was in fact a
priority. Today the revival of tradition involves production of a wide variety of foods. It is ac-
companied by a new evaluation of the quality of life through the discovery and revaluation of
small and large localities where traditional food quality is consolidated, as well as a new evalua-
tion of food itself.
It is mainly small local areas that are taking advantage of this process, which is paradoxical
given that globalization is crushing local characteristics, including specialty foods, and is tend-
ing to exclude precisely these areas from development processes.
So today we are facing a real revolution in eating habits. And through enhancement of its
longstanding gastronomic legacy, Italy could be well placed to benefit.
At present the outlook is positive. New trends in travel and the new concepts in the hospitali-
ty industry are replacing mass tourism of the recent past. There is key role for local small scale
schemes and ruralisation of tourism. In order to experience diversity, visitors today travel hun-
dred of kilometres to visit wine cellars and taste specialty products. The countryside has become
attractive, especially if it can be tasted and sightseeing in interesting towns and villages can be
complemented by other experiences in surrounding areas (Miani, 2011a). Promoting local dis-
tinctiveness and a sense of place is almost as important as the enjoyment of good local food and
wine.
Sustainable tourism strategies incorporate the geographic and cultural aspects of small towns
and country villages. The transformation of a whole village into a hotel, or Albergo diffuso, by
developing affordable and authentic accomodations for tourists, restoring the local architecture
and offering locally made crafts and food products at local shops and restaurants is one interest-
ing programme emerging in various regions of Italy (Knox & Mayer, 2010).
The rethinking of the past in the field of food is also helped by consumer demand for quality.
Another important factor is the territorialisation of local development.
In Italy there are favourable conditions for the biodiversity of small areas and for high
quality of food produced by small firms that contribute to maintaining the quality of life (Canta-
relli, 2008).
Such schemes and ideas are fundamental to maintaining the image of Italy as comprising dis-
tinct regions and villages and typical local specialities that together form the heritage of a coun-
try. The revolution in food habits is giving Italy the opportunity to develop a new order of pro-
duction and new marketing levers exploiting its material and immaterial cultural heritage, the
envy of the world. The challenge is to develop the ability to capitalise the old skills and tech-
niques, improve local areas and enhance different sectors of the overall system. Product quality
can be guaranteed by territorial quality, history and identity: a new synergy between trade and
producers and local policymakers is indispensable.
To conclude, Italy today requires a systematic enhancement of its gastronomic cultural herit-
age.
ENDNOTES
* Collectively, the paper is the result of cooperation by the two authors. Franca Miani however wrote
the Introduction and Conclusions while Valentina Albanese wrote the middle sections Tradition as
an Opportunity for Enhancement and Unique Food in Unique Areas.
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Conference- UGI 2011. Santiago. Santiago: Local Organizing Committee for UGI 2011.
Calvino, I. 1986. Sotto il sole giaguaro, Milano: Garzanti.
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Giddens, A. 2000. Fondamenti di sociologia. Bologna: Il Mulino.
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Miani, F. 2007. Al di l della costa: un futuro turistico per i nuclei storici mediterranei. In Simonetta Con-
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Miani, F. 2010. The Big River: Culturale Heritage and local identity for projects of development in the
Po valley. In Massimo Bianchi & Luca Del Bene & Laura Tampieri & Sinisa Zaric (eds), Bacini terri-
toriali e bacini culturali nello sviluppo delle piccole e medie imprese. Cesena: Il Ponte Vecchio: 279-
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Miani, F. 2011a. Inventing a Food Capital. Innovation and cultural tradition in the evolution of Parma
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Miani, F. 2011b. Cultural Values and Sustainability in European Cities: New Strategies for the Future of
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Moulin, L. 1993. LEuropa a tavola: introduzione a una psicosociologia delle abitudini alimentari, Mila-
no: Mondadori.
Privitera, D. 2010. Heritage and wine as tourist attractions in rural areas. In Filippo Arfini & Sabrina Cer-
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www.unesco.it
Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
The notion of destination branding has been widely researched during recent years. Some au-
thors focused on the destination branding issues from the super-national, country and nation
perspectives (Bianchi & Pike, 2011; Elliot et al., 2011; Huang, 2011; Hudson & Ritchie, 2009;
Ramona et al., 2009; Ravichandran & Suresh, 2010; Ryan & Silvanto, 2011; Scott et al., 2011;
Stokburger-Sauer, 2011; Therkelsen & Gram, 2010) or regional and rural perspective (Greaves
& Skinner, 2010; Gyimthy & Mykletun, 2009; Wheeler et al., 2011). Moreover, there has been
an extensive research on the concept of destination competitiveness (Chen et al., 2011; Pike &
Mason, 2011), the destination and tourism concepts within the customer-based brand equity
theory (Bianchi & Pike, 2011; Boo et al., 2009; Gartner & Ruzzier, 2011; Pike, 2009; Pike,
2010; Pike et al., 2010; Ruzzier, 2010a, 2010b) and within the self-congruity theory (Boksber-
ger et al., 2011; Usakli & Baloglu, 2011).
In addition to the above-mentioned and other different aspects, the notion of city branding
has been in the centre of the number of the research papers (Bickford-Smith, 2009; Brandt & de
Mortanges, 2011; Chen, 2010; Cosma et al., 2009; Grodach, 2009; Merrilees et al., 2009; Okano
& Samson, 2010; Paliaga et al., 2010; Shen, 2010), while some investigations have focused spe-
cifically on city branding from the perspective of urban competition (Medic et al., 2010; Zhang
& Zhao, 2009).
There are few researches that have focused on the destination branding issues from the heri-
tage perspectives and the urban heritage in particular (Chang & Teo, 2009; Connell &
Rugendyke, 2010; Gant & Cocola, 2011; Geary, 2008; Michelson & Paadam, 2010; Ryan &
Silvanto, 2009; Stern & Hall, 2010) that do not uncover the complex interrelations between des-
tination branding and urban built heritage that is deeply connected to the theme of the current
study. Moreover, there have been a range of papers that challenge heritage in the urban context
from the viewpoint of place or city branding either marketing (Chang, 1999; Agyei-Mensah,
Destination branding and social interaction in the urban heritage
space: comparative spatial approach
A. Michelson
Tallinn University of Technology, Tallinn, Estonia
ABSTRACT: The aim of this research paper is to understand the interconnectedness of destina-
tion branding and social interaction in terms of spatial approach. The paper investigates how
socio-economic activities making use of medieval architecture are conducted in public and
semi-public urban heritage space and thus how these activities input into the construction of the
symbolic capital used in the city branding. The paper adopts participant-observation within two
case-study areas: Old Towns of Lbeck, Germany and Tallinn, Estonia that are characterized by
the inscription into UNESCO World Heritage List, its medieval character and the fact of being a
part of the history of the Hanseatic League. The research found that there are various ways that
are spatially identified how socio-economic activities produce symbolic signs upon architecture
with symbolic value.
2006; Giovanardi, 2011; Ismail & Mohd-Ali, 2011; Lorenzini et al., 2011; Rothschild et al.,
2012).
In the before-mentioned literature on studies of interconnectedness of the notions of destina-
tion branding and urban heritage, tourism as well, it emerges that the aspects approached and
challenged are rather place-specific and they rather do not conceptually involve the complex in-
terrelations between the agents and urban heritage that is intrinsically connected to destination
branding.
The aim of this research paper is to understand the interconnectedness of destination branding
and social interaction in terms of spatial approach. The paper investigates how socio-economic
activities making use of medieval architectural landscape are conducted in public and semi-
public urban heritage space and thus how these activities input into the construction of the sym-
bolic capital used in the city branding. The method of participant-observation is applied within
two case-study areas: Old Towns of Lbeck, Germany and Tallinn, Estonia. These two towns
are characterized by the inscription into UNESCO World Heritage List, its medieval character
and the fact of being a member of the Hanseatic League.
The methodological approach applied in this paper is based on recent theoretical considera-
tions on the production of space and on the construction of symbolic capital. The section on
methodology considers the specification of the sites, followed by the presentation of results and
discussion on them. Finally, concluding remarks and suggestions for future research are pre-
sented in the last section.
2 THEORETICAL APPROACH
The paper combines different theoretical concepts regarding destination marketing, urban space
and symbolic meaning. These theoretical considerations include the following notions: the tour-
ist gaze (Urry, 1990, 2002), marketing places (Kotler, Asplund, Rein, & Haider, 1999), technol-
ogy of symbolic power (Acuto, 2010), the production of space (Lefebvre, 1996), life between
buildings: spaces for walking and places for staying; symbolic capital (Bourdieu, 1993), com-
modity-sign (Baudrillard, 1981), and consumption of the past (OBrian, 1997).
Branding is a central element in the strategic positioning of tourism products and destinations
(Vanhove, 2011, p. 182) and it involves promoting the unique benefits that the tourist will ex-
perience while visiting the city, rather than the city itself (Kolb, 2006, p. 18).
The concept of branding is connected to the concept of destination image. Within the theo-
retical model of destination branding, which integrates these concepts, Qu, Kim, and Im (2011,
p. 465) propose that the overall image of the destination (i.e., brand image) is a mediator be-
tween its brand associations (i.e., cognitive, affective, and unique image components) and tour-
ists future behaviors (i.e., intentions to revisit and recommend). This implies that destination
image contributes to forming destination brand; and as well to its success in the international
market in case of a positive image (Tasci & Kozak, 2006).
Additionally, aesthetic experience is another important concept provided that the construction
of symbolic capital is investigated in the urban heritage space that according to Urry (1990,
2002) is perceived through the gaze of a tourist. It is described by Beardsley (1958) as a direct
response on the part of the perceiver to the thing being perceived, as well is seen as an important
human need in the urban landscape in many academic works (Matsuoka & Kaplan, 2008).
OBrian (1997) connects aesthetical experience with heritage built environment and argues that
functional parts of the buildings become ornamental. Specifically, theses functional parts serve
the interests of picturesque aesthetics through the conservation process that makes them acces-
sible. He also identifies a typology of architectural objects conserved in modern heritage con-
text:
1. the monumental past explicated in the sole function of ruins transformed into valued
and picturesque sites signifying its own past, e.g. fragments of the medieval town
wall;
2. the empty past maintained in intact buildings, yet, self-referential as dispossessed of
the past, as well as modern functions while serving the interests of offering pictur-
esque aesthetic, e.g. empty churches without religious functions;
Heritage 2012
3. the simulated past maintaining the historic fabric, with the past functionality trans-
formed into the ornamental, i.e. picturesque, in converted buildings, e.g. medieval
warehouses of modified modern functions.

Figure 1. The Old Towns of two towns under the investigation; circled to highlight: the Old Town of
Lbeck (the left map) and the Old Town of Tallinn (the right map). There is a border of the Old Town of
Tallinn inside the ring. Scale 1:25000. Source: retrieved from Google Maps; author.

Being central to the experience of architecture, space "has a perceptual presence of its own",
as summarized on Arnheim (1977) by Isaacs (2000). The space comprises commodity-signs,
evolved by Baudrillard (1981). In case of architectural environment these commodity-signs are
produced upon the heritage architecture, particularly through the socio-economic activities and
they are spatially defined that refers to the representations of space in Lefebvres terms (Le-
febvre, 1996). These commodity-signs are a constitutive part of symbolic capital elaborated by
Bourdieu (1993) and they construct a symbolic-aesthetic significance of the buildings these
commodity-signs are applied to. Thus buildings are endowed with iconicity, as it is suggested
by Sklair (2010) who argues that iconicity plays a central role in the consumerist space.
Through the use of symbolic capital, that is constructed upon the signs as a result of the interac-
tion between space users and architectural environment, symbolic power is created (Bourdieu,
1993; Acuto, 2010). This power along with symbols, events, deeds, slogans and other commu-
nication tools being constituent parts of place marketing attract residents, visitors, manage-
ments, investors, entrepreneurs, foreign purchasers and location specialists (Kotler et al, 1999).
Moreover, due to enormous socio-economic values heritage landscapes themselves are targeted
as commercial resources (Starr, 2010). Upon such heritage landscape, symbolic power is ap-
plied that according to Acuto (2010) is an intrinsic part of the technology of symbolic power
that could be effectively used by understanding the processes and dynamics that underpin the
social worlds symbolic systems.
Along with architecture another urban planning plays a crucial role in intensifying symbolic
value mainly as Gehl (2006:259) refers due to the importance of the availability of a view in the
choice of a place. The availability of a view is affected by the principles of urban planning, by
humanistic planning that is the basic concept of the Gehls work (2006). Furthermore, he identi-
fies various types of spaces according to its use: the spaces for walking and places for staying,
standing, sitting landscapes (primary sitting, secondary sitting).
3 METHODOLOGY AND DATA
Two Old Towns were selected as study sites: Lbeck, Germany, and Tallinn, Estonia (Fig. 1).
They are characterized by the inscription into UNESCO World Heritage List, its medieval char-
acter and the fact of being a member of the Hanseatic League. Though there are other four
towns that meet the before-mentioned criteria (Stralsund, Torun, Visby and Wismar), Lbeck
and Tallinn are both more significant: the population is bigger than in others and both of them
carry the sing of being a capital: Tallinn as an actual capital of Estonia and Lbeck as a former
capital of the Hanseatic League what it is widely known for.
The paper adopts participant-observation within these two case-study areas. The research
techniques applied in the current paper are direct observations of the functional spaces through
note taking, mapping and photo recording.
The purpose of the visual observation is to identify the spatial qualities and activities of pub-
lic and semi-public space of the study sites. Due to the application of the method, the spaces for
walking and places for staying, standing, as well sitting landscapes, other spatial qualities, and
urban practices mainly along the main streets, and on the squares could be identified and as-
sessed based on the data derived from the notes of the visual observation and on-site participa-
tion that was conducted in the period September October 2011.
4 FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION
The comparative research in tow European towns found that there are various ways that are spa-
tially identified how socio-economic activities produce symbolic signs upon architecture with
symbolic value.
Symbolic power that is created through the production of symbolic capital upon the urban
heritage could be intensified through effective planning of public and semi-public space and
management of various spatial combinations of spaces for walking and places for staying. As it
is seen in Figure 2, public space is used in social activities according to its possibilities whether
sitting, relaxing on the grass, walking, standing or socializing. The salient characteristic feature
is the combination of these processes. In both cases walking or staying, aesthetical experience is
supported and intensified by the views opened to the gaze of a walker or a stayer in terms of
interpreting the approach of Gehl (2006). Provided that any historical building occupies the
space for staying, the opportunity to get the view over the surrounding architectural landscape
potentially represents enjoyable space for staying. Functional construction parts of the buildings
that were practice-purposed serve aesthetical purposes (Fig. 3) thus having an input into creation
of signs and construction of symbolic capital.
Generally, the more actively edifices with heritage value are involved into socio-economic
activities, the more intensive symbolic power of them is. It also applies on edifices that are an
active part of the transportation system (pedestrian and automobile). Nevertheless, the use of
heritage buildings poses a challenge of sustainability with regard to the frequency of the experi-
ence.
Whilst Lbeck positions itself on a website
1
as Hanseatic City of Lbeck - World Cultural
Heritage and Gate to the Baltic, then among the specific features there is only a logo with the
towns name on the website of Tallinn
2
. Though both towns widely use the pictures of heritage
landscapes and provide textual information on it. Thus heritage plays a crucial role in the con-
struction of towns identity. Therefore, successful destination branding in case of urban heritage
environment is due to diverse uses of public and semi-public space by tourists, effective con-
struction of view corridors to sustain the tourists gaze and aesthetical use of architectural con-
structions of historical edifices.

Heritage 2012
Figure 2. Combination of spaces for walking and places for staying: Lbeck (the left picture) and Tallinn
(the right picture). Source: author.
Figure 3. Combination of spaces for walking and places for staying: Lbeck (the left picture) and Tallinn
(the right picture). Source: author.

In addition, identification and fostering the creation of secondary sitting landscapes (Fig. 2)
additionally to primary sitting landscapes (Fig. 4) enriches the public space that potentially in-
creases the consumption by users. Non-sitting landscapes that are identified as spaces with few
sitting possibilities should be avoided, particularly in the places seen as places for staying. If
both primary and secondary sitting landscapes provide a possibility to construct view corridors,
then non-sitting landscapes potentially increase the gap between pre-visit and post-visit images
of the place.
The research reveals the specific characters of streets and the changing character of streets
that mostly depend on the concentration of different activities along the streets and squares. The
changing character of streets is identified is a street that consists of various segments with spe-
cific characters, e.g. from one side of a street filled with shopping landscape up to the other side
of a street served mainly as a residential area. If some streets could be identified through the
gaze of the walker as a shopping street (like Viru street in Tallinn) with lots of retail shops or as
a residence street (like Groe Altefhre in Lbeck), then other streets are perceived as a street of
a combined type (like Mengstrae in Lbeck) or a street with a changing character (like Pikk
street in Tallinn). Such diverse street patterns intensify tourist experience and thus serve the ul-
timate purpose of destination branding.
Though the research does not identify any significant difference between Lbeck and Tallinn
in terms of spatial socio-economic use (shopping landscapes and variety of different retail shops
and their occupation of the urban space, availability of semi-public space, use and location of
terraces in different spots, view platforms, storytelling on the sings on the objects) and in terms
of the typology of representations of the past as well (there is no evident difference in number
either concentration of monumental, empty and simulated types of the past), there are some spe-
cific economic and symbolic aspects that are different between two study sites.
The first concerns the souvenir or salient, locally specific product widely sold in the shops. If
such products in Lbeck are marzipan and wine Rotspon that are locally specific and histori-
cally specific to the place, then in case of Tallinn it is a combination of amber, linen and ma-
trioshkas that are not connected to the identity of Tallinn or Estonia. Considering the positioning
of two towns on the websites Tallinn lacks the intensive identity and positioning comparing to
Lbeck. Thus socio-economic activities are interrelated with positioning and branding of towns.
Another distinct difference between Tallinn and Lbeck is local market experience for locals
and tourists on the main square in the old town in Lbeck that is not commodified. Waterfront
along the river in Lbeck is an opened public space and thus an urban landscape is linked to the
sea while in case of Tallinn waterfront area in city centre is closed because of low level of gen-
trification. The linkage of the urban space with sea should be intensified as the identities of both
cities are historically linked to the theme of the sea.

Figure 4. Primary sitting landscapes on the Town Hall Square in Tallinn. Source: author.
5 CONCLUSIONS
The current research primarily focused on the study of the socio-economic activities in the ur-
ban heritage space. To sum up, the research found that there are various ways that are spatially
identified how socio-economic activities produce symbolic signs upon architecture with sym-
bolic value. Various spatial combinations of spaces for walking and places for staying with dif-
ferent public and commercial activities, as well private space, intensifying of aesthetical experi-
ence opened to the gaze of a viewer, sustainable active use of edifices with heritage value for
socio-economic activities, variation of the specific characters of the streets potentially, all to-
gether produce more intensive symbolic power upon the urban heritage landscapes that is im-
plemented in the marketing and branding of the cities. Socio-economic activities are seen as the
phenomena marketing and branding should be based on either have an effect on.
The research revealed that there is no significant difference between Lbeck and Tallinn in
terms of spatial socio-economic use except salient, locally specific product widely sold in the
shops. Lbeck has a relative more powerful position in the tourism market due to opened urban
space to the sea and the uniqueness of the widely purchased historically salient products mar-
zipan and wine Rotspon.
The practical benefits of the approach applied might be of interest for city managers and mar-
keters, as well for local and regional authorities in general. The results of the research indicate
that urban planning decisions should enable to produce more powerful signs of the past in heri-
tage space through constructing symbolic capital used in the city branding.
Future research should involve more study sites and focus on more comparable aspects.
Moreover, different performance management proposals should be elaborated and the use of
quantitative methods could be considered to be implemented in the similar studies.
Heritage 2012
ENDNOTES
1
http://www.luebeck.de/languages/eng/city_portrait/index html
2
http://www.tourism.tallinn.ee/eng
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1 INTRODUCTION
This paper is drawn from ongoing PhD research into the building preservation trust (BPT)
movement within the UK. Building preservation trusts are not for profit organisations that ex-
ist to restore and find adaptive new uses for redundant buildings of historic and architectural in-
terest and generally depend on at least some amount of public funding to undertake this role.
Under the current economic climate where public funds are becoming ever more stretched there
is a need for BPTs to be able to justify what they do to enable them to draw on those funds.
Despite a proven track record within the restoration world, to date no suitable method has
evolved that allows BPTs to fully evaluate and promote the total of benefits that their work
brings to society. More will be said on this later in the paper but first it would be beneficial to
examine the current situation and some of the events that have lead to the position that BPTs
find themselves in today.
During the 1980s the UK witnessed the introduction of New Public Management theory
(NPM). At this time funding for the built heritage, along with many other aspects of the public
sector, was subjected to the same rigorous economic philosophy as was being applied to the
market place (Holden 2004). This meant efficiency drives and an increased emphasis on the
term Value for Money (VFM), leaving heritage agencies and BPTs to compete for funds on a
Cost Benefit Analysis (CBA) basis. Justification for heritage projects began to focus on the
possible measurable financial returns, such as increased tourist or visitor numbers and increased
business opportunities presented as economic values, often described as the input and output
model. This led to a situation where those outcomes that were easily quantifiable in economic
terms became all important whilst those less measurable concepts, such as intrinsic values, were
neglected or downplayed.
A question of trust: evaluating the benefits of building
preservation trusts
K. J. Moore
University of Dundee, Scotland
ABSTRACT: Restoration projects increasingly require public funding. As with all publicly
funded projects restoration must be seen to produce Value for Money demonstrated through
Cost Benefit Analysis (CBA). Current CBA techniques fail with respect to restoration projects
on two fronts. Economic toolkits adapted for this purpose have been shown to be inadequate
with regard to the built heritage. Secondly, the methods used take no account of non-economic
returns from investment in restoration projects and lack any public input, they are the domain of
heritage professionals informing the public on what should be valued about the built heritage.
This paper does not suggest that the toolkits in themselves are faulty, merely that they are being
used in the wrong way. It argues for the need to further adapt and develop existing evaluation
methods to arrive at more suitable models for evaluating the work of BPTs.
Since the 1980s successive governments have added their own desirable instrumental or an-
cillary benefits that they would like to see as outcomes of funding for the built heritage. This
seemingly ever growing list now includes such things as economic and urban regeneration, edu-
cational benefits, social integration and an increase in health benefits. In doing so these succes-
sive governments have not only defined what should be of value to society but have used the
system to first set, then meet, their own agendas. These ancillary benefits increasingly need to
be presented as economic values and are judged on a VFM basis. in the world at large, the
economic agenda is taking precedence over just about everything else (Bluestone, Klamer,
Thorsby & Mason 1998, 19). This has led to a situation where many BPTs struggle to raise
significant funds for potential projects and the movement is witnessing a dramatic reduction in
the number of active trusts.
Cost benefit analysis (CBA) has developed through the field of welfare economics into a set
of tools for estimating and evaluating the total of social benefits from proposed projects. These
benefits are then converted into economic values to be used in standard financial appraisals us-
ing discounted cash flow techniques to predict whether future benefits would justify the cost.
2 DEFINING ECONOMIC VALUES: CURRENT METHODS
2.1 Economic impact studies
Economic impact studies into aspects of the heritage sector have their origins in environmental
impact studies which were devised to assess the environmental damage which could take place
during major construction projects. When employed with respect to the heritage sector studies
are designed to equate all economic benefits, both direct and indirect. Direct benefits include
such things as employment generated within the sector whilst indirect or incremental benefits
include such things as an increase in ancillary employment and increased tourist numbers. On
the basis of inputs and outputs benefits would be weighed against costs to discern whether or
not VFM was being delivered.
Such studies first became popular in the UK during the 1980s. At this time the creative indus-
tries and arts sector, which includes aspects of the built heritage, began to find itself increasing-
ly having to justify what it did in order to compete for public funds. Early studies were directed
at assessing the total of benefits across the sector as a whole (e.g. Myerscough 1988; Centre for
Employment Research 1989).
Despite a strong reliance on economic impact studies by policy makers, along with a substan-
tial amount of academic research into the process during the 1990s and early part of the last
decade, their popularity and use are currently on the decline. (Kelly & Kelly 2002; Reeves
2002). The interest in economic impact studies appears to be waning, as the drawbacks be-
come clearer (Klamer & Zuidhof 1998, 33).
Amongst the criticisms of the process Klamer and Zuidhof believed that studies often omitted
important qualitative data (1998). Other commentators state that economic values, in particular
with regards to multiplier impacts, are often over estimated to give a false picture. For example
Kelly and Kelly (2002) acknowledge this fact with regards to employment figures stating that
the short term nature of much of the arts and heritage generated employment may lead to an
over estimation of the benefits. Another concern, as highlighted by Reeves (2002), is that the
highly fragmented nature of the arts and heritage sector, with differing work patterns and em-
ployment rates and differing measurable outcomes, renders it difficult to compose a generic sys-
tem that can equally measure benefits across the board. If Economic Impact Studies are to be of
any use they need to be far more focused on individual types of projects or smaller areas of the
sector and aimed at equating data in smaller bite sizes. The subject of economic impact studies
and the potential for their adaptation for use within the built heritage sector, and more specifi-
cally BPT projects, shall be revisited later in this paper.
2.2 Willingness to Pay Surveys
In recent years economists have been applying further procedures originally developed to ascer-
tain economic values for aspects of the natural environment towards the built environment,
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namely Willingness to pay surveys and Value Transfer. Although such studies into the eco-
nomic valuation of the natural environment and its protection are well established and docu-
mented the first studies into the economic valuation of the built heritage did not take place until
the 1980s. However, the vast majority of research has been undertaken since 2000 (Noonan
2003; Provins, Pearce, Ozdemiroglu, Mourato & Morse O-Jones 2008). Whilst it is the second
process, that of Value Transfer, which is most relevant to this paper to view the procedure in
context it is necessary to first give a brief account of Willingness to Pay surveys.
Economic theory suggests that the wellbeing that individuals gain from none market goods
can be measured through their stated willingness to pay (WTP) for those goods. Although the
figures obtained through this method are not actual sums they are deemed as representing a con-
sumer surplus (CS). In the case of the economic valuation of the built heritage wellbeing is
measured by individuals stated WTP towards the upkeep and maintenance of the heritage asset
in question. This figure in turn can be converted into a monetary value for that asset.

Wellbeing = WTP = (CS)

An economic value is obtained by combining the WTP of both users of the heritage asset, de-
fined as use values (UV), and non-users, defined as non-use values (NUV). Use Values relate to
members of the public that visit a heritage site along with those that live in the surrounding area.
The current preferred method to assess the WTP of the visiting public is through the Travel Cost
Method (TCM). This takes into account the total cost of travel to and from the site, wear and
tear on vehicles, cost of entry, out of pocket expenses and a formula to equate the economic
value of time spent travelling to and from the site before coming to a figure that represents the
individuals WTP to visit the site. This information, taken for all visitors over a given period, is
then processed through a number of economic formulae which involves equating the mean WTP
for the visitors surveyed and multiplying this by the total number of respondents thereby arriv-
ing at an overall figure. This figure is adjusted to take into account those visitors who never un-
dertake a survey and further discounted by predicting trends in future years before arriving at a
sum that represents the total of visitor values (VV).
The WTP of local residents is a little easier to estimate but still gives us a hypothetical total
obtained through the hedonic property price method (HPPM). The process is easier as it is
based on market prices for property in the surrounding area and this information is usually rea-
dily available. The basic premise of the equation is that property prices in the vicinity of the her-
itage asset are affected by their location and that if the researcher can calculate what percentage
of those prices are due to the proximity of the heritage asset this will represent the WTP of resi-
dents to live within that area. Again adjustments must be made to find a mean for the whole area
and predicted discounted future trends accounted for. This sum represents the total of residents
values (RV). The visitor values are then added to the residents values to arrive at a sum for the
total use value (TUV) of the asset.

VV + RV = TUV

Non use values (NUV) are built around the concept that members of the public who may
never see or use the heritage asset may still be willing to contribute financially to its upkeep.
NUV information can only be collected through stated preference techniques. Very simply put a
sample group is asked what they would be willing to pay, in the form of increased taxes, en-
trance fees or donations, towards the upkeep of the heritage asset. The results are then aggre-
gated as before and adjusted for predicted future trends before arriving at finale NUV. The total
use value is then added to the NUV to arrive at a Total Economic Value (TEV), or the economic
valuation of the heritage asset.

TUV + NUV = TEV

At the present time there is no uniform way to evaluate the information generated or indeed
how it should be gathered. Writing in 2008 in a review of only 30 valuation studies on the built
heritage undertaken worldwide at that time, Provins et al. state that, ..... the nature of and the
way in which benefits are evaluated varies widely (2008, 13). Given that an agreed formula
could be arrived at researchers will always only be able to sample a percentage of any given tar-
get group, be they users or non-users, and will never know for certain how representative the
sample group is of the target group as a whole, and all answers received are on a hypothetical
basis, that is to say stated WTP and not actual WTP, making any results subjective, or, as
Brouwer puts it, .fictive and merely symbolic. (1998, 20). It would appear that the general
consensus amongst economists is that there are many flaws in the techniques used but at present
it is the best system we have so it should be used, developed and modified into a more uniform
and reliable system. However, it may not always be viable, feasible or possible to undertake in-
dividual valuation surveys for each proposed project or asset. This situation introduces us to the
second concept adapted from environmental economics that of Value Transfer which this pa-
per will suggest could be better adapted for use with restoration projects.
2.3 Value transfer
The current system proposes that once a valuation study has been undertaken for one site the to-
tal economic value (TEV) of that study, adjusted for regional and economic differences, can be
transferred to a second site where no such evaluation has taken place for use in CBA. In theory
there are many ways that value transfer can take place but they all involve the transfer of values
from the completed study, deemed as the Study Site (SS), to the new site to be known as the
Policy Site (PS). The simplest way to do this would be a straight forward transfer of the TEV
for the Study Site into a TEV for the Policy Site. This is known as Unadjusted Unit Value
Transfer (UUVT) and would be represented by the following formula.

WTPss = WTPps

For a straight forward UUVT to takes place both projects would need to be identical in re-
gards to the buildings concerned, their condition, proposed scheme of restoration, end use and
the social and economic groupings of both users and non-users alike. As this ideal situation is
highly unlikely to occur further aggregation and adjustments must be made to the TEV of the SS
to make it fit the PS. Said adjustments should take into account such variables as income,
changes in the economic climate between when the SS survey was undertaken and the present
time and differences in the densities, age and structure of both populations. A number of res-
pected commentators (Riganti & Nijkam 2005; Ready, Navrud, Day, Dubourg, Machado, Mou-
rato, Spaninks & Rodriquez 1999; Brouwer & Spaninks 1999) have looked into the reliability of
value transfer and the differing degrees of error that can take place during the process. It must
be pointed out that only a handful of these studies are solely concerned with the built heritage
but the general principles are the same.
At the present time there have only been nine relevant studies concerned with equating stated
WTP into economic values for the historic environment undertaken within the UK and these are
very wide ranging and diverse covering such things as the preservation of inland waterways and
the effects of air pollution on historic buildings. Indeed there have only been around thirty such
studies undertaken worldwide, making the selection of a suitable study site extremely difficult.
Riganti and Nijkamp suggest that many economists do not sit comfortably with the concept as a
whole, believing that the system is open to data manipulation and is capable of producing unre-
liable results (2005). A major problem is the margin of error that occurs when transferring be-
tween sites. Writing in 2004 Brown undertook a study into transferring the results of valuation
surveys between three National Trust properties within the UK. Brown found that transfer errors
between the properties ranged from 3.7% to 110.8% (2004).
This margin of error seems to increase when value transfer is attempted across borders. In
1999 Ready et al undertook the same WTP survey in five European countries. The surveys
looked at respondents stated WTP to avoid respiratory illness caused by air pollution in Amster-
dam, Oslo, Lisbon, Vigo in Spain and a number of random samples from UK towns. The next
part of the study looked at how accurately the resulting values could be transferred between the
study sites and found an average transfer error of 38% (1999). Also in 1999 Brouwer and Spa-
ninks undertook a review of seven transfer studies which had been undertaken at that time and
found that the margin of error ranged between 56% and 475% (1999). At the present time the
process of Value Transfer within all disciplines is not an exact science and all figures produced
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are at the least open to debate and interpretation and at the worst spurious and mere conjecture.
In their policy brief on Value Transfer and Environmental Policy for the Concerted Action on
Environmental Valuation in Europe (EVE), funded by the European Commission, Navrud and
Bergland stated that, value transfer should only be applied to uses of environmental valua-
tion where the demand for accuracy is relatively low. (2001, 3).
When it comes to the built heritage alone Kristofersson and Navrud believe that value trans-
fer can only be a valid option if the Policy Site and Study Site are identical in all aspects (2005).
As this is an extremely unlikely scenario, it would appear that the process of value transfer in its
present form is not suitable for use with regard to the built heritage. Also from 2005 in a study
into the economic valuation of the built heritage which was undertaken on behalf of English
Heritage, the Heritage Lottery Fund, the Department for Culture, Media and Sport and the De-
partment of Transport, eftec conclude that, Overall there would appear currently to be limited
scope for value transfer applications in heritage-related appraisal and evaluation exercises.
(eftec 2005, 9).
2.4 Proposed Adaptation of Economic Valuation Methods
Whilst what some critics see as the unreliability of impact studies when applied across the
whole of the arts and heritage sector has been highlighted above it is suggested that they could
still hold a place in the evaluation of completed BPT projects where the benefits obtained are
not perceived or predicted but already exist as measurable outcomes. As part of this research a
data base on all Scottish BPTs and the projects that they have undertaken is currently under
construction. Although composed from data on individual projects once completed it will in re-
ality become a very substantial impact study into the work of the BPT movement within Scot-
land. Moreover the data base holds information on the economic values generated by, or the
economic impact of, individual projects. It is proposed that these values can be used to produce
a Total Economic Benefit (TEB) for each project. For example Gardynes Land, a project un-
dertaken by the Tayside Building Preservation Trust to convert a complex of derelict buildings
into a much needed 100 bed backpackers hostel for the city of Dundee, produced the following
direct and indirect economic values.
In total the project received an input of 4,143,488 funded by a number of different organisa-
tions. To be balanced against this the projects output produced employment for eleven profes-
sionals, thirty six construction workers, six archaeologists and four artists whilst providing three
end use jobs resulting in increased spending power and an increase in tax returns. In addition to
the employment generated through the project the hostel which was created has an average in-
come of 404,250 per year. If the number of extra visitors to Dundee as a result of the provision
of the new hostel is calculated in bed nights this totals on average 19,250 per year. Visit Scot-
land estimates that visitors to Scotland spend on average 53.41 in surrounding businesses per
bed night (Visit Scotland 2010), which equates to an extra income of 1,028,142 for Dundee
businesses each year. Additionally the City Council, which now owns the complex, receives an
income from rental fees for the hostel and extra council and business tax payments from pre-
viously vacant properties. All of these factors generate economic benefits, some of which would
need to be discounted for future trends. Once all calculations have been completed and com-
bined this would give us a Total Economic Benefit (TEB) for the project to be discounted from
the original project cost.
Although the basic formula would stay the same differing projects would produce different
data for analysis. For example as well as generating work for seven professionals and three hun-
dred and sixty construction workers the Anchor Mill project in Paisley, as undertaken by The
Princes Regeneration Trust at a cost of 12,116,000, also produced one hundred and sixty six
new dwellings, four business units and one large retail unit all of which generate their own eco-
nomic values.
The above are only very rough outlines of the proposed methods and both of these projects
will be used in further research to develop the economic formula and calculations needed in
more detail. The economic tools to make such calculations already exist and have been tried and
tested through traditional economic impact studies.
Over the years BPTs have worked on and completed thousands of restoration projects and as
has been shown statistics from which economic data can be generated is obtainable for the ma-
jority of these projects. Admittedly the economic data from projects undertaken in past decades
would need to be further discounted to make it relevant to todays economic climate but again
these techniques already exist and are used in current CBA studies. Work is well under way on
the data base of Scottish BPTs and their projects but even before the completion of this task it
should be possible to use the information already generated for use in CBA type surveys for fu-
ture projects. If a Trust, owner or even a private developer holds an historic property that they
wish to restore, be it a two bed roomed cottage, castle or abandoned church, somewhere in the
wealth of completed BPT projects there will be a similar building of similar age, size and condi-
tion with a similar proposed end use. Once a suitable completed project has been identified cal-
culations such as those outlined above can be undertaken to find the TEB of that project. This
value can then be represented as Completed Project Benefits (CPBs) before undergoing a trans-
fer, discounted were necessary, to become the new Proposed Project Benefits (PPBs).

CPBs = PPBs

Once a TEB study has been undertaken information would then be retained on the data base
for future use. Data on the new project would also be added when available to keep checks on
the system and the reliability of the transfers undertaken. As information on the cost and TEB of
completed projects grows the data base would also be advantageous as a development tool to es-
timate the potential costs and viability of a variety of proposed end uses.
3 CULTURAL CAPITAL AND CULTURAL VALUES
In economic terms capital is defined as an asset or a collection of goods or stock that in turn
can be used to generate further goods, services, values or income at some time in the future.
Traditionally the term was only related to physical capital. That is to say things such as build-
ings, plant and raw materials.
During the 1960s a second concept of economic capital was introduced, that of human capi-
tal (Becker 1964). Human capital is used to describe people as capital stock and recognises that
investments in education and the acquiring of skills and experience are just as important to eco-
nomic output as physical capital. More recently, as touched on above in the critique on WTP
surveys and value transfer, economics has also adopted the concept of natural capital to de-
scribe the stock of both renewable and nonrenewable resources obtainable from nature.
In 1997, in an attempt to highlight the intrinsic values of heritage, the Australian economist
David Throsby introduced the concepts of Cultural Capital and Cultural Value (1997). Thorsby
believes that, with regard to heritage, cultural values should be given an equal weighting to eco-
nomic values. As Throsby sees it items of the built heritage should be defined as capital as their
construction involved the investment of both physical and human capital and, as with other
forms of capital, without further investment and maintenance their value would depreciate. They
also produce a flow of services and values over time. Although aspects of the built heritage
could very well be defined as physical capital Throsby argues that cultural capital should be se-
parated as it embodies additional values such as historical and spiritual values. in addition, it
has historical and other attributes that an ordinary building does not have. These attributes
can be described as the buildings cultural value, and the same type of cultural value can be at-
tributed to the flow of services it provides (2002, 103). Throsbys definition of cultural value is
essentially concerned with and related to the purely cultural attributes of heritage or what have
been traditionally deemed as its intrinsic values.
3.1 Assessment of Cultural Value
There seems to be growing support for the argument that when it comes to assigning non eco-
nomic values to aspects of the built heritage that the opinions and knowledge of professionals
cannot be left out of the equation (Mason 2002: Throsby 2006).
Whilst Throsby agrees with most commentators that the aspects of cultural value may not be
measurable in economic terms he suggests that it can be defined. In Throsbys view what is
needed is some kind of set criteria or indicators to rate different aspects of the heritage on their
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individual intrinsic values and that these indicators should represent both public preferences and
expert judgments. ......it might be possible to agree upon ratings according to levels of signi-
ficance, importance, and so on, especially if they are assessed in comparative terms (object A is
more significant against a criterion of, say, historical importance than object B) (2002,
113).
Whilst Throsbys intention to include the public in such decision making on the value of cul-
ture should be commended as a welcome development there is a danger in rating aspects of the
built heritage by degrees of importance or significance. All aspects of heritage are subjective
and open to individual interpretation. Aspects of the built heritage retain different values for dif-
ferent people. To someone who holds deeply religious views the restoration of redundant
churches would be a priority whilst those with an interest in the industrial past might prefer to
see available funds spent on maintaining early mills. Who is to say which view should take pre-
ference and which type of building holds the most significance? Authors such as Lowenthal be-
lieve that decisions on what to conserve and what to let go are already open to accusations of
political bias (1985), and such moves would lead us further down the road towards Holdens
cultural mediocrity (2004), where only certain aspects of the built heritage are preserved
Throsbys cultural value does exist but by grading that value by importance we would be
leaving the conservation movement open to further politicalisation which could lead to a situa-
tion of mediocrity where only a few types of buildings are conserved. Perhaps it would be more
productive to develop the tried and tested system of Statements of Significance but to involve
the public in that process.
3.2 Statements of significance
At the present time the favoured method of defining the cultural value of the built heritage are
Statements of Significance which have their origins in the Burra Charter (Australia ICO-
MOS Burra Charter 1999). Today, conservation plans and therein statements of significance,
play an important role in all funding applications and no major restoration project can be under-
taken without first drawing up a statement of significance. They are now an integrated part of
the planning system and the conservation movement. In the absence of suitable economic tools
to calculate the value of heritage, statements of significance now represent the only logical me-
thod of, if not measuring, then defining the intrinsic or cultural values of the built heritage.
However, statements are compiled with very little, if any, input from the public. They are
very much the domain of heritage professionals and this equates to experts informing and in-
structing the public on what it is about the built heritage that should be valued and treasured.
Experts can gather information, make educated judgments and predict how people might be
affected. They cannot, however, determine how people feel, let alone what they desire or value.
Experts in isolation cannot see the total picture. (Roberts 1995, 26).
What is needed to make the process more credible is some form of public involvement at the
beginning of the assessment to complement the views of the expert. When properly designed
and implemented, a process involving the public in decision making can raise the level of com-
munity commitment to a project and establish a sense of ownership that can help communities
create positive development impacts. (Roberts 1995, 225).
3.3 Citizen Values Assessment
Again it is the field of environmental economics and there in Social Impact Assessments (SIAs),
that may provide the tools to equate the public and cultural value of the built heritage. SIAs ori-
ginated in the USA during the 1970s as a way of predicting the impact of major construction
projects on the surrounding population. Towards the end of the 1990s in a move to include pub-
lic opinion in SIAs on the potential impacts of dyke reinforcement projects the Netherlands
Ministry of Transport, Public Works and Water Management developed the process of Citizen
Values Assessment (CVA). The central idea behind CVA is that the values individual citizens
attach to particular environmental characteristics often differ (at least partly) from expert
judgments. (Stolp 2006, 5). Although designed and developed to ascertain citizens values for
the natural environment it would not prove difficult to adapt the system that has evolved for use
with the built environment.
The current CVA process consists of four phases. Phase four relates to applying discerned
values to project alternatives and need not concern us here. What follows is a very brief outline
of the first three phases and how they may be adapted for use with the built heritage. Phase one
consists of an investigation into the geographical area in which the proposed project would take
place, the local population that may be impacted by the project and the public bodies, organisa-
tions and interest groups that represent them. In relation to the built heritage this would equate
to gathering information on the heritage asset to be valued, which should be readily available,
people who live and work in the surrounding area along with those who visit and use the area
for recreational purposes. Interest groups and organisations may include such bodies as commu-
nity councils, the Civic Trust and local history groups.
Phase two entails identifying and collecting information on those values considered relevant
to the population groups identified in phase one. This information is collected by conducting
face to face interviews with a number of respondents from each group identified. These inter-
views are very loosely structured and designed to encourage the respondents to present their
own views on values in their own words. The final part of phase two is to list the key values
identified, or compile a preliminary profile.
In phase three the preliminary profile is used to compile a Citizen Values Profile. The pre-
ferred way to do this is by producing a survey on the perceived values using a Likert Scale. Un-
der the present system for environmental values, where proposed projects can vary wildly, this
stage, along with phase two, is undertaken for each new project. However in respect to citizens
values for aspects of the built heritage it is proposed that once a number of case studies have
been undertaken it should be possible to compile a generic survey for use in future CVAs. A Li-
kert Scale comprises of a list of individual statements, or Likert items, which respondents are
asked to rate. An example of a Likert item would be, This paper proposes credible methods for
valuing the built heritage. Respondents would then be offered five options on the statement;
strongly disagree, disagree, neither disagree or agree, agree, or strongly agree.
Once the survey has been compiled data is collected through means of a quantitative survey
taken from a set number of random members of the groups identified in phase one which should
exclude any of the participants that took part in phase two. Responses to items are rated as fol-
lows, strongly disagree = 1, disagree = 2, neutral = 3, agree = 4, and strongly agree = 5. Each
item should then be analyzed separately to find the mode or most frequent response. For exam-
ple if the most frequent response were to be agree the mode for that item would be 4. Modes
for all items should then be summed to obtain an overall total or value measurement.
Again research into adapting this concept for use with the built heritage is in its early stages
but it is suggested that if CVAs into aspects of the built heritage were to be conducted using Li-
kert scales comprising of ten items the lowest possible score would be 10 and the highest would
be 50 allowing citizens value or intrinsic value of the heritage asset to be measured on a sale of
10 to 50. Furthermore it is suggested that once such a formula for public input has been devel-
oped the same process of assessment should be repeated on the completion of restoration
projects. If culture and heritage are to be defined as capital, as with all forms of capital their
values will be subject to change. They can either increase or decrease over time. If the above
process were to be repeated on the completion of projects it would give an indication of returns
on investments in intrinsic values defined by changes in public opinion. If the process were to
be taken up by the BPT movement and the information obtained was to be included on the data
base it would also be a useful tool in highlighting the possible added citizens value of future
projects along with the predicted total economic benefit.
4 CONCLUSION
Building restoration projects increasingly require funding from the public purse and, as with all
publicly funded projects, they must be seen to produce Value for Money demonstrated through
Cost Benefit Analysis to be able to justify that funding.
In todays economic climate, where available public resources are constantly shrinking and
being spread evermore thinly, the building preservation trust movement more than ever needs to
be able to demonstrate the economic and cultural benefits that it generates for society at large to
be able to draw on those funds. Using the cost benefit analysis techniques that are currently
Heritage 2012
available, and in their current format, building preservation trusts are unable to highlight their
full potential as there are no formula included to account for such things as job creation, in-
creases in tax returns, new businesses generated or increases in the provision of new housing.
This is not to say that the economic toolkits presently used to undertake such equations are in
themselves at fault merely that they are being used in the wrong way and do not take into ac-
count all of the benefits generated by building restoration projects.
As this paper has pointed out systems that would be able to measure the benefits already gen-
erated by BPT projects and predict returns from future projects, such as economic impact stu-
dies and value transfer, already exist and have been tried and tested in the field of environmental
economics. It is suggested that further adaptation of these methods would allow them to better
perform this function and aid in future funding applications.
In addition to the economic benefits generated through restoration projects it is fair to surmise
that they also result in an increase in intrinsic values. At the present time there is no agreed me-
thodology recognised as being able to measure the intrinsic values of the built heritage or to in-
clude public opinion in the definition of cultural value. Cultural value is currently defined
through statements of significance by heritage experts who, whilst being the most qualified
people to undertake this task, may not always hold the same values as members of the public.
What is needed to make the process even more credible is some form of public input to com-
plement the views of the professionals.
Again it is the field of environmental economics, and in particular Citizen Value Assessment,
that can offer the solution to these predicaments. Citizen Value Assessment, as developed in the
Netherlands, has evolved into a process of not only defining but also measuring the values that
the public hold towards aspects of the natural environment. As demonstrated above the process
of adapting Citizen Value Assessments for use with the built environment should not prove to
be a difficult task.
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Australia ICOMOS, (1999) The Burra Charter: The Australia ICOMOS Charter for Places of Cultural
Significance.
Becker, G. S. (1964) Human Capital. New York, Columbia University Press.
Bluestone, D., Klamer, A., Thorsby, D. & Mason, R. (1998) paper, The Economics of Heritage Conserva-
tion: A Discussion. Presented at "Economics and Heritage" Conference, Getty Centre, Los Angeles,
December 1998.
Brouwer, R. (1998) Future Research Priorities For Valid And Reliable Environmental Value Transfer.
CSERGE Working Paper GEC 98-28. University of East Anglia and University College London
Brouwer, R., & Spaninks, F. A. (1999) The validity of environmental benefits transfer: Further empirical
testing. Environmental and resource Economics, 14, 95-117
Centre for Employment Research (1989) The Culture Industry: The Economic Importance of the Arts
and Cultural Industries in Greater Manchester. Manchester Polytechnic, Centre for Employment Re-
search
eftec, (2005) Valuation of the Historic Environment: The scope for using results of valuation studies in
the appraisal and assessment of heritage-related projects and programmes: Executive Summary.
London, eftec.
Holden, J. (2004) Capturing Cultural Value London, Demos
Kelly, A. & Kelly M. (2000) "Impact and Values, Assessing the Arts and Creative Industries in the South
West." Bristol Cultural Development Partnership, Bristol.
Klamer, A. & Zuidhof, P. (1998) paper, "The Values of Cultural Heritage: Merging Economic and Cul-
tural Appraisals." Presented at "Economics and Heritage" Conference, Getty Centre, Los Angeles, De-
cember 1998.
Kristoffersson, D. & Navrud, S. (2005) "Validity tests of benefit transfer Are we performing the wrong
tests?" Environmental and Resource Economics, 30 (3), 279-286
Lowenthal, D. (1985) The Past is a Foreign Country. London: CUP
Mason, R. (2002) "Assessing Values in Conservation Planning: Methodological Issues and Choices." In
Torre, de la, M. "Assessing the Values of Cultural Heritage." LA, J. Paul Getty Trust.
Myerscough, J. (1998) "The Economic Importance of the Arts in Britain." London, Policy Studies.
Noonan, D. S. (2003) Contingent Valuation and Cultural Resources: A Meta-analytic Review of the Li-
terature. Journal of Cultural Economics, 27, 159-176
Norman, G. (2010). Likert scales, levels of measurement and the laws of statistics. Advances in
Health Science Education. Vol 15(5) pp625-632
Provins, A., Pearce, D., Ozdemiroglu, E., Mourato, S. & MorseO-Jones, S. (2008) "Valuation of the his-
toric environment: The scope for using economic valuation evidence in the appraisal of heritage-
related projects." Progress In Planning, 69, 131-75
Riganti, P. & Nijkamp, P. (2005) Paper "Benefit transfers of cultural heritage values: How far can we
go?" Presented at 45
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Congress Of The European Regional Science Association, "Land Use and Water
Management in a Sustainable Network Society". Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, 23-27 August 2005
Ready, R., Navrud. S., Day, B., Doubourg, R., Machado, F., Mourato, S., Spaninks, F., & Rodriquez, M.
X. V. (1999) "Benefit Transfer in Europe: Are Values Consistent Across Countries?" Paper presented
at EVE Workshop on Benefit Transfer, Lillehammer, Norway, October14-16, 1999. EU Concerted Ac-
tion on Environmental Valuation in Europe (EVE).
Reeves, M. (2002) "Measuring the economic and social impact of the arts: a review." London, The Arts
Council.
Roberts, R. (1995) Public involvement: From consultation to participation in Vanclay, F. & Bronstein,
D. A. (Eds.) Environmental and Social Impact Assessment. John Wiley & Sons. Chichester.
Stolp, A. (2003) Citizen Values Assessment. in Becker, H.A. & Vanclay, F. (Eds.) The International
Handbook of Social Impact Assessment: Conceptual and Methodological Advances. Edward Elgar:
Cheltenham.
Stolp, A. (2006): Citizen Values Assessment - An Instrument for integrating citizens? Perspectives into
Environmental Impact Assessment. Thesis, Leiden University.
Throsby, D. (1997) "Sustainability and culture: some theoretical issues" International Journal of Cultural
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Capturing the Public Value of Heritage conference 2526 January 2006. Swindon. English Heritage.
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Visit Scotland (2010) "TOURISM IN SCOTLAND 2009: Fact Sheet."
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x

Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION AND RESEARCH OBJECTIVE
The purpose of this research is to identify the major socio-economic and physical factor that in-
fluenced the formation and development of market towns along the waterways network in the
Central Plains of Thailand. The case study was done on Kao Hong market town, one of the ma-
jor market towns in Suphanburi Province located beside the Suphanburi River on the west of
Bangkok (Fig. 1).

Figure 1. Location of Suphanburi Province (Left) and Kao Hong Market town located beside the
Suphanburi River (right)
Formation and transformation of Kao Hong Market town,
Suphanburi, Thailand
N. Ongsavangchai
Faculty of Architecture, Chiang Mai University, Chiang Mai, Thailand
O. Panin
Faculty of Architecture, Kasetsart University, Bangkok, Thailand
ABSTRACT: This research aims to clarify the formation of market towns along the channel
network in the Central Plains of Thailand by raising Kao Hong Market town as a case study.
The town used to be a hub for conveying rice from farmland to Bangkok and to the world mar-
ket, after Thai entered into the Bowring Treaty with England in 1855. In this period the market
towns gradually developed by using channel network as a means of transportation, while
shophouse were built in these market towns, as the principal living units and places for running
trade. In term of spatial planning, shophouse seem likely to be simple but no ones are identical
in spatial organization. Due to the boom of tourism in the old town areas of Thailand during the
last several years, Kao Hong Market town is going to enjoy its new status as a place of nostalgic
Thai ambience for tourist attraction.
This paper, in particular, brings into focus the spatial characteristics of the market town and
analyzes the spatial structure of its urban architecture, shophouse, which is unique to the market
towns of Thailand. The reason that market towns was selected for making research is that they
possess shophouse took shape differently from those we previously carried out researches and
this paper will be a part of an ambitious research project named Formation and Transformation
of shophouse in the old town areas, Thailand.
After Thailand opened to free trade economy in 1855 due to entering into a Bowring treaty
with England, quantity of export of rice had gradually increased. Major rice farming areas was
in the Central Plains of the kingdom. Water resource and good transportation were needed for
rice farming for selling and exporting. Thus, at this period many canals were dug in order to link
main rivers together and open new area for rice farming. With the advent of business dealing
along the water courses, market towns were constructed and developed by Chinese who played
a vital role in canal-digging, trading and construction of market towns. Kao Hong market town
is one of many market towns that took shape according to this socio-economic mechanism. The
objective of this research is developed from the above perspective, and thus will clarify the for-
mation of Kao Hong market town along with its shophouse, and analyze the factors that shaped
their built form and spatial characteristics. Lastly, spatial organization of shophouse and its
transformation will be discussed as well.
The study is based on the extensive field works conducted during April 2008 - September
2010. In the field works, understanding of background, history, physical features, distribution
and spatial characteristics of market towns was done. At the same time, related documents,
maps and research works were collected. Surveying of spatial planning, distribution of facilities
and usage patterns of shophouse, and interview with dwellers of Kao Hong market town were
also conducted. Moreover, measurement of shophouse was done as well.
Up to now, there is no research work on Kao Hong market town about its planning and archi-
tecture in detail but information about its background and history could be obtained from re-
searches, interviewing and articles scattered in various forms of documents. In this area, there is
an invaluable scholastic work done by Jindamaneerojana, 1989. On the other hand, there have
research works about market towns along waterways network in the Central Plains of Thailand,
however so less in number. In this line of research Panin, 2001, is famous for extensive field
survey of historical background, planning and architectural typology of market towns along the
waterways in the Central Plains on the west of Bangkok. The comparative analysis from this re-
search provides a broad view for the development of these market towns. The basic studies on
the formation of waterway system in Central Thailand is done and written in various languages
such as in English by Beek, 1995 and in Japanese by Jinnai, 2002.
2 FORMATION OF CHANNEL NETWORK: OVERVIEW OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC
BACKGROUND
Before Thailand changed her economy to modern system, economy in the villages and towns
was subsistence economy due to the traditional economic administration, Sakdina system (the
position was differentiated by amounts of land allocated). Rice is the main product of the coun-
try. Excessive parts of them from household consumption were paid to the state as Suai (tax in
kind, poll tax), which then a part was exported by the Privy Purse Bureau (under Sakdina sys-
tem, state (king) has full right for monopoly of trade). This system of trade and walk of life of
the people came to an end in 1855 when Thai entered into Bowring Treaty with England. Ac-
cording to this treaty, Sakdina system was abolished, while liberal trade was put into practice.
Sugar was identified by the Bowring Treaty as an export product with a great potential by the
attractive prices offered in world sugar markets. It is at this period that canals were constructed
to open the western Central Plains to sugar-cane cultivation. Between 1855 and 1868, four ca-
nals, initiated and financed primarily by royalty, were dug (Fig. 2, Table 1: Code 6-9).

Heritage 2012
not cultivate their entire lands to paddy fields
i
. The cause is that each landlord received too large
piece of land over his capability to cultivate the whole field. To get over the problem, with the
same objective of digging as those of previous canals, Khlong Pravet Burirom was dug a year
after completion of Khlong Nakhon Nuang Ket in order to shorten a distance between Bangkok
and Chachoengsao as well. It is the first canal dug after the enactment of an act of legislation
called Pragard Kud Khlong (The Declaration of Canal-Digging) in 1877. Its construction costs
were mainly obtained from the Privy Purse Bureau, while a part of them were donated by the
common people who would be awarded deeds to land on the canal banks for rice cultivation
purpose.
During 1881-5, there was nothing to do with canal construction due to declining period of
rice price in world market. This slack season recovered in 1886 and four canals linking with
Khlong Pravet Burirom had been constructed to accelerate rice production in the eastern Central
Plains following increasing demand from foreign trade after long stagnation. From 1890, a
comprehensive irrigation project called Khlong Rangsit was initiated in order to expand cultiva-
tion into entire virgin terrain of eastern lower basin. It was the first time in Thailands canal-
digging history that government commissioned a company called Siam Land, Canals, and Irri-
gation Company (SLCIC) to carry out a task. The project finished in 1904. A small number of
canals were also dug in this period but since 1904 there was no construction of new canals until
the end of King RamaVs reign in 1910 when transportation development was gradually turned
its focus on modification of existing water courses and construction of railway and road.
3 FORMATION OF MARKET TOWNS AND ITS SPATIAL PLANNING
After entering into Bowing Treaty, Thai opened the country to liberal trade and abolished mo-
nopolistic trade by the Privy Purse Bureau. Economy enormously expanded. At the end of the
19
th
century, rice became the first rank of product for export. It was mainly produced in the Cen-
tral Plains but it was exported via Bangkok. Due to Bowing Treaty, Bangkok was rapidly devel-
oped. Its economy was extremely expanded by free trade. Many people turned their job to trade.
City area was enormously expanded, while people gradually changed from their water based-
living to settle on the land side. Roads were constructed and paved; commercial buildings were
constructed, while city was gradually transformed. Shophouses were introduced, developed and
constructed for supporting transformation of the city and rapid expansion of trade. Most of trad-
er were foreigner, especially Chinese.
In 1905/06, 98% of export rice came from the Central Plains. It means that after Bowring
Treaty, farmers changed their rice farming from for subsistence level to for selling. Thus basic
economic system of the town and village was gradually changed for trading aim. It was the re-
sult of a demand outside the country for rice and other products that tied towns and villages in
the Central Plains with Bangkok and foreign trade. Due to this economic expansion, business
towns or market towns were gradually developed around Bangkok in the Central Plains by using
water network as a means of transportation due to a small road network and its poor quality.
Water resource and good transportation was needed for rice farming for selling and export-
ing. Thus many canals were cut in order to link the existing water courses and open new areas
for plantation. It was Chinese who played a vital role in canal-digging. They were not placed
under Sakdina system, thus they were not conscripted for labor force but government hired them
to dig canals. A flood of Chinese immigrants to the country ensured sufficient number of labor
for canal dredging, while two laws, right of land ownership in 1860 and emancipation of slave
in 1874 made certain that a tempting rule for the right to acquire land, and new group of man-
power will accelerate an increase in rice farming area and quantity of its product.
Canals not only opened up land for cultivation, provided a means of conveying product from
the farms to Bangkok but gave a way for sending commodities from capital to provincial towns
as well. This circle gave birth to a new class of society, merchant class, which most of them are
Chinese. As Peddler, Chinese traveled by boat to villages and provincial towns, where they sold
goods bringing from other places and purchased rice in return. Subsequently, some of them set-
tled in these villages indigenously inhabited by Thai people who acquired land for cultivation
from the government. Initially, these Chinese made their living by doing labor work or small
trade. Thanks to their industrious and thrifty inherited characteristics, they could gradually ex-
Heritage 2012
part of shophouse leaving the upper rear space as open well. At present, the open well in the rear
part of shophouse still can be seen in some shophouses. It agrees with information from inter-
viewing with shophouse dwellers that in the beginning stage of construction there was only the
front room on the upper floor and rooms in the rear part of upper floor are new extensions. That
is the reason why each shophouse has a different pattern and size of open well.
As a rule, the upper floor of shophouse is generally used for living purpose, if it is not left va-
cant, however, at the time of survey, most of shophouse are utilized for residential purpose or
closed. Only a small number of shophouse are used for commercial activities such as hardware
shop, grocery, game center, sweet shop, food shop and coffee shop. There are some cases where
dwellers do not make use of space on the upper floor but spend throughout the daytime and
night time on the ground floor only. They are usually found in shophouses with width more than
one bay where area on the ground floor is spacious enough for running trade, living in the day-
time, and staying overnight.
Almost all of shophouses are rented buildings and thus most of shophouse dwellers are just
tenants. The rent rates range from 150 baht to 1,300 baht depending on that shophouse belong to
who, when dwellers moved in, and scale of shophouse. This rent rate is very cheap comparing
to the same size of building in other locations. The stagnant atmosphere of the town makes Kao
Hong market not a good place for running trade and too dull to dwell but the situation has been
changing for the last several years.
6 TRANSFORMATION OF THE MARKET TOWN AND ITS SHOPHOUSE
With the boom of tourism in the old quarter areas of Thailand, Kao Hong market turn itself to
be one of the main tourist attraction in Suphanburi province where many touristy market towns
is located along the Suphanburi River. The coming of tourist leads to the resurgence of business
in Kao Hong market and makes the rent higher. Many shophouse are rented and gentrified for
tourism related purpose by the outsiders. They utilize the space in shophouse for commercial ac-
tivities as the main without dwelling objective. Most of them spend the time when tourist come,
mostly only on Saturday, Sunday and long weekend, in the market and stay overnight in the
other places outside the market town, so that only space on the lower floor of shophouse is paid
attention by them for renovation in persuasive nostalgic manner, while the structure of
shophouse and public space in the market are not received much attention to improve and re-
store. The revival townscape of Kao Hong market town in more lively and colorful mode may
be the beneficial point by this transforming state, however, at the same time, it makes the town
gradually alters into the theme market (theme park), which can be proved by the frequently visit
by groups of movie makers.
7 CONCLUSION
Following the above analysis, we can conclude that free trade economy, channel network, canal-
digging, coming of merchant class, expansion of farming area and changing of social law have
comprehensive relationship with the establishment and development of town and architecture in
the Central Plains of Thailand.
Kao Hong market is a good model for clarifying the role of market towns in trading circle
along the channel network in the Central Plains. Shophouses are unique to market towns due to
its versatile functions for trading and living and they are evidence of Chinese success in trading.
Shophouses of Kao Hong market seems to have simple composition of space but each has a dif-
ferent spatial organization. Various patterns of spatial organization are the result of transfor-
mation following the trend of utilization of shophouse in each period, from initial commercial
space to dwelling house and to nostalgic theme shop at the present.
Moreover, due to long occupancy, spatial organization in shophouse is altered into various
patterns by dwellers, that makes each shophouse has a spatial organization of its own. Trans-
formation in shophouses brought about an irregular pattern to the rear structures of shophouses
by the difference in spatial organization, structures, materials, height, colors and usage of space.
The rear view of shophouses is completely different from the front one which still much main-
tains uniformity in a total view quite perfectly. This is a common feature, that is to say a prob-
lem of shophouses in Thailand, even shophouses in the conservation area. It is the result from
that much effort is paid to the preservation of the front facade of shophouses only, and almost
all of the rear extensions are illegal. The advantage is that the town can preserve the original
townscape but neglect and disappearance of original spatial arrangement in shophouse may be
the weak point.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This research was funded by Thailand Research Fund (TRF). Without the support from them,
perhaps none of these would have been possible. The authors greatly appreciate their help.
REFERENCES
Beek, S.V. 1995. The Chao Phya River in Transition. England, Oxford University Press.
Jacobs, J. 1985. Cities and the Wealth of Nations. Vintage.
Jindamaneerojana, S. 1989. Social History of Community Located along the Tha Chin River. Silpakorn
University (in Thai).
Jinnai, H. 2002. Reading the Riverside City. Hosei University Publishing (in Japanese).
Natthapunwat, S.1998. Floating Market-The Way of Thai Merchant. Bangkok, STP World Media.
Panin, O. 2001. Local Shophouse in Rural Town. Bangkok, J. Print (in Thai).
Poplin, D.E. 1979. Communities A Survey of Theories and Methods of Research. Macmillan Pub.Co.
Rapoport, A. 1969. House Form and Culture. Prentice Hall.

Heritage 2012

1 INTRODUCTION
In many historic city centres heritage buildings that have lost their initial function are being
used for retail. This seems to present opportunities for the retail and heritage sector as these
buildings are often well located in the commercial centre and their reuse may provide funds for
maintenance and restoration. On the other hand however, it equally seems to present threats and
obstacles according to the viewpoints of different involved stakeholders: retailers complain over
strong regulations and high costs which may hinder commercialisation. Heritage consultants
fear that restoration processes are too strongly retail-led, and thus threatening the heritage-value
of the building. This research tries to formulate an answer to the question how to strike a bal-
ance between this seemingly paradoxical situation: respectful restoration and commercial ex-
ploitation of a heritage building.
The first section of our paper describes the tension between retail and heritage in historic city
centres and argues how the role of retail branding can bridge these positions in creating a retail
design that respects the historic and architectural qualities of the host space. The second section
analyses two Belgian case studies of retailers who intentionally looked for a historic setting for
their stores:
Donum, a design and lifestyle store that has stores in Hasselt and Antwerp
Xandres, a fashion store that has concept stores in Ghent and Antwerp
(Re)using historic buildings as a retail differentiation strategy
B. Plevoets
PHL University College & Hasselt University, Hasselt, Belgium
A. Petermans
K. Van Cleempoel

ABSTRACT: As a method for differentiation, some retailers look for historic buildings to locate
their store. This research tries to formulate an answer to the question how to strike a balance
between respectful restoration and commercial exploitation of a heritage building. The first sec-
tion of our paper describes the tension between retail and heritage in historic city centres by us-
ing a SWOT-analysis, and argues how the role of retail branding can bridge these positions in
creating a retail design that respects the historic and architectural qualities of the host space. The
second section analyses two Belgian case studies of retailers who intentionally looked for a his-
toric setting for their stores through interviews with architects and retailers who were involved
in the project. The conclusion states that retail branding may contribute towards a balance be-
tween interests of retailers and conservators.
2 TENSION BETWEEN RETAIL DEVELOPMENT AND HERITAGE PRESERVATION
IN HISTORIC CITY CENTRES
The cultural and physical character of our towns and cities has always been influenced by the
commercial activity they accommodated (English Heritage, English Historic Towns Forum, &
Planning Advisory Service, 2005). But the nature of shopping and trading has changed radically
in the course of time and consequently influenced the physical retail environment: e.g. demand
for bigger shop units, rise of chain stores at the expense of the independent retailer, need for vehicle ac-
cess for shoppers and servicing and demand for greater security (English Historic Towns Forum, 2008).
These requirements present considerable challenges to historic towns. Jokilehto (1985) illustrates the
tension between retail development and authentic preservation of historic fabric with the example of the
historic town of Lbeck which could not be accepted to the World Heritage List because too
much of its fabric has been lost due to among other reasons uncontrolled commercial devel-
opment. He concludes that in order to avoid unnecessary pressure for change and destruction, it
is important to plan the type and scale of commercial and other activities for historic towns in a
way that these can be absorbed by the historic structure. Also English Heritage, English Historic
Towns Forum, & Planning Advisory Service (2005) have studied this tension and produced a
set of guidelines to balance both aspects.
Beside threatening the authenticity of historic towns, that of an individual heritage building is
equally endangered due to retail activities on site. As the historic centre is often also the com-
mercial heart of a town, the possibility for new construction is limited, and accordingly retailers
often locate their stores in existing (historic) buildings (Plevoets & Van Cleempoel, 2009). In a
SWOT-analysis we have presented the opportunities and threats in reusing historic buildings for
retail (Table. 1) for the different parties involved, being conservators, municipalities of historic
towns, retailers and designers.

Table 1. SWOT analysis reusing historic buildings for retail

In general, conservation is a long-term activity which can be estimated on at least 30 years
while retail is mainly short-term related - often no longer than five years (Douglas, 2006) - as a
retail design has to be updated frequently to adapt to the newest retail concepts.
In what follows we describe more in-depth the issues included in the SWOT-analysis above,
based on literature review; whenever literature was scarce or not available, we give illustrative
examples. Firstly we give the general opportunities and threats towards retail-reuse, secondly
we make a distinction between the different parties involved: (1) conservators, (2) municipali-
ties of historic towns, (3) retailers and (4) designers.

Opportunities Threats
I
n
t
e
r
n
a
l

To use a historic building is considered posi-
tive in relation to its conservation
Retail can provide funds for maintenance and
restoration of the building
Easier to find investors for retail than for social
or cultural activities
Unique setting which may enhance customer
experience

Retail design in general is short-lived while
restoration should be longstanding
Conflicting interests between different
stakeholders involved
Potential loss of authentic heritage-values
of the building
Limitations to the retail design
Additional cost for restoration and mainte-
nance (partly) at the retailers expense
E
x
t
e
r
n
a
l

Tax incentives or subsidy when the building is
listed
Retail may enhance urban regeneration
Building receives a public function, in contrast
with reuse into e.g. dwelling or offices
Often time-consuming legal procedures for
listed buildings
Heritage 2012
(1) For conservators reusing a building for other purposes is generally considered a positive
aspect towards its conservation. Eugne Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc (1814-1879) argued that the
best of all ways of preserving a building is to find a use for it (Viollet-le-Duc, 1990 [1854], p.
222). His idea was recalled by the Austrian historian Alois Riegl (1858-1905) who focussed on
the importance of the use-value for monumental buildings (Riegl, 1982 [1903]). This ap-
proach was coined in the Charter of Venice in 1964: the conservation of monuments is always
facilitated by making use of them for some socially useful purpose (ICOMOS, 1964, p. article
5). So on the one hand, retail can be a beneficial new function for abandoned historic buildings
as it is often easier to find investors for retail than it is for social or cultural activities. On the
other hand, many sad examples are at hand where the historic building is over-used to maximize
commercial exploitation at the expanse of its intrinsic values (for an example see Plevoets &
Van Cleempoel, 2011). But even if the owner chooses a qualitative conservation and restora-
tion, the quality of the project is not guaranteed. In many cases, the building will be rented out
to a user who does not always takes into account the specific characteristics of the monument.
In the case of a tenant, heritage boards have almost no control over the use of the building after
its restoration. Sometimes, interesting interiors are completely covered to create a faceless
space, furnished in a house-style consistent with other interiors of the same brand (Plevoets,
2009).
(2) On an urban level, reusing historic buildings for retail may advance the viability of
historic centres and as such may stimulate urban regeneration. Additionally, Kirby and Kent
(2010b) state that reuse of the citys architectural heritage can act as part of the citys image and
its city branding. They explain that the purpose of city branding is to promote a city for certain
activities and in some cases sell parts of the city for living, consuming and productive activities.
An often applied strategy is to orientate the city branding towards reworking, repackaging and
re-presenting historical and existing cultural qualities of the city. An example of a city that
differentiates itself through heritage is Ldz, a former industrial city in the centre of Poland,
where many industrial sites became abandoned after the textile industry fell down in the 1980s.
In 2006, the largest former factory was transformed into a large-scale redevelopment project,
called Manufaktura. The project includes the restoration of existing buildings as well as new
constructions and houses. There is an interesting mix of shopping, hospitality, leisure and
culture. As there has been a lack of well-organized public space in the center of Ldz, major
attention was given to the creation of a central square. Since the opening of the project, other
initiatives by private investors have been realized in the neighborhood. Today, Manufaktura
strongly contributes to upgrade the image of Ldz within Poland and beyond (Wycichowska,
2008).
(3) Usually, the retailer chooses a specific building because of its location; the fact that a
building is historically or architecturally significant is not always recognized as an added value
from a commercial point of view. Whats more, when the building is listed as a monument there
may be limitations to retail design, and forced restoration and maintenance of the building may
result in additional costs. But for some retailers, being located in a historic building is a tool for
differentiation towards competitors, i.e. when they use their location to offer their customers
an authentic experience (Plevoets, Petermans, & Van Cleempoel, 2010). In what follows we
investigate if reusing historical buildings contributes to the retail branding of the involved re-
tailers.
(4) For contemporary designers, working with historic buildings is considered an interesting
challenge and an important aspect of their work (Schittich, 2003). This, however, was not al-
ways the case; during the post-war era, architects primarily aspired to create new buildings
which completely break with traditional building. As a reaction to the quickening tempo in de-
molishment and new construction, there is since the second half of the 20
th
century a growing
interest in the conservation of old buildings (Cantacuzino, 1975). Currently, adaptive reuse is
emancipating to become a proper discipline within the broader field of architectural conserva-
tion (Plevoets & Van Cleempoel, under review). As such, historic buildings of every kind are
transformed for a variety of programs, among which retail.
3 RETAIL BRANDING: HISTORIC ARCHITECTURE AS A DIFFERENTIATION
STRATEGY
Following the American Marketing Associations (2011) definition of a brand, a retail brand
should allow consumers to identify the goods and services of one retailer as distinct from those
of competitors. Kent (2007) states that an essential factor in retail branding is the physical retail
environment and the design of the retail space. This is confirmed by Michel Van Tongeren who
says:
A store environment is the ideal medium for communicating the values of a
retail brand with great precision. The consumer can see, experience, touch and
smell it; he has chosen to be there at that moment and is therefore highly receptive
to it. Which is very different than watching a remote commercial in your own
cluttered living room (Van Tongeren, 2003, p. 44).

When consumers visit a store, they immediately make an association between the products
sold in the store, their price, the stores tone of voice and ambience, and the retailers presence
and identity. As a result, retail design and retail branding cannot be disconnected from one an-
other. The role of retail design is to translate and develop retail branding into the practice of a
retail store environment, in accordance with specific societal and temporal conditions (Van
Tongeren, 2003, 2004).
Few studies focus on the particular relationship between (historic) architecture and retail
design (Hyllegard, Ogle, & Dunbar, 2006; Kirby & Kent, 2010a, 2010b; Maclaran & Brown,
2005). Kirby and Kent (2010a) examined the link between retail store architecture and the
communication of brand identity through casestudies of four food superstores in the UK. They
found four strategies which may be applied to communicate brand identity. However, they did
not include reuse of historic buildings as a means for retail branding. In an other study Kirby
and Kent (2010b) recognize re-use of historic buildings as a means for place branding.
Hyllegard, Ogle and Dunbard (2006) explored the relationship between consumers identities
and their responses to retail design at Recreational Equipment Incorporated (REI) flagship store
at Denver. Although the store was located in a former industrial building, the researchs primary
focus was on aspects of sustainability and not on historical features. Brown and Maclaren
(2005) analysed consumer experience in the case study of Powerscourt Townhouse Center, a
shopping centre located in a historic building. Their study demonstrated that prioritising com-
mercialization over preservation of the genius loci of the building is detrimental to the consumer
experience. However, no research has analysed if reusing historic fabric may be an added value
for the retailer, such as in the context of retail branding or as a means for differentiation towards
competitors. We want to make a first move into this gap through case study research.
4 CASE STUDIES
4.1 Selection and presentation of the cases
We have selected two Belgian case studies of retailers who intentionally looked for a historic
setting for their stores:
Donum, a design and lifestyle store that has stores in Hasselt and Antwerp
Xandres, a fashion store that has concept stores in Ghent and Antwerp
The selection was based on three criteria. Firstly, we selected retailers that have more than
one store located in a historic building. As such, we wanted to exclude retailers that by chance
are located in a historic building. Moreover, retailers with more than one such store may com-
pare between the different situations and as such gain more inside in retail-reuse. Secondly, all
stores are located in Antwerp, Ghent or Hasselt which are the most important retail cities in
Flanders (Cushman & Wakefield, 2011). Thirdly, we looked for case studies where architects
and retailers were willing to participate in this research as our aim was to compare the insights
of the different stakeholders involved.
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Donum is a design furniture and lifestyle store. The owners initially had a small store in the
centre of Hasselt but in 2000 they moved to a larger location: the ground floor of a former post
office. In 1993, when the post moved out, the building was sold to a project developer who
wanted to rehabilitate the upper floors into apartments and the ground floor into retail. The
monumental character of the faade, however, with high but narrow windows which were above
eye level and the presence of a staircase at the entrance door caused limitations to the retail de-
sign. But these limitations did not hinder Donum to buy the ground floor of the building for its
location just out of the main commercial axe its size, and its unique character. In 2006, a
second store of Donum opened in Antwerp. Again, the owners decided to locate their store in a
historic building, being a former monastery in the centre of Antwerp. This time, the design of
the store was done by another architect than the store in Hasselt as the owners wanted to work
with an architect with local experience.
Xandres is a women fashion brand which stands for classical and timeless beauty (Xandres,
2011). In 2006 they opened a concept store in Ghent, in an imposing large corner house with
neo-rococo/neo-renaissance interior. The same design concept was later applied by the architect
in other Xandres stores such as the ones in Antwerp - also located in a historic building - and in
Knokke.
4.2 Methodology
The cases were developed through interviews with the retailers and the architects involved with
the restoration or rehabilitation of the building. We interviewed five people: two retailers and
three architects. Each of the interviews varied in length from 30 minutes to 1 hour. The inter-
views with the architects were conducted at their offices, the interviews with the retailers in one
of their stores. All interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed verbatim, which allows for
the nuances in the interview to be apparent in the text. Notes were taken during the interview to
support the digital recording to maintain validity (Linders & Hijmans, 1995).
After transcription, the interviews were examined for key themes which we defined based on
the SWOT-analyses presented above:
Limitations to the retail design
Additional cost for restoration and maintenance (partly) at the retailers expanse
Retail branding and customer experience
Retail design in general is short-lived while restoration should be longstanding
Tax incentives and subsidy for restoration and maintenance
Often time-consuming legal procedures for listed buildings
Building receives a public function
Conflicting interests between different stakeholders involved
Four of the aspects included in the SWOT-analyses were not discussed in the framework of
this research:
To use a historic building is considered positive in relation to their conservation
Easier to find investors for retail than for social or cultural activities
Retail may enhance urban regeneration
Potential loss of authentic heritage-values of the building
We opted not to discuss these aspects, as our aim was to research the advantages and disad-
vantages of reusing historic buildings for retail in relation to retail branding. These four themes
are more related to the opinion of conservationists, monument preservation offices and urban
planners who were not interviewed considering the goal of this research.
5 FINDINGS
In what follows, we describe the results of our interview analyses for each of the key themes of
the SWOT analyses, listed here above. Selected typical verbatim quotations - translated from
Dutch to English - are added for the sake of argumentation and illustration (Fetterman, 1997;
Miles & Hubertman, 1994).
5.1 Limitations to the retail design & Additional cost for restoration and maintenance
The architects and retailers of all stores recognized strong limitations towards the retail design,
for example possibilities concerning store front and shop window, branding and circulation. For
the designers this limitation is outweighed by the unique and monumental character of the
building.

If you have the opportunity to work with historic buildings in an urban context
for an architect, this is as a gift. Therefore, the architect should show some respect
for the building. If you dont force yourself to the building, if you let speak the ar-
chitecture for itself and you try to approach the building in a modest way than it
will work.

The retailers, however, had different opinions about it. The owner of Donum explained that
for him, this limitations did not really hinder their concept for the store. Although he recognized
that the fact that nothing was preserved from the original interior both in Hasselt and Antwerp
the interior was removed before he bought/rented the space was a major advantage.

We couldnt touch the faade but on the inside we were free to use the spaces the
way we liked.

The Managing Director of Xandres explained that the brand is currently looking to attract a
younger clientele. Therefore, they want more people to enter their stores. The rather closed fa-
ade, stairs inside the building, limited see-through the store are all elements that hinder people
to enter the store (for the first time). For him, the stores in Ghent and Antwerp are definitely
beautiful stores, but they are not really commercial.

This has also to do with the monumentality of the buildings. How do you deal with
this? Who do you want to involve in generating a concept? You can either say I
have nothing to do with this and I cover the whole interior This is always a ten-
sion which has also to do with investment. With money. It [rehabilitation] costs a
lot of money.

Nevertheless he explains that if you want to be at commercial location inside the city centre,
you often have no other choice than locating your store in a historic building.
5.2 Retail branding and customer experience
The owner of Donum explains that for their store in Hasselt, they did not intentionally look for a
historically or architecturally significant building. But the reactions of the customers were very
positive:

They all say wow, this is imposing, impressive. It creates a kind of curiosity and
as such many people enter the store. And for us this is good. We do not have to
show everything we have to offer at the outside. We need to create curiosity and a
building as this helps a lot. For us it was not at all a disadvantage that we could
not destroy the faade or make large windows.

Later, when the owners wanted to start a store in Antwerp, they specifically looked for a
building with monumental qualities because they had felt that this suited them.
For Xandres, their store in Ghent was their first concept store - before, they only sold their
clothes through independent retailers. At that time, they needed a beautiful store which reflected
the brands values. However, in times of economic recession commercialisation of the retail
environment becomes more important. Xandres therefore changed the concept of its stores from
being timeless and exclusive towards more fashionable, easier accessible and more transparent
in an attempt to reach a larger and especially younger group of customers.
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For both case studies the stores were extensively reviewed in national and for Donum Has-
selt even in international press. Especially in the case of Donum, this press coverage gave an
important boost to the store, in Hasselt as well as in Antwerp. The designers of the Donum
stores also recognized this press coverage as an advantage because this was an opportunity to
present themselves as architects with experience with reuse of historic buildings and this gener-
ated new reuse projects later on.
5.3 Tax incentives and subsidy for restoration and maintenance & Often time-consuming legal
procedures for listed buildings
All interviewees said that it is often not economical to apply for restoration subsidy if the build-
ing is rehabilitated for retail because of the time-consuming procedure. In Belgium, the possi-
bilities for tax incentives are rather limited, instead subsidy can be obtained for about 40% of
the restoration costs. Completion of the procedure however takes two years on average, which is
very long in retail terms. Moreover, when the retailer is a tenant, the incentives are in favour of
the owner this for instance was the case for the Xandres boutique in Antwerp and the Donum
store in Antwerp.
5.4 Retail design in general is short-lived while restoration should be longstanding
For the case studies discussed in this paper one single store instead of shopping centre this
was not considered a problem by the retailer, nor the designer. The designer of Donum Hasselt
explains that it depends on the approach of the architect. If you work with low-budget, box-in-
box construction, fashionable materials there probably is a tension. His approach, contrarily, is
to analyse the given space by dismantling all later addition which do not have any intrinsic
value for the building. He makes the space readable again, and this for the construction ele-
ments, as well as the history of the building. By doing so, you make the physically functional
and as such it may be used for any other function, without major alterations.
5.5 Building receives a public function
The interviewed architects agreed that reusing an historic building is an opportunity to make the
building accessible to a larger public than when the building is transformed into for example a
museum or dwelling. However, the architect of Donum Hasselt explained that it is his experi-
ence that it is often not easy to find a consensus that fits the retailer and the monument preserva-
tion office:

Today, they [retailers] are the only people that can afford to restore a monument
without subsidy. Moreover, they open the building to the public, which is not the
case for a private house. Sometimes this argument helps to convince them [the
monument preservation office].

But the architect of Xandres did not experience this tension between the retailers interests
and those of the monument preservation office. He explains that often the monument preserva-
tion office is very open towards reuse into retail, especially because the building receives a pub-
lic function. They do not favour a musealisation of monuments but instead they want the pub-
lic to enjoy the monuments.
But instead of a tension between the retailers interests and the monument preservation of-
fices interests, the architect did see a tension between the commercial interests and the tour-
ism in the store. His experience from earlier projects showed that emphasizing the buildings
monumental value can attract tourists to the store who have no intent to buy, but disturb the
functioning of the store. To avoid this, the mantelpiece is not shown in its full beauty but is part-
ly hidden behind a wall. The architects involved with the Donum stores did not consider this
heritage tourism as a problem for the retail activity, contrarily, they saw it as an advantage as
these tourists may become future clients.

5.6 Conflicting interests between different stakeholders involved
Only for the case of Donum Antwerp the designer experienced a strong tension between the
interests of the different involved parties. Here, Donum was not the owner of the building but
the tenant. The building was owned by a project developer and the rehabilitation was still ongo-
ing while they were working out the retail design for the Donum store. They felt a strong com-
mercial interest of the developer who did not consult the monument preservation office before
interventions were done such as the addition of dormer windows, widening of some of the win-
dows on the ground floor, removing the original interior of the church and the monastery, and
even the demolition of the whole interior structure. Furthermore, there was no discussion be-
tween the developer and the architect of the tenant about the design of the retail area.

At the time we became involved, the works had already started. I mean the strip-
ping of the monastery. Additions were made, certain parts have been removed, in a
very barbaric way. A new program was added to the building, completely sepa-
rated from what we were doing on the ground floor but it was a program I
strongly disagreed with. The works were continuing at a great pace and we were
not capable to adjust it but had no choice but to join in.
6 CONCLUSION
The case studies illustrated two different experiences of retailers with retail reuse. For Donum,
working with historical buildings was considered successful by all interviewed parties because
(1) the unique setting created a kind of curiosity that triggered people to enter the store, (2) the
store serves as an example how to combine historic architecture with design furniture, and (3) it
created exposure by national and international press. For Xandres, locating the store in a histori-
cal building seemed successful for creating a specific brand identity, but, according to the man-
ager of Xandres this approach is not commercially viable because (1) the design of these stores
is too expensive, (2) the typology of the historical buildings causes limitations to the stores
layout and design. Moreover, according to the architect (3) tourists without any intention to
buy disturb the regular shopping activity.
As such, reusing historical buildings as a means for retail branding may be successful, how-
ever, the direct commercial benefits may sometimes be questioned. As such, these stores may
serve as a pilot store to position the brand within the market. As explained by Van Tongeren
(2003, 2004), retail design and retail branding are strongly related. Therefore, when a retailer
wants to identify with values such as exclusivity, authenticity or sustainability, being located in
a historic building may contribute to the concerned customers brandperceptions. As such, the
retail branding may be borrowed from the stores location or architecture - or in more general
terms, its retail design. Moreover, reusing historical buildings may also be an economical ad-
vantage when the typology of the building at hand and its state of preservation leaves enough
freedom towards the retail design and store layout. For example, the conservation of historical
interiors may be more challenging towards commercial exploitation.
Our research was limited to four stores of two different retailers for which we investigated the
perspective of the retailer and the architect involved in the design of the store. To get a more
complete understanding of the case studies we should include also the consumers perspective
as well as the perspective of the monument preservation office. Furthermore, we may extend our
research to a wider variety of retail companies, for example based on the classification pre-
sented by Guy (1998).
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1 INTRODUCTION. TOURISM AS A STRATEGIC LEVER FOR SUSTAINABLE
DEVELOPMENT
The extraordinary development of contemporary tourism, whose favourite destinations are natu-
ral sites and cultural monuments, corresponds to that of a new modernity, defined by Marc
Aug (1992) as supermodernity, i.e. as the combined effect of acceleration of history, narrowing
of space and individualization of destinies. The historical evolution of this phenomenon is close-
ly related to the changes which are taking place in the whole of society at the fast pace of globa-
lization. The map of worlds tourism suggests the idea of a cultural heritage of humanity that,
however, is often considered as an object of consumption, quite decontextualized and deprived
of the space-time dimension, which offers the eyes the splendour of time in its complexity and
different depths.
In any case, tourism plays a central role in the broad territorial transformations that not only
impact physical aspects, i.e. urban space and its layout, but also socio-economic aspects, which
characterize a more and more globalized territory. In a desirable scenario, it may play a role of
cross-cutting catalyser able to improve the various sectors it is connected with, i.e. farming,
energy, transportation, active protection of landscapes and cultural heritage and biodiversity
conservation. In short, it is essential to elaborate new models that can be measured not only in
terms of GDP increase and can be based on an economy, which is meant not as a purpose, but
as a means able to produce fair and sustainable prosperity, integration, social cohesion, collec-
tive well-being and rebalanced territorial systems.
Building virtuous relations between tourism, natural resources
and cultural heritage for sustainable development: strategies and
instruments
G. Pultrone
Universit degli Studi Mediterranea di Reggio Calabria, Italy
ABSTRACT: Today, the concept of sustainable development is inevitably mentioned in plen-
ty of papers and international and local programmes. Yet, many challenges must be faced if
principles and enunciations are to become real possibilities of economic growth, which can im-
prove the living conditions of the present and future communities by protecting and enhancing
the local environmental-landscape and cultural heritage. Since tourism is among the phenomena
with the highest growth rate as well as a global business in a modern society where travellers
are more and more demanding, it can help, if properly managed, reconcile economic growth,
sustainable development and ethic dimension and strengthen the link between production of
knowledge and local development. Nevertheless, the quality of cultural and natural heritage is
an essential condition for the development of this economic sector, on which many territories
are relying. In the light of these considerations, this paper analyses the tourism phenomenon and
the main related issues and then focuses on the case of Calabria, a region in the south of Italy,
investigating problems, opportunities, strategies and prospects and advancing proposals for a
complex context, where the potentials of the tourism sector have not always been effectively
and durably exploited so far.
If, on the one hand, the complexity of problems demands an integrated approach, able to
overcome the sectorial attitude, which was often typical of both scientific debate and policies in
the past, on the other hand, the role of urban planning is all the more crucial, since it has the task
to regulate physical, spatial and functional transformations, including those resulting from a
tourism development that is not sustainable for the highly sensitive territories which attract it.
The term Cultural Heritage recurs in theoretical debates and action plans as the expression of
new values and peculiarities of immaterial, intangible elements related to traditions, local crea-
tivity and social values and, therefore, as a factor of identity and social inclusion. In develop-
ment policies, it is increasingly important for both knowledge and protection, consistently with
the overall objective to preserve and maintain the system of values and meaning of places for
the benefit of locals and visitors alike. Moreover, the concept of conservation is always con-
nected with a management policy which should keep the the spirit of the place alive, beyond
mere conservational aspects. Thus, cultural heritage conservation cannot be separated from the
conservation of the environment and of the territorial contexts concerned. In this scenario, spa-
tial planning proves to be an effective tool for protection and enhancement as well as for the
creation of new spatial relations (Pultrone, 2011).
These issues are particularly relevant in the Mediterranean Basin, the most important area of
tourist interest in the world, due to its extremely rich cultural heritage, which has stratified in
time, and to its extraordinarily varied environments. Yet, certain territories with a fundamentally
weak capacity to control their own development may run the widespread risk of a too fast and
short local growth, a real meteor that cannot ensure effective and lasting results.
Environment, landscapes, identity and cultural traditions have often paid dearly for giving in
to the temptations of a kind of tourism that has offered exclusively economic advantages to a
privileged few and not to the whole local community. On the contrary, sustainable tourism is
based on close inter- and multi-scalar relations between tourism industry, environment and local
community: three protagonists subjects and objects of the process of development, since it
modifies them that must be constantly interrelated in the different phases of planning
processes.
Hence, the protection of landscape and environmental resources and of the material and im-
material assets kept by local communities may become an innovative and effective way to en-
sure sustainable development. In this sense, it may play a significant role within the diffused
development patterns founded on local identities and on the enhancement of local resources and
increasingly become a fundamental lever of the cohesion policies promoted by a European Un-
ion enlarged to the East and outstretched towards Southern Mediterranean countries, which are
more and more upset by periods of tensions, conflicts and political instability, with possible
negative effects also on tourism dynamics, in spite of their resilience to global economic, politi-
cal and social phenomena.
Cultural and natural heritage, landscape and identity are more and more important economic
factors for the development of cities and regions. Moreover, the presence of areas of natural and
cultural interest is an essential condition for tourism, which has been given a key role for the
achievement of the great EU goals: promotion of European citizens interest; growth and em-
ployment; regional development; management of cultural and natural heritage; strengthening of
the European identity.
From an operational point of view, in order to be effective, tourism development policies
should include a wide range of measures concerning the various aspects of destinations and be-
come part of a general policy of environment protection and management. Such measures
should imply, for example, waste collection and management as well as the integration of the
development of tourism infrastructures and of programmes of coastal protection within the ur-
ban planning tools of the different territorial government levels.
The awareness that the problems related to the equilibrium between environmental, social and
economic aspects of tourism should be properly tackled has turned into a concrete national, Eu-
ropean and international commitment.
However, the achievement of the different goals for each tourism destination demands a
global approach focussed on tourists satisfaction and based on the principles of sustainable de-
velopment. Such an approach has been defined Integrated Quality Management (IQM) by the
European Commission (2000). At the same time, it is crucial that local communities always play
a vital role in environmental development and management, in line with Local Agenda 21 (IC-
Heritage 2012
LEI, 1995), which includes key environmental, economic and social aspects and is, therefore, a
significant opportunity to integrate the different tools for sustainable tourism within a wider in-
tegrated strategy.
There also exists a close link between sustainability and tourism competitiveness, as it is
shown by The Travel & Tourism Competitiveness Report 2011 (Blanke & Chiesa, 2011) and by
the methodological choices adopted to determine the Travel and Tourism Competitiveness In-
dex (TTCI), which is used to measure the factors and policies that make the tourism develop-
ment of a country attractive.
All in all, the competitiveness of a country derives from the synergic interaction between
primary (natural and anthropic) attractions, the infrastructures facilitating their fruition, tourism
enterprises, complementary and supportive industries, local population and tourism demand.
Therefore, it is necessary to plan territories and their tourism functionality at the largest terri-
torial level and to intervene where inefficiencies and shortcomings are weakening their competi-
tive system.
Thus, competitiveness is strictly tied to the capacity of the local system to catalyse human
and financial resources towards a common vision, to innovate, to favour the horizontal and
vertical integration of accommodation and complementary services and products, to cooperate
in order to buy services that can be shared and to create added value.
In the light of these remarks, this paper focuses on topics useful to understand phenomena
and to identify possible strategies and tools, first from a general point of view and then consi-
dering the specific case of Calabria, a complex region in the south of Italy where, in spite of the
competitive advantage given by its important environmental, natural and cultural heritage, tour-
ism potentials have not always been properly exploited, owing to shortcomings of the territorial
government. It is fundamental to ensure visibility to unique heritages through interventions on
landscape enhancement, on the training of relevant professionals and on the promotion of a cul-
ture of sustainable tourism so as to create virtuous relations between tourism, natural resources
and cultural heritage which can develop the human, social and cultural capital.
2 TOURISM IN THE SOUTH OF ITALY BETWEEN CHRONIC PROBLEMS AND NEW
OPPORTUNITIES
The various problems concerning tourism and sustainable development are particularly complex
in the south of Italy, owing to a series of aspects which are different yet more or less directly in-
terconnected, and should be considered in a wider national and international geographic context:
previous deficiencies in infrastructures and accessibility; environmental and security problems;
perennial waiting for a development which has never arrived to fill the historical gap with the
rest of Italy; widespread inadequacy of territorial government and lack of far-seeing policies,
which go beyond the logic of the immediate future and of emergency; but also new opportuni-
ties from the EU programmes for Convergence regions (Calabria, Campania, Puglia, Sicily and
Basilicata, as phasing-out region); new developments in the national and regional legal frame-
work about tourism, urban planning and territorial governance, landscape; new requirements of
environment quality, public services and urban spaces; citizens higher demand for information
and participation in political choices; widespread signals of local willingness to start initiatives
for the revival and enhancement of the territory and its traditions, cultural values and specific
identities, though without creating any network.
Such a complex scenario calls for sustainable development as the only choice to develop and
enhance the human, social and cultural capital and to fill a gap with the rest of Italy and of Eu-
rope otherwise destined to rise irreparably. If properly planned and managed at the various insti-
tutional levels, it may link, on the one hand, requirements of protection and enhancement of
landscape, environmental resources and cultural heritage, and, on the other hand, requirements
of economic and social development. There is still a long way to go for Italy, a country that,
though ranking first in UNESCO World Heritage List and having the largest cultural heritage in
the world, does not excel in tourism competitiveness. A reversal will be possible only if above
all local institutions are able to take the opportunities, in terms of directions, strategies and ac-
tions, offered by the 2007-2013 EU Programming period, by the Italian law 135/2001 Reform
of the National Law on Tourism, which concerns the Italian Local Tourist Systems, by its re-
gional implementation, but also by the Regional Planning Laws and by the European Landscape
Convention.
Tourism in the south of Italy should be considered in a national context, since it falls within
regional and national competences and there exists no EU financial policy or tool specifically
designed for it. Nevertheless, interventions on tourism are part of wide-ranging EU policies,
which may impact it significantly. In past times, in order to tackle a continuously growing tour-
ism demand, Italy tried to take the opportunities offered by several small initiatives, which were
started unmethodically and without a policy of promotion of the Italian product in its totality (as
it happens in Spain). As a result, above all in the south, the tourism supply was the effect and
not the cause of the demand. Tourism policies were not always adequate to a country which has
a unique heritage in the world, despite the good intentions the national government had ex-
pressed through Progetto 80 in the late 60s, which had highlighted the close link between
tourism policy and those policies concerning spatial planning, land conservation and manage-
ment, protection of healthy air and water, protection and enhancement of the historical, artistic
and landscape heritage, urban renewal in old city centres, reorganization of urban transport and
communication systems.
The consequent effects on landscapes and territories are in full view of everyone: while the
hinterland is depopulated and derelict, the coast has become the focus of the convergent inter-
ests of contractors, locals and tourists and, owing to the land use dynamics induced by tourism
settlement strategies, it has sprawled leading to degradation and regional disparities. In fact, a
WWF study, mentioned by Lucia De Stefano (2004), shows that, in Italy, over 43% of the 7,600
km-long coastline is completely urbanized, 28% is partially urbanized and less than 29% is still
free of construction. Therefore, it is essential to take into account two different important as-
pects: a spatial aspect, concerning the importance of the coastal impact as the sum of settlement
pressures due to various factors; and a social aspect, concerning the collective, i.e. individual
and public, awareness of the problem of environmental degradation. Since global competition
increasingly depends on the capacity to offer a single service and tourism has always been based
on local resources and facilities, it is necessary to reshape the traditional sun-sea product by
considering a new model, which includes the knowledge of local culture and of all its compo-
nents related to natural environment, history, art, architecture, crafts, food and wine. Then, local
tourism policies may be connected with the sustainable development paradigm (Gemmiti,
2006).
The importance of local development and of the relations with the different local stakeholders
has led to the definition of the basic principles of the 2007-2013 National Strategic Frame-
work and, in particular, of the link between tourism development and territorial development.
Therefore, the policies of protection and enhancement of the different kinds of resources (natu-
ral, cultural and landscape) must be integrated, in spatial planning, with the policies for rural
development and with those of tourism development.
The different administrative levels are trying to offer tourism an alternative chance of devel-
opment that can preserve both natural and anthropic resources in order to ensure their reproduc-
tion and use to future generations. Yet, it would be wrong to think that tourism works properly
only when it is the leading sector of a regional economy and is able to integrate with farming or
crafts, because its cross-cutting nature allows it to take varied roles and complement different
development paths. The territory and its complexity always underlie any project and, as a con-
sequence, it is essential to propose only hypotheses of development which are consistent with its
potentials and limits. However, the first step in the search for innovative forms of tourism pro-
motion should be the analysis of the territory and only later others experiences should be ob-
served (Gemmiti, 2006). As a matter of fact, also the tourism sector should be analysed within
its territorial system in order to study systemic relations in terms of opportunities and con-
straints, avoiding that its development takes an a priori leading role on the other components of
the system and, above all, avoiding that the goal of economic growth prevails on sustainable de-
velopment.
Through the regional development policies planned in the 2007-2013 National Strategic
Framework, Italy has decided to take the challenge of the economic and social development of
southern regions by operating on certain strategic sectors, such as tourism and renewable ener-
gies, with the introduction of an intermediate programming level to be implemented through in-
terregional operational programmes. It is a concrete opportunity to test new development mod-
Heritage 2012
els based on virtuous relations between tourism, natural resources and cultural heritage. Thus,
the Interregional Operational Programme Cultural and Natural Attractors and Tourism be-
comes the main tool to promote and support the socio-economic development of the regions in
the south of Italy through the enhancement, strengthening and interregional integration of their
cultural, natural and landscape heritage (European Union-Italian Republic). The Interregional
Operational Programme pursues the principle of the unitarity and inseparability of the actions of
protection, management and enhancement, in compliance with the law in force and with the in-
structions of the European Landscape Convention. Cultural and natural attractors are meant as
the pivot of the development of regional territories, since they are able to foster cultural and so-
cial growth and to be the strategic lever for the economic development of local communities by
starting and strengthening the entrepreneurial chains connected with them. Among such chains,
tourism is one of the main sectors that can lead to the development of the territories, provided
that it is put into practice with sustainable modes which can reconcile the fruition of attractors
and the inalienable protection of heritage as a precious entity to preserve and hand down to fu-
ture generations.
The action of the Interregional Operational Programme-ERDF, which is only limited to Con-
vergence Regions, is complemented by the homonymous Interregional Implementation Pro-
gramme for the South of Italy (PAIn-FAS), which shares the same strategy but encompasses all
the regions in the south of the country. The strategy underlying the implementation of both pro-
grammes focuses its actions on Poles, i.e. on the areas with the highest concentration of cultural,
natural and/or landscape attractors of great intrinsic value. Furthermore, it envisages the integra-
tion of such poles within interregional supply networks. The Regions are assigned the task to
identify and select the interregional networks and the relative Poles after properly debating with
the Central Government Agencies in charge of the protection and safeguard of cultural and natu-
ral heritage.
Among the ongoing Interregional Operational Programmes, the one which integrates Sicily,
Puglia and Calabria is characterized by a Network composed of two priority Poles located in
Calabria, Le Montagne Blu (Blue Mountains) and Gli Alberi bianchi (White Trees), and of
a Pole located in Puglia, Il Salento. Moreover, two complementary Poles are in Sicily, La Si-
cilia dei Siconi e degli Elmi (Sicily of Sicanians and Elymians) and La Sicilia greca (Greek
Sicily). The Network Viaggio tra le identit culturali, le arti e le tradizioni popolari (A Jour-
ney Among Cultural Identities, Arts and Popular Traditions) aims at intercepting the tourism
demand mainly based on relax and on the rediscovery of ancient roots, far from the great tourist
flows and from the typical routes of the concerned territories, and tries to foreground less known
destinations.
3 CALABRIA AND ITS TOURIST VOCATION: WORK IN PROGRESS
Tourism in Calabria embraces, and often magnifies, all the themes and aspects mentioned so far,
as regards the strengths and weaknesses, risks and opportunities of a sector on which the region
has been operating for over 40 years without achieving the expected goals in terms of economic
growth and development. The wealth of natural, environmental, historical and cultural resources
has not corresponded so far to an adequate government capacity and to citizens active partici-
pation to protect, enhance and promote specific identities. The local effects of a disordered de-
velopment of tourism, occurred without any suitable programming and planning model, are evi-
dent critical factors to be taken into account when searching for possible solutions: widespread
urbanization along the coasts, due to the construction of tourism facilities and infrastructures;
phenomena of over-consumption of resources and of inadequacy of public services; risks of de-
terioration of cultural and natural assets because of an excessive and unrestrained growth of the
tourism supply; erosive phenomena with the consequent regression of the shoreline due to the
rapid increase in tourist flows in certain areas; excessive limitation of the supply to seaside tour-
ism; highly seasonal character of arrivals and overnight stays; lack of specialized supply able to
match the demand; inadequate and not homogeneous quality standards of fruition and supply of
cultural and tourist services; weak infrastructures and accessibility problems; limited diffusion
of separate collection of municipal solid waste and critical situations in the waste cycle man-
agement; minimal contribution of renewable sources for energy production; need to reclaim
many sites (Pultrone, 2010).
The lack of an integrated tourism development planning negatively impacts the competitive-
ness of tourist destinations in the worlds scenario. Yet, the quality of a territory is an indis-
pensable condition for sustainable development and the possibility to reorganize tourism de-
pends on painstaking territory governance which envisages actions of strategic planning,
protection and enhancement of resources, evaluation and management of interventions. In fact,
in order to overcome the structural problems of tourism development, many resources could be
turned into opportunities: the rich natural heritage (with three Natural Parks, six State Reserves,
two Marine Protected Areas and several sites of Community interest); the diffused historical and
cultural heritage; the important archaeological areas; the great variety of landscapes with their
intact high environmental quality and the unique food-and-wine traditions. These should be the
elements underlying policies and actions that aim to diversify the supply, to deseasonalize the
demand and to develop an integrated promotion of inland areas in order to redress and renew the
Calabrian territory, so that it can become a workshop of ideas, where the possible facets of the
concept of sustainable tourism can be critically experimented.
Over the last decade, favourable signals of change have highlighted the attempt to make up
for the delays not only in tourism, but, above all, in urban and spatial planning, and to fill a gap
of tools which has caused widespread urban and landscape degradation and strong territorial
disparities. Indeed, a tourism-based development model demands a comprehensive view of
planning, where the territory is a resource and not a constraint and the democratic participation
of all subjects, involved through adequate models of multilevel governance, is a necessary con-
dition.
Specifically referring to tourism, Calabria implemented the law n. 135/2001, Reform of the
National Law on Tourism, only seven years after its issuing and through the Regional Law n.
8/2008 (Regione Calabria, 2008), which reorganized regional tourism. The national law expli-
citly acknowledges the strategic role of tourism in the development of Italy and indicates only
the principles the Regions have to observe when dealing with tourism and hotel industry, with-
out identifying detailed characteristics of tools, institutions and organizational patterns to adopt
in the local context. As a matter of fact, it gives the Regions complete freedom to suggest the
most adequate legal form or to allow promoters to adopt the organization which may most suit
local needs.
One of its most significant aspects is that it is a new form of territorial governance of tourism
resources which, thanks to a systemic and reticular logic, goes beyond any existing local interest
and fragmentation and proposes a concerted bottom up planning process, thus enhancing a func-
tional integration between tourism, environment and cultural heritage as well as a relation of
complementarity between all the productive activities concerned. Moreover, it embraces sus-
tainable development, since the organization of the Local Tourist Systems it provides for, and
which involve the local population, favours the application of new criteria of tourism sustaina-
bility, taking into account the specific carrying capacities of the local system. In compliance
with the principle of vertical and horizontal subsidiarity, a distribution of competences among
Local Authorities is envisaged with a view to boosting local and regional responsibility.
Art. 5 defines Local Tourist Systems as homogeneous and integrated tourist contexts that
comprise territorial areas belonging to different regions and characterized by the integrated
supply of cultural and environmental assets and of tourist attractions, including the typical prod-
ucts of farming and local handicrafts, or by the widespread presence of single or associated tour-
ism enterprises. According to the definition provided by the law, the qualifying elements of Lo-
cal Tourist Systems are essentially: the territory, since the real tourism product is the territory
itself and the concrete experience a visitor can live there; the local community, meant as the
whole of the public and private subjects who should work as a system and share the choices of
local tourism development and territorial governance; the development project, because Local
Tourist Systems are not organizations or new public bodies, but integrated projects of tourism
supply development. Therefore, they should be considered as integrated project resources able
to enhance human resources, properties and natural assets as well as the highly qualified recep-
tion services. The delimitation of these areas should be carried out on the basis of a principle of
territorial rebalancing by combining mature or emerging destinations and fringe areas with the
aim to deseasonalize flows and promote local typical economies.
Heritage 2012
As to the implementation of the law in the various Italian regions, starting from 2002, after a
pioneering period, different forms of Local Tourist Systems were defined and adapted to terri-
torial contexts. This was due to the fact that the regional legislative autonomy was not supported
by a real function of central coordination and, as a consequence, led to the definition of a tourist
scenario strongly differentiated in terms of : models of regional tourism governance; forms and
models of territorial tourism organization; definition, rules and regulations of tourism enterpris-
es and professions; strategies of regional and local tourism development; local tourist systems;
supervisory boards and procedures; and organization of marketing and promotion activities.
This resulted in an uneven scenario which influences national and international competitiveness
and requires more structured forms of coordination in order to promote a unified image of the
Italian tourist system and, at the same time, to define internationally competitive local develop-
ment paths. It is a complex phenomenon that calls for a new cultural approach from the various
components involved in the implementation of the reform.
In the light of what has been mentioned above and considering the complex context of Cala-
bria, the implementation of the law, by structuring the regional territory into systems and meet-
ing the need for territorial rebalancing, is an opportunity for minor centres, which can create
common development paths in areas that share the same characteristics and critical factors and
the same will to evolve.
Once the Region Calabria recognizes Local Tourist Systems, it can choose a definitive legal
form (consortium, Joint Stock Company, or anything), which is compatible with the funds to al-
locate. Local Tourist Systems will be able to formulate three-year Action Plans on the basis of a
relevant Call for proposals issued by the Region and funded by Calabria Regional Operational
Plan - ERDF 2007-2013, Calabria Regional Operational Plan - ESF 2007-2013 and Calabria
Regional Implementation Plan Underused Areas Fund 2007-2013. Guidelines indicate works
and services that can be included in the three-year plans and concern environment, sport, cultur-
al heritage and purely tourism products.
Particularly worth mentioning is art. 12 of the Regional Law 8/2008, which introduces the
general regulations on the Albergo diffuso (multi-building hotel). The purpose to create ac-
commodation facilities, which are addressed to tourists interested in staying in an urban context
of great value and in being in contact with locals, is translated into the adoption of a develop-
ment model based on urban upgrading, on the reclamation of the existing heritage and on the
enhancement of the tradition of hospitality. That is the reason why the law encourages its crea-
tion in historic centres.
The goals of tourism and urban planning tend to converge, and often to coincide, when sus-
tainable development models are pursued. These goals also underlie the Regional Law on Urban
Planning and Territorial Governance, the Region Calabria has issued later than other regions
that boast a long and solid experience in the field. The quality objectives of the territorialisation
strategies included in the wider Territorial Plan, which is an integral part of the Regional
Framework for Landscapes, provided for by the above-mentioned Regional Law on Urban
Planning and Territorial Governance (Regione Calabria, 2002), are: rehabilitation of historic
centres, enhancement of mountain and rural areas, upgrading and enhancement of coasts; sus-
tainable development of urban areas; creation of hub territories; and creation of new central
areas. The vision of an attractive, capable and cohesive Calabrian territory appeals to the most
significant identity resources (coasts, hinterland mountains, historic and cultural settlements),
including those which are still intact and those which risk to be endangered or are already par-
tially endangered, in order to develop local vocational economies and introduce them in the
global flows that influence the possibilities of development of a territory. Further goals are the
improvement of accessibility, by intervening above all on mobility systems, and the quality of
the services provided to companies and to tourism in general as well as the quality of the settle-
ment conditions in urban territories.
The implementation of the law is not simple, but it is part of a wider plan consistent with the
evolution of European development policies, which pursue the following aims: to improve the
quality of settlement and of life of both temporary and stable inhabitants; to redefine the direc-
tional and strategic functions of urban areas and the specializations of the main urban poles; to
restore the identity and cultural values of urban systems; to protect and safeguard landscape
through planning and management; and to consolidate territorial equal opportunities. As a re-
sult, a territorial governance process will be started, which will involve Municipalities by as-
signing them important responsibilities in terms of greater attention to the recognition of the lo-
cal values and resources on which they should build concrete possibilities of development
(Scaglione, 2008).
Landscape is one of the crucial values underlying sustainable development. This concept has
been stressed and pressed for by the European Landscape Convention and also adopted by the
Calabrian Regional Framework for Landscapes (QTR/P), which in order to implement the leg-
islative decree 42/004 Landscape and Cultural Heritage Code and to better interpret and know
the existing peculiar characters of landscape identifies regional landscapes, metropolitan land-
scapes and local planning zones, each with homogeneous characteristics defined on the basis of
peculiar anthropic, cultural and natural factors. The proposed division, ranging from the general
to the particular, tends to select the parts of the Calabrian territory whose study may allow to
implement more detailed rules and regulations with a view to protecting and enhancing the rec-
ognized landscape values, which are essential preconditions for the development and the effec-
tiveness of sustainable tourism policies.
4 CONCLUSIONS
In spite of the economic crisis, international geopolitical disorders and natural disasters, which
can periodically affect specific geographic areas, tourism has never experienced a crisis, to such
an extent that, in this millennium, it has been defined as the driving sector of economy (Gemmi-
ti, 2006). Available data show an almost relentless growth dynamics of this economic sector,
which is considered as a driving force, owing to its capacity to produce top-ranking resources
and employment. Moreover, within the whole of the economic activities, it emerges as cross-
cutting consumption since it involves all of them to various extents (Regione Calabria, 2011).
If, on the one hand, tourism is often considered responsible for the risks deriving from its
strong pressure on historic sites, urban areas and coasts, on the other hand, it is recognized as a
strategic macroeconomic and microeconomic factor, which is crucial to the economy of a coun-
try. Hence the need to mitigate its negative effects by intervening on environment, mobility, in-
formation, new technologies and security.
The extension of the planning processes from the city to the wider territory and the opening
to impact evaluation processes are consistent with a vision which aims at integrating tourism
and urban and territorial development following sustainability principles. But then again, it is
not possible to pursue any policy without a large-scale strategy that is the synthesis of the dif-
ferent viewpoints and allows to connect institutions and seemingly different fields and sectors.
Since attractiveness comes from the territory and not from a genuineness created on purpose,
tourism policies should also consider the territory as a complex element, which has been built in
time, involves social actors and is also social representation, recollection (landscapes and
monuments) and anticipation (new projects of transformation).
The real operativeness and the strategic policies and objectives of sustainable tourism can be
ensured by issues more or less connected with town planning and territorial governance. In par-
ticular, they include: quality of life for locals and tourists; impact of transportation; active pro-
tection of the environmental and cultural heritage; protection and enhancement of the identities
of tourist destinations and of the territories concerned; less squandering of natural resources, es-
pecially of water; management of waste collection and disposal; reduction and optimization of
energy consumption and use of alternative energy sources. Among the available tools of best
practices in tourist destinations, worth mentioning are: land use planning and control of territo-
rial development; local Agenda 21; integrated quality management of destinations; application
of Environmental Impact Evaluation and of Environmental Strategic Evaluation; Integrated
Coastal Zone Management (ICZM).
The achievement of the sustainable development paradigm implies a bottom-up process car-
ried out through: the enhancement of the typical characters of the territory, respecting the integ-
rity of the natural and anthropic environment; the involvement of all stakeholders, by enhancing
their creative capacities on specific projects (governance); and the institutional achievement of
the European principle of subsidiarity (the so-called multilevel governance) (Gemmiti, 2006).
The qualitative difference will be made not only by the material resources already existing on
the territory, but also by the capacity to create new, material and immaterial resources.
Heritage 2012
Tourism models based on the enhancement of natural resources and of cultural heritage can
give added value to the local and global economy in terms of materialistic and market values of
the tourism supply and, above all, in terms of inalienable values typical of the landscape and
cultural assets Calabria and the whole of the South of Italy are rich in. Furthermore, they can
trigger virtuous relations within a process where growth and development can go hand in hand
and sustainability is a fundamental choice, not only because it implies the ethical principle of
intergenerational equity, but also because it enables the full and effective enhancement of the
available resources giving equal opportunities of development to each element of society and of
the territory.
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Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
The historical heritage, as a part of the cultural heritage, is defined by UNESCO as an assembly
of monuments (including architectural works, works of monumental sculpture and painting, el-
ements or structures of an architectural nature, inscriptions, cave dwellings and combination of
features), groups of buildings (groups of separate or connected buildings which, because of their
architecture, their homogeneity or their place in the landscape, are of outstanding universal val-
ue from the point of view of history, art or science), and sites (works of man or the combined
works of nature and man, and areas including archaeological sites) which are of outstanding
universal value from the historical, aesthetic, ethnological or anthropological point of view
(UNESCO, 1972), and represents a major asset of a local community.
Seen from the perspective of the local communities, the historical heritage represents one
of the major resources these may employ in order to support their development, together with
Svendsen & Srensen (2007) name forms of capital physical (productive and tangible assets
such as production sites, machines, infrastructure and buildings), natural (nature assets), eco-
nomic (liquid assets, such as money, bonds and stocks), human (formal education and profes-
sional training), social (network cooperation based on regular face-to-face interaction and trust),
organizational (organizational structures and everyday practices in a local community enabling
things to be done), and cultural (shared local culture and identity, primarily transmitted from
parents to children through history).
The capitalization of the historical heritage, as a key element of the cultural attractiveness
of a tourist destination, represents an important driver of the tourism activities developed in a
ABSTRACT: The historical heritage represents one of the major resources the local communi-
ties may employ in order to support their development, together with other physical, economic,
natural, human, social, and organizational assets. The capitalization of the historical heritage
represents an important driver of the tourism activities developed in a specific area, and one of
the potential sources of sustainable development of the local communities. Marketing of the
historical heritage plays a significant role both in the promotion and capitalization of the local
communities heritage, and for supporting the growth of these communities. The paper explores
the connections between the historical heritage and the sustainable development of the local
communities based on a comparative analysis at the level of the five most preferred, as cultural
tourism destinations, European countries, and Romania.

Marketing of the historical heritage and the sustainable
development of the local communities: an exploratory research
approach
C. Veghes
Academy of Economic Studies in Bucharest, Romania
D. Dugulan
I. C. Popescu

specific area, and one of the potential sources of sustainable development of the local communi-
ties. Employment of the heritage as a capital can be studied using two approaches: first, by
forecasting the tourism demand using demand elasticities, and second, by assessing all possible
types of benefits accruing from built heritage (Dutta et al., 2007). Mitchell & Carson (1989)
have observed that these benefits range, in terms of the values generated for tourists, from
commercial (income and employment in related industries), recreational (satisfaction derived
from leisure-based activities), existence (derived pride associated with the heritage, vicarious
(satisfaction derived from leaving open the option to another member of his generation to derive
direct use value from the built heritage), bequest (allowing the future generation the option to
enjoy the site), to option (related to the preservation of the site for its adaptive reuse in the
future), and quasioption (enabling a new use value from a heritage site). Cultural heritage may
become a driver for development, which when properly managed, can enhance the livability of
their surrounding areas and sustain productivity in a changing global environment (Pereira
Roders & van Oers, 2011). Culture, cultural heritage and development have been making an
incalculable contribution toward improving human livelihoods and well-being in lasting and
sustainable ways (Bandarin et al., 2011).
According to the Leask & Rihova (2010), the heritage contribution in tourism develop-
ment, based on the capitalization of the available cultural (and natural) resources, can be en-
hanced through (1) implementing strategies of sustainable growth and effective diversification
of the local economy, (2) developing heritage tourism policies and products that meet the needs
of community, policy-makers and tourists, (3) improving the stakeholder communication and
participation in the creation of the authentic and individual visitor experiences, and (4) connect-
ing the sustainable tourism development with the heritage conservation, community integration,
and stakeholders. The promotion of the cultural tourism requires the existence of the potentially
attractive cultural resources and involves a process of commodifying culture i.e. transforming
the cultural aspects into saleable but, also, authentic products meeting the tourists expectations
(Hughes & Allen, 2005). The development of the cultural tourism could fail as a result of the
lack of understanding of market demand, the lack of asset evaluation in terms of attractiveness
and visitation intensity supported, the lack of clearly defined management objectives and priori-
ties regarding the development of cultural tourism to be successful, and the isolation of product
development (Ho & McKercher, 2004).
According to the UNWTO, the sustainable tourism should: (1) make optimal use of environ-
mental resources that constitute a key element in tourism development, maintaining essential
ecological processes and helping to conserve natural heritage and biodiversity; (2) respect the
socio-cultural authenticity of host communities, conserve their built and living cultural heritage
and traditional values, and contribute to inter-cultural understanding and tolerance; and (3) en-
sure viable, long-term economic operations, providing socio-economic benefits to all stakehold-
ers that are fairly distributed, including stable employment and income-earning opportunities
and social services to host communities, and contributing to poverty alleviation (UNWTO sus-
tainable tourism development conceptual definition in Pomering et al., 2011).
The contribution of the cultural resources to the overall competitiveness of the travel and
tourism industry, and to the sustainable development of the economies, is not always signifi-
cant. In the particular context of the Central and Eastern European countries, the capitalization
of the cultural heritage appears to be critical, and a more effective promotion and employment
of the cultural resources should be reflected in significant increases of the international visitor
arrivals, and of the international tourism receipts, and would determine a growth in terms of the
generated revenues and the number of workplaces created (Dugulan et al., 2010).
The marketing of the historical heritage plays a significant role in the promotion and capi-
talization of the local communities and their heritage aiming to make them more attractive, to
get the attention of the potential tourists, and to stimulate their desire of experiencing the herit-
age and the cultural values of the community. Researching the integration of the management
and marketing strategies at the heritage sites, Fullerton et al. (2010) have found that market
research and marketing communication are vital in achieving a balance between targeting
cultural tourists and tourists with no specific interest in heritage, helping in making the heritage
more accessible and meaningful, satisfying visitors expectations, and maintaining the authen-
ticity of the site. For cultural and natural heritage resources, communication is required to
determine what is from what seems to be, to differentiate between appearance, reality, and
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story (Edson, 2004). Heritage administrators must consider a proper integrated marketing
communication strategy able to create the greatest persuasive effects on visitors, and to improve
the awareness and image of the heritage destinations (Wang et al., 2009).
There are two levels of the marketing contribution to the sustainable growth of the local
communities: overall, through the analysis of the marketing environment of these communities,
the design and implementation of a marketing strategy for their sustainable development, and
the control of all the related marketing activities, and, particularly at the level of the specific
projects and initiatives, through researching the community needs, communication with the
community members and the stakeholders, and the impact assessment of the sustainable devel-
opment projects implemented by the local community (Veghes et al., 2011). Empowering and
participation of the local community, that ensure collective vision and ownership of the process,
as well as of the other partners, in identifying and implementing the development strategies is
essential for the implementation of the sustainable strategies culminating in improving the local
economies (Arthur & Mensah, 2006).
Approaching the sensitive topic of creating a sustainable marketing framework for the herit-
age tourism, in the particular context of the museums, Chhabra (2009) has concluded that, as a
relatively new phenomenon, marketing should help these cultural institutions (and, also, other
similar ones) providing a tool to achieve their traditional objectives by communicating sustaina-
ble messages linking commercial and community viability through conservation and apprecia-
tion of the traditional resources and goals. In the same context of the sustainable tourism mar-
keting, Gilmore et al. (2007) have identified that the core aim of the social and economic per-
spectives of tourism is to encourage more tourists to visit and to promote the growth of tourist
value, with a focus on creating employment, achieving revenue return and developing some lo-
cal engagement and interaction with tourists.
A responsible marketing should take into consideration the needs of the local community and
the expectations of the cultural tourists in order to prevent the commodification,
tourismification or even disneyfication of the heritage site by capitalizing the opportunities
provided by the rising educational levels, populations ageing, increased participation of women
in cultural activities, high demand for authenticity and quality leisure experience, and growing
demand for short trips combining cultural and non-cultural products (Hausmann, 2007). The
growing demand for the heritage tourism, as a result of the casual or sightseeing cultural
tourists, fundamentally uninformed of the destinations heritage value, is driving a shift in the
supply-side (Donohoe, 2012). In this context, both knowledge and capacities for an effective
employment of the cultural resources become essential in the attempt to transform these ele-
ments in critical drivers of the travel and tourism competitiveness (Blan et al., 2010).
2 METHODOLOGICAL NOTES
Analysis of the connections between the marketing of the historical heritage and the sustainable
development of the local communities is conducted at the level of group including six local
communities selected from the five most preferred European countries as tourist destinations,
and Romania. Selection of the local communities has been made considering: (1) an overall sim-
ilarity of these communities in terms of the demographic and economic characteristics (mainly
the size of the community and the economic profile with tourism being of a significant im-
portance for the local economy); (2) the presence of at least an element of the cultural heritage
of these local communities on the UNESCO Worlds Heritage List, that balances the positive
effects such as drawing attention, providing protection and conservation, with the questiona-
ble aspects such as the selection of sites, lower protection of sites not included, and potential
deterioration of the sites by excessive tourism (Frey & Steiner, 2011); and (3) a similarity be-
tween these communities in terms of the content of cultural heritage inscribed on the Worlds
Heritage List. As the walled towns represent today a quintessentially European form of heritage
site, and one of the tourism assets of Europe (Bruce & Creighton, 2006), have been considered
the following communities: Carcassone (France), Cuenca (Spain), San Gimignano (Italy),
Durham (United Kingdom), Quedlinburg (Germany), and Sighisoara (Romania). A brief de-
scription of the cultural heritage sites of the selected communities is provided below.
Since the pre-Roman period, a fortified settlement has existed on the hill where Carcas-
sonne now stands. In its present form it is an outstanding example of a medieval fortified town,
with its massive defenses encircling the castle and the surrounding buildings, its streets and its
fine Gothic cathedral. Carcassonne is also of exceptional importance because of the lengthy res-
toration campaign undertaken by Viollet-le-Duc, one of the founders of the modern science of
conservation. According to the UNESCOs Advisory Body Evaluation, that has inscribed the
Historic Fortified City on the World Heritage List in 1994 on the basis of criteria (ii) and (iv),
considering that the historic town of Carcassonne is an excellent example of a medieval fortified
town whose massive defenses were constructed on walls dating from Late Antiquity. It is of
exceptional importance by virtue of the restoration work carried out in the second half of the
19th century by Viollet-le-Duc, which had a profound influence on subsequent developments in
conservation principles and practice.
Built by the Moors in a defensive position at the heart of the Caliphate of Cordoba, Cuenca
is an unusually well-preserved medieval fortified city. Conquered by the Castilians in the 12th
century, it became a royal town and bishopric endowed with important buildings, such as
Spain's first Gothic cathedral, and the famous casas colgadas (hanging houses), suspended
from sheer cliffs overlooking the Hucar river. Taking full advantage of its location, the city
towers above the magnificent countryside. According to the UNESCOs Advisory Body Eval-
uation, that has inscribed the Citys Historic Walled Town on the World Heritage List in 1996,
on the basis of criteria (ii) and (v), the site is of outstanding universal value as it is an excep-
tional example of the medieval fortress town that has preserved its original townscape remarka-
bly intact along with many excellent examples of religious and secular architecture from the
12th to the 18th centuries. It is also exceptional because the walled town blends into and en-
hances the fine rural and natural landscape within which it is situated.
San Gimignano delle belle Torri is in Tuscany, 56 km south of Florence. It served as an
important relay point for pilgrims travelling to or from Rome on the Via Francigena. The patri-
cian families who controlled the town built around 72 tower-houses (some as high as 50 m) as
symbols of their wealth and power. Although only 14 have survived, San Gimignano has re-
tained its feudal atmosphere and appearance. The town also has several masterpieces of 14th-
and 15th-century Italian art. According to the UNESCOs Advisory Body Evaluation, that has
inscribed the Citys Historic Centre on the World Heritage List in 1990, on the basis of criteria
(i), (iii), and (iv), San Gimignano bears exceptional testimony to the civilization of the Middle
Ages in that it groups together within a small area all the structures typical of urban life: squares
and streets, houses and palaces, wells and fountains. Its walls and fortified houses form an un-
forgettable skyline, in the heart of the Etruscan landscape. The historic centre of San Gimignano
contains a series of masterpieces of 14th- and 15th-century Italian art in their original architec-
tural settings.
Durham Cathedral was built in the late 11th and early 12th centuries to house the relics of St
Cuthbert (evangelizer of Northumbria) and the Venerable Bede. It attests to the importance of
the early Benedictine monastic community and is the largest and finest example of Norman
architecture in England. The innovative audacity of its vaulting foreshadowed Gothic
architecture. Behind the cathedral stands the castle, an ancient Norman fortress which was the
residence of the prince-bishops of Durham. According to the UNESCOs Advisory Body Eval-
uation, that has inscribed the citys Castle and Cathedral on the World Heritage List in 1990, on
the basis of criteria (ii), (iv), and (vi), the Durham Cathedral is the largest and most perfect
monument of Norman style architecture in England. The small castral chapel for its part marks
a turning point in the evolution of 11th century Romanesque sculpture, and the building, owing
to the innovative audacity of its vaulting, constitutes a type of experimental model which was
far ahead of its time. Around the relics of Cuthbert and Bede, Durham crystallizes the memory
of the evangelizing of Northumbria and of primitive Benedictine monastic life.
Quedlinburg, in the Land of Sachsen-Anhalt, was a capital of the East Franconian German
Empire at the time of the Saxonian-Ottonian ruling dynasty. It has been a prosperous trading
town since the Middle Ages. The number and high quality of the timber-framed buildings make
Quedlinburg an exceptional example of a medieval European town. The Collegiate Church of St
Servatius is one of the masterpieces of Romanesque architecture. Inscripted 1994. According to
the UNESCOs Advisory Body Evaluation, that has inscripted the citys Collegiate Church,
Castle, and Old Town on the World Heritage List in 1994 on the basis of criterion (iv), the im-
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portance of Quedlinburg rests on three main elements: the preservation of the medieval street
pattern; the wealth of urban vernacular buildings, especially timber-framed houses of the 16th
and 17th centuries, and the important Romanesque collegiate church of St Servatius. The origi-
nal urban layout is remarkably well preserved: it is a classic example of the growth of European
medieval towns. The history of the medieval and early modern town is perfectly illustrated by
the street pattern of the present-day town.
Founded by German craftsmen and merchants known as the Saxons of Transylvania,
Sighioara is a fine example of a small, fortified medieval town which played an important stra-
tegic and commercial role on the fringes of central Europe for several centuries. According to
the UNESCOs Advisory Body Evaluation, that has inscripted the citys Historic Centre on the
World Heritage List in 1999 on the basis of criteria (iii) and (v), Sighisoara is an outstanding
testimony to the culture of the Transylvanian Saxons, a culture that is coming to a close after
850 years and will continue to exist only through its architectural and urban monuments.
Sighisoara is an outstanding example of a small fortified city in the border region between the
Latin-oriented culture of central Europe and the Byzantine-Orthodox culture of south-eastern
Europe. The apparently unstoppable process of emigration of the Saxons the social stratum
that formed and upheld the cultural traditions of the region, threatens the survival of their archi-
tectural heritage as well.
Connections between the marketing of the historical heritage and the sustainable development
of the local communities have been assessed using the Pearson correlation on the basis of a set
of indicators regarding the competitiveness of the travel and tourism industry in the countries of
origin of the selected local communities environmental sustainability, travel and tourism sus-
tainability, safety and security, health and hygiene, effective marketing and branding, air trans-
portation, ground transportation, tourism infrastructure, information and communication and
technology, travel and tourism price competitiveness, affinity for travel and tourism, the number
of the World heritage sites, and the overall travel and tourism competitiveness (as these are de-
fined by the World Economic Forum). Beside these, indicators regarding the international tour-
ist arrivals, the international tourist receipts, gross domestic product, and employment (both at
the level of the travel and tourism industry and economy) in the countries of origin of the local
communities selected have been considered.
The paper presents only the results obtained assessing, at the level of the selected tourism
markets France, Spain, Italy, United Kingdom, Germany, and Romania, the relationships be-
tween the travel and tourism competiveness and its specific variables, the performances of the
travel and tourism industry, and the contribution of the travel and tourism to the sustainable de-
velopment of the economy. These results will serve as a basis for future analysis conducted at
the level of the selected local communities mentioned above.
3 MAIN FINDINGS
The measurement of the correlations between the international tourist arrivals, respectively the
international tourism receipts and the overall travel and tourism competitiveness in the selected
countries reveals the relatively strong association between the number of tourists visiting these
countries (r=0.6405), and the revenues generated by these visits (r=0.808). An increased number
of visitors, as well as a higher volume of revenues, contribute to the improvement of the tourist
destinations competitiveness.

Table 1. International tourist arrivals, international tourism receipts, gross domestic product, and em-
ployment in the travel and tourism industry and economy in 2010
________________________________________________________________________________________________
Countries TTC ITA ITR GDPi EMPi GDPe EMPe
________________________________________________________________________________________________
France 5.41 76.8 46.3 107.6 1.1 284.6 2.8
Spain 5.29 52.7 52.5 91.8 1.3 237.9 3.2
Italy 4.87 43.6 38.8 89.8 1.0 217.1 2.5
United Kingdom 5.30 28.1 30.4 89.0 1.4 231.2 3.1
Germany 5.50 26.9 34.7 79.1 0.9 273.3 3.2
Romania 4.17 1.3 1.7 3.4 0.3 9.0 0.5
________________________________________________________________________________________________
Notes: TTC travel and tourism competitiveness score; ITA International Tourist Arrivals (in mil-
lions); ITR International Tourism Receipts (in US$ billions); GDPi Gross Domestic Product of the
travel and tourism industry (in US$ billions); EMPi number of jobs in the travel and tourism industry
(in millions); GDPe Gross Domestic Product of the travel and tourism economy (in US$ billions);
EMPe number of jobs in the travel and tourism economy (in millions). Sources: World Tourism Organ-
ization (UNWTO) and World Economic Forum.

The measurement of the correlations between the travel and tourism industrys gross domes-
tic product, respectively the employment, and the overall travel and tourism competitiveness in
the selected countries reveals the strong association between the formation of the gross domestic
product (r=0.8737), and the employment generated (r=0.7994). Also, the measurement of the
correlations between the travel and tourism economys gross domestic product, respectively the
employment, and the overall travel and tourism competitiveness in the selected countries reveals
the very strong association between the formation of the gross domestic product (r=0.9612), and
the employment generated (r=0.9569). These results suggest that an increasingly competitive
travel and tourism industry contributes more consistently to the sustainable development of the
economy.

Table 2. Indicators of travel & tourism industrys competitiveness in selected countries (2011)
_________________________________________________________________________________________________
Indicators France Spain Italy UK Germany Romania
_________________________________________________________________________________________________
Environmental sustainability 5.66 4.99 4.69 5.54 5.84 4.82
T&T sustainability 5.40 4.77 3.59 4.52 4.72 3.42
Safety & security 5.76 5.44 5.23 5.63 6.19 5.45
Health & hygiene 6.84 6.08 6.16 5.57 6.80 5.10
Effective marketing & branding 5.37 5.49 3.73 4.94 4.80 3.50
Air transportation 5.50 5.28 4.35 5.51 5.48 2.76
Ground transportation 6.45 5.72 4.54 5.54 6.52 3.06
Tourism infrastructure 6.19 6.71 7.00 6.16 6.33 4.99
ICT infrastructure 5.46 4.70 4.47 5.70 5.72 3.75
T&T price competitiveness 3.15 4.18 3.59 3.46 3.80 4.46
Affinity for travel & tourism 4.90 4.99 4.43 4.48 4.50 4.42
World Heritage sites 41 49 45 24 32 8
Overall T&T competitiveness 5.41 5.29 4.87 5.30 5.50 4.17
___________________________________________________________________________________________________
Source: World Economic Forum.

The assessment of the associations between the international tourist arrivals, respectively the
international tourism receipts, and each of the considered variables reveals that the number of
the World Heritage sites determines the most significantly the competitiveness of the selected
countries (r=0.8268, and r=0.9513). The World Heritage sites represent an important attraction
for the tourists visiting the selected countries, and contribute significantly to their economic de-
velopment. Other significant variables determining the international tourist arrivals at the level
of the selected countries are the affinity for travel and tourism of the local communities
(r=0.7696), the sustainability of the travel and tourism industry (r=0.7265), the health and hy-
giene conditions (r=0.7168), the effectiveness of the marketing and branding campaigns con-
ducted in the market (r=0.6756), the price competitiveness of the travel and tourism industry
(r=0.6713), and the ground transportation (r=0.6661). The tourism infrastructure (r=0.8577) and
the air transportation (r=0.8111) are the variables that determine most significantly the interna-
tional tourism receipts. Beside these, the revenues generated by the international tourists are
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determined by the ground transportation (r=0.7771), the effectiveness of the marketing and
branding (r=0.7574), the health and hygiene conditions (r=0.7234), the affinity for travel and
tourism of the local communities (r=0.7696), the sustainability of the travel and tourism indus-
try (r=0.7185), and the travel and tourism sustainability (r=0.6950).
The assessment of the associations between the gross domestic product and employment of
the travel and tourism industry, and the indicators expressing the competitiveness of the travel
and tourism suggest a stronger contribution of these variables to the formation of the gross do-
mestic product than to the employment within the industry. Thus, the air transportation
(r=0.8961), the number of the World Heritage sites (r=0.8331), the tourism infrastructure
(r=0.8315), the ground transportation (r=0.8282), the price competitiveness of the travel and
tourism (r= 0.7800), the health and hygiene (r=0.7262), the effective branding and marketing
(r=0.7159), the information and communication technology infrastructure (r=0.7115), and the
travel and tourism sustainability (r=0.7111) seem to determine more significantly the formation
of the industrys gross domestic product. Employment within the industry appears to depend
more on the air transportation (r=0.8665), the effective marketing and branding (r=0.7543), the
tourism infrastructure (r=0.7216), the ground transportation (r=0.6958), the infrastructure of the
information and communication technology (r=0.6729), and the number of the World Heritage
sites (r=0.6571).
Finally, the assessment of the associations between the gross domestic product and employ-
ment of the travel and tourism industry, and the indicators expressing the competitiveness of the
travel and tourism suggest a stronger contribution of these variables to the gross domestic prod-
uct and the employment within the economy. Thus, with the exception of the safety and securi-
ty, the environmental sustainability, and the price competitiveness of the travel and tourism (on-
ly in relationship with the employment), all the other variables are determining both the gross
domestic product and employment of the travel and tourism economy.
The marketing and branding contribute significantly to the specific performances and the sus-
tainable development of the travel and tourism industry: the relatively strong associations be-
tween the marketing and branding effectiveness and the international tourist arrivals (r=0.6756),
the international tourism receipts (0.7574), gross domestic product of the industry (r=0.7159),
employment of the industry (r=0.7543), gross domestic product of the economy (r=0.7494), and
the employment in the economy (r=0.7780) suggest that a more effective marketing improves
not only the results of the travel and tourism industry (the association between the marketing
and branding and the travel and tourism sustainability is extremely strong r=0.9423), but its
sustainable development too. In the local communities where travel and tourism represents an
important economic sector, the sustainability of the industry may generate an improved sustain-
ability of the local economies development.
The World Heritage sites contribution to the specific performances and the sustainable devel-
opment of the travel and tourism industry is even more significant. The World Heritage sites,
through a proper capitalization, determine significantly the performances of the travel and tour-
ism industry in terms of the international tourist arrivals (r=0.8269), and international tourism
receipts (r=0.9513). There is also a strong association between the World Heritage sites and the
sustainable development of the travel and tourism industry: the capitalization of these sites im-
pacts the formation of the gross domestic product, both at the level of the industry (r=0.8331)
and the economy (r=0.7618), and the number of workplaces created within the industry
(r=0.6571) and the economy (r=0.7215). The local communities that have a cultural and histori-
cal heritage and know how to capitalize it by creating, promoting, and selling cultural tourism
products dispose of an important asset capable to support the sustainable development of the
local travel and tourism, and of the local economy.
4 CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS
The World Heritage sites probably the most representative cultural and historical elements of
a countrys heritage represent an important attraction for the tourists visiting the selected
countries. They tend to contribute to the specific performances and the sustainable development
of the travel and tourism industry in terms of the international tourists attracted and the reve-
nues generated. The proper capitalization of these sites impacts the formation of the gross do-
mestic product, both at the level of the industry and the economy, and the employment within
the industry and the economy. The local communities can benefit from the cultural and histori-
cal heritage by creating, promoting, and selling cultural tourism products, and, thus, supporting
the sustainable development of the local travel and tourism industry, and of the local economy.
The marketing and branding seem to contribute significantly to the specific performances and
the sustainable development of the travel and tourism industry. A more effective marketing and
branding improve not only the specific performances of the travel and tourism industry inter-
national tourist arrivals and tourism receipts, but also its sustainable development in terms of
the gross domestic product formation and employment created. In the local communities dispos-
ing of a significant cultural and historical heritage and where travel and tourism represents an
important economic sector, the sustainability of the industry may generate an improved sustain-
ability of the local economies.
The assessment of the relationships between the marketing of the cultural heritage and the
sustainable development of the local communities is supported by the following ideas: (1) the
cultural and historical heritage represents an important asset of the local communities; (2) the
travel and tourism industry represents the economic sector capable to capitalize most effectively
this heritage; (3) the proper capitalization of the cultural and historical heritage requires an ef-
fective marketing and branding; (4) an adequate heritage capitalization generates better perfor-
mances of the travel and tourism industry, an improved gross domestic product and employ-
ment, thus a sustainable development of the local economies.
The quantitative measurement of these relationships involves, first, the employment of a
model including a set of indicators. At this point, the authors are considering the following op-
tions: (a) the forms of capital proposed by Svendsen & Srensen (physical, natural, economic,
human, social, organizational, and cultural; (b) the variables used by the World Economic Fo-
rum to assess the competitiveness of the travel and tourism industry of course, in an adapted
form (the present exploratory approach has revealed that safety and security, respectively the
environmental sustainability at least in the form they are defined by the original methodology
have a limited impact in terms of the industrys competitiveness); (c) the criteria identified by
Fyall & Garrod (1998) as determinant for a successful heritage destination this must be in-
expensive and visitor-friendly; physically and intellectually accessible to as wide as possible a
range of social groups; managed in such a way as to balance the needs of visitors with the con-
servation imperative; able to maintain the authenticity and integrity of the site; and must give its
visitors value for money; and (d) the framework proposed by Stubbs (2004) to develop a set of
indicators of historic sustainability based on several topic areas (environmental, social and cul-
tural, economic, and generic), issues to appraise (building construction/energy efficiency, visitor
mode of travel, climate change adaptation; civic pride and sense of place, social inclusion,
community, virtual heritage, arts and culture dimension; financial resources, employment, mul-
tiplier effect; perception / evaluation) and specific criteria for appraisal. Building a set of indi-
cators integrating elements of all three models mentioned above could be the solution to be em-
ployed later.
Second, the measurement requires the existence of the proper data sources. The official web-
sites of the local communities and the tourist information websites represent apparently the most
reliable sources in this respect. Still, a summary exploration of these sites reveals that, on a
hand, the official websites do not provide the appropriate or complete information, due to the
lower transparency of the local tourism entrepreneurs, the absence of a city audit conducted at
the level of the local community, or the lack of details regarding the marketing activities and
resources employed in the promotion of the local communitys heritage; on the other hand, the
tourist information websites are strongly oriented toward promoting the cultural and natural her-
itage, the local attractions, accommodation and eating facilities, transportation details, etc. and
not toward providing specialized information regarding the performances of the local travel and
tourism industry and the sustainable development of the local community. And, having in mind
the meaning of the word local, smaller the local community is, lower the chances to obtain
information on these topics are. A potential, complementary, solution could be represented by
the websites such as tripadvisor.com or lonelyplanet.com.
Knowing how important is the cultural and historical heritage for the sustainable develop-
ment of the local communities, and what role plays marketing in its capitalization, and taking
into consideration the local communities already selected, the authors plan to develop and use
Heritage 2012
the set of indicators to be employed in the measurement of the relationships between marketing,
cultural heritage, and the sustainable development of the local communities.
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Chapter 5

Heritage and culture

1 INTRODUCTION
As indicated in another manuscript, any discourse on the diversity in cultural heritage and tour-
ism in Ghana would be incomplete and myopic without first drawing attention to European her-
itage and colonial legacies (Addo, 2011a). Beginning in 1471, Europeans from Portugal, Swe-
den, Denmark, the Netherlands, England, Germany and France visited and settled in Ghana and
traded in commodities and slaves for nearly five centuries. On 6 March 1957 Ghana became the
first country in sub-Saharan Africa to gain political independence from European/British co-
lonial rule. Since the dawn of independence, the countrys tourism industry has been thriving on
European heritage of forts, castles, the trans-Atlantic slave trade and colonialism, and diaspora-
related and traditional festivities. Although in recent years more attention has been paid to na-
ture-based tourism and ecotourism, cultural heritage tourism is still the backbone of Ghanas
tourism industry.
Other papers have also indicated that since the late 1990s Ghanas tourism industry has been
growing by leaps and bounds due to favorable public policies and tourism plans, private sector
investments in hospitality facilities, and democratic governance (Addo, 2011b,c). These were
some of the key national accomplishments that caught the attention of the African Commission
of the United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) and consequently influenced its
decision to select Ghana to host the IWTD event in September 2009, the first of its kind in sub-
Saharan Africa. As the paper indicates, Ghana used the international event to exemplify the
scope, diversity and importance of her tourism industry and cultural heritage including some of
the European-built forts and castles that the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization (UNESCO) has designated as world heritage sites or monuments.
The information and data for this paper were gathered through participation in the interna-
tional mega event as a keynote speaker and a think-tank panelist. The author also participated in
Hosting the International World Tourism Day (IWTD) event in
2009: Ghana exemplified sustainability and diversity in cultural
heritage and tourism
E. Addo
Memorial University of Newfoundland, Corner Brook, Canada
ABSTRACT: Ghana was deeply honored to host the International World Tourism Day (IWTD)
event in September 2009. Pertinently, the country used the celebrative event to showcase the di-
versity in her cultural heritage and tourism industry comprising tangible and intangible Euro-
pean heritage, colonial legacies, traditional institutions and practices such as chieftaincy, music,
arts, dance, gastronomy, and natural attractions. Public sector institutions and personnel, private
sector businesses and entrepreneurs, and other stakeholders in the tourism industry participated
in the special mega event to place Ghana on a higher pedestal of the global travel and tourism
industry.

Chapter 5 Heritage and culture 1017
three diaspora-related events [Panafest (Pan African Arts Festival) in 2007 and 2009, Emancipa-
tion Day in 2007 and 2009, and the Joseph Project in 2007] and interviewed tourism officials
and event participants. some nature-based tourist sites were also visited. Additionally, secondary
data were collected from the head office of the Ghana Tourist Board (now Ghana Tourism Au-
thority) and the Ministry of Tourism in Accra, Ghanas capital city.
The rest of the paper is presented under five topics and sections namely, conceptual consid-
eration: celebrative and mega events in tourism, contextual framework: geography and history
of Ghana in brief, institutions and growth of Ghanas tourism industry, planning the IWTD
event: context and content, and the diversity in cultural heritage and tourism celebrated. The
concluding section summarizes the major research findings and reiterates the importance and
benefits of mega, special, and cultural events, like the IWTD, to host countries.
2 CONCEPTUAL CONSIDERATIONS: CELEBRATIVE AND MEGA EVENTS IN
TOURISM
Addo (2011b) acknowledges the literature of different authors on celebrative events and repeats
it here. In the literature, Picard & Robinson (2006) maintain that celebrative events such as
festivals and anniversaries have been an integral part of cultural tourism since the era of modern
travel. Gee et al. (1997) and Goeldner & Ritchie (2006) also indicate how tourism, through the
ages, has involved long journeys offering visitors unique opportunities to experience exotic des-
tinations, events and cultures. Africans/Egyptians, Syrians, Phoenicians/Lebanese, Polynesians,
Chinese, Indians, and Europeans (Romans, Greeks, English, and French) were among the early
travelers who participated in events such as the Olympic (beginning in 776 B.C.E.) and the
Grand Tour of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
The literature further indicates that in recent years, celebrative events have become ubiquit-
ous in the tourism industry. Destinations compete to host international events such as the Olym-
pics, World Fairs, and IWTD partly because of their positive economic and socio-cultural im-
pacts (Edwards et al., 2004; Addo, 2011b). The economic benefits and impacts of celebrative
events include job creation, income generation, and infrastructure development. The socio-
cultural benefits of such events include preservation of traditional norms, (re)affirmation of lo-
cal identities, preservation of heritage, and enhancement of destination image (Smith & Robin-
son, 2006; Goldblatt, 2008; Wendroff, 2004; OToole & Mikolaitis, 2002; Getz, 2005; Smith,
2009). The factors that account for successful celebrative events include political commitment
and accountability, efficient organization and management practices, effective marketing, vo-
lunteerism, fund raising, and well coordinated planning at the micro (site), meso (destination)
and macro (regional) levels (Armstrong, 2001; Gunn & Var, 2002; Addo. 2011b).
Long et al. (2004) note that, even at the local level, an increasing number of events are being
planned and organized to attract more international tourists who seek the opportunity to expe-
rience other cultures in the context of celebration. Globalization, commodification and commer-
cialization of events are other reasons cited for this trend in the tourism industry (Picard & Ro-
binson, 2006). Furthermore, Long et al. (2004) point out that as events become more dependent
on international audiences, their economic objectives tend to supersede their socio-cultural ob-
jectives. In more recent years, planning strategies, public policies, marketing, management,
evaluation, ethics and etiquette, stakeholders expectations, fundraising, sponsorship, and ser-
vice quality of special events have been extensively studied (Allen, 2003; Long et al., 2004;
Goldblatt, 2008; Beaven & Laws, 2007). The studies highlight the attributes of special events
which include their uniqueness, multiplicity of goals, festive spirit, high quality, authenticity,
tradition, flexibility, theming, symbolism, affordability, convenience, benchmarks, ability to
meet basic needs, and diverse stakeholders interests (Getz, 2005). Invariably, these attributes
are social constructs, value-laden, and have contested meanings.
Mega events are special events that are defined by the extent of their economic impacts; cost
involved in planning, management, implementation and evaluation; revenue generated; asso-
ciated prestige; and the scope of financial investments made by stakeholders. Armstrong (2001)
maintains that in addition to financial investments in special events, expressions of emotional
and political interests could also qualify persons, agencies or organizations as stakeholders.
Armstrong also notes that the factors that account for successful events vary and may include
Heritage 2012
political commitment and accountability, efficient organization, effective marketing, volunteer-
ism, efficient fund raising, conducive economic and political environment, prudent operation-
al/tactical and strategic planning strategies, and realistic and timely objectives, goals, targets and
benchmarks. Misconception or a lack of these factors usually accounts for the failures of special
and mega events (Hoyle, 2002; Goldblatt & Supovitz, 1999; Allen, 2003; Smith & Robinson,
2006). The literature also draws attention to the controversies and complexity of mega events
(Sandercock, 1998; Florida, 2002; Smith, 2009). Smith (2009), for example, explains how cul-
tural events associated with tangible and intangible heritage have created political, economic,
ethical, social and psychological controversies in post-independence countries like Malaysia and
India. Addo (2011b) also discusses experiential controversies that have characterized Ghanas
golden jubilee of independence and Panafest.
3 CONTEXTUAL FRAMEWORK: GEOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF GHANA IN BRIEF
Ghana is located on the Atlantic coast of West Africa between latitudes 4.5
o
N and 11
o
N and
shares borders with three former French colonies: la Cote dIvoire, to the west; Togo, to the
east; and Burkina Faso, to the north (Fig. 1). The Gulf of Guinea, part of the Atlantic Ocean,
stretches about 540 km (338 miles) along the southern border. The distance from the coast to the
northern border is about 672 km (420 miles). The land area of the country measures about
238,540 sq km (92,100 sq miles), almost the same size as Great Britain or the states of Illinois
and Indiana in USA combined. The topography of the country changes from coastal plains and
rolling land to mountain peaks and plateaus in the eastern and central areas. The vegetation in-
cludes shrub, forest, and Savannah grass (Boateng, 1966; Briggs, 2002; Addo, 2011a).

Figure 1. Ghana: Location in Africa and Administrative Regions.
Sources: Ghana Tourist Board (2004); Ghanaweb (2012).

Ghana has ten administrative regions (Fig. 1) which, more or less, reflect the major ethnic
and tribal diversity of the country. The five major ethnic groups are Akan, Ewe, Guan, and Ga-
Adangbe in the southern and central areas, and Mole-Dagbane in the northern area. The Asante,
Fante, Akim, and Kwau are the major tribes of the Akan ethnic group (Library of Congress,
2010). National culture is portrayed in celebrative events such as festivals, visual and perform-
ing arts, gastronomy, funerals, folklore, religion, clothing, fashion shows, and diverse tradition-
al, highlife, hiplife, and gospel music and dance (Addo, 2011a). The countrys population
increased from 6.7 million in 1960 to 8.5 million in 1970, 12.3 million in 1984, 15 million in
1990, 17.2 million in 1994, and about 21.8 million in 1996. In 2010 the poorly conducted popu-
lation and housing census registered about 24.2 million Ghanaians.
The history of modern Ghana is linked with the ancient empire of Ghana that developed si-
multaneously with the Songhai and Mali empires between the fourth and eleventh centuries in
the region north of modern Ghana. Trans-Saharan trade in gold, spices, salt and other commodi-
ties flourished until the arrival of Europeans on the west coast of Africa. The Portuguese were
the first Europeans to visit and settle on the Atlantic coast of Ghana (the Gold Coast) in 1471.
The initial objectives of the visit and settlement were to trade in commodities such as gold,
spices, guns, gun powder and textiles and to solidify Portugals position in the process of Euro-
pean empire-building. The Portuguese visit and settlement were followed by those of the
Dutch, Danes, Swedes, English, French and Germans involving trade in commodities and slaves
(Boahen, 1975; Buah, 1998; Anquandah et al., 2007).
To facilitate the trans-Atlantic trade in commodities and slaves, and to protect and solidify
European political and economic interests, three castles and many forts (about 80) were built
along the entire Atlantic coast of Ghana to serve as trading posts, residences, and strategic de-
fence (Anquandah et al., 2007). The Netherlands built 37%; England, 20%; Denmark, 14%;
Portugal, 9%; Sweden, 7%; France, 7%; and Brandenburg (Prussian portion of Germany), 6%
of the forts and castles in Ghana (GTB, 2007). The three castles in Ghana are St. George in El-
mina (often called the Elmina Castle) built by the Portuguese in 1482, Carolusburg in Cape
Coast (often called the Cape Coast Castle) built by the Swedes in 1653, and Christianborg in
Accra (often called the Osu Castle) built by the Danes in 1659. The St. George Castle holds a
record of being one of the oldest European buildings in sub-Saharan Africa and perhaps outside
Europe. The number of castles and forts built by the European settlers and traders strongly sug-
gests the magnitude of exploitation of Ghana (the Gold Coast) and other colonies in sub-
Saharan Africa.
Britain officially abolished the slave trade in 1807 but completely colonized Ghana between
1874 and 1957. A political system of indirect rule which allowed traditional chieftaincy to play
a major role in public administration of the colony was solidified. On 6 March 1957 the Gold
Coast became the first country in sub-Saharan Africa to gain political independence from Brit-
ish colonial rule under the leadership of Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah and his Convention
Peoples Party (CPP). Subsequently, the countrys name was changed to Ghana. Ghana became
a Republic on 1 July 1960 (Addo, 2011a,b).
4 INSTITUTIONS AND GROWTH OF GHANAS TOURISM INDUSTRY
Different political and socio-economic events brought many tourists to Ghana after the dawn of
independence in 1957. However, the first indication of government interest in developing the
tourism industry was a feasibility study in 1970 on the development of tourist attractions for a
five-year (1972-1976) development plan (Obuan Committee, 1972). In 1992 the Ghana Tourist
Development Company (GTDC) Ltd. was established under the companies code of 1963 to fa-
cilitate investments in Ghanas tourism industry. The companys initial shareholders were the
Bank of Ghana, Ghana Tourist Board (GTB), State Insurance Corporation (SIC), and Societ
General (SG)-Social Security Bank (SSB). In 2005 GTDC Ltd. bought back SG-SSBs shares.
Since its establishment, GTDC Ltd. has been a quasi-government organization with a board of
directors made up of representatives of its three shareholders, and government appointees.
In 1973 the GTB, now Ghana Tourism Authority (GTA), was officially established to im-
plement national tourism policies and to co-ordinate tourism activities. It was charged with the
key responsibility to regulate tourism enterprises such as accommodation, catering, travel,
transport and charter operations through registration, inspection, licensing, classification and en-
forcement of decisions. GTB was also charged with the responsibility to promote and market
tourism in Ghana and abroad, conduct studies and research into the trends in the tourism indus-
try at home and abroad to aid decision and policy-making, promote the development of tourist
facilities, and to carry out any other functions that would be conferred on it by legislative in-
struments (GTB, 1998).
In the mid-1970s financial and technical limitations of the government necessitated more stu-
dies and evaluation of the countrys tourism potential by international development organiza-
tions such as the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the United States Agency
for International Development (USAID), and the United States International Executive Services
Corps (USIESC). All the studies and evaluations indicated great potential for tourism develop-
ment. Consequently, in 1993 the Ministry of Tourism (MOT) was established to formulate pol-
icies and plan for the development and promotion of domestic, regional and international tour-
ism. In 1995 MOT, with assistance from the UNDP and World Tourism Organization (WTO,
Heritage 2012
now UNWTO), prepared and introduced a 15-year (1996-2010) National Tourism Development
Plan (NTDP) to stimulate growth and development of the tourism industry (GTB, 1995).
Since the mid-1970s Ghanas tourism industry has thrived on diverse natural and cultural re-
sources including the European heritage and colonial legacies of castles and forts, unique politi-
cal history, traditional festivities and diaspora relations. In 1998 Ghana moved from the seven-
teenth to the eighth position among the top 20 leading tourism revenue-earners in Africa (WTO,
1999) and in about a decade, the industry has grown to become the fourth largest foreign ex-
change earner, ranking behind mineral exports, cocoa exports, and remittances from overseas.
The industry earned the country US$986.8 million in 2006, US$1,172 million in 2007,
US$1,403.1 million in 2008 and US$1,615.2 million in 2009 (GTB, 2010). The industrys con-
tribution to GDP steadily increased from 3.6% in 1996 to 6.5% in 2008. Additionally, there
were increases in employment from 90,100 in 2000 to 234,679 in 2008. The growth rate in 2006
was 6.0% compared with 12.5% and 13.9% in 2007 and 2008, respectively. The average tourist
expenditure per trip increased from US$935 in 1993 to US$1,998 in 2007 and US$2,010 in
2008. Table 1 shows the steady increase in international tourist arrivals and receipts between
1987 and 2009. The increase in 2007 was mainly attributed to the golden jubilee of indepen-
dence and Panafest that brought many international tourists to Ghana (GTB, 2010).

Table 1. International Tourist Arrivals and Receipts 1987-2009
Source: GTB (2010)
Year Arrivals
Receipts (US$
'M)
Year Arrivals
Receipts (US$
'M)
1987 103,440 36.5 1998 347,952 284.0
1988 113,784 55.3 1999 372,653 304.1
1989 125,162 72.1 2000 399,000 386.0
1990 145,780 80.8 2001 438,833 447.8
1991 172,464 117.7 2002 482,643 519.6
1992 213,316 166.9 2003 530,827 602.8
1993 256,680 205.6 2005 428,533 836.1
1994 271,310 227.6 2006 497,129 984.8
1995 286,000 233.2 2007 586,612 1,172.0
1996 304,860 248.8 2008 698,069 1,403.1
1997 325,438 265.6 2009 802,779 1,615.2

Inbound international tourism has been the lifeblood of Ghanas tourism industry. The main
sources of Ghanas international tourists are USA, United Kingdom, Germany, France, the
Netherlands, Canada, Switzerland, Italy and the Scandinavian countries (Norway, Sweden,
Denmark and Finland). Non-African developing countries from where most international tour-
ists originate are China, India and Lebanon. African sources from where most of the interna-
tional tourists come are the sub-Saharan countries of la Cote dIvoire, Nigeria, Togo, Burkina
Faso, Liberia, Sierra Leone and South Africa. In general, the purposes of travel include busi-
ness (23%), conference/meetings (9%), study/training (8%), visiting friends and relatives/VFR
(25%), medicals (1%), holiday (19%), transit (10%) and others (5%) (GTB, 2010). Private sec-
tor investment in tourism facilities, public sector investment in infrastructure, political stability
since 1992, and implementation of the 15-year tourism development plan have contributed to
the recent surge in inbound international tourism (GTB, 1995; GTB, 2010).
Ghana has had the privilege to host many international events in the past decade. The Accra
International Conference Center (AICC) has been the site for most of the international events.
Examples of the events hosted are: the World Trade Organization (WTO) ministerial confe-
rence, the Joint Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) meeting in 2001; the
International Reconstructive Plastic Surgery Conference, and the 5
th
International Copyright
Conference in 2002; the International Cocoa Research Conference, the 26
th
Conference of the
African Parliamentary Union, and the 2
nd
Meeting of ECOWAS Ministers and Experts in Edu-
cation in 2003; and the World Summit of the Information Society, and the Commonwealth Ma-
gistrates and Judges Association Council meeting in 2005 (K. Appiah, AICC, Accra, personal
communication, July 2010).
In 2007 the number of events held at the AICC increased and included the African Commis-
sion Session, the 6
th
African Union (AU) Council of Ministers, the AU Summit, the ECOWAS
Business Forum, the International Cocoa Conference, the 9
th
Summit of Heads of State and
Governments of the AU, and the 6
th
African Growth and Opportunities Act (AGOA) Forum.
Before the UNWTO nominated Ghana to host the IWTD event in 2009, the AICC had been the
site for the 12
th
Session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UN-
CTAD), the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), and the
African Caribbean Pacific (ACP) conference in 2008. The climax of the events held at the
AICC in 2009 prior to hosting the IWTD event was the US President Barack Obamas address
to the nation in July.
5 PLANNING THE IWTD EVENT: CONTEXT AND CONTENT
World Tourism Day (WTD) is celebrated on September 27 each year. The main objective of
the celebration is to foster awareness among the international community of the social, cultural,
economic, political and environmental values and importance of tourism. Celebrations of WTD
in Ghana have underscored the importance of tourism as a vehicle for poverty reduction, job
creation, revenue generation, and sustainable development. In February 2008 when the UNW-
TO Secretary General was on a two-day official visit to Ghana, his mission was to meet with
government to take stock of the co-operation between Ghana and the UNWTO and also to dis-
cuss in particular the impact of the organizations Sustainable Tourism for Eliminating Pover-
ty (STEP) programme on tourism and poverty reduction (C.O. Bonsu, GTB, Accra, personal
communication, August 2009; GTB, 2011).
Since 1998 the UNWTO has been designating continents and approving countries selected by
its continental commissions to host IWTD events under specific themes (Table 2). The theme
adopted for each years celebrations usually reflects on a phenomenon characteristic of the host
countrys tourism industry and pertinent to the global travel and tourism industry.

Table 2. Host Countries and Themes for IWTD Celebrations, 1998-2009
Source: GTB (2011)
Year Country Theme
1998 Mexico Public-Private Sector Partnership: The Key to Tourism Development and Promotion
1999 Chile Tourism: Preserving World Heritage for the New Millennium
2000 Germany Technology and Nature: Two Challenges for Tourism at the Dawn of the 21st Cen-
tury
2001 Iran Tourism: A Tool for Peace and Dialogue among Civilizations
2002 Costa
Rica
Ecotourism: the Key to Sustainable Development
2003 Algeria Tourism: A Driving Force for Poverty Alleviation, Job Creation, and Social Har-
mony
2004 Malaysia Sport and Tourism: Two Living Forces for Mutual Understanding, Culture and the
Development of Societies
2005 Qatar Travel and Transport: from the Imaginary of Jules Verne to the Reality of the 21st
Century
2006 Portugal Tourism Enriches
2007 Sri Lanka Tourism Opens Doors to Women
2008 Peru Tourism Sectors Respond to Challenges of Climate Change
2009 Ghana Tourism: Celebrating Diversity

At the 17
th
Session of the UNWTO General Assembly in Cartagena de Indias in Colombia,
23-29 November 2007, Ghana was elected for the first time to the Executive Council of the
UNWTO and was also offered the position of the 2
nd
Vice Chairman of the Executive Council.
The UNWTO also confirmed that Africa and Ghana would be the host continent and country,
respectively, of the IWTD event in 2009. The positive attributes of Ghana that contributed to
Heritage 2012
the selection included her active and extraordinary participation in UN peacekeeping operations
since the early 1960s, invaluable roles played in Pan-Africanism since independence in 1957, a
remarkable shift from the status of a highly indebted poor country (HIPC) in 2002 to a middle-
income economy in 2007, a strong relationship with UNWTO, and a steady growth of the tour-
ism industry (C.O. Bonsu, GTB, Accra, personal communication, August 2009). The theme
adopted for the 2009 international event in Ghana was Tourism, Celebrating Diversity which
aptly underscored the diversity in the countrys tourism industry.
Planning the IWTD event in 2009 for UNWTOs endorsement was both a privilege and a ma-
jor challenge to Ghana because the event was the first of its kind in sub-Saharan Africa. Addi-
tionally, the expectations of stakeholders were quite higher than those of other international
events the country had previously hosted, for example, the 12
th
United Nations Conference on
Trade and Development (UNCTAD XII) in 2008, and the Confederation of African Football
(CAF) tournament also in 2008. GTB was the main public sector tourism institution charged
with the responsibility to plan and manage the IWTD event in collaboration with MOT and
some private sector event management companies.
The IWTD event in Ghana was a weeklong in duration, 21
st
27
th
September. It was planned
and managed to bestow many benefits on Ghana, in particular, and Africa, in general. Among
the specific benefits identified by GTB and other stakeholders were: boosting Ghanas interna-
tional image and giving it worldwide publicity, creating investment opportunities in tourism su-
per-structural facilities and services, increasing tourist arrivals and receipts and consequently
contributing to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), creating wealth through job creation and
generation of income especially in rural communities where tourist attractions were located, and
strengthening Ghanas resolve to become the gateway of Africa because it would be the first
country in sub-Saharan Africa to host an IWTD event (C. O. Bonsu, GTB, Accra, personal
communication August 2009).
A two-prong planning committee was set up to plan the IWTD event in Ghana. A national
planning committee liaised with ten sub-committees: media publicity and marketing; invita-
tions, protocol, safety and security, health and transport; accommodation, catering and enter-
tainment; sanitation and beautification; tours planning and organization; finance, budget and
sponsorship; programs; tourism exhibition and conference; think-tank; and secretariat. These
functional areas had specific line items in the income and expense statements of the comprehen-
sive budget plan for the event. An amount of Ghana cedi (GH) 382,000 (about US$ 290,000)
was approved by the Ministry of Finance (MOF) from the 2009 approved investment in the
tourism sector for MOT to be used for the organization and successful hosting of the IWTD
event. Consequently, MOT engaged the services of an event management company, Royal Pro-
tocol Services, to conduct most of the protocol activities in collaboration with the protocol and
secretariat sub-committees.
All the ten regions of Ghana (Fig. 1) were active participants in the IWTD event. Their spe-
cific roles and financial statements of account were succinctly acknowledged and recorded by
the national planning committee and appropriate sub-committees. The regional participation in-
volved GTB, regional co-ordinating councils, municipal and district assemblies, regional centers
for national culture, and tourism related institutions in the private sector. The sub-committees,
in collaboration with the national planning committee, engaged in specific activities to popular-
ize the international event. Television and radio stations, print media houses, hospitality facili-
ties, and different tourism stakeholders also played active roles in publicizing the event.
The comprehensive program for the weeklong celebrations comprised two main divisions.
The first included pre-event thematic tours (cultural, heritage, historical, and nature-based) and
other activities offered between 21
st
and 26
th
September in all the regions of the country to boost
youth and domestic tourism. A program dubbed Know Your Country was organized for
school children, tourist clubs, religious groups, companies and communities at reduced fees in
order to sensitize the general public and increase participation in the international event. Other
activities included orientation and press trips for international and local travel writers and jour-
nalists; tourism exhibitions; tourism conference/lectures; gastronomic fair; inauguration of My
School Travels; What Do You Know about Tourism competition (finals); and official tour of
cocoa trails, Bunso Arboretum, the Cocoa Research Institute of Ghana (CRIG), and Tetteh Qua-
shie original cocoa farm. The second division consisted of activities that climaxed the event on
27 September 2009 including three think-tank sessions, a press conference chaired by the
Figure 4. Kakum National Park: a section of the canopy (tree-top) walkway

The Accra City Tour included some tourism students of the Kwame Nkrumah University of
Science and Technology (KNUST), University of Cape Coast (UCC), and the Ghana Institute of
Journalism (GIJ). The tourist attractions and sites visited included the Accra Arts Center,
Kwame Nkrumah Memorial Park, James and Usher forts, Makola market (an open, outdoor
market), Osu Oxford Street, Light House, the Jamestown Mantse (Chief) Palace, and Professor
Ablade Glovers Artists Alliance Gallery. The gallery exhibits different African paintings and
crafts. In general, the tour provided an insight into Ghanas cultural and historical heritage
through a collection of pictures, visual arts, and pre-colonial and post-colonial landmarks.
The diversity in Ghanas culture, heritage and tourism was further underscored when the
journalists went to the Central, Ashanti and Eastern regions (Fig. 1). The Elmina and Cape
Coast castles, UNESCO World Heritage sites, were visited in the Central Region. The visitors
also went to the Kakum National Park to walk on the tree-top bridges measuring about 1000 ft
long (Fig. 2). The park also features different flora and fauna species. The trip to Kumasi in the
Ashanti Region accentuated the importance of traditional institutions and festivities in Ghanas
tourism industry. The Manhyia Palace of the Asantehene (King of the Asnates), Osei Tutu II, is
a popular tourist site. The Manhyia Palace Museum is one of three museums in the city that
provide well documented history of the Asante Kingdoms encounters with the British army be-
fore, during and after colonization. The Ashanti Region also provided the international visitors
the opportunity to see and experience wood carving, kente (traditional textile) weaving,
Adinkra (textile embroidered with motifs) printing, and palm wine tapping. At the Cultural
Center in Kumasi, diversity in culture was displayed by the artistic performances of different
traditional and cultural groups.
The trip to the Eastern Region further heightened the diversity in Ghanas tourism industry.
Tourist sites and attractions visited included Bunso Arboretum, the Cocoa Research Institute of
Ghana (CRIC) at Tafo, and the Tetteh Quarshie original cocoa farm at Mampong-Akuapim.
Ghana was the worlds leading producer of cocoa, the main ingredient of chocolate, until the
mid 1990s when the position was taken by la Cote dIvoire. However, Ghanas cocoa is still
very popular among chocolate producers in Japan, Switzerland and England. The Golden Tree
Chocolate, a product of Ghana, is effectively promoted and marketed by GTB on Valentines
Day as part of the Chocofest event (Addo, 2011a).
The diversity in culture, heritage and tourism was also underscored by the tourism exhibition
which drew participants from all the ten regions of Ghana and many suppliers in the tourism in-
dustry. Each region showcased its nature-based and cultural tourist sites, attractions and prod-
ucts. Beach tourism was featured by the four coastal regions namely, Volta, Greater Accra, Cen-
tral, and Western (Fig. 1). Ecotourism and cultural tourism were also featured by all the ten
regions emphasizing diversity in performing and visual arts, dance, music, cuisine, and tradi-
tional institutions. The exhibitions were managed by an event company, Faar Event Manage-
ment Services, in collaboration with MOT, GTB, members of the planning sub-committee, re-
gional offices of GTB and the centers for national culture at all the ten regions.
A three-day (22-24 September) tourism conference was a major component of the IWTD
event. It was held concurrently with the tourism exhibition at the AICC and was organized by
Faar Event Management Services. The conference topics and discussions emphasized the diver-
sity in Ghanas culture, heritage and the tourism industry. An opening presentation by Dr. Ed-
ward Addo indicated his participation in various international conferences in Leeds and York in
UK, Riga in Latvia, Dubai in UAE, Rhodes Island in Greece, and Reykjavik in Iceland and the
relevance of Ghanas tourism industry to the diverse and contemporary conference themes. The
other presentations indicated the challenges facing domestic tourism, the role of the national air-
line in tourism, tourism financing and investment, travel insurance, human resources and the
roles of public and private sectors in the tourism industry, ICT and tourism, e-tourism, and sex
tourism and sexual exploitation of children.
The tourism conference also underscored tourism as a global socio-economic, cultural and
political industry and stressed that diversity was one of the driving forces behind its growth.
Tourism, it was noted, allowed nations to share the numerous benefits brought about by build-
ing stronger ties with other countries. The conference further stressed the fact that tourism was a
catalyst for building understanding, fostering social cohesion, and promoting higher standards
of living. Discussions echoed the fact that tourism was the largest and fastest growing global
industry providing positive linkages with other industries such as agriculture, manufacturing,
trade, health, construction, and transportation. Participants asserted that global partnerships pro-
vided a more effective response to all the issues discussed. The government of Ghana was eager
to contribute to the global partnership and more resolute to make the tourism industry the lead-
ing foreign exchange earner in the near future.
Hotels and restaurants that participated in the gastronomic fair provided distinctive Ghanaian
cuisine and hospitality services and most of the international visitors had the opportunity to ex-
perience the art of preparing and eating a variety of Ghanaian foods (red-red, koko and koose,
kenkey, banku and tilapia, waakye, gollof rice, ampesi, fufu, kelewele, emotuo, yor ke gari,
aprapransa, kebabs, and nnuhoo/mpihoo, for example) and drinking local beverages (nsafu-
fuo/palm wine, doka, akpteshie, brukutu, and fruit sap, for examples). The gastronomic fair and
other food events also provided the international visitors unique and memorable experiences of
Ghanas unparalleled cultural identity and African hospitality. Side attractions of the gastro-
nomic fair included menus from other West African countries such as couscous, eba, and
akyeke. Hospitality facilities that participated in the gastronomic fair included: Traditional Ca-
terers Association, Ghana Indigenous Caterers Association, Vida International Restaurant, Na-
tive Stew Catering Services, Asanka Locals, La-Palm Royal Beach Hotel, Traffix Catering Ser-
vices, Golden Tulip Hotel, Labadi Beach Hotel (the only 5-star hotel in Ghana), Accra Novotel
Hotel, and Somme Naturals.
The Miss Ghana Pageant 2009 (Fig.3) which replaced a musical concert, and the think-tank
sessions also highlighted the diversity in Ghanas culture, heritage and tourism industry. The
former was a colorful function that attracted officials of UNWTO, MOT, GTB and Ghanaians
of all walks of life. The latter included officials of UNWTO and Ghanaian intellectuals, profes-
sionals, tourism practitioners, and tourism students of tertiary institutions. The three think-tank
sessions were presented in this order: Session I Diversity, Globalization and Tourism, deli-
vered by Mr. Tidjani Hadad, former Minister of Tourism, Tunisia; Session II Cultural and En-
vironmental Diversity and Tourism, delivered by H.E. Mohamoud Dirir Gheddi, former Minis-
ter of Tourism and Culture, Ethiopia; and Session III Tourism Strengthening the Ties among
Nations, delivered by Ghanas Minister of Tourism, Hon. Mrs. Juliana Azumah-Mensah. Other
Ghanaian panelists included Professor Alex Asiedu Boakye of the Department of Geography
and Resource Development, University of Ghana, Legon; Dr. Edward Addo of the Tourism
Studies Department, Grenfell Campus, Memorial University of Newfoundland, Canada; and
Nana Akuoko Sarpong, Paramount Chief of the Agogo Traditional Area and a member of the
Council of State.
The multisectoral, multidisciplinary and linkage attributes of tourism were highlighted within
the context of the conference theme, Tourism, Celebrating Diversity. It was noted that tourism
contributed to economic growth, employment creation, and income generation. The discussions
were oriented towards contemporary issues in the tourism industry including globalization, cul-
tural diversity, sustainable tourism, ecotourism, strengthening ties among nations, high depen-
dency of the tourism industry in developing countries on international tourists and investments,
capital flight from developing countries, mismanagement of public sector resources, and the
need to foster stronger international relations. Tourism stakeholders who attended the sessions
included representatives of tourism associations, national and local governments, accommoda-
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tion providers, transport companies, travel and tour operators, market intermediaries, education-
al institutions, non-governmental organizations, media houses, local community representatives,
tourism trade associations, and event planning organizations.
A press conference held after the think-tank sessions reiterated the notion that globalization
was a viable means of improving economic collaboration and international understanding of the
tourism industry. A communications workshop under the theme Ghana: Tourism, Image and
the Media was also held after the press conference. Both the press conference and communica-
tions workshop pointed out the invaluable roles of the media in enhancing the benefits of the
tourism industry. Participating international and local media companies shared ideas and expe-
riences pertinent to the travel and tourism industry. The two events projected Ghana as an ideal
destination for both leisure and business tourism.
The climax of the IWTD event was the Ghana Gala Night held at the State Banquet Hall in
Accra. It showcased traditional and contemporary Ghanaian lifestyles. It was an exposition of
Ghanaian cuisine, dance, music, drumming, and fashion within the context of cultural and herit-
age tourism..Present to climax the occasion were officials of UNWTO, international travel writ-
ers, local media, members of the national planning committee of the IWTD, and officials of
MOT and GTB. The dcor of the banquet hall was truly Ghanaian and the Immigration Service
Band played highlife tunes reminiscent of the first decade of Ghanas independence from co-
lonial rule. The National Dance Ensemble also performed dances reminiscent of the ten regions
of Ghana. The final curtain of the event was drawn after presentations of made-in-Ghana prod-
ucts as gifts to distinguished guests and an announcement that China would host the next IWTD
in September 2010.
7 CONCLUSION
Ghana was highly privileged to host the International World Tourism Day (IWTD) event in
2009. The country used the occasion to showcase the diversity in her culture, heritage and tour-
ism industry. The mega event highlighted European presence and heritage in the country since
1471, British colonization, and the importance of traditional institutions and practices. The di-
versity in the tourism industry was underscored by the activities planned for the international
event which included Miss Tourism Pageant 2009, regional and city tours, a press conference,
and communications workshop. Three think-tank sessions, conference presentations, and a ga-
stronomic fair were also used to underline the diversity in Ghanas culture and tourism industry.
The IWTD event in 2009 further underscored the importance of globalization and interna-
tional cooperation to the travel and tourism industry. The multisectoral and linkage attributes of
the industry were discussed within the context of globalization and diversity was projected as
one of the strengths of the worlds largest and fastest growing industry. Hosting the event
against this backdrop offered Ghana the opportunity to demonstrate her responses to the
changes and trends in the travel and tourism industry. Ghana also indicated how to develop and
manage her tourism industry to become the largest foreign exchange earner.
Irrefutably, MOT, GTB and the other stakeholders of the IWTD event in 2009 focused most-
ly on the diversity in the tourism industry. However, it was also realized that tourism was de-
pendent on the well-being of other sectors of an economy; agriculture, trade, manufacturing,
transport, health, power (energy or electricity), and education, for example. Active participation
of governments at different levels, strong intergovernmental relations, flexible visa and customs
procedures, favorable or enabling investment policies, and stable political regimes are all factors
that contribute to the growth and development of the tourism industry, nationally and interna-
tionally.
Hosting the IWTD event in 2009 offered Ghana the opportunity to exemplify the diversity in
her culture, heritage and tourism. The country was put on a higher pedestal of the global tourism
industry after setting a high standard for hosting such an event in sub-Saharan Africa for the
first time. Political stability and democratic governance since the beginning of the Fourth Re-
public in 1992, contributions to UN peacekeeping operations, an active partnership with UNW-
TO and other international organizations, implementation of a 15-year national tourism devel-
opment plan in 1996, and private sector investments in the tourism industry, particularly in the
hospitality sector, together have been the driver of transition in Ghanas tourism industry. The
author strongly recommends that in future all political parties should come together to work as-
siduously and amicably to make special, mega, cultural, and international events more success-
ful in order to put the country on a higher tourism pedestal. In spite of the few challenges that
the national planning committee and the sub-committees encountered, the enhanced reputation
that the country achieved by hosting the first IWTD event in sub-Saharan Africa is worthy of
praise and emulating in other developing countries.
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Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
This paper explores the conservation of the built environment in Suakin to provide an overview
of the situation up to the current context. A dynamic approach as part of an integrated conserva-
tion process is widely recognised and as Vehbi et al (2008) state, that it is the only way to
make conservation sustainable. However the potential benefit of this type of approach, such as
that proposed throughout previous studies and in the case of Suakin, is often unrealised.
Suakin provides a distinctive and challenging case study as the site's history has been heavily
documented with numerous conservation proposals made since the historic town was abandoned
following the opening of the new port, Port Sudan, in 1909 (Lane, 1994; Mallinson, 2010).
Emphasised throughout Suakin's history following its decline is the need for constant mainten-
ance of the historic buildings, and the level of urgency with which the site and its conservation
must be addressed. Despite this expressed need very little has materialised. The available lite-
rature is then generally focused around Suakin's current physical condition and the proposals
made, rather than an evaluation of these proposals being implemented on the ground.
This paper identifies a number of recurrent issues that play a major role in the lack of imple-
mentation of Suakin's conservation, and that require further investigation. Influencing many of
these issues is the lack of investigation of Suakin's current socio-cultural condition, and how this
might impact future conservation plans. The potential incentives and enablers concerning the
The conservation of the built environment in Suakin, Sudan - an
overview of the current context
K. S. Ashley
Loughborough University, Loughborough, UK

ABSTRACT: The current intention of the Sudanese authorities is to re-build Sudan as a bridge
between the Middle East, Africa and Europe, and that the old port town of Suakin is revived as a
gateway. Despite numerous studies and proposals for the conservation of Suakin's built envi-
ronment, little has materialised on the ground and much faith and interest has been lost. This
paper forms an early part of on-going research with the aim to develop a sustainable cultural
framework for the conservation of the built environment in Suakin. Through a literature review,
this paper explores the drivers, practices, challenges, and incentives and enablers in the conser-
vation of Suakin's built environment. The initial research findings reveal that the conservation
process itself is often stalled and prevents, rather than promotes, the integrated and process dri-
ven approach that is so widely advocated. More specifically, this research has identified the
lack of a strategy, or framework, and that could potentially act as a catalyst, to enable the effec-
tive approach required. This encourages an investigation of the potential role of a mediating
agent, such as a specialist body or activity, to act between the various stakeholders and power
levels involved and to facilitate the empowerment of Suakin's local communities. Such an ap-
proach could work to mobilise necessary resources, and to overcome the recurrent obstacles and
lack of collaboration between those involved.
conservation of Suakin's built environment have been recognised since the earliest studies and
proposals were made however their means of application and utilisation in the current context is
not. This has identified the lack of a strategy or framework, and that could potentially act as a
catalyst, to enable the effective approach required. This encourages an investigation of the po-
tential role of a mediating agent, such as a specialist body or activity, to act between the various
stakeholders and power levels involved and to facilitate the empowerment of Suakin's local
communities. Such an approach could work to mobilise necessary resources and to overcome
the recurrent obstacles and lack of collaboration between those involved.
This study explores the conservation of the built environment in Suakin to provide an over-
view of the situation up to the current context, and this has been carried out through a literature
review, an initial site visit, and informal discussions. This forms part of on-going research with
the aim to develop a sustainable cultural framework for the conservation of the built environ-
ment in Suakin.
2 CONSERVATION OF TRADITION AND VERNACULAR CONSTRUCTION
The paper preceding this current study (Ashley, 2011) carried out a literature review concerning
the conservation of tradition and vernacular construction in regions with relation to Suakin (Su-
dan), and defined the current scope of research. This revealed that the conservation of tradition
and vernacular construction for their revival and potential benefit to the current context is often
unrealised. This suggests the need to explore this potential benefit not only for the preservation
of the historic environment, but also as a method of physical as well as social and cultural sus-
tainability and as a generative tool for urban renewal.
An overarching theme is the contrast between the legislative and ground based levels in ver-
nacular processes and related projects and highlights a number of issues that require further in-
vestigation. As highlighted by Oliver (1986, quoted in 2006) this includes the need for local
perspective and effective methods of transmission and, often lacking, a level of understanding
that ensures elements are not used in isolation and so lose their relevance to the current local
culture. Another overarching theme is the development required for cities to remain alive, and
the potential to use the conservation of tradition and vernacular construction as a creative and
dynamic process that revitalises both the physical and the socio-cultural context and that facili-
tates the essential role of the community. Although widely acknowledged throughout the avail-
able literature, this approach only seems to be implemented on the ground through a few cases
and their long-term implications and full potential, such as the community's role and true in-
volvement as discussed by Cueni (2007), remain to be investigated.
3 SUAKIN'S BACKGROUND
Suakin was once Sudan's major port and the uniqueness of the site and surroundings are imme-
diately striking despite its current physical deterioration, and the surrounding communities ex-
press a deep connection to the site through its stories and music (author's observations during
site visit, January 2011). The natural lagoon harbour is backed by the Red Sea Hills and the his-
toric town consists of an island joined to the mainland by a causeway and the immediate main-
land area known as the 'Geyf' (Greenlaw, 1976) (Fig. 1). This is now surrounded by the sprawl-
ing development of modern Suakin (Fig. 2). As a vital part of a vast trading network the site
was also a centre of distinctive cultural interchange. The town provided the gateway between
Islamic culture and Eastern Africa hosting Sudan's oldest school and oldest functioning mosque,
and is still the major pilgrimage route to Mecca. The 15th to 20th century coral block buildings
are one of the last remaining examples of the Red Sea architectural style but sadly, as the histor-
ic town was abandoned with the opening of Port Sudan in 1909, many of these have now crum-
bled due to the local climate and lack of maintenance (Mallinson, 2010) (Figs. 3-5).

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Figure 1. Plan of historic Suakin Island and Geyf (Greenlaw 1976).

Figure 2. Suakin's sprawling new town (Google Earth 2012).


Figure 3. Historic Suakin's decline, Historic Island view (Sudan National Museum 2003).

Figures 4 and 5. Suakin's current state of physical decay (author's photo, Suakin, 2011).

A continuous cycle of assessment and re-assessment of the sites condition with an emphasis
placed upon the accelerated speed of deterioration and urgency to address this has been created.
Greenlaw (1976) and Hinkel (Matthews, 1976; Hinkel, 1992) surveyed the buildings in the his-
toric island and Geyf since the 1950s, and in addition to this Greenlaw (1976) carried out stu-
dies on the traditional skills that were used and the local ways of life. These surveys emphasise
the rapid deterioration of the structures and the loss of the knowledge and skill used in their
construction.
The town has been on the World Heritage tentative since 1994 with full status never being
gained, and seven reports have been made to UNESCO since 1953. These include a number of
formal applications made for the preservation and reconstruction of Suakin's built environment
and recognition of Suakin's World Heritage status (Hansen, 1972; Lane, 1994; Salim, 1997;
Mallinson 2010).
4 SUAKIN'S CONSERVATION DRIVERS
4.1 Cultural Significance
Sudan's rich and diverse cultural heritage and the identity of the Sudanese population is ex-
plained by UNESCO (2007) as a strength and driving force for the reconstruction of the coun-
try, and the promotion and protection of cultural heritage highlighted as a key area of interven-
tion. The importance of such intangible elements in the case of Suakin such as boatbuilding,
fishing, the local 'Samaka' music and dance, and the area's religious shrine visitation and rituals,
are investigated and emphasised throughout a number of sources (Greenlaw, 1976; Hansen,
Heritage 2012
1973; Mallinson, 2010; Taha, 2011) as a valid reason to revitalize Suakin's historic centre de-
spite its current physical condition. As the first Chairman of Sudan's Museum Board, Nasr el
Hag Ali, stated in a letter to the Minister of Education in 1958: "...it is our duty towards the fu-
ture generations of this country and the world cultural heritage to preserve this crucial landmark,
the gateway through which the life line from the East steadily trickled in and accumulated the
pool of our present day culture and national make up. These relics cannot be measured in terms
of money, and they are invaluable in the development of this young nation" (Mallinson, 2010).
Hansen (1972) also argues the monumental importance of Suakin in addition to the sentimental
role of the town and its cultural traditions, and the unexploited possibilities that may result in
better living conditions. Stating this as a justification for the towns preservation to take place,
Hansen suggests that Suakin's preservation is not the architectural example of the buildings
themselves, but rather of an architectural culture and tradition. Mallinson (2010) continues this
argument and suggests that the successful conservation of Suakin would provide a living ex-
pression of Sudan's culture.
4.2 Economic Development
An economic strategic approach is argued as the only viable approach to the problem of Sua-
kins reconstruction, as is highlighted by Lane (1994) and Mallinson (2010). Suakin's popula-
tion consisted (and still consists) of a number of poor families. As explained by Salim (1997),
Suakin's population was expected to double or even triple following the opening of the new har-
bour in the 1990s, and that the revival of the historic area would have the industrial potential to
support the economic and social development and long-term survival of such a population. The
Suakin Development Plan (Mallinson, 2008) integrates the current Suakin New Town Master-
plan (Discussion in Port Sudan, January 9
th
2011) with the historic core, and aims to attract out-
side investment and modern industry and to integrate these commercial efforts with cultural ac-
tivity, following examples such as Fez in Morocco and Madras in India.
5 SUAKIN'S CONSERVATION APPROACHES AND PRACTICES
5.1 Preservation Versus Dynamic Change
The physical approach to Suakin's conservation has evolved with the decay of the site from one
of preservation to reconstruction. Hansen (1972) proposed the preservation of a number of the
existing structures and a number of others as ruins, while Hinkel (highlighted in Salim's text,
1997) later suggests the creation of a new quarter where the construction of new buildings
would reflect the original layout of the site. Lane (1994) Salim (1997) and Mallinson (2010)
have also suggested the need for reconstruction due to the extent of the site's physical decay.
Reinforcing this is Um's (2011) description of Greenlaw's disillusionment with Suakin's preser-
vation. Having surveyed the site and advocated its preservation since the 1940s, and producing
a comprehensive set of documentation on Suakin's physical composition, Greenlaw then advo-
cated to UNESCO in 1974 that the entire city should be razed and rebuilt from the ground. This
approach could also been seen to be justified through the history of the site's construction. Sua-
kin's historic buildings are inherently fragile and have always been in a constant process of re-
building, but as proposed by Mallinson (2010), reconstruction under supervision and using the
historical records as guidance could preserve their distinctive cultural style.
In addition to the physical preservation and reconstruction of Suakin, the socio-cultural ap-
proach to the built environment in terms of use and associated meanings is conveyed as one that
must also evolve. A number of sources argue that to simply reconstruct and preserve Suakin as
it was will cause it to become a museum piece that is essentially frozen in time, and that this
removes the dynamic process that has characterised its history and incredible significance as a
cultural object. Hansen (1972) and Lane (1994) suggested that the abandoned historic core
could be revived as a living town where the ruins would become part of the new buildings and
continue the old traditions. Salim (1997) explained his philosophy as seeking the revival of the
city rather than just the preservation of the historic structures due to previous schemes meeting
local resistance because they only attempted to deal with the historical relics. Lane (1994) and
Mallinson (2010) have argued that such adaptation to the current context is necessary, and that
to enable new sustainable economies such as education, tourism and fishing, and acceptable
standards of living, modern standards must be adhered to in terms of amenity and safety. This
is reinforced by discussions held with the Red Sea State's Ministry of Physical Planning and
Public Utilities (January 9
th
2011, Port Sudan, Sudan) that expressed the need to reintroduce
new viable and sustainable uses to the old buildings once restored. This does not mean that the
authenticity of Suakin's built environment needs to jeopardised as such a process of change al-
ready comprises much of Suakins history. Um (2011) conveys a real sense of optimism
through the town's physical evolution and an opposite perspective to that of many who have
struggled with Suakin's constant deterioration (Hansen, 1972; Greenlaw, 1976; Lane, 1994; Sa-
lim, 1997; Mallinson, 2010). As Um (2011) states: "Even today, Suakin is on the brink of a re-
vival. And if proposed schemes take shape, its buildings will be repurposed once again and re-
defined for new audiences, extending the city's long and contested visual life".
5.2 Masterplanning
Emphasised, although none yet implemented, throughout the approaches to the conservation of
Suakin's built environment is the necessity for a larger masterplan that addresses both the histor-
ic and new town areas. This is proposed to overcome the obstacles that have so far prevented
many proposals from taking place, and to ensure the development that does take place is appro-
priate. Lane (1994) recommended the production of such a plan, noting that the circumstances
that caused the decay of the town in the first place were likely to be reversed as the new port of
Suakin was due to open in 1995. Salim (1997) highlighted that a comprehensive masterplan is
essential to resolve legislative issues and that clearly sets out the roles and relationship of the
state and the inhabitants. The 'Suakin Project', created by NCAM (Sudan's Corporation for An-
tiquities and Museums) in 2000, synthesises its recorded material into one coherent masterplan
proposal for the revival of the site as a cultural and living entity worthy of World Heritage Sta-
tus (Mallinson, 2010), states he intent to follow Lane's (1994) previous recommendation. The
approach of the 'Suakin Project' differs from those suggested before by breaking the masterplan
down into several smaller building contracts in an attempt to shed the large financial obstacle
that has so far prevented any progress being made.
5.3 Integrated Development
The proposals made express the need to carry out an integrated approach to the conservation of
Suakin's built environment. This is intended to create links with other areas and interdepen-
dence between economic, social and cultural expressions of community life, and with a specific
emphasis on human activity in terms of new functions and rehabilitation of the original struc-
tures. This is first conveyed by Hansen (1972) who stated that while the specialised community
of merchants were immediately affected by the change of Suakin's port and economic environ-
ment, the poorer suburb with all its intertwined activities was able to resist, even when the main
source of its existence (i.e. the port) was crumbling. Salim (1997), Lane (1994), and Mallinson
(2010) all seek UNDP and UNESCO assistance for Suakin's revival with the objective of a mul-
ti-lateral approach to the alleviation of poverty, urban rehabilitation, the conservation of a cul-
tural heritage site and the introduction of amenities. This approach is continued through
NCAM's Suakin Project that utilises both international and local assistance. Mallinson (2010)
explains the Suakin Project proposal as coordinating project areas with local interest as regional
development will affect the site, and conservation and/or development of the site will also affect
the region's development.
6 SUAKIN'S CONSERVATION CHALLENGES
6.1 Financial
Financial restrictions have been one of the major reasons that have prevented the physical im-
plementation of many of the proposals for the preservation and reconstruction of Suakin's built
Heritage 2012
environment. The National Museum has been severely under resourced since its creation, and
with major levels of decay having now affected many sites including Suakin as its most extreme
example. Proposals for government support have been refused since the initial suggestion made
by the Commissioner of Port Sudan in 1933 that some building owners should receive support
to repair their structures (Salim, 1997). This difficulty in obtaining funds is emphasised by
Hansen (1972) who stated that previous attempts demonstrate the eager intention of the authori-
ties and the property owners to preserve Suakin's historic environment, yet at the same time that
there is an impossibility of obtaining funds from a state budget consumed by immediate necessi-
ties. Salim (1997) argues that in addition to these funding difficulties being primarily due to the
limited financial resources of the Sudan Government, they are also due to the Antiquities De-
partment having never tried to involve others, including Suakin's local population, in their ap-
proach to the site's conservation.
6.2 Legal
Legal issues such as ownership and government guidelines are recognised as providing both
protection for Suakin's built environment and the other major restriction on the successful im-
plementation of proposals for its conservation. Lane (1994) and Salim (1997) have argued that
the legislative restriction on the central government to spend money on the restoration of private
property. However, under the local Suakin Town Building Regulation, the Governor (Red Sea
State) is empowered to repair or demolish properties that have become uninhabitable at the
owners expense. This restriction has created an atmosphere of frustration and distrust between
Suakin's inhabitants and the Government's Department of Antiquities. Salim (1997) discussed
the inability of the government to reach a settlement on land ownership with Suakins remaining
inhabitants, and that once the buildings were to be recognised as historical relics, the owners
were prohibited from carrying out alterations. Taha's (2011) investigations support this restric-
tive view having stated that the Sudan government's current definition of heritage continues to
cause problems for its safeguarding and protection. Heritage is described as being compartmen-
talised so that the NCAM Antiquities Ordinance's narrow definition, as stated by Taha (2011):
"limits the conservation of monuments and sites to a physical nature rather than also considering
the social values, associations or personal emotions they also embody". Despite the atmosphere
of distrust created by this restriction, Mallinson (2010) has considered the recognition of Sua-
kin's built environment as a historical site under Sudan's 1999 Antiquities Ordinance as a base
necessity for government money to be spent on any restoration work, and to enable private
owners to be compensated accordingly. Mallinson (2008) also suggested that the memory of
landownership still governs the development pattern as legal records identify every parcel of
land, and that this ensures redevelopment will keep the integrity of the sites identity and
townscape.
6.3 Development
For a long time Sudan's monuments have been protected by their isolation, but they are now un-
der threat both physically and socially/culturally from the countrys increasing rate of develop-
ment. Salim (1997) and Taha (2011) have discussed the opening of the new Suakin port in the
1990s as endangering the historic city as the resulting development of the surrounding new town
would encroach upon it. Taha (2011) also expressed great concern over the proposals to widen
the narrow medieval streets in the historic mainland Geyf area, and that the intended construc-
tion of a new waterfront corniche counteracts the social activity and values of the surrounding
area's historic construction. PERGSA (the Regional Organisation for the Conservation of the
Environment of the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden) (PERGSA 2004-14) have highlighted the inha-
bitants of these coastal areas as an integral part of the diverse cultural heritage, and that this is at
risk of disappearing as many locals are replaced with imported labour and in competition with
industrialized processes.
7 SUAKIN'S CONSERVATION INCENTIVES AND ENABLERS
7.1 Community Participation and Development
Emphasised in the case of Suakin and numerous published examples of sites and projects else-
where as a way to enable or improve the conservation of the built environment is that the prima-
ry role must be played by the public sector, and that situations must be approached in response
to local needs and culture. The UNESCO Expert Meeting on Identification of Intangible Cul-
tural Heritage of Sudan 2006 (UNESCO 2006) recognised the need to enlarge capacity at go-
vernmental, institutional, research and community levels. Salim (1997) explained the rights of
Suakin's owners and provided consultants to assist them in preserving the historic character of
the town, and with the response reported to be enthusiastic, committees were formed to initiate
the project. Mallinson's (2010) discussion of the major aim of the Suakin Project also empha-
sised the importance of forming ownership committees to encourage reconstruction of the hous-
es, and of the revival of the original community that first made them. In addition to the owners
themselves emphasis is also placed on the local culture. Hansen (Hansen 1972) proposed that
funds for a project such as the conservation of Suakin could be requested as a gift from some
country or institution that recognises that the material welfare of people and its cultural
achievements are linked together. During the 2007 Workshop discussions (Suakin Museum
Workshop 2007) it was suggested that an investigation should be made into the relationship be-
tween Suakin's local life and the historic ruins, and that local workshops to facilitate this would
be a future priority in the sites conservation efforts. Mallinson (2010) has continued this em-
phasis on Suakin's local life, having stated that: In essence it was a living culture, and not a
dead monument, and that the life of the city was the heritage, albeit expressed in the current
manifestation of the buildings visible. Once this idea is understood, then the importance for Su-
dan of Suakin becomes clearer.
7.2 Institutional Collaboration and International Involvement
Previous studies made on sites and projects elsewhere have argued that heritage conservation
should be multidisciplinary, socially and economically sustainable, and linked to the current
context of the area in which it occurs. In the case of Suakin these aspects are suggested as a
way that the conservation of Suakin's built environment could move forwards and approach
many of the obstacles that have so far prevented it. Salim (1997) and Mallinson (2010) have
emphasised collaborative involvement and international recognition as a World Heritage Site as
a means to overcome Suakin's major financial obstacle. Suakin's 2007 Workshops (Suakin Mu-
seum Workshop 2007) recognised that more cooperation was needed to inform other institutions
of what is happening, and that links should be formed with other areas such as between Africa
and Mecca/the East, connections to the Nile Valley, and foreign interventions such as mining.
The aim of the UNESCO Expert Meeting on Identification of Intangible Heritage in 2006 (UN-
ESCO 2006) was declared as the bringing together of relevant NGOs, representatives of local
communities, practitioners from Sudan, and international experts in the field of intangible cul-
tural heritage. This provided a place for information sharing as a first step towards defining and
inventorying the intangible cultural heritage of Sudan, and is a process that could be followed to
enable the involvement and collaboration of the various stakeholders in the conservation of Su-
akin's built environment. This dynamic sense of involvement and collaboration is reflected by
Um's (2010) portrayal of Suakin's built environment, stating that: "...the Red Sea Style stands
as a utopian construct because it may not be mobilised as a category that supports nationalistic
agendas or advocates a unique view of a singular cultural heritage. Rather, the Red Sea style
presents a tangible image of a hybrid culture that did not adhere to the boundaries of a nation
state...".
Heritage 2012
8 CONCLUSION
This paper forms an early part of on-going research with the aim to develop a sustainable cul-
tural framework for the conservation of the built environment in Suakin (Sudan), and prepares
for the next stage of field-based investigation.
The current intention to revive Suakin's historic built environment has seen little materialise
on the ground despite the numerous studies and proposals that have been made. Through a lite-
rature review, an initial site visit, and discussions, this study reveals that sustainable and rege-
nerative qualities of conservation are often recognised, such as those proposed in the case of Su-
akin, yet their effective implementation remains largely unexplored.
A number of recurrent issues are identified that play a major role in this lack of implementa-
tion and that require further investigation. Financial and legal restrictions are the major restric-
tions highlighted throughout Suakin's conservation history, and these must first be approached
before plans can progress. There has been a clear lack of successful long-term involvement of
Suakin's local communities, organisations dedicated to the conservation of cultural heritage, and
government and non-government bodies. An integrated approach that enables community par-
ticipation and the involvement of other actors has been suggested as an optimal way to over-
come these obstacles and to integrate the historic site's conservation with the wider area's devel-
opment plans.
Influencing these issues is the lack of an evaluation of the current socio-cultural context of
Suakin, and how this will impact the area's future conservation. The distinctive context of Sua-
kin and its constantly evolving socio-cultural nature emphasises the need for such an investiga-
tin to be made through a qualitative method of enquiry and an individual case-based approach.
The studies made in the available literature have focused mainly on the previous or 'original'
community, but neglects to explore and identify who they are now and what their intentions are.
The expressed need to reintroduce viable and sustainable uses to the historic buildings once res-
tored, for things to take place in the near future with tangible results, and Suakin's conservation
and development still being governed by land ownership, reinforces the critical necessity of
such an investigation.
The incentives and enablers concerning the conservation of Suakin's built environment have
been recognised since the earliest studies and proposals were made however their means of ap-
plication and utilisation in the current context is not. The process, or rather lack of process,
concerning Suakin's conservation is often stalled and faith and interest is lost by locals and in-
vestment bodies throughout the lengthy and often fruitless legislative procedures. Therefore
there is a need for a strategy or framework that could potentially act as a catalyst to enable the
effective approach required. This encourages an investigation of the potential role of a mediat-
ing agent, such as a specialist body or activity, to act between the various stakeholders and pow-
er levels involved and to facilitate the empowerment of Suakin's local communities. Such an
approach could work to mobilise necessary resources and to overcome the recurrent obstacles
and lack of collaboration.
REFERENCES
Ashley, K. 2011. Conservation, Tradition and Vernacular Construction in Developing Regions. 10th In-
ternational Detail Design in Architecture Conference Proceedings, 27th + 28th October 2011, Istanbul
Technical University, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul, pp. 181-90.
Cueni, L. 2007. Learning to Live With the Past Cultural Heritage Preservation in Aksum, Ethiopia. ISP
Collection Paper edn. Addis Ababa: Hamilton College.
Dilawari, V. 2009. Process vs Product: Scientific Conservation vs Traditional Construction. In: M.
HARDY, ed, The Venice Charter Revisited Modernism, Conservation and Tradition in the 21st Cen-
tury. Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, pp. 375-381.
Greenlaw, J.P. 1976. The Coral Buildings of Suakin. London: Oriel Press.
Hansen, E. 1972. Preservation of Suakin. Paris: UNESCO.
Hinkel, F.W. 1992. The Archaeological Map of the Sudan Volume 6 The Area of the Red Sea Coast
and Northern Ethiopian Frontier. Berlin: Akademie Verlag.
Lane, M.B. 1994. Suakin Mission Report. Paris: UNESCO.
Lewcock, R. 1990. Conservation in Practice. Architectural and Urban Conservation in the Islamic World
edn. Geneva: The Aga Kahn Trust for Culture.
Mallinson, M. 2008. Suakin Coral Town Development Plan. Unpublished Plan/Report for Sudan's Na-
tional Corporation of Antiquities and Museums.
Mallinson, M. 2010. Suakin World Heritage Site Proposal background history and research. Unpub-
lished report.
Matthews, D.H. 1976. Red Sea Style. Dresden: VV Preiberg.
Oliver, P., 2006. Tout comfort: Culture and comfort (1986). In: Built to Meet Needs Cultural Issues in
Vernacular Architecture. London: Architectural Press.
PERGSA (the Regional Organisation for the Conservation of the Environment of the Red Sea and Gulf of
Aden). 2004. Strategic Action Plan 2004-14.
Salim, A.R. 1997. Suakin: On Reviving an Ancient Red Sea Port City. Traditional Dwellings and Set-
tlements Review, 8(2), pp. 63-74.
Taha, S. 2011. Suakin's sacred landscape: shrine visitation. In: Srgio Lira, Rogrio Amodda, Cristina
Pinherio (eds.), Sharing Cultures 2011, Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Intangible
Heritage, Tommar, Portugal 3-6 July. Barcelos, Portugal: Green Lines Institute.
Um, N. 2010. Reconsidering Red Sea Architecture: Building Traditions at the hinge between the Mediter-
ranean Sea and the Indian Ocean. Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Working Paper Series, 226,
pp. 37-60.
Um, N. 2011. Greenlaw's Suakin: The Limits of Architectural Representation and the Continuing Lives
of Buildings in Coastal Sudan. African Arts, 44(4), pp. 36-51.
UNESCO. 2006. Report and Recommendations on the Expert Meeting on Identification of Intangible Cul-
tural Heritage of Sudan, Khartoum 21-22 March 2006. Paris UNESCO.
UNESCO. 2007. Framework for Cultural Development in Sudan. Paris: UNESCO.
Suakin Museum Workshop. 2007. Unpublished Report on the Suakin Suakin Museum Workshop Discus-
sions, February 17-18 2007.
Vehbi, B.O., 2008. Conservation of the Cultural Built Heritage of the Walled City of Nicosia for Sustai-
nability, J. Al-Qawasmi, S. Elwazani and S. Malhis, eds. In: Responsibilities and Opportunities in
Architectural Conservation Theory, Education, and Practice, 3-4 November 2008 2008, The Third
International Conference of the Center for the Study of Architecture in the Arab Region (CSAAR), pp.
111-126.
Heritage 2012
1 WHY THE ARCHITECTURE OF AGGRESSION
1

The research group of the University of Seville HUM-799: Strategies for patrimonial knowledge, which is
linked to the Higher Technical School Of Architecture, is following a line of work related to the defensive
systems developed in the south Spain along history and their subsequent territorial establishment. The
most recent and not yet published research carried out by the group describes three architectural models
of territorial defense built along history, covering the period from the end of the Spanish Civil War to the
end of World War II with the defensive system built in Campo de Gibraltar from 1939 to 1945. In all
cases it is about approaches focused on the analysis of the military structures and their concentrated or
scattered distribution in the territory they are supposed to defend. Reflections about the patrimonial, sym-
bolic or landscape value of those battlefields appear only in a tangential way and it is the intention of this
proposal to deepen these aspects that are so suggestive and at the same time so forgotten in our cultural
expression.
A defensive system of the 20th century was chosen because of its extraordinary capacity to reconfigure
the territory: The continuous technical advances in artillery provoke the progressive and growing cons-
truction and dispersion of subterranean or camouflaged structures that cant be located or beaten by
enemy fire. Where there used to be a single defensive position, well visible and prominently situated in
the territory, now there are multiple means to connect each single one of them by transmissions as well as
by road traffic. Thus we wanted to reduce the objective of this presentation to a war scenario where new
horizons could be created through the fusion of the natural and the artificial, as it occurs throughout
Europe, where fortified fronts appear before and during World War II, like the Maginot Line or the Atlan-
tic Wall, and as happens in Spain with the surroundings of Madrid during the Civil War, the defensive
ensemble of the Pyrenees or the defensive ensemble of Campo de Gibraltar, which is the object of this
study. The quintessence of 20th century military construction -the bunker, fortn (literally small fort or
pillbox in English) or blocao (from the German Blockhaus)- converts itself by definition in the basic
structuring cell of those new landscapes: A tremendously efficient relation (maybe like it never existed
in any other construction) exists between the landscape (the big open spaces), the orography (beaches,
cliffs, mountains or plains) and men, derived both from the bunkers particular morphology and the rules
established by violence and war (Ruiz de Samaniego et al., 2008)
New technologies for inconvenient heritages: a defensive system
of the twentieth century as a case study
A. Atanasio Guisado
Estrategias de conocimiento patrimonial. University of Seville, Spain
ABSTRACT: The new communication technologies are definitely changing the rules of the game. With a
simple mouse click everyone can leave behind the conventional paradigm of being some products spec-
tator-receptor and become its player-producer. In this sense the Cultural Heritage must use this opportu-
nity to reach a model of comprehensive management that allows the research and valorization of the
object of study. A concrete case of application is presented here: The defense system at Campo de Gibral-
tar, built between 1939 and 1945, whose implied characteristics require the search for new strategies that
permit their adequate diffusion and marketing.
3 RESEARCH
With the date 22 of the current month and by telegram I said to Excellence el Generalsimo as follows
By order of Y.E.. fortification regiment number 4 was assigned to the garrisons of La Lnea, San Roque,
Tarifa, without having carried out any work so far, for not receiving explicit order to do so nor having
formulated plan of fortification. Seen the international incidents I submit resolution Y.E. convenience
that, and subject to approval of project, concrete machine gun nests are built as hidden as possible vision
Rock ()
I transmit for your knowledge (Archivo General Militar de vila, AGMA.a)
This is a postal telegram dated 25th April, 1939 and with the heading of the Commanding General of the
Southern Army, Gonzalo Queipo de Llano, addressed to the Commanding General of Engineers of the
General Headquarters of the Generalsimo in which he wants to transmit to him what he had previously
communicated to Franco, who by then already had been proclaimed Caudillo de Espaa. In the text figu-
re the two slopes that converged in Campo de Gibraltar: On the one hand the very recent end of the Civil
War and the necessary reorganization of the defense, on the other hand the probable commencement of
hostilities between the different European countries that would lead to World War II.
Thus the Fortification Regiment number 4 had been sent to La Lnea de la Concepcin by the General
Headquarters weeks before the Civil War ended officially on 1st April, 1939 the day Franco signed the
last military war dispatch-. As throughout its history, the Strait of Gibraltar was once again the key to the
beginning and the end of the battle, whether by the bombardments suffered in Ceuta, Algeciras or La
Lnea from Republican warships or by the passing of air convoys carrying National troops from Tetun to
the Tablada Airfield in Seville to avoid the naval blockade.
The response to the request for the fortification of the border with Gibraltar was immediate. On 1st of
May a postal telegram is sent to the Colonel of the Fortification Regiment number 4 transmitting the
orders received from Franco. The orders are very explicit with a general distribution scheme of the defen-
se facilities similar to the one that would be designed subsequently, but indicating the urgent necessity of
the works. For that purpose twelve sapper companies are assigned to Campo de Gibraltar by early May,
eight in the Algeciras Bay and another four in Tarifa, and the earthworks begin (AGMA.b) Finally some
days later the news arrive: a specific committee for the fortification of Campo de Gibraltar has been crea-
ted, the Comisin de Fortificacin de la Costa Sur (CFCSur). Under the presidency of general Pedro
Jevenois Labernade the basis of an overall configuration of the Campo de Gibraltar fortification system is
established: More than 21 settlements for coastal batteries are built, about 120 km of roads and military
tracks, an indeterminate number of antiaircraft settlements, more than 20 concrete shelters for searchlight
projectors pretended to watch the shipping traffic in the Strait and at last a whole defense system against
hostile landing at the coast, consisting of nearly 400 machine gun nests and/or anti-tank guns.
This idea turns out to be fundamental and sets another target for this research: It is necessary to unders-
tand the Campo de Gibraltar defense ensemble as a system with one single purpose, where each of its
components is part of the same network. Understanding them as individual objects the fortines lose part
of their relevant significance: they belong to an arranged whole according to some tactical principles.
3.1 Identification and protection
So the first fundamental question is the differentiation between the systems that each one of the imple-
mented devices belongs to. The notion bunkers of Campo de Gibraltar usually mentions the land front
and coastal defense systems machine gun nests or those for anti-tank guns, which by far are the most
numerous, but within the fortified ensemble existed also other types of networks like the antiaircraft bat-
teries or the coastal batteries that entailed their own annex constructions. In the case of antiaircraft defen-
se besides of the leveled area for the placement of the weapon, a subterranean shelter for troops or ammu-
nition could be built. In the case of coastal defense the architectural variety is wider: It included shelters
for troops, searchlight projectors, command and sentinel posts. The latter, which are easily recognized
due to the horizontal layout of their loophole open almost up to 180 , are defined occasionally as machine
gun nests, but they were initially designed for the work with a telemeter which didnt detract the possi-
bility to adapt them as a nest-. Eventually all these are an ensemble of elements that configure several
networks that generate the unique system established in the territory of Campo de Gibraltar.
At an institutional level the existence of one legal figure is standing out: The Plan of Defense Architecture
of Andalusia (PADA) by the Andalusian Governments Ministry Of Culture, where a defense system like
the one at Campo de Gibraltar perfectly fits. PADA advocates the consideration of all the defensive archi-
tecture of Andalusia as Bien de Inters Cultural, the highest figure of protection on regional and state
level, because of the regions borderline essence and its resulting historic and cultural consequences. The
20th century military architecture however is not implicitly included as a part of this defensive architectu-
re to be safeguarded.
We have to understand, as all the contemporary defense systems, the bunkers of Campo de Gibraltar are
the last representatives of aboveground military architecture, because of the progressive advancements in
aviation and artillery power. Its this evolution of the artillery that since the 18th century provokes the
gradual spreading and concealing of the facilities trying to prevent direct hits that destroy the entire garri-
son with just one shot. The defensive constructions around 1930-1940 are nothing but the culmination of
this progressive compartmentalization, transforming the concept of concealing and entrenchment into
material resistance through reinforced concrete. In this context its important to remember that these con-
crete structures are direct witnesses of a belligerent era. Witnesses that, in spite of having a function in
common, present a variety of rich and abundant forms, which makes it even more attractive to study
them.

Figure 2. Diversity of 20th century defensive architecture in Campo de Gibraltar
3.2 Documentation and registration
With the demarcation work of every subsystem starts the use of software for the application of Geogra-
phic Information Systems (GIS). The intention is to include all the information concerning the defense
ensemble of Campo de Gibraltar in one georeferenced cartography. This way we are able to include all
the data associated to every single catalogue element in a base planimetry on a territorial level, may it be
from field work or archived information. Eventually a tool is configured to carry out the study and inven-
tory of all the components of the Campo de Gibraltar defense system.
Heritage 2012
3.2.1 Existing material
Among the located plans of the ensemble the schematic representation of the territory turn out to be
common. In those times the drafting process consisted in manual tracing over a cartographic base inclu-
ding only the elements indispensable for localization at first sight. This implies certain difficulties when it
comes to analyze those maps, leading back to a manual superimposition of the base plans and the subse-
quent risk of inaccuracy. In this respect the Cartographic Institute of Andalusia (ICA) is the main contri-
butor to avoid this from happening in the present research work. It has abundant georeferenced material
at various scales that can serve us a territorial base for varying levels of approximation. From there on it
is only about adding shapes layers- to our archive, depending if we want to bring up one type of infor-
mation or another. Between the maps in use we point out the Topographical Map of Andalusia,
1:100.000 for representing a basic scale that is adequate for our ensemble. And then more especially the-
re is the Cartographic Map of Andalusia of The Greater German State at a scale of 1:50.000 implemen-
ted on paper from 1940 to 1944 and inserted into GIS by ICA, so it is georeferenced. This map provides
us a contemporary planimetric base for our ensemble projects which makes the process of cartographic
data input into the computer file enormously easier.
3.2.2 Computerization process
It is important to point out the difference between raster and vectorial cartography. The first one refers to
what we commonly consider a digital image, represented on a grid of equally sized cells, the pixels, per-
mitting only a limited data input. The second, the vectorial one is geometric information consisting of
points, lines or polygons, that allow us to associate the alpha numeric data we want to any object. While
the Topographical Map of Andalusia, 1:100.000 is vectorial cartography, the German Map is raster carto-
graphy that we will only use as planimetric base.
All the projects of the ensemble that are part of this work have been obtained from the Archivo Interme-
dio Militar Sur de Sevilla
2
(Intermediate Military Archive South of Seville). The projects have a structure
similar to the actual ones, where there are design brief, quantity determinations, budgets and plans. It is
custom that the orders that lead to the authoring of it are transcribed in the design brief in addition to a
brief summary of the fundamental characteristics of the planned elements and their corresponding justifi-
cation, which means a very valuable first recognition of the facility. For their part the plans normally have
a considerable length, nearly two meters in some cases, originally folded and bound to folio size. The
option to work with photographs of these documents is not feasible because of the loss of scale and pro-
portions that the presence of those creases implies. Therefore it is necessary to use a scanner to proceed
with the digitization of those plans that are most interesting for the purpose of this study. Once the docu-
ment is scanned conserving its real scale, and once it is georeferenced using the GIS software, we will
have a specific raster cartography of the fortification ensemble at Campo de Gibraltar. That means we
have a base cartography on which we can superimpose any kind of maps or plans that refer to the same
coordinate system. The next step is the digitalizacin (Spanish term used to define the creation process of
a vectorial object in GIS) of all the buildings to be catalogued, which will enable us to maintain the rela-
tion between the object and the system it belongs to.

Figure 3. Partial result of the digitization of the plans treated at the Intermediate Military Archive South
of Seville, with the German Map as base raster cartography. Each point represents a defense position.
3.3 Valuation and significance
Once recognized the state of the question it is the right moment to do an exercise of reflection that allows
us to configure a theoretical frame of general qualification of those defense systems. A frame that is trans-
latable to each of the specific systems. To do so we use the base created by Paul Virilio in his work Bun-
ker Archeology (Virilio, 1994), which is the main reference for interpreting possible patrimonial values of
20th century military architecture. Through texts and his own photos Virilio undertakes a valuable theore-
tical and practical approach to the Atlantikwall a defense system of fortifications set out by the Germany
of Hitler along the Atlantic coast, from Norway to France, to avoid the landing of allied troops during
World War II (observe the parallelism with the case of Campo de Gibraltar).
In Spain an article by Antonio Bonet Correa reviews Virilios work, summarizing in a single paragraph
all the interesting and valuable content, or at least part of it, that the French author finds in the bunkers of
the Atlantikwall:
Last examples of aboveground military architecture, because of their massive and compact forms as well
as their typological variety and abundance, and the symbolic character they contain (Bonet, 1976). This
synopsis is very useful to configure a steady theoretical frame for the possible value that 20th century
military constructions might have. Nevertheless it is considered opportune to add another point to the
ones cited before: The landscape (of war) which Virilio dedicated an entire photographic chapter to.
Besides, the landscape is a constant in Spanish reference books, all of them influenced by the French
author. With all this a theoretical frame is established with its roots in Virilios work, but pretending and
permitting to be translated to all the fortification facilities built during the European Civil War from 1914
to 1945 (Rodrguez de la Flor, 2000).
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3.3.1 The last aboveground military architecture
Historically the fortifications of World War II represent a turning point in the development of military
architecture. The overcoming of these defense systems symbolizes in a direct manner the new course of
the planet and its inhabitants towards new ways of conceiving territory, finally culminating in a worldwi-
de conception. The appearance of a third dimension in the battlefield as from the extraordinary technolo-
gical advances leads us to the fact that any place on the planet can be exposed to an attack, as demonstra-
ted with the bombings of Hamburg, Dresden, Hanover, London and many other cities.
While throughout the history of mankind military architecture has been and still is continuously studied
and revised, the constructions of the 20th century are getting removed from what would be a general
archive of European architecture (Mallory & Ottar, 1973). This absence is justified by the need of a tem-
poral perspective that maybe has to take place yet, but there are still very few initiatives to save these
types of buildings from neglect.
3.3.2 Landscapes of war
In times of war the bunkers were carved into the landscape, waiting for the arrival of the enemy from any
point of the deserted horizon (Deleuze & Guattari, 2002). Just as poliorcetic manuals point out: The for-
tress is the expression of power in the territory (de la Llave Garca, 1925). The importance is subse-
quently concluded that the military command gives to the knowledge of the land to get better and more
efficient defense systems, with dissemination and zoning of its facilities being a top priority, obliging not
to resist the projectile but to avoid it. The conjugation of all these principles finally generates a mesh, a
network overlaying the territory where the nodes are the fortifying elements and the infrastructures are the
guiding threads that unite them.
3.3.3 Function and form
This network of fortification facilities has one ultimate purpose, but not all of the fortines play the same
role within the defense ensemble and it is this role and the resulting program of necessities that designs
and builds the facility, being able to establish several bunker typologies depending on the different solu-
tions that are adopted. Besides the specific needs of each location make every bunker an object of almost
handcrafted design. Prepared to resist the most violent attacks it offers through its masking a space of pri-
vileged vision making it possible to see without being seen (Bonet Correa, 1976).
Morphologically contemporary fortines have to respond to extraordinary fire range and power, which
results in a set of frequent concepts in all the facilities: The monolithic design to prevent it from tilting at
an explosion, the softened forms to avoid the casting of shadows visible to aerial observation, or the abso-
lute sobriety due to the need of adjustment to its situation and a war economy demanding to multiply the
positions.
3.3.4 The symbolism of concrete bunkers
The fortn-object as such has transcended the strict functionality under which it was conceived at the
same time that the defensive ensemble formed by all of them has exceeded the magnitude of its historic
significance (Virilio, 1976). Nevertheless it doesnt seem enough for this 20th century fortification to
achieve acknowledgement, cataloguing and protection. One possible answer to this circumstance under-
lies in the discomfort that the bunkers still arouse.
It is understandable that they represent abominable objects since the moment of their construction. But on
the other hand any war object has to be understood from the proper dialectic of the battle: The attack and
the defense, the gun and the armor. Its not the loophole of the bunker that shoots, but the machine gun
that is leaning out of it. Thus the bunkers today, built throughout Europe around the different fronts of
World War II Dont they represent a defending armys more or less effective answer against an attac-
king one? Once the confrontation is over and from this undetermined but certain- moment on when this
temporal arch of susceptibility has been overcome, all war content is vacated from the bunker, which is
left behind out of its original context. Thats the moment when it gets rid of its inherent burden, or at least
when it assumes it, having to pass in this very instant to the group of defensive architecture worth of
attention.
4 ACTION
For evident practical reasons the phase of Intervention and Conservation within the value chain stays out
of this researchs reach. First of all its necessary to complete the cataloguing of all the items to be able to
research them and hence its required to complete the documentation transferred to Geographic Informa-
tion Systems. From here on this phase can be linked to the two subsequent ones that facilitate the possibi-
lity to create new diffusion and reflection platforms that attend the process of the items socialization and
thereby its perception and consistent conservation.
Nowadays the Spreading and Socialization phase must be the keystone of any heritage valorization and is
not yet treated in the traditional research methods. At present the progressive digitization of knowledge is
leading to its democratization (Darnton, 2010) with the aim to promote the knowledge and appreciation of
these cultural assets, facilitating their interpretation and encourage active participation. The possibilities
of geolocation and photographic tagging featured by mobile devices nowadays help to alleviate the diffi-
culties of physical access to many of these locations. Its during the steps preceding the definitive esta-
blishment of an operative network with entirely interrelated content when, from a methodical and prag-
matical point of view, it turns out to be essential again that all the information is fed into a territorially
linked database (namely a GIS platform).
As we have seen in the first two phases, which are rather linked to the Action concept, its necessary to
complete the inventory of assets to be able to conduct their valorization. In the case of the Impact and
Reflection phase its mainly about the exploitation of cultural tourism in a view to obtain the necessary
sustainability which is required in the preplanning of any intervention in cultural heritage. Thus we can
encounter the north american model of multiple signage (Diller & Scofidio, 1994) or other kinds of expe-
riences gained in other European countries where the abandoned bunkers, that stake out of the beaches are
resting on the terrain and among them for instance the south of Spain- but simultaneously being unders-
tood as war objects. They configure themselves as authentic milestones and mark the points that configu-
re another territory and a different geography, the new geography of war tourism.
5 A SIMPLE EXAMPLE OF DIFFUSION
In their work Back to the front tourisms of war (Diller & Scofidio, 1994) the authors compare the profile
of a soldier to that of a tourist in an ironic way making an exhaustive analysis of each single item that
constitutes the equipment of both types of traveller. Only eighteen years later its possible to substitute
more than one third of the tourists equipment by one single object: The mobile phone. Without a doubt
dictionaries, film and video cameras, etc stay behind; for someone more habitual with the handling of the
new devices (smartphones or tablet computers with internet connection) even the travel guide, flight tic-
kets, magazines, daily press, pocketbook, etc. If the current progressive tendency continues, the usage of
these devices will be widely spread and any person will be able to obtain information about a patrimonial
element through a technology that includes GPS systems that are increasingly accurate
3
.
It is obviously that in order to transfer information onto a mobile device it has to be generated beforehand,
but never before were we so close to the possibility of making this work known and of socializing this
knowledge. The only prerequisite in our case is the necessity to use georeferenced databases for the con-
junction between the content and its coordinates to be immediate. From there on there are multiple ways
to perform the information transfer to more accesible formats.
In this case we opted for the QRcode, a barcode of Japanese origin that can be easily generated at no cost
in internet and that can also be read by various cost-free applications that are available for all kinds of
mobile operating systems for smartphones and tablets. Once it is read the QRcode will lead us to a web
page, for example.

Heritage 2012
ENDNOTES
1
Mention is made of Keith Mallory and Arvid Ottars book title, who presented an early work that beca-
me a reference for the recognition of contemporary military architecture as such.
2
Proyecto de entretenimiento de las obras de campaa construidas en el Campo de Gibraltar y sectores
de Cdiz y Almera, 3982 1, 18/57 y 18/58. Proyecto de construccin de 58 Obras de campaa corres-
pondientes al plan defensivo del Campo de Gibraltar, 3981, 6, 17/54 a 17/60. Proyecto de entreteni-
miento de los caminos militares terminados en el Campo de Gibraltar para 1944, 3984, 8, 22/55.
3
The World Mobile Congress 2012 was held in Barcelona in late February of 2012 and a quick look at
the innovations the big network and communication companies presented there can give us an idea of the
way that is still to go in terms of this technology.
REFERENCES
Archivo General Militar de vila, Documentacin Nacional, Legajo 475, Carpeta 8, Armario 10, n 2.
Archivo General Militar de vila, Documentacin Nacional, Legajo 475, Carpeta 8, Armario 10, n 4 y 5.
Arvalo Rodrguez, F; Atanasio Guisado, A; Molina Rozalem F.J. 2011. Tres modelos arquitectnicos de
defensa territorial en el sur peninsular (not published yet).
Azkarate Garai-Olaun, A. 2010. Archeologia dellarchitettura in Spagna, Archeologia dellrchitettura
(ed. Brogiolo, G.P), Florence.
Bonet Correa, A. 1976. El bnker, monumento funerario al delirio nazi, Triunfo, 685, 36-38.
Brea, J.L. 2007. Cultura_RAM, Barcelona: Gedisa editorial.
Cojean, A. 2011. Digitalizar es democratizar, Arquitectura viva, 135, Madrid.
Criado, F. 1996. Hacia un modelo integrado de gestin de investigacin y gestin del Patrimonio Hist-
rico: la cadena interpretativa como propuesta, Boletn del Instituto Andaluz del Patrimonio Histrico,
16, Sevilla: Conesejera de Cultura de la Junta de Andaluca.
Darnton, R. 2010. Las razones del libro. Futuro, presente y pasado. Madrid: Trama Editorial.
Deleuze, G. & Guattari, F. 2002 Tratado de Nomadologa: la mquina de guerra Mil Mesetas. Capita-
lismo y esquizofrenia. Valencia: Pre-textos, 358-431.
Diller, E. & Scofidio, R. 1994. Back to the front tourisms of war, Paris: FRAC Basse Normandie, Prince-
ton Architectural Press.
Franco Bahamonde, F. 1944. ABC de la batalla defensiva, Madrid Imprenta del SG Ejrcito.
de la Llave Garca, J. et al. 1925. Reglamento para la instruccin tcnica relativa a los trabajos de fortifi-
cacin y castrametacin propios de las tropas de zapadores minadores. Madrid: Estado Mayor Central
del Ejrcito, Imprenta Cervantina.
Mallory, K. & Ottar, A. 1973. Architecture of aggression. A history of military architecture in North West
Europe 1900-1945. Hampshire: Architectural Press.
Rodrguez de la Flor, F. 2000. Blocao, arquitecturas de la era de la violencia, Madrid: Biblioteca Nueva
Ruiz de Samaniego et al. 2008. Atlantikwall, arquitecturas blicas de las playas del oeste. Madrid: Maia
y Fundacin Seoane.
Virilio, P. 1994. Bunker Archeology. New York: Princeton Architectural Press.
Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
In March 2000, a sixty-second television commercial became an overnight phenomenon and
sparked a worldwide debate on the nature and spirit of the Canadian identity. The commercial
was crafted to promote one of Canadas top-selling beers, Molson Canadian, which since the
early 1990s had been marketed using the tagline, I am Canadian. The commercial utilized the
phrase at the conclusion of a minute-long rant by a typical beer-loving Canadian named Joe.
Canada is the second largest landmass, Joe patriotically yelled as the advertisement ap-
proached its end, the first nation of hockey, and the best part of North America My name is
Joe and I am Canadian! The Joe Rant emerged as a passionate declaration of national pride
and a definitive piece of popular culture.
The fact that the advertisement resonated so deeply with Canadians has been seen as evidence
of the profound link between beer and the national identity. Beer is to Canada what wine is to
France, vodka is to Russia, tequila is to Mexico, Ouzo is to Greece, and sake is to Japan. We
are, and have always been, in the words of one prominent public thinker, a beer-drinking na-
tion.
The privileged place of beer in Canadian society is supported by recent statistics. Today, the
Canadian brewing industry is the largest component of the alcohol beverage sector, followed by
distillery products, with the wine industry a distant third. Canada is the eighth largest exporter
of beer in the world. At home, an estimated twelve million Canadians drink beer more than
one half of the adult population. These numbers give grist to the mill of those who view beer as
Canadas national drink and therefore intertwined with the national identity and Canadas
intangible heritage.
"A Moderate Drink, for a Moderate People": Canadian beer ad-
vertising and the rise of a beer-drinking nation, 1918-1939
M. J. Bellamy
Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada
ABSTRACT: Canada was not always a beer-drinking nation. Only in 1925 did the level of per
capita beer consumption surpass that of hard liquor. At no time since has the consumption of
distilled spirits or wine been equal to, or greater than, the per capita yearly consumption of beer.
The question that this paper explores is why? What factors led to the rise of a beer-drinking na-
tion, and what role did the brewers advertising campaign play in determining drinking patterns
and consumer behaviour? While there are admittedly material factors that help explain what al-
coholic beverages Canadians chose to consume after 1918, these factors alone do not tell the
whole story. This paper will highlight the discursive formations giving rise to a nation of
beer-drinkers and the corresponding business rationales for its promotion. It is informed by Mi-
chel Foucault's interest in the practical field of discursive deployment and the law of exis-
tence of statements that occur in historically specific contexts.
But was this always the case? How Canadian is beer? When did beer become an identity
marker, an expression of ones Canadian-ness and why? That is, when, why and how did beer
first become an emblem of Canadian national identity as well as a mediator of sociality?
While there are admittedly material factors that help explain what alcoholic beverages Cana-
dians decided to consume after 1925 (e.g. increased immigration from beer-drinking nations),
these factors alone do not tell the whole story. This paper will highlight the discursive forma-
tions giving rise to a nation of beer-drinkers and the corresponding business rationales for its
promotion. It is informed by Michel Foucault's interest in the practical field of discursive dep-
loyment and the law of existence of statements that occur in historically specific contexts.
Prohibition and the post-repeal years provided a singular set of circumstances that enabled the
rise and consolidation of a discursive framework concerning the ethical and normative dimen-
sions of alcohol consumption. The guardians of true temperance -- i.e. the brewers -- aimed to
re-make the image of their product into something good and to regulate personal conduct and
construct subjective identities. The board-based embrace of moderationist discourse -- advanc-
ing notions of proper drinking, tolerance and citizenship -- is reflected in what Nikolas Rose
calls a technique of the self, a mode of self-regulation that produces individual subjectivities
aligned with larger social and political objectives. This paper explores the role of the brewers
advertising campaign, and commercial consumption in general, in constituting the forms of dis-
cursive knowledge and accompanying truths that led to the rise of a nation of beer-drinkers.
This paper therefore does not seek to make the case that beer has always been part of the Ca-
nadian-ness of the Canadian people. For much of Canadian history the issue of beer, brewing
and beer-drinking divided the population more or less down the middle. Indeed, for a period of
roughly a decade, the production and retail sale of beer was prohibited in Canadian society. Ra-
ther, by analyzing the brewers interwar advertising campaign, the paper explores the discur-
sive practices underlying the changing patterns of liquor consumption and the making of a na-
tional culture that not only tolerated but celebrated the consumption of beer.
2 THE INTANGIBLE HERITAGE OF DRINK
Why do some beverages hold special places in the collective imagination of a nation and others
do not? That is, why are some beverages intertwined with the national identity, and thereafter
part of the intangible heritage of a nation, while others are seen as foreign, the beverages of
others and therefore divested of their cultural capital?
The answer lies in the dynamic relationship between identity and drink. It has become fa-
shionable of late to view identity as a persons own definition in terms of group membership,
which entails inter-group behaviour, or the identification of a person with the values, ideals and
manners of a group (Turner, 1994). Notably, identities are constructed through differences with
others, and the aim is to achieve collective self-esteem and group solidarity. Social theorists, es-
pecially those working in the field of intangible heritage, claim that identity is crucial to all
people: it allows one to situate oneself and the Other, to give a sense to existence, and to order
the world; it forges norms and values (Lira et al, 2011) Identity contributes to how individuals
and groups perceive and construct society, how they give meaning, and how they act, react,
think, work, judge, socialize, rejoice, eat and drink. They do so by referring to social, cultural,
economic and political conditions and while so doing, affect the world in which they live.
Traditional identity has been viewed as something stable and therefore transcendental. But
defining identity this way is full of problems. If we are to see identity as something more dy-
namic, then perhaps a better way to conceive of it is as an act of identification. Identification is
more than just sharing the common characteristics of a group or an ideal; it is a never-ending
process of construction, or, perhaps even fantasy incorporation (Hall, 2006). In this view,
identification is dynamic, operating through language and practice, or more appropriately, be-
cause of the interconnection between language and practice, through discourse and narratives
(in the sense of how people think, tell and write about their lives). Through language, people in-
ternalize the attitudes of a group and they integrate and explain experiences, memories and ex-
pectations. Through practice, people participate vividly in the attitudes and rituals of the groups.
It is thus deeply rooted in the intangible heritage of a nation/people.
Heritage 2012
How does drink relate to the processes of identification? The short answer, according to soci-
ologists, is that drinking relates because it is much more than a biological act. Drinking, like eat-
ing, crosses the border between the outside and the inside, and this principle of incorpora-
tion - as Claude Fischler terms it - touches upon the very nature of a person and ties them to
a larger community. The incorporation is the basis of collective identity. Because people ab-
sorb drink, they seize the opportunity to demarcate their own group and concomitantly, those of
the other. People drinking similar beverages are trustworthy, good, familiar, and safe; but
people drinking unusual drinks are to be distrusted, viewed with suspicion and even disgust
(Fischler, 1988).
This is certainly the case in France where one drink in particular, wine, holds a special place
in French culture. For the French, wine is what Roland Barthes has termed a totem drink,
commonly drunk by those of every social class. In the same way that a primitive totem united
all those who worshiped it, so the totem of wine in France unites those who share and serve its
special meaning. Wine-drinking in France is an assertion of the national way of life. As Barthes
notes, a Frenchman who kept this myth [of wine] at arms length would expose himself to
minor but definite problems of integration (Barthes, 1973). Drinking wine remains a national
technique with its associated sociability, self-control and culture of moderation defining an
important part of what it means to be French. For French people, wine, or more precisely the
love of good wines, characterizes French-ness in much the same way as being born in France,
fighting for liberty or speaking French. As a result, in 2010 UNESCO declared the gastronomic
meal of the French, which included the pairing of food with wine as a part of the intangible
cultural heritage of humanity.
What historians have added to our understanding of the relationship between drink and the
processes of identification and intangible heritage is that this relationship is itself a product of
time and space. Drinks have often played different roles at different times in the same place, and
the same roles at the same time in different places. For instance, after World War Two, as Diane
Kirby demonstrates, wine replaced beer as the Australian nations alcoholic beverage of choice
and in the process not only transformed the Australian economy but helped create a new nation-
al identity as well (Kirby, 2006). The domestic wine industry played a significant part in creat-
ing a culture that celebrated the consumption of wine. It was a similar story in Britain during the
eighteenth century when members of the brewing industry, the artistic community, and the gov-
ernment came together to promote the consumption of domestically-produced beer over the
consumption of foreign-made gin.
In all of these places business played a significant role in the process of identification. More
often than not their actions were intuitive rather than highly calculated and, more often than not,
they helped foster/reinforce the relationship between drink and identity through the used of ad-
vertisements. As the historian David E. Nye points out, not only do advertisements shape val-
ues, mould roles, and effectively promote needs but they also mirror otherwise unspoken as-
sumptions about the social order (Nye , 1985). In this way advertisements not only constitute
but also are constituted by the dominant social ethos. An effective ad, like other forms of com-
munication, therefore, works best when it strikes a chord in the needs and desires, fears and
hopes of the receiving agent. In short, ads have cultural power, and therefore should not be ig-
nored when seeking to understand why certain consumer objects become intertwined with iden-
tity.
If one reviews the list of foods and drinks that UNESCO has declared as part of the intangible
cultural heritage of humanity - be it the Mediterranean diet, traditional Mexican cuisine, or the
gastronomic meal of the French two material factors become evident: (1) the food and/or
drink is made of raw materials harvested locally/domestically and (2) a long, significant and on-
going tradition of making and enjoying these domestically-produced drinks encourages a sense
of identity and responsibility which helps individuals to feel part of one or more different com-
munities and to feel part of society at large.
In Canada beer has served this role, on and off, since the founding of Quebec City in 1608.
What is unique about the Canadian case however is that the culture of brewing, beer and beer-
drinking has often been contested. It would be incorrect therefore to state that brewing and beer-
drinking have always fostered a sense of Canadian-ness. Prior to the end of the First World War,
the act of beer-drinking and beer-making divided the population more or less down the middle,
wet vs dry, and those people that did drink, more often than not drank something other than
beer. Only after the First World War did Canadians start to see something sacred in the con-
sumption of beer.
3 BEFORE A BEER-DRINKING NATION
For most of Canadian history, the alcoholic beverage of choice was not beer. During the Ancien
Rgime brandy and wine filled most of the mugs of French-Canadians. Brandy was particularly
popular. In fact, so much brandy was consumed during the first half of seventeenth century that
it impeded the progress of the colony. Widespread drunkenness abounded in New France. In an
attempt to wean the population off brandy, Jean Talon, the chief administer of New France be-
tween 1668 and 1675, constructed a state-of-the-art brewery. Fully state-owned and controlled,
the Brasserie du Roy operated in a protected environment devoid of competition and with unli-
mited access to raw materials, capital and markets. Yet in less than a decade the brewery went
bankrupt, principally because there was no demand for beer in the colony prior to the English
conquest of Quebec in 1759 (Ferland, 2004).
It was a similar story in British North America. When the English author and traveler James
S. Buckingham arrived on the east coast in 1843, the level of alcohol consumption immediately
struck him. But it was not beer that was being copiously consumed. Rather the drink of choice
among the English-speaking inhabitants was whiskey, brandy and/or rum. Buckingham did not
have much that was favourable to say about the drinking population. In his view British North
America had a disproportionate number of booze-soaked blasphemers. He was particularly
appalled by the drunken behavior of his Canadian traveling companions. Though we had been
often disgusted with the tobacco-chewing passengers we had encountered in the steamboats and
state-coaches of America, he carped, we would willingly have taken the worst of them in ex-
change for the drunken, profane, and still more disgusting brandy-drinkers, with whose oaths
and imprecations, idiot stares, and unmeaning laughter, we were shocked beyond measure
(Buckingham, 1843).
The nature of life in British North America was such that it increased the temptation to drink.
Numerous instances are recorded of the prevalence of whiskey at the logging bees and the
raising bees -- i.e. the communal events that saw the clearing of land and the erecting of
buildings on the frontier. The most important person at these gatherings was the whiskey boss
who was responsible for serving the spirits to the thirsty workers. Susanna Moodie, who moved
from London, England to the Upper Canadian frontier with her husband in 1832, wrote soberly
about the predominance of hard liquor in the rough Canadian bush. A teetotaler herself, Moodie
understood that the only way to get frontiersmen to show up for her logging bee was to have
plenty of whiskey available. I had prepared for them the best fare that could be procured in
the bush. Pea-soup, legs of pork, venison, eel, and raspberry pies, garnished with plenty of pota-
toes, and whiskey to wash them down, (Moodie, 1852).
When Sir Richard Bonnycastle visited Canada in 1846 he noted that whiskey and very atro-
cious brandy were the only beverages excepting water that could be procured along the country
roads (Bonnycastle, 1846). In the inns, taverns and grog-shops, Canadian men, women and
children consumed an annual average of three gallons of whiskey (Clemens, 1972). Since it is
inconceivable that all women and children consumed their annual average, it must be assumed
that the percentage imbibed by the men was proportionately higher. There were few moderate
drinkers who could restrict themselves to four glasses of whiskey a day. Thus, a preference for
distilled spirits lasted well into the nineteenth century, especially as French brandy and West In-
dian rum become more widely available and local whiskey production took off (Heron, 2003).
If there was any doubt that the Canadian drink was something other than beer, those doubts
were cast aside along the road to Confederation. At the two meetings held in 1864 the Charlot-
tetown conference and the Quebec Conference -- to discuss Canadian Confederation, the dele-
gates drank enormous amounts of whiskey, sherry, brandy and champagne, but very little beer.
The most powerful figure at these conferences was John A. Macdonald. Elected as Canadas
first prime minister in 1867, Macdonald loved his whiskey. Indeed his biographer, the eminent
Canadian historian Donald Creighton, called him a two bottle man, by which he meant two
bottles of whiskey a day. A brilliant politician who set the genetic code for all successful Cana-
dian prime ministers after him, Macdonald was given to excessive drinking. At the Quebec con-
Heritage 2012
ference, for instance, Macdonald was nearly always drunk. On one occasion he had been found
in his hotel room intoxicated, with a rug thrown over his nightshirt, practicing Hamlet in a
looking glass (Martin, 2006) Macdonalds affinity for strong drink was widely known to the
press and to the public. Canadas first cartoonist, J.W. Bengough, often caricatured Macdonald
with bottle of whiskey in hand. Admittedly it was a time before the popular belief that any press
is good press. Nevertheless, if there were ever a case to be made for a drink being intertwined
with the national identity, certainly the picture of a Canadian prime minister thrusting a bottle of
distilled spirits into the air would be it.
For the rest of the century, Canadians continued to drink more spirits than beer. Indeed it was
not until 1925 that more beer than hard alcohol was consumed. In 1869, Canadians on a per ca-
pita basis were consuming 2.29 gallons of beer and 1.25 gallons of distilled spirits. Then, as
now, there was less alcohol by volume in a glass of beer as there is in a similar size glass of hard
liquor. Indeed, the extant data suggests that a typical beer of the time contained 5% alcohol by
volume while a glass of rum, brandy, whiskey or any other form of hard liquor contained at
least 40% alcohol by volume. Based on these figures one can calculate how many units of alco-
hol exist in a given quantity of liquid, and express this as units of drink or standard drinks.
When this conversion is made, we can see that, in 1869, Canadians were actually drinking over
three and half times the amount of distilled alcohol than they were beer. On the eve of the First
World War, Canada was still not a beer nation. In 1914, Canadians were consuming 77.4 stan-
dard drinks of beer and 88.5 standard drinks of hard liquor. But that changed after the wars
end. By 1925 Canadians were consuming 4.82 gallons of beer or 64 standard drinks and only
.25 gallons of spirits or 26.6 standard drinks. At no time since that year have Canadians con-
sumed more hard liquor than beer in any given year. By 1962, Canadians were consuming 150
standard drinks of beer (13.57 gallons) and only 77 standard drinks of hard liquor (0.87 gallons).
Thus it was during the 1920s that beer first became the alcoholic drink of choice of Canadians.
So how and why did this happen?
4 MAKING BEER CANADIAN: ROOTING BEER IN THE LAND
During the interwar period, the brewers of the nation sought to make their product part of the
cultural fabric of the nation. They did this by associating their product with the land, tapping in-
to the anti-modernism of the period so as to sanitize their product from the problems of the city
which had for so long, been associated with the bar and drunkenness. They aimed at having the
beer seen in a new, positive light and as something healthy and quintessentially Canadian.
The land held a special place in the hearts and minds of Canadians during the interwar period.
The land/countryside was seen in a romantic light. The countryside was considered a sanctuary
from the dangers and chaos of the modern urban world, and its products were seen as natural,
authentic, and pure. This back-to-the-land anti-modern sentiment was manifested in a varie-
ty of cultural manifestations of the period, from the paintings of the Group of Seven (Jessup,
2002), to the writings of Harold Adams Innis (Evenden, 1999), to the quest for a rustic fisher-
folk in Nova Scotia (McKay, 1994), to the creation of summer camps in Ontario (Wall, 2009),
and to the establishment of national parks (MacEachern, 2001). It was also manifested in the
advertisements of brewers and helps to explain why the brewers succeeded in their effort to get
Canadians to (re)imagine beer as a quintessentially Canadian drink.
The brewers tied their product to the land in two interrelated but separate ways. First, in their
advertisements they portrayed people (who were always white, and often rural, and pre-modern)
on the farm, in the country, near a lake or river, at a cottage, or in a park, but never in a beve-
rage room or social club in the city. If you want to make a fishing trip a success, an adver-
tisement for Frontenac beer advised, you must look after your friends comfort. Whatever the
catch may have been they will be ready for a good meal and a few bottles of a delightful sum-
mer drink. Many other brewers used the same strategy and imagery. For example, during the
1920s and 1930s Molson Brewery, one of Canadas largest beer manufacturers, gave away
promotional calendars with depictions of countrified and communal settings positioned above a
romantic text that read: The Ale your Great Grandfather Drank. Sometimes the images used
were reproductions of original paintings. The calendar page for January 1931, for instance, used
a reproduction of a painting by Cornelius Krieghoff, who was perhaps the most popular Cana-
dian painter of the nineteenth century. The painting was a depiction of a mid-nineteenth century
winter ball at a Quebec country inn. The anti-modernism text that Molson had written to ac-
company the picture read:

Without motors or radios, life in Quebec was merry, the costumes colorful, en-
tertainment popular. With its shorter days of greater leisure and longer nights,
winter was the season of festivities. Verbal invitations were passed around and
friends and neighbours would gather, some in city sleighs, some in bright co-
loured berlots and others in village-made traineaux. Men wore overcoats, gen-
erally white or grey homespun, with a bright ceinture flche. An abundance
of tasty food, the product of the countryside, and a variety of drinks were served
at supper, and after refreshments the violin reigned supreme.

The antimodernist language and imagery utilized by Molson and other Canadian brewers was
aimed at distancing their product from the perceived problems of the city (e.g. civil unrest,
white slavery, drunkenness). By linking beer, brewing and beer-drinking to rural folk and coun-
try places, brewers like Molson aimed to sanitize their product and to make it more appealing to
mainstream Canadians.
The second way that the brewers tied their product to the land was by emphasizing that it was
made of natural ingredients gathered from the land. This allowed them to claim that beer was a
natural product that was rooted in the land and by implication in the cultural heritage of the
nation. In a series of ads entitled A Canadian Ale, for Canadian People, the Dominion Bre-
wery noted that its beer was made with raw materials harvested from the land and drawn from
the lakes, rivers and streams: fresh water, barley and hops. Similarly Carling Brewery claimed
that its beer was made from Canadas finest barley and choice hops. During the 1920s, Bern-
hardts Brewery issued postcards of its brewery in a country setting. Below the peaceful image
ran the text: Where hops and malt and sparkling water are made into Bernhardts celebrated
lager. OKeefes ales, lagers and stouts were the result of the scientific blending of natures
gift -- malt and hops. In Alberta, the Silver Spray Brewing Company boasted that its beer was
manufactured from the best natural products -- Canadian Malt and Choicest Hops.
The brewers advertisements tapped into an underlying cultural logic. At a time when Cana-
dians were searching for uniquely Canadian ideas, events, experiences and commodities -- the
makers of a national identity -- the brewers served up their product as an authentic piece of
Canadiana. By associating their product with nature and the environment, they staked out a
place in the hearts and minds of Canadians. They sought to strike only those notes that would
evoke a positive resonance.
5 REMAKING THE IMAGE OF BEER AS GOOD
In an effort to get Canadians to re-image beer in positive terms, the brewers aggressively pro-
moted beer as a good, pure, wholesome and moderate drink. The advertisements that
appeared in the popular press in the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s were remarkable in that they were
not so much designed to carve out a greater market share for one particular brand vis--vis
another. Rather, the objective of these ads seems to have been to appeal to the majority of Eng-
lish Canadians who were middle-class, white, Anglo-Saxon and Protestant, exactly those indi-
viduals who, during the First World War, had either explicitly or tacitly supported prohibition,
and did not drink. Thus these ads were a part of the brewers campaign to keep Canada wet and
designed to change the thoughts and feelings of Canadians towards beer.
One of the successful strategies that the drys had used to steer people clear of beer was to ar-
gue that there was no discernible difference between beer, wine and spirits. Together, in the
words of the editor of the Acton Free Press, these drinks were the three poisons. Each was
capable of causing despair, depravity, violence, and decline. Whether in the form of beer, wine
or spirits, noted another prohibitionist, alcohol poisons those higher centres of the brain which
control the moral faculties, such as patience, kindness, unselfishness, generosity, to a serious ex-
tent, before the other faculties are much affected.
Heritage 2012
Having watched passively as statements like these appeared in the national press during the
first and second decade of the twentieth century, the brewers of the nation shot back at the end
of World War I. In advertisements across the nation, the brewers painted a profoundly different
picture of life with beer, at work, at home and at play. For working Canadians, beer was pro-
moted as being healthful, beneficial, nutritious in the winter, and refreshing and thirst-
quenching in the summer. A glass now and then during the day, promised the Silver Spray
Brewery in Calgary, imparts strength and energy. The Edmonton Brewing & Malting Compa-
ny claimed that its beer was the right beverage to build up strength, health, and happiness. In
Ontario, OKeefe Brewery promised working Canadians that when they were fagged after the
days work, nothing is so bracing as a glass of Imperial Ale, Lager and Stout. In a subsequent
advertisement, OKeefe guaranteed that its beer put life into tired, aching limbs. Mildly sti-
mulating, the advertisement continued, the tonic and food properties act as an antidote to the
worries of the day. Thus, contrary to the claims of prohibitionists, the brewers maintained that
beer was not the cause of inefficiency, unhappiness and physical decline. Rather it was uplifting
to the individual and thereby beneficial to the nation.
Time and again in the advertisements of the period, the brewers used the words whole-
some, good, pure and clean to describe their ales, stouts and lagers. By describing beer
in these terms, the brewers were appropriating the language of the prohibitionists. Many of the
prohibitionists were part of the larger social purity movement, which not only sought to sup-
press sexuality and vice (i.e. intemperance), but also to create a nation whose ethical identity
was consonant with the values of middle-class, white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant Canada. Since
the 1880s they had voiced their concerns about prostitution, immigration, racial impurity, the
threat of the city, and the consumption of liquor. In the minds of these moral reformers these
running sores of the human family -- especially prostitution and intemperance -- festered in
the urban bars and taverns where booze was served. They saw society as a body, an organic
whole. In the collective view, liquor polluted the purity of the individual, and the drunkard
compromised the wholesomeness of society (Valverde, 1991). Drink is a cancer, a racial poi-
son and a national curse, stated one prohibitionist organization.
Those prohibitionists within the social purity movement viewed things that were Godly and
Christian as: good, clean, pure and wholesome. Liquor was none of these things.
When the prohibitionist talked about liquor he/she described it as: impure, unclean unplea-
sant, foul, poisonous, lethal, rank and toxic. No distinction was made between beer,
wine or hard liquor. In the period between the wars, however, the brewers utilized the language
of the social purists and prohibitionists to sell beer and beer-drinking to the majority of Cana-
dians. Labatts beer, for instance, was sold as good for ones body and soul. Vancouver Bre-
weries Cascade beer was an absolutely pure, mild and wholesome beverage OKeefe claimed
that its beers were pure, wholesome and delicious. Rock Brewery in Preston, Ontario main-
tained that its beer was pure and free from drugs and poisons. Sounding a similarly purist
chord, Frontenac brewery in Montreal marketed its beer as wholesome, delicious and nutri-
tious. Not to be outdone, the oldest of Canadas breweries proclaimed: Molsons famous ale is
so pure and wholesome and good for you.
6 CONSTITUTING A MODERATE DRINK AND A MODERATE PEOPLE
If beer were to become the alcoholic drink of Canadians, the brewers understood that people
would have to drink differently. The pre-prohibition period had seen too much drunkenness, too
much drinking to excess. No one wanted to see the return of the working-class saloon, complete
with its perceived attendant vices of gambling, prostitution, rowdiness and other improper beha-
viour. The brewers had long maintained that beer was not the problem after all it was a tem-
perance drink. Different brewers used different phrases to capture this fact. Cosgraves bre-
wery, for example, proudly stated that its pale ale was mild. OKeefes light beer in the light
bottle, on the other hand, was mildly stimulating and truly temperate. John Labatt pro-
moted his beer as moderately invigorating. Thus, the brewers maintained, it wasnt their
product but the over-indulgent consumer that was the trouble. Let us again regard the drinker
as the problem, the brewers stated in an ad that appeared in the late 1930s, not the drink.
There was nothing new about the advocacy that emerged between the wars, except for the all-
important fact that it took place on the backdrop of the failed noble experiment. Within this
context, the brewers saw a new opportunity to promote their product as the only truly tempe-
rate drink. Prohibition had proven that people would always consume alcohol, even when legal
obstacles were put in their way. We submit, stated the brewers in a lengthy opinion piece that
appeared in the press in 1937, that the folly of trying to make people sober by law has been so
clearly demonstrated already that no sane person could wish to try that experiment again. In-
stead, they contended in another ad that appeared a few months later, the way to get modera-
tion is to make the drinking of small quantities of mildly stimulating beverages both legal and
public!
Given that the history of prohibition all over the world has proven that words in a statue
book will not change the tastes and preferences of men, the brewers took it upon themselves to
teach the gospel value of moderation. People were going to drink; the only question was what
would they consume, and how would they do it. In making their case that Canadians should
drink beer moderately and responsibly, the brewers tapped into the discourse on individual li-
berty, with its emphasis on public education, self-regulation, moderation and self-control. The
strategy was first used in Quebec where, as early as 1918, the brewers felt it was necessary to
kill the prejudice that beer and wine are poisons, the same as whiskey. The brewers maintained
that, unlike hard liquor, beer was a weaker drink. Its relatively low (i.e. moderate) level of al-
cohol distinguished it from harmful spirits like brandy, whiskey and rum. Hard liquor, in the
words of F.H. Bell, a one-time brewing industry lawyer who headed a committee to re-legalize
beer sales in Nova Scotia after the war, was poisonous stuff. According to Bell, the consump-
tion of distilled spirits needed to be prohibited along with the use of morphine and other drugs.
Beer, on the other hand, because of its moderate properties, should be available for widespread
consumption in public.
The emphasis on public drinking was a new twist on an old argument. Only by drinking pub-
licly, the brewers maintained, would one learn the rituals and habits of drinking responsibly
something that all decent citizens should know. Drinking, like eating and smoking, was a so-
cial custom - determined by the cultural norms and ideals of a society. Prohibition, they main-
tained, had deprived a whole generation of the opportunity of learning moderation. Any insis-
tence that the consumption of these wholesome, mildly stimulating beverages should only take
place in private behind shut doors, a 1937 brewers advertisement stated, cannot give people
the opportunity to learn to use them sanely, decently and to their own advantage. The brewers
were sanguine that in public places, under proper control, education would begin and public
opinion would discourage anyone from drinking to excess.
Moderation was the key. It was a way of life, a means of reconciling the tension between self-
indulgence and social wellbeing, between the pursuit of pleasure and deferred gratification.
Wisdom through the ages had shown that the lasting enjoyment of the pleasure of life depended
on moderation, an ethos and approach to drinking which was largely absent during the age of
excess that saw prohibition in Canada. The ideal citizen understood his obligations to communi-
ty and country, and reflected these by being moderate in his thinking and moderate in his ac-
tions, which included drinking. In A Dialogue on Moderation ideal citizen Mr. B. told an
agreeable Mr. A. that moderation means the avoiding of extremes, being temperate in con-
duct. Moderation was a call to drink less of a good thing - i.e. beer. Preserving these ideals
of personal freedom would require ongoing vigilance and self-control. That, in the discourse of
the period, was the drinkers obligation. In the service of this cause was moderation, now ele-
vated to one of the chief safeguards of Canadian democracy. By being moderate in their think-
ing and actions, drinkers were doing their part in maintaining democracy and personal liberty.
The discourse was in keeping with the calls for political moderation by Stephen Leacock and
others in the late 1920s and 1930s in which liberalism was reframed in pragmatic terms. Mod-
eration would defy intemperance, invoking virtues of self-control in defense of beer drinking.
Tolerance and freedom would go hand-in-hand, refusing government interference in the lives of
every day citizens by establishing the right to drink moderately and responsibly as part of Cana-
dian culture. Nothing was demanded of those who chose not to imbibe other than the recogni-
tion that one was free to do so.
The brewers moderation advertising generated positive feedback from the public and the
press. Executives at Labatts and Molsons received thousands of complimentary letters for their
Heritage 2012
defense of a citizens right to drink moderately. A Canadian Business article in 1940 noted how
the brewers ad had revolutionized relations between a producer of goods and the public by
advocating moderation in all things. A Readers Digest that appeared at about the same time
reprinted a number of the brewers moderation ads as examples of the new high in liquor ad-
vertising. In a 1942 editorial, the Globe and Mail, Canadas most widely read news daily, reite-
rated the brewers moderationist stance when arguing against wartime prohibition: The wise
use of any potentially dangerous article comes through sound upbringing, good education and
self discipline and cannot be imparted by law. Those who drink as civilized people should not
be prevented from enjoying the undoubted social advantages of stimulants which overcome dif-
fidence and facilitate social intercourse. Prohibition was never re-implemented and Canadians
increasingly embraced beer as their alcoholic drink of choice.
7 CONCLUSION
In working to steer Canada clear of a second prohibition era, the brewers cast their lot against
the ominous forces of intemperance on the one hand and coercion on the other. Designing a new
narrative, the brewers crafted a fundamentally Canadian story, revising the image of their
product and its place in Canadian society by drawing inspiration from mainstream Canadian
values. Those values were mirrored in the brewing industries advertisements, in the imagery
and language that they used. Intuitively they associated their product with the idea of being Ca-
nadian. For more than a decade, in advertisements that appeared in the popular press, they
tapped into the deep social assumptions of mainstream Canadians in order to make beer-
drinking not only socially acceptable, but also an act that could signal identification with a
larger group and therefore promote social unity and cohesion.
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Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
In the decades following the 1980s the UK has witnessed real expansion in the number and
range of cultural festivals. Many theories have been attributed to the growth in this area of cul-
tural activity (Rolfe: 1992: 8), often focusing on cultural dislocation during a period of rapid
change in society (Picard and Robinson: 2006: 2) and in particular to increasing use of the fes-
tival as an evaluation tool for growth and regeneration, influenced by, amongst others, the pub-
lication of Myerscoughs 1988 study, The Economic Importance of the Arts in Britain
(Myerscough: 1988). Expectations rose for festivals to contribute quantifiable results (Finkel:
2006: 25) in line with an increasing focus, on the regeneration potential of the cultural sector
(Finkel, 2006; Powell, 2011; Vall, 2011; Picard and Robinson, 2006; Arcodia and Whitford,
2007; Delbosc, 2008). Regional regeneration at this time was seen to instigate strategic econom-
ic development policies through the arts, as highlighted by Bailey, Miles and Stark in their criti-
que of the culture-led regeneration of the North East of England (Bailey, Miles and Stark:
2007).
That the festival industry has burgeoned, and the content and style of these festivities is un-
der transformation, is rarely contested. However, there is less consensus on the future develop-
ment of such activities. Arguments range from the demise of the community-based festival with
its emergence into more civilised, commercialised, municipalised formats (Powell: 2011: 3) to
the more optimistic declaration that festivals continue to make an essential contribution to the
artistic life of the UK, as dynamic and vibrant as ever (BAFA: 2008: 3). What is apparent is a
growing call within the academic community for greater research into the social effects of cul-
tural festivals on communities (Robertson, Rogers and Leask, 2009; Arcodia and Whitford,
2007; Powell, 2011), amidst increasing pressure for accountability (to stake holders) from fewer
funds, greater economic development goals and competition for audiences (Finkel, 2009;
Rolfe, 1992; Williams and Bowdin, 2008).
The salient point made here is the perception that the concentration on economic outcomes
and the perceived lack of emphasis on social benefits (arguably a correlation of the relative ab-
Community cultural festivals: content motivation and social
impact
N. H. Black
Newcastle University, Newcastle upon Tyne, UK
ABSTRACT: The rise in the number of cultural festivals in the UK has been dramatic particu-
larly in the latter part of the last century. In the light of the proliferation of such events, and the
perceived increase in competitive pressure for funding and audiences, the aims of this paper are
two-fold. Firstly, the paper presents research findings investigating the factors motivating the
inclusion of intangible heritage content in community cultural festivals (using three case studies
of festivals in Northumberland, UK). Secondly, building on this, it presents a methodology for
current research which considers how such festivals contribute to the social sustainability of
their host communities and their potential value in terms of social capital.
sence of research into social effects) is influencing the style and content of the contemporary
festival. The inclusion of ICH (the living, intangible essence of culture) is arguably at the heart
of a festival, differentiating it from a static display or exhibition. It can be said to reinforce the
traditions and culture of the participants and thus exemplify forms of symbolic continuity (Pi-
card and Robinson: 2006:6) and the creation and re-creation of embodied beliefs (Duvignaud:
1976: 15). By observing the content and the motivational factors which led to its inclusion, the
aim was to explore the question as to how faithfully these events can depict current cultural her-
itage whilst competing to survive or whether they are becoming entertainment commodities.
2 DEFINITION
The definition used in this article for the Community Cultural (CC) Festival is a recurring,
short-term period of celebration, established by the community in which the event is held and
focusing on display of and participation in the arts and culture of that area. It should be a collec-
tive experience openly accessible to participants either active or passive, performers and au-
dience.
(1)

3 PART 1. THE INCLUSION OF INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE (ICH) IN
FESTIVALS: CONCLUSIONS FROM CASE STUDIES IN NORTHUMBERLAND
3.1 Methodology
A total of 56 interviews were carried out at three case study festivals, chosen for their similari-
ties in overall content, age, scale and origins. (Question themes are outlined in the following re-
search sub-headings). Each case study had been in existence for over 10 years, had an income of
less than 30K and an audience of less than 10,000. Each festival was originally conceived
within the locale and either had or aimed to have an organisational committee based in the local
community.
(2)
The three case studies selected were: Rothbury Traditional Music Festival, Glen-
dale Festival and Morpeth Gathering.
3.2 An analysis of the ICH content of Northumbrian CC Festivals
Each case study displayed a wide range of ICH, categorised as follows: Music, Language, Tra-
ditions, Dance and Art & Craft. Archival evidence reveals little categorical content change
within the lifetime of the festivals, but variety in the range of performers. Reasons for these var-
iations are many and include practicalities such as the availability of venues and performers. For
the purpose of this paper the focus rests on an examination of the motivation to include ICH, by
organisers and participants of the festivals and motivation to experience the ICH content by visi-
tors to these events.
3.2.1 Organisers motivation to include ICH in festivals
Interview questions with the festivals organisational committees focused on the aims and ob-
jectives of the festival, eliciting personal motivating interests and selection responsibilities and
procedures. Funding sources and information relating to donors or organisations who have of-
fered support was used to gauge external influences on motivation as was level of commercial
input into the festivals.
Despite the competition element of content selection at two of the festivals, selection proce-
dures and responsibilities lie ultimately in all cases with the committee. In addition, the use of
themes on occasion had influenced the selection of the content and one organiser cited this as
helping to provide focus each year and assist in attracting funding (Organiser 3: 2011). The
original aims of the festivals remain a priority to the organising committees: where these stipu-
lated the promotion and preservation of elements of traditional and/or local culture, evidence for
inclusion of this was apparent. Where the aims lay in community development and entertain-
ment (Breeze Festival flyer: 2001), this had been maintained as a priority but with greater fluc-
tuation of content. The origin of the committees appeared influential to the continuity of the
Heritage 2012
aims: those originating within their host communities had changed little in their organisational
structure and the inclusion of indigenous culture had increased since inception. In contrast, the
committee which was formed as part of a wider regeneration initiative had seen variations in
both its structure and in the level of inclusion of ICH with its content level varied over the
events existence. Some committee members neither recognised the inclusion of ICH nor
deemed it significant to the success of the festival, although evidence suggests it was unkno-
wingly included owing to its presence in the programme (Organiser 2: 2011).
The growing body of academic evidence suggests motivation is becoming increasingly influ-
enced by funding sources, under the pressure of economic development goals (Finkel: 2009:
20). The increasing competition for funding and for visitors is widely perceived to be an in-
fluential part in the form and content of festivals. Organisers interviewed did stress the growing
competitiveness and time spent in obtaining funds which may affect choice of content. Howev-
er, they seem capable of largely resisting what Finkel calls the homogenising of festival con-
tent (Finkel: 2009: 14), appearing instead to support the findings of a report for the British Arts
Festival Association (BAFA) Festivals Mean Business (BAFA: 2008). The report states the
findings from a survey of 193 festivals that they are in good health and able to commission
new work. The range of content and new work in evidence at the Northumbrian festivals ap-
pears to back up this claim despite evidence of the negative impact of funding cuts.
All three festivals aim to break even through a combination of grants applied for annually, lo-
cal support in kind and in donation, ticket sales and by fund raising activities throughout the
year. Funding contributions come from a wide number of sources including charitable trusts,
Arts Council, Heritage Lottery, parish councils and many local patrons and organisations with
attempts to spread the load as insurance against losing contributors. There were little perceived
obligations placed upon the festival by these funders with the exception being to provide post-
event reports. However, funding bodies influence the content of the festival indirectly through
their own objectives, for example funding for community-level involvement. Much support was
made in-kind by predominantly local organisations and individuals and although given freely,
it could be argued that the provision of support by donors in itself influences the content. For the
purposes of this paper, it is suffice to say that the benefits to the festival, provided by these gifts
in kind or donations, appears to outweigh any prescriptive influence as to the content and there
is little evidence that funders are overtly affecting the content motivation.
Commercial content in all cases is rarely included as each festival is held in a town centre and
each aims to encourage visitors to support the local traders.
3.2.2 Participants motivation for participating in festivals
The questions asked of participants to their involvement in the festival focused on motivation to
attend, practice of cultural/art form, rewards from participation and visitors responses. Figure 1
shows the scale of reasons for involvement in terms of percentage of total responses.

3.2.3 The Visitors motivation to attend the festival and response to inclusion of ICH
Visitors were questioned on the reasons for visiting the festival. In order of priority these were:
day out/entertainment, interest in the performance and culture of the event, learn about the fes-
tival cultural heritage, other (eg. food, stalls, friends and family involvement) and to meet mem-
bers of the local community. Although appearing least directly influential on content, the visitor
influences the content through their attendance and evaluation data.
3.3 Discussion
The research suggests that the content of the festivals is most directly influenced by the organis-
ers which could be argued to be contrary to the inclusive nature of festivals being of the
people (Smith: 2003: 151). Evidence suggests this is not the case. The organisers are not work-
ing in isolation and are reflecting both social and economic trends. All except one committee
member are volunteers and thus not directly influenced by corporate, council or commercial
aims. They predominantly reside and/or work in the festival locality and state they have local
interests at heart. It was noted that the personality of the organisers plays a part in content se-
lection and thus may lead to an exclusive selection process (Organiser 2: 2011). The nature of
the committee and how truly it represents its community is called into question here and the de-
gree to which other selection methods, for example competitions, are employed.
The majority of participants stated performing as the most enjoyable aspect of entering the
festival and 45% stated safeguarding heritage as a very important reason to be involved. The
festival provides a stage for the performance of heritage culture. Although the evidence suggests
that the inclusion of heritage culture in festivals is deemed higher in value to the organisers and
participants than it is to the visitors, some interesting points arise from the data regarding visitor
attitudes to heritage. Festivals are often attended by families and evidence was found that adults
have a desire to show heritage to their children, even if they do not directly express an interest
in it themselves. The fact they believe it important enough to show their children suggests they
consider heritage and continuity of culture to be a valuable aspect of festivals, even if this is par-
tially subconscious. During interviews with the organiser of Glendale Festival it was recorded
that people like to scoff at the traditions but always want to watch when theyre on (Organiser
2: 2011). She cited the inclusion of Morris dancers where everyone laughs at them but they all
want to watch, almost like a guilty secret! The general conclusion here is that visitors do value
cultural heritage but at an indirect, almost subconscious level.
Despite what has been called the increasing bandwagon of commercialisation of events of
this nature (Bridger: 2010), there is little evidence in the case studies to describe these festivals
as commodities. Visitors in general do not purchase the festival as all have a free element
to them and ownership in the form of tickets and fees is minimal.
The data gathered provided much evidence to contradict the suggestion that festivals included
commercial elements as all three events specifically excluded this aspect from their programme.
Reasons behind this were overwhelmingly to support local business and community and to re-
tain the traditional theme and flavour of the event.
3.4 Conclusion
The inclusion of intangible cultural heritage is an important aspect of all three festivals, particu-
larly to the organisers and participants who largely chose the content, whilst having an almost
subconscious level of value to visitors. This combination of culture, heritage and entertain-
ment appears to be the key to greatest satisfaction amongst all festival goers and organisers.
Evidence in this research reveals festival organisers are concerned by this dependency on
public funding, which Rolfe describes as the principle cause of pessimism amongst festival or-
ganisers (Rolfe: 1992: 84). Despite of, or may be because of, these concerns for the future of
arts funding it is imperative that festivals of this nature maintain strong community links and a
distinctive local identity, that they tap into the indigenous (both tangible and intangible) cultural
heritage. Smith identifies a determining feature of a festival: that of sharing, determination and
control of the event by the community, being a vehicle for showing contemporary culture here
and now, of the people and for the people as opposed to being the display of the best, selected
externally (Smith: 2003: 139). So much of the support these events receive is dependent on the
good will and reciprocity of the local people and businesses, for all aspects of organisation and
delivery. An increase in the exchange and support from the host community may relieve some
dependency on public funding with a greater sense of identity and control over the event. The
creation of social and cultural capital within the community through the ability to focus on their
own cultural heritage has, in turn, the potential to increase the likely sustainability of the festiv-
al, particularly in the competitive environment.
4 PART 2. COMMUNITY CULTURAL FESTIVALS: THEIR CONTRIBUTION TO THE
SOCIAL SUSTAINABILITY OF THE HOST COMMUNITIES
Building on this investigation into the content and motivational factors of CC festivals, the aim
of the current research is to determine the impact of these events on social capital and social
sustainability within their host communities. It will consider in particular the potential for fes-
tivals to increase connectivity, through social networks and their ability to make connections
with place through their heritage content. It aims to explore whether festivals contribute to the
formation of social ties forged by ...connective strategies and from which, it is argued, society
as a whole benefits enormously (Putnam: 2003).
This research will take into consideration the increasing emphasis on the role of the voluntary
individual to influence the development/structure of their community, changing demographics
of rural life and increasing cutbacks in funding for the arts. It aims to investigate the changing
dynamic of festival distribution and longevity and how this is influenced by the impact of strat-
egies and policies on the organisers, participants and visitors to these events. The social impact
of festivals on their host communities will be evaluated using existing frameworks for determin-
ing social/cultural impact, for example use of SIPs (Small, Edwards and Sheridan: 2005) and
social benefit indicators (Macdonald et al: 2006).
4.1 Methodology
Three festival databases (a general overview of cultural festivals, a database of specifically
community cultural festivals and an historical, regional dynamic of these events since 1980) will
initially be created using combinations of the following variables: location, name, duration, ori-
gination, content/type and scale. From the final database of CC festivals in Northumberland,
case studies for the project will be selected to identify a number having commonalities of cul-
tural heritage content and variations of years of existence. A contextualisation of the regional
and national strategies and policies which have influenced CC festivals from 1980 to the present
day will be made using a combination of archival material and qualitative interviews with fes-
tival organisers and strategic planners, attention being directed in particular towards Regional
Development Agencies (RDAs) and Arts Council policies during this period.
The focus of the research question lies in the social sustainability impact on festival hosting
communities. A Literature Review of current theory on social impact and social sustainability
will identify appropriate determinants to apply to the data collection methodology. This metho-
dology will be developed through an evaluation of current social impact measures (SIMs) and
social impact perception scales (SIPs) with the additional analysis of evaluation data from fes-
tival archives and interviews with festival organisers. Data for the research will then be gathered
from the communities which host the case study festivals using a combination of postal ques-
tionnaires to residences within the community, interviews with organisers, participants and visi-
tors and empirical observation at events. Questions will focus on involvement in community ac-
tivities, ability to identify with the contemporary image of the locale and perception of the role
of heritage within the locale.
5 SUMMARY
Contemporary academic debate suggests that driving factors behind the trend in the proliferation
of cultural festivals has been economic rather than social with greater emphasis placed on the
quantifiable evaluation outcomes at the expense of community well-being. Initial research
Heritage 2012
identified connections between (indigenous) cultural heritage and event sustainability. Extend-
ing this line of research to investigate the potential for festivals to impact on the social capital of
their host communities meets the perceived need for greater enquiry into the qualitative, social
effects of festivals within this environment, at a time when the Government's vision of a socie-
ty (is one) where individuals and communities have more power and responsibility (DCLG:
2012) and yet where public funding for culture and the arts is being reduced (Higgins: 2010).
ENDNOTES
1)
a celebration of a theme or special event for a limited period of time, held annually or less fre-
quently (including one-time only events), to which the public is invited (Smith: 1990: 128)
2)
Scale was important in the selection of the case studies in defining the community cultural fes-
tival as having an income of less than 30K (BAFA: 2008: 8) and having an audience of less
than 10,000 (Finkel: 2009: 6).
REFERENCES
Arcodia, C. & Whitford, M. (2007) Festival Attendance and the Development of Social Capital Journal
of Convention and Event Tourism 8, (2) 1 18
BAFA (2008) Festivals Mean Business 3. A survey of the Arts Festivals in the UK [on-line] available-
from:
http://www.artsfestivals.co.uk/sites/default/files/FMB3%20Report%20FINAL3%20MAY%202008.p
df
Bailey, C. Miles, S. And Stark, P (2007) Culture led urban regeneration and the revitalisation of identi-
ties in Newcastle, Gateshead and the North East of England International Journal of Cultural Policy
10, (1) 47-65
Breeze Festival (2001) Breeze Festival Flyer. Leaflet. Wooler: Glendale Festival
Bridger, S. (2011) Festivals Britannia BBC4 [first broadcast 17.12.10]
DCLG (2012) Building the Big Society [on-line] available from:
http://communities.gov.uk/communities/bigsociety/
Delbosc, A. (2008) Social Identity as a Motivator in Cultural Festivals. Visitor Studies 11 (1) 3-15
Duvignaud, J. (1976) Festivals A sociological approach Festivals and Carnivals: The Major Traditions.
3, (1) Unesco Press and la Baconnire
Finkel, R. (2006) Tensions between ambition and reality in UK combined arts festival programming case
study of the Lichfield Festival International Journal of Event Management Research 2, (1) 25-36
Finkel, R. (2009) A Picture of the Contemporary Combined Arts Festival landscape. Cultural Trends 18,
(1) 3 21
Higgins, C. (2010) Arts funding cut 30% in spending review. theguardian [on-line] available from
http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2010/oct/20/arts-cuts-spending-review-council
Macdonald, B., Taylor, M., Beattie, B. and Walker, S. (2006) Monitoring and Evaluation Framework for
culture
10
Final Report. [on-line] available from
http://www.tourismnortheast.co.uk/pages/strategy/monitoring-and-evaluation-framework-for-
culture10
Myerscough, J. (1988) The Economic Importance of the Arts in Britain London: Policy Studies Institute
Organiser 2 (2011) Interview with the Organiser of Glendale Festival [interview by N. Black] Wooler, 24
May 2011
Organiser 3 (2011) Interview with the Organiser of Morpeth Gathering [interview by N. Black] Morpeth,
17 May 2011
Picard, D. and Robinson, M. (2006) Festivals, Tourism and Social Change remaking worlds. Toronto:
Channel View Publications
Powell, D. (2011) The Street Value of Celebration economic impact and community festivals [on-line]
available from http://www.equalworks.co.uk/resources/contentfiles/3578.pdf
Putnam, R. And Fieldstein, L. (2003) Better Together restoring the American community New York:
Simon and Schuster
Robertson, M, Rogers, P. and Leask, A (2009) Progressing Socio-cultural impact evaluation for festivals.
Journal of Policy Research in Tourism, Leisure and Events 1, (2) 156-169
Rolfe, H. (1992) Arts Festivals in the UK. London: Policy Studies Institute
Smith, M. (2003) Issues in Cultural Tourism Studies London: Routledge
Vall, N. (2011) Cultural Region. Manchester: Manchester University Press
Williams, M. and Bowdin, G. (2008) Festival evaluation: an exploration of seven UK arts festivals. in.
Events and Festivals current trends and issues. ed. by Robertson, M., Chambers, D. and Frew, E.
London: Routledge
Heritage 2012

1 INTRODUCTION
This paper reviews the background to the formation of the national trust movement, its expan-
sion internationally and then focuses on the Australian trust movement and Western Australia in
particular. The national trust movement evolved through community action to conserve and pro-
tect societys heritage. There have been excellent achievements with the National Trust (refer-
ring to the collective of England, Wales and Scotland and is used thus throughout the paper)
now responsible for a large number of significant buildings, land and coastline. Other national
trusts have adopted a similar model and principles and many are supported by government legis-
lation giving them ongoing sustainability with privileges associated with government agencies
such as funding but often operating as independent community based non-profit organisations.
Australia, a relatively young nation, adopted the national trust model in 1945 when community
members determined to save a number of early colonial buildings in the heart of Sydney, the
capital city of New South Wales. And so it began in Australia. Western Australia is considered a
very successful National Trust model with its advocacy, independence and growing reputation
in adaptive re-use of buildings and conservation and interpretation of Aboriginal heritage.
The history of the national trust movement, its internationalisation and subsequent develop-
ment in Australia, and Western Australia in particular, are explored.
National trust contribution to sustainable heritage
A. Briggs
Murdoch University, Western Australia
ABSTRACT: The National Trust movement has established an international profile from its be-
ginnings in the United Kingdom where the National Trust of England continues to be a signifi-
cant conservation agency to this day. The National Trust of Australia (WA) (NTWA) was estab-
lished in 1959 using the model of the English National Trust and was reconstituted in 1964
under a Western Australian Act of Parliament as an independent community based organisation.
The NTWA has steadily been achieving great things for the community of Western Australia
and conserving built and natural assets for local and international community appreciation. Hav-
ing achieved its Jubilee Year in 2009 the NTWA continues to be a role model for other national
trusts in Australia and beyond. This paper will reflect on the creation of national trusts and their
achievements internationally. It will then review the progress of the NTWA from its beginning
to its current place taking in its approach to creating a sustainable environment for its contribu-
tion to society. The aim of this paper is to raise awareness of the role of National Trusts for their
contribution to cultural and social sustainability and their involvement of community in achiev-
ing their goals of conservation and education.
2 NATIONAL TRUST MOVEMENT
The National Trust movement was started in England in 1895 by three individuals who were
concerned for the conservation and protection of interesting buildings and opens spaces. They
established the National Trust for Places of Historic Interest and Natural Beauty (Bailey, 1925;
Sinclair, undated). According to Bailey (1925) by 1907 the National Trust was already well
down the pathway achieving its conservation and protection of buildings and lands such that a
special Act (the National Trust Act 1907) was established to re-incorporate it as an association
for, among other purposes, the permanent preservation for the benefit of the nation of lands
and tenements (buildings) (National Trust, 2011a). At the time it was also incorporated as a
not-for-profit association under the Companies Acts 1862-1890. Since that time it has amassed
considerable holdings of buildings and lands. It is the largest owner of coast line (709 miles
(~1140 kilometres)) in England and currently has responsibility for 350 historic houses, gardens
and open monuments including 255,000 hectares of countryside. The National Trust has a
membership of 3.7 million, 61,000 volunteers and an annual budget of $412.9 million. More
than 17 million people pay entrance fees into trust properties and an estimated 50 million
people visit open air properties (National Trust, 2011b).
The successful model established by the National Trust incorporating non-profit and charity
(and tax deductibility) functions has been adopted internationally and the concept of the national
trust movement has spread across the world with organisations becoming established across Eu-
rope, United States of America, Canada and other distant nations.
3 INTERNATIONAL EXTENSION
The national trust movement has extended across the world to places including France, Germa-
ny and Spain in Europe to United States and Canada to Asia (Korea, Taiwan) Africa (Zim-
babwe), Barbados and Malta. Each organisation is different but they share similar goals, legal
constitutions and structures, and for over 30 years have been coming together under the umbrel-
la of the International Conference of National Trusts to share information and best practice, to
develop solutions to common problems and to show solidarity with other members of the
movement (INTO, 2011).
Following the10th meeting of International Conference of National Trusts (forum for national
trusts to share information and best practice) in Edinborough members agreed to establish the
International National Trusts Organisation (INTO) which was founded in 2007 as a non-profit
organisation and a registered charity. INTO now represents a network of 34 national trusts and
similar organisations from around the world who share a common interest in conservation and
enjoyment of heritage. Heritage includes built and natural, tangible and intangible (INTO,
2011). INTOs mission is to promote the conservation and enhancement of the heritage of all
nations for the benefit of the people of the world and future generations (INTO, 2011).
4 AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL TRUSTS
In 1945 the first state of Australia to adopt the national trust model was New South Wales. The
threat to colonial buildings in Sydney raised awareness among the community of the need for
the conservation and protection of historic buildings. The South Australian National Trust
(SANT) was established in 1955 as a not-for-profit non-government body. SANT currently has
over 100 properties, 28 nature reserves and around 200,000 visitors annually. In 1956 Victoria
established a national trust as an independent community-driven non-profit non-government or-
ganisation. In 1959 Western Australia National Trust (NTWA) was established when there was
identified a need to promote heritage conservation (NTWA, 2011a). NTWA was reconstituted
under the National Trust of Australia (WA) Act 1964 as an independent community-based or-
ganisation (NTWA, 2011a). Tasmania National Trust was established in 1960 as a non-profit
member based community organisation. Motivation for its establishment was for the conserva-
tion of an 1838 built Georgian style house. In 2006 it was reconstituted under a new National
Trust Act proclaimed by the Tasmanian Government. Queensland established its National Trust
Heritage 2012
as an independent body under the National Trust of Queensland Act 1963. It has 7,000 mem-
bers, 300 volunteers, 12 properties and receives some 350,000 visitors annually to its properties
(QNT, 2011). In 1976 the Northern Territory declared its national trust as a non-government or-
ganisation through the passage of an Act of the Legislative Assembly (NT, 2011). The Australi-
an Capital Territory National Trust located in Canberra the centre of Australian government was
also established in 1976.
The iconic brand of the Australian national trusts, an old, current and new eucalyptus leaf,
has become a well established symbol of Australian national trusts, symbolising the past, the
present and the future. It epitomises the Australian character.
A Council of National Trusts was formed in 1965 to better coordinate the activities and lob-
bying of the Australian national trusts (ABS, 1991). The ACNT is based in Canberra and its al-
located powers vary from time to time with changing the needs of the independent national
trusts.
5 WESTERN AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL TRUST
Formed in 1959 and reconstituted under legislation in 1964, the National Trust of Western Aus-
tralia (NTWA) celebrated its fiftieth year in 2009 with the release of a significant compendium
on its achievements. Its origins arose from an awareness of the need to conserve and protect the
states heritage. Today NTWA has approximately 4,500 members and 300 volunteers, over 120
properties under direct or shared management. NTWA Mission is to conserve and interpret
Western Australias heritage (historic, natural and Indigenous) for present and future genera-
tions (NTWA, 2011a). The aim of NTWA is to establish its brand locally, nationally and inter-
nationally (NTWA, 2011a) and to work closely with the community to achieve its Mission.
6 SUSTAINABLE NATURE OF THE NTWA
The NTWA is established under an Act of Parliament however that hasnt stopped successive
governments from reviewing its autonomous position and its independence. In 2010/11 the
NTWA underwent its most recent government review. In the 2010/11 Annual Report the Presi-
dent reported the Public Sector Commission formed the opinion that not only are the Trusts
current governance arrangements generally good, there is an organisational commitment to pro-
viding good governance as well as a focus on developing and improving governance proce-
dures (NTWA, 2011b, p4). This outcome, as with previous reviews with the same findings,
provides support for the future of the NTWA.
Forward planning is a key undertaking of NTWA. Strategic plans are developed for each as-
pect of operations. The NTWA also develops conservation plans for each of its properties, built
and natural, and is assessed annually against criteria included within the Annual Reports which
are tabled before Parliament through the Minister for Heritage. NTWA has a strong code of go-
vernance established to ensure protocols such as the Burra Charter are maintained for the con-
servation and protection of built and natural assets under its control. The Burra Charter is con-
sidered the best practice standard for cultural heritage management in Australia
1
(ICOMOS,
2012) and these form part of the conservation guidelines for conserving properties. This ap-
proach enables NTWA to build on a strong foundation for fund raising to conserve and protect
properties under its stewardship.
Working closely with government agencies brings about relationships that improve the like-
lihood of achieving long term partnerships for exchange of expertise, planning and innovation
where government buildings and lands are involved. Partnerships in conservation works for
built and natural heritage ensure NTWA has a viable future with access to resources that would
not be readily available to non-government and corporate organisations. Partnerships include the
three levels of Australian government; local, state and federal. Each has its range of needs,
wants and desires and some provide access to grants and other funding.
The NTWA also has a strong community based focus and expresses itself as working with
volunteers, not for volunteers. This presents opportunities for support to NTWA and for volun-
teers alike. Volunteers groups are encouraged to raise funds (through tax deductible appeals es-
tablished under the NTWA) and apply for grants available for their areas of expertise or need
for built and natural heritage. Recently the Avondale volunteer group has been successful in
raising funds for land management while Aboriginal groups, in conjunction with NTWA, have
successfully attracted funds for cultural heritage training, skills development and on-ground
works (NTWA, 2012, p13). The NTWA provides support through sound governance, adminis-
tration and recognition at local and annual functions.
Creating awareness, providing advocacy and developing educational programs greatly assists
NTWA to spread the messages of the national trust movement. By raising awareness of issues
and providing levels of advocacy for a range of interests NTWA maintains a relatively high pro-
file in the community. By developing school based educational and informative programs
NTWA is also creating awareness of the need for action among teachers and school children,
and the childrens parents. Programs such as East Perth Cemetery conservation and interpreta-
tion, school photographic heritage-based competitions and school visits develop a new level of
understanding amongst the community. This then contributes to the sustainability of the national
trust as it attracts future members and volunteers.
Corporate sponsorship also plays a key role in assisting the NTWA achieve its goals. Partner-
ships which bring kudos to corporate industry are sought after opportunities in the climate of
sustainability. By partnering with a high profile organisation such as the NTWA, corporate bo-
dies can achieve considerable recognition in the community. Mining companies have partnered
with the NTWA to conserve and interpret Aboriginal rock paintings in the Pilbara region of
Western Australia. Other organisations have sponsored Aboriginal training and development
programs such as the Gabbie Kylie Foundation based in the south east of Western Australia
which provides archaeological and anthropological excursions with combinations of Aboriginal
elders and youth, university students and academic experts onto remote lands and waters on-
country with benefits of cultural awareness as part of the activities.
7 OPTIONS FOR THE FUTURE FOR NTWA
While reflecting on the achievements of the National Trust (England) it should be noted it has
undergone considerable change during the past decade as the number of properties and their
maintenance has increased and funds have diminished. Restructuring has played a key role in it
regaining its momentum. This has provided salient lessons for other national trusts around the
world. The policy on acquisition of properties has also taken on a different approach. Sunny-
croft in Shropshire, a 1997 acquisition by the National Trust, was only accepted on the basis that
a substantial dowry be provided, and it was (Sinclair, undated). This provides at least some sure-
ty that funds will be available for the sustainable management and maintenance of the property
into the future. The NTWA has developed a policy similar to that of the National Trust so that
donations and transfers of buildings and other assets are generally not accepted without substan-
tial financial assistance. This has impacted the acquisition rate of properties however it has
meant that properties should be better maintained into the future creating a more sustainable ba-
sis for heritage conservation and education.
Despite its significant achievements for built, cultural and natural heritage, the NTWA aims
to maintain a low profile. However, the NTWA achievements create awareness within the
community, corporate and government circles. There may be community and financial benefits
for the NTWA to begin actively promoting the national trust movement to increase membership,
volunteer base and funding and sponsorship opportunities. Historically Western Australia has
generally not been a positive place for philanthropy. However over the past decade there has
been an increasing level of recognition by corporate society of the values of philanthropy. Part-
nering with corporate entities can be a double edged sword with a need for considerations of
worthiness, obligation and public relations for both parties. With sponsorship there are com-
mitments for recognition of the current partner and constraints on future partnerships for similar
if not the same assets or programs. This can create a dilemma when additional opportunities for
sponsorship and partnerships arise. With its positive approach to sound governance the NTWA
Heritage 2012
does not yet appear to have encountered this situation. Additionally, its projects are widely dis-
tributed across Western Australia (WA) so far avoiding conflict of sponsorships.
Building membership as has been done by the National Trust is a worthwhile goal however
the small population of Western Australia does limit this opportunity. Increasing NTWA mem-
bership would provide a stronger base for advocacy and for volunteers.
8 CONCLUSION
The national trust movement has established itself internationally basing itself on the National
Trust and securing the support of government, in most cases, for legislation incorporating them
variously as community lead, non-profit independent organisations. Governments may be sub-
ject to limited budgets for programs outside core budgets and is often without the ability to at-
tract private partnerships and sponsorships along the same basis as the national trust movement.
The movement provides an alternative to government management of heritage assets making
national trusts an ideal mechanism for governments to conserve and protect heritage places and
to provide heritage education, informing the community and tourists alike.
NTWA has experienced several reviews in recent times. On each occasion it has been en-
dorsed for its governance and its management of places. The legislation under which it is incor-
porated provides for its autonomy from government and this makes it attractive to corporate and
community interests. NTWAs sustainability policy adopted is to encourage a viable future for
heritage assets and sustainable heritage conservation outcomes through appropriate use and
adaptive re-use of heritage places (NTWA, 2011, web). Conceivably this can ensure a sustaina-
ble future for the nation trust movement in Western Australia.
ENDNOTES
1
Australia ICOMOS (International Council on Monuments and Sites) is a non-government, not-for-profit
organisation of cultural heritage professionals formed as a national chapter of ICOMOS International
in 1976
REFERENCES
Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) 1301.0 - Year Book Australia, 1991. Federal Government, Austra-
lia.
http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/featurearticlesbytitle/0686B7CD3CF5A2BECA2569DE0025C1
8E?OpenDocument
Bailey, J. (1925) The National Trust. The Town Planning Review, Vol. 11, No. 3 (Jun., 1925), pp. 150-
156Published by: Liverpool University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40101651
.Accessed: 25/02/2012 03:54
Dowling, P. (2010) In Trust for the Future the first ACT Heritage Listings. Australian Council of Na-
tional Trusts.
International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) (2012) Charters.
http://australia.icomos.org/publications/charters/
International National Trusts Organisation (INTO) (2011)
http://internationaltrusts.org/about/
National Trust (2011a) National Trust Act 1907-71. National Trust, Heelis, Kemble Drive, Swindon SN2
2NA,
National Trust (2011b) Going Local Annual Report 2010/2011. National Trust, Heelis, Kemble Drive,
Swindon, SN2 2NA.
http://www.nationaltrust.org.uk/about-us/annual-reports/
National Trust New South Wales (2011)
http://www.nationaltrust.com.au/about/
National Trust Queensland (QNT) (2011)
http://www.nationaltrustqld.org/aboutNTQ.htm#AR
National Trust Northern Territory (NTNT) (2011)
http://www.nationaltrustnt.org.au/
National Trust Western Australia (NTWA) (2011a)
http://www.ntwa.com.au/about ; http://www.ntwa.com.au/vision
NTWA (2011b) Annual Report 2010-2011, National Trust of Australia (WA).
NTWA (2012) Trust News-Western Australia. National Trust. Perth, Western Australia.
Sinclair, A. G. M. (undated) Preserving a National Heritage. Archaeological and Contemporary Society.
http://pcwww.liv.ac.uk/~Sinclair/ALGY399_Site/national_trust.html
Other Australian National Trusts for interest
National Trust South Australia (SANT) (2011)
http://www.nationaltrustsa.org.au/index.php/national_trust/about/
National Trust Tasmania (NTT) (2011)
http://www.nationaltrusttas.org.au/about.htm
National Trust Victoria NTV) (2011)
http://www.nattrust.com.au/about_the_trust
National Trust Australian Capital Territory (NTACT) (2011)
http://www.nationaltrustact.org.au/?pageid=2
Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION AND OBJECTIVES
Apart from agricultural components for the production, rural land consists of goods and struc-
tures of different economic, aesthetic and historical-landscape value, including natural land-
scapes, productive activities, as well as real historical and cultural landscapes. Human activity
has caused over the centuries fundamental changes, readable in cultivation techniques, land te-
nures fragmentations and land planning. Genuine architectural monuments (castles, towers, ab-
beys, etc..) and buildings spread throughout the agricultural landscape, consisting of linear
(stone walls, infrastructure links, networks) or point elements (cisterns to collect rainwater,
drinking troughs, shrines) and "minor" or "popular" architectures (Zevi, 1996), often related to
production functions ("masserias", snow cellars, millstones, barnyards), are also scattered in the
extra-urban environment.
The agricultural landscape, as described in its entirety, including all the elements characteriz-
ing it, such as old villages, homes, manufacturing facilities, forests and fields, can be interpreted
as a document and historical witness. The signs of peasant societies slow transformations, of
economic structure changes and of techniques progress are included in it, and are likely to be
unstable and unsustainable if they occur too quickly (Hassler et al., 2002). Actually, especially
when the new way of production, at the base of the industrial revolution, has caught on, also the
territory in its physical characteristics, in addition to social relations among men, have changed
in a radical and irreversible form, no longer allowing its residents to have their own identifica-
tion (Borsi, 1978). For the purposes of this paper, the study of the agro-industrial historical
buildings is a contribution to the reading of such complexity of relationships in the territory, es-
pecially if related to the demographic, cultural and production changes that have occurred over
time (Dal Sasso & Caliandro, 2010). Therefore, the research here described, aims to identify and
Drawing the old agro-industrial landscape in Puglia: a case study
to promote the rural sustainable development
L. P. Caliandro
University of Foggia, Agriculture Faculty, Foggia, Italy
P. Dal Sasso
University of Bari, Agriculture Faculty, Bari, Italy
ABSTRACT: Rural territory is strongly identified by the presence of environmental compo-
nents and different economic, aesthetic and historical-landscape value assets. In modern times,
human activity have affected the extra-urban setting by fundamental and increasingly fast
changes, readable in cultivation techniques, land tenures fragmentations, rural constructions
functional to agricultural activities and, in general, planning operations. All the described ele-
ments help to uniquely define traditional settlements and cultural characters of a place. Rural
sustainable development has for years pursued with European and international aimed actions
and policies, and literature is unanimous in considering and discovering specific sites identity
and endogenous resources in order to promote it. According to the above, this work aims to lo-
cate and describe the historical agro-industrial buildings placed in Bari province (Puglia). The
deepening and spreading knowledge of such architectural heritage aims to highlight their impor-
tance and role in the territorial, social and cultural identity safeguard.
catalog these historic farm buildings, falling within the being formed Metropolitan Area of Bari,
chosen as study area, in order to complete the cultural landscape reconstruction of the historical
agro-industry present here. As a matter of fact, the qualitative and quantitative consistency of
such cultural heritage greatly characterizes the whole Puglia region and justifies the need for its
promotion and protection, even in light of recent and innovative policies for rural planning, sup-
porting and promoting the development sustainable (CoE 2000, 2001).
2 STATE OF THE ART
The territory protection and governance, applied with regulatory procedures and planning in-
struments at different intervention levels, arose from the need to control and manage land trans-
formation processes, mainly emphasizing the focus on the evolutionary dynamics of urbanized
contexts, who first showed sudden and often uncontrolled expansion.
Although awareness of the ecological-landscape and crop-productive value of non-urban con-
texts, only in relatively recent times these have been the subject of more targeted policies, re-
cognizing the historic and identity role, as well as the economic, environmental and social one.
Countryside, as briefly described in the introduction, embodies a complex set of relations and
functions, and it's of crucial importance especially when considered in relation to its size (in Eu-
rope about 80% of the territory is rural type - Dal Sasso, 2001 -), to activities that take place
there, and to its ecological and environmental aspects.
Current planning trends now fully incorporate the concept of eco-compatibility and sustaina-
bility, as originally defined by the Brundtland Commission report (WCED, 1987). Both nation-
ally and at European and international level (Valencia-Sandoval et al., 2010), and lately also in
developing countries (Gossling, 2003; Reidsma et al., 2011), models for sustainable develop-
ment and territorial policies were evaluated and proposed in order to direct human activities, the
main causes of radical natural and landscape changes (Osterkamp & Morton, 1996), towards a
proper integration and exploitation of the available resources (Lier et al., 1994).
In this regard, various schemes have been defined clarifying the concept of "sustainability",
and the practical actions needed to achieve it. The base model ("three pillar" or "three circles"
model - UNIDO, 2005 -) considers three dimensions: the environment (enhancement and con-
servation of natural and environmental resources), economy (progress and productivity growth)
and social aspects (equality, quality of life). In recent years this model has been further elabo-
rated (Kain, 2000 - Fig. 1 -), starting from the observation that the progress qualitative aspects
and social welfare are just as important as the purely material ones. To confirm this, it should
also be mentioned the basic and secondary needs satisfaction theory, widely theorized by Mas-
low (1943), which analyzes how the latter are not always required only after having fully ap-
peased the demand of the first. For this reason, an independent factor related to culture and her-
itage, as seen in its breadth and complexity (Keiner, 2005; Tweed & Sutherland, 2007), and the
need to preserve it for the benefit of future generations (intergenerational equality concept - UN-
IDO, 2005 -) in addition to the three original dimensions, was also considered. With the same
purpose, even the European Union in its original Treaty (Article 151, ex Article 128) stipulates
the importance of spreading knowledge and conservation of cultural heritage, as well as the re-
spect for its local specialties.
According to the above, current research related to the same themes specifically applied in ru-
ral areas, are primarily addressed to the identification of indicators and procedures for evaluat-
ing projects and land use policies (Khalifa & Connelly, 2009; Reidsma et al. , 2011, Steiner et
al., 2000, Volker, 1997), as well as to identify methodologies and tools to measure environmen-
tal quality (such as biodiversity) and production capacity of natural resources (Schultink, 2000).
However, other studies highlight the need to rediscover and re-evaluate the identity and the
endogenous resources of specific places, to dedicate them to multifunctional reuse associated
with new development opportunities, in accordance with policies of protection, conservation
and enhancement of the environment and its socio-economic and cultural factors (Cascone et
al., 1996; McDonagh et al., 2009; Paakarnis & Maliene, 2010).
Heritage 2012

Figure 1. MAIN prism of sustainable development (Kain, 2000).

Recent European Community policies, on the other hand, promote the above, defining the
priority themes to be pursued to restore the historical and balanced connection between human
activities and territory (CEC, 2006), as already highlighted in the European Conference on Ru-
ral Development (Salzburg , 12-14 November 2003). This is performed by taking into account
all the main sustainable development components mentioned above: environment, economics,
society and culture, and also through measures protecting and enhancing the sites and the land-
scape and natural resources, with incentives to improve the quality of life in rural areas and to
the diversification of economic activities carried out here, such as the promotion of recreational
and educational functions (farms holidays, teaching farms, eno-gastronomic routes and promo-
tion of quality products) (CEC, 2005).
Furthermore, the European regulatory framework, as implemented by individual states (IR,
2003), recognizes that the cultural and architectural heritage plays a crucial role in defining and
achieving rural sustainable development, as it is seen as an important component of quality of
life and social well-being (CEC, 1998; CoE, 2005), likewise to what has been analyzed in pure-
ly urban contexts (Tweed & Sutherland, 2007). Its a unique and non-renewable resource, both
in urban and extra-urban areas, due to its stratification, historical characterization, and stylistic-
architectural value (Hassler et al., 2002). Its detection and knowledge keep the memory of the
signs alive, characterizing the area where they are located. Therefore, the overall architectural
and cultural heritage (Lynch, 1960), and the rural and industrial-archaeological one, treated in
this specific case study, are vital in awakening the sense of belonging of a place, in contributing
to give historical-landscape identity to a place, in defining the landscape image to which it be-
longs, as well as in reconstructing both the socio-economic past of the ancient production sites
and the building techniques applied in different historical periods (Dal Sasso & Caliandro;
2010; Hassler et al., 2002; Marsden, 1993; Van der Vaat, 2005).
3 MATERIALS AND METHODS
3.1 The study area
As study area of the present work the Metropolitan Area of Bari (Puglia, Italy) was chosen. It
totally includes 31 municipalities and it stretches from the Adriatic coast to the Murgia ridge,
partially excluding the inner municipalities and those located further south, if compared to the
Bari province boundaries (Fig. 2). Due to the relatively small spatial extent, which has made the
historical data retrieval and the sites inspections execution easier, as well as due to the coinci-
dence with an already detected administrative bounding, the choice has perfectly adapted to the
needs of this study.
It also contains within it rural areas historically characterized by a thriving farming and ex-
tensive cultivated fields. For this reason, the widespread and considerable presence of historical
agro-industrial buildings, objects of the present work and places of agricultural products prima-
ry processing and storage, is ascertained.

Figure 2. Historical agro-industries distribution and classification by original intended use.

Table 1 (Istat, 2000) shows that in almost all the municipalities within the Metropolitan Area,
the Used Agricultural Surface Area (UASA) exceed 50% of the territorial extension.
Moreover, at national level, the Apulian territory is considered one of the most vulnerable.
Within the Puglia region, the province of Bari was the most simultaneously affected by a signif-
icant increase in population and by a growing expansion of artificial surfaces, at the expense of
agricultural land, as described in previous papers (Dal Sasso & Caliandro, 2010) and how oc-
curred in many other industrialized nations (Schultink, 2000). In the last 50 years, this resulted
in the intensification and the poor differentiation of agricultural crops, in biodiversity loss, as
well as in many rural buildings neglect and in agricultural landscape degradation. Therefore, in
this area the need to proper rural development policies, also including actions to enhance and
protect the existing historic cultural heritage, is strongly felt.
3.2 The buildings cataloguing
In order to carry out a proper survey of the analyzed structures, a specific methodology for as-
sessing both the architectural and the environmental characteristics of the historical agro-
industries was followed.
As explained in a previous work (Dal Sasso & Caliandro, 2010), before the sites direct sur-
vey, the secondary or indirect resources have been very useful to verify where and what the
structures to be detected were. For this purpose, the "Guide-yearbook of the land of Bari" (Di
Cagno, 1921) and the "Historical, statistical and commercial yearbook of Bari and its province"
(Mele, 1883) were considered as basic bibliographic, which allowed to draw up the initial list of
agro-industries existing in each municipality.
Thereafter, as a result of the onsite inspections and the use of more documentary and carto-
graphic sources (local historians writings, archival documents, place names, historical Military
Geographical Institute cartography and Urbanistic Territorial Thematic Plan), this list has been
updated and expanded, allowing to objectively quantify the number of historical agro-industrial
buildings no longer active, but still present in each of the 31 municipalities of the Metropolitan
Area of Bari (Table 2).
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Table 1. Distribution of the surface areas in the Metropolitan Area of Bari in 2000.
Municipality
Territorial
Surface
Area
Used
Agricul-
tural
Surface
Area
(UASA)
Forests
Not
Used
Agricul-
tural
Surface
Area
Other
surface
area
Total
Extra-
urban
Surface
Area
UASA/
Territorial
SA
Total Extra-
urban SA/
Territorial
SA
(ha) (ha) (ha) (ha) (ha) (ha) (%) (%)
Acquaviva 13,098 7795 282 139 108 8324 59.51 63.55
Adelfia 2973 2146 7 72 9 2234 72.17 75.14
Bari 11,620 2211 2 123 19 2351 19.03 20.23
Binetto 1762 861 __ 5 __ 866 48.89 49.16
Bitetto 3357 2779 __ 51 22 2.852 82.78 84.96
Bitonto 17,282 12,593 156 140 72 12,967 72.87 75.03
Bitritto 1765 1084 __ 17 3 1104 61.42 62.56
Capurso 1488 794 __ 19 9 823 53.39 55.32
Casamassima 7741 4147 61 134 51 4393 53.57 56.75
Cassano 8942 4786 1488 136 18 6429 53.53 71.90
Cellamare 583 327 __ 8 7 342 56.11 58.68
Conversano 12,690 7322 26 126 75 7550 57.70 59.49
Corato 16,769 12,556 294 612 243 13,705 74.87 81.73
Gioia del
Colle
20,648 14,839 1410 116 323 16,689 71.87 80.83
Giovinazzo 4371 3597 1 8 9 3615 82.29 82.70
Grumo 8060 4637 46 22 13 4719 57.53 58.54
Modugno 3190 1381 13 69 12 1475 43.30 46.22
Mola di Bari 5076 3182 19 37 14 3252 62.68 64.06
Molfetta 5832 4127 1 50 85 4268 70.76 73.19
Noicattaro 4116 3376 11 22 14 3424 82.02 83.19
Palo del Colle 7906 6300 0 53 95 6448 79.69 81.56
Polignano a
Mare
6250 3522 5 119 98 3745 56.35 59.92
Rutigliano 5320 4083 0 185 10 4279 76.76 80.43
Ruvo di Puglia 22,204 13,826 311 224 128 14,489 62.27 65.25
Sammichele di
Bari
3387 2132 56 19 14 2221 62.94 65.58
Sannicandro di
Bari
5.600 2702 1 60 24 2788 48.26 49.79
Terlizzi 6830 4237 __ 23 12 4272 62.03 62.55
Toritto 7458 5791 345 77 14 6227 77.65 83.49
Triggiano 2000 1399 1 136 15 1551 69.93 77.55
Turi 7077 5852 55 135 59 6108 82.69 86.31
Valenzano 1579 651 __ 44 2 697 41.22 44.12
Total 226,974 145,035 4591 2981 1577 154,207

Table 2. Historical agro-industrial buildings cited in references and detected for each municipality.
Municipality
Agro-industrial
buildings (cited in
references
*, **, ***
)
Of which:
active in
1883
*

Of which:
active
between
1883 and
1921
**
Of which:
active after
1921
***

Existing agro-
industrial
buildings
(detected by
bibliography)
Existing agro-
industrial
buildings
(detected by
other sources)
Acquaviva 26 2 2 22 1 2
Adelfia 28 8 20 0 1
Bari 188 117 26 45 0 19
Binetto 7 6 1 1 0
Bitetto 12 4 8 4 5
Bitonto 25 11 14 0 12
Bitritto 8 3 5 0 1
Capurso 17 10 7 0 0
Casamassima 11 1 10 0 0
Cassano 20 12 8 0 0
Cellamare 2 1 1 0 0
Conversano 22 12 1 9 0 8
Corato 40 19 1 20 0 0
Gioia del
Colle
28 18 10 3 1
Giovinazzo 17 1 1 15 0 15
Grumo 38 22 16 0 1
Modugno 24 24 0 5
Mola di Bari 17 8 1 8 2 27
Molfetta 39 10 6 23 3 6
Noicattaro 25 15 10 1 2
Palo del Colle 25 3 22 0 2
Polignano a
Mare
17 5 1 11 0 26
Rutigliano 11 2 9 1 1
Ruvo di Puglia 36 15 21 1 2
Sammichele di
Bari
10 10 1 1
Sannicandro di
Bari
12 3 9 0 2
Terlizzi 23 5 18 2 2
Toritto 20 7 13 0 1
Triggiano 17 7 10 0 0
Turi 21 11 1 9 1 2
Valenzano 23 16 7 0 0
Total 809 21 144
Data source:
*
Mele, 1883;
**
La Sorsa, 1915; MAIC (General Direction of Statistics), 1891;
***
Di Cagno,
1921.

It has been necessary to acquire a support, i.e. a recording card, in order to create an exhaus-
tive catalog and to better address the survey and onsite inspections tasks. The recording cards
represent the summary of the research work done, and they have been created to be both a point
of arrival and departure for further analysis. Regarding this, the main European and Italian cata-
Heritage 2012
loging models have been taken as references. Cues from previous works about the inventory of
other types of rural buildings (Dal Sasso et al., 2009), or from English, American (Historic
American Engineering Record), French and Italian (CNR Institute for Archaeological and Mo-
numental Assets of Lecce) examples of censuses specifically carried out on the archaeological
and industrial sites heritage, were taken.
Based on the observed inventory cards, those drawn up in this research were divided into
three sections. First, the descriptive elements were selected able to provide the complete de-
scription of the structure. Next, they were reported in sections A and B, respectively consisting
of the buildings localization and census analysis, and C, containing their historical and descrip-
tive analysis and the reuse proposal.
The following parameters were detected to complete Section A:
basic identification data, including the presence or absence of architectural con-
straints and/or recommendations imposed on the considered structure;
typological characteristics of the building, evaluated according to its particular
location than in urban or rural area;
geographical location described by Military Geographical Institute (IGM) carto-
graphy (1:50,000 scale), aerial photogrammetric survey excerpt, photographs or or-
thophotos.
The next section B consists of information regarding:
original and current intended use;
property nature and main modes of area access;
construction date, whose chronological limits were suggested by used archival and
bibliographic references (Di Cagno, 1921; Mele, 1883);
conservation status of the structure;
presence or absence of equipment and machinery;
type of collection systems of product worked and/or wastes. In this case, the com-
plete absence of such systems has been indicated both if they have not been found
during the site inspections, and if their presence in the analyzed production site is ig-
nored, due to inability to access.
Furthermore, the metric and photography survey allowed to complete Section C.
This one is composed by the structural and construction elements description of the analyzed
object. For a more comprehensive work, it has also been integrated with a possible reuse pro-
posal and with a historical perspective of the building, in case it can be deduced from various
secondary sources.
Not always it was possible to fill in the detected object recording card in an exhaustive man-
ner. 149 buildings have also been completely cataloged, on a total of 165 identified. This was
not possible for the remaining 16 detected objects, due to several reasons: site inaccessibility,
due to safety issues related to its total abandonment; lack of information regarding the structures
owners, to necessarily contact to perform the inspections; owners total unwillingness to provide
information and to detect the study object.
In this cases, a small card was designed, totally lacking of section C and partially lacking of
section B. However, the last one was supplemented with information on the estimated reuse and
on the elements characterizing and qualifying the analyzed structure.
3.3 The Geographic Information System
Most of the information derived from the inventory card have been recorded in the geographic
database, implemented with the Arcmap 9.3.1 software, released by ESRI
. This has firstly al-

lowed the filing of the collected data.
First of all, the work in the GIS environment was performed homologating all the available
cartographic data, i.e. georeferencing them in the chosen reference system (Gauss-Boaga Na-
tional reference system). Subsequently, it was created a shapefile made up of point features
representing the single buildings, whose set allowed the drafting of the historical agro-industrial
buildings location map in the Metropolitan Area of Bari (Fig. 2).
Between each of the recording cards, corresponding to a single detected building, and each
features attributes identified in the GIS environment and organized in an associated table, there
is a correspondence, i.e. a "one by one" relation. This link allows to update, edit and subse-
quently expand the database in a contemporary way both in the card and in the geographic in-
formation system (Fig. 3).
Finally, additional cartographic data, needed to complete the drafting of thematic maps on the
historical agro-industrial buildings census, were spatially overlaid to the aforesaid shapefile
(land use maps, administrative boundaries, constraints and architectural or landscape assets
maps Figs. 2, 4).
The geographic information system was also useful, in this research work, to geographically
check the relationship between the cataloged agro-industries location and their territorial and
agricultural-productive context, analyzing its evolution and the land use historical changes, as
detail shown in a previous paper (Dal Sasso & Caliandro, 2010).

Figure 3. The Geographic Information System drafting.
4 THE HISTORICAL AGRO-INDUSTRIAL BUILDING HERITAGE
Within the Metropolitan Area of Bari a total of 165 agro-industrial archaeology structures were
detected (Fig. 2). It's important to note that the study of this particular building heritage has al-
ways been closely related, during the research, to the territorial analysis, and particularly to the
rural-landscape and crop-agricultural one, as well as to its history and evolution. Therefore, it
was chosen to properly extend the agro-industries census only to places where the main agricul-
tural crops transformation was processed. Such crops appear to have been, over time, the most
particular of the study area, as resulted by the analysis carried on the cultivation changes (Dal
Sasso & Caliandro, 2010).
Consequently, it results that, of the 165 detected buildings, 8 were identified as wheat milling
places, to produce flour or pasta, 41 were identified as wine production sites or distillation in-
dustries, and 106 as olive oil production places. The other 10 detected sites are composed by
buildings having multiple production destination, in which the different activities listed above
share the same complex (Fig. 2).
Heritage 2012

Figure 4. Constraints map.

In a more detailed way, the different buildings description, distinguished depending on the
product proceeded within them, also allows the recorded buildings typological and constructive
common characteristics examination.
The surveyed and cataloged buildings analysis and the thematic maps, produced as before
widely described, has led to summarize some distribution aspects of the agro-industrial histori-
cal structures in the study area municipalities.
It was noted that the coastal municipalities of the Metropolitan Area of Bari, both north-west
(Molfetta, Giovinazzo, Bitonto - Fig. 2 -), whose territories partially include the historical "olive
oil route" (Varricchio, 2000), and south of the capital city (particularly Polignano a Mare, Con-
versano, Mola di Bari) have best preserved the witness of their cultural and agricultural-
productive past. Indeed, only in the mentioned 6 municipalities is concentrated 60% of the sur-
veyed agro-industries (Table 2). This is due to an extended area's productivity, to a large spread-
ing of road links and infrastructures and, in addition, to a more felt cultural consciousness with
respect to the study objects witness values, which also led to an assured presence and ease re-
trieval of bibliographical data related to these issues.
Generally, as stated above confirms a lack of interest by social parties and responsible author-
ities in the historical and testimonial value recognition of such architectural assets. Only 27% of
the analyzed cases is the exception (44 structures on 165 surveyed), including items reported in
the Urbanistic Territorial Thematic Plan (Piano Urbanistico Territoriale Tematico/Paesaggio -
PUTT/P -), of which notable examples, in addition to assets subjected to architectural and land-
scape or archaeological constraint and recommendation, are the trappeti (olive oil mills)
mainly located in Bitonto area (Fig. 4).
Looking at Figure 2 its noted that the buildings are mostly located in extra-urban contexts.
Historically, since these buildings are referred to a proto-industrial organization, production fa-
cilities were built in non-concentrated areas, i.e. in rural contexts where the economy and the
social fabric were still very fragmented and not prone for sales markets expansion.
The above said is further confirmed by the study area historical maps comparison. Urban
areas growing expansion, occurred over time, led to currently classify as urban those structures
that originally were in purely rural contexts or on the edge of town and country.
In any case, collected data show that 25% of the surveyed historical agro-industries results to
be isolated farm buildings, while 36% is added to a farmhouse complex. Whereby the total
number of buildings identified and localized in areas outside the cities is equal to 61% of cases.
Furthermore, site investigations also show that several agro-industrial buildings are in disre-
pair, ruined and decadent (30% of cases). Many other buildings, located in strictly rural areas,
were already completely demolished to obtain probable land improvements, while 41% of the
analyzed structures is in a good or excellent condition, thanks to restoration works aimed at their
real or planned reuse.
From the drawn up summary of all the descriptive characteristics listed in the inventory card,
in its section C (or in section B of the reduced cards) an overall assessment of the described ob-
ject was possible to make, defining the presence or absence of distinguishing features. This as-
sessment comes from the application of the methodology described in a previous paper (Dal
Sasso & Caliandro, 2010), which mainly takes into account the parameters listed there. They are
considered as guidelines not only aimed to an in-depth knowledge of the surveyed structures,
but also useful to determine the convincing need for their recovery.
5 CONCLUSIONS
Depending on the above said, the presence and knowledge of cultural heritage, widespread in
non-urban area, represent a strength to pursuit the sustainable development of that territorial
context, for a long time confined to a secondary importance role if compared to human pres-
sures and urban areas management issues.
Moreover, evolution, development and sustainability in the enjoyment of the countryside and,
consequently, of the cultural heritage contained herein, are closely related to its location than in
historical and recently expanded urban centers. Indeed, as it's clear from this case study, histori-
cal agro-industrial buildings in residual rural areas strongly intertwined with urban areas, and
their hoped restoration and enhancement, contribute to preserve the socio-economical and cul-
tural identity and the historical memory of the productive past of this territory context, already
severely compromised by new urban expansions.
In these cases the analyzed structures integrated recovery, for instance, is a starting point to
carry out tourist-cultural routes, ensuring development opportunities linked to social and cultur-
al trends rather than exclusively residential, infrastructure and tertiary ones.
Instead, as seen in the internal areas of the present study Metropolitan Area, where the set-
tlements are more scattered and rural areas prevail with respect to the urban fabric (Fig. 2), the
historical agro-industries protection and reuse, also if singly carried out, answer to the rural eco-
nomic development prevailing need. This form of action is specifically related to the tourism
sector and, as mentioned above, to the concepts of agricultural activities diversification and
multifunctionality.
All this is in line with the dual trends towards which the new European agricultural practices
are moving: on one hand the "living countryside" model, on the other hand that of the agricul-
tural activities "multifunctionality", both widely described by McDonagh et al. (2009).
Briefly, in both described cases, the enhancement of the historical agro-industries heritage is
especially desirable for those strongly featuring structures, according to the criteria set out in
this work. Furthermore, depending on the specific context in which they are located, this requa-
lification takes into consideration, enhances and involves one or more of the four rural sustaina-
ble development main components, as previously identified.
Therefore, the census and the recognition of the historical, cultural and architectural-stylistic
role of these structures highlight the importance of the local identity resources exploitation, in
order to prevent their abandonment and the consequent environmental and natural degradation.
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Sieber, S., Van Ittersum, M.K. & Brouwer, F. 2011. Methods and tools for integrated assessment of
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Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
Scholars engaged in anthropological food studies are more than likely to come across Mary
Douglass (1975) classic study and analysis of the structure of the proper meal. Her work
showed that the way our meals were ordered complemented the pattern of interactions in the
society. That is, the structure of the meal mirrors the social structure at large. We are not only
what we eat, but we are also how we eat.
Although what the Japanese have been eating has been revolutionized over the centuries (and
over much shorter time spans), how they have been eatingthe meal structure and/or
formathas not changed as radically. There is one scroll from the late Heian period (794-1192),
the Yamai no sshi [Diseases and Deformities], which helpfully contains an illustration of the
meal style of the lower-class members of Japanese society during that time. In one scene, named
Man with the Loose Tooth, a commoner is portrayed opening his mouth to a woman who is
probably his wife. His meal is laid out on a tray in front of him. On the tray is a huge bowl of rice,
paired with a similarly large-sized bowl of soup, and both accompanied by three tiny dishes, one
of which clearly contains fish (see Kyoto National Museum, 2012). This pattern of rice, soup,
The form(at) of heritage: perspectives from Japanese food tradition
V. G. Cang
RINRI Institute of Ethics, Tokyo, Japan
ABSTRACT: From the time Jewish meals were deciphered by Douglas (1975), studies of food in
other societies have revealed eating structures that in most cases ably serve as cultural heritage
markers. Meals in Japan, viewed historically, have followed a particularly important and
persistent form(at) that is exemplified by ichijuu sansai (one-soup-and-three-side-dishes), which
has consistently remained the same for more than a millennium at least. Said meal form or format,
though artificially created, has been naturalized and has become a critical mnemonic in the
collective memory of the meal in Japan and the nations food heritage as a whole. It has also
granted a sense of tangibility to the otherwise intangible notion of Japanese food tradition,
while promoting the growth and development of other media/mnemonics in Japanese food
heritage that have in turn become formally recognized heritage themselves, both tangible and
intangible. Such representatives of Japanese heritage now include the objects as well as the
techniques of various arts and crafts related to food in the Japanese cultural context. This paper is
a preliminary exploration of the tangible-intangible juncture of food heritage as it focuses, for
present purposes, on the form and/or format of the Japanese food tradition as mainly seen and
basically formed in the kaiseki meal. The inseparability of the tangible from intangible heritage,
including the roles of form(at) in creating and affirming the idea of heritage in general, is briefly
discussed.
and three side dishes eventually found its way into the formal meals, that is, kaiseki, that are
associated with the tea ceremony tradition while said tradition was being established in the 16th
century. The format endured, so that many of the meals served in Japan today, from the set
lunches in small restaurants to the meals served in schools and company cafeterias, follow the
same pattern with only slight variations (Cang, 2011). Said format is now considered the bare
bones of the Japanese meal, whether it is served at home or outside, in other social settings
(Ashkenazi & Jacob, 2000, p. 212).
The Japanese epithet for the particular meal format mentioned above is ichijuu sansai [literally,
one-soup three-dishes]; it is the meals bare form, in other words. (Rice, as Japans staple food,
is considered a given.) Although it may have been invented at some point during Japanese ancient
history, it is the tea ceremony with which the format is strongly identified, as it is the basic rule for
kaiseki, the meal that traditionally accompanies any formal gathering involving the tea ritual. The
format of kaiseki has expanded, however, so that it now exist[s] in other meal forms [even] as the
components are adjusted, tinkered with, [and] modified as the social and aesthetic circumstances
dictate (Ashkenazi, 2000). Nonetheless, it is seen fully blown in kaiseki (p. 212).
This paper is a preliminary investigation of the Japanese meal format, with particular focus on
kaiseki. Kaiseki is a good window, if not lens, into Japanese food tradition not only because of the
wide influence it exerts on the way meals are structured in Japan. It is also important in the sense
that kaiseki is considered the epitome (Cwiertka, 2006) as well as the foundation of what is
considered to be Japanese cuisine (Cang, 2011).
The following section offers an introduction to kaiseki with particular focus on its form of
practice (that is, format) within the confines of the tea ceremony tradition. It is followed by a
discussion on the distinctive manner in which such format has been retained in the context of
Japanese food tradition, and consequently, within Japanese food heritage in general.
2 KAISEKI AS BASIC FOOD TRADITION AND HERITAGE
The tea ceremony is one Japanese cultural tradition that is increasingly becoming more familiar
to many; information from the internet and other media, as well as actual presentations in
cultural events within and outside Japan have enabled many to come across it in some form or
another. In almost all of these presentations, however, as well as in much of the literature
concerning the tea ceremony, it is only the procedure of serving and drinking tea that is shown
and discussed. The actual tea ritual, though, constitutes only half of the sequence of events in
the actual tea ceremony: In the formal tea gathering, the tea kaiseki, or simply the kaiseki meal
takes place before any of the participants or guests have their tea. During this meal, a succession
of food courses are presented and consumed in a particular format and within a considerably
longer period of time than the tea ritual that follows it. It entails an equal, or perhaps a greater,
degree of complicated ritual procedures.
Kaiseki may not be the first thing that comes to mind in most discussions about the tea
ceremony, although it is an integral part of the tradition. Academic and other scholarly literature
on the tea ceremony also tends to bypass the topic of kaiseki in discussions of the cultural
tradition, which may be understandable: The tea ceremony is a ritual centered on tea, not food,
after all.
Although many studies have been undertaken with regard to the tea ceremony (recent extensive
studies include Kato, 2004 and Chiba, 2010), there is a dearth of literature in English about
kaiseki, much less its format. In probably the most exhaustive anthropological study of the tea
ceremony tradition in English, Anderson (1991) wrote a 300-page tome that describes the practice
down to the minutest details of movement and manners including tea ritual philosophy. However,
less than 20 pages are devoted to kaiseki. It is nonetheless a relatively generous amount of
attention given to this often-overlooked part of the tea ceremony tradition, so that for the present
purposes, kaiseki will be described through her account, with additional descriptions from this
papers author, who is himself a long-term practitioner of the tea ceremony.
Heritage 2012
3 THE FORMAT AND PRACTICE OF KAISEKI
Anderson (1991) begins with the general rules of kaiseki.
General principles of the kaiseki require that all ingredients be of good
quality and seasonal. They should not be especially expensive nor should
they be exotic (because the guests may not like unfamiliar items). Foods
should be attractively arranged and suit the dishes on which they are served.
The cook should avoid excessive ornamentation such as elaborately carved
vegetables and inedible decorations. Since etiquette requires the guests to
wipe the empty dishes clean with the papers they carry in their kimono,
anything uneaten (such as bones or garnishes) must be taken home in their
sleeves, a potential inconvenience that may be avoided. Kaiseki meals of the
most standard type are characteristically served on square black trays with
matching sets of covered, lacquered bowls(p. 166)
These are enumerated as the general rules of kaiseki, but they actually form a typical
description of the Japanese food and cuisine as generally known today: the emphasis on quality
and seasonality, the simplicity of the ingredients, the attention to presentation, the importance of
utensils, etc. The etiquette factor is also characteristic, if not stereotypical, of Japanese meal
service. Kaiseki, however, is said to be the most representative of all Japanese meals: It
revolutionized the manner in which food was regarded in Japan, being a humanistic meal that
was the first cuisine to reflect a sense of season and a sensitivity to human feelings (Kumakura,
1999, p. 39).
After a few more paragraphs of kaiseki rules, Anderson (1991) finally describes the partaking
of the kaiseki meal itself.
When the hostis ready to serve the meal, he places a shiki [food tray] in
front of him and opens the door to the tearoom. On the front of the tray are
two covered bowls of slightly different sizes. In the one on the left, as it
faces the guest, is a scoop of soft white rice in the shape of the character for
oneThis symbolizes that among foods, rice is first and holds the place of
honor. The other bowl is filled witha soup of soy paste and a stockmade
from seaweed and bonito shavingsDiminutive portions are served,
emblematic of the hypothetically spartan nature of the meal.
On the back of the tray rests a third bowlmade of ceramicIn it, the
guests see a mound of raw fishSpecial cedar chopsticks [that] rest on the
tray in front of the bowlsare only used once. Such chopsticks are always
dampened. The clean, fresh wood suggests purity (p. 167-168)
At this point, the guests have not eaten yet. The setting is now complete, however:
Throughout the meal, everyone will be eating from the same tray. As of this time, the rice, soup,
and only one of the three major side dishes has been brought out. The format of the meal will be
completed as it progresses.
The host seats himself in front of the main guest and the [main guest] slides
slightly forward to receive the tray. He lifts it slightly and inclines his head
to show appreciation. As he places the tray in front of himself, he apologizes
to the next guest for preceding him. After everyone has a tray, the host
kneels in the doorway and bows. He invites all to enjoy their meal. The
guests bow and the main guest announces their intention to begin. When the
host has closed the door, the guests take the lids off their rice and soup bowls
and place them to one side. Symbolic of its importance, the rice is eaten first,
then the soup. The seafood dishremains untouched (p. 168)
The guests finally have the first mouthful of food, although they are inhibited from tasting the
fish for now, as the rules dictate. This will soon be eaten, however, when the sake [rice wine] is
brought out.
After the guests have eaten a little rice and soup, the host reenters the tearoom
carrying a black standwhich supports shallow, red sake saucersHe also
carries a small iron potfull of warm sake. The host sets the [stand] in front
of the main guest who takes the bottom cup and passes the rest down the line.
The host then pours sake for each guest. The guests do not eat their raw fish
until after they taste the sake(p. 168)
The writer seems to be intent on making sure that the guests do not have any of the fish until
the sake has been served. As for the sake itself, although the colors and shapes of the utensils
used to serve it may vary, there is a stipulated method by which it has to be served to and drunk
by the guests, which is more complicated than the description above. The format and etiquette
for drinking sake during kaiseki also appears, to a certain extent and in one form or another, in
other non-tea ceremony contexts today, especially when similar implementsstands and sake
saucersare used, such as during wedding ceremonies or at new years, when the first sake of
the year is imbibed.
Sake is served throughout the kaiseki meal as the other courses are brought out one after the
other.
The next course is the star of the showIt falls in the class of boiled
foods [nimono]. The smell of the nimono is as important as the taste. For a
gathering such as thisthe ingredients are carefully arranged with an eye to
proportion and color(p. 168-169)
We have now reached the stage of the second major side dish, which, if one were to use the
vocabulary of fine dining in non-Japanese contexts, would correspond to the entre. The nimono
is usually a non-meat dish that is served in a covered lacquer bowl, to trap the aroma, with one
bowl for each guest. The dish normally includes vegetables in season which, together with the
main ingredient, is usually half-covered in a soup. And as with all the other dishes in kaiseki,
there is a proper way for eating the nimono: The covered bowl is lifted to face level, and the
lid slightly opened towards the guests nose for her/him to take in the first whiff of the foods
aroma. The bowl is then fully opened as the lid is turned over and placed in its stipulated
position outside the tray.
Yakimono, broiled foods, are served as the next course. The course may
include grilled meats but fish is the more common choiceGrilled foods are
always served with fresh green chopsticks made in a special shape that
indicates that they were made exclusively for yakimono (p. 169)
The grilled food is the third side dish; it is also usually seafood. It completes the main
format of kaiseki. In actual practice today, however, two or three (or more)
dishesconveniently lumped together under the category of miscellaneous sake
accompanimentsare also provided during the meal. Thus, kaiseki is not spartan in
any way.
The host then announces that he will eat his meal in the preparation area
and the main guest invites him to join the group. The host almost always
refuses. He is there exclusively to serve his guests. He will eat in the
tearoom only if there is a solitary guest. The commensal aspect of the tea
ritual will be manifested later when a sake cup is passed back and forth
between host and guests. Westerners tend to find the absence of a shared
repast surprising as commensal meals are central to our ethic of hospitality.
Such is not the case in Japan (p. 169)
The meal goes on, with all the attendant rules on movement, etiquette, etc. The above section
only scratches at the surface of the practice of kaiseki, but short as the description may be, it
sufficiently provides a view of the meals complexity and its many rules of form and etiquette.
On closer examination, one will also discover in the kaiseki description a fairly accurate and
general overview of Japanese food tradition. For this and other reasons, kaiseki is the fully
blown example of the format of the Japanese meal, as mentioned above.
Heritage 2012
4 CONCEPTUALIZING THE JAPANESE MEAL FORMAT
The meal has been defined as
an artistic social construct [that orders] the foodstuffs which comprise it into a
complex dramatic whole, as a play organizes actions and words into
component parts such as acts, scenesand exits, in all the sequence designed
for them. However humble it may be, a meal has a definite plot, the intention
of which is to intrigue, stimulate, and satisfy (Visser, 1986, p. 14-15)
In this sense, kaiseki may be likened to a formatted play, the script of which forms a catalog
of the essential qualities of Japanese food tradition; the whole script describes the essence as
well as the sum of the Japanese meal. This consolidated form, as played out above, constitutes
the living catalog of Japanese food tradition, including the postures, techniques, strategies,
and philosophy that comprise it (Friday, 2001, p. 135). In the Japanese language, said catalog
of form is called the traditions kata [literally, form].
Kata is a concept familiar to many students of the martial arts, and it is often thought of as
applicable and confined only to such practices. However, it is prevalent throughout Japanese
traditional arts including, but in no way limited to, flower arranging, tea, traditional Japanese
dance, and the kabuki and noh theaters (Klens-Bigman, 2012, n.p.). As an integral part of the
tea ceremony tradition, kata is the means by which kaiseki, and thus Japanese food structure and
practice, has been practiced and transmitted.
While kata is usually translated as form in English, its meaning is best understood through
the term pattern practice (Friday, 2001, p. 135), that is, form(at). It is the mold by which
practitioners of a Japanese cultural tradition learn the structures of the tradition, its patterns of
artistic and social behaviors, and moral and ethical values, in accordance with prescribed
formulaic rules (Matsunobu, 2007, p. 1107).
The form(at) or kata of kaiseki, even in the simplified version provided above, is invariably
complex. Even, too, if reduced to the seemingly simple pattern of rice, soup, and three side
dishes, it is always accompanied by a host of other rules, etiquette, symbolic meaning, etc.,
which inform kaiseki practice as a whole. The nimono, for example, although only a dish of
fish and vegetables boiled together, must be appreciated and consumed in a manner particular to
it, in accordance to the stipulated form(at) established in kaiseki. It is the same with the other
side dishes, as well as the rice and the soup.
Such rules and mannersthe kata of eatingare not in any way limited to kaiseki alone. For
example, in the regular Japanese meal (served in the home or elsewhere), the soup bowl is
invariably placed to the right of the rice bowl. There is no other way to properly arrange the
two, for such is the meals kata, the foundations and hints of which may be found in kaiseki.
5 IMPLICATIONS
The kata of kaiseki has led to the growth and development of other forms of tradition that have
in turn become formally recognized heritage. These include lacquerware and ceramics, both as
products and as techniques that are currently part of formal Japanese heritage discourse, as
touched on above.
Food heritageas well as other forms of heritageis often defined by its means of
transmission, which is generally by crafts of memory or other mnemonic devices. If kaiseki
were considered as the collective memory of Japanese food tradition, thus its form(at) as kata
would be its mnemonic. By systematizing the Japanese meal as well as by stipulating its form of
practice, among other roles, kata has aided in the safeguarding of food heritage in Japan. As
intangible heritage, food tradition does not have a strong physical form; kata ably fulfills the
role in its stead. In this sense, kata grants a notion of tangibility to the otherwise intangible
notion of Japanese food tradition.
Since it does not have a definite and concrete form, food heritagewhether Japanese or
notis more difficult to transmit and preserve as compared to other types of (tangible) heritage.
The role of kaiseki kata in the safeguarding of Japanese food heritage thus becomes essential.
A preliminary paper of this scope cannot dwell on the philosophical foundations as well as a
detailed survey of kata, even if the analysis were limited to kaiseki and/or Japanese food
heritage. Suffice it to say that the study of food tradition in Japan is best served by an analysis of
its form(at), that is, kata. It is one of the chief means for safeguarding, and perhaps the primary
way of understanding, Japanese intangible heritage.
REFERENCES
Anderson, J. L. (1991). An introduction to Japanese tea ritual. NY: State University of New York Press.
Ashkenazi, M. & Jacob, J. (2000). The essence of Japanese cuisine: An essay on food and culture.
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Cang, V.G. (2011). National cuisines as heritage: As viewed from the Japanese kaiseki meal. Conference
on Intangible Heritage (Sharing Cultures 2011), Tomar, Portugal, 3-6 July 2011. Portugal: Greenlines
Institute.
Chiba, K. (2010). Japanese women, class and the tea ceremony: The voices of tea practitioners in northern
Japan. London: Routledge.
Cwiertka, K. (2006). Modern Japanese cuisine: Food, power and national identity. Wiltshire, UK:
Cromwell Press.
Douglas, M. (1975). Deciphering a meal. In Implicit meanings: Essays in anthropology (231-251). London:
Routledge & Kegan Paul.
Friday, K. (2001). Form/xing/kata/pattern practice. In T. A. Green (Ed.), Martial arts of the world: an
encyclopedia (135-140). Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO.
Kato, E. (2004). The tea ceremony and womens empowerment in modern Japan: Bodies re-presenting the
past. London: Routledge.
Klens-Bigman, D. (2012). Creativity, bound flow and the concept of shu-ha-ri in kata. Fighting Arts.
Retrieved from http://www.fightingarts.com/reading/article.php.
Kumakura, I., 1999. Tea and Japans culinary revolution. Japan Echo, 26 (2), 39-43.
Kyoto National Museum (2012). http://www.kyohaku.go.jp/jp/syuzou/meihin/kaiga/emaki/item04g.html
Matsunobu, K. (2007). Japanese perspectives and research on the body. In L. Bresler (Ed.), International
handbook of research in arts education (1107-1108). Dordrecht, Netherlands: Springer-Verlag.
Visser, M. (1986). Much depends on dinner. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart.
Heritage 2012

1 INTRODUCTION
The object of the research we are conducting at ARCH_IN (the Industrial Archaeology Labora-
tory at the Engineering Faculty at Genoa University) is to get more people to know the history
of industry in Liguria, by suggesting a new touristic itinerary as a complement to the existing
traditional ones.
The value of the industrial heritage of the last fifty years in Liguria has not yet been given
sufficient recognition; yet lately, following the example of other countries, people have devel-
oped an interest in the preservation and valorisation of our industrial heritage.
Such interest has been determined and fuelled by the recovery of a number of structures of great
relevance converted to art galleries, such as the Bankside Power station in London and the
Hamburger Bahnhof in Berlin; or connected in networks, like the 36 industrial plants in Catalo-
nia, which form the Technology and Science Museum System of Catalonia; or the Zeche Zoll-
verein, Red Dot Design Museum, etc. In Genoa, the requalification of the Porto Antico (Ancient
Harbor) marked a significant step in the revaluation of our industrial heritage, and opened the
way to what might become a policy of intervention in Liguria.
Our ARCH_IN Lab research focuses on the analysis, knowledge and revalorisation of sites
and buildings of historical, architectural and landscape interest. Its aim is to promote their pre-
servation and revaluation. Our proposals deal above all with structures that are either disused or
in a bad state of conservation, with the aim to salvage and suitably reuse them.
The project for a sustainable tourism is part of the knowledge phase. To this purpose, we
work on several programmes and initiatives, among which:
- the census of the industrial buildings and sites of historical, architectural and technological
interest in Liguria (in agreement with both the Superintendence for the Architectural Heritage
and the Ligurian Landscape) and
The industrial cultural heritage a resource for sustainable
tourism in Liguria
S. De Maestri
ARCH_IN - Industrial Archeology Laboratory, Engineering Faculty, Genoa University
ABSTRACT: This paper aims to present to a larger community the history of Liguria indus-
tries, merging a new tourist proposal with a more traditional valorisation of an industrial cultural
heritage. We have selected those structures (active, disused or converted toward new functions)
which being characterized by specific potentialities for position, typical features and value can
be linked to a virtual network becoming part of a cultural tourism. During last years, we have
investigated many of these realities by ARCH_IN (The Industrial Archeological Laboratory of
the Engineering Faculty of Genova) and by a strong cooperation with Public Organization (Re-
gion, Provinces, Municipalities) and private companies and we have simulated preservation and
exploitation by specific restoration projects, recovery and/or new employment within a more
general process of urban and territorial sustainable qualification.
- the survey of structures of interest for modern tourism (in agreement with the Tourism
Council of Liguria, Lombardia Piemonte, Emilia Romagna, and the Milan Triennale).
The activity on ARCH_IN consists also in proposing studies of valorisation and developing
them through feasibility projects.
Many and varied are the elements of the industrial heritage: factories, plants, infrastructures,
workers estates and villages, documents, files, company archives. Our project aims to point out
the existing heritage in our region and make the most of it in the field of cultural tourism, by
suggesting a series of thematic itineraries connecting the various elements.
Liguria still possesses a great variety of examples of remarkable relevance, as these were ear-
ly examples of productive plants and facilities; in my presentation I will focus on the emergence
of the infrastructure network in the region.
In Liguria, industrialization lead to the construction of a whole series of marine and terrestrial
infrastructures, at various scales within the region. Many of those that still exist, especially
those related to transportation, could become a resource for sustainable cultural tourism, not
only because they involve the conservation and use of existing assets, but also because, in the
case of public transport, they offer an important contribution to energy saving.
Pollution is mainly due to an uncontrolled industrial development and demographic growth,
and is in fact largely attributable to the high rate of motorization. Italy has low adoption rate of
public transport compared to other European countries; the amount of air pollutants, particularly
carbon dioxide, is increasing despite the EU commitment to cut 20-30% emissions before 2020.
2 LAND FACILITIES
First of all in 1853 the Turin-Genoa railway line, among the first built in Italy, brought indu-
strialization to Liguria; it still is a landmark of the valleys of our hinterland and offers the travel-
ler magnificent views. The surviving buildings are interesting not only for their still preserved
technological characteristics, but also for the many structures built along the railway line:
bridges, railway stations, warehouses. The 1929 Genoa-Casella railway line has been recently
rediscovered and revaluated by opening it to tourism (Fig. 1). It is one of the few still existing
and working examples of narrow-gauge railway in Italy. Its winding route extends for 25km and
connects places of naturalistic and cultural interest, such as the Fortresses Park and the city
walls. It is now possible to travel in an historical train, recovered and restored, with the oldest
electric locomotive still operating in Italy (1924), the passenger carriages and a bar carriage
(1929) with wooden furniture and bronze and brass finishings.
Even when disused, old railway lines offer the possibility of being converted to new infra-
structures for an environmentally sustainable touristic use. An example exists in the western Ri-
viera: the decision was taken of doubling some sections of the old line which winds along the
coast, crossing old villages and towns; the railway line was moved up-hill, and the existing one
was disused. As a consequence, a stretch of about 24km (from Ospedaletti to San Lorenzo al
Mare) became available. This section of great beauty was converted in 1999 into a green rib-
bon, a route for pedestrians, cyclists and environmentally-friendly transportation. Our current
ARCH IN project includes the reuse of the structures built for freights and travelers (Fig. 2); in
agreement with the company in charge of the operations we have studied a plan for reusing
these structures as accommodation for cyclists.
The revaluation of public transport systems, from the more common types (tramways, under-
ground railways, light railways, ordinary railways) to the less conventional ones (monorails, ca-
ble railways, lifts, cableways, etc.), greatly contributes to achieving sustainable mobility: a so-
lution to the coupled issues of saving energy, providing a good quality of life in historical town
centres, and reducing pollution. The EU itself has funded in recent years several research and
'best practice' sharing programs; these aim to identify virtuous models that combine fundamen-
tal values: guaranteeing freedom of movement and accessibility, while reducing pollution and
resource consumption. Numerous Italian and European cities already focus on recovering or
building these systems: in Genoa, Renzo Piano himself, the chief advisor to the Mayor of Ge-
noa, promotes the preservation and valorisation of such structures: the idea of town is founded
on the availability of an adequate public transport service, able to free the town centre from cars,
and, concerning the links with the upper parts of the town, cable ways and lifts are preferable.
Heritage 2012
Genoa, a town built on hills, has been endowed of such structures since the XIX century. In
fact, at the time, in order to promote the urban expansion, two cableways on tracks were built:
the S. Anna, (1891) and the Zecca-Righi (1895), together with a rack-and-pinion railway in
Granarolo (1901), and several lifts, five of which are still operating today. In order to operate
the S. Anna cableway, which is supported on a series of brick arches, a water counterweight was
employed - one of the first in Italy (Fig. 3). In order to overcome the difficulties of the steep
slope of Granarolo Hill, a rack-and-pinion railway was built. The line, now under repairs, still
features the original arrival station made of timber with a pitched roof.
Among the lifts still in use, the one that links Portello to Castelletto (1909) has been recently
refurbished (Fig. 4). This lift is particularly interesting also from an architectural point of view,
as it is partially enclosed in a shaft dug in the rock and its art nouveau top arrival station can be
seen from many parts of the town.
In Genoa there is also an underground railway: the first project, by Swiss Carlo Pfalz, dates
back to 1907, but only in 1990 the short stretch Rivarolo-Di Negro was inaugurated with the
two stations designed by Renzo Piano. It is still under construction and today it extends as far as
the piazza De Ferrari.
Also regarding cableways, Liguria holds a record of great importance: the Savona-San Gi-
useppe di Cairo line, built to carry coal in nine iron wagons, was planned in 1903 and built in
1912. At the time it was the longest in Europe 17362m. Its innovative concept, and the large
loading capacity, made it possible to carry coal continuously from Savona across the Appennino
to the industrial area of the Bormida Valley. This cableway is still used, though load capacity is
reduced (Fig. 5); so far it seems that the line will be preserved, but with some changes in the re-
qualification project of the Savona waterfront.
Also the preservation of some notable driveways, dating back to the twentieth century, can
contribute to a sustainable tourism project, owing to the quality of these infrastructures, their
harmonious integration in the context of the area, and the possibility of their reuse.
A number of roads, too, are valuable examples of industrial heritage: the Genoa-Serravalle
motorway, built in 1935 in two years only, is one of the first motorways in Italy The bridge
over the Polcevera (1082m) on the Genoa-Savona motorway, designed in 1967 by Riccardo
Morandi, is one of the most interesting for its structure characterised by A shaped pillars,
linked at mid-height and on top (about 90 m high) where the tendons are anchored (Fig. 6).
In Genoa, among the urban streets of remarkable relevance from both an architectural and
structural perspective, the flyover, a superelevated steel structure on pillars, planned by Fran-
cesco De Miranda and built in 1965, extends like a long balcony of 5 km bounding the ancient
port. Even if criticized by many because it acts like a barrier between the ancient town and the
port, in a future reorganization of the urban road network it should be preserved and used for a
touristic purpose as a pedestrian way (Fig. 7). A monorail train on the route might serve it, as
Renzo Piano suggests with much lesser (20 times) visual and acoustic impact. From there
people will enjoy the panorama from above, which enchants whomever comes to town.
At the west end of the flyover people can enjoy an exceptional view of the operations in the
harbour docks; this sight is not visible from the lighthouse walk, the new pedestrian way (2004)
which links the town to the lighthouse, situated at one end of the natural bay of the Ancient Port.
The walkway, built like a footbridge, follows the old access route to the town, performing the
double function of entrance to the lighthouse (open to visitors since 1995) and of balcony on the
port operations (Fig. 8).
3 MARITIME FACILITIES
Liguria is also rich in port facilities, most of which are still in use: careening docks, the Arsen-
als structures, silos and warehouses. Most of these are still in use, while some have been con-
verted to a different use.
The oldest careening dock in bricks still in use is situated in Genoa by the side of the old
dock-yard. It is located in an exceptional position, inside the pedestrian way from the General
Warehouse to the lighthouse along the harbour arch. Designed by the colonel of Naval Engi-
neers Damiano Sauli, built in the years 1844-51, for the maintenance of ironclad war-ships, the
bacinetto (small careening dock) was 81m long (Fig. 9).
The other docks in the port of Genoa are difficult for tourists to visit, as they are situated in
areas reserved to ship-repairs (Fig. 10), but may be visited upon prior approval. The first of
these docks was built in 1888 using the technique of pneumatic tanks, which made it possible
for workers to operate safely underwater. Four more docks of larger and larger size were built in
the following years, up to 1963. The fifth, 250m-long dock was built for ships that were then
considered super-giants (60/65000 dwt oil tankers); it was built in the lighthouse dock, and
consisted of fifteen floating prefabricated elements assembled by post-tensioning steel cables; it
was then transported to the east port and sunk there, ready for use.
Also in the Arsenal of La Spezia there are six docks, still used and perfectly working.
Planned by Army Corps Major Domenico Chiodo, they were built around the inner dockyard;
the first four docks (two of which were 110m long, the other two being 132m long) were ready
in 1869 and 1870; the remaining two (160m and 220m long) were finished in 1891 and 1899.
The docks could be built thanks to new techniques, such as digging systems earlier used on
land, employed 15m underwater. Unfortunately it is not always possible to visit the docks and
the other structures situated inside the Arsenal, because it is a military zone. They are open to
visitors only on special occasions. Inside the Arsenal, itself an extraordinary structure, there are
also numerous facilities besides the docks: from an steel swing bridge (Fig. 11), to the original
sheds and the warehouses around the two dockyards; and the very special dam (1873-1879) de-
signed by Chiodo to defend the Arsenal, which closes the gulf for a length of 2225 m leaving
free only two openings of 200 and 400m near Cape S. Teresa and Cape S. Maria.
In our laboratory, in agreement with the town and the Maritime Authorities, we have com-
pleted a number of projects for the recovery and reuse of some structures in the Arsenal that are
nowadays disused or undervalued: the project of requalification of the Mardicchi Area proposes
to convert the service barracks of the Arsenal into a new University campus; another project re-
valuates the outer dam and creates a new touristic island, built with the mud obtained from the
dredging of the harbour (Fig. 12).
Other structures would no longer meet the new requirements of commercial ports and were
abandoned; however, once their special architectural and historical value was acknowledged,
these were converted to a new cultural use: they were either renovated or re-qualified and are
part of today's cultural tourism circuit.
In the western Riviera it is possible to visit the Docks in Oneglia Harbour, as they have been
converted into a Naval Museum. Built in reinforced concrete according to the Hennebique sys-
tem, they were among the first buildings in west Liguria where this new technology was em-
ployed.
Yet the biggest and most significant silos and warehouses are in the port of Genoa the corn
silos of Santa Limbania and the General Warehouses.
The erection of the silos, designed by the engineers Crotti, Carissimo and De Cristofori for
the building construction, and by the Brussels-based firm Hennebique for the structures, was
particularly innovative because of the adoption of new technologies which made it easier and
quicker to load and unload the ships, but above all for the large use of reinforced concrete
(Fig. 13). At the time the silos were the biggest reinforced concrete construction ever built. The
structure, of considerable dimensions, was designed based on the structural grid defined by the
334 cells (3x4m for a height of 15m) distributed around the central core, which hosted the tech-
nical offices. The building, which is located in the area of the old dockyard of the Genoa Repub-
lic by the side of the Maritime Station of Ponte dei Mille, will be restructured in the near fu-
ture as part of the project of the waterfront requalification.
The complex of the Cotton Warehouses, which extends along the Molo Vecchio (Old Pier)
for a length of 360m, dates back to 1900. It was built to store and preserve various goods and
provisions: cotton, phosphates, iron and cast iron (Fig. 14). Originally it was called General
Warehouses, the name Cotton Warehouses refers to its last use.
The General Warehouses were restored on the occasion of Columbus Celebrations in 1992,
within the process of requalification of the Ancient port. In its oldest part, turned to cultural and
commercial use, the requalification maintained the original structure, consisting of cast-iron
columns and slabs supported on steel primary and secondary beams, while the last three build-
ings, dating back to the 1920s, featuring a different reinforce-concrete structure, were emptied
to create the conference centre with two large rooms which, together, can hold 1500 people. The
General Warehouses building hosts other structures, such as the Citt dei Bambini e dei Ra-
Heritage 2012
gazzi (the childrens and young boys town), the Genoa Port Center, the first exhibition cen-
tre on the culture of harbours in the Mediterranean.
In the area of the ancient port a number of equipments are preserved such as manually-
operated and hydraulic cranes; these are part of the waterfront promenade, which will eventually
be incorporated in the Exhibition Trail of the Galata Maritime Museum.
Anchored to another quay, inside the area of the naval repairs and waiting to find a definitive
lodging is the Langer Heirick, a floating crane built in Bremerhaven in 1915. The self-propelled
pontoon has recently been masterfully restored. The structure, still in use, was also used as a
thetre stage during cultural events (Fig. 15).
On the same pier there is a building of great interest due to its making and state of preserva-
tion, known as Naval Laundries, dating back to the end of the 1920s, which delimits the end
of the Pier on its east side and acts as counterpoint to the Cotton Warehouses (Fig. 16). The
industrial building was expected to be demolished to allow the construction of the new subma-
rine tunnel. Our laboratory has filled in and recorded several information cards, and has com-
pleted various revaluation projects aiming at a cultural touristic reuse, which for the moment
have contributed to their preservation.
The maritime stations, too, should be included in the touristic itineraries. The Ponte dei Mille
Maritime Station (1914), with its monumental facades of eclectic taste, decorated in artificial
stone and with its wide representatives rooms, which were to show the increasing prestige of the
town, hosts various commercial and service activities and, it also hosts cultural initiatives
(Fig. 17). Next to the Maritime Station the Station of Ponte Andrea Doria, designed by architect
Luigi Vietti, is characterized by the linear style of the 1930s1940s (Fig. 18).
4 WATER, GAS AND ELECTRIC NETWORKS
Another sector that is particularly significant for the history of industrialization in Liguria, and
is still considerably evident in the territory, are the utility networks. With the increased size and
complexity of cities, upgrading and provision of new utilities necessitate the construction of
new plants, often of considerable size, which impact heavily on the structure of the landscape.
Many of these have been preserved and are still in use, albeit with the necessary integrations;
about others we only received a historical testimony.
Among these, the most ancient one is the Genoa aqueduct, which provided the only supply
for the city until the mid-nineteenth century and had then continued to serve the town, together
with those built in the industrial age, up until the '50s of the twentieth century (Fig. 19). It runs
from the city center along the valley of the river Bisagno up to the watershed, for a length of
about 20km. It has now become a walk, which still serves on its path a number of considerable
engineering works, like the two siphon bridges made in the seventeenth and eighteenth century,
which at the time were works of exceptional architectural value and technology.
Due to the novelty of the concept, an interesting infrastructure is represented by the system of
reservoirs that the De Ferrari-Galliera Aqueduct Company realizes inland by damming the river
Gorzente (1880) and its tributaries (1891 and 1906), and the exploitation of hydropower. The
system, with the hydroelectric plant of Isoverde, a monument of industrial archeology (1914),
stands against the backdrop of the mountains, is still in use and represents a sustainable source
of energy (Fig. 20). These reservoirs, as well as those constructed later, are often contained by
dams of considerable design and remarkable interest for the integration within the landscape,
such as that of the Brugneto lake, which empoys the so-called lightened gravity system,
where the reduced thickness of the concrete dam is made possible by the constructing the but-
tresses (Fig. 21).
In the history of lighting and gas distribution in Genoa, the most visible testimony is the large
gasometer in Val Polcevera, which still stands; however, to find the most significant remains it
is necessary to visit the Bisagno valley, up to a place named Gavette. Here the last traces can be
found of the plants where gas production occurred: with the closure of these plants (a result of
the methane revolution), some buildings of considerable interest were kept intact; these were
constructed in the Anglo-Saxon industrial style, in brick masonry. Our laboratory studied a pro-
ject regarding this area and the adjacent ones, which provides for their recovery and rehabilita-
tion; in addition to that, the new Museum of Gas and Water will be housed in these industrial
buildings (Fig. 22).
With regard to electricity, which dates back to 1895, the construction of the first major power
station in Via Canevari, the Officine Elettriche Genovesi (OEG) commissioned AEG of Berlin
with the design of the technological and plant engineering. The plant is still in use, even if con-
verted to an electric substation; based on nineteenth-century canons of composition, its majesty
still retains the vestiges of ancient grandeur, despite the demolition of the monumental chimney
(Fig. 23).
The electrification of the region is however closely linked to CIELI, the Ligurian Electricity
Enterprises Company, founded by engineer Rinaldo Negri. From Western Liguria the company
grew and changed rapidly, becoming a major actor in the production and distribution of electric-
ity nationally. The company will maintain numerous examples of original structures: some, such
as the hydropower plants, are still in use, while other, like power plants and electrical substa-
tions in urban centers, were abandoned, and now undergoing a requalification process.
Among these, the most significant example is undoubtedly the power plant built in Savona at
the mouth of the river Letimbro in 1910. At the time it was one of the largest in Europe, and
was architecturally conceived as a kind of cathedral, with a layout that had many references to
the Middle Ages, although the final result is an architecture that recalls secessionist taste. The
redevelopment project (2005), in progress, includes residential and commercial activities,
thereby depleting the inner core and the only preservation of the housing (Fig. 24).
REFERENCES
Brebbia, C.A. & Pineda, F.D. (ed.) 2010. Sustainable tourism IV. Southampton: Wit.
Capacci, A. (ed.) 2002. Turismo e sostenibilit: un approccio multidisciplinare all'analisi del movimento e
delle strategie di pianificazione territoriale. Genova: Brigati.
Croci, E. 2009. Turismo culturale: il marketing delle emozioni. Milano: Angeli.
Dallen, J.T. 2011. Cultural heritage and tourism: an introduction. Buffalo: Channel View Publications.
De Maestri, S. & Tolaini, R. 2011. Storie e itinerari dellindustria ligure. Genova: De Ferrari.
Fernandez, M. (ed.). Quaderns de didactica. Publicacions del Museu de la Ciencia y de la Tecnica de Ca-
talunya
Handszuh, H. F. 2011. Report on the outcome of the seminar on industrial Heritage in tourism policies
for sustainable development. online publication.
Icomos, 2009. Industrial and Technical Heritage bibliography. online publication.
Maciocco, G. & Preite, M. (ed.) 2000. Da miniera a museo: il recupero dei siti minerari in Europa. Fire-
nze: Alinea.
Otgaar, A. H. J. (et al.) 2010. Industrial tourism : opportunities for city and enterprise. Burlington : Ash-
gate
Radomski, S. (ed.) 1999. Katalog der Projekte. Duisburg: Internationale Bauausstellung Emscher Park.
Richards, G. 2007. Cultural Tourism: global and local perspectives. Binghamton: Haworth Press.
Romei, P. (ed.) 2008. Turismo sostenibile. Padova: CEDAM.
TICCIH - The Industrial Committee for the Conservation of the Industrial Heritage, 1999 2010. Patri-
moine de lindustrie: ressources, pratiques, cultures, n.1-23.

Heritage 2012

Figure 1. Genoa-Casella Railway departure
station. Genova (I), 2007
Figure 2. Arma di Taggia railway station. Impe-
ria (I), 2005
Figure 3. SantAnna cable car in Genova (I),
2007
Figure 4. Castelletto lift in Genova (I), 2007
Figure 5. The coal cableway connects Savona
with San Giuseppe di Cairo (I), 2011
Figure 6. Bridge over the river Polcevera in Ge-
nova (I), early 70s

Figure 7. Flyover road in Genova (I), 2007
Figure 8. Lighthouse promenade in Genova (I),
2007
Figure 9. The Bacinetto della Darsena (small
careening dock) in a painting of F. Orsolini (I),
XIX cent.
Figure 10. Docks in Genoa harbour (I), 1970s
Figure 11. Swing bridge in the Military Arsenal
of La Spezia (I), 2005
Figure 12. Project of an artificial island in the La
Spezia gulf (I), 2010
Heritage 2012

Figure 13. Corn silos in Genova (I), 2006 Figure 14. Cotton Warehouses in Genova (I),
2006
Figure 15. Langer Heinrick floating crane in Ge-
noa (I), 2006
Figure 16. Naval laundry facilities, Genoa (I),
2004
Figure 17. Ponte dei Mille ferry terminal, Genoa
(I), 2006
Figure 18. Ponte Andrea Doria ferry terminal,
Genoa (I), 2005

Figure 19. Ancient aqueduct in Genoa (I), 2010 Figure 20. Hydroelectric power plant in Iso-
verde, Genoa (I), 2011
Figure 21. Construction of the Brugneto dam,
Genoa (I), 1958
Figure 22. Project of reuse of Gavette gas extrac-
tion plant in Genoa (I), 2005
Figure 23. Officine Elettriche Genovesi thermal
power plant Genoaa (I), 1910s
Figure 24. CIELI thermal power plant in Savona
(I), 1910s
Heritage 2012
1 COMMUNICATION PROCESSES OF THE IMAGE OF MILAN NEOCLASSIC MODEL
1.1 Identity and Recognisability of Milan neoclassical rationalism
The articulation of the Historic Urban Landscapes as well as of the environmental mosaic of
the Italian territory, which accounts for 25% of the world heritage depends on the way of devel-
oping the economic condition and on the methods of investigation on the places that have ar-
chaeological and historical Landscape Heritage being important for present and future genera-
tions. Hence the need to investigate the area in a targeted way to highlight the relationship
between sites and production, urban infrastructure and physiographic systems of "Territorial
Areas (macro-areas) which are very useful to investigate in them smaller territorial districts"
(micro-areas) allowing to define Landscape Areas with one or more Landscape Units. That in
Identity, visibility, recognition and integrated digital survey for
interpretation and promotion of the architectural heritage
A. De Masi
II School of Architecture, Milan Polytechnic, Milan, Italy
ABSTRACT: The neoclassical architecture studies developed in large regional centres where
the political, economical and cultural power mostly manifested itself. In addition, they showed a
grid of knowledge revealing the Connection keys (attraction indexes), that means, the physical
places where the relationship between the architectonic elements and their environment is
formalized. The Integrated Digital Survey has accelerated the knowledge aquisition of the
anthropic environment and has highlighted the historical and cultural value of the urban and
rural environments, the heritage images of the environment with the relevant concepts of
visibility and recognition of the same, and the identity value of the new cultural districts. Hence
the need to investigate a territory by identifying characterizing aggregation systems and their
exchanges with nature and the anthropic reality in order to stress the physiographic systems of
the Territorial Areas (macro-areas), opposite to the smaller territorial districts (micro-areas
that also allow to divide Landscape Areas into one or more Landscape Units). The aims of this
investigation are: 1- stimulating the social dialogue among different cultures; 2- sensitizing the
citizens Research Institutions to the sharing of the urban management; 3- setting up a spin-off to
favour new entrepreneurial activities; 4- Preserving the economical function of each district and
the cultural value connected to it. The sustainability of these architectonic units is connected to
the studies of the micro areas, where the cultural districts and their economies can be located.
The advanced techniques of survey and the 3D modelling facilitate a faster knowledge and
promotion of such realities positively influencing the social education to these themes. The
methodological approach comes from the studies carried out by the author for the 1st Report of
the International Team Research, established by UNESCO World Heritage Centre, Rural
Vernacular Heritage- 2007-2011 Campania Felix (Italy), Cultural Landscape and Rural
Environments Governance (October 2008).
order to protect the naturalness as a primary economic and cultural element of the community
interacting with the urban landscape and the landscape vision.
The fragmentation phenomena found in the investigated areas constitute one of the main
factors of degradation, not only of the ecological landscape, but also of the visual landscape
which in such a way loses its character of readability and recognisability, above all within the
so-called cultural landscapes, product of a secular relationship between human activities and
nature. Therefore, the study aims at starting the requalification process of the anthropic envi-
ronment by analysing the problems arising from the strategic vision of the Trans-European
Corridor 1 (tourism and cultural) Berlin Naples Palermo. This perspective promotes the sus-
tainable development of the territory, supported by the lowest soil consumption, through the in-
stitution of an ecological network to be intended as an extended process of protection, requalifi-
cation and connection of landscape and environment resources. The complexity of problems
arising from management and transformation of the building heritage within the city pushes to
develop a sustainability program on the of urban landscapes, both within the areas to be pro-
tected and in the surrounding areas. The balance between economic needs, ecological and social
culture supports the sustainability of the city towards the establishment of a production system
capable of operating without impoverishing the natural resources, that is capable of reducing the
use of environmental resources with the use of renewable resources that do not produce accu-
mulation of wastes. The most distressing problem however concerns the demand for energy and
its relationship with air pollution and climate change affecting ecosystems, human species, terri-
tory and, ultimately, economy (IPCC Report (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
1990). The complex articulation of the landscape and its sustainability should be compared with
the results of explosive economic culture that has contributed to the following aspects: 1- Resis-
tance and fragility of open and closed urban spaces; 2- Fragmentation of the green areas; 3-
Permeability of the environments built jointly with green areas; 4- Porosity of the anthropic en-
vironment; 5- Environmental disorder; 6-Integrity and connection of the green areas; 7-
Significant environmental attractors. The aim of the research work, therefore, lies in the knowl-
edge of the sensitivity levels of the territory anthropic with which the production, cultural and
infrastructure systems, - existing within Districts or Multi-district Areas - interact both among
themselves and with the neighbouring territory to verify or to promote a steady relationship with
the modern town planning (infrastructure and housing planning) and compare it with the histori-
cal, landscape and archaeological culture of the sites.
1.2 Programmatic and methodological lines of the research
The programmatic lines of the research showed the maturity of the typological and formal lan-
guage of neoclassical architecture, the richness and diversity of landscapes of cultural heritage
as well as the defence of the identity of the urban centres of historical and cultural value thus fa-
vouring:
1- the identification and conservation of landscape assets of the urban centres having great
historical and cultural value; 2- the management of the transformations of the urban centres with
respect to the cultural, tourism and economic interests of the territory, and depending on the
function of the Corridor1 (cultural tourism) Berlin-Palermo; 3- the upgrading of local infra-
structures (transport, energy and water); 4- the promotion of land through application of appro-
priate indicators which contribute to the attractiveness of urban areas and to the maintaining of a
sustainable balance between historical urban and peri-urban areas (urban attractors) ; 5- the sus-
tainability of historical urban areas through the protection of biodiversity, large underground
water basins as well as surface basins (historic city centre of Milan and the Naviglio river); 6-
the highlighting of the fragmentation phenomena found in the marginal areas to protect the natu-
ral environment of peri-urban areas, the process of biopermeability and the identity of urban ar-
eas in order to:
- combat climate change (Kyoto Protocol) by developing renewable energies and raw materi-
als from bio-energy (agriculture and forestry);
- encourage the development of tourism as an important engine of growth with consequent
enhancement of the cultural and natural heritage;
- contribute to trans-European networks for the development of connections with companies
and science parks;
Heritage 2012
- use the potential of the Internet and broadband IPTV (Internet Protocol Television) to de-
liver multimedia contents and promote the interactive use.
From the methodological point of view, the research was articulated according to:
- Human semiology, natural and absolute views of the territory to identify new forms of visi-
bility and accessibility of the sites;
- Definition of territorial macro-areas and micro-areas having a landscape value resulting
from territorial dynamics, to establish a cultural and managerial presence interfacing with
technical Institutions, cultural Institutions, Universities;
- Levels of sensitivity (trend threshold) of anthropogenic territories to encourage the process
of interchange between urban systems on the territory (cultural-tourist-archaeological, urban
system, manufacturing system and landscaping) that occur in fixed points known as "critical"
within the neoclassical urban environments, and which are or may become characterizing places
of attraction.
The studies made on the nineteenth-century historical architecture were carried out by elabo-
rating a grid of knowledges which pointed out the key connections (historical and cultural attrac-
tiveness indices represented by the great works of neoclassical architecture in the historic centre
of Milan and forming a significant environmental and social habitat) with which the architec-
tonic elements and their environment are enjoyed. From the key connections (architectural
emergencies), where the exchange processes among urban environment, social culture and civil
society are formalized, the extent characterizing the role of the neoclassical historical architec-
ture. These form the image of the city in the world and laid the foundations for the formation of
a modern architecture and the value of design in various fields. The uniformity of the nodal ar-
eas on land constitutes the areas of environmental and architectural value (district). The con-
struction of sensitivity levels of the macro (historic areas) or micro-areas (district) is the final
process of articulation of urban and peri-urban landscapes, and depends on the items listed in
the programmatic and methodological lines of the research. The territorial systems present on
the territory operate through significant "infrastructure nodes" where the systems themselves in-
teract with the anthropogenic and natural reality. The specificity of the exchange is determined
by the presence and by the nature of the systems, as well as by the conditions of their operation.
This process determines a development of the district and its connections with the emergencies
on the territory. The image of the landscape reflects the accessibility to the knowledge of places
and it comes within a balanced view of the aspects of nature and anthropogeny.
The level of sensitivity depends on the specificity of the exchange on which the territorial
dominant features related to biodiversity and landscape are also shown according to quality and
quantity of items being present in the process of exchange between social environment and terri-
tory. The methodological approach comes from the studies carried out by the author for the re-
search Program of digital multi-representation for the identity, visibility, recognisability of Mi-
lan neoclassical urban landscape - Department of Architecture Planning - Milan Polytechnic,
for the research Le trasformazioni dellAmbiente Casertano dopo i Borbone and for the publica-
tion of the 1
st
Report of the International Team Research, established by UNESCO World Heri-
tage Centre, Rural Vernacular Heritage- 2007-2011 Campania Felix (Italy), Cultural Land-
scape and rural environments governance (October 2008). Within the computer representation
the sector of the Visual Communication of the anthropic, urban, archaeological, environment
assumed great importance being addressed to optimize: a) the historical and cultural value of the
urban environments; b) the images heritage with the relevant concepts of visibility and recog-
nisability of the environment, as well as the value of identity f the places of the new cultural dis-
tricts. Therefore, the objectives of the research work focused on the development of Enlighten-
ment thought in Milan, models of graphic representation used for the Encyclopedia of Diderot,
the further construction models of the image used by Gaspard Monge after Napoleon's expedi-
tion to Egypt and, finally, on the outcomes of the technical studies conducted in the professional
polytechnical schools regarding the design of public works for the construction of a modern fu-
ture state in France and Italy (1765-1839). On the other hand, the French intellectual climate
and then Milan circles formed as a result of the heated debate on the value of the academies and
the new Polytechnic School, then established in 1839 based on the French model. The rational
neoclassical movement and the publication of school and professional textbooks, published
within the schools, contributed to the construction of a modern urban environment of great
value, open to the European cities of the future. Therefore, the research is structured on the val-
century treatise De Architettura. On the other hand, the design, since the birth of medieval
manuals, was the first form of transmission of instructions to proceed to building. It is enough to
consider the role that the use of the press played in the spread of the sixteenth-century treatises
and later, of the manuals marked by scientific and educational purposes that in Italy will sys-
tematically document the use of drawing as a disciplinary tool able to allow operations for
evaluation, comparison and transmission of knowledge. The graphical model used in the manu-
als of the past, from Serlio manual to the four Books by Palladio on architecture, from Vignola
Treaty to that of Scamozzi, showed the usefulness of the manuals for all the sixteenth century
and the subsequent centuries with respect to the large building production characterized by an
indisputable quality. Therefore, the manuals published by the Polytechnics will be the main ve-
hicle for the dissemination of scientific innovation and revolution of many types that are going
to succeed over a century in public works and housing types. The texts of Guadet, Durand and
Rondelet
4
in France, as well as the works of Lodoli, Militia, Algarotti, Morozzi, Ruffo and the
static survey carried out by Poleni on Michelangelo's dome at St. Peter testify to a deep ideo-
logical transformation in the field of architecture. Towards the middle of the century (1850), the
figure of the engineer-architect in the French and then in the German area, will be ahead of the
times coming already to forms of specialization; the architect that trains in the University or
in the Academies will otherwise remain joined to the humanistic artistic area, with a hard con-
nection between science and art, as Quatremre de Quincy had wanted.
1.4 The figure of the architect-engineer in the formation of Milan neoclassical rational thought
At the end of the XVIII century, as a result of the transalpine events, Milan is ready to become
the first among the modern cities of Europe. The neoclassical and Palladian architecture will be
vehicle of the post-revolutionary ideas and new types of public buildings that will make the ur-
ban structure more complex. In 1770, with the arrival of Giuseppe Piermarini, a pupil and col-
laborator of Luigi Vanvitelli, a new language starts, being universally recognized as authorita-
tive and innovative even in the wake of the classical tradition. The interventions performed in
the Royal Palace, Villa Ducale in Monza, Palazzo Belgioioso (1775), La Scala theater of (1778),
Academy of Brera, etc. are the expression of a refined and international culture. Simone Can-
toni, Giacomo Quarenghi, Leopold Pollak, the Abbot Joseph Zanoja and especially Luigi Can-
onica and Luigi Cagnola have worked to transform the city into a monumental capital of north-
ern Italy. Executives of the Academy of Brera and advocates of architectural theories of the
Enlightenment Neoclassicism through a refined classical vocabulary, the typological characteri-
zation and the gigantism of the forms in public works were executors of the political will of the
French rulers before and of the Austrians after. The figures of Piermarini and Cagnola were an
expression of both the initial period and the last of Milan neoclassicism. Cagnola continued the
professional activity of Giovanni Antolini that characterized the city of the Second Cisalpine,
the French rule and its urban reform. Antolini is bound to great design of Bonaparte Forum
(1801), political and administrative centre located in Castello Sforzesco in the centre of a square
of 500 meters in diameter, cut from a straight road axis, surrounded by arcades and public build-
ings in Doric style and by the waters of Naviglio river. The plan was not followed but remained
a model of urban renewal with respect to the traditional city. In 1807 the Commission Ornato,
formed among others by Canonica and Cagnola, was commissioned to develop the Master Plan
of the city and continue the work of Antolini. The members of the Committee worked hard on
the regulation of private housing and on the building types of factories. Cagnola, perhaps more
than Canonica, seemed to give the city a European neoclassical aspect reformulated through the
giant forms and the Roman classicism, in an era dominated by the revolution of the state and
professional apparatus wanted by Napoleon and the Austrian restoration. Porta Ticinese, the
Arch of Peace (completed five years after his death in 1833), the Rotonda of Inverigo and the
urban works (Corso Ticinese, Public Gardens, Botanical Gardens) are expressions of an ideal
"rationalist" poster of Milan neoclassicism. (Figs.3-7)
territorial vitality. Today this system is highly topical as the anthropic environment is influenced
by the presence on the territory of actors (stakeholder analysis), that is protagonists being able
to activate the circulation of innovations fit for the involvement of the entrepreneurial system
with the research world. On the other hand, the sustainability of the areas subtend the knowl-
edge of the key connections (attraction indexes) and the relations between the citizen-consumer
and the cultural and productive Institution. The attracting elements (economical-social) of the
urban territory are present on the urban meeting nodes of the territorial grids of urban planning
and favour the cultural, productive and infrastructural exchange between environment and soci-
ety of individuals. The attractors, when present, characterize a territorial environment and, ac-
cording their importance, confer a district dimension of the same environment. The research, at
the macro level, was performed focusing on the historical, production, physiographic, cultural,
urban-rural and landscape complexity, of the study environment identifying "characterizing ag-
gregation systems and their exchanges with nature and the anthropic reality. In fact the rising
of the urban macro-area for the Province of Caserta, encouraged the reading of the investigation
data into the examined study. This is inserted in a difficult naturalness environment having a
high specialistic urban vocation bordering with territories thaving an "eco-system fragmenta-
tion". The processes of self-recognition and self-organization of the local identities identified
five "territorial dominant features" to form the main systems (urban, naturalistic, rural-cultural
and landscape-environmental-cultural) are related to physiography of places and biodiversity.
These systems coexist with a strong and meaningful presence of historical-artistic and landscape
assets, in close contact with nature and with the system of inland waters. The dominant features
connected to nature, agriculture, landscape, culture of the sites, have as a referent the ecosystem
and the landscape. The latter, which brings together all categories, is a key component of the life
environment of the populations, of the diversity of the common cultural and natural heritage; it
is the foundation of their identities and opportunity for sustainable use of territory in respect of
its natural and cultural resources.
2.2 The 3D Survey and multi-representation for district areas
The survey is a complex procedure for the reading and graphic transcription of the architectural
volume in order to highlight its formal , functional and chromatic values. The examined build-
ings were subjected to a program of multi-representation consisting of a set of cultural, geomet-
ric, morphological and dimensional knowledge for the formation of a digital 3D model; all im-
plementable with multidisciplinary themes representing the result of a method of approach and
integrated reading of data. From an operational perspective four phases were considered: meas-
urement (laser scanning, contextual photo capture, acquired data processing), graphical depic-
tion, iconographic and bibliographic research and issues processing (structural and technologi-
cal aspects, state of preservation of the building, urban habitat, colour survey). The phases of
measuring, graphical and three-dimensional depiction were particularly significant to document
the plano-altimetric and morphological articulation. The first stage of land survey operations
materialized with the identification of topographic strongholds, georeferenced to the national
network and with the design and the beat of a topographic survey of manufacts with different
open and closed polygonals. The positioning of the points of shot with the laser scanner instru-
ment 3D IMAGER 5006h has been evaluated with the appropriate areas of overlap, and it was
also necessary to perform scans from different socket stations, in order to integrate areas devoid
of information and shadow zones in the following alignment phase. Laser shootings, acquired at
high definition with the general and detailed metric sizes, have described the visible construc-
tion formal qualities, morphological distortions and geometric deformations. The acquired data
are displayed on the field to check, in the point cloud representation, each scan. The alignment
of the scans occurred with the use of iterative algorithms which carry out an automatic search of
all the homologous points by performing a spatial roto-translation, without change of scale,
compared to the reference system of the adjacent scanning. Once recorded the scans and auto-
matically performed the cleaning of the point clouds, the reconstruction of the surface character-
istic of the studied object was carried out to generate an IMMerge triangulated model being in-
spectionable with IMinspect application. This in order to correct anomalies in the resulting
model. The survey returned a complete discrete model (point cloud) and then a DSM model (tri-
angular mesh) mapped with orthophotos and digital photos from which you can obtain the ge-
ometries of the complex. It is obvious that the introduction of 3D laser scanners has further ac-
centuated the distinction between the two main phases of the survey, data collection and their
processing and interpretation. Therefore, it proved to be necessary to make precise choices dis-
cretizing the whole matter and bringing it to a limited number of points.
2.3 Analysis, Digitization and Visualization
The method of survey working using coloured point clouds, acquired by a limited number of
photographs taken with a high resolution digital reflex camera, is a further step in the direction
of multi-thematic knowledge of an historical architecture manufact. The construction of a 3D-
RGB digital model, obtained by some digital images of a real model, makes it possible to ac-
quire not only geometric data but also chromatic and thematic data. Among the photogrammet-
ric surveying techniques the applications of three-dimensional acquisition systems which allow
the return of 3D models at high density of information have become increasingly frequent and
widespread. In fact, the software Allplan Photo (Nemetschek) carried out a restitution from sin-
gle frame of uniplanar facades according to a geometric mode in which the metrical information
have been obtained with the knowledge of only two distances. The acquisition and importation
of images allowed us to discretize the detected object in a finite number of pixels with specific
algorithms, representative of a similar type of perspective transformation. With ZScan software
(MenciSoftware) a procedure was used being divided into 3 phases: project of photographs cap-
tures, data acquisition, post-processing. The second phase was obtained by simultaneous acqui-
sition of point clouds and "photo-scanning" textures based on an algorithm of tri-multifocal
analysis of the image. The latter, using coloured point clouds, sees the images as input of infor-
mation being metrically and chromatically valid in 3D coordinates of the points. The procedure
for post-processing takes place through a multifocal correction algorithm by which the images
are downsampled according to planes at different depths and identified by a number of features
whose arrangement influences the subsequent stages of the calculation. The final phase was car-
ried out through the process of multiocular image-matching with methods of dynamic pro-
gramming. The resulting models were exported for the subsequent phases of editing and genera-
tion of plans, sections, profiles, contour lines, up to DEM (Digital Elevation Model).
Furthermore, the use of the Z-Map Laser has allowed the alignment of the various clouds, the
correction of errors, the generation of the orthophotos and the subsequent and possible vectori-
zation. The phase of frame registration is carried out by manual and automatic collimation of
homologous points. (Figs.8-9)
3 CONCLUSION
The internationalization strategy of the historical centre, was drafted at that time on areas we
now call urban districts of great socio-cultural and economic value and necessarily provided for
the presence of actors on the territory (stakeholder analysis) Porta Orientale, Porta Marengo,
Porta Ticinese, Porta Nuova, Arch of Peace, La Scala, the Royal Palace, Palazzo Belgioioso, the
Academy of Brera, Villa Reale, Palazzo Serbelloni, etc. - being able to activate the circulation
of the innovations fit for the identification of the best intersection point among processes of in-
volvement of the entrepreneurial system, research world and successful experiences in other
contexts. The scope of the research consists in a net of territory districts, identified by charac-
terizing aggregation systems (urban, rural-manufacturing, rural-cultural and landscape-
environmental-cultural), a competences network and a Knowledge-network in tune with a stra-
tegic vision of the new planning of the urban anthropic. That to stimulate the social dialogue
among different cultures and involve the citizen-consumer on the future of their own urban en-
vironment invested by the economical globalization process. The network of competences built
on an economical-cultural model environment, has as its spin-off the preservation, valorisation
and safeguard of the landscape and cultural heritage, intended as resources income for a model
of eco-sustainable development. All this comes within a framework of structural strategic re-
searches for the development of the territory as well as of the synergic process between scien-
tific research, market and territorial dynamics skills. The need to promote the creation of dis-
tricts represents also an effective reply to the progressive impoverishment of the biodiversity
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and, consequently to the landscape degradation, strengthening the biopermeability of the inter-
ested areas. On the other hand, the districts, while connecting the local diversities, as well as
their specific competences, propose assemblies of different and significant historical cultures for
the process of political and economic development. The creation of territorial districts and natu-
ral and anthropic cultures promotes the sustainable development of environment through land-
scape values supported by an ecological network.

Figures 8-9. From Left, drawings and models of Passaggio Centrale, Armorari Street 8 - Milan (students :
F. Monaci, F. Bassani), drawings and models of Politecnico di Milano, Leonardo Place - Milan (students:
M. Girgenti, K. Huanwei) Course of Rilief and Representation of Architecture (Professor Alessandro
De Masi) academic year 2010-11 - I School of Architecture Milan Polytechnic (Italy).
ENDNOTES
1
The Ecol poliytecnique was born in France in 1792 and spreads in Italy in 1839 by Carlo Cattaneo
with the aim of enhancing the technical and scientific culture.
2
The Treaty of Durand and the Treaty of Belidor will be the basis of a network of bridges, canals, roads,
railways, ports, arsenals that will support the development of commercial activities and the advent of
the industrial revolution culminated with the first major exhibition of London (1851), New York
(1854) and Paris (1855).
3
Pierre Patte represents the world of the Academicians and since 1757-9 has a mandate to take care of the
incisions of the "Encyclopedia" and in 1760, of the "Descriptions des Arts and Metiers" organized by
the Academy of Sciences. The studies, however, of Perronet, head of the school of "Ponts and Chaus-
ses", since 1747, on the lowered arch vaults are a further development of the science of construction
also thanks to the theories of Belidor. The Soufflot (Contrleur des Btiments du Roi in Paris) is the
designer of the Pantheon in Paris.
4
Professor of the Ecol Politecnique who in 1802 publishes Il Trattato teorico-pratico dellarte del
Costruire)
4 REFERENCES
Baltsavias, E. (1999) Airbone lase scanning: existing systems and firm and other resources. ISPRS Jour-
nal of Photogrammetry and Remote sensing. N 54, p.2-3
Biagini, C. (2002). Information technology ed automazione del progetto Firenze. University Press
Ceccaroni, F. (2008) Zscan: generazione di modelli 3D per la ricognizione metrica e radiometrica dei
beni culturali tramite immagini. In AA.VV. Atti della III Conferenza ASITA, Napoli, 9-12 dicembre
1999
CNR, Dipartimento Patrimonio Culturale (2008). Technologies Exploitation for the Cultural Heritage
Advancement. Roma : Cangemi Editore
Cundari, C. (2005). Il rilievo urbano per i sistemi complessi. Un nuovo protocollo per un sistema infor-
mativo di documentazione e gestione della citt. Roma : Kappa
De Masi, A. (2008). 1 Report of Team International Research - UNESCO World Heritage Centre, Ru-
ral Vernacular Heritage 2007-2011: Campania Felix (Italy), Cultural Landscape and rural environ-
ments governance
De Masi, A. (2008). Campania (Italy) Cultural Landscape and Rural Environment governance. (vol.2).
In HERITAGE 2008 Proceedings of 1 International Conference World Heritage and Sustainable De-
velopment, 7- 9 May Vila Nova de Foz Ca (Portugal)
Migliari, R. (2006). Geometria dei modelli, Rappresentazione grafica e informatica per larchitettura e
per il design, ed. Kappa, Roma
Guidi, G., Russo M., Beraldin, J.A. (2010). Acquisizione 3D e modellazione poligonale. Milano : Mc
Graw-Hill
Salvadori, F. (2002). Article in conference proceedings, Three dimensional scanning techniques applied
to 3D modeling of pottery find Wien, Proceedings in Workshop 7 Archaologie and Computer.
Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
European towns had come into existence and developed together with Europe shaping this re-
gion in their unique way. European town and Europe itself share a common history, interrelated
and monumentalised. Town, its environment is a daily experience of many Europeans (Ash-
worth, 1995). It is hard to imagine a European town without an old town. The historical centres
of most European towns are several centuries or even millennia old. A town is a living system,
the existence of which is supported by its constant development, change and growth. Building,
demolition and rebuilding have always been taking place in towns earlier the question whether
development of towns should be allowed would not even be raised, as towns developed natural-
ly and constantly. However, the industrial boom of the last century leaves no doubt that human
activity poses an ever increasing threat to the environment. Nowadays the face of a town chang-
es so quickly that parameters and townscape have been undergoing major alternations (Bucas,
2006). Achievements of the civilization of the 20th century have destroyed a big part of the cul-
tural wealth inherited from the past, thus creating an abyss between us and our past (Tungo,
2001). The idea that the towns past must be preserved for the sake of its future is not novel.
Though the questions that still need to be answered by heritage protectionists and urban plan-
ners are: how to define, in the context of the towns development, the territory of the old town
that must be protected and that could become part of this development; what scale and type of
innovations may be allowed in historical territories so that they do not lose identity of the area.
Historical centres of towns are a heritage of the modern man and they are indeed an attractive
place to live in. However, intense contradictions between material structures and lifes social
requirements exist in historical environments. That is why old towns would benefit if they were
inhabited by a certain contingent of dwellers by people, whose demographic characteristics,
way of life and interests would not clash with the environment. Old towns should be inhabited
Synthesis of historical environment and modern society
D. Dijokiene
Vilnius Gediminas Technical University, Department of Urban Design, Vilnius, Lithuania
ABSTRACT: Historical centres of towns constitute heritage of the modern man. Historical ur-
ban structures inevitably develop further, as this change is the engine of the towns life. The
question is, however, whether the modern man is able to speak one language with the historical
environment and whether contradictions between material structures and lifes social require-
ments do not destroy the urban heritage, which has formed throughout centuries. The ideas pre-
sented in this research are illustrated using the examples of historical parts of Vilnius, the capital
of Lithuania, by briefly reviewing their urban development, changes of the built-up that were
done during last century and that are happening nowadays, and by analysing the impact of the
local community on the development of these historical parts of town. Also comments are pro-
vided on a number of projects (drawn up by both professionals and students) of conversing
derelict buildings in these territories.
by people who are attracted by non-standard accommodation, the beauty and uniqueness of the
surrounding space, and who are able to put up with the lack of greenery, narrow courtyards and
noisy streets. The contingent of population in the old town determines not only the destiny of
historical territories but also the quality of their public life, forming the general impression
about the town and the block. Historical territories may be preserved only on condition that life
there is a dialogue, not a conflict.
The author of this article was in quest for an answer to the following question: is the modern
man able to speak one language with the historical environment? Ideas presented in this re-
search are illustrated using the examples of historical parts of Vilnius, the capital of Lithuania,
by briefly reviewing their urban development, changes of the urban structure that were done
during last century and that are happening nowadays, and by analysing the social composition
of the population in these historical parts of town, as well as impact of the local community on
the development of historical environment. Factors that organise the community and efficiently
pull it together are defined. Also comments are provided on a number of projects (drawn up by
both professionals and students) of conversing derelict buildings in these territories. The author
uses in this article her own research, numerous sources of historical research of Vilnius, as well
as public opinion presented in the local media.
2 DEVELOPMENT OF HISTORICAL URBAN ENVIRONMENT
2.1 Elements of urban structure
Every town has a unique urban structure regardless of whether it has developed spontaneously
or in a planned way. Frequently, this uniqueness is also determined by the surrounding natural
environment. The entirety of structural elements (street, square, block, building, etc.) forms a
tri-dimensional composition of the town its spatial structure. Some researchers of the urban
phenomenon emphasize importance of certain elements in the formation of townscape, while
other researchers accentuate other elements. Some consider the street to be the key element or-
ganising urban space, while others speak about the block (or a set of land plots) as the key in-
strument shaping streets and squares. Still another school of thought view the built-up as the de-
terminant of towns panoramas and silhouettes. All these considerations are valid. However, in
order to understand the entirety and to analyse uniqueness of each urban object it is necessary to
analyse distinctive features of the plan, built-up, size-and-space composition (Dijokiene, 2009a).
The following components may be singled out (Tab. 1):

Table 1. Components of urban structure (Dijokiene, 2009b).
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Components of urban structure Elements
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Plan - Network of streets and squares
- Structure of land holdings, blocks

Built-up - Built-up type of blocks and land holdings
- Complexes and ensembles of buildings
- Materiality

Size-and-space composition - Natural environment
- Panoramas and silhouettes
- Compositional ties between different components of urban structure
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________

The structures of the old towns plans (such as street networks and blocks) are a most stable
element because their change requires big investments and major initiatives. At the same time,
the change of a building may be initiated and implemented by the efforts of a single person
owners may decide to demolish, rebuild or renovate a construction that is falling apart or that
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they no longer like, with their own funds. That is why the built-up in historical towns may
change more radically or rapidly. Size-and-space composition depends on the evolution of the
above two components of the urban structure (plan and built-up) and, in turn, changes to the
same extent as these two components.
In the following sections of this article the author briefly discusses a concrete example ur-
ban development of Vilnius, which has been both happening naturally and undergoing radical
changes. The focus is on the eastern part of the historical town, the former suburban territory.
2.2 Natural development and radical changes of Vilnius urban structure
Vilnius, as the capital of the state of Lithuania, was for the first time mentioned in a written
source in 1323, when the state was ruled by grand duke Gediminas. Today the towns historical
centre consists of: (i) the territory of castles; (ii) the historical kernel of the town, which was
surrounded by a defence wall in the 16th century; and (iii) historical suburbs that formed by the
mid 19th century (Medieval suburbs). Historical buildings represent various architectural styles.
Nearly 40% of these buildings are of the highest architectural and historical value. Together
they form a very rich, multifaceted and, at the same time, harmonious townscape. The plan and
spatial structure of the old Vilnius is a good example of a naturally developed organism of a
town, with all the development traces preserved and clearly visible. No major urban changes
were undertaken in this town until the second quarter of the 19th century. The towns plan de-
veloped spontaneously, its structure was mainly determined by the roads and topographic condi-
tions Vilnius Old Town has a typical medieval street network structure. From the 13th centu-
ry until the middle of the 18th century Vilnius Old Town had a strong influence on
architectural and artistic developments of the entire region (Lithuania, Belarus, the Ukraine and
Poland) and is the most East remote town of Central Europe, in which a strong interaction of the
cultures of Eastern and Western Europe took place. In 1994 the historical centre of Vilnius was
included in the World Heritage List it is thus recognised as having an outstanding universal
value from the point of view of history, art, science, aesthetics, ethnology and anthropology and
is classified as a living, developing and changing town (Dijokiene, 2007).
Though the development of Vilnius was natural for many centuries, the last couple of centu-
ries (19-20th cent.) brought radical changes. Three waves of urbanization rolled out through the
town (Grunskis, 2011). First major urban changes took place in Vilnius upon Lithuanias inclu-
sion into the Russian Empire (1795-1918). The Russian Empire was consistently eliminating
signs of Lithuanias statehood in the town: the city walls and the Lower Castle were demol-
ished, Catholic churches were turned into Orthodox churches, etc. The first town development
projects were drawn up and parts of them were implemented (eelgis, 1996). Fortunately, the
historical part of the town did not undergo major urban changes; only separate buildings were
reconstructed or rebuilt. The second wave of urbanization took place in the 20th century (1945-
1990), during the Soviet period, under the influence of socialistic Utopian ideology. Fast indus-
trial development and industrialised construction of residential houses markedly expanded the
towns territory and changed its townscape. Vilnius became a concrete symbol of socialist real-
ity and welfare, praised throughout the then Soviet Union. The Old Town also underwent radi-
cal changes. In order to eliminate ravages of the war and solve the problems of hygiene, insola-
tion, population density and transport, old and technically obsolete buildings were demolished,
streets were widened, and whole blocks were cleared out (Dremaite, 2009). Typical residen-
tial houses and factories were built in the towns historical kernel. More new buildings were
constructed in the former historical suburbs. The third construction boom started upon the resto-
ration of Lithuanias independence (from 1990) and may be considered as still ongoing. This
boom is influenced by the fast capitalism that spread in the former socialist countries. Its key
negative feature is the aim to build as fast and as cheap as possible and to sell at a highest possi-
ble price. Constructions of new buildings took place also in Vilnius Old Town. They transform
the historically formed townscape and landscape, as well as panoramas and silhouettes of the
Old Town and its environment. These changes are brought by voluminous concrete and glass
buildings of contemporary forms and appearance erected during the current decade. In the
towns panoramas the silhouettes of new high-rises compete with the towers of churches. Dras-
tic reconstructions change the plan and spatial structure of the historical built-up and inner
courtyards (Graulis, 2010).
2.3 Urban features of the eastern historical part of Vilnius
Vilnius has more than one historical suburb. The unique feature of this town is that the towns
kernel and the suburbs located closest to it have coalesced into one unit sometimes it is even
not clear where the border separating them goes. It is more visible only where natural barriers
still exist today. Despite these natural barriers the suburbs blend smoothly into the towns pat-
tern. In many cases these borders link rather than separate the towns individual parts. The plan
structure and the composition of the population of the suburbs have made them different from
the town itself and from each other (Dijokiene, 2009b). The former suburbs of the eastern his-
torical part of Vilnius have been chosen as the research subject in this article because the struc-
ture of their plan, built-up, size-and-space composition is most emphatic. It has undergone the
highest number of changes and nowadays attracts most attention from various strata of society.
In earlier times there were two suburbs in the eastern historical part of Vilnius: Uupis and
Paplauja (currently Paupys), see Figure 1. The section below briefly overviews the urban char-
acteristics of these two suburbs.
Uupis means across the river. The towns centre was just round the corner, or, to be
more precise, across the river. This natural barrier caused Uupis to become a suburb (it may be
considered the first suburb of Vilnius). Mills were built along the swift current of the River
Vilnele and bridges across the river. Building of roads, with houses being built along them,
took place at the same time. The suburb expanded in the 15th century, when the Russian town
started to grow on the right bank of the river. In the 15-17th centuries, Uupis was located on
the main road going to the East leading to Pollock and Vytebsk, the then Russian trade and state
centres. The Pollock road was the axis along which Uupis was expanding. Life in Uupis was
busy. It was like a separate body attached to the town, with its own market-square, small church,
the rich and the poor. Paradoxically, this suburb was both detached from the town and at the
same time closely linked to it. The natural barriers, which still exist today, caused Uupis isola-
tion to a certain degree and thus helped it to preserve its special character. Just like in the past,
today Uupis is a blend of elements of the old town and the village, nicely merging together in
the rich natural surroundings.

Figure 1. Zones of Vilnius Old Town.

By the end of the 19th century, urbanization forced small-scale trade and crafts out of Uupis.
Its residential function became dominant. The suburb started to flounder, as it became economi-
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cally and socially neglected, even despite its favourable location next to the towns heart. Even
today many buildings have no heating system other than solid fuel furnaces and no hot water
(Dijokiene, 2009b).
On the other side of the Vilnele, next to Uupis, was the location of Paplauja suburb (nowa-
days called Paupys, meaning by the river). This was one of the most beautiful and picturesque
vicinities of Vilnius. There is no precise data when dwellers moved to this suburb and where its
boundaries were at that time. It is known that since the end of the 14th century there was a set-
tlement on a road leading to the town, but because of the narrow terrace of the steep side of the
river this settlement did not grow eastwards. The swift and sinuous Vilnele caused this suburb
to become the capitals first industrial district. By the end of the 18th century, the urban network
included only the western part of Paplauja. In this part of the suburb there were small houses of
craftsmen, which served not only as homes but also as workshops for their dwellers. Further
there was the land holding of a missionary monastery, with opulent gardens, ponds and kitchen
gardens, and the Markuciai estate. In the 18th century, most objects previously built in Paplauja
no longer served their original function and purpose. Remains of the estate and a derelict paper
mill still stood in the location of the present-day transport hub. The vicinity plans of the early
19th century do not even mention these buildings. By the end of the 18th century, a new channel
was excavated and a new two-storey brick water mill as well as a house of call with a pub were
built in the eastern part of Paplauja. However, all these objects were beyond the towns border,
which is likely why the fate of this picturesque suburb later was not very fortunate.
Today the eastern part of Paplauja is probably the most distorted part of the historical land-
scape of Vilnius. The newly built plants, streets and main roads, the widest bridge across the
River Vilnele have irretrievably destroyed the townscape that existed during the 16-19th centu-
ries with water mills, paper mills, estates and other objects (Drema 1991; Katalynas 2006). Con-
trasting urban pattern of Uupis and Paplauja historical suburbs are illustrates in Figures 2, 3.
Since historically these districts were suburbs (not parts of the town), their historical and ur-
ban value did not attract attention for a long time. In the 20th century, three regeneration pro-
jects were drawn up for the Old Town of Vilnius and only within the context of the third one a
detailed historical and architectural research was carried out in Uupis and Paplauja as well.

Figure 2. Contrasts of urban pattern in Uupis and Paplauja.

Figure 3. Contrasts of historical and industrial buildings in Uupis and Paplauja.

The situation in eastern part of Vilnius Old Town (especially in Uupis) changed radically at
the end of the 20th century, and this change was caused not by external factors, but brought
about by the residents of this district. The author will analyse in the article this change in more
detail, looking at it from the perspective of the relationship between the community and its place
of residence.
3 HISTORICAL TOWN AND ITS MODERN RESIDENTS
Town is inseparable from the society. Its essence is coded not in the abundance of buildings or
architectural constructions but in the attitude of the society.
In Uupis the impact of the local community on the running and preservation of this histori-
cal territory has been very strong and clear. In the eighties, Uupis attracted increasingly more
attention from the society, articles about this district appeared one after another in the periodic
press. These articles compared Uupis of Vilnius with such world-wide known districts, fa-
voured by artists, as Montmartre of Paris and Soho of London (Knieaite, 2000). The commu-
nity of Uupis announced that they were founding a republic, free and open to everyone; after
which a constitution of that republic was drawn up, as well as a calendar of annual events and a
map (Fig. 4). Uupis became a subject of multiple and diverse discussions. Some prophesied the
end of it; others anxiously awaited its revival. The part of the society that most actively took in-
terest in the past and the destiny of this historical district have been the residents of Uupis.
Vytautas Ratkevicius, the sheriff of Uupis, characterises this community as follows: like-
minded people, who jointly coordinate the course of life, seek common goals, and live in accord
with each other. Even abroad one would hardly find a community analogous to that of Uupis
(Vitkauskaite, 2008).
Residents of Uupis may be classified into the following three groups: (i) old-generation
residents, (ii) artists, (iii) newly settled entrepreneurs. Author of the article groups the residents
of Uupis, on the basis of their involvement in public life and impact on the suburb, into ac-
tive and passive.
Old-generation residents (passive) mainly poor population of the old suburb, inheritors of
the buildings who await an opportunity to lucratively sell their flats and houses. As nowadays
Uupis receives a lot of publicity, with a strong emphasis on the districts architectural and ur-
ban values, the old-generation residents push prices of their real estate up, which makes it unat-
tractive to investors.
Artists (active) the ones who during the Soviet period received workshops in run-down
buildings of Uupis and moved to live there after 1990 (after the restoration of Lithuanias in-
dependence). Actors, sculptors, painters, architects are the most active dwellers of Uupis. They
organize a variety of events of the suburb, such as the entertaining celebration of Uupis Inde-
pendence Day, erection of monuments, house cleaning days, fashion shows in the ruins of
Uupis, art days, etc. Just a few years ago, an occasional intellectual would hurriedly pass
through this suburb so as not to run into a gang of drunken commoners. Today the proportion of
these groups of population has changed significantly and, if this tendency persists in the future,
Uupis will soon become a major meeting place for bohemia and intellectual public. Artists,
who highly esteem the authentic ancient spirit of the suburb, do not want it to become a place
packed with hotels and buildings of obscure architectural style, serving obscure purpose.
Heritage 2012

Figure 4. Attributes of Uupis republic map, calendar of annual events, constitution, Angel of Uupis.

The artists of Uupis are a part of the community who show the strongest interest in estab-
lishing a dialogue with the historical environment. However, they have a limited financial ca-
pacity.
Newly settled entrepreneurs (active) during the last two decades they have been buying
flats and houses in Uupis. This group of residents normally buy real estate in the most beautiful
areas of the suburb and renovate it. In this way the part of Uupis with a view of the Old
Towns panorama becomes renovated and nice, while the remaining territory is left to flounder.
All these three groups of Uupis inhabitants have their own attitude towards this historical
suburb and express their interests and opinions in individual ways. It should be pointed out,
though, that with time the residents of Uupis turn into convinced patriots of their district. Older
generation of dwellers keep a close watch on whether reconstructions of buildings are imple-
mented adequately and whether nobody makes inroads into their real estate. Artists worry first
of all about the preservation of the space and spirit of the artistic impact of Uupis. Entrepre-
neurs present to the municipality a variety of proposals concerning renovation of buildings and
take initiative themselves. Residents of Uupis assess their suburb mainly from the emotional
perspective, not grounding it on the knowledge of facts about the value (historical, cultural, ar-
chitectural, urban, etc.) of this historical suburb. This, however, is not a negative factor. The
strong sense of belonging to the community and active life of Uupis residents play an impor-
tant role in promoting this district, which will definitely help to change its image of a slowly di-
lapidating part of the town and turn a new page in its history.
The former Paplauja suburb can not make boast of such an active involvement of its residents
in the life of its urban pattern. It is simply because not many residents are left in this suburb as
its bigger part is covered with industrial constructions.
4 HISTORICAL TOWN AND ITS MODERN URBAN DESIGNERS
At the beginning of the 21st century, Uupis and Paplauja attracted attention of Vilnius munici-
pal government. In 2008, Vilnius municipality initiated one of the most ambitious projects
called Park of Architecture. This project is aimed at turning the industrial territory of the for-
mer suburbs into an exclusive place to live and work. Another aim of the project is to stop the
capital citys economically useless and purposeless expansion in width and to bring new life to
its old areas. The municipal enterprise Vilniaus Planas has drawn up general guidelines for
the areas conversion. Afterwards, 20 architectural companies were invited to offer architectural
solutions for the areas built-up, of which eight were selected for implementation. The territory
was divided into several smaller blocks; each of them was developed by a different architectural
company (Architektros..., 2008).
Conversion of historical parts of the town and their revival interests not only professional ar-
chitects and urban planners but also students of architecture. Students often choose such territo-
ries for their term and graduation projects. Being a lecturer at a university and a tutor of gradua-
tion projects, the author of this article is able to compare in this research projects drawn up by
students and professionals during 20072012 for the territories of the suburbs discussed in this
article. Due to a high number and variety of these projects they are not dealt with separately,
but, instead, a summary is provided in tables.
Table 2 compares tasks of academic projects and architectural tenders concerning Uupis and
Paplauja. Table 3 shows key ideas of project concepts underlying the territorys plan structure,
built-up and size-and-space composition. Both students and professionals in their projects seek
to maintain contact with the historical environment as well as aim to preserve the valuable fea-
tures of the urban pattern and to integrate them into the newly developed built-up. Sometimes
solutions are successful, sometimes less so. One Lithuanian architect, researcher of the old
towns composition, has once said Success of synthesis of the old and new architecture de-
pends solely on the mastery of the creator (Jurktas, 1977). Synthesis of the old and new archi-
tecture is not easily achieved in practice. This is a highly complicated task, somewhat like syn-
thesis of water and fire.
Concepts of the projects of Park of Architecture and students are presented in Figures 5, 6.

Table 2. Comparison of tasks of academic projects and architectural tenders.
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Concrete elements of tasks Academic tasks Tasks of professional tenders
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Urban analysis of the existing situation:
location of the territory within the town; Performed Provided by contracting authority
transport system; Performed Provided by contracting authority
natural conditions in the territory; Performed Provided in most cases
historical development of the territory; Performed Provided by contracting authority
structure of land holdings in the territory, its Performed Provided by contracting authority
evolution in the course of various historical periods;
built-up analysis (morphotype, architectural Performed Performed (not always)
value, height);
analysis of spaces; Performed Performed (not always)
visual links, dominants. Performed Performed (not always)
Presentation of the urban-architectural concept Performed Performed
underlying territory formation.
Assessment of consequences of architectural solutions. Desirable Performed in most cases
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Table 3. Comparison of conceptual ideas of academic projects and projects of architectural tenders.
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Components of urban structure and their regeneration/ Academic Projects of professional
planning options projects architects and urban designers
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Plan:
routes of former streets are sought and attempts to Yes Often
regenerate them are made;
new links between objects of attraction cultural heritage Yes Often
objects, public buildings and spaces, etc. are sought and
established;
public spaces are regenerated and new ones are formed; Yes Often
size of blocks is established based on examples from Yes Yes/No
historical environment.
Built-up:
preservation of old buildings and adaptation for new Often Rarely
functions;
new built-up developed in accordance with the principles Often Rarely
of traditional architecture;
search for new architectural forms. Often Yes
Size-and-space composition:
built-up is adjusted to emphatic landscape; Yes Often
landscape and water are employed creating new quality of Yes Often
public spaces;
in the formation of built-up attention is paid to visual links Yes Often
to existing valuable dominating elements in the territory;
new dominating elements are created; Often Often
viewing spots are set up in characteristic viewing locations Often Often
in the territory;
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Heritage 2012

Figure 5. Paplauja territory conversion concept (Architektros..., 2008).

Figure 6. Concept of conversion of industrial territory in Uupis (student N. Tukaj, tutor D. Dijokiene).
5 CONCLUSIONS
It is highly complicated to describe unambiguously the synthesis of historical environment and
modern society and to judge whether the modern man is able to speak one language with his-
torical environment. The thoughts and concrete examples described in this article lead to a
number of conclusions.
The urban structure of a town has always changed, is still changing, and will be changing in
the future change is the engine of its existence. Each generation makes an effort to preserve in
the town what it considers valuable and changes what seems to need a change. A person with
Western European mentality is more inclined to express, establish and immortalise him-
self/herself rather than preserve heritage of others. Consequently, the development of a town
(e.g., Vilnius) is characterised by both natural evolution and drastic breakthroughs of evolution.
It may be stated that analysis of signs of urban historical development and change has led to the
formation of protection of historical urban heritage as an opposition to dominant urban proc-
esses. The idea that the towns past must be preserved for the sake of its future is not novel but
still highly relevant today.
Dialogue between historical environment and modern society is vital to both parties histori-
cal urban heritage sustains and fortifies identities of towns communities, which are necessary
for further development of civilisation. On the other hand, only a community is capable of pre-
serving heritage. One of the crucial factors of cultural heritage protection is respect of the soci-
ety to its past, traditions, the attitude towards the cultural heritage, national culture, language,
and efforts to preserve and protect it. Education of the community is among the key elements in
the strategy of revitalising historical urban structures. A dialogue between the historical envi-
ronment and those conflicting with it (e.g., the old-generation residents and newly-settled entre-
preneurs of Uupis) can be established by raising public awareness and strengthening the soci-
etys identification with the historical environment. Founding of local communities, support of
their activity and their active involvement in the protection of cultural heritage play a significant
role. Residents are able to foster most effectively the unique character of historical territories (as
clearly illustrated by the example of Uupis). Several factors help to organise and support com-
munities: clear territory of residence; identification with the area of residence (which may be re-
inforced by, e.g., renovation of public spaces in the towns historical structures and squares
serving as meeting places for local residents); local cultural events; promotion of local historical
values; establishment of partial self-governance; and support of the towns authorities towards
initiatives of local communities.
Architects, urban planners and urban designers represent a segment of the society that is most
capable of changing the towns face. Success of their work depends also on perception of the
special value of historical environment and ability to establish balance between old and new.
Visual aspect of historical environment is among the key factors establishing individual and
communal identity. Therefore projects of historical environment renovation should be assessed
from the perspective of revitalising the cultural memory and strengthening the urban commu-
nity.
The synthesis of historical environment and modern society should maintain a subtle balance
between realisation, fostering, and utilisation of the valuable features of the inherited urban
structure, as well as attainment of new quality and development.
REFERENCES
Architektros parkas. Park of Architecture [online]. 2008. [cited 8 February 2012]. Available from inter-
net: http://www.archparkas.vilnius.lt/main.php
Ashworth, G.J. 1995. Heritage, tourism and Europe: a European future for the European past? In D.T.
Herbert (ed.), Heritage, tourism and society 68-84. London: Mansell.
Bucas, J. 2006. Demokratiniai proveriai paveldosaugoje [Democracy outbreaks in heritage preservation].
Urbanistika ir architektra [Town planning and Architecture] 30(3): 143-158. Vilnius: Technika [in
Lithuanian].
Dijokiene, D. 2007. The impact of historical suburbs on the structural development of cities (based on ex-
amples of European cities). Urban heritage research, interpretation, education: 141-145. Vilnius:
Technika.
Dijokiene, D. 2009a. Composition of urban space in historical centre of Vilnius. Urban and suburban. Ar-
chitecture and urban planning 10(3): 129-134. Riga: Riga Technical University.
Dijokiene, D. 2009b. Urbanistinis istorini priemiesci paveldas. Urban heritage of historical suburbs.
Vilnius: Technika.
Drema, V. 1991. Dings Vilnius [Lost Vilnius]. Vilnius: Vaga [in Lithuanian].
Dremaite, M. 2009. Sovietmecio paveldas Vilniaus architektroje: tarp lietuvikumo ir sovietikumo
[Heritage of the Soviet period in Vilnius architecture: between the Lithuanian and Soviet]. In A.
Bumblauskas et al. (eds), Naujasis Vilniaus perskaitymas [New perusal of Vilnius]: 79-103. Vilnius:
Vilniaus universiteto leidykla [in Lithuanian].
Graulis, A. 2010. Vilniaus senamiescio aizdos. Pastarj 15 met pokyciai ir tendencijos [Wounds of
Vilnius Old Town. Changes and tendencies of the past fifteen years]. Kultros barai 3: 14-24 & 4: 18-
27. [in Lithuanian].
Grunskis, T. 2011. Pastabos apie Vilniaus miesto raida [Notes on the development of Vilnius city]. In J.
Reklaite & R. Leitanaite (eds), Vilnius 1900-2012 6-9. Vilnius: Baltos lankos [in Lithuanian].
Jurktas, V. 1977. Vilniaus senamiescio trine-erdvine kompozicija [Volume-spatial composition of Vil-
nius Old Town]. Architektros paminklai 4: 36-120 [in Lithuanian].
Katalynas, K. 2006. Vilniaus miesto raida XIVXVII amiais [The development of Vilnius in the 1417th
centuries]. Vilnius: Diemedio leidykla [in Lithuanian].
Knieaite, M. 2000. Uupio respublika keliasi i griuvesi [Republic of Uupis rises from the ruins].
Lietuvos aidas 39, 26 February [in Lithuanian].
eelgis, K. 1996. Lietuvos urbanistikos istorijos bruoai (nuo seniausi laik iki 1918 m.) [Lithuanian
urban history traits (from ancient times to 1918)]. Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedij leidykla [in Lithua-
nian].
Tungo, A. M. 2001. Preserving the Worlds great cities. The Destruction and Renewal of the Historic
Metropolis. New York: Three rivers press.
Vitkauskaite, V. 2008. Uupis ne rajonas, o mastymo bdas [Uupis not a district, but a way of think-
ing]. Lietuvos rytas. Sostine 167(3247), 30 August [in Lithuanian].
Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
We approached the house with some trepidation. The lady in the village museum had been very
helpful, eventually suggesting that we go to the cake shop, as that ladys mother was the last in
the village to weave the local patterns. The conversation batted to and fro before the cake shop
lady admitted that her mother might just do the odd bit of weaving still, but she didnt know
shes getting on now, well, go to this address
The house was pretty typical of the original village architecture, with further additions at
various periods over its lifetime. My heart sank as the old lady slowly approached the door, one
leg in some sort of brace. No, I dont do it nowmy leg is bad you see Once again it took a
little while of conversational tennis before we were invited in. Well, come and see what I do
Down a corridor and into her large room in the multi-generational household, a bed-sit with
kitchen area, sitting area, bed and a large, old wooden loom taking up a large area in front of
one wall. The cloth on the loom showed that she was part way through some work. Not doing
it meant not much of it, not a full-time occupation. But life went on and weaving was part of
life. The separation of work and home life that was part of the industrial revolution for so many
had not happened to her.
Betwixt and between: the disappearing heritage of the craft artisan
A. E. Dixey
St Fagans National History Museum, Cardiff, Wales
ABSTRACT: Recent research in the UK and Slovakia has shown a danger that the heritage of
working craftspeople is becoming lost somewhere between the conflicting UNESCO-based
viewpoints of ICH and TCH and the adverse impact of globalisation. Avoiding the many UK-
based workers within the post-industrial leisure-based crafts, the research was based on in-
depth interviews with craft artisans in the UK and Slovakia. It discovered real continuing links
to their own heritages, but many crafts more or less divorced from the communities that would
have once sustained the craft as part of everyday life. A contrast is shown between the palpable
feeling of loss as UK artisans related how they had become the last of the line and the more
vibrant view for some in Slovakia, where some crafts and craftspeople maintain a status within
their local communities. For some, museumisation is the only answer, but a model of the flow
of human and economic resources around an artisan is suggested as a tool to identify possible
management. This shows that the heritage skills training strategies that are used in the UK,
which emphasise maintenance of the tangible artefact and not the intangible craft skill, under-
mine the importance of setting the latter into a working, sustainable, community-based system.
As the emphasis of ICH under the 2003 Convention becomes more focussed on living heritage
in cultural communities (Kurin 2007), craft within westernized societies is in danger of being
sidelined. This heritage, still important in the lives of many working people, may become re-
membered only in the terms of an artefact that you cant get any more.
As the emphasis of Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) under the 2003 Convention becomes
more focused on living heritage in cultural communities (Kurin 2007), craft within western-
ized societies is in danger of being sidelined. Is this heritage still important in the lives of many
working people, or might it become remembered only in the terms of an artefact that you cant
get any more?
The research on which this paper is based attempted to view the present situation through the
eyes of individual craftspeople in the UK and Slovakia. Avoiding the many UK-based workers
within the post-industrial leisure-based crafts, it consisted of in-depth interviews with craft ar-
tisans in the UK and Slovakia. It set out to discover whether any real continuing links remained
to their to their own heritages, and how this could be viewed in the light of the community focus
of ICH. It considered how the craftspeople view themselves and their craft, and was there any
difference in where they place themselves in their community?
2 CRAFT AS INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE
Much work has been done recently, particularly in England, to measure the state of crafts within
the UK. The most comprehensive treatise is Collins (2004), where the issue of artistic against
rural crafts is raised early in the introduction, the rural crafts being considered to be predomi-
nantly functional(2004:5). They are linked with traditional and vernacular, keeping alive
traditional skills (2004:6). They appear to be Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH), yet the he-
reditary tradition is now more or less dead in England (2004:10), those coming into the crafts
often being self-taught, post- high wage employment lifestyle changers. Bilborough & Moir
(2004) analysed the crafts associated with building, which they termed heritage building
crafts. Approaching it from the viewpoint of the historic built environment, i.e. Tangible Cul-
tural Heritage (TCH), they consider that the preservation of historic buildings is really no long-
er a living tradition in a vernacular context, with revivals, close approximations or entire-
ly new interpretations of the practices of the past (2004:240). They note that thatching is
perhaps the only living vernacular building tradition left (date :240). This is interesting, as
they had already classed thatching as one of the most problematic of the building crafts
(2004:218). It would seem that, if this is the last remnant of ICH in the building sector, the input
of English Heritage (EH) has been very top-down, the community being outwith any decision-
making process, to such an extent that a resistance movement came into being (Ibid.). It seems
to be a surprise that thatchers are wary about sending apprentices on courses, with many hav-
ing the audacity to believe they are the best teachers (Ibid.). This seems to be an example of
the difficulty in western cultures in understanding the bottom-up focus that ICH has developed.
The way the idea of ICH has developed and how the Convention details the way it can be ac-
knowledged and safeguarded, shows that there is still a considerable distinction between how
TCH and ICH are viewed and treated.
Since the adoption of the 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural
Heritage (ICHC) (UNESCO 2003) many articles, papers and even books have been published
which explain what it is, what it proposes and what might be its result. Kurin (2004 & 2007)
and many of the papers presented in Smith & Akagawa (2009) describe how it came into being
and note its concentration on identifying continuing heritage within a community and the re-
quirement of States Parties (SPs) that they should produce a representative list for their country.
The only mention of craft in the Convention is within the definition of ICH, which includes
traditional craftsmanship (UNESCO 2003: 1.2.2). That the word traditional is so often used
in this context, e.g. traditional craft or traditional handicraft in UNESCO (ACCU) 2007a &
b), often in partnership with authentic, begs the question what exactly constitutes the tradi-
tional or the authentic (UNESCO(ACCU) 2007a:3.1). At Chiba, the point was made that al-
though, in English, the word traditional may suggest something only from the past: The term
traditional does not necessarily connote stasis, and refers to the passing of certain skills,
knowledge or practices from generation to generation. (Ibid.: 3.1)
This resonates with Kurins point that a safeguarded ICH is alive, with change inherent in its
vitality (2007:12), a point reiterated since (e.g. Skounti 2009:77).
The authenticity of the craft being transmitted is one of the elements that is inherent in The
Convention. For Ito, authenticity is inherent in Cultural Heritage in Asia and Japan
Heritage 2012
(1995:35-45). Yet Rowney reports how the Nara conference found defining authenticity an
almost impossible task, and that the concept was unknown to many cultures, some, such as the
Arabic and Japanese, not even having a word for authenticity in their language (2004:126-
127).
Underlying much of this, there is at the very least an implication that not all craft can be
considered ICH. It is fairly clear that Kurin (2007) is thinking of ICH in terms of language,
song, ritual etc. what might have in earlier times be looked upon as ethnographic heritage. It
may be difficult to apply this to craft in many westernized societies as they now are, with the
definition of community being difficult. As the emphasis of ICH under the 2003 Convention
becomes more focussed on living heritage in cultural communities (Kurin 2007), craft within
westernized societies is in danger of being sidelined. This heritage, still important in the lives of
many working people, may become remembered only in the terms of an artefact that you cant
get any more.
These and other difficulties have brought Smith and Akagawa to question whether the ICHC
is capable of addressing the cultural complexity of heritage (2008:5).
Although TCH and ICH have very different backgrounds, they are but two sides of the same
heritage coin. Smith (2006:54) argues that all heritage is inherently intangible, as it is a mental
construct; Ardouin (2006) sees ICH and TCH as inseparable. Be that as it may, it has been
shown that they have been, and still are treated in a different manner by many (e.g. Stefano
2008, 2009 and Smith 2009).
In addition to this continuing difficulty, it seems that craft lies at the boundary between ICH
and TCH. Its very nature uses a possibly intangible technique to create a tangible entity which
may or may not be, in itself, TCH. Perhaps this goes some way to proving their inseparability.
Investigating how the crafts/skills are passed on, many have been described in detail, or
taught via formal courses. Are these still intangible? If not, how do the potential safe-
guards/preservation techniques that may include formal and non-formal education affect those
crafts that are at present regarded as ICH? (E.g. UNESCO(ACCU) 2007a).
This research informs on the way artisans view their craft, how they became part of it and, in
particular, if they see their craft as having a sustainable future within their existing communities.
It attempts to identify how this group of working people view their heritage, without necessarily
voicing it to them in those terms.
2.1 Method
The doubts raised by Collins (2004) and Bilborough & Moir (2004) as to whether craft still ex-
ists in the UK in a form that could be construed to be ICH, contrast with Earwood (1994), who
suggests a continuation of traditional crafts could still be extant in Eastern Europe. As over 10
years had passed since Earwoods research trips, I felt that there was an opportunity to investi-
gate whether the situation had changed. This was done by personal, semi-structured interview,
in Slovakia, England and Wales.
Using Grounded Theory methodology, open-ended questions and open analysis, coding
frames were developed from the questionnaire, itself initially developed in the field, adding fur-
ther items that arose from interesting responses from interviewees. This was interpreted by con-
tent analysis.
The research was small-scale, concentrating on a number of in-depth qualitative interviews
five craftspeople in Slovakia, one in England, six in Wales, with a reasonable spread across the
age ranges, although none was under 30. There were also two interviewees whose positions vis
vis the craft could be qualified as that of the establishment, official viewpoint. Additional
data were obtained on any official view at a seminar on craft skills at Beamish Open Air Mu-
seum, organised by North of England Civic Trust and during a visit to St Fagans: National His-
tory Museum by the manager of the UKs Heritage Skills Bursary Scheme.
3 CRAFT: EDUCATION, FAMILY AND TRADITION
3.1 The Craftspeople
Although based on a small sample, there was a clear split between the Slovak family-orientated
craft education against the UKs non-family orientated /formal craft education.
Many were extremely passionate in their feelings for their craft. I was quite passionate of
the fact that I think having spent so much time involved with the job its sad that its not
continued at the moment Cooper (UK); I dont see it as a JOB... paid hobby because I
really enjoy making them - its ... FUN you know?... Clogmaker (UK); I only know one way
as good as possible it doesnt matter who its for. But its sad to think of an instrument I made
never being played, just used as decoration. Id prefer to send them to another maker. Fujara
maker (SK)
1

The appreciation that they were doing an unusual job and the feeling of pride in the work go
together. I felt, uh, if I can say it, uh, privileged to have served and, and gained my apprentice-
ship as a pattern maker, because I knew, I knew there werent many about, and it was consid-
ered, or is considered, as quite a high skilled job. Pattern maker (UK)
Slovakia showed a tendency to a family tradition where the UK did not. The numbers in the
survey are too small for this result to be statistically significant, but it was reinforced by the re-
sponses showing how the ages of those with continuing family tradition are spread across the
Slovak generations. Once again, although this has no statistical significance, it points to a
longer continuation in Slovakia of family- based tradition/ heritage.
This confirms the feature of Eastern European traditional crafts described by Earwood
(1994), which showed them having been maintained in a traditional way for longer.
There were obvious modern alternatives to all the crafts studied. The alternative may be me-
chanically produced or even of a different technology or material, but the same purpose is ful-
filled. Most of the crafters had changed to specialised buyers (often tourists) and niche markets.
Their products are no longer the norm only two respondents, both from Slovakia, considered
their produce was still for everyday use. Yet even those selling to ordinary people were sell-
ing at special places (museums, tourist markets, shops).
Half of those asked said that their craft had not changed at all since they started work. For
some, many big changes had occurred prior to these craftsmen starting their careers. Or they are
relicts, left behind in specialised niches while the rest of their craft develops and evolves to-
wards more technological production methods. Even the Tesr
2
, whose main tool was the chain-
saw, had seen no change, he worked as had his father before him. So the family/traditional craft
continuum does not of necessity stop developments and evolution, but the change is not con-
tinuous.
When questioned as to whether the craft is alive, dying or dead / sustainable in its present
form? (e.g. in people and/or raw materials), the issue of parallel hand and machine produced
products was often raised. Two crafts experienced big increases in production and sales; turned
wooden items in the 70s and 80s in the UK, as a consequence of interest in making by hobbyists
with sales through the new craft markets. In Slovakia, interest in the Fujara increased, both in
making and playing at least partly as a consequence of the ICH listing and the resulting in-
creased profile. There was a general feeling of pessimism, as not enough recruitment was hap-
pening.
The Tesr bucked the trend: the tradition is alive, its a living tradition in Slovakia Yes
(new recruits are coming in) its popular in Zzriv Tesr (SK). The reason for this is purely
economic the Tesr is now uncommon in Slovakia as a whole and can command a compara-
tively large income.
There was a strong general feeling towards encouragement of their children to enter the craft,
without forcing, and this crossed the age ranges. I was really disappointed with X (his son),
because I, uhh, Im the last in the line you see, I, I am the last Country Carpenter (UK); If I
was running a business, a coopering business which I felt that they could make a living, a rea-
sonable living and they showed an interest, I would encourage it I wouldnt push em
away, put it like that but you wouldnt pull them in....? theres no point - if theres
Heritage 2012
not a living to be made theres literally no point in spending many, many years learning some-
thing for nothing. Cooper (UK)
One interesting response was from a retired craftsman without children. He saw no point in
attempts to bring apprentices into his museum workplace since they could not make a living
away from that environment. He was convinced that it was impossible today to make a liv-
ing from country crafts and I mean the traditional country crafts. Turner (UK)
This statement flies in the face of the experience in England reported in Collins (2004) and
Smith (2009). The turners opinion was clearly being voiced within a Welsh context, and if he
was aware of the differences in employment or business potential between Wales and England
he did not mention them. That there should be so great a difference within a geographical dis-
tance of perhaps some 120 miles at most, might be surprising, until the issue of geographical
population size and the accompanying underlying economic factors that allow niche trades to
continue to exist at the micro level are considered.
The issue of how economic factors affect the continuation of crafts is complex. Overwhelm-
ingly the craftsmen would refuse to change WHAT they did even if it became uneconomic to
continue. But most of those questioned are now producing for specialized markets where the
price can reflect rarity value and/ or where the matter of production being uneconomic does not
matter (e.g. museums). Even within the specialized sphere, the craft itself was the most impor-
tant aspect e.g. the Fujara maker (part time) who had an order for 300 pipes and refused to do
them all as he could not cope with that number in his normal way of working, or the Saddler:
yeah, basically there is only one way of doing it and thats the correct way Saddler (UK)
The issue of whether it was worth actually undertaking the craft WAS important. Both coo-
pers implied financial difficulties; the Slovak wouldnt change, the UK one has now left cooper-
ing.
There was a general feeling that, even if they COULD change an element of style or tech-
nique to generate more income, they WOULD not. The Tkcka
3
complained: The LUV
4

shops ask for a Slovak style its not correct, we have our own style they want it more artis-
tic Tkcka (SK). LUV themselves see it differently: Like other textile (or even non-textile)
techniques, the development marked its signs in various techniques and patterns used in the dif-
ferent regions of Slovakia. Currently, several traditional weaving regions with their specific tex-
tiles such as twisted hatch patterns, ribbed textiles and linen fabric, where linen and cotton were
used as material can be found in LUV's offerings. (LUV 2006)
However the attitude against change was by no means universal: If there was a way now of
modifying, say, a portable hand planer to do the hollowing out of staves, umm, I would person-
ally do it... Id be silly not to do it, for the sake of the craft. If I was teaching somebody... I
would make sure first they were competent to do it the old way, because if the machines dont
work you can still fall back on the hand tools {more confidently} thats great, nothing wrong
with that Cooper (UK).
And thus a craft develops/ evolves technologically. Perhaps the first developers always do it
in conjunction with the old ways, but how soon do the old ways become lost? In previous times
the guilds and other craft societies in many countries slowed development sometimes to a
crawl but maintained quality. (Cf. Germany/Austria/Switzerland, where traditional apprentice-
ships still exist). This allowed the economic imperative to be undermined by the cartel, keeping
prices high and thus maintaining the craft. Progress of the type advocated by Le-Duc in the
19
th
century allows revolution, where the final finish is all that matters (after Hassard 2009). A
comparison can be drawn between the guilds and the strength of the Gujo Odori festival in Ja-
pan described by Cang
5
(2007), where the Gujo Odori Hozonkai
6
has codified the repertoire of
dances, contextualising them with an official history, eventually organising them under the
iemoto system, whereby only one designated successor receives training from just one mas-
ter(2007:52). Both structures give the tradition boundaries that allow evolution only at a con-
trolled pace (too slow for some, too fast for others), but in doing so the tradition continues over
time. This holds true as long as a sustaining system is maintained. As the number of participants
in any craft decreases, the number of those within each level of excellence eventually decreases
to the point that the natural checks and balances of a craft community become lost. This can re-
sult in accelerated bastardization instead of the steady evolution that is the mainstay of ICH as
described in the Convention.
The Country Carpenter talked of the impact of change on the generation previous to himself:
well theyd seen changes of course, things becoming mechanised, saws n planers n all
that, oh yeah itll never last, they used to say. Even my boss used to say, this modern fangled
idea about building it wont last, it wont last, you see, yeah Country Carpenter (UK).
There was general agreement throughout the interviewees that their feelings were common
across colleagues or co-workers they knew. There were some references to those doing it in the
modern (i.e. non-traditional) way agreeing with their view, but the economics meant that al-
though it was a shame, they had to work in the way that brought them a living.
Official recognition can make a difference. In Slovakia only accredited suppliers can sell via
the LUV shops, although the Tkcka no longer supplied them due to differences of opinion
(see above). One of the two Fujara makers had seen a big increase in interest following the list-
ing of the Fujara by UNESCO.
3.2 The Officials
The official in charge of a major town craft event in Slovakia is confident in the ability of the
event to obtain craftsmen for at least the next 10 years. In this, one is reminded of the attitude at
the (then-named) Open-Air Museum at St Fagans in the mid 1990s, when questions were raised
regarding the impending retirement of the then saddler. How about getting him an apprentice,
who could then take over when the old saddler left? A typical comment at the time was that this
would not work; it had been tried before and after the training period the apprentices had left to
get employment elsewhere, not always in a heritage field. But the comment that resonates with
the present view in Slovakia was: we dont need to; there are plenty of saddlers about to take
his place. In this both the Slovak craft event and the UK museum should be considered to be
users of the resource. Neither sees it as part of their role to consider the sustainability of such a
policy, either for the institution or for the craft. The UK museum is aware that this is not an ide-
al situation and there are nascent moves to develop a small training programme. The craft event
gives a small nod to the possibility that something is needed, but any help they give is at a very
low and very local level.
4 CRAFT IN THE COMMUNITY?
This study shows differences in the ways that craft lives in the community, with a clear concern
about the future, although as we get nearer the idea of sustainability of the craft, it gets increas-
ingly difficult for the incumbents to analyse. There was often a sadness lacing the responses as
people realised that their craft was ebbing away. Some were almost angry at this: I suppose
they leave it until its too late to do something about it, because when the very last one goes, if
that was me its too late now for me to take on apprenticeships so its like a lot of other
things thatre in decline we always leave it until its too late and then were sorry about it,
but we say, well, nothing we can do about it now. Country Carpenter (UK).
The issue of sustainability has three main foundations; practitioners, raw materials, and cus-
tomers. It is possible to look at this as a system with a flow of money from buyer to the supplier
of raw materials, material from supplier to the buyer and people as raw recruits to retirees, the
dead or the non-productive, all passing through the mid-point hub of the craft artisan (Fig. 1).
In a small, localised situation it is possible that this can be a closed system, closely linked to
its community. As long as each link in the system flows openly the system will remain in bal-
ance. When one link becomes blocked the system as a whole becomes unstable. Overlying all
are the value judgements of each of the hubs that actually power and drive the system. Changes
in the value judgements affect the system, but not necessarily immediately. A positive change in
the value judgement of the buyer of the craft product will only influence the flow of new train-
ees into artisans over a long time scale. A negative change may affect it considerably more
quickly, particularly in the issue of willingness to pay (WTP), where commoditisation and
creating an exchange value is a fundamental operation if a culture is to be sustained (Sarashima
2011: 759).
The days of the craftsman living in, and providing a product or service, for a largely self-
sufficient, closely defined local community are long gone over much of the westernized world.
Heritage 2012
As the links in the system model get longer they break more easily. All the products (and there-
fore the craftsmen) that have been studied have been divorced, to a greater or lesser extent, from
the communities that would have once sustained the craft as part of everyday life. Even the sin-
gle craftsman who considered his main buyers to be ordinary people buying for use, sells
mainly at fairs and markets, which could thus seem, in fact, to be visitor-orientated. However, it
may rather reflect a tradition of selling at local markets that in Eastern Europe continued well
after it had all but disappeared in more westernized societies (cf Earwood 1994).

Figure 1 Model of the flow around a craft artisan, where the System = the Heritage

Once again the Tesr bucks the trend. This is probably linked to economics (the flow in the
model at fig.1), but also to a feeling of a living craft these log houses are still relatively
common in rural areas of Slovakia. Many ordinary villagers would be prepared to do minor
repairs and maintenance work, but more major repairs are needed on a regular basis. This liv-
ing situation means that it is still the norm to replace timber wholesale. It is part of the life of
that community. But the community of those willing to pay has a geography that is expanding,
as the cash flows from buyers from further afield (in this case Czech Republic, Germany and It-
aly), putting potential consumers within the original, local, community increasingly marginal-
ised. As the willingness to pay remains, the system remains in balance, but the links show strain
as they lengthen.
In what might be seen as a parallel investigation, Stefano & Corsane have looked at possible
management regimes for ICH and suggest using ecomuseum ideal principles as part of a holis-
tic heritage management approach that stresses the interconnectedness of heritage, community
and territory (2008). This holistic approach does not view heritage, community and territory as
separate entities, nor indeed one as being more significant than the others (Ibid.).
4.1 Craft in which community?
The idea of community is central to the concept of ICH as it is presently understood. But the
definition of community is not precise. How big (or small) is a community? Some may con-
sider that this should lead to a reassessment of the place of craft in the ICH regime. In the light
of Kurins main criterion for ICH being the link to the community (2007), the lack in many ar-
eas of a clear community might bring the charge that crafts such as those studied cannot be ICH.
But there clearly is a heritage, it is simply that the more westernized and industrially advanced
societies often lose or change their local community basis considerably.
There is a danger that the move to define ICH simply in terms of its community could re-
move much traditional craftsmanship in the developed world from within the official remit
of ICH. Quite where that would leave traditional crafts within those areas is unclear. Perhaps
they are destined to be viewed and valued merely in terms of their contribution to the Tangible
as maintainers of the TCH of listed buildings and museum pieces. That seems to be where the
practitioners are placed by the officials who were interviewed and in the traditional skills re-
views and bursary schemes of English Heritage and Heritage Lottery Fundled projects in the
UK, particularly for building-related crafts. There seems to be almost no mention of craft from
an ICH standpoint. In the UK, the National Trust (NT) use their contract system for large pro-
jects to try to sustain the local community by limiting the number of employees a contractor
may use from outside the immediate area. They also include training of local craftspeople up-
skilling - who then go off and continue the work elsewhere (NT Employee 2009 pers.
comm.). Yet this is still linked to the outcome, the focus is still on maintaining a resource that is
able to sustain the fabric of the buildings and estates. It just brings it into a more local sphere.
The NT have also followed Ruskins ideals in their attitude to thatch at Llanerchaeron, an his-
toric house in Ceredigion, West Wales (after Hassard 2009). The original thatch on a small
workers cottage has been kept during restoration work so that future researchers can see the
original (pers. comm.) and the original thatch re-covered in corrugated sheeting. Although this
is exactly what the original inhabitants had done, when the thatch needed repair, this ignores the
original craft ethos of regular replacement (what might be termed the ICH ideal), which would
maintain the thatching skill within the community.
5 CRAFT, ECONOMICS AND SUSTAINABILITY
It is unsurprising that economics is one of the main drivers that affects whether or not the crafter
remains with the craft (and even enters it in the first place) this must always have been the
case. What is surprising is how little the idea of a sustainable model for the future is addressed
by the various training reports and regimes.
There is a definite feeling of loss among the craft community, where there is even an appre-
ciation that the end is nigh. EHs and others tendencies to concentrate on the craft as purely a
means to an end (that of the maintenance of the tangible) denigrates these feelings. The crafts-
man is being reduced to simply a tool instead of a part of a community.
Do any of the craftspeople view themselves and/or their craft in terms of ICH? Those work-
ing at museums or through fairs and events probably do, although usually only from the tradi-
tional craft angle. There is very little appreciation of ICH as an holistic concept of living heri-
tage, part of a community-based evolving process. Indeed, why should there be? The Slovak
interviews throw up three exemplars that characterise the situation. The most vibrant of all is the
Tesr. He knows that what he does is special, unusual, but thats what he does for a living and
the living is good. He is part of a community- and family-based living tradition that is self-
sustaining in almost all its elements, although the work is getting further and further afield. This
could be viewed as ICH in the wild. The Tkcka might be viewed as on the cusp with an
awareness of heritage in its broader context, but her craft was passed from her mother to her,
from her to her daughter and is now being passed from her daughter to her granddaughter. This
is a living heritage with a family-centred community, aware of its context as the links to the
buyers are via fairs, markets and special shops. The part-time Fujara maker and player is fully
aware of the ICH context, being present at the ceremony in Paris when the Fujara was inscribed
on the UNESCO list. He might be viewed as on the reservation or in the zoo, as he has no
community-based link to the heritage, except when viewing the whole of Slovakia as the com-
munity.
As to the sustainability of traditional crafts, whether recognized in terms of the 2003 Conven-
tion or not, there is an interesting investigation to be made on why training does not seem to be
successful in sustaining traditional crafts in the more developed societies. In the UK there have
been many project-based training schemes (although they are inevitably time-limited, and how
sustainable is that?). It is standard practice to assess the effectiveness of the training itself, but
what about measuring the success in producing a balanced system with the craft artisan at its
centre. As well as the obvious economic drivers, perhaps the long and difficult apprenticeships
of old weeded out the weak, only those with persistence and doggedness staying the course.
Perhaps they would be more likely then to carry on and use those skills. A quote from the UK
Cooper brings the two issues together: if theres not a living to be made theres literally no
point in spending many, many years learning something for nothing.
Heritage 2012
6 CONCLUSION
This research attempted to view the present situation through the eyes of individual craftspeople
in the UK and Slovakia. There are great similarities, as well as considerable, if not totally unex-
pected, differences. The continuation and strength of the family and local links of the crafts in
Slovakia has potential to be the sort of guideline that could measure how far a craft has gone
down the continuum from being true community-based ICH along the Kurin model to the
rather looser, non-official ICH of present-day western society.
The differences between the UK and Slovakia (and other Eastern European nations) merit
further research, but certainly imply that the way ICH is viewed and sustained is different for
the two scenarios. Certainly the new community-based emphasis from UNESCO for ICH
should not be seen as a one-size-fits-all. Communities need defining within the environment of
their existence and what may suit in one situation may not suit in another.
For TCH, at some sites this has already been recognised, e.g. at the Borobudur Temple World
Heritage Site, Indonesia. This Buddhist temple now stands in an area with a community that is
largely Muslim, with the potential to be seen as dissonant with the present local community. But
Black & Wall (2001) found that it still had great religious significance for many local people in
the area, even though they were officially Muslim. The opposite may also occur. Talking spe-
cifically of the ecomuseums in France, Howard asserts visitors to the ecomuses are, twenty
years on, almost exclusively tourists not locals (2003:240) and that, although local support es-
tablished them, the next [local] generation has virtually lost interest (Ibid.:242).
Craft most definitely hovers round the fringes of ICH. It can be traditional which might be
ICH, or artistic which probably is not ICH, but could be in some circumstances. This study
shows that there are most definitely elements remaining in the traditional crafts within western
society that are a continuation of the link to previous craftspeople. However, in the UK the links
have become very tenuous. More training has been proposed, and is already taking place in
some areas, particularly in the UK, but the emphasis is rarely on the maintenance of the craft as
Intangible CH. It is as a necessary evil that will allow the continued maintenance of Tangible
CH. The holistic view of the craft as part of a community that allows it to be sustained is rarely
considered. The situation in Slovakia seems quite different, in that there are crafts remaining as
part of their local communities, with ongoing transmission via family and local links. It would
seem likely that help in other parts of the craft artisan system could sustain the systems balance
and thus sustain the craft as ICH. More research is required to provide information as to whether
the craft artisan system even exists in balance anywhere in the UK.
I suggest that an amalgamation of this model with Stefano & Corsanes proposal (2008) for
the use of the Ecomuseum model to manage/sustain ICH would have a positive effect, being to-
tally grounded in community, economic, geographic and museological forces. This might be
seen as a greater system with the crafter at the centre, an holistic three-dimensional system
where the pure economic imperative is countered within a system of checks and balances.
This study has shown that, by developing a model of the system in which a craft artisan ex-
ists, poor or broken links within the system can be identified more easily. Could this lead to a
more effective targeting of help to re-balance the system and allow it to sustain itself?
ENDNOTES
1
the fujara is a 1.6m long 3-hole overtone fipple flute, Slovakias only representation on the UNESCO
list of Masterpieces of ICH
2
Slovak log-house carpenter
3
weaver of linen table cloths and mats
4
stredie Ludovej Umeleckej Vroby (Bratislava -based Slovak Centre for Folk Art Production)
5
Gujo Odori is a Japanese Bon (festival for the dead usually held in midsummer), in this case a dance
matsuri (festival) held annually in Gujo Hachiman, Gujo City, in Gifu Prefecture
6
Gujo Odori dance preservation society
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Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
From outside they were inscrutable- cubes of burned pastry without windows. But here and
there a bit of wall had fallen out, and I caught passing glimpses of courtyards, vines
stairways, lattices, carved doors and hanging balconies; all the essential ingredients of the
inward-looking order of the Arab household. (Jonahan Raban, Arabia)
Dubais heritage is characterized by its adobe courtyard mansions lately reconstructed to offer a
complete image of the past to the visitor. These mercantile mansions were stripped down to the
foundations level, rebuilt entirely, with intentionally exposed fragments of the original coral
stone walls. Its interiors were refurnished, in a standardized manner archiving little evidence of
its collective memory. Devoid of excessive ornament, the practicality and simplicity of these
Dubai: heritage house, alternative exhibitions, the vernacular as a
codified expression of culture
M. El Amrousi
Abu Dhabi University
ABSTRACT: In the modern city of Dubai, the Deira district still retains intact remnants of the
past. The historic section of the old city, Dubais textile bazaar in Deira sprawls along the creek
connecting the traditional quarters of al-Shindagha and al-Bastakia that date back to Shaikh
Saeed bin Rashed al-Maktooms rule (1912-1958). Deiras heritage displays courtyard mansions
that functioned as large family residences, centers for mercantile exchange, and schools.
Currently they have been restored, and transformed into a group of small museums. Dubais
textile bazaar and mansions have been described by Jonathan Raban in his novel Arabia as a
cross-cultural hub, a space of multi-ethnic, multi-lingual social exchange. The bazaar still
retains its vivid spatial attributes and practices, however, Dubais historic mansions have
assumed different roles that range from art galleries to cafes and restaurants. Museulogy shapes
their new functions confined within their traditional physique. The Municipality of Dubai
played an active role in renovating these mansions, however, in the process age value and
collective memory are lost since these monuments did not undergo conservation that would
allow them to age gracefully, rather they have been restored to reflect a sense of newness
similar to constructed heritage villages. This research examines the spatial attributes of Dubais
historic mansions, discusses the boundaries between conservation and complete reconstruction
that make it difficult to separate heritage from touristic dreamscapes such as al-Jumaira resort
and Palace hotel that are themed on tradition. This paper interrogates the complex process of
decision making in heritage restoration, how they are influenced by artistic, contextual,
technical backgrounds and local taste, and is divided into three venues: the Heritage House,
Mannequins and Period Rooms, Alternative Exhibitions.
buildings, coupled with their colors and textures produce a pleasant effect, inverted spaces
secluded from the outside, their interior facades produce a warm space, limited by the structural
systems of the past. However, with their windows closed and neon lighting, the visitor is offered
little experience of the true environment and social-memory that took place within their walls.
The majlis, low-rise cushioned seating, is still present for visitors to experience while Arabic
coffee and dates are offered, however, no audio-visual memory narrates the social or official
events that took place between the Shaikhs and delegates, merchants, or family members.
Dubais vernacular heritage represents a codified expression that is still undelivered. Enclosed
spaces around courtyards, retained and veiled Dubais historic mansions, have been mimicked in
mega dreamscape resorts, that have taken the adobe texture, wind towers-barjeel as architectural
emblems to manifest tradition. While Dubais lavish resorts such as Meena al-Salam, Al-Qasr in
Jumeirah and the Palm Islands offer much entertainment within a hyper-real environment,
Dubais real heritage in Al-Shindagha and Deira has been transformed into local museums,
scarcely populated, due to the conservative modes of exhibitions they offer. In contrast Dubais
historic textile bazaar still retains its vividness as described by Jonathan Raban in his novel
Arabia, a space of multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and social exchange. They constitute a section of
new, globally reconstructed and repackaged public space that is supplemented by an exclusive
matrix of themed hotels and high end resorts such as Al-Jumeirahs Palace Hotel, the Miraj Hotel,
the Palm Islands, are all part of a wider matrix of simulacras pseudoplaces, bypassing the real
public space for a sanitized experience, solely and carefully designed for cultural consumption.
Festival City Mall and al-Jumeirah resort even reconstruct the waterway, replicating the Dubai
Creek, with miniature abra(s) offering boat rides within these artificial waterways. The pinnacle
of these modern spectacles is Dubai Mall, includes one of the largest aquariums in the world, Burj
Khalifathe tallest building in the world, large bookstores, neo-traditional gold bazaars, and
complete 'streetscapes' under a retractable roof. The bazaar manifests vivid spatial attributes and
practices of exchange of culture and commodity intertwined. Transportation of merchandise and
real people across the Dubai creek in traditional wooden boats offers a different ambiance from
the touring tourists in artificial canals, it not only constructs its past but has cleverly evaded to be
frozen in time as an urban museum, secluded for tourists (Fig. 1).

Figure 1: Dubais textile bazaar after restoration

Heritage is bound within the constraints of tradition, exhibitions use procedures of partitioning,
and oppose to the intrinsic, adverse interest created by multiplicity. Socio-cultural space within
local museums lags in comparison to the economic and visual attributes of Dubais modernity.
Conservative formations and arrangements of exhibitions result in a desertion of local museums,
regarded as technocratic space rather than one for interactions between subject and object.
Preservation/Conservation are used interchangeably to refer to the architectural school of thought
that either encouraged measures that would protect and maintain buildings in their current state,
or would prevent further damage and deterioration to them. New mediums are necessitated to
attract visitors to these monuments. "Interlacing with the Past" through new mediums such as the
Heritage 2012
internet and interactive screens require specific installations within the monument that contradict
the conventionalism of museum space. The Heritage House exemplified by the Shaikh Saeeds
museum represents a classical example of reconstructed heritage that has been transformed into a
local museum. Given the intangibility of local built heritage to the process of self identification,
the assessment of the value of national identity in relation the pluralistic culture of place is
achieved through the display of the different arts and crafts used in restored monuments.
Photographic collections were used to create an archive that sets the bases for arrangements of
various curative themes, divided into sections the heritage house displays; social life and photos
of official meetings with foreign delegates in chronological order. Other sections represent
images of Dubai between 1948-1953, a marine life section showing coastal and the long history
of pearl diving and trade. The exhibitions are created mainly from Ronald Codrais and Wilfred
Thesigers albums. Other sections include ethnographic dress, coins, stamps, maps and jewelry,
framed within glass casings and described by copper labels that mention brief information about
the object, or names of those within the photograph leaving the spectator the choice to engaged
or bypass the process of interpretation. The Dubai National Museum offers a more liberated
narration of Dubais history through its mannequins and period rooms that represent an
alternative to the traditional order of exhibition in the Heritage House. A more oblique mode of
dealing with heritage in its post restoration phase is experienced in Al-Siraaj gallery that hosts
displays specific interpretations of Islam via graphic representations, that transcend local and
cultural boundaries.
2 DUBAIS NATIONAL MUSEUM/MANNEQUINS AND PERIOD ROOMS
The recent blossoming of construction activities has provoked deep changes within the culture
itself, affected by globalization on the architecture of modern Dubai. Dubai is praised for its
contemporary urban landscape and dreamscape resorts themed to emulate tradition, artificial
islands such as the Palm set pace for future shorefront developments, and construct spaces were
commodity and culture are exhibited for a secluded sector of the community. The city has
changed since the time Jonathan Rabans visit in the 1970s, however, open to all still remains the
historic fabric represented by Deira which has retained its character; a densely populated intricate
social geography chartered by patterns of peoples movement along its narrow intertwining
passages. Dubais built heritage in Deira, offered a vernacular expression that was socio-
culturally suitable, virtually sealed off from street level, and bustling bazaar on the ground floor,
Dubais historic mansions functioned as nuclear family residences. Raban described Dubai as a
city with a strong presence of an Indo-Persiannate community, their popular culture displayed in
the architecture of these houses through traditional Wind towers barjeel, floral and vegetal stucco
ornaments. And on an urban level the surrounding cityscape offers a variety of Indian
restaurants, merchandise and movies advertisements. The Hindu caste-marking the foreheads of
some women as outlined by Raban during ethnic celebrations, a crowd were Indians, Iranians,
Pakistanis, Arabs congeal in an aura of cosmopolitanism is present in Deira but has been
excluded from traditional simulacraJumeirah, Festival City, the Miraj Hotel and the Palm
Island.
In Deira the Dubai National Museum, under Al-Fahidi Fort reflects on a solution to merge
tradition with the modern needs of exhibition space. The traditional part/the fort houses the
traditional exhibition, objects in glass casings that are not sensitive to light. The modern section
of the museum has been constructed underground and includes period rooms were mannequins
re-enact life in the old port and bazaar. In the real bazaar mannequins dressed in traditional
Indian saree and Arab clothing exhibit textures of commodity for consumption, in the Dubai
museum mannequins reenact social customs for the consumption of culture. Mannequins are not
just means of seeing but also on the appearance of the object in conveying the curators intentions.
It is always difficult to achieve the optimum balance between gallery and museum lighting design
especially when taking into consideration the requirements of sight and movement. (Loe, 2008)
The solution was to immerse the visitors in complete darkness as they depart from the central
courtyard to a space were the collective memory reenacted. (Fig. 2) A young group of local girls
who were celebrating the graduation from a religious school, known as the tawmina girls, is
explicated. The vividly dressed girls with their local hairstyles and jewelry were even supported
with newly recorded sounds of young girls reciting the Quran to explain the event to the visitor.
A bed located under a local wind tower the barjeel, usually located in living rooms, here
reconstructed with an internal air-conditioning to explain the optimal function of the now only
iconic symbols of built tradition. Cultural reproductions and approximations transform the
experience of the visitor to culture that is acceptable to his own through mediums of exhibition
and the labels and texts associated with the artifacts. In exhibitions of culture labels are not
descriptive in a normative sense, it identifies the object using an interpretation, explanatory of the
object in terms of cause, and it invokes the role of such figures as important objects in their
culture. (Baxandall, 1991)

Figure 2. Dubai National Museum
Ethnographic sections in the museum have been intentionally darkened to merge the identity of
real nationals which still dress according to tradition from mannequins, constructing, engaging
the past in a real and unreal narrative. Additional elements enhance the visitors experience such a
video displays, short films, musical recordings juxtapose in time and space the underground city
as an exhibition and the real city as venue of cultural display. Curators narratives are enhanced
by sounds and lights, period rooms displaying traditional shops laden with merchandise, desert
and marine life, pearl divers, even a traditional water system the falaj and palms are implanted in
real sand. A traditional dhow explicates Dubais image as a port city of trade, commerce and
consumption, the past is revisited, selected, reshuffled and reinterpreted. Barbara Kirshenblatt-
Gimblett outlines that the notion of context poses the interpretative problem of reference since it
entails particular techniques of arrangement; labels, charts diagrams, booklets, catalogues and
commentary; explanatory audiovisual programs, the latter are mostly missing in Dubais heritage
houses and museums. It would have been preferable to construct a more productive notion of
exhibition, to identify makers of objects and exhibitors which would help explain the staged
scenery of the exhibition. And modes of production especially mannequins, their gestures, age
and choice of characters and gender, which would help explain to the viewer the socio-cultural
agenda of the curator.
In context approaches establish a theoretical framework , schematic arrangement, and
classification for the viewer, in other words there are as many contexts for an object as there are
interpretive strategies. Coins, stamps, local jewelry, and fragments of old documents become
objects of display that can either be exhibited in situ or in context. Both modes of display
question the nature of representation, meaning, while an art of detachment in both cases is
supported by the boundaries of display such as displacement, display in glass casings, roped
sections, i.e. separating the artifact from its originator. While the fragmentary nature of the object
enhances its realness, the notion of in situ entails metonymy and mimesis: the object stands in
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relation to an absent whole that may or may not be reconstructed. The art of mimesis, whether in
the form of period rooms, heritage villages, recreated environments-places objects or replicas of
them in situ expand the boundaries of display to include what was left behind. (Kirshenblatt-
Gimblett, 1991)
3 THE HERITAGE HOUSE
A number of issues need to be considered when examining heritage houses and local museums,
namely that they lack the prestige that international museums have as iconic centers and their
display of power through scale. As Hooper-Greenhill outlines that the British Museum has in
many ways set the standards for the museum as an institution, and has become the museum
archetype, a classical large stone building replicating ancient Greek Temples, with crowds lined
up to enter this sanctified repository of cultural representations. Shaikh Saeeds Museum in
Dubai offers only a simple refection of a rulers life with an emphasis on standardized collections
of coins, stamps and old documents. Mega museums currently being constructed in Abu Dhabi
by international renown star architects such as the Abu Dhabi Louvre, Shaikh Zayed Museum
and the Guggenheim challenge local museum through their quality of exhibition spaces and
collections offered. Another challenge to the local museum/heritage house is the themed Mall.
For example Ibn Battuta Mall and Khan Murjan in Wafi City, gather and reconstruct cultural
backdrops similar to those of a museum reviving the 19
th
century World Fairs. In Dubai the
heritage house is challenged by the Mega Museum and the mall that has assumed the role of a
museum leaving the heritage house to become only an archive. Dubais mansions, after
restoration have become anthropological exhibitions of local traditions, vessels of culture, that
serve the order of enhancing national identity. They do not display artifacts of aesthetic, age or
historic value only mimetic displays reflect the curators efforts to focus the viewers attention on
particular object. (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, 1991)

Figure 3. Shaikh Saeed Heritage House

The house museum of Shaikh Saeed bin Makoom the ruler of Dubai (1912-1958) represents a
classical example of an Emirati courtyard house that has been transformed into a local museum.
(Fig. 3). The house offers a vision of social life in Dubai, leaving the visitor conscious of the
different interpretations of its heritage, especially as they peek at the city from the upper floor
terraces that overlooks the lively creek in Dubai. The most visible feature of the heritage house
are the varying shapes of blind niches, solid walls and wind towers--Barjeel, which function as
icons breaking the monotony of the niches and solid facades. The so called boutique lighting that
has become in popular use for heritage buildings by restoration committees in recent years has a
surreal effect to heighten the experience of the visitor with immersing him/her in the physicality
of the building as an object of display. In the courtyard boutique lighting expose the beauty of
the seven arched stucco panels in the blind niches on an otherwise decoratively plain house.
These stucco panels with their palm frond abstract motifs reflecting local artistic expression, have
become a reference for replication in Dubais Heritage Village, were they are on display as
commodity for consumption. As outlined by Stephan Greenblatt, this form of lighting suggests
the building as a form of wonder, lighting seems to emerge from within the windows, niches and
barjeel rather than focus on it. Socially displaced, the traditional house as a museum is bound up
within acquisition and possession. (Greenblatt, 1991)
Circulation, is interesting through its unpredictability, as families grew, more rooms were
added. Corridors, masses and staircases lead to upper rooms preceded by colonnades-liwans that
were used as meeting spaces, and the constant exchange between exterior and interior space is
remarkable. These liwans open to rectangular rooms that house the exhibitions, that display
pictures, stamps, local jewellery and documents as well as recent models of traditional dhows
used as centre pieces. Openings have been blocked to created niches in these heritage houses in
the restoration process. (Fig. 4) Objects displayed against windows are displayed against a bright
background, increasing the adaptation level of the eye, from the intense glare of the exposed
courtyard which distracts the visitor from much detail and color in the objects that are lost
(Wilson, 2006). The main problem is in the contrast between exterior and interior visitors move
from room to room. Brightness from daylight produces reflections affecting the visibility of
objects. The perception of the veiling reflection depends on the balance between the brightness
of the reflection and the brightness of the object. A complex issue since many rooms still include
fluorescent lighting, which provides a dull diffuse of light.

Figure 4. Shaikh Saeed museum coins collection in blind niches

The exhibition set within the constraints of heritage houses remains problematic and represents
a challenge since little of its collective memory has been prepared for display. Boundaries are
blurred between the focus on architecture and its relation to tradition, and an exhibition that
needed to be displayed within different spatial contexts for better examination of culture. Labels
only describe the names of the subjects and not the condition of their photographic framing.
Limitations of explanation confine the visitor to a melancholic understanding the presented
culture and collective memory of the artefacts within the house. Local people their shops, crafts,
customs and some oblique celebrations in the bazaar are all part of the collection though not
chosen to be displayed. In other words products of the past are used for the production of new
social, political and epistemological orders, culture is dismembered and re-membered in new
ways. (Preziosi, 1991) A certain spatial distance is established between the modern viewers and
the objectified traditional culture, that needs to be approached through a perception of
understanding and recognition that the physical setting of the object is part of what defines it as
art. Conventional forms produced by desert architecture overtime, have withstood climatic
conditions, and represent a solid form of undisputable heritage, however, today they are
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understood within an emotional and psychological context meant to reassure the community that
their heritage remains unaffected by the urban changes.
4 BUILT HERITAGE AND ALTERNATIVE EXHIBITIONS
Diversification of modes, themes of display and exhibitions represents attempts to attract visitors
through obliqueness of content when juxtaposed with the traditions and socio-cultural openness in
Dubai. The visitor is taken through a series of rooms that form a pilgrimage route commencing
with scientific miracles of the Quran, creation of the universe, the messengers and last message.
The second floor of the courtyard house continues the religious message through exhibitions
titled the Judgment, Eternal Bliss and Eternal Damnation. Both message and medium of
representation are alien to the physical envelope of the Emirati heritage house, which questions
notion, and replacement of personal traces of life. Al-Siraaj exhibition in the house of Obaid and
Jumaa bin Thani promotes a conservative Muslim message through graphics, broachers and
seminars offered on a temporary stage in the center of the courtyard. The original function of the
heritage house has changed from a secular vernacular expression to a center of religious
dissemination strongly shaped by the intentions of the curators. Here the curators advocate
themselves as presenting culture that is distant from commodity and see themselves as rather
special places, preserving a past that may have never existed in a multi-ethnic port city that relies
on the accommodation of multiculturalism for its survival. In terms of experience within a space
distant from everyday life, that may however be appreciated by middle class people. The
intention of re-collection, re-telling of diverse, less visible traditions, inclusion and exclusion
offers a conjunction of loss and retrieval and raises the issue of fragmented, selected timelines
chosen to construct historical narrative. Such contemporary exhibitions hinging on display
through advanced mediums demonstrate their viability in new contexts, since they are subject to
demands that may enable them to play new roles in contemporary times and space. (Hooper-
Greenhill).

Figure 5. House of Obaid and Jumaa bin Thani transformation of interior
Al-Siraaj Gallery has succeeded in attracting more people while the kind of visitor remains the
same, the heritage house has been re-contextualized and re-interpreted to allow the public to
know that built heritage is not a broad frame through which the arts and cultures of a community
can be inspected. (Vogel, 1991) In spite of the surreal effect the boutique little guides the visitor
to authentic imprints of the different family members that lived in the house creating a
mechanism were collective memory is lost and replaced by re-enacted exhibition mediums,
images, and reproduced textures. The existence of galleries within a built heritage relate new
forms of socio-cultural contexts that link between heritage and economic strategies. Perhaps this
is more evident in galleries like al-Siraaj that hosts its own website with virtual tours and videos
of the exhibition. It deplores social stratification through its exhibition since globalization is kept
at safe distance, and the display overshadows true character and original function of the house of
Obaid and Jumaa bin Thani that was one of the first houses of Al Shindagha, built in 1917, to
reflect the prosperity of the region at that time due to the flourishing pearl trade.
5 CONCLUSION
Contemporary trends in museum display promote the enunciation of the singular units from their
glass enclaves to invoke a sense of exploration and unbinding of heritage in place. These artifacts
then introduce the visitor to alternative memories of the local and regional cultures. Several
culturally oriented projects are currently being built in the UAE, however, the recent emphasis on
scale and richness in detail and materials has affected the symbolic and historic value of the
simple adobe structures that constitute local heritage. The scale and power behind spaces of
consumption of the spectacle with their variant modes of exhibition, diverse histories, and
artifacts gathered challenge the museum as an institution. The conglomeration of the vast
cultures, times and epochs reflect the evolution of Dubai as a post modern city. A city that is
inhabited by multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and diversely religious spectators, that represent a
challenge to any attempts of heritage and cultural display through a singular perception. A
redefinition of exhibitions is warranted so that they act as adverse forces for the acceptance of
intrinsic multiplicity rather than solid separations, and hierarchical networks has been attempted
via three different venues, mannequins and period rooms, the heritage house and alternative
exhibitions. Dubai's National Museum and its constructed socio-cultural experience of Dubais
past through mannequins and virtual mediums retained neutrality, authenticity and modernity in
one space, thereby stimulated a possible counter mechanism to the themed resorts, malls and
forthcoming mega museums. Shaikh Saeeds heritage house explored narrating history through
photography and minimal museulogical intervention, while Al-Siraaj Gallery reconstructed the
interior of the heritage house and its collective memory. A de-contextualization of heritage is
much needed to explore new patterns, and socio-cultural spaces that are open to all, minority
communities and sporadic visitors that constitute the post modern society.
REFERENCES
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purposeful objects. Karp, I. and Lavine, S. (eds). Exhibiting Cultures: the Poetics and Politics of
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Coles. S and Jackson. P. (2007). Windtower. London: Stacey International.
Greenblatt. (1991). Resonance, Wonder, and Toys. Karp, I. and Lavine, S. (eds). Exhibiting Cultures:
the Poetics and Politics of Museum Display. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press.
Greig Grysler and Abidin Kusno. (1997). Angels in the Temple, The Aesthetic Construction of
Citizenship at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Art Journal, Spring 1997.
Hobsbawm, E.J. (1990). Nations and Nationalism since 1780 Programme, myth, reality. Cambridge
University Press.
Kaufman, E. (2005). The Architectural Museum from Worlds Fair to Restoration Village. ed. Gerard
Corsane. Heritage Museums and Galleries, An Introductory Reader. (Routledge, London & New York).
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Preziosi, D. (1991). Brain of the Earths Body, Museums and the Framing of Modernity. Karp, I. and
Lavine, S. (eds). Exhibiting Cultures: the Poetics and Politics of Musuem Display. Washington:
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International Journal of Heritage Studies. Vol. 12, No. 4, July 2006, pp. 321338.

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1 INTRODUCTION
Recently tourism sector has been gaining more importance as an essential part of the local eco-
nomic development due to the global economic reformation. Many cities have achieved tourism
based on local economic development. The report of the 19
th
session of the UNWTO General
Assembly presents forecast on international tourist arrivals to reach 1.8 billion by 2030.
Moreover, the report confirms that international tourism will continue to grow in a sustained
manner in the next two decades giving average 43 million additional international tourists per
year (+2.2% a year) and in more advanced touristic areas (+4.4% a year). (8-14 October 2011,
Gyeongju, Republic of Korea)
Over the last two decades, remarkable progress has taken place in the implementations and
impacts of different tourism tools and sub-titles. One of the newly presented sub-titles for tour-
ism planning is Cultural Heritage Management (CHM). The concept of CHM has increasingly
become an important subtitle for tourism sector with planning perspectives as a significant
planning tool. Then, the weight of combining it with planning emerged from the fact that it is a
significant category of tourism, an important tool in culture, and a main key for planning pro-
Cultural heritage management and the impact of tourism the
case of Tripoli - Lebanon
K. El Barazi
Lebanese University, Tripoli, Lebanon
ABSTRACT: Over the last two decades, remarkable progress has taken place in the implemen-
tations and impacts of different tourism tools and sub-titles. One of the newly presented sub-
titles for tourism planning is Cultural Heritage Management (CHM). This paper aims to investi-
gate the CHM development at the old city centre of Tripoli in Lebanon. The local impact of
CHM on the historical centre is expected to result in better tourism activities which will develop
the local cultural, social, and economic sectors. The paper examines the improvement of the lo-
cal economy depending on cultural management related to tourism activities in Abu Ali and
Tall districts. These districts are the core of the old city where the Mameluks heritage islo-
cated. The Abou Ali district has witnessed local tourism and economic development based on
a CHM project which will be completed at the end of 2012. This study defines the old city cen-
ter starting from the Abu Ali river to Tall square. The unity of the two historical districts un-
der CHM projects will be achieved through enhancing pedestrian access and creating efficient
and pleasant cognitive map. Tripoli city offers the opportunities of investigative the CHM as
tourism planning tool. A qualitative analysis will be hold based on qualitative and quantita-
tive data. This analysis will be based on a theoretical and literatureframework, opinion survey,
analyzing existing pedestrian accesses, questionnaire, data collection, site visits, and cognitive
map examinedby using sketch map. In conclusion, the contribution and combination of Cultural
Heritage with regional planning framework will result in better consequences for the tourism
sector. This paper will show how an efficient management of the Cultural Heritage development
as a tourism planning tool can have positive impacts on the local economic. The result will
enhance the cultural significant side which will sustain the history of Tripoli and maintain the
cultural role.
jects through regional bases. The concept combines the cultural, social, economic, and touristic
sectors for an enhanced wider plan.
This research aims to investigate CHM on the case of Tripoli, Lebanon which has witnessed
CHM development at its old city Centre. Furthermore, this research tries to analyze the local
impact on Tripoli city and introduce a newly rehabilitated historical city centre for better tour-
ism activities and an improved local development. The main focus is on the area consisting
Abou Ali district and Tall district in Tripoli city. The Abou Ali district has examined lo-
cal tourism and economic development based on a CHM project prepared at the city level. The
aim is to improve its local economy depending on cultural management related to its tourism ac-
tivities. Moreover, the research will re-define the old city center border adapted by the local
government and used in its local projects. The new re-introduced old city center will be from the
Abu Ali river to Tall square combining between the two historical districts through CHM
projects and enhancing the districts relation through pedestrian accesses and cognitive maps. As
linkages are made between individual routes and locations, increased functionality is added to
the cognitive map, such as the ability to devise shortcuts between destinations and create com-
plex trip chains. Moreover, local regional knowledge may increase in the district of a route.
Therefore, knowledge of an area may develop as a series of strips or corridors surrounding spe-
cific routes. This facilitates knowledge integration if the routes are known and are overlapping
(Golledge, 1990).
2 THE CITY OF TRIPOLI, LEBANON
2.1 An overview
Situated 85km North of Beirut along the Mediterranean coast, Tripoli is considered Lebanons
second capital and the most important city in its region. The Tripoli or Al Fyaha region includes
three municipalities; Tripoli, Al Mina and Baddawi. Today it has a total population of around
289,800 inhabitants or around one third of the total inhabitants in the North of the country. The
municipality of Tripoli covers the largest area and includes 72% of the population. The city's
history dates back to the 14th century BC. In ancient times, it was the center of a Phoenician
confederation which included Tyre (Sour), Sidon (Saida) and Arados (Arwad), hence the name
Tripoli, meaning "triple city" in Greek. Tripoli has a wide rich historic heritage which goes back
to Phoenicians about 1500BC, and ends with the Ottomans. This coastal city is classified among
the richest eastern shore cities in terms of the monumental heritage that represents the different
historical periods, and is considered the second after Cairo due to its Mameluke monuments
heritage.
2.2 Tripoli city advantages and problems
Tripoli's geographic location and historic networks strengthen its position as a regional passage
not only on national neighbourhoods but on international border. Physically, the city is charac-
terized by a unique urban heritage core that not only extents significant periods in Lebanons
history but also directories the larger history of the region. Moreover, it acts as an attractive pole
for local, national and international visitors. Around 190 monuments including residential, reli-
gious and commercial structures have been classified as cultural heritage structures and are thus
protected from destruction.
Today, and despite changed international, regional and national circumstances, Tripoli still
has considerable potential to become a regional pole of attraction on several levels. As such, its
competitive advantages are based on three prime factors:
a) Its geographic location and potential growth as a regional centre for trade, transportation
and agricultural exports,
b) Its environmentally protected islands as well as
c) Its considerable cultural heritage assets.
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2.3 Monuments heritage and historical sites of Tripoli
Tourism is one of the key assets of Tripoli with the potential to become the key engine of the
economic growth in this city. It boasts a rich and diverse range of protected neighbourhoods,
monuments, sites and nature preserves that include the historic core of the city. Nowadays, Ar-
chaeologists and historians consider it as being the second best preserved Mameluk city after
Cairo. Its 40 standing medieval monuments in the old town extend to the foot of the towering
Crusader citadel and remain as living witness to the lives and customs of a medieval Islamic
city.
2.3.1 The most significant historical places are:
Clock tower: The Clock tower is one of the most popular monuments in Tripoli. it has been
constructed by the Ottomans as a gift to Tripoli city.
Nawfal Palace: The Palace is used these days for cultural activities and conventions
Takiyah Mawlawiyyah: Takiyah is a three floors Ottoman building and the Turkish govern-
ment is funding its reconstruction which is expected to be completed by the mid of 2012.
Tell Oulya Mosque:. It was built in 1872 during the Ottoman period. The mosque was recon-
structed in the 1970s.
Moussa caf is an important social gathering area where its pavement and square turned into
cafes where people gather to have nargile (or sheesha), play cards, and tawla (backgammon).
Actually, it has very active and long nights, especially during the holly month Ramadan.
2.3.2 Old fountains in Tripoli
The very famous old fountain called Millaha is located in the old souk. It is considered as a so-
cial gathering area and local landmark in the famous Bazirkan souk in the old city centre.
Another famous fountain is the one located in Manshiyyeh in Al-Tall Square.
2.3.3 The old Souks of Tripoli
Sagha (jewelries ), khiyateen (tailors), Aatarin (perfumery), Haraj (leathers), koundarjiyeh
(shoesmakers), Bazerkan (Bazar), Nahhasin (coppers), and Khodra (Vegetables).
2.3.4 The Khans of Tripoli old city centre:
Khan Al Khayyatin (Tailors khan) was built in 1341.
Khan al Aaskar (Soldiers Khan): It is a Mameluk barracks and was used by successive Ot-
toman and French forces down to modern times.
Khan Al-Misriryin (Egyptian Khan) so called probably because it was built by Egyptian
Mameluks.
Khan al Saboun (Soap Khan) The Khan was built at the beginning of the seventeenth century.
Hammam Izz El-Din: Built by the Mameluk prince Izzedin Aibek, it was the first public
bath in the new provincial capital.
Hammam al Jadid (new Hammam) the "New Bath" because it was constructed in 1740 and
was relatively new compared to the fourteenth century Hammams built by Mameluk governors
of Tripoli.
2.4 Re-defining the border of the old city Centre
This study is dealing with tourism and tourists cognitive maps as tool to facilitate the tourists
visits and increase the tourists number. Therefore defining the borders should be related to tou-
ristic interests and should present definitions of different landmark in order to create cognitive
maps. According to theories and studies of cognitive maps, landmarks are major necessity to
help people drawing their own maps. Moreover, these landmarks can be effective in drawing or
defining accesses to the historical Centre and connecting different squares and sites.
Since Tripoli city boasts a rich and diverse range of protected neighbourhoods, monuments,
sites and nature preserves, the border definition is a sensitive and critical task. Consequently, the
selection is based on two objectives. The first is the historical value of the old city Centre, and
the historical Tall district. The second is the importance of the landmarks to draw a cognitive
map. Therefore, the new border is defined based on combining between the cultural heritage and
the tourists needs. The border was extended to Tall Square, where there is important cultural
heritage in forms of historical buildings and the existence of main shopping street. However, the
Tall square is an important place where is centered the public transportation, and the arrival
point from Beirut.

Figure 2. The re-defined border of the old city centre and the historical buildings and classified cultural
heritage site
3 THEORY REVIEW AND FRAMEWORK
After the completion of phase I and nearly phase II of the Cultural Heritage Management
project in the old city centre, the area started to witness many architectural, social, and econom-
ic improvements. However the outcome of the project is not yet seen in the tourism sector and
in the city level. Many reasons have contributed in such situation, but the most important is the
absence of connectivity between different areas within the project border, and the project border
itself. Obviously, the project defined the border based on specific architectural values in particu-
lar historical period which is the Mameluks. The border has not considered the other historical
neighborhood related to different historical years, mostly the Ottomans. Despite their historical
importance, Tall square, the clock tower and many other important historical places were not in-
cluded. Moreover, the connectivity between the historical places within the defined bordered
was not concerned and the entrance to the old city centre was not established and nearly re-
stricted to the citadel side road.
If this projects aimed to revive the fame of the cultural heritage, and enhance the old city cen-
tre as a touristic destination in Tripoli city, the connectivity between the districts, the historical
architectural heritage, the different land use functionality and the other important city level land
marks should be evaluated and activated. A network between the different functions and differ-
ent areas should be considered. There are different types of Souks, Hammams, Khans, etc. but
there is no clear connection among them. The tourists will not be able to find their way easily
and can not to create their own cognitive maps that usually facilitate their way-finding within
the historical centre. The more the way-finding is clear the more efficient the tourists trip will
be, reflecting increases in the local activities and the local economy. Therefore, a framework
based on re-defined borders, creating entrances, spatial usages, cognitive map, pedestrian axels,
and nodes networking will be established to measure the connection among the existing histori-
cal potentials, and to link them to the local economic development.
Concepts of physical, cognitive and economic linkages have become widely accepted and
applied in many fields, including cognitive psychology, planning, architectural design and
marketing. Use of corridors and paths has been implemented in city planning, architectural
design, wildlife management, park design, community development, and transportation systems.
Heritage 2012
This paper summarizes and synthesizes literature from diverse fields and applications to suggest
a framework for community-based tourism using an integrated system of linkages.
The frame work will be based on Benyon and Hook Way-finding theory and uses Lynch five
concepts of cognitive map as tool to investigate and analyze the connectivity between the archi-
tectural heritage and the cultural heritage to establish successful touristic destination to integrate
the different heritage values into one touristic destination. The landmark will be defined, the
nodes will be investigated, the districts will be analyzed, and the paths will be considered to
create an evaluation of the old city centre.
3.1 Way-finding, Spatial Cognition, and Spatial Social Science
Successful way-finding depends a great deal on simplifying the messages presented to the first
time visitor so they are not overwhelmed with excessive and unnecessary information. For tour-
ist, destination must be attractive, their visit must be pleasant, and their new experience of the
visited place must be memorable. Therefore, the way-finding is an important aspect for tourist
to enjoy the destination.
There are many definitions of way-finding, but the most related to this paper is what was
identified under three different categories by Benyon and Hk: Object identification, explora-
tion, and way-finding (Benyon and Hk, 1997). Object identification is using personal criteria
to understand and classify the surrounding environment according to personal criteria and try to
relate them physically. An example from the study area can be when seeing an old mosque, Bur-
tassi mosque, by the river side facing an intersection of roads or transfer between pedestrian and
traffic. Exploration is more related to objects and how are connected within the place. An ex-
ample is the Burtassi mosque, the Khiyatin Souk, and an old fountain named Millaha and how
they are connected. Way-finding is dealing with where the object is located and its value for in-
dividuals. It is the method people use to figure out the target they want to reach. It is mainly
based to help visitors to find out their targets without being lost in the visited area and to enjoy
their experience in the place. Tourists can find Tall Al Oulya caf relating it to the Tall square
and the clock tower. Way-finding is important for exploration since people will not be willing to
explore a place where they failed to locate themselves and had uncomfortable experience with
the place.
People will often turn to other people for information on Way-finding rather than use more
formalized information pieces. When navigating cities people will often ask other people for
advice rather than study maps or follow signs; Information from other people has a huge advan-
tage over information on signs and maps because it is usually personalized and adapted to suit
the individuals needs. We find our way through spaces by talking to or following the trails of
others.
For Down and Stea (1973) and Passini (1984) the way-finding process involves four steps:
orienting oneself in the environment, choosing the correct route, monitoring this route, and re-
cognizing that the destination has been reached. Psychologists were mostly interested to study
the personal ability to find out the way in a new place (Kuipers, 1982; Grling, 1982). The nor-
mal mental reaction in a new place is to define landmarks, then to connect them to location.
This mental reaction to relate landmarks with location is known as cognitive maps, and it is di-
rectly related to the personal ability of spatial cognition.
3.2 Spatial Social Science
Spatial Social Science recognizes the key role that spatial concepts, such as distance, location,
proximity, neighborhood, and region play in human society; promotes research that advances
the understanding of spatial patterns and processes; and invokes powerful principles of spatial
thinking. Within economics, spatial perspectives have led to better modeling of hu-
man/environment interaction, better understanding of spatial dynamics, and new thinking about
the relationships between micro elements and macro outcomes.
Dawn Parker, Center for Social Complexity, George Mason University
Spatial thinking offers logic for interpreting the world, a well-established set of models, and a
rich set of tools for visualizing, analyzing, and integrating diverse sources of information
(OSullivan and Unwin 2002). The basic principles include: Integration. Location provides an
essential linkage between disparate forms of information and between the distinct processes stu-
died by different disciplines. For example, maps of environmental quality and human health can
be overlaid to examine correlations that may suggest clues for guiding future research.
3.3 Cognitive Map
A sub-title of spatial cognition is cognitive mapping which has been defined by Downs and Stea
as:
a process composed of a series of psychological transformations by which an individual ac-
quires, stores, recalls, and decodes information about the relative locations and attributes of the
phenomena in his everyday spatial environment. (Downs and Stea, 1973)
A lot of work has been done on how people find out their way and how they develop their
cognitive maps. The mental presentation of a place is based on the individuals target and change
according to the aim (Tversky, 1993). In Tripoli old city centre there are different targets and
aims such Souks, Hammams, or social gathering places, which can present different combina-
tion of locations and targets. People develop knowledge of the space over time and through the
experience of interacting with and within a space (Norman, 1999). Cognitive maps inform and
help people explore, understand and find their way through spaces.
People exploring the city need to know and form the surrounding urban components into a
personal form to be able to create their way-finding mental maps (Lynch, 1960). In his book,
image of the city, Kevin Lynch discusses the mental maps as an important method people use
to understand and navigate in urban space. The mental map for him is formed by combining the
space image and the mental picture. Lynch introduces the concept of place legibility, or what
is also known as imagibility or visibility, which is essential to understand the urban place.
Lynch cognitive map consists of a network composed of five distinctive elements: edges, nodes,
districts, landmarks, and paths.
Edges are the boundaries and breaks forming the ends of the urban place. The edges include
physical limitation as city walls, and natural limitations as seashores. In Tripoli city the edges
are the Abu Ali River and the Bishara Al Khoury Boulevard which is connected to Beirut
highway with Al Noor Square and to Mitein Street. The Bshara al Khoury Boulevard separates
the old city from the modern parts and creates border between the old historical city centre and
todays centre.
Nodes are strategic focus points for orientation like squares and junctions. They are spots
where there is an extra focus, or added concentration of city features. Prime examples of nodes
include a busy intersection or a popular city center. Tripoli old city centre contains five
important squares forming its nodes: Al Nijme, al Tall, Saraya al Aatika, Bab al Ramel, and
Khan al Askar square. Nijme square is newly named Sultan Kalawoon Square and forms an
intersection for four important streets. The Tall Square was an Ottoman administrative Saray,
and in the present, it is the core of the city. The Tall area is surrounded by important historical
building and it connects important parts of the city. Moreover, its strategic location according to
the city emphasizes its role as transfer points, and its role as an entrance to the historical old
centre. The Saray al Aatikah square is named after the old Ottoman army Saray nearby, which
still standing up but need urgent restoration. This square is connecting many important parts in
the core of the old city such Khan al Saboun, al Mansouri al Kabir Mosque, al Saghah Souk,
Kindarjiyeh souk, Nihassin Souk and al Nijme square. The Bab al Ramel sqaure connects the
Tall squares with the Moussa caf and Taynal Mosque. It is also directly connected to Nijme
Saray al Aatika, and Khan al Aaskar squares. The Khan al Aaskar square is located by the end
of the Churches Street where many historical churches are clustering. It is mainly connected to
Saray al Aatika and the river side.
Districts are sections of the city, usually relatively substantial in size, having a special
character. A wealthy neighborhood such Beverly Hills is one international example. The old
city centre of Tripoli is distinguished by its districts characteristics since it is formed from
historical specialized souks: Sagha (Jewelries),khiyateen(Tailors), Aatarin (perfumery), Haraj
and Khodra (Vegetables).

Heritage 2012

Figure 6: paths connecting districts and nodes

In conclusion, it is important to keep the tourists desires as the main target when planning and
re-introducing a tourist destination. Moreover, it is important to focus on the tourists initiatives
and presented motivation of the destination. Tripoli old city Centre is presented as a cultural
heritage touristic destination, the city combines many historical buildings, cultural heritage, and
architectural heritage. Therefore, an effective network connecting its heritage is a necessity to
make it a touristic destination. Tripoli city centre contains the main tools to facilitate the
tourists way-finding within its historical area. The connection between the city elements
(landmarks, nodes, and districts) within the existence of the edges, create helpful cognitive maps
and clear way-finding. Therefore, tourists will enjoy exiting visit and consequently more tourists
will be attracted and the increase of tourists number will lead to increase in the activities within
the historical centre, increase in demands of goods, services and competitiveness. As a result,
tourism sector within the old city centre of Tripoli will generates directly and indirectly an
increase in economic activities. This increase will not be restricted to the historical centre but it
will be generated to the city level.
REFERENCES:
Alexander, Ishikawa, and silverstein (1977), A Pattern Language: Towns, Buildings, Construction (Cess
Center for Environmental)
Buhalis D. and Costa C. (2006),Tourism business frontiers: consumers, products and industry
Benyon, D. R. and Hk, K. (1997), Navigation in Information Spaces: supporting the individual Pro-
ceedings of Interact 97 Chapman and Hall
Downs, R. M. and Stea, D. (1973), Cognitive maps and spatial behavior: processes and products, in Im-
age and Environment Cognitive Mapping and Spatial Behavior,
Downs, R. M., and Stea, D. (Eds.), 8-26. Chicago, IL: Aldine.
Downs, R. M. and Stea, D. (1977), Maps in Minds Reflections on Cognitive
Mapping. New York: Harper and Row.
Golledge, R. G. (1993), Geographical perspectives on spatial cognition, in Grling,
Heritage 2012
T. and Golledge, R. G. (Eds.), Behavior and Environment Psychological and
Geographical Perspectives, 16-46. North-Holland: Elsevier.
Golledge, R. G. and Rushton, G. (1976), Introduction, in Golledge, R. G. and Rushton, G. (Eds.), Spa-
tial Choice and Spatial Behavior Geographic Essays on the Analysis of Preferences and Perceptions,
vii-xiii. Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press.
Golledge, R. G. and Stimson, R. J. (1997), Spatial Behavior A Geographic
Perspective. London: The Guilford Press.
Golledge, R. G. and Timmermans, H. (1990), Applications of behavioral researchon spatial problems I:
cognition, Progress in Human Geography, 14 (1), 57-99.
Golledge, R. G., Dougherty, V. and Bell, S. (1995), Acquiring spatial knowledge:survey versus route
based knowledge in unfamiliar environments, Annals of the
Association of American Geographers, 85 (1), 134-158.
Hillier B. (1997), Space is the Machine: A Configurational Theory of Architecture, Cambridge
University Press: Cambridge.
Hillier B. and Hanson J. (1984), The Social Logic of Space, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge.
Lynch, K. (1960), The Image of the City. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
McKercher B., and Du Cros B. (2002), Cultural tourism: the partnership between tourism and cultural
heritage management.
Rushton, G. (1993), Human behavior in spatial analysis, Urban Geography, 14 (5),
447-456.
OSullivan and Unwin (2002), Geographic Information Analysis

Heritage 2012

1 CONCEPT STATEMENT
Theories about public space advocate that for reasons of democratic authenticity, spaces should
be open - not just to the public as onlookers but as active participants as well. According to
Hannah Arendt, there could be no exercise of freedom without the creation of a 'space of ap-
pearance' and even 'a right to appear (Ranciere, 2011). In Egypt we are suffering from a repres-
sion of alternative opinions, and likewise, from an inadequacy of public space for freedom of
speech. Elsewhere, the unexpected worldwide phenomena of political refusal has appeared to
reflected a cultural revolution in the political use of public space (from Tripoli to Wall Street).
These cultural revolutions occurred in informal public spaces facing disconnection with their
respective socio-political (and economic) establishments. This movement in popular occupa-
tion protests demonstrates the gap between an informal public space (a square) and the more
formal (e.g. parliament) as from exasperation with the latter the demos turns to the latter. Yet, in
the twenty-first century this latter has also proven unsatisfactory given the rise of the cyber
world, but as experienced in Egypt, it was a misplaced faith in digital communication as a dem-
ocratic tool (the regime received more information through the internet than it might have ever
received through informants). But the combination of the physical and digital public space is not
a solution on its own. Such a project must be legitimized through a new cultural heritage of de-
mocracy. The artistic legacy of the blood and tears, the hopes and struggles of these revolutions
are works of art with a remarkable impact and poignancy and must be the foundation for the fu-
ture, and for the viability of a new hybrid public space for democratic engagement. Democracy
must be commemorated in the same way that independence and liberation movements have al-
ways received. As a national public identity was created, so too must a democratic public be in-
cubated and encouraged.
An interactive e-cultural hub for democracy practices and future
heritage creation

B. Reda Abou El Fadl
Management and Development of Cultural Heritage (MDCH), IMT Institute for Advanced Studies, Lucca,
Italy.
ABSTRACT: In the present era, we require a project such as this. It introduces the concept of
thinking of democracy practice in a public space as cultural heritage. This unique cultural herit-
age should be represented and practiced collectively. This position is founded upon the recent
events in Egypt where political and public interaction occurred in a physical public space (Ta-
hrir Square) coexisting with a digital public space (Face book, blogosphere). Like other coun-
tries that are facing a problematic transition to democratic government, Egypt requires a practic-
al solution: public space for the peaceful, equal, and meaningful interaction of the political and
public spheres. The aim of this research is to support a new form of public space an interac-
tive cultural hub for democracy with ICT concepts and engagement tools to be utilized within
a built public space. The functional necessity of this project of a physical public forum is
founded upon recent examples of grass-roots democratic action.

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Heritage 2012
tural heritage. We have to predict that in the future there will be yet more serious consequences
if the current disengagement between the public and their political establishments continues.
7 REFERENCES
Council of Europe. 1999. Digital culture in Europe: A selective inventory of centers of innovation in the
arts and new technologies, Council of Europe Publishing.
Council of Europe (1999) Digital culture in Europe: A selective inventory of centers of innovation in the
arts and new technologies. Council of Europe Publishing, Paris.
EC. 1996. Multi-media access to Europes cultural heritage: Memorandum of Understanding. European
Commission.
European Commission, Brussels, S. Ross, M. Donnelly, M. Dobreva (2003) New technologies for the cul-
tural and scientific heritage sector.
Hoskyns, T. 2005. City/Democracy: Retrieving Citizenship Architecture and Participation, eds., New
York, Peter Blundell Jones. Spon Press.
Ronchi, A.M. 2009. E Culture: Cultural Content in the Digital Age. Springer.
Ranciere. 2011. Critique of Hannah Arendt; Enacting the Right to Have Rights. European Journal of po-
litical Theory.
Veltman, H. 2004. Understanding new media: Augmented knowledge and culture. Calgary. University of
Calgary Press.
www.a10.eu (accessed 01/05/2012, 18:00GMT+1)
www.artsense.eu/?page_id=4 (accessed 01/05/2012, 18:00GMT+1)
www.chessexperience.eu (accessed 01/05/2012, 18:00GMT+1)
www.cultura-strep.eu/home/vision (accessed 01/05/2012, 18:00GMT+1)
www.cultureclic.fr/ (accessed 01/05/2012, 18:00GMT+1)
www.cultos.org/ (accessed 01/05/2012, 18:00GMT+1)
www.eu-chic.eu/ (accessed 01/05/2012, 18:00GMT+1)
www.formula-d.co.za/multi-touch_wall_fdi100.html (accessed 01/05/2012, 18:00GMT+1)
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www.studioazzurro.com/news/view/78 (accessed 01/05/2012, 18:00GMT+1)


Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
The first decade of the twenty-first century ended with an increasing attention from designers
and academic culture for an architecture focusing once more on the man, his environment and
its history. Perhaps owing to of the widespread and growing crisis, scholars and technicians
seem to move away from the scenic formalisms of globalization in favour of a renewed com-
mitment to the themes of living, health and education, extending its scope of research to both
emerging and developing countries. Recent evidence of this have been the exhibitions Casa per
tutti, Abitare la citt globale (2008) at the Triennale of Milan and Small Scale, Big Change.
New Architectures of Social Engagement (2010) at MoMA in New York (Irace, 2008; Lepik,
2010).
The first exhibition underlined the theme of the house as a primary resource in any civilized
society, both in the emergency created by conflicts, natural disasters or endemic poverty of the
country and in the daily life in the Western world, where the variations of the household and so-
cial and working behaviours require renewed residential solutions. It brought back in the cul-
tural scene a moral imperative typical of the early modern architectural movements, recalling
how the architectural practice cannot exclusively take care of spectacular structures such as
those implemented in museums, auditoriums or skyscrapers.
If Casa per tutti has indicated the need to take a new path recovering a forgotten ethical
commitment, Small Scale, Big Change has recorded the first steps in that direction, exposing
projects characterized by a pragmatic approach to the issues of the physical and social context
in which they are carried out. It is about works demanded by wordly-wise clients and often de-
veloped by a young generation of architects, in their thirties, whose works are mainly located in
developing countries. Of the eleven works exhibited, in fact, only four are found in industrial-
ized countries, France and the United States, and share with the others a truly feasible humani-
tarian goal. They are residential homes for the elderly and children, cultural centres for kids in
Learning from traditional rural building cultures
M. T. Feraboli
School of Engineering-Architecture, Dept. INDACO, Politecnico di Milano, Milan, Italy
ABSTRACT: The aim of this study is to demonstrate that the building systems and traditional
types formed spontaneously over time in response to the climate and natural environment
of various countries, especially in rural areas - are still a social incentive and technical assis-
tance to the sustainable project in developing countries, particularly in Africa. This line
of thinking and design practice, anticipated by Hassan Fathy, is now shared by sever-
al architects, among which Kr in Burkina Faso, Carin Smuts in South Afri-
ca , Fabrizio Carola in Mali, all convinced that: Culture is the product of a peoples history
(Wa ThiongO Nogugi). Historically - despite the claim of ideological and practic-
al materials and techniques of modern (reinforced concrete, steel and glass) - the building sys-
tems and rural housing typologies assumed a paradigmatic value in the minds of designers.
need, self-built housing experiments at low cost or sensitive renovation of existing apartment
buildings, made by applying criteria of psychophysical and environmental well being. The se-
lected works in the poorest countries are small schools, such as those in Gando by Dibdo Kr
Francis (Burkina Faso, 2001) and Anna Heringer and Eike of Rudrapur Roswag (Bangladesh,
2006) or economic residential areas such as the fishermen homes near Tyre Hashim Sarkis
(Lebanon, 2008) or La Quinta Monroy Ichique Alejandro Aravena (Chile, 2005). These types of
projects - sometimes extended to the redevelopment of degraded areas through urban facilities
and museums of social memory - reveal the willingness to establish an effective dialogue be-
tween architecture and the communities doomed to live it. This is an operational mode which
uses the direct knowledge of the project areas, the natural environment, the economic conditions
and cultural practices of the future users, so as to pull over - next to the materials and current
technologies - building systems and materials maintained in local experience. This attitude is
indeed the result of a pragmatic view that aims at solving practical problems, but also has the
advantage of preserving the identity of a place and a community allowing its future and more
responsible development. As stated by Kazuyo Sejima in the presentation of the 12
th
Biennale
of Venice, of which she was the curator, architecture is the "mirror of the collective conscious-
ness, the physical encapsulation of changing lifestyles. Each of our new perception of life is
born from this changing society and develops as the result of the region, the culture or the city
of origin ". (Sejima, 2010).
It is, therefore, a real operational contribution what the building systems add to the traditional
architecture of the XXI century in certain countries, not counting the soothing effect that the ru-
ral landscapes and traditional buildings convey also in the industrialized West, thanks to their
ideally timeless and unchanged image. To date, in fact, rural building is often given recognition
both for the ability to respect the natural and human environment, steadily fitting in with the en-
vironment through the use of local resources and labour, and for the reliability, rationality and
technical responsiveness of the workmanships.
2 THE RURAL BUILDING TRADITION AS AN INCENTIVE TO THE SUSTAINABLE
PROJECT
Over the centuries, each region and rural areas - from the coast to the hill slopes, from irrigated
plains to the mountains - was marked by the development of an economy and a housing con-
nected to the context and the raw materials found there, favouring the onset of a human land-
scape with identifiable traits. The buildings from therein derived, in fact, are the result of a set
of knowledge and practical solutions that have been spontaneously handed down from one gen-
eration to another, without being submitted to a critical theorization or authorship of a single de-
signer. Rural buildings and houses are, therefore, structures born in relation to the climatic and
environmental specificities of the place that preserve and pose again the effectiveness of tech-
niques selected by time and use. In the industrialized West this tangible heritage of rural build-
ing has for decades become object of protection and study by the discipline of restoration, while
the building systems related to it are now treated as a new kind of heritage, that of the "intangi-
ble of traditions" rarely preserved but still recoverable at restoration and preservation. This her-
itage, however, is still living in developing countries, especially in less developed areas of al-
ready poor nations such as Mali or Burkina Faso in Africa, or along some coastal areas of
Lebanon or in different parts of Bangladesh, India or China, especially when as yet untouched
by urban growth. Here the rural building and traditional building techniques continue to hand
down in active way the sense of identity of the place and of the population, by assuming the
value of communicative go-between among designers with an academic background, workers
and local communities. Carin Smuts, South African architect, who works in contact with the
new poverty, that of the townships, underlines from the site of her study how rural settlements
are, in terms of distribution, a reference for the understanding and the intervention in these
newly formed areas. She writes: In this regard rural vernacular architecture provides solutions
which are extremely interesting and relevant which are closely related to urban informal settle-
ments(Smuts, 2010).
Heritage 2012
3 TRACKS OF THE INTEREST FOR THE RURAL BUILDING TRADITION BETWEEN
THE MEDITERRANEAN AND AFRICA IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY
Despite the fascination exerted by the materials and construction techniques of the Modern
(reinforced concrete, steel and glass), the interest in traditional building culture has always been
present in the twentieth century, even if relegated to an apparently secondary role. The attention
to the anonymous vernacular building has remained especially in the design practice and has
been definitely overshadowed in the historical construction of modernity, since the Pioneers of
the Modern Movement by Nikolaus Pevsner (1936). Le Corbusier himself, however, after proc-
laiming the paradigm driver as "good news" for the man of his time, was open to a thoughtful
rediscovery of the constructive habits of the past, blending them with modern lexicon. Since the
end of the twenties he has regained full use of rough stone in the house for Madame de Mandrot
(1929-1931), the Catalan vault covered by vegetation for the weekend house on the outskirts of
Paris (1935) and the disposition of openings to take advantage of natural ventilation in the mai-
son aux Mathes (1935). All solutions dictated by aesthetic and technical considerations: espe-
cially in the latter case where the limited financial budget and the inability to directly monitor
the construction site have led the architect to use a local company and the raw materials availa-
ble in place: stone and wood. So it is also in the not carried out projects of the house for Erruriz
unrealized projects in Chile (1930) and for the farm Cherchell in North Africa (1942), where
the lack of trained workers and the poverty of places have prompted the designer to assume the
use of rustic materials and traditional techniques: blocks of stone, accompanied by sloping tiled
roofs in the first case and vaults in hollow bricks in the second It is therefore possible that facing
settings, climatically difficult and lacking in resources, the supreme confidence nurtured by
Corbusier in the technological progress started to fade, giving way to the attention to traditional
building methods that will have its greatest success in the building of Chandigarh, the capital of
Indian Punjab (1951-1965).
In the thirties, in fact, European architects develop a special attention for rural housing, espe-
cially that of the Mediterranean, as they read in this a timeless and anonymous construction
model , which foresees the concept of standards established by the rationalist culture. With dif-
ferent shades Jos Luis Sert from Spain, Raoul Hausmann and Erwin Broner after moving to
Ibiza, Giuseppe Pagano from Italy underline that the farmhouses and their outbuildings are
born from a practical response to needs and climate, which specifies its characteristics over time
through a rational and spontaneous selection of the best solutions. Pagano also extends his rea-
soning to all geographic areas of rural Italy that range from mountains to plains, from the coast
to the hill. He carries out a photographic survey and offers the public the results with the exhibi-
tion at the Italian Rural Architecture VI Triennale of Milan, in 1936. Pictures of farmhouses in
Lombardy and fishermen's houses, Tuscan farmhouses and rustic mountains homes alternate not
as directly operating models, but as examples of a methodology sensitive to the characteristics
of the climate, society and the environment, capable of innovation in case a change in these
characteristics occurred. Example of such innovation are the houses designed in 1937 by the
same Pagano for the Italian colonies in East Africa. Designed to "solve the national problems of
the rural, artisan and worker house", they consist of concrete panels manufactured and standard-
ized on-site and so introduce new technologies in agriculture. His solution is, however, the re-
sult of Western ways of life: it is designed to meet the same habits and the same social organiza-
tion, in Italy and Africa. And, after a few years, it is this point to be called into open question by
Hassan Fathy, engaged in the construction of rural villages in Egypt around the late forties. He
denies the validity of the housing models proposed by the European rationalism as they are un-
able to express the interpersonal relations, social organization and building skills of the rural
communities in Egypt. The principles of "rational standard" as taught at university, once trans-
ferred to the rural African context, turn into an incomprehensible imposition, intended to erase
its history and peculiarities. This thinking is still present: the italian architect Fabrizio Carla
motivates many of his current choices with the attempt to oppose "the cultural disaster caused
by placing blind architecture models of the Northwest". And Carin Smuts says: The practice
discovered that Western European models mostly taught at University were not always relevant
to our local context. (Carla, 2007, Smuts, 2010).
Fathy, also rejects the materials of the modern West - concrete, glass and steel and recovers
the construction systems of his land, the dried mud brick walls which combines a spherical vault
roofing system that does not involve the use of wooden ribs, scarce raw material in Egypt.
These are the vaults drawn with the wooden compasses in the Nubian tradition, which today
Carla Fabrizio has used once again, managing to make them pointed, thus obtaining a better air
movement and better climatic comfort.
The thinking of Fathy and Pagano are aimed at opposing objectives - the one to deny the va-
lidity of the rationalistic standards, the other to support it - but in both cases the rural housing is
seen as a repertoire of design solutions and types form which the modern man can continue to
draw, confirmed by what is happening today in non-industrialized countries.
After the Second World War, in the fifties and sixties, interest in rural architecture by the ar-
chitects of Europe also extends to the Mediterranean side of Africa. Several nations, in fact, still
have colonies along the African coast: an example is France, which, on the work of their de-
signers to Morocco and Algeria, publishes two quarterly issues of "L'Architecture d'Au-
jourd'hui" in 1951 and 1955. The African land - agricultural or urbanized - become a notewor-
thy field of study and experimentation. But not only. In 1953, a group of young architects, some
of whom will be part to the future Team X, take into consideration the slums of Casablanca and
Algiers, presenting them at the 9th Congress of Modern Architecture (CIAM) in Aix en
Provence, causing a considerable stir. In particular, Georges and Roland Candilis Simonuet em-
phasize the "persistence and adaptive capacity of traditional dwelling practices", including the
building ones, which continue to repetition in the slums. Their attitude is influenced by investi-
gations initiated by the Service de l'Urbanisme that, since 1947, bind architecture and city plan-
ning to anthropology and ethnography. (Avermaete, 2010). They have the merit of extending the
gaze from rural to suburban areas, anticipating the current thinking on the close connection be-
tween the life habits, building systems and the urban planning in the slums and in the traditional
villages.
Also in 1953, another of the future members of Team X, the Dutch architect Aldo van Eyck
publishes on the magazine "Forum" an article entitled "Building in Sothern Oases" with photo-
graphs from his trip in the Algerian desert. He notices as the building he found is the result of a
tradition deeply rooted in the climate, materials and customs of a culture deeply different from
the Western one, but complementary to it. And he puts that forward publicly during the CIAM
X in Otterlo, in 1959, showing a diagram - the Otterlo Circles - derived from the analysis of the
rural architecture of the Dogon people. (Avermaete, 2010).
A further manifestation of the continuing attention to the rural architecture of the Mediterra-
nean occurs with the photo exhibition "Architecture without Architects", made by Austrian ar-
chitect Bernard Rudofsky at the Museum of Modern Arts in New York in 1964. He claims that
academic criteria are not suitable for the evaluation of rural buildings: the "vernacular" is not a
style, but it is a code of good manners that has no parallel in the urban world free from the
hustle and ideologies of designers. Furthermore Rudofsky, in parallel to the studies by the an-
thropologist Claude Levi-Strauss, emphasizes that a rediscovery of the origins can improve the
civilized world and that the introduction of principles belonging to foreign cultures is a key to
the revitalization of the West itself. (Bocco Guarneri, 2010). The fascination aroused by the ex-
hibition and the relating catalogue may in part derive from the identification of anonymous
building with an arcadian world that is dying: in the United States, in fact, exhibition and cata-
logue are presented in a moment in which culture thinks over on the damage caused by the in-
discriminate growth of urbanization to the detriment of rural areas. To these considerations we
add the energy crisis in the seventies that proves the planet's resources are not endless and that
the industrialized world cannot ignore it. And this, in part, facilitates the appeal granted by the
West to Architecture for the poor (1972), written by Hassan Fathy on his experience as an archi-
tect and builder in rural African villages, where he uses traditional techniques that do not in-
volve the use of advanced technologies. (Fathy, 1972).
In the eighties, finally, architectural historians begin to express interest in a view of history
that is not only closely linked solely to the Western civilization and the most technologically
advanced countries, opening up to new ideas and to a wider chronological span of the study.
Modern architecture. A critical history of Kenneth Frampton (1980, 1985, 1992) and Modern
architecture since 1900 by William Curtis (1982, 1987, 1996), starting from the second edition,
ponder openly on the value of local traditions and culture in the spread of modernity. This
analysis is addressed after both authors have charted their own interpretation of the relationship
between architecture, tradition and place also through the definition of the controversial term
Heritage 2012
"regionalism." This leads to our present in which the issues related to tradition and to the sur-
vival of local identities are increasingly being addressed in specific studies and international
congresses.
4 NEW GENERATIONS AND ANCIENT BUILDING TRADITIONS IN AFRICA
Interestingly, for some years, the West has been watching with growing interest the develop-
ments in design in the emerging countries and its protagonists. Perhaps tired of the phantasma-
gorical anonymity of the iconic architecture and encouraged by the need to reflect on the limits
of our planning statutes, the directors of major magazines - "Domus", "Lotus International",
"Detail", "L'Architecture d'Aujourd'hui ", " Arquitectura viva ", " Architectural Review ", "
Architectural Record ", etc. - have gradually given place to the work of professionals engaged in
contexts technologically backward, significantly entitling the articles, interviews and mono-
graphic issues dedicated to them. From time to time, in fact, these titles sum up the reborn ethi-
cal motivations of this architecture and its creators, or the social significance the interventions
have for the communities they are designed to, or the adopted technical choices, emblem of an
attitude that is respectful of the economic, environmental and human resource of the place.
Clear examples are Architettura socialmente utile, in "Green", monographic issue of "Detail"
(1/2011), about the schools by Kr in Burkina Faso and Africa is everywhere in "Domus"
(949/2011), as well as the series "Activism in architecture" (145/2011), "Favelas, Learning
from" (143/2010) and "Sustainability?" (140/2009) of "Lotus International, or the foundation
of" Boundaries " in summer 2011, Italian magazine entirely dedicated to contemporary architec-
ture in Africa. A horizon of collective engagement seems to be taking shape, a commitment in
which the concept of "sustainable design" has found an effective form of expression, which has
not yet occurred just as evident in technologically advanced nations. Sustainability understood
as proper assessment of the culture, economy, social organization and natural landscape, identi-
fied as the starting point for an evolution that allows the technical progress and the independ-
ence of these countries without penalizing their individuality "Help to self-help" is a statement
of Dibdo Kr Francis, an architect from Burkina Faso and graduated in Berlin, which con-
denses the "planning creed" of the professionals committed in Africa and in the most deprived
areas of the planet. (Kr, 2009). It is a young generation, in several cases coming from the
same contexts in which it returns to work after studying in Europe or the United States, born be-
tween the early Sixties and the Seventies: Kr (Gando, 1965) designs the villages of Burkina
Faso and Hashim Sarkis (Beirut) for the fishermens settlements on the coast of Lebanon. And
yet Edward Ng and Li Xiadong working in the most inaccessible rural areas of China. Carin
Smuts (Cape Town, 1960) is engaged in the townships of South Africa, Giancarlo Mazzanti
(Bogota, 1963) in the Colombian favelas and Alejandro Aravena (Santiago de Chile, 1967) on
the outskirts of the largest settlements in Chile, while Teddy Cruz (Guatemala City, 1970) is de-
voted to the communities of the border between Mexico and California. About the same age are
the Italians Riccardo Vannucci with Fare Studio, Raul Pantaleo with TamAssociati, Emilio and
Matteo Caravatti that, held together by the will to work in rural areas in Africa, collaborate with
non-profit associations. It is, therefore, a homogeneous group for age and goals, although geo-
graphically and ethnographically varied. The work of Anna Heringer (Rosenheim, 1977),
mainly active in rural Bangladesh, tags along and is preceded by the generation of Rich and Pe-
ter Noero Wolff in South Africa, Jorge Mario Jaregui in Brasil and Fabrizio Carla from
Naples, the eldest , born in 1931, a forerunner of sustainable design in Africa.
Importantly, all designers move between these two seemingly distant poles: the ancient pov-
erty of rural areas not reached by urbanization and the new poverty in informal settlements,
which arose out of each rule at the edge of major industrialized metropolitan areas. In the South
African case, as evidenced by the previously mentioned words by Carin Smuts, these extremes
are actually linked by systems of urban growth and distribution tied to ancient roots, connected
to the aggregation modalities of the villages. Traditionally, in fact, a core housing is made up of
small units, often circular in plan, among which intermediate spaces used for circulation and
aggregation develop. Community buildings are few, separated by gaps that are used for the so-
cial life of the population, usually held outdoors. These free spaces, other than western streets
and squares , represent an opportunity to create areas of interaction corresponding to the African
culture and social organization. Smuts ,in fact, claims that : The way in which the buildings are
ordered and placed in the landscape also provides valuable information regarding social and cul-
tural structures. In most traditional examples the use of decoration is important (Smuts, 2010)
The Guga s'Thebe Arts (1996-1999) in Langa, a suburb of Cape Town, is an example of the
application of these principles: it is a cultural centre made up of several buildings separated de-
pending on the paths people walk to reach the site. It is, therefore, a set of open and closed
spaces defined according to the principle of development and operation of a village as opposed
to the rigid urban grid imposed by apartheid. It houses artists' studios and workshops, an out-
door stage and a multipurpose space for events and performances that, with its conical shape,
conceptually refers to the "rondawels", the traditional circular huts with cone roofs. This was
expressly requested by the local community that the architect always consults, involving it in
the course of the project and making it work at the building activity itself. The court and the
front entrance of Guga s' Thebe Arts, in fact, are decorated with lots of colourful ceramic mosa-
ics and murals, work of local artists, that tell the origins of the agricultural community, its cul-
ture and its history. (Fig. 1). The bearing structure is in brick and wood, but also steel, sheet
metal and materials used in the slums of the townships. From this Carin Smuts s motto "Do lo-
cal: materials, details, labour" which is a sort of "toolbox" where there are constructive experi-
ences of the past and the present. In fact, in addition to the legacy of social and formal value de-
rived from the study of rural villages, Smuts analyzes also its technical heritage. And she claims
that in the traditional structures the modalities of openings orientation , roof overhang and wall
building with mud bricks represent a perfect system of natural materials, natural use of light
and it is thermally appropriate(Smuts, 2010).

Figure 1. Carin Smuts, Guga s'Thebe Arts, Culture and Heritage Village, Langa, Western Cape (1996-
1999).

This judgment is confirmed by Kr Dibdo Francis author of the Primary School in Gando
(1999-2001), his home town, agricultural village of Burkina Faso. He claims, in fact, that one
aim of my research and design activities is to use materials and develop traditional techniques
and settlement principles that are already familiar to the local communities. I take note of even
the smallest expressions of my land and people and study innovative technologies, testing typo-
logical solutions for extreme climatic solutions (Giani, 2010) . His goal, in fact, is to merge the
Heritage 2012
new technologies learned in Europe with the building systems, practice and local materials, be-
ing aware that building in African countries is the result of a collective work, where the entire
community is directly involved in the construction. Kr, therefore, adopts the traditional tech-
niques as the use of clay bricks trying to improve performance: so, in Gando, he teaches how to
produce compressed and stabilized bricks in laterite, a local type of clay, and builds a simple
building, rectangular in plan. It includes three closed classrooms, alternated with spaces without
walls for outdoor lessons, all lined up under the same roof. The walls, strengthened by a chorea
in reinforced concrete, are protected by a metal sheet cover strongly projecting and suspended
on a reticular structure, which promotes natural ventilation. (Fig. 2).

Figure 2. Dibdo Francis Kr, Primary School in Gando (1999-2001).

Similar principles have guided the long career of Fabrizio Carla that, after studying at the
Ecole Nationale Suprieure d'Architecture de la Cambre founded by Henry van de Velde, has
worked in Morocco since 1961 and in sub-Saharan Africa since 1971. It is in this poor context,
marked by the scarcity of economic resources and techniques, that the designer notices how the
spontaneous architecture is "the result of a millennial adaptation to local conditions" and re-
sponds to models that are very different from those imported from the West. Hence the use of
stone, clay brick and wood compasses to construct domes with arched profile, thus updating the
technical construction of the Nubian vaults systematized by the Egyptian architect Hassan Fathy
in the forties of the twentieth century. Also Carla, hence, though starting from an image and a
construction system consolidated in African culture, refines it and improves its performance.
(Fig. 3). One example is the expansion of the hospital in Kaedi (1981-1984), a small town in
Mauritania, where Carla reintroduces the use of clay bricks that he cooks to make them resis-
tant to rain and therefore suitable to a medical building. The ovens - expressly designed by him -
are operated with rice chaff, abundant in situ so as not to use timber, avoiding contributing to
desertification. The new hospital complex also has a "phytomorfic" plan structure, composed of
clusters of domed arched pavilions and is completely detached from the existing building, in re-
inforced concrete, square and anonymous like most of the local building. It is, therefore, a cur-
rent architecture, new, as the cultural centre by Carin Smuts or the school in Gando but it
comes from a deep knowledge of the culture, the local building memory and the environment it
is fitting in. An architecture that Pierluigi Nicolin, director of "Lotus International", suggests de-
fining "site specific" as some art installations. (Nicolin, 2011).

Figure 3. Fabrizio Carla, vaults for the Kaedi Hospital (1981-1984).
5 CONLCUSIONS
During the twentieth century the tradition of rural housing has established - albeit quietly as
the "immense dictionary of the constructive logic of man" immortalized by Joseph Pagano with
the exhibition "Italian Rural Architecture" at the VI Triennale in Milan in 1936. Bearer of val-
ues considered timeless, it proves capable of innovation when the conditions and technical pos-
sibilities of the context change. These considerations seem to anticipate the design concreteness
and objectives today shared by designers such Kr, Smuts and Carla. They, in fact, have the
ability to be relevant without renouncing their own people cultural and building history, aware
that "giving value to traditional techniques is the way in which we can hold together the tradi-
tion with modernity. (Picchi, 2010). Especially today traditional building systems add
a real operating contribution in developing countries: technically improved, allow the popula-
tion participates in a gradual renewal of the knowledge and the built environment. They consti-
tute a sort of "start-up" towards the building site transformation and the construction industry
growth , without harmful accelerations. Thus represent a first step to begin recovering the gap
with the industrialized West, especially through the efforts of the younger generation of design-
ers who have managed to combine the positive aspects of different cultures.
Heritage 2012
REFERENCES
Avermaete, T. 2010. CIAM, Team X, and the rediscovery of African settlements. Between Dogon and bi-
donville. In J.F. Lejeune, M. Sabatino (eds), Modern architecture and the Mediterranean. Vernacular
dialogues and contested identities: 251-264. New York: Routledge.
Bocco Guarneri, A. 2010. Bernard Rudofsky and the sublimation of the vernacular, in J.F. Lejeune, M.
Sabatino (eds), Modern architecture and the Mediterranean. Vernacular dialogues and contested identi-
ties: 231-249. New York: Routledge.
Carla, F., Alini L. 2007. Memorie di un architetto col mal dAfrica. Fabrizio Carla a colloquio con
Luigi Alini. Architettura di pietra. http://www.architetturadipietra.it/wp/?p=524.
Fathy, H. 1972. Architecture for the poor: an experiment in rural Eypt. Chicago: University of Chicago.
Irace, F. 2008. Casa per tutti. Abitare la citt globale. Milano: ElectaTriennale.
Lepik, A. 2010. Small scale big change. New architectures of social engagement, New York-Basel: Mo-
MA-Birkhuser.
Nicolin, P. 2011. Architecture meets People, Lotus International (145): 12-13.
Picchi, F. 2010. Dibdo Fracis Kr. An Interview. Domusweb. Accessed January 10, 2011.
http://www.domusweb.it/it/architecture/diebedo-francis-kereinterview-/.
Sejima, K. 2010, People meet in Architecture. Biennale Architettura 2010, Venezia: Marsilio.
Slessor, C. 2009. Primary School by Dibdo Fracis Kr, Gando Burkina Faso. The Architecural Re-
view. Accessed January 10, 2011. http://www.architectural-review.com/buildings/primary-school-by-
dibdo-francis-kr-gando-burkina-faso/8600682.article.
Smuts, C. 2010. Philosophy. Carin Smuts CS Architects. Accessed January 10, 2011.
http://csstudio.co.za/Philosophy.html.

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1 INTRODUCTION
The Orczy Park is one of the most important urban green spaces of Budapest, Hungary. It lies in
one of the biggest junctions of the city: the rectangular shaped area of the garden is encircled
with the lli Way with a particularly high traffic and three other smaller streets. The park was
created outside of the fences of the former Pest at the end of the 18
th
century, and it is still an
important green space of 14 hectares in the bad-aired, smoggy, crowded capital. During the cen-
turies-old history of the garden, several different periods can be separated, in which even some
recurrences can be discovered.
The history of the garden has already been researched many times in Hungary, especially
with one of its different phases in focus (Galavics 1999, Kiss 2000, Fatsar 2009, Klagyivik
2009). Concerning its complex history until today, it is a suitable theme for urbanists, research-
ers of green space systems or sociologists alike.
As the Florence Charter declares: No restoration work and, above all, no reconstruction
work on a historic garden shall be undertaken without thorough prior research to ensure that
such work is scientifically executed and which will involve everything from excavation to the
assembling of records relating to the garden in question and to similar gardens (The Florence
Charter, Article 15). This paper endeavours to demonstrate that the pure architectural historical
research in itself does not always bring forth all significant and inevitable pieces of background
information, and thus new standpoints and aspects are needed to understand the full history of
the garden. These aspects are, among others, the relation between the garden and cultural life,
the garden and society or even the garden and politics. The description of the garden from these
points of view may contribute to the recognition of those values that have earlier been over-
looked or even misjudged, and hence also to the revaluation of the garden.
The decline of the Orczy Park The position of historic gardens
in society, culture and politics

A. Firnigl
Corvinus University of Budapest, Department of Garden Art, Budapest, Hungary
M. Klagyivik
Corvinus University of Budapest, Department of Garden Art, Budapest, Hungary
ABSTRACT: The judgement of urban green spaces is constantly changing, they can obtain new
cultural and political roles with time, nevertheless, they can also lose these positions. The Orczy
Park, which is one of the most important urban green spaces in Budapest, the capital of Hun-
gary, serves as an outstanding example for the role of historic gardens in cultural and political
life and hereby for their social appreciation alike. With reference to this garden, the aim of the
current presentation is, on the one hand, to draw attention to the values and the importance of
the protection and preservation of our green and built heritage, on the other hand, to emphasize
the problems and obstacles of protection.
2 THE HISTORY OF THE ORCZY PARK THE ROLE OF THE PARK IN CULTURAL
HISTORY, SOCIETY AND POLITICS
2.1 The Orczy Park and cultural heritage
The landscape gardens endeavoured to reach a perfectly natural look by artificial manners. The
curved road lines revealed the natural beauty of the garden and all the built elements, such as
the so-called eye-catcher buildings, stone vases, monuments, moreover, also the wider panora-
ma. This latter was an especially important help in smaller gardens, because the area of the gar-
den could seemingly be extended with a well-chosen axis (Buttlar 1989, Hunt 1988).
The fashion of landscape gardens reached Hungary at the beginning of the 19
th
century, ow-
ing to, inter alia, the growth of the economical role of baronial families. However, the country
had a lack of qualified and experienced garden designers, hence the practiced professionals ar-
rived from abroad, primarily from German-speaking areas (Galavics 1999). One of them was
Bernhard Petri, born in Germany in 1767. Before coming to Hungary, he planned several signif-
icant parks, among others the famous designed landscape of Lednice-Valtice in the Czech Re-
public, which was inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List in 1996. Although his Hun-
garian works were much smaller and less significant, his name is crucial in Hungarian garden
history, because the first gardens of English landscape style can be connected to him. Petri uti-
lized all of his botanical and agricultural knowledge in design, and he presented his plans and
ideas also in written form (Petri 1797). He worked on several gardens in Hungary at the same
time. The Orczy Park in Pest can be connected to his name and he probably made plans and su-
pervised the implementation of the royal gardens on the slopes of the Castle Hill in Buda, more-
over, he planned the landscape gardens of Vedrd and Hdervr, which still have their original
structure even today (Fatsar 2001, and see Fig. 1).
Figure 1. The situation of the Orczy familys properties and Bernhard Petris works in Hungary and in
Budapest and their spatial relationship with the World Heritage Sites of Budapest
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A garden is always a reflection of its owner, representing their wealth, their taste and their rela-
tion to society. The story of the Orczy family, the first owner of the Orczy Park, dates back to
the 15
th
century: it was one of the greatest families in the former Somogy County, and its mem-
bers had leading roles in Hungarian public administration and also in national defence. The fam-
ily earned barony in the 1730s. One of the most important possession augmenting person in the
family was Lrinc Orczy, a granger, general and poet, living in the 18
th
century. Due to his oc-
cupation, his family became really wealthy. The history of the castles, manor houses and gar-
dens of their three important properties, jszsz, Gyngys and Pest were connected to each
other, as can be seen in the following (Fig. 1). The paper is concentrating on the park in Pest
(Fig. 2 and Fig. 5), but for better understanding, we have to deal shortly with the other two as
well.
The Orczy family had a possession in jszsz in Jsz-Nagykun-Szolnok County (the middle
part of Hungary, see Figure 1) since 1721 (Virg 2005), and the place became the residency of
the family after selling their property in Pest in 1829. The Neoclassicist castle was built from
1831, at the side of which a green house was attached. The green house played an important role
as the plants from the huge glass house of Pest were placed here after moving. The castle was
surrounded by a landscape park of 37,5 hectares. However this so-called old castle with the park
was sold to another noble family shortly after the building of a new castle in the 1880s, which
was only a few hundred meters far from the old one. The new residency was encircled with a
58-hectares-large park, created at the turn of the 19
th
and 20
th
century (Virg 2005).
The other important possession was in Gyngys, in Heves County, where an U-shaped ma-
nor house was built in the 1770s in Baroque style. This castle was rebuilt several times, and it
won its final form in the 1820s and 1830s, when the above mentioned old castle in jszsz
was born (Virg 2005). At this time, it was rebuilt in the style of Neoclassicism, and a quadran-
gle was generated with the addition of a new, fourth wing. Also a landscape garden rich in tree
and shrub species was established next to the building. This place was possessed by the family
up to 1937, when the city bought the house and the park for a museum and library.
However, even if the above mentioned properties played an important role in the life of the
family, their most famous and significant garden on which the current paper is focusing was
the Orczy Park in Pest (Fig. 2). The still existing garden has had many functions since its estab-
lishment, and the different functions resulted in different kinds of values. After being a private
garden of the Orczy family, it soon became a public park (Galavics 1999). But then by selling it
to the state, the garden gained a new function by becoming a military school garden which basi-
cally changed its characteristics. Since the 1950s, it has become again a public garden, but in
some years, it will turn to be the open space of a newly founded university, a school garden for
the second time. These constant changes can be seen on the garden, too. Its cultural heritage is,
therefore, connected not only to the original design, designer and the original owners, but also
to its later periods which, however, are often misjudged and thought to be valueless. To reveal
the real values, we have to deal with all of the above mentioned components and phases of the
garden.

Figure 2. Significant elements of the Orczy Park
The gardens story dates back to the end of the 18
th
century. At this time, parklands and reed-
zones and also several farmsteads were lying extramural of Pest which was located on the left
bank of the River Danube (and from 1873, became part of the capital, Budapest). This place was
also an excellent hunting area since the Renaissance, owing to its close position to Pest and to
the good natural conditions. From 1783, Lrinc Orczy bought here three allotments, the biggest
one of which had an extension of 9 hectares. It was Lrincs son, Lszl, who commissioned the
above mentioned Bernhard Petri, one of the most influential garden designers in Hungary in this
period, to design a garden of English landscape style at this site in 1794 (Galavics 1999, Kiss
2000).
The Orczy Park in Pest, though created in a rather small area, was an outstanding example for
early landscape gardens in Hungary. The axis of the park was laid on the small manor house at
the northern part of the site, and also the newly built Royal Palace and the hills at the other bank
of the River Danube were composed into the sight (Galavics 1999, Bcskai 2000, Kiss 2000).
Fashionable decorative elements like a large lake, grotto, an obelisk, stone vases, a small chapel
and also cultivated parts formulated with decorative manner in the style of the so-called ferme
orne (for instance the hilly vineyard and the orchard) were created in the garden (Fig. 3).
Thousands of saplings were planted in the first years. The garden was soon opened to the pub-
lic, and became a popular destination for the citizens of Pest and Buda alike: it was the first and
the only public park before the creation of the famous City Park in 1813 (Galavics 1999).

Figure 3. The plan of the Orczy Park from the early 1790s (Fatsar 2009)

A new turn came to the life of the park at the beginning of the 19
th
century: The city bought
the whole estate in 1829, when the garden belonged to Gyrgy Orczys property and was still a
public park, to establish a new military school there. Though the ownership changed, the garden
remained public until the start of the military academy in 1872, and even after that, some parts
of it were open to the citizens until 1891 when the gates of the garden got entirely closed for a
long time. Nevertheless, the time between the change of ownership and the start of the academy
(from 1829 to 1872) was such an orphaned period in the life of the garden that it became quite
neglected and this caused a temporary decay in its values (Priszter 1996, Virg 2005). Several
significant events (see chapter 2.3 The Orczy Park and society) which delayed the opening of
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the military school before 1872 and also the fairground-like use of the garden diminished its
beauty.
The garden of the military school reached its final size of approximately 23 hectares with at-
taching further sites later. A good sign for the importance of the great governmental investment
was that the main building of the school was designed by Mihly Pollack, one of the most
prominent Hungarian architects of that time, who, among others, also planned the National Mu-
seum of Hungary at this time. The main building of the Maria Ludovika Hungarian Military
Academy was constructed already between 1830 in 1836 on the western edge of the garden.
A characteristic element of the landscape gardens, the so-called a-ha ditch designated the
boundaries of the park originally, which did not prevent the visual axes and the panorama. But
instead of it, a massive stone fence was built in the military period. Nevertheless, other garden
elements were not changed instantly, only smaller alterations were made, like the increase of the
lake with dredging. The biggest glasshouse in Hungary, built in the later times of the Orczy-
period (between 1817 and 1820) in the garden, was still standing there for a long time, only the
plants were transported to the above mentioned new glasshouse in jszsz after the change of
ownership. The Academy employed its own gardeners, and large-scale plantation works started
in 1831 (Kiss 2000).
The new function of the garden brought new values as well. From this time on, the garden
gradually became a real school garden, filled with many elements of open-air education. The
design of it makes the garden an exemplary one among Hungarian military school gardens.

Figure 4. The garden faade of the Ludovika Academy, drawn by Rudolf Alt, 1847
2.2 The Orczy Park and politics
Schools have always been suitable places for politics, because lots of people with an age still
educable could be educated and thus directed at the same time. Military schools were espe-
cially concerned and sensitive in this case, since the army was always a device of the actual po-
litical leaders. Military schools were highly appreciated before 1945 in Hungary, the inner af-
fairs of military education were open to public at this time, as opposed to the later times when
everything became hidden (Klagyivik 2009).
Although the idea of establishing the Maria Ludovika Hungarian Military Academy was born
already in 1808, its exact location at the western edge of the former Orczy Park was allocated
only later, and so construction was carried out between 1830 and 1836 (see Figs. 4-5). As men-
tioned above already, the opening of the military school could happen only in 1872. From this
time on, politics played an important role in the life of the garden.
The political influence extended not only to the syllabus of the schools, but it infiltrated the
students every day life and their environment, too. The direct representations of the actual po-
litical ideology were usually represented by sculptures and statues (this phenomenon was not a
novelty the political symbols used in sculptures were present e. g. even already in the Ancient
times or in the Baroque period, see Firnigl 2011). In many open spaces and gardens, even the
designs of the flower beds could demonstrate the political circumstances, however, the research
has not found anything similar in the case of the garden of the academy, hence we will focus on
the statues in the following.
Until the World War I, the sculptures did not have such a direct educational role, they were
rather just the expression of gratitude and memory. Two types of sculptures were typical in the
military schools between 1867 and 1918 both of which appeared in the Orczy Park as well.
King Franz Josephs bust was often already in the garden at the time of the inauguration of the
building or was erected at the celebrations of the Hungarian Millenium (1896) and it always
stood in the most outstanding part of the school: in front of and in the main axis of the main
building. The other typical bust was Queen Elizabeths which was erected after her death
(1898), usually in the officers garden or in another garden laid especially for this reason. These
sculptures represented the ruling conceptions: the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was a state
above nations. Both of them could be found in the garden of the academy as well. Another
statue representing gratitude was the monument for the former queen, Maria Ludovika, who
made the foundation of the school possible (Prohszka 1994).
After the World War I and the Trianon Treaty, the disappointed Hungarian society could ex-
pect the restoration of the dismembered country, the retrieving of the disannexed territories pri-
marily from the army, and hence from the military units trained and educated by the army.
Therefore, the common people were allied with the army which had a considerably positive ef-
fect in its strengthening. The prevailing nationalist spirit and the irredentist movement of the
time was also perceptible in gardens, hence in the garden of the academy as well.
The nationalist spirit appeared in the garden by the use of many symbols. The spirit of the pe-
riod was reflected, most of all, on different monuments of political purpose. From the three ba-
sic types of the Hungarian irredentist symbol-assortment (the vulgarization of Christs suffer-
ings, the artificial parallel drawn with the revolution and the war of independence of 1848, and
the hero protecting his land) the image of the self-sacrificing hero, fighting for his native land
appeared the most often (Zeidler 2002). As a matter of fact, this was the type which gave the
basis of monuments related to the World War, spreading from the 1920s.
The former Orczy Park was full of these kinds of sculptures and monuments from 1918.
While the earlier busts, being in contrast with the new ideology, disappeared after the world
war, new monuments appeared. The first of these was erected for the memory of three officers
and a student who died in the revolution of 1919. The monument, created by Ferenc Sidl, ex-
presses directly the ideology of the time: the Hungarian crown is situated on the top of a marble
obelisk, while a sword with a wreath of thorns is on its side (Prohszka 1994). The Memorial
for the Anonymous Heroes, unveiled in front of the main building in 1924, was also a deter-
mining nationalist monument: the sitting figure of Hungaria (a woman) is holding a slained of-
ficer in her arms and a stone coffin above them refers to the consequences of the war (Liber
1934). The Memorial for the Slained Officers, which was erected on a small hill on the shore
of the lake in 1928, portrays a valiant Hungarian soldier from the age of the rpds (kings in
Hungary until 1301) with a lion (Prohszka 1994, and see Fig. 5).
After the World War II, the change of regime brought the change of the garden again. The ar-
tistic works of the open spaces were replaced with the works of the new political power and thus
new symbolic system. The Ministry of Religion and Education regulated by decree in 1947 that
all of the irredentist, national works and those representing the leaders of the past had to be re-
moved from school areas. From that time on, only the Communist Party had any right to put up
monuments and statues (Sink 1992). Even though the Ludovika Academy did not play role any
more in military education in the Communist era, the area stayed in the ownership of the army,
and some monuments were destroyed. Even a new work of art, the monument of three commu-
nist leaders of the short Hungarian Soviet Republic was erected in 1967 in front of the main
building.
While the above mentioned statues represented directly the political ideology of the era, edu-
cational, cultural and sport policy was also connected to it. The Ludovika Academy played an
exemplary role in representing these policies, and also its garden adapted to the actual circum-
stances (Fig. 5).
Heritage 2012

Figure 5. The still existing elements of the Orczy Park (photos by M. Klagyivik)

The garden was closed from public in 1872 when the school opened. Though some parts were
still able to be visited, effective education needed a closed, inner atmosphere, therefore, the
Minister of National Defence decided to close the whole garden in 1885. This called forth a
long dispute and protest among the city and the local residents who had used the garden as a
public green space, and thus only from 1891 did the garden serve exclusively the interests of
military education.
According to the academic education, several gymnastic apparata and sports grounds were
settled in the garden, moreover the already existing elements of the garden were transformed to
serve military purposes, too. A covered gym, a shooting range and a riding-ground were built,
furthermore, the students could practice building bridges in the summer and skating in the win-
ter on the former rowing lake. The garden formed a very important part of military life, the syl-
labus of the academy even ordained this: Students should spend their free time between the
lessons in the garden, and they should use the longer breaks for training practices (football, ten-
nis, gymnastics, fencing). Rowing in the summer and skating during winter can be practised
according to the terms agreed upon by the headquarters of the academy (Kalavszky 1992, and
see Fig. 6).

Figure 6. The park transformed into a school garden (Kalavszky 1992)

The role of open air physical training, which developed in the 20
th
century, gained an even
more prominent role after the World War I. The minister of education, Kun Klebelsberg an-
nounced the so-called program of cultural superiority with the slogan: 'a sound mind in a
sound body'. Thus, education put emphasis not only on learning, but on physical training as
well, and many new courses (e. g. natural history and different kinds of sports) were introduced
where the school garden could function as an active participant and scene of education, too.
The Ludoviceum, being a military school where physical education was even more important,
was a pioneer in this phenomenon. A general plan from 1929 delineates the actually existing
conditions in details (Cartographic Collection of the Military History Museum, HT G1 h 1468).
The former landscape garden became a real military school garden. The officers and the NCOs
garden was formed on the southern side of the park, next to the riding-schools, stables and the
infirmary. These gardens contained typical elements of school gardens like two tennis courts
and skittle grounds. The sporting fields, the shooting range, the technical drill-ground and the
farmyard were laid on the eastern part, while vegetable gardens and orchards as well as the
swimming pool and the stable of ill horses and mules were on the northeastern part. The north-
ern part included the great mange, the nursery garden and the glass- and palm-house. Other
stables and riding-schools were also on the western side, while in the inner parts, a large area
functioned as tennis courts and there was also a small chapel there. The great central meadow
served as an area for lining up.
Statues existed in the garden not only connected to political parties, but also connected to
educational policy, too. A specific group of statues, erected in 1939, represented the patron
saints of the different corps: Saint Lszl as patron for the infantry, Saint Borbla for the artil-
lery and Saint George for the cavalry. The two first stood in front of the garden faade of the
main building, while the latter was at the edge of the great meadow. Two years later, in 1941,
the statue of Saint Christopher was put up in the other side of the garden. He was the patron of
the immediate response force in the army (Prohszka 1994).
As it can be seen, the educational role transformed the park in two ways: on the one hand it
became a kind of sculpture park, on the other hand, many areas were taken up by diverse
sporting fields and new buildings. The latter phenomena is usually considered as a negative ef-
fect, but keeping in mind that the school-period of the garden was longer than the period of the
original landscape garden, the revaluation of this viewpoint is needed. From the aspect of school
gardens, the Ludovika Academy is an outstanding example representing all important features
of this type of historic garden.
2.3 The Orczy Park and society
The relation of the Orczy Park with the Hungarian society was reflected in the garden all the
time. The alternation between public and private uses changed the picture of the garden and thus
the values, too.
The first time when the garden became public was shortly after its implementation. As we
have already mentioned, Lszl Orczy opened the garden for the local citizens and thus it be-
came the very first public park of Pest (Galavics 1999). At this time, the park still had an owner
who lived there, hence it was properly maintained and enriched according to the garden fashion
of the period. However, after 1829, when the garden got under the control of the city, it was
constantly reduced to poverty. It was asylum during the great flood of 1836 and the revolution
of 1848 (Csorna 1962, Gombos 1974), moreover, it was used as general headquarters in the
1850s, erecting thirteen tents on the great meadow. Although some embellishments occurred
even at this time, the lower maintenance costs and the rivalry of the City Park, which opened in
1813, caused its constant neglect. After 1862, many areas of the garden were let to several own-
ers, among others to a circus which resulted in serious damage in the plantation. In 1866, the
area was used again as an infirmary, 60 barracks were built in it temporarily, when even the
publicity of the garden seized for a while. The glasshouse burned down in 1870, which still in-
creased the problems (Magyar 2008).
The opening of the academy in 1872 soon meant the closing of the gates of the garden as well
and this lasted until 1944, until the institution existed (Gombos 1974). The World War II devas-
tated the garden to a great extent, lots of trees were injured in the bombings. The traces of the
World War II are still visible also on the garden-sculptures of the Academy-period. The Orczy
Park was given attention in the ideas of new urban development, being part of the suggested
green ring which could have been extended until the River Danube. This could have been a
great step forward in creating a livable city, but the restricted economical possibilities turned
these concepts into illusions (Preisich 1998). Instead of the great ideas, even if it was marked as
green space in the urban planning of 1960 and was intended to be reconstructed, most of the
garden was built up soon. Its area was almost entirely parceled after the war, a bus-garage, a
Heritage 2012
shoe-factory, other smaller factories, a lung sanatorium and a youth camp was settled in the area
(Preisich 1998), abducting these parts from the former park. The remaining green areas became
parts of a public park again. A cinema opened in the former riding hall of the Academy, north
from the main building, but it burned down in 1992 (Priszter 1996). After its renewal, the Hun-
garian Natural History Museum was placed in it.
The garden gained a huge amount of fund for reconstruction from the EU in 1993, but as a
result of misjudging its values, many problems were caused as well. The works mainly con-
tained demolitions: the concrete walls, many edifices and concrete or hard court sports grounds
and also an open-air theater were abolished. Therefore, the cultural heritage of the academy dis-
appeared, almost nothing remained which could evoke the history of the school-period. New
path system was created, many new trees and shrubs were planted in the garden, and even the
original rock garden was tried to be reconstructed (Kiss 2000). In 2008, a new amount of money
was spent for the restoration of the garden, again with little success. Thus, although the histori-
cal value of the Orczy Park was discovered at the end of the 20
th
century, still the current ne-
glected condition of the garden is not worthy for its history, it stays below the real value despite
the reconstruction efforts.
The future of the area is uncertain: the Government founded the new University for the Na-
tional Public Services from the former Faculty of Public Administration of the Corvinus Uni-
versity of Budapest, from the former Zrnyi Mikls University of National Defence and from
the former Police Academy. This new institute started to work at the beginning of 2012 on the
original places of the predecessor universities, but the plan is to move them to the former Ludo-
vika Military Academy and into the Orczy Park in the next years.
3 CONCLUSIONS VISIONS
As we have already seen, those periods of the garden brought the greatest devastation, when it
functioned as a public park: the time in the mid-19
th
century and the one after the World War II,
which lasts till today, meant a kind of ownerless period. Nobody felt themselves really respon-
sible for the garden, as opposed to its private periods when even dwellers (the Orczy family and
later the cadets) lived there. Most of the values disappeared because of this phenomenon.
On the other hand, the private use of the garden, which would help keeping the cultural herit-
age, does not favour the green space system of the city, because in this case, the city loses a
huge green area, which not only has negative effects in urban biodiversity, but also causes prob-
lems concerning recreational possibilities.
Hence, the recent political decision, the newly established university, which will be situated
in the park, raises many problems. What social, cultural, political role will the Orczy Park gain
in the future? Will history repeat itself and the doors of the garden be closed again? The gov-
ernment and the urban developers are trying to find the golden mean between the different in-
terests. According to their plan the garden will serve both the university and the public. This can
be reached with the subdivision of the area, leaving spaces that can be visited freely. Although
this solution did not work well in the past, hopefully today it can. Otherwise the park, which is
inevitable in the green ring of the capital and thus in preserving biodiversity, climatic condi-
tions, public health and recreational areas, would have to be replaced with another one. Protec-
tion of monuments is also involved in the planning process, therefore, there is hope that at this
time development will not happen at the expense of historic values, and the heritage the garden
has mediated for centuries will be preserved.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
We would like to express our special thanks for Christopher Cornelissen for the revision of the
grammar and structure of the text and for his advices.
REFERENCES
Bcskai, V., Gyni, G. & Kubinyi, A. 2000: Budapest trtnete a kezdetektol 1945-ig [The History of
Budapest from the beginnings to 1945], Budapest: Budapesti Fvrosi Levltr
Buttlar, A. von 1989. Der Landschaftsgarten. Gartenkunst des Klassizismus und der Romantik. Kln:
DuMont
Csorna, A. 1962. A pesti Orczy kert [The Orczy Garden in Pest.] Memlkvdelem VI. (4) [Protection of
Monuments VI. (4)]: 219-224
Fatsar, K. 2001. Petri, Bernhard. In Shoemaker, C. A. (ed.), Chicago Botanic Garden Encyclopaedia of
Gardens History and Design: 1027-1028. Chicago: Fitzroy & Dearborn
Fatsar, K. 2009. A trtneti kertekben vgzett terepkutatsok sszetett eljrsai. [Complex Methodology
for the Field Research of Historic Gardens]. 4D Tjptszeti s kertmvszeti folyirat 13. [4D Jour-
nal of Landscape Architecture 13.]: 36-55.
Firnigl, A. 2011. Sculptures in the Gardens. From the Historical Ages to the Neo-embarrassing Trends.
Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Agriculture and Environment, Supplement 2011: 28-40. Trgu Mure:
Sapientia Hungarian University of Transsylvania Scientia Publishing House
Galavics, G. 1999. Magyarorszgi angolkertek. [Hungarian Landscape Gardens.] Budapest: Balassi
Kiad
Gombos, Z. 1974. Rgi kertek Pesten s Budn. [Old Gardens in Pest and Buda.] Budapest: Natura
Hunt, J. D. & Willis, P. (eds.) 1988. The Genius of the Place. The English Landscape Garden 1620-1820.
London: The MIT Press
Kalavszky, Gy. 1992. Ludovika-album a Magyar Kirlyi Honvd Ludovika Akadmia trtnete, 1808-
1944. [The Ludovika-Album the History of the Hungarian Royal Military Academy 1808-1944.]
Budapest: Libra
Kiss, J. 2000. A budapesti Orczy-kert s a szcsnyi kastlypark helyrelltsa. [The Reconstruction of
the Orczy Park in Budapest and the Park of the Castle in Szcsny] In Galavics, G. (ed.), Trtneti
Kertek. Kertmvszet s memlkvdelem. [Historical Gardens. Garden Art and the Protection of
Monuments]: 119-126. Budapest: Mgus Kiad
Klagyivik, M. 2009.: Magyarorszgi katonai iskolk kertjei a Kiegyezstol a rendszervltsig (1867-
1990). [The Gardens of Hungarian Military Schools from the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867
to the End of Communism in Hungary 1990.]. Budapest: typescript
Liber, E. 1934. Budapest szobrai s emlktbli. [Statues and Plaques of Budapest.] Budapest: Szkes-
fvros Hzinyomdja
Magyar, E. 2008. Trsalkodsi kertek, promendok, npkertek. A Habsburg monarchia kzparkjai:
magnkertek s vrosi parkok Buda-Pest trsas letben (~1870-1918). [Social Support Gardens,
Promenades, Public Gardens. Public Parks of the Habsburg Monarchy: Private Gardens and City
Parks in the Social Life of Buda-Pest. 1870-1918] Budapest: typescript
Petri, B. 1797. Der Naturgarten des Herrn Baron Ladislaus von Ortzy bei Pest, so wie er von Unterzeich-
nete entworfen und ausgefhrt worden ist. In Becker, W., Almanach und Taschenbuch fr Garten-
Freunde. Leipzig
Priszter, Sz. (ed.) 1996. Budapest. Orczy-kert. [Budapest. Ocrzy Garden] Tjak-Korok-Mzeumok
Kisknyvtra 534. [The Small Library of Lands-Ages-Museums], Budapest: TKM Egyeslet
Prohszka, L. 1994. Szoborsorsok. [The Fate of Statues.] Budapest: Kornts Kiad
Sink, K. 1992. A politika rtusai: emlkmllts, szobordnts. [The Rites of the Policy: Inauguration
of Monuments, Pulling Down of Statues]. In Gyrgy, P. & Turai H. (eds.): A mvszet katoni.
Sztlinizmus s kultra. [Soldiers of Art. Stalinism and Culture.]: 67-79. Budapest: Corvina
Virg, Zs. 2005. Jsz-Nagykun-Szolnok megye kastlyai s krii. [Castles and Mansions in Jsz-
Nagykun-Szolnok County], Magyar kastlylexikon 6-7. [The Encyclopedia of Hungarian Castles.],
Budapest: Fo-Rom Invest
Zeidler, M. 2002. A magyar irredenta kultusz a kt vilghbor kztt. [The Hungarian Irredenta Cult
between the Two World Wars.] Budapest: Teleki Lszl Alaptvny
The Florence Charter on the Preservation of Historic Gardens.
Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
This work is the study of the parish of Cernache do Bonjardim, located in the municipality of
Sert, district of Castelo Branco, in the centre of Portugal. This parish was established on Janu-
ary 5, 1544, and became a village on August 20, 1955 (Gonalves, 2010).
Despite the existing monographs or the various works that refer Cernache, there arent any
recent works or sufficiently detailed surveys on the territory and on the heritage of this parish.
Until now, this parish was no subject of studies in the field that we analyzed and this work is an
asset in this regard.
We have made an inventory of the heritage elements, and we propose an ordinance to group
the assets found, with the objective to create the heritage form sheets, for an easier perception.
The territory studied is consisted mainly of mountain areas, some of which are bathed by the
Zzere river or by the creek of Sert. It is the second most populous parish in the municipality
of Sert (Gonalves & Rosendahl, 2010).
It features mainly agricultural activities, having the forestry subsector a great representation.
The secondary and tertiary sectors have been gaining preponderance (Gonalves & Rosendahl,
2010), although the agriculture of survival continues to be part of the domestic economy.
The county continues with a high rate of illiterate people, compared to the national average
(Gonalves & Rosendahl, 2010) and we can observe the progressive desertification of the vil-
lages.
The cultural heritage can be an engine of development of places like this, in a sustainable
way, but to reach this aim, their knowledge and protection is pertinent.
Today there is several emerging heritage which needs to be protected. This work discloses
what might be recognized as an emerging, essentially ethnological vernacular heritage. This
heritage is not currently recognized by the people who live there.
The (un)recognition of cultural heritage: the parish of Cernache
do Bonjardim, Portugal
M. M. C. S. Gonalves
ISEDEC, Universidade do Algarve, Faro, Algarve, Portugal
M. T. Prez Cano
ETSA, Universidad de Sevilla, Sevilla, Andaluca, Espaa
ABSTRACT: In this parish of the centre of Portugal, heritage is essentially vernacular and
could become a centre of knowledge and an attractive for the region. This heritage is not cur-
rently recognized by the people who live there. The present article intends to make a survey of
types of heritage of this territory, aiming to make it better known to allow its protection. This
work discloses what might be recognized as an emerging, essentially ethnological heritage. The
divulgation and awareness of heritage is important, whatever their category might be. When
there is recognition of the heritage, this can now be seen in a different way. We hope that this
work may serve to disseminate and preserve this heritage. In the future, this might become one
of the bases of sustainable development in this region, helping to establish population and to
improve their standard of living.
The divulgation and awareness of heritage is important, whatever their category might be. An
example is the Law of Historical Heritage of Andalusia, which has been a great value since it
was established in 2007 with the inventory of goods of Cultural Interest, named BIC. When
there is recognition of the heritage, this can now be seen in a different way.
We intend to make a survey of types of heritage of this territory, aiming to make it better
known to allow that it may be protected. We hope that this work can serve to disseminate and
preserve this heritage, and in the future, this might become one of the bases of sustainable de-
velopment in this region, helping to establish population and to improve their standard of living.
As a starting point we used the various existing publications on Cernache do Bonjardim,
which are essentially monographs, verbal histories obtained through interviews with local peo-
ple, recognition of land and field surveys.
We had to face several limitations, whether temporal or geographical and by the absence of
certain elements, for example, registration and mapping in general. The lack of clutter is due to
the fact that there was a fire in the Town-Hall of Sert in 1917, having lost a huge estate making
it very difficult to remake the story of the houses, for instance.
2 MEMORIES OF CERNACHE DO BONJARDIM
Based on field survey, we identified various heritage elements that were located using a GPS.
At the same time, the bibliography search and interviews with local people allowed to consoli-
date the knowledge of those elements. These steps field survey, literature search and inter-
views cant be addressed in isolation because they are interlinked and are mutually dependent.
We have worked with military maps 1:25000 because it was more appropriate for the study
of this territory (Gonalves, 2010).
2.1 The Zzere river and the parish of Cernache do Bonjardim
This territory is partially limited by the Zzere river, one of the biggest Portuguese rivers, and
its Castelo do Bode dam, downstream of this area (Gonalves, 2010). This river has always been
a natural border that people used, both as a mean of communication or as a mean of livelihood
(fishing, mining, irrigation, for example) (Gonalves, 2010). With the construction of Zzeres
dam much heritage was submerged, such as the old bridge in Vale da Ursa and the conheiras
(Gonalves & Rosendahl, 2010), see section 3.
The construction of the dam of Castelo do Bode is a very important milestone in the study of
spatial planning in this region. We could even split the study in this parish before and after the
dam (Gonalves & Rosendahl, 2011), or speaking in the old river and new river. The dam
had a huge impact on the waterfront of the territory under study, within the landscape, economy,
heritage and the modus vivendi of the populations (Gonalves & Rosendahl, 2011).
In this area there are many creeks and springs, which makes it a region rich in water (Gon-
alves & Rosendahl, 2010), which might be exploited to create touristic tours, among others. An
example of this heritage is the minas used for water supply (see section 3).
2.2 Heritage analysis methodology
The heritage analysis methodology adopted in Gonalves (2010) is based on the work of Tor-
rejais (2010) and consisted in the division of heritage into three categories (natural, intangible
and tangible heritage) and each one into subcategories, for an easier understanding and identifi-
cation of each element found in a given group:
Natural heritage:
o Forrestal heritage
o Landscape heritage
o Natural medicinal mineral waters
Intangible cultural heritage:
o Important people
o Legends
Tangible cultural heritage:
Heritage 2012
o Civil architecture:
Public character buildings
Buildings with historical-cultural interest
Farms and manor-houses
o Production architecture:
Water supply
Mills
Ovens for bread
o Religious architecture:
Churches
Chapels
Edified groups
o Urban equipment
Busts and statues
Fountains, drinking fountains and tanks
Bridges
o Industrial heritage
Conheiras
Wood based industries and dippers
o Another edified heritage:
Castros
Roman villas
Foz da Sert
Bandstands
Based in this methodology, we have developed heritage form-sheets which contain several
informations obtained for each element of heritage (Fig. 1). We do not consider, however, that
this list is complete, but most of the heritage elements can be included in these categories. Al-
though we found many heritage elements, we present only one example of each one, and if they
appear more than one instance, it means that they represent the possible variants in this group
(Gonalves, 2010).
For the natural heritage, the inventory sheet consists of the following topics, when applicable:
category, location, classified heritage, property, environment, description and condition (Gon-
alves, 2010). Each element of the intangible cultural heritage was associated with an inventory
sheet, which consists of the following topics, when applicable: to important people cate-
gory, title, place of birth, date of birth and death, biography; to legends category, location,
description (Gonalves, 2010). Each element of the tangible cultural heritage was associated
with an inventory sheet, which consists of the following topics, when applicable: category, clas-
sification, location, address, classified heritage, property, initial use and current use or only use,
framework, period of construction, type, materials, description, condition of conservation (just
appreciation of the outdoors) (Gonalves, 2010).
3 EXAMPLES OF THE HERITAGE ELEMENTS
We came to the conclusion that there are more heritage elements than might be expected ini-
tially. It is easy to recognize a castle, but today there is several emerging heritage which needs
also to be protected (Gonalves, 2010).
3.1 Natural heritage
In this item we intend to do a survey of important plant specimens and landscapes of the parish.
For the category of Forrestal heritage, we began a survey of forest specimens of patrimonial
value. Examples: the cork-oak of the Club Bonjardim, which is classified and is a very large and
old cork tree, which is rare in this region. In the landscape heritage category, we considered
landscapes as a whole, not just the forest or water courses, but the set. Example: lake of Castelo
do Bode dam and its surrounding (Fig. 2). In the category of natural medicinal mineral waters
was considered the only known mineral spring: Foz da Sert waters (Gonalves, 2010).
the worthies of the parish, especially Nuno lvares Pereira for being a national hero and a re-
cently canonized saint. In the legends category, we began a survey of existing legends in the
parish, having been elected the legend of St. Maria Madalena and St. Macrio (Gonalves,
2010). These are not inventoried.
Nuno lvares Pereira, also known as the Holy Constable, Beato Nuno de Santa Maria, or
simply Nun'lvares, was born in Cernache do Bonjardim on June, 24
th
1360 and died on 1
st

November 1431. It was a fourteenth-century Portuguese general who played a key role in the
crisis of 1383-1385, where Portugal played its independence from Castile. Nuno lvares Pereira
was also 2
nd
count of Arraiolos, 7
th
count of Barcelos and 3th count of Ourm. Cames, on
literal or allegorical mean, expressed or implied, refers the Constable no less than 14 times in
The Lusiads. There is a sculpture of him in the Arch of Street Augusta and in Praa do
Comrcio in Lisbon, another in the castle of Ourm and another in Cernache. He was beatified
on 23
rd
of January 1918 and was canonized by Pope Benedict XVI on April 26
th
, 2009
(Gonalves, 2010).
The legend of St. Maria Madalena and St. Macrio is a legend that tells us the martyrdom of
these two saints and their brothers. It is linked to the chapel da Santa. This legend says that
more five chapels were erected on top of several hills, where the brothers can see each other
Nossa Senhora da Nazar in Palhais, St. Ana in Cumeada, Nossa Senhora dos Remdios in
Sert, Nossa Senhora da Confiana in Pedrgo Pequeno, Nossa Senhora da Graa and St. Neu-
tel in Figueir dos Vinhos (Gonalves, 2010).
3.3 Tangible cultural heritage
The inventory of civil architecture presents buildings private or public, rural or erudite that
stand out from all the houses by their biggest patrimonial value, contributing to build up various
types of architectural sites (Gonalves, 2010).
For the public character buildings category, we considered the examples of Club Bonjardim
and movie-theatre Taborda; for the category buildings with historical-cultural interest we con-
sidered the example of the Seminar of the Missions; for the category farms and manor-houses
we considered the examples of Santo Antnio farm and Rua Torta Manor (Fig 3) (Gonalves,
2010).

Figure 3. The Manor of Rua Torta. Source: Gonalves, 2010.

The Club Bonjardim is a private association based in Cernache do Bonjardim. It was founded
on February 20
th
, 1885. At its building is located the movie-theater Taborda. It has a cultural
and recreational architecture, from the end of the nineteenth century. The movie-theater consists
of three volumes: the core, corresponding to the room, the side, housing support services to the
public, as bar and clubhouse, and the east side, with dependencies to support the theatre, as the
rehearsal room, dressing rooms and toilets (SIPA). Inventoried, a protection does not exist.
The Mission Seminary was built in XIX/XX century. The architect is unknown (SIPA). It is a
building that was the intellectual centre of the region, as a public school. It has a great impor-
tance in the formation of religious and lay missionaries to Africa and had several names: Semi-
nary of the Missions, Missions Colonial Institute and currently, the Portuguese Missionary So-
ciety or Missionary Society Boa Nova. It is inventoried, but a protection does not exist.
The Santo Antnio farm is constituted by the main house and the chapel of St. Antnio,
which is a chapel erected within the limits of the property. According to SIPA the time of the
chapel construction was likely the eighteenth century. Only the chapel is inventoried but a pro-
tection does not exist.
The Manor of Rua Torta was originally the home of the Cernaches Morgado. Presents a
residential, baroque and nineteenth century architecture (SIPA). It includes a chapel in the
building with the date of 1775 carved on the faade. This will probably be the date of construc-
tion of the house, with changes in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Gonalves, 2010). The
set is inventoried but there is no protection.
In the inventory of production architecture we began the survey of all equipment used in
processing raw materials into finished products or semi-finals for immediate consumption or for
supply to other industries. For the category of water supply weve considered the examples of
one mina (Fig. 4), a wind mill (Fig. 5) and a well. For the mills category we considered the
mills from the village Moinhos da Ribeira and for the ovens for bread category weve consid-
ered an oven for bread existing in the village Brejo da Correia (Gonalves, 2010).

Figure 4. Example of a mina. Source: Gonalves, 2010.

Figure 5. Example of a wind mill. Source: Gonalves, 2010.

A mina is a small gallery inside the open ground where the water is retained (Gonalves &
Rosendahl, 2010): it consists of a horizontal hole that goes into the earth, with a little wall at the
entrance to serve as a reservoir. It is a typical form of capturing groundwater in this region.
A wind mill is another typical way to capture groundwater. It is a device to pump groundwa-
ter to the surface, taking advantage of the wind (Gonalves, 2010).
What makes these wells so typical is the gazebo that normally exists on top, where climbing
plants grow making shading. The type of device for drawing water is also very common in this
area. This kind of wells characterized this region very well (Gonalves, 2010).
The mills of the village of Moinhos da Ribeira probably stood next to the bed of creek of
Sert, to harness water power for grinding grain. The literature speaks of cereal crops in the re-
gion. Being this village next to a water course, this was used to drive the millstones and grind
grain. They are lost, probably submerged (Gonalves, 2010).
Heritage 2012
This bread oven in Brejo da Correia is situated on ruins of houses. Usually one or more
houses had oven for baking bread and it is usual that there still are some. It was usual to have
this kind of bread ovens at home, where they cooked the triga-milha, a bread made with wheat
and corn flour, cereals that grew in this region (Gonalves, 2010).
For the inventory of religious architecture there was made a survey of all existing public and
private temples, as well as now inexistent, which represent a long list. For the churches cate-
gory we considered the example of St. Sebastio church or parish church (Fig. 6). For the
chapels category we considered the chapel of Nossa Senhora da Estrela and for edified
groups we considered the convent of St. Jos or guias farm (Gonalves, 2010).

Figure 6. Church of St Sebastian or parish church. Source: Gonalves, 2010.

The church of St. Sebastio is the main church in this parish. It was built in 1554/1555, the
date of the creation of the parish of St. Sebastio of Cernache do Bonjardim and the construc-
tion of the church. It has a gilded altar and screens of Bento Coelho da Silveira (1630-1708) and
a religious, mannerist and baroque architecture (SIPA). It is classified.
About the chapel of Nossa Senhora da Estrela, Teixeira (1905) says: it had a rich gilded altar
which is raised in the parish church of Cernache and reveals a great antiquity. Brother Lucas de
Santa Catarina, in his work printed in 1730 and entitled Memoirs of the Military Order of St.
John of Malta, speaking of Nossa Senhora da Estrela, says it was the tradition that the Tem-
plars lived there. He was also upright a Brotherhood in 1821. It is now disappeared.
The convent of St. Jos was founded in 1699 as a simple mental hospital where the religious
of the convent of Sert came to convalesce from their illnesses. It was only transformed into a
convent in 1720 (Teixeira, 1905). The oldest document that, about this convent, this author
found in the Torre do Tombo, dated back to 1707. It is inventoried but there is no protection.
For the urban equipment inventory we started the survey of busts, statues, fountains, drinking
fountains, tanks and bridges, existing elements that give a specific dimension to rural communi-
ties. In the busts and statues category we considered the example of Nuno lvares statue. For
the category fountains, drinking fountains and tanks we considered the Outeiros fountain
(Fig 7), the Eiras drinking fountain (Fig. 8) and a tank from Matos do Pampilhal (Fig. 9). And
for bridges category we considered the Vale da Ursas bridge (Gonalves, 2010).
The statue of Nuno lvares is from the twentieth century, of the sculptor Jos Manuel Vala-
das Corial, of commemorative, modernist architecture. The statue is in bronze on a concrete
plinth coated with granite. It has the meaning or symbolism and historical memory of the birth-
place of Nuno lvares (SIPA). It is inventoried but theres no protection.
The Outeiros fountain has also a public washing. This is an interesting example because it is
partially hidden, being necessary to descend a small staircase to access it (Gonalves, 2010). It
is not inventoried.
The drinking fountain of Eira is built of concrete, with some tile and coated, with just one
spring. It served to the public water supply (Gonalves, 2010). It is not inventoried.
The Matos do Pampilhals tank it is a tank form to wash clothes. It is a reservoir in which
sloping stones are placed to wash clothes. Typical coverage is also with a gazebo that is ordinar-
ily with vines as a shading device (Gonalves, 2010). It is not inventoried.

Figure 7. Outeiros fountain. Source: Gonalves, 2010.

Figura 8. Eiras drinking fountain. Source: Gonalves, 2010.

Figure 9. Tank in Matos do Pampilhal. Source: Gonalves, 2010.

The Vale da Ursas bridge is located on the river Zzere, upstream of the dam of Castelo do
Bode. It is a reinforced concrete bridge with spans supported by piers. It was built in 1951 with
a project of Engineer Edgar Cardoso. This bridge replaces the existing bridge at the same loca-
tion, but slightly further downstream, which was of stone and iron, built about 1895, which was
submerged as a result of filling the reservoir of the dam of Castelo do Bode (Gonalves, 2010).
It is not inventoried.
In the industrial heritage inventory was initiated a survey of all sites relating to conheiras,
the zorros and to the activity of wood based industry and dippers. For the example of conhei-
ras category weve choose the Vrzea de Pedro Mouros conheira (Fig. 10) and for the wood
based industries and dippers category weve choose the creek of Serts zorro (Fig. 1) (Gon-
alves, 2010).
A conheira is, for Batata (1998), an old gold alluvial exploration, which may have been ex-
ploited since the Chalcolithic to the XX century. According to the same author, a conheira is
characterized by typical lots of large pebbles (conhos). The sands were washed and released di-
rectly to the river. This conheira is almost entirely covered by the waters of the Castelo do
Bode lake, leaving only a few mounds of conhos (Batata, 1998).
A zorro is a groove in the side of a hill where the trunks of cut trees were slipped, reaching a
water line, where they came down with the force of the stream to the place of sawmills. It was a
Heritage 2012
way to transport timber using a natural resource. The early use was to bring down the trunks of
pine trees to the creek of Sert, to go down to the Zzere and probably even for the Tejo river to
reach areas of sawmills. Currently it is used to forestry plantation (Gonalves, 2010).

Figure 10. Vrzea de Pedro Mouros conheira. Source: Gonalves, 2010.

Figure 11. Creek of Serts zorro. Source: Gonalves, 2010.

In the another edified heritage category we initiated a survey of all local heritage with patri-
monial value which was not included in the previous sections. For the castros category we
have chosen the St. Maria Madalenas castro. For the roman villas weve choose the Vila
Gaia. The house of the Foz da Sert water was choose for an example of Foz da Sert cate-
gory and the bandstand from Quint was the example of bandstand category (Gonalves,
2010).
A castro was a town in a high place, that served as a defence against invaders. Batata (1998)
says, overall, it is a village set to be surrounded with at least one wall, over which no one has
any kind of dating. By the materials found there, the castro was occupied from the Late
Bronze/1
st
Iron Age, through the 2
nd
Iron Age and possibly by the Romans, or their influence. It
is a large village, situated on a prominent hill that dominates the plateau zone of Cernache do
Bonjardim.
Batata & Arsnio (2006) state that there would be a secondary road in Roman times (if not
before) that would link Dornes to Sert. In Sert, the path would begin, would go through Cer-
nache, turned around the nascent of the St. Maria Madalenas castro, Mendeira, Vila Gaia,
crossing the river to Dornes, rising to Paio Mendes, Pias, Ceras, until traces back on the main
path from Olisipo (Lisbon) to Bracara Augusta (Braga). We think that Vila Gaia would be a
Roman villa that could serve as a sort of inn that existed in this Roman road. No excavations
were made in this place (Gonalves, 2010). It is not inventoried.
In the house of Foz da Sert waters there was the reception of the Foz da Sert Hotel, were
customers could stay while waiting for the river transport to give entry to the hotel (Gonalves,
2010). It is ruined and its not inventoried.
The bandstands are typically used to install a brass band, a musical ensemble, serving as
dance zone or as an area to advertise something. This bandstand is located right in front of the
chapel of St. Bento in Quint, in the party place (Gonalves, 2010). It is not inventoried.
4 CONCLUSIONS
The parish of Cernache do Bonjardim is located in an area with many forests and bathed by the
Zzere river and the creek of Sert. In this section the river is included in the lake of Castelo do
Bode dam, thus forming a huge mirror of water with great tourist potential. This parish, how-
ever, suffers from the problems of interiority, including poor roads and desertification. This con-
tributed to the subsequent disinterest in this area, which remains isolated due to a near-zero ac-
cessibility, resulting in the lack of jobs which promotes migration and the consequent
depopulation. Nevertheless, the past of Cernache was glorious, given its size. The Seminar of
the Missions contributed greatly to promote the education in this parish and in the bordering re-
gions (Gonalves, 2010).
We prepared a methodical collection of cultural and natural heritage of this parish, though in
this paper we present only one example of each type. We produced also heritage form-sheets
with the objective to order the survey made by us. It was a surprise because we never thought to
find so much (Gonalves, 2010). The knowledge of this heritage is essential not only to protect
it but also to enjoy it.
It would be important to propose measures that aim to fix the population. These measures
would go through the utilization of the existing heritage. This could be the basis for creating
jobs and improving the living conditions of populations in a sustainable manner.
At the level of tourism use, although there is potential and something is being done, it is nec-
essary to make the required preparations so that there is a structure that meets the needs but in a
way not to lose what exists. Then, a good advertising campaign should be made to spread the
region.
The general mentality of the population is that there is nothing of interest here. This is ex-
plained to be a largely agricultural area, with an aging population, with a diverse and rich heri-
tage, but as it is always there, it simply is not valued. We would like to change this mentality
and preserve the memories of this territory. We hope this work will help us in this arduous task.
REFERENCES
(AFN) Ministrio da Agricultura, Mar, Ambiente e Ordenamento do Territrio, Autoridade Florestal Na-
cional. rvores de interesse publico. Consulted at September 2010, in http://www.afn.min-
agricultura.pt/portal/.
Batata, C. 1998. Carta arqueolgica do concelho da Sert. Sert: Cmara Municipal da Sert.
Batata, C., & Arsnio, P. 2006. Carta Arqueolgica do concelho de Ferreira do Zzere. Ferreira do
Zzere: Cmara Municipal de Ferreira do Zzere.
Gonalves, M. M. & Rosendahl, S. 2010. Anlise de vrios factores que influenciam a definio das
chaves do territrio: o caso da freguesia de Cernache do Bonjardim. Actas de PLURIS2010, 4 Con-
gresso Luso-Brasileiro para o Planeamento Urbano, Regional, Integrado, Sustentvel. Faro: Edies da
Universidade do Minho.
Gonalves, M. M. & Rosendahl, S. 2011. Impacte das grandes obras de engenharia. A barragem do Caste-
lo do Bode e a freguesia de Cernache do Bonjardim. Actas de ICEUBI2011 International Conference
on Engineering UBI2011 Innovation & Development. Covilh: Edies UBI 2011.
Gonalves, M. M. 2010. Freguesia de Cernache do Bonjardim. Territrio y patrimonio. Work presented
to the Escuela Tecnica Superior de Arquitectura (ETSA) or Sevilla university, Spain, to obtain the Dip-
loma de Estudios Avanzados, under the guidance of Dr. Mara Teresa Prez Cano. Not published.
(SIPA) Sociedade de Informao para o Patrimnio Arquitectnico. Consulted at June 2010, in
http://www.monumentos.pt
Teixeira, C. S. 1905. Sernache do Bom Jardim: traos monographicos. Lisboa: Papelaria La Bcarre Ti-
pografia.
Torrejais, A. 2010. Inventrio do patrimnio do concelho de Ferreira do Zzere. Consulted at June 2010,
in http://www.ferreiradigital.com.
Heritage 2012
1 PRESENTING
This paper talks about the signification and re-signification of a strong and powerful symbol of
religiousness of the Azorean people: the Holy Christ of Miracles. This, right next to the Holy
Ghost Festival, is one of the main characters of the path to the identification and belonging of
the Azorean community. This specific symbol will be unveiled in the great social movement
that is the immigration. The community in So Paulo, Brazil, is a very traditional and interesting
feature of this process of bringing back the heritage and the memory of a very familiar method,
but at the same time, a re-reading of it.
This is one small part of a bigger research, which began its path in 2009, while a trip to the
Azores, specifically in the Pico Island. Since then, this work has given several fruits, presented
and exposed at this very own conference. One of those fruits is this paper, a tiny slice of the re-
search, presenting some of the methodology and thematic of the main work, but unveiling this
one specific and particular symbol, involving both the Azorean region and the migrating com-
munity in So Paulo, Brazil.

The holy Christ of miracles and the its religious and symbolic
signification
G. Henyei-Neto
PUC-SP Department of Religious Sciences
ABSTRACT: The immigrants from the Azorean region that reached Brazil brought with them a
huge line of tradition, heritage and symbols which embrace what we can call the instruments of
identification with their original land. This work will discuss about the signification and re-
signification of a very important symbol of the Azores: the Holy Christ of the Miracles (o Santo
Cristo dos Milagres). Based on linked origins, the Holy Christ and the Holy Ghost are two very
significant symbols, strongly producing the identification of the original land, the Azores, and
the new place, the district of Vila Carro, in So Paulo city. This paper tries to indicate some of
the differences, mostly because of the adaptation, of the rites and meanings of the Holy Christ in
the Azorean community in So Paulo, Brazil. It is, also, a preview of a future dissertation about
the comprehensive religious adaptation within the migration movement from Azores to So
Paulo.

Figure 1. The Holy Christ of Miracles So Paulo/Brazil
2 IMMIGRATION
The migration movements from the Azores to Brazil have been very strong in the later 19
th
cen-
tury and early 20
th
. During both world wars, immigrants was slowly driven to rest in their own
places, returning the diasporas during the decades after 1940s and 50s. Specially in the 50s
and 60s, basically because the enormous pressure suffered by the Portuguese from the dicta-
torial government of Salazar, a large number of people left the country, seeking a new hope and
a new beginning for their lives. There were some places which the Portuguese look for to be,
but, for obvious reasons, such as language and culture, Brazil was the main arrival nation, which
also received migrants from several other European countries.
Escaping from nations at war or dictatorial leaders, Europeans were living a huge step back
on the economic and political scenery. Looking for a place to regain structure, establishment
and some life quality, they arrived at places from the earlier known as the new world, also
known as the Americas. North America was a place directed to the rejects of British, especially
for reasons of populating and promotion of the new place.
In the religious theme, North America was populated by settlers who were flexible and able
to fix in the region of frontier, between west and east of the USA. Richard Niebuhr(1992) say
that the religion of frontier was basically made of catholic Christianity denomination, which
could be malleable enough to bring the people of frontier to the western religious world and to
criticize the current Catholicism. The Protestantism, especially Methodism and Baathist, was the
tentative to regain the old Christian ideals in this new place, while bring those people together
for a greater social and cultural interest.
One of the root theories of Niebuhr is that the Christian denominations establishes in places
where the interests are more likely to convene with the cultural and social manifestation of the
religious characters. The theology opinions came from the social and cultural issues and the
manifested theology is driven by those issues. As in the US the issues and interests was directed
by the frontier, in Brazil, the social and cultural characteristics are more indicated for the Catho-
licism, a denomination less moral and less harsh in terms of methodology. Such an interest, to
maintain a standard religious believe, was brought to Brazil in the very moment of the first co-
lonization settlement. Nowadays, Christian Catholicism is the main religion in Brazil. Even if
its not an official religion, the Catholicism establishes so deep in the countrys heart that a
possible common identity of the Brazilian passes through the catholic beliefs and ideologies.
Heritage 2012
The Portuguese, when arriving in Brazil, was faced with a place that is very familiar, not only
because of the language, but as in cultural and even religious aspects as well. Being one of the
largest communities of immigrants in Brazil, losing only to the Italians, the Portuguese arose
some great deal of importance on the Brazilian cultural and economic backgrounds.
The immigrants brought with them a strong line of signification, constructed and invented
through tradition and cultural interpretation of symbolic elements of environment. The symbolic
element that is going to drive the attention within this work is, in the limit, the religious tradi-
tions and signification, which is one of the basic structural tools for the modeling of a Portu-
guese identification.
When we talk about identification, and not identity, we are dealing with the significant that
retain and expose the traditions and its relations with acts and methods, brought together by
lines of remembrance, memory and antecedents. The Portuguese identification, and obviously
the Azorean, is produced by the remembrance of past factors, acts and symbols, present on what
is called heritage, which is then driven by lines of signification. Those lines are the road, a poss-
ible path, that connect the tradition with the present, making the tradition alive again, but being
defined within the modern environment, making it different from past significant, but maintain-
ing the identification, that is what the lines are all about.
Those lines, as Timothy Ingolds(2007) statement makes clear, are not only connectors. They
are not fixed structures or pathways in which we only are able to follow, by the same move-
ments, past dwellers. The lines are, in fact, directions, a fluid movement that indicates what, and
not where, you should be. The path is not previously drawn, but is left opened for infinite inter-
pretations.
3 SO PAULO AND THE HOUSE OF THE AZORES
The Portuguese immigration has not a single starting period, but, for this work, a specter of time
was used to make the migration movement more clear and practical for the paper and even the
dissertation. We will use the great movement from Portugal and the Azores from the 1950s and
60s. This period was established specially because of the signification of this movement from
the Azores. The first reason is, what was already stated, the runaway from the dictatorial regime
of Salazar and the post-war period. In Europe, the scenery was one of reconstruction and rees-
tablishment of economy, politic and even social environment. People fled, looking for a new
place to rearrange their lives. In this same period, Brazil was developing its economy, beginning
to invest strongly on its inner industry. This was a major factor to bring immigrants to the coun-
try. Those were the economic and political issues that brought Portuguese, and Azorean specifi-
cally, to Brazil.
The social and cultural reason for this period was that, then, the people who came from the
Azores were fundamental to the foundation of the Casa dos Aores de So Paulo, the house of
the Azores of So Paulo, a structure that contain the Azorean community of immigrants in So
Paulo city. The house is located in the eastern region of So Paulo, in a neighborhood know as
Vila Carro. This village-like part of the city was once called textile village. This was basically
because of the large textile factory that was funded in there. Guilherme Giorgio was its name
and it was the great responsible for bringing city structure, housing and development for the re-
gion, as well as being the greatest arrival point of immigrants, eager for work and a better life.
This is explained in a work called Eu no tenho onde morar(I dont have a place to live, in free
translation), from Eva Altman Blay(1985). This work shows the foundations of workers neigh-
borhoods, especially the ones of immigrants.
The House of the Azores in So Paulo is a place which concentrates a great deal of significa-
tion, identification, heritage and memory from traditional methods of cultural production. The
most powerful cultural production is the identification through religious symbols, being stated
in several works(Leal, 1994;2001, Henyei Neto, 2010; Elis Regina, 2011) that the religious facts
organize the lines of signification in a resemblance point that structures and congregates the
community in a moment that they can be united in one form of tradition/re-signification of tradi-
tion.
The religious identification turns around, in the Azorean scenery, basically in two main sym-
bols: the Holy Ghost Festival and the Holy Christ of miracles. The Holy Ghost Festival is well
known in Portugal, both continental and islander, as one of the greatest moments in the catholic
year. Leal says that the festival is one of the main identity structures for Azoreans, whom share
the Portuguese necessity of reinforce the differential identify. It has been, overall, interpreted
in the board of a group of speeches of ideological nature which seek to enroot the national iden-
tity. (Leal, 1994, p.16)
The immigrant communities of Azoreans around the world also maintain its knots with this
identification with the religious. The religious facts are important basically because its signifi-
cants are one with the social and cultural foundations of Portuguese traditional origins. This her-
itage, as we may call it, of religiousness are brought together with the social movements; they
are developed, re-structured and re-significated with the processes that the new environment, the
new place, offers. This re-signification of religious symbols within migration movements is the
focus of this current paper.
The diaspora, as interpreted by Bela Feldman-Bianco, are the basic, fundamental and most
preeminent of the processes which construct the Brazilian culture. She talks about the Portu-
guese diaspora, as being the reinforcement of the Portugal and Brazil as equals, not more as co-
lony/capital, which was once before.
The community in So Paulo was founded by immigrants who came from the So Miguel isl-
and, one of the east region of the Azores, from 1950s and 60s. They were seeking for a new
life and found in Vila Carro, the new worker village, a future, especially by the fact that brazil
was living one of its highest peaks on the economic and industrial scenery. (Henyei Neto, 2011)
In the 1970s, the community (which, in that time, didnt had a building or any structure to
gather the members) started to revive their identity, heritage and religious symbolic reasons. It
was the beginning of the traditional Holy Ghost Festival of the Azorean community in So Pau-
lo. It was only at 22
nd
of june of 1980 that a building bought in the region, in the Dentista Car-
neiro Street, was reformed and re-opened as the House of the Azores of So Paulo. By then,
another great symbol was also present in the religious life: the Holy Christ of Miracles.

Figure 2. The Holy Christ of Miracles So Paulo/Brazil
4 HOLY CHRIST: ORIGIN AND LIFE IN SO PAULO
The festivities for the Holy Christ of Miracles take part every year, in Ponta Delgada, capital of
So Miguel, in the fifth Sunday after Easter time. Its a very traditional celebration, which is
produced as a moment of resemblance, bringing the people from the island of So Miguel, the
micaelenses, closer to a common identification and belonging feeling.
Heritage 2012
Its origin is dated from the 18
th
century. When in 1713, there was a huge earthquake, causing
panic and destruction to the archipelago. The island of So Miguel was also much damaged. In
December 17
th
of the same year, the Irmandade da Santa Casa de Misericrdia asked for ca-
nonic allowing to have a procession in the homage of the Holy Christ of Miracles, searching for
protection and forgiven. After finished the ceremony, all the quakes were ceased and the land
came back to normal state. This very odd fact had made the Holy Christ even more celebrated
and important for the people of the Azores, specially the So Miguels island.
The image of the Holy Christ is a bust of Jesus, wounded, with a thorn crown, dressed with a
red cape. During the years, because of the devotion and prayers coming to visit the image, the
bust became ornamented with an enormous variety of precious stones and other kind of accesso-
ries. The religious celebration resembles mostly with the Holy Ghost Festival: there is the pro-
cession, with hymns and anthems, while people are carrying the image through the small streets
of the village ornamented as well with flowers carpets, while the martial band go along, playing
and singing with the crowd. The image will be dressed with gold, driving the people all ad-
mired and joyful to the religious ceremony. The women are dressed in black for penitence,
walking together with the procession, until the profane celebration begins to take part. There are
all kinds of food, cultural manifestation, such as the cattle selling, which the inflow is reverted
to charity. The Monday after, a mass is celebrated in the morning, closing the festivities, leaving
the Holy Crist in its chapel for anyone to see, pray and leave some tribute. This is the main
structure of the ceremony, which happens for over 300 years.
1

The immigrant community in So Paulo is, mostly, of people coming from the island of So
Miguel. Because of that, beyond the celebration of the Holy Ghost, which is considered by
many one of the most important religious ceremonies of the Azores, the House of the Azores of
So Paulo also promotes the celebration of the Holy Christ of Miracles. In the house, called em-
pire, for religious and symbolic reasons related to the Holy Ghost Festival, they have a replica
of the bust of Jesus, just like the one in Ponta Delgada. It was donated by the government of the
Autonomous Region of the Azores for the Azorean community in So Paulo.
With the physical structure and the cultural background established, the Azoreans in So Pau-
lo were also granted the recognition of the council of the House of the Azores around the world.
By that we can notice that the religious signification, while cultural heritage and symbolic rea-
son of community manifestation, has a great deal on the identification and belonging process for
the Azoreans. The most strong and preeminent lines of signification came from this symbolic
reason of religiousness. They all come together by the resemblance and the performance created
around religious significants.
This, as culture, are a group of symbols, which are significant in several aspects, in some re-
lations, at some period of time, in a cyclic manifestation, structuring the signification and identi-
fying with some, we can call, traditional origins, within the lines the travel through time and
space, connecting and making paths. Those paths, those ways that lines walk from tradition to
nowadays practices we can call them lines of signification; those are most based and inspired by
the works of Timothy Ingold, on the manifestation of lines and the ways them can signify their
ways.
To give a short resume, the lines are not straight connectors, linking one point to another,
simply because they are alike. The lines that goes for a walk, as Ingold states, are those which
wander through paths not yet walked, those which delineate roads that, in the identification
permutation, from one knot to another, are one, only but transformed by environment. Lets give
a small example: see a map. It connects points, lines are traced separating areas, the roads are
previously drawn in the surface; the movement is dead. Cities and villages are dull points, ad-
venturous paths of before are now some inked manifestation of the static. But, when we draw a
map, pointing and giving directions to a friend, we delineate as we speak; we draw lines as we
virtually walk the way we intend to show. Those lines are alive, they wander, they do not follow
static roads, but road the path one should follow after. The second map is an one-time way.
When the friend arrives, the map is no longer necessary, because he already memorized the
movements. In the first one, we do not need to memorize, because it do not show movement,
but shows only directions and connections.
The same thing we can infer from cultural manifestation of identity. The symbol is the Holy
Christ; it turns around, making circles, movements in one place; a never-stopping movement,
creating a twirl. Through time, space or any movements intended to differ from the current per-
formance, the lines begin to travel, to wayward. It re-signifies the symbolic reasons, the signifi-
cation and the very movement it conceives. While arriving in the Azorean community in So
Paulo, the line does not connect two points, distant in time and space; it is the same line of signi-
fication, only manifested through other paths. The environment, the cultural background of the
new place, the time continuum elapsed, even the very transportation from one place to another,
impose signification, impose new significant, impose new aspects for the line to create its paths.
The symbol is the same, but re-signified. So, in what terms it is signified now? As previously
explained, the Holy Christ of Miracles has its own celebration date in So Miguels Island. Its
distinct from the Holy Ghost Festival, as both of them are two of the most important and signif-
icant religious and identification symbols of the Azores. Both of them have important dates, cel-
ebrations and are lines of signification.
In So Paulo, on the other hand, the Holy Christ has no longer one specific date; the symbolic
celebration is now part of the Holy Ghost Festival. In the immigrant community, the religious
climax is, by far, the Holy Ghost Festival. Its a huge ceremony, with procession, mass, the non-
immigrant neighbors participating and the secular celebration all around. Because of that, it is
believable that, by factors of logistics and financial issues, the Azorean community intended to
arrange a big religious homage to the two major symbolic manifestation of their tradition.
Therefore, while the procession of the Holy Ghost takes part, the other great symbol appears as
a guest, trimmed in the performance once traditional of the greatest of religious symbols of the
Azores.
The members of the House state, with pride and glory, that they maintain all traditional and
historical factors of the celebrations. They use the same materials, the food is made with the
same recipes, the procession and the mass are all of the same functional and emotional aware-
ness. They also state that, different from other Azorean communities in Brazil, they do things as
they are done in the Azores. It is possible to see that. In a surface analysis, things in other com-
munities are mostly lost, over adapted or even caricaturized. In US and Canada, mostly because
of the language and different cultural background; in Florianopolis because of the unlimited
adaptation. In a limit, in fact, the Azorean community in So Paulo could be considered the
most traditional, the one which still maintain the original methods. But, as said before, nothing
can remain the same, even if it is the same.
The manifestation of the identity, the religious factor, its re-arranged from the very first
moment. The gathering of the Holy Ghost and the Holy Christ is the proof. It is re-signified,
their paths are driven in distinct directions, but, eventually, they recall for the same feeling of
belonging, the same symbolic identification with the religious significant. They are not the
same; they are the paths in which the lines (Holy Ghost; Holy Christ) are driven by. The acting
of the symbolic reason is what brings them to the identification with the historical, the heritage
and the traditional. The acting, the performance, the re-memorization of the traditional is al-
ready a re-signification. The acting is what makes the lines moves to its paths.
In here we see the manifestation through acting, role playing even. Its bringing the act of then
to the environment of now, in another world, where it should be re-imagined, as Roy Wagner
(2010) would say, as a new way of culture. The simple action of rememorize builds a whole
new way, a whole new path, in which the lines are traced as they move. The action of imagine
can be related with the etymology of the word religion.
Religion has two distinct genealogies, as we may put. The first one, more famous and main-
stream, tells on the origin of this word coming from the Latin term Religare, which means, re-
connect, relate. Mircea Eliade(2010) tells about the myth of the eternal restart, a construction
telling that we relate with the divinity by re-memorizing the original act. The second genealogi-
cal line supposes that religion came from Religio, in Latin, a careful observance. This line is
more related with the methodical, strict learnt process of the religious rules. But, there is one
more, explicated by Ingold, stating that the term might be original from the Latin word Rele-
gere. It moves to the meaning of read, or knowing how to read, re-drawing the movements of
the divine words, re-acting the acts of before. The one, who knows how to read the Gods writ-
ings, is the one whom will be able to act better what is expected in His desires.
The acting of the religious themes, the bringing the lines to its previous paths, is what drives
the lines through the new paths of re-signification. The Holy Christ, the religious feeling is the
same; what is re-acted is the ways in which the terms will be imposed to the identification with
the traditional.
Heritage 2012
ENDNOTES
1
This very summarized and important description was based on the complete history of the Holy Christ
of Miracles, which can be found in the website of the House of the Azores in So Paulo.
http://www.casadosacores.com/
REFERENCES
Eliade, M. Tratado de histria das religies. 4. ed. So Paulo: Martins Fontes, 2010.
Wagner, R. A inveno da cultura. Rio de Janeiro: Cosac & Naify, 2010.
Ingold, T. Lines: a brief history. London: Routledge, 2007.
Leal, J. As festas do Esprito Santo nos Aores: um estudo de antropologia social. Lisboa: Publicaes
Dom Quixote, 1994.
Leal, J. Etnografias portuguesas (1870-1970): Cultura popular e identidade nacional. Lisboa: Publicaes
Dom Quixote, 2000.
Henyei-Neto, G. The Azorean identity and heritage through the Holy Ghost Festival. In: HERITAGE
2010, 2010, vora. Barcelos: Green Lines Institute for Sustainable Development, 2010.
Henyei-NetoO, G. From Azores to So Paulo: re-signification of religiousness within the migration
movement and the character of religion of the historical and cultural heritage.. In: Sharing Cultures
2011, 2011, Tomar. Sharing Cultures 2011. Barcelos : Green Lines Institute, 2011. v. 1. p. 507.
Feldman-Bianco, B. Brazilians in Portugal, Portuguese in Brazil: constructions of sameness and differ-
ence. Vibrant: Brazilian Virtual Anthropology, Braslia, v. 1, p. 1-56, 2004.
Feldman-Bianco, B. A taste of Portugal: transmigrao, polticas culturais e a mercantilizao da saudade
em tempos neoliberais. Ler Histria, Lisboa, v. 56, p. 105-119, 2009.
Blay, E. A. Eu no tenho onde morar: vilas operrias na cidade de So Paulo. So Paulo: Nobel, 1985.
Niebuhr, R. As Origens das Denominaes Crists. So Paulo: ASTE/Cincias da Religio, 1992.

Heritage 2012
1 WHY THE ANCIENT-NEW CITY?
One of the most popular slogans of Yerevan sounds like this: Our city is 29 years older than
Rome! The first mention of the city, indeed, belongs to 782 BC (the foundation of a fortified
town of Erebuni located in the north part of the state of Urartu). However, over the next centu-
ries the development of Yerevan was not continuous, the town was repeatedly destroyed by
many earthquakes and invasions by foreign conquerors; it served as a peripheral settlement for
various empires. The national makeup of the city also changed substantially (Zakoyan et al.,
2002).
In the 1920s, when Yerevan quite suddenly acquired the status of the capital of one of Soviet
republics, it was a rather small town with an appearance and development perceived as rather
provincial, not meeting the new value of the city. That was when the attitude to Yerevan as a
new city was formed. The master plan developed by the famous Armenian architect Alexan-
der Tamanyan provided a substantial re-planning of the old town, the establishment of several
large architectural ensembles, squares, avenues, and boulevards, with almost complete demoli-
tion of old buildings. No less important was the ideological and nationalist pathos. According to
the idea of builders of New Yerevan, the global Armenian community (the Armenian diaspora
is one of the largest in the world; millions of Armenians are scattered in different countries) for
the first time received here a single capital, common to all local and foreign representatives of
the nation. In was also a sort of compensation for the suffering during the Armenian Genocide,
which occurred in the Ottoman Empire in 1915.
As a result, the physical and symbolic novelty of the city outweighed its real historical struc-
tures, significance and traditions. Attitude to Yerevan as a city nominally ancient, but in fact
new, that dominates in the Armenian society so far, has identified many of the acute problems
of urban heritage preservation in this city.
ABSTRACT: The goal of this article is to analyze the situation with the conservation of the ur-
ban heritage in a modern city with ancient roots, complicated history and active urban develop-
ment at the moment, when the established strong top-down administrative approach is close to
discredit and failure. The article covers the first intellectual results of comprehensive under-
standing of Yerevans urban heritage, and describes the first practical cases in the field of actual
Yerevans urban conservation from below. Some proposals for more efficient conservation poli-
cy including multi-actor citizen-lead activity are formulated as outcomes.
The ancient-new city of Yerevan: conserving urban heritage from
below
A. Ivanov
Russian Institute for Cultural Research, Moscow, Russia
2 CHARACTERISTICS OF POST-SOVIET YEREVAN
Yerevan is almost 2,800 years old; it grew up in the Soviet period from a population of about
30,000 till to 1.2 million (in 1989).
Today, here in the capital of the independent Republic of Armenia, there are about 1.1 million
residents more than one-third of the country population, which was about 2.9 million people
in the end of 2011 (official numbers).
Most of the economically powerful actors of the country are concentrated in Yerevan. Such
disproportion in the distribution of population and economic disparity which someone called
hyper-centralization puts enormous pressure on the urban infrastructure, causing over-
compaction of the city center and excessive pressure on the urban heritage.
From another side, Armenia is now in a very hard geopolitical situation (tensions with major
neighbors Turkey and Azerbaijan after the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh in the late 1980s ear-
ly 1990s) and is characterized by continuing emigration (labor emigration, which concerns the
working-age men and is caused by the lack of jobs, as well as intellectual emigration because of
dissatisfaction with the socio-political situation and the inability of the creative class to realize
their capacities at home).
As for the city itself, there are visible processes of ruralization of social environment, predo-
minance of often corrupted and authoritarian politicians, inversion of urban-forming base (the
collapse of most major Soviet industrial and scientific enterprises and the dominance of the ba-
zaar economy), a lack of established and transparent systems of land regulation and heritage
protection, an absence of understanding of heritage values among the most active actors of ur-
ban development.
All this leads to environmental entropy, permanent losses of historically valuable buildings,
public spaces and heritage in general (Sargsyan, 2011).
3 THE OVERALL STATUS OF YEREVANS URBAN HERITAGE
Urban heritage of Old Yerevan is a set of heterogeneous, overlapping layers of material urban
culture from archaeological sites of the Kingdom of Urartu (87 centuries BC), medieval Ar-
menian Churches of 1217 centuries, Persian and Turk legacy of the 18th century (few last
mosques and poorly preserved residential houses), civil buildings of the Russian Empire period
(1830s1910s), a fairly significant layer of self-developed, vernacular development of different
ages to high-quality development in the Armenian-Stalin-Empire style (1930s50s) and So-
viet Modernism style (1960s80s) (Ivanov, 2012a). (Fig. 1)
But, despite the nominal deepness and richness of Yerevans heritage cake, in reality the
city looks like the Napoleon cake without cream between layers.

Figure 1. Yerevan mixture. On the main street of Yerevan Abovyan street there are samples of build-
ings of the early 20th century (center photo), 1950s (left), 2000s (on the right and in the background).
Photo by the author, 2011
Heritage 2012
The lack of visible and perceived links between the material layers of Yerevans heritage is
partly compensated by means of symbolic saturation of the urban environment: the core of the
city is filled up by numerous sculpture monuments to famous Armenians and other remarkable
persons, memorial boards to important citizens, etc.
Another, almost immaterial factor gluing together separate physical substances is the spirit
of Yerevan, which reflects the specific set of Yerevans immaterial values (a combination of the
vertical values of Capital feeling, ambition, individualism, and the horizontal values of
cozy urban milieu, family-like respectful relations of neighbors, sincere love for the native plac-
es).
This spirit is, in the authors opinion, an equally important component of the Yerevan urban
heritage. But without a real material base it could disappear very quickly (Ivanov, 2012b).
So, the whole complex situation with the preservation of the urban heritage in Yerevan is,
probably, close to critical. Permanent demolitions happen in the urban core, waste plots are
filled with commercial buildings of poor architectural quality. The spirit of the city is washed
off, according the feelings of many indigenous townspeople. Heritage is not perceived as a
valuable resource, government and businesses regard the historical milieu just as a field for in-
vestments (Ivanov, 2011).
In the core of all these negative processes is the top-down manner of the city governing in
general and the heritage management in particular.
Such attitude to the city and its environmental values is one of the worst remains of the soviet
period. But this negative legacy has not been overcome in independent Armenia, but even en-
hanced because of the too close relationship between business and government, which took
place in the post-Soviet period.
However, in recent years, amid total devastation of the urban heritage of Yerevan, there have
been grassroots efforts to preserve heritage, initiated by various non-governmental actors of the
urban environment.
Let's look more closely at some specific cases that characterize processes taking place today
with Yerevan urban heritage.
4 SOME EXAMPLES OF REAL CONSERVATION PROCESSES
4.1 Demolishing under developers pressure
The largest and very characteristic development project of the 2000s is punching a new pede-
strian street through the old neighborhoods of Yerevan the so-called North Avenue.

Figure 2. Northern Avenue stops in front of the remains of the vernacular buildings. The probability of
preservation of this corner of old Yerevan is very low. Photo by the author, 2011
It was conceived by the author of master plan of New Yerevan A.Tamanyan as early as in
1920s. Northern Avenue diagonally connected the two main city squares. Dozens of valuable
historic buildings, including valuable architectural monuments of the late 19th early 20th cen-
turies, were demolished during the cleaning of the area. (Fig. 2)
The construction area was declared a zone of special state interest, property was disposed,
people were resettled by force, being paid just a small monetary compensation. This led to so-
cial protests, however, unsuccessful. As a result, the city received a new public space, rather
popular among the townspeople, which is located at the foot of the almost uninhabited elite res-
idential complex (apartment were purchased not for living but as investments). But Yerevan has
lost a sufficient part of its historical identity.
Several projects of a smaller scale are already implemented or being realized in the city cen-
ter today using the same mechanism. Several areas of historic buildings (Kond, Kozern, etc.) are
declared zones of special state interest and await their fate (Ivanov, 2012a).
4.2 Applicationism
One of the methods of the pseudo-conservation of uban heritage adopted in Yerevan is the im-
position of the stone facades of the demolished monuments on a new structure. A typical exam-
ple is the rear facade of one of the North Avenue building overlooking the Abovyan street. (Fig.
3)
Typically, these applications do not appear on the site of the lost monument and can be re-
garded at best as large memorial plaques of the disappeared authentic houses, but not as their
recreation or conservation.

Figure 3. Faade application as pseudo-conservation. Photo by the author, 2011
4.3 The Old Yerevan project: an official approach to comprehensive conservation
In the two blocks in the very center of Yerevan the city authorities are planning the construction
of an architectural complex Old Yerevan. It is a place where, according to the project by
LV + Architect, developed in 2005, the buildings of the late 19th - early 20th centuries should
be removed, valuable from the historical and architectural points of view, but pulled down in
other parts of the city. (Fig. 4)
In the central part of the extended area (approximately 300x70 m), judging by a few leaked
images of the project, it has been planned to create a glass passage with trading, food and enter-
tainment enterprises, oriented to commercial benefits of investors. The author of the project arc-
hitect Levon Vardanyan believes that it is better to have something than to lose everything,
and that in Yerevan there are no other ways to save the remaining monuments of the Russian
Empire period (Mirzoyan 2012).
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It should be noted that this project is on the verge of violation of Republic of Armenia Law
On protection and use of immovable historical and cultural monuments and historic environ-
ment, adopted November 11, 1998.
According to the Law, the historic monument can not be completely destroyed, but must be
restored or re-created in the original form. However, the Law allows re-creation of the surviv-
ing parts of the monument only during its restoration, which means, of course, the place where
it was initially built (Article 30). Removal of monuments may be made only in exceptional cas-
es with the permission of the Republic Government (Article 21). Whether such authorization is
obtained for those buildings that are scheduled to being re-created in Old Yerevan is not
known precisely.
Unfortunately, this only attempt of the integrated conservation of urban heritage by the
City is taken in the approach, which is totally unacceptable in todays world and provokes crit-
ics of the project on such terms as inventing or cooking of the past.
Figure 4. Area of the possible realization of the Old Yerevan project. Photo by the author, 2011
4.4 Alternative: some cases of the preservation from below
By coincidence, just at the edge of the area that could be used for the construction of Old Ye-
revan, on the street, Brothers Mnatsakanyan houses built in 1898 are situated.
The complex of historic buildings is preserved almost completely. The larger house was res-
tored by a businessman from Italy, known as Villa Delenda, and properly used (guest house
and a handmade ceramics shop). The smaller, one-story building is an inhabited private dwel-
ling house in a good condition. (Fig. 5)
Will these original buildings, the examples of prudent attitude towards heritage, also be de-
molished to be replaced by re-created monuments from the other sites?


Figure 5. The former brothers Mnatsakanyan mansion in Kokhbatsi Street. Photo by the author, 2011
4.5 Kond: island of resistance
Kond Hill just near the center of Yerevan is probably the oldest continuously inhabited place in
the city. It is a maze of crooked streets, alleys, stairways, passages, a sort of a carpet area
one- or two-story houses molded with adobe bricks, clay, rotten logs, rusted pipes, pieces of
iron sheets, plywood, roofing slate. (Fig. 6)
Some of the houses date back to the 18th century that is rare in Yerevan. (Fig. 7) There are
problems with drinking water here, many families live in overcrowded conditions, poorly. Al-
though there are quite comfortable, neat courtyards with vine pergolas and expensive cars.
There are also new homes in 3-4 floors, with shops below.
The value of Kond is that it is a completely self-organized, handmade environment, with a
sense of contact, dense neighborhood links that exist between the inhabitants (Ivanov 2012a).

Figure 6. Kond. A typical living street. Photo by the author, 2011

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Figure 7. Kond. The building of former Persian mosque, converted into an apartment. Photo by the au-
thor, 2011

Mishel de Certeau in Les revenants de la ville speaks of phenomena such as Kond as islets
of resistance of the stubborn past: They stick in the middle of the modernist, massive, homo-
geneous city, as tips of the tongue that shows you the unknown, and possibly the unconscious.
They are amazing (De Certeau 1983).
A documentary Kond (1987) by the famous Armenian director Harutyun Khachatryan, was
largely built on the contrast perception of the area from the inside and outside from the balco-
nies of the high-rise hotel built for foreign tourists. Today the hotel Dvin, one of the examples
of Soviet modernism style architecture, is lifeless, and will probably be demolished, and Kond
is still living... What can be more sustainable? (Fig. 8)

Figure 8. Kond. Construction of new private houses and the vacant building of the Dvin Hotel (1978).
Photo by the author, 2011
4.6 Awareness rising projects
There are several examples of projects aimed at increasing public knowledge on urban and arc-
hitectural heritage of Yerevan.
These projects are carried out in the mainstream of modern approaches to the historical herit-
age, like informed conservation, community building, public-private partnerships establish-
ment, etc., and may contribute to the creation of prerequisites, or the mental framework to at
least engage most active and educated citizens into informed participation in heritage protection
and conservation.
For example, a site dedicated to the whole development and separate buildings of historic Ye-
revan (http://www.iatp.am/old_yerevan) gives encyclopedic descriptions of both preserved and
lost monuments of 19th early 20th century. The author of this project is the architectural histo-
rian Marietta Gasparyan.
Another example the Armenian Monuments Awareness Project
(http://www.armenianmonuments.org) aimed to increase awareness of Armenias historical, cul-
tural and natural monuments by creating and installing printed, multimedia and online presenta-
tions at selected sites.
The final goal of this project is to stimulate sustainable economic development that springs
from the cultural and touristic opportunities at Armenian monuments and destinations. So, most
of activities are disseminated all around Armenia, but some of multi-language, multiple media
interpretive displays, directional signage are also installed in the capital of Republic.
4.7 From virtual activity to real deals
Several online communities, social groups, NGOs have gone further than mere heritage inform-
ing. Their sites have focused on the implementation of actions to protect specific heritage sites
or certain people the owners of historic buildings affected by the arbitrariness of the authori-
ties and developers.
As an example one could mention the website of the non-governmental organization
www.sos.tsirani.am, which regularly reports about numerous problems and abuses that Yere-
vans architectural heritage faces day to day;
the ReArk team that is a think-tank engaged in research and diverse activities aimed towards
studying and solving various problems in Armenian architectural realm (http://reark.org);
public organization Victims of the state needs, which arose in the wave of protests of resi-
dents of the North Avenue construction site and areas of other major development projects,
which strongly disagreed with government decisions on the disposal of their property to public
domain (in fact to developers interests).
This NGO works to protect property of citizens of alienated territories, as well as to save the
historical and architectural monuments located there. The website has a map of Yerevan on
which all the alienated territories are marked, and numerous video and photo materials
(http://pkz.am in Armenian).
4.8 Public movement to protect the heritage sites
The house on the corner of the Abovyan and Arami streets is only 100 meters from the main,
grand square of Yerevan. This is a very humble, almost imperceptible historic structure. The
building is not among the listed monuments. But the buildings like this, which are living, fully
functioning, authentic, are too rare in todays Yerevan. (Fig. 9)
At the end of November 2011 the house was surrounded by a construction fence, which in
Yerevan means preparation to the rapid demolition. Youth urban activists with the support of
several NGOs, and part of the intelligentsia came to the defense of this building. Pickets, PR
campaigns, articles in newspapers and on the Internet were held.
As a result, the city authorities retreated, perhaps temporarily. They have decided not to touch
this little house, thereby preventing the prolongation of the Northern Avenue towards the main
square for at least one year.
Thus, this house, in the case of its conservation, could be a turning point in the activity for
protection of urban heritage in Yerevan.
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Figure 9. The house in Arami Street, 30 (right side of the picture). Photo by the author, 2011

Blogger Armen Davtyan wrote in the Facebooks group called Civilization of Yerevan: If
you listened to the songs that actual citizens of Yerevan sing, the young people who stand in
picket lines now, you would feel that, in contrast to Dubai or Moscow, residents of Yerevan are
not becoming the Babylonians. The city authorities have taught them for 20 years that all the
old has to break, and nothing is given in return. And people began to realize that that they are
deprived of the last thing they have their city.
5 WHAT TO DO? SOME OUTCOMES AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Having considered the problems and the actual processes that go with Yerevans urban heritage,
some important suggestions can be formulated.
There is a need to develop new, integrated understanding of Yerevan as a truly historic city,
the reversal of consciousness of all urban actors (government, business, society, active citizens)
towards the depth of their own history and the intangible environmental values, taking into ac-
count the world experience of successful solutions in the urban heritage conservation not con-
tradicting the development.
For todays Yerevan it is very important to expand the circle of decision makers with respect
to historic preservation, to legalize the grassroots activity of citizens, to form the coherent le-
gal framework for the emerged preservation from below.
Residents of Yerevan, burdened with countless experience of irrevocable environmental
losses, but having miraculously inherited some remnants of the real old town, are beginning to
realize and consciously maintain their real value.
In Yerevan, there are many individual active citizens and community organizations who are
already well informed about the value of heritage, and who do not want to put up with its de-
struction, with the denial of their civil rights to inherit the past of the city.
The revival of Old Yerevan could be sufficiently supported from below, and it is only ne-
cessary to create the legal and economic conditions for those who want to participate.
This requires an open public dialog between the city authorities and civil society organiza-
tions concerned about preserving the true legacy in Yerevan.
An approach that is appropriate to use in the preservation and renovation of all the genuine
remains of old Yerevan may be close to the one for which Jane Jacobs called half a century ago:
To get rid of slums, we should consider their residents as human beings, which they undoub-
tedly are, who are capable to realize their interests and act to implement them. We must recog-
nize, respect and use as a basis the forces of the revival that exist <> and obviously operate in
real cities (Jacobs 1961).
REFERENCES
De Certeau, M. 1983. Les revenants de la ville (Ghosts in the City) In Architecture intrieure/Cr 192-
93.
Jacobs, J. 1961. The Death and Life of Great American Cities. New York: Random House.
Ivanov, A. 2011 (in Russian with English abstract). Why Old Yerevan is not conserved and whether it can
be saved. In Development Perspectives and Preservation of the Intellectual Heritage of Architecture
and Urban Construction; Proc. intern. conf., Yerevan, 17-18 November 2011: 68-70. Yerevan: Nation-
al Museum-Institute of Architecture.
Ivanov, A. 2012a (in Russian). Northern Avenue leads to Kond. Essays on a Genius Loci. In Voice of
Armenia 12 (20225), 9 February 2012. Yerevan //
http://www.golosarmenii.am/ru/20225/society/16556/;
http://www.golosarmenii.am/ru/20225/society/16557/.
Ivanov, A. 2012b (in Russian). Yerevan: place of the scattered genius. In SPEECH 9. Moscow (to be
printed).
Mirzoyan, T. 2012 (in Russian). Old Yerevan in the center of capital. In Voice of Armenia 10 (20223),
4 February 2012. Yerevan // http://www.golosarmenii.am/ru/20223/society/16431/.
Sargsyan, Y. 2011. The role of historical buildings in the culture of the city // http://reark.org/articles-
entries/the-role-of-a-historical-monument-in-city-culture/.
Zakoyan, G., Sivaslian, M. & Navasardian, V. 2002. My Yerevan. Yerevan: ACNALIS.
Heritage 2012
1 CULTURE AND INTANGIBLE HERITAGE
Until recently, heritage management efforts generally focused on physical artifacts, tangible
property, monuments and sites but as Ahmad (2006) has so meticulously traced through time
and across borders, the scope of heritage has gradually expanded to include both environments
and intangible heritage. This broadening of the definition of heritage developed unevenly in
different places. In Australia, ICOMOS adopted an expanded definition of cultural heritage in
the 1970s which included place, cultural significance and fabric. UNESCO laid the
groundwork internationally in 1989 with the issuance of a Recommendation on the Safeguard-
ing of Traditional Culture and Folklore, but it was not until UNESCOs 2003 Convention for the
Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage that intangible heritage was formally recognized
as intrinsic part of cultural heritage. The 2003 convention defined intangible cultural heritage
as:
The practices, representations, expressions, knowledge, skillsas well as the instruments,
objects, artefacts and cultural spaces associated therewiththat communities, groups and, in
some cases, individuals recognise as part of their cultural heritage. This intangible cultural her-
itage, transmitted from generation to generation, is constantly recreated by communities and
groups in response to their environments, their interaction with nature and their history, and
provides them with a sense of identity and continuity, thus promoting respect for cultural diver-
sity and human creativity. (UNESCO, 2003, Article 2:2)
The cultural context in sustainable development: approaches and
resources to support the 4
th
pillar
J. Jacoby
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, Urbana, IL, USA
E. Cooper
Emory University, Atlanta, GA, USA
ABSTRACT: Sustainable development is often conceptualized as the interaction between three
overlapping spheres: environment, economy and society. More recently, culture has been pro-
posed to be an essential fourth pillar of sustainability (Hawkes, 2001; UNESCO, 2010). In this
formulation, culture is a vital component of sustainability, a powerful contributor to economic
development, social stability and environmental protection. As a repository of knowledge,
meanings and values that permeate all aspects of our lives, culture also defines the way human
beings live and interact both at local and global scales (UNESCO, 2010). Cultural diversity is
recognized as being just as essential to human well being as biological diversity is to a healthy
environment. Sustaining the diversity of local cultures and lifeways has thus become an essen-
tial componentthe 4
th
pillarof sustainable development. At the same time, intangible herit-
age is increasingly recognized as an essential part of heritage management alongside natural
heritage sites, monuments and other tangible manifestations of culture. In this paper, we ex-
plore the importance of the broader cultural context in sustainable heritage management and
provide an overview of the information resources available in online and digital repositories that
can help support a culturally-grounded approach. Gaps in the available resources will be high-
lighted in order to identify areas where cultural institutions should focus further efforts to de-
velop these types of collections.
Specifically, this includes traditions or living expressions inherited from our ancestors and
passed on to our descendants, such as oral traditions and expressions, including language as a
vehicle of the intangible cultural heritage; performing arts; social practices, rituals and festive
events; knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe; and traditional craftsman-
ship (UNESCO, 2003).
In many ways, the evolving scope of cultural heritage reflects the range of definitions of cul-
ture. In common parlance, culture is most often associated with forms of artistic expression
such as music and the artsthe high culture of great cities, museums and theaters. The other
commonly held view of culture sees it as something distant in time and place from our modern
experience, bound in tradition and rooted in the past. In this definition, culture is something re-
enacted in quaint folkloric performances for tourists or objectified in historic buildings or ar-
chaeological ruins. In anthropology, and in the sense intended in this discussion, culture is
deeper, more pervasive and more present. In this broader definition, culture is comprised of a
complex web of meanings, relationships, beliefs and values that frame peoples relationships to
the world (UNESCO, 2010). It involves all forms of expression, from the artistic to everyday,
and is manifested in the ways we walk, talk, and be in the world. Culture is inherently local,
and is rooted in a particular place and historical trajectory of a distinct people, but is developed
in interaction with other peoples and the global milieu. This more expansive definition of cul-
ture is largely coterminous with intangible heritage as defined in the 2003 UNESCO Conven-
tion, though some have pointed out that in practice the 2003 convention tends to foreground
manifestations of intangible heritage that can be seen, heard or touched and caution that we
must be mindful of this tendency to reify cultural processes (Kurin, 2004)
Moylan et al. (2009:448) conclude that intangible heritage has emerged worldwide as an
important part of heritage management, and will require extensive cultural heritage knowledge
to enable it to be identified, documented, evaluated, conserved and monitored. This paper pro-
vides an overview of the information resources available in online and digital repositories that
can help support a culturally grounded approach to heritage management. Gaps in the available
existing resources are highlighted in order to identify areas where cultural institutions should
focus further efforts to develop the information resources needed to support and document the
study and preservation of intangible cultural heritage.
2 CULTURAL HERITAGE AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
One of the most commonly cited definitions of sustainable development was presented in the
1987 Brundtland Report to the United Nations (United Nations General Assembly, 1987): Sus-
tainable development is development that meets the needs of the present without compromising
the ability of future generations to meet their own needs. Sustainability is often conceptualized
as the interaction between three overlapping spheres: environment, economy and society.
Some see the social and economic spheres as being embedded within the constraints of the car-
rying capacity of the environment (IUCN/UNEP/WWF, 1991), while others see the three as in-
teracting spheres that affect each other through mutual feedback loops. McKeown (2002) ex-
plains it thusly: If you consider the three to be overlapping circlesthe area of overlap in the
center is human well-being. As the environment, society, and economy become more aligned,
the area of overlap increases, and so does human well-being. This is an important corrective to
the tendency to reduce sustainability to a purely environmental issue that can be addressed
through technical or economic solutions alone. As Drexhage and Murphy (2010) note, While
sustainable development is intended to encompass three pillars, over the past 20 years it has of-
ten been compartmentalized as an environmental issue. Added to this, and potentially more lim-
iting for the sustainable development agenda, is the reigning orientation of development as
purely economic growth. Indeed, the development communitys focus on a Western concep-
tion of economic growth as its overriding goal has long been seen as problematic (Escobar,
1995).
More recently, the idea that the cultural dimension is an essential fourth pillar of sustainabil-
ity has taken hold in both the sustainable development and cultural heritage communities.
Hawkes (2001) argues that Cultural vitality is as essential to a healthy and sustainable society
as social equity, environmental responsibility and economic viability. Likewise, the United
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Cities and Local Governments Agenda 21 <http://www.agenda21culture net/> asserts that the
protection, promotion and maintenance of cultural diversity are an essential requirement for sus-
tainable development for the benefit of present and future generations and has proposed to
make culture an organizing principle for the 2012 United Nations Conference on Sustainable
Development in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. The preservation and maintenance of cultural diversity
is thus increasingly recognized as a fundamental good and a common right, as essential to hu-
man well being as biological diversity is essential to a healthy environment. As a recent
UNESCO (2010) publication asserts Culture, in all its dimensions, is a fundamental component
of sustainable development.a powerful contributor to economic development, social stability
and environmental protection. As a repository of knowledge, meanings and values that permeate
all aspects of our lives, culture also defines the way human beings live and interact both at local
and global scales. Sustaining the diversity of local cultures and lifeways, as a repository of
meaning and knowledge, thus becomes a goal in itself, and the maintenance of distinct cultures
is recognized as being inextricably tied to the preservation of our tangible and biological herit-
age.
There is considerable evidence that approaches to heritage or development work that are not
supported by the surrounding communities will not be successful and there are many stories
about heritage sites whose success is marred by misunderstandings or outright antagonism with
local community members (McShane & Wells, 2004; Bassi, 2003; Escobar, 1995; Kottak, 1991;
Uphoff, 1991). For any project to be sustainable, it must articulate in meaningful ways with the
beliefs and practices of the surrounding community and on some level be incorporated into local
way of life. As a recent IUCN guide to sustainable management of tourism in World Heritage
sites explains diversity in these sites is not limited to their physical features, but also encom-
passes an inseparable human componentthere are many stakeholders in World Heritage Sites:
Local communities, traditional owners and custodians of these places have very strong cultural
connections (Borges, 2011:3).
Based on an in-depth review of 68 development projects as a consultant for the World Bank,
anthropologist Conrad Phillip Kottak (1990:724) notes the importance of the cultural dimen-
sion: successful projects respected, or at least did not work in opposition to, local cultural
patterns [and] incorporated indigenous cultural practices and social structures. In contrast,
as he goes on to observe that Many project incompatibilities have arisen from inadequate atten-
tion to, and consequent lack of fit with, existing sociocultural conditions. Just one example of
the many naive and socioculturally incompatible projects Kottak analyzed was an irrigation
and settlement scheme in East Africa:
Traditional land rights were ignored. The herders territory was to be used for new commer-
cial farms, and the pastoralists converted into small farmers. This project was designed to bene-
fit not the herders, but wealthy commercial farmers the pastoralists were expected to give up
a generations-old way of life in order to work three times harder growing rice and picking cot-
ton for bosses.
Until recently, these sort of displacements were common when setting up a park or protected
area since, as Borrini-Feyerabend et al (2004) explain Conventional protected area approaches
dominant over the past 100 to 150 years have tended to see people and nature as separate enti-
ties, often requiring the exclusion of human communities from areas of interest, prohibiting
their use of natural resources and seeing their concerns as incompatible with conservation.
This, thankfully, is changing and involving communities as stewards and decision-makers is
recognized as an asset rather than a liability. Environmental and cultural heritage are increasing-
ly recognized as inextricably intertwined.
While it seems self-evident that an approach to heritage management and preservation that
recognizes the centrality of intangible cultural heritage is unlikely to overlook key sociocultural
dynamics, it is nonetheless important to be cognizant of these pitfalls and develop a systematic
approach to ensuring that a more nuanced understanding of the local situation. Kottak (1991)
recommends a process that starts with background research and continues with direct field ob-
servation and community participation during all stages of project development and follow-up
assessment. Australia Heritage Division (2004) outlines a similar approach of participatory
planning grounded in an understanding of the sociocultural, economic and historical context of
the site, and Borrini-Feyerabend et al (2004) also provides an excellent framework for establish-
ing meaningful collaborations with local communities.
3 RESOURCES FOR CULTURALLY-GROUNDED SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
Understanding local culture and practices is important to successful sustainable development
and heritage preservation programs, and it is important for anyone who wants to be successful
in this sort of work to become familiar with the local practices, social structures, and priorities
of the group with which they are working (Jacoby and Cooper, 2011). This is true not only for
outsiders working in a new environment, but also for insiders who need to be consciously aware
of the structures and systems in place in their own culture in order to successfully integrate new
ideas and strategies into the existing order. It is also relevant to local populations that want to be
able to preserve and access their own traditional knowledge in the future.
In this section we will provide examples of resources for finding and using culturally ground-
ed information for background research to supplement and prepare for direct, participatory en-
gagement with communities onsite. Our focus will be on key online resources providing cultur-
ally grounded information that are freely available on the Internet, although several key sub-
scription resources will also be noted. The resources that we will highlight include: ethno-
graphic resources, research generated by developing countries, local news (sources of local
voices), and indigenous knowledge. Other sources of information that can also be useful to un-
derstand local context include spatial information, historical information, travelogues, films,
music and folklore (Chambers, 1991; Uphoff, 1991). The resources detailed below are key illus-
trative examples, not an exhaustive list.
3.1 Ethnographic Literature
Cultural anthropologists study cultural variation among humans and have a tradition of analyz-
ing and documenting cultural practices by writing ethnographies. Ethnographies are first-hand,
descriptive written accounts (usually a book or an article), produced through participant obser-
vation of a particular culture or group. Ethnographies are some of the most useful published
works available about local cultural practices. The information they provide is often invaluable
and difficult to obtain from other sources. Accessing the anthropological literature and finding
ethnographies can be somewhat challenging, as they are often not labeled as such. Some re-
sources for finding ethnographies include article indexes as well as websites that focus on a spe-
cific culture:
Royal Anthropological Institutes (RAI) Anthropological Index Online (AIO)
http://aio.anthropology.org.uk/aio/ (free, depending on specific conditions) An index
to the anthropological literature from 770 anthropology journals in 40 languages held
in The Centre for Anthropology Library at the British Museum. Many ethnographies
are indexed, including those from outside the West.
The Virtual Institute of Mambila Studies http://lucy.ukc.ac.uk/dz/ - website developed
by researchers interested in a specific culture/group that provide links to ethnographic
articles and information about cultural groups and related topics
3.1.1 Online book collections
WORLDCAT http://www.worldcat.org/ A database of the holdings of thousands of librar-
ies worldwide.
HATHI Trust http://www.hathitrust.org/ A database of of digitized library books. De-
pending on copyright status and whether your Library was a contributor, some books will
be available full-text while others will be searchable but not available for full-text view-
ing.
Google Books http://books.google.com/ A database of full text books and books that are
searchable but not available for full-text viewing.
These resources allow you to search many library collections and books at once and can help
you identify ethnographic monographs and films. If the full-text of the book is not available
online, you may be able to obtain the book from your local library or through interlibrary loan.
Because the term ethnography is not an official Library of Congress Subject Heading it
will not be a useful search term in a library catalog unless it is included in an items title, table
of contents or text (in the later case it may just be a random word in the text, resulting in a false
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positive). Often there is no indication in the bibliographic record that an item is an ethnogra-
phy. To identify ethnographic works, it is best to search keywords for your culture/region and
topic with the word ethnography and then look through the records for items that might be
ethnographies. Another useful approach is to identify key anthropologists working in the area
and work from the works cited in their recent publications to identify key sources.
3.1.2 Subscription resources
eHRAF Human Relations Area Files http://www.yale.edu/hraf/ collections.htm full text
ethnographies, coded and searchable by culture group, region and topic.
Countries and their Cultures (Ember & Ember, 2001) A 4-volume encyclopedia, availa-
ble as online subscription and in print, that provides overviews of various culture groups
and their practices; good for getting an understanding of a group with which you are not
very familiar.
Various area studies databases these provide access to the scholarly literature about a re-
gion. Many will include articles with an ethnographic approach or articles by researchers
from a country/region. Examples include: HAPI (Latin America), Index Islamicus
(countries in the Islamic world), Bibliography of Asian Studies (Asia). Most regions have
a database that indexes the literature related to that area.
Ethnographic Video Online http://alexanderstreet.com/products/ethnographic-video-online
online streaming ethnographic films and documentaries. However, you can also search
your local library for films about the culture you wish to learn about.
3.2 Research Generated by Developing Countries
Research and reports generated by non-Western researchers and institutions also provide insight
on local culture. This research can demonstrate the issues that local institutions and cultures
consider priorities, document work that has been done in these areas, and provide a perspective
on issues that research by non-locals cannot. However as Gray (2010) writes, research generat-
ed in developing countries is often marginalized and difficult to access. It is not part of the
global Norths commercial scholarly publishing culture and therefore is not included in the ma-
jor research journals and indexes published there. One reason for this is that in many develop-
ing countries, the primary research output is technical reports, policy papers, and other modes of
dissemination that are not included in the global Norths hierarchy of valued research output
(i.e. ranked scholarly journals). Gray also recounts the editor of Lancet (a highly ranked aca-
demic journal) describing how if he chose to publish African authors this might reduce the ci-
tation impact of his journal. The most cited articles in medical journals are studies of ran-
domised trials from rich countries and if he published African authors, these articles would
score fewer citations. The Lancet editor goes on to lament that the current system creates in-
centives to marginalize the very research that could have the biggest impact on the parts of the
world that need it most.
As Gray notes, several groups have been working to remedy this situation and rebalance the
scholarly publishing models that currently marginalize and undervalue research generated in
developing countries. Examples of some of the major portals to research articles and reposito-
ries produced in the developing world that aim to remedy this situation include:
SciELO (Scientific Electronic Library Online) http://www.scielo.org/index.php?lang=en
Developed for meeting the needs of scientific communication in the developing
world, especially Latin America and the Caribbean, with the aim to improve access to
this literature. An excellent open access full-text database of approximately 900 jour-
nals on a wide range of multidisciplinary subjects, with searching in English, Spanish
and Portuguese. This portal fulfills a need not met by other resources which focus on
the literature of the West, and Its citation impact measures are quite impressive. Over-
all, this is one of the most comprehensive, well-organized, and easy to use open access
databases available.
OpenDOAR (The Directory of Open Access Repositories)
http://www.opendoar.org/index html -- A directory of open access academic reposito-
ries that include electronic theses and dissertations (ETDs) as well as faculty and insti-
tutional publications. Allows you to identity repositories from countries in which you
have an interest, e.g. 30+ African repositories are included, and search the repositories
content. However, OpenDOAR is limited to the number of repositories that register
with it and there are many repositories in developing countries that are not included.
To find other useful repositories you will need to search the Internet.
Websites of local research institutions are also useful, for example,:
KIPPRA (Kenya Institute for Public Policy Research and Analysis)
http://www.kippra.org/ Provides full text of reports, occasional papers and working
papers written by the institute (look under the resources tab for publications and da-
tasets). KIPRA is not included in OpenDOAR which demonstrates the need to sup-
plement aggregator sites like OpenDOAR with an exhaustive search on the Internet to
in order to identify all relevant research from a specific country.
3.3 Local News/Local Voices
Another way to gain insight into local culture and an understanding of local perspectives on is-
sues is to read the local news and blogs generated in a country. Some examples of resources
that help the researcher to identify and access this information, especially if you do not speak
the local language, are listed below.
Global Voices http://globalvoicesonline.org/ An international community of bloggers
and translators who report on blogs and citizen media from around the world.
Al-Bab, Best of the Arab Blogs http://www.al-bab.com/arab/blogs htm English lan-
guage blogs from around the Arab World (edited by the Guardians Middle East Edi-
tor).
AllAfrica.com http://allafrica.com/ (register to access current news; subscribe for ar-
chives/advanced search) Aggregates news sources from around Africa.
Subscription news sources There are numerous subscription news sources, examples
include Access World News (from NewsBank) which provides full-text information
and perspectives from over 700 international sources and Latin American Newsstand
(from Proquest) which includes recent issues of 41 Central and South American news-
papers.
3.4 Indigenous Knowledge
The United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) defines indigenous knowledge [IK] as
the knowledge that [a local] community accumulates over generations of living in a particu-
lar environment. [it] encompasses all forms of knowledge technologies, know-how skills,
practices and beliefs that enable the community to achieve stable livelihoods in their environ-
ment. The World Bank Group adds that it is tacit knowledge and therefore difficult to codify,
embedded in community practices, institutions, relationships and rituals and is commonly
held by communities rather than individuals. Indigenous knowledge is disappearing due to
many factors such as the encroachment of modernization, the loss of elders, and the significant
decline in emphasis on transmission of this knowledge to younger generations (IFLA, 2002). IK
is important to the groups from which the knowledge originates, as well as for the rest of the
world. Moylan et al. (2009) describe a recent project with a deeply collaborative approach to
documenting indigenous knowledge that demonstrates this intrinsic and extrinsic value. Their
Cultural Landscape Atlas involved working with local communities to map the entwined cultur-
al and environmental histories of Culgoa National Park. The maps created document the mean-
ings the landscape has for local indigenous and settler communities, provide a valuable resource
for park managers and staff, and provide a richer experience for visitors to the area.
Although there are some websites that provide access to IK itself, most are overviews to IK
in general. Actual documented IK can be difficult to gain access to. This is for a variety of rea-
sons including intellectual property issues. Some examples of IK websites include:
WIPO Portal of Online Databases and Registries of Traditional Knowledge and Genetic
Resources http://www.wipo.int/tk/en/databases/tkportal/
Heritage 2012
Convention on Biological Diversity, Traditional Knowledge Information Portal
http://www.cbd.int/tk/about.shtml As stated on its website, does not provide or
document traditional knowledge per se [but] focus[es on] information relevant to
and about traditional knowledge.
UNESCO Natural Sciences Indigenous Peoples http://www.unesco.org/new/en/natural-
sciences/priority-areas/ Includes a section with links to information about different
projects, books etc. related to IK but is not a portal into the actual IK itself.
Russian Association of Indigenous Peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East: IK in
Disaster Management http://www raipon.org/ikdm/ Documents how indigenous
people manage natural disasters. Includes database of transcripts of interviews and
provides researchers access to the actual data gathered. Although it provides excellent
information, the database is still very small.
3.5 General Development Resources
There are many excellent websites that gather development related information. However, as
our focus is on culturally grounded development resources, we will only touch on a few of the
key general resources that will, by their inclusive nature, also include culturally grounded in-
formation. Most of these have sections that are organized by region or country and therefore
may provide some access to a local perspective. The University of Sussex, Institute of Devel-
opment Studies (IDS) supports two major online initiatives that provide information to devel-
opment practitioners and students. They are two of the best development related online re-
sources available:
BLDS (British Library of Development Studies) http://blds.ids.ac.uk/ Europe's largest
research collection on economic and social issues in developing countries. The Sub-
ject Guides (which includes topics like tourism and identity) and Country Pro-
files link to searches in the BLDS library catalog that help identify useful
books/articles you can request from your library. Many local/regional sources are in-
cluded.
ELDIS http://www.eldis.org/ Provides access to a broad range of reports and other
publications on research, policy and practice from over 7500 development organiza-
tions many generated from organizations within the country studied; organized by
country and topic.
3.5.1 Gateways to regional development NGOs.
Gateways that bring together links to NGOs operating in a particular region can help provide a
local perspective to issues and related projects in a country. They can also be useful for identi-
fying potential partners, key stakeholders, and other organizations working on similar projects.
Two examples include:
Propoor http://www.propoor.org/ Web portal that provides information, resources and
news about development work in South Asia; links thousands of NGOS across South
Asia allowing them to share information.
CHOIKE http://www.choike.org/ NGO directory portal dedicated to improving the
visibility of the work done by NGOs and social movements from the South. A selec-
tion of materials produced by NGOs including in-depth reports on key issues, high-
lighting the position adopted by civil society on these issues.
3.5.2 Subscription resources
PAIS International (Public Affairs Information Service)
http://www.csa.com/ factsheets/ pais-set-c.php
CIAO (Columbia International Affairs Online) http://www.ciaonet.org/
These two subscription databases provide access to articles, books, reports and grey litera-
ture from international governmental and non-governmental organizations and research
institutes, including those from developing countries, and include information related to
development and public policy. Although they are not free, they provide access to some
materials that may be difficult to find elsewhere.
4 REVIEW OF GAPS AND AREAS WHERE LIBRARIES AND OTHER CULTURAL
INSTITUTIONS SHOULD FOCUS FURTHER EFFORTS
Although websites and portals that provide access to information about specific projects policy,
news, and research continue to proliferate, there are still many gaps in the culturally-grounded
information that is available. First, there are problems with uneven quality. Many sites have
broken links, are poorly organized, and/or have a limited amount of content. These problems
arise for various reasons. Sometimes an organization loses momentum and never develops or
maintains their site. In other cases, the portal has a very narrow focus and is only intended to
provide access to a limited amount of content.
Sites with a narrow focus can be problematic in that they scatter resources and focus and lead
to a diffuse information landscape, where information is not linked to related resources and is
therefore difficult to discover. This can be frustrating to researchers and makes doing research
time consuming and inefficient, as many sources may be overlooked. This is why projects like
OpenDOAR are so important they help link small organizations and provide wider access to
their content. Additionally, small sites with limited content may waste energy re-inventing the
wheel, expending resources to create infrastructure for their content when their resources might
be better spent in other ways (i.e., getting more content online). This problem reflects a trend in
which several groups or funding agencies tackle the same problem with varying degrees of suc-
cess, scattering limited resources among competing initiatives. Initiatives such as SciELO are
key to helping resolve this issue. SciELO is well organized, easy to use, and already has a great
deal of content related to research originating in Latin America and the Caribbean. Helping to
build and expand a program like SciELOs would be preferable to trying to start similar separate
initiatives.
An area where libraries have played a central role is expanding access to theses and disserta-
tions in electronic format (ETDs). Theses and dissertations are key resources from developing
countries and their content is currently extremely difficult to access offsite. Although online
open access to theses and dissertations is new even in developed countries, the need for in de-
veloping countries is particularly acute as ETDs provide a window to researchers around the
world on the important work being done in the developing world. There are currently projects
in South Africa and other countries to digitize and provide access to ETDs, but working to ex-
pand similar programs and link them (e.g. through OpenDOAR) so that their content is not iso-
lated should be a priority.
Another problematic area relates to finding and utilizing indigenous knowledge [IK]. The
United Nations, International Federation of Library Associations (IFLA) and other organiza-
tions have been working to preserve indigenous knowledge, especially in an online format. Alt-
hough there are a number of online IK portals, very few of them actually provide access to IK.
Most provide an overview of IK in general, describe their past IK related projects, or provide
very limited information. Once again, we see the problem of the unfinished project or small,
scattered projects. In addition, much of the work done with indigenous knowledge is not online
as the Internet is not the preferred method of access by local people. As Lwoga, Ngulube and
Stillman (2010) wrote in their study of the transmission of IK in Tanzania, farmers are more
likely to continue using face-to-face communication and probably radio and cell phones, while
other advanced ICT, such as the Internet and email, will have low use.On the whole it is im-
portant to adapt and apply KM [knowledge management] approaches to manage IK and inte-
grate it with other knowledge systems in the local communities. Therefore, although an online
format would help to preserve IK and make it available to the world, currently, for those in the
developing world, other forms of preservation and dissemination are more important. Many
studies have shown that IK is disseminated more efficiently among local populations through
personal networks and with some assistance from intermediaries such as extension officers.
This also means that for researchers interested in accessing IK in a specific locale, it may be
necessary to go to these areas and work with local organizations to access this information.
Heritage 2012
Some of the sources detailed above are available only to subscribers or to individuals affiliat-
ed with institutions who have licensed access to that resources. These sources are not available
to professionals that are not affiliated with institutions that subscribe to these resources. Making
more cultural information freely available online, as with many of the ETD projects, gateways
like SCiELO and, potentially, more robust IK repositories, would ensure that this vital infor-
mation can be accessed by all researchers and communities.
More generally, one of the most difficult issues related to using any of the information de-
scribed in this paper is finding it. Unless one has a background in researching cultural infor-
mation regularly, it can very difficult to know where to begin or what types of resources may be
available. A more concerted effort to bring together the diverse resources available could great-
ly benefit heritage and development professionals.
5 CONCLUSION
Heritage professionals, local communities, and the success of heritage projects themselves can
greatly benefit from incorporating information related to the cultural context into heritage work.
In this paper, we have provided some examples of the types of resources heritage professionals
may use to gain a local cultural perspective and we have identified some issues related to these
resources and gaps in their coverage. The goal here is to 1) demonstrate the importance of her-
itage professionals regularly including cultural research and a cultural perspective in their work,
and 2) to outline specific steps and approaches to make it easier to find relevant cultural infor-
mation.
Often, research into the local culture is not built in a heritage project (McShane & Wells,
2004; Bassi, 2003). The question the profession must ask itself is how to make this type of re-
search structurally part of all heritage work. Recent steps in this direction include Australia Her-
itage Divisions (2004) guidelines for participatory project planning grounded in an understand-
ing of the sociocultural, economic and historical context of the site. Borrini-Feyerabend et al
(2004) also provide a model for an approach to cultural heritage documentation based in a deep
appreciation of local ways of knowing and understanding. Even those heritage professionals
who would like to incorporate this type of information into their research and may know where
to begin will face some of the challenges outlined above when trying to identify relevant, timely
information. As anthropology librarians we have seen how students and researchers often strug-
gle to find this kind of information, especially if they are new to the field (Jacoby and Cooper,
2011). Hopefully the resources identified above will provide some useful starting points for
background research, while the review of gaps and areas needing further development will serve
as starting points for thinking about how we can make this information landscape easier to navi-
gate and more richly populated.
At the other end of the information lifecycle, where information is created and disseminated
rather than researched and consulted, focused attention to the ongoing documentation of cultural
heritage is essential to sustaining cultural vitality and diversity. Smithsonian Institutions Re-
covering Voices program provides a good example of the possibilities here. Since 2009, Re-
covering Voices has been working in partnership with local communities to record, share and
preserve information about endangered languages and knowledge. These types of partnerships
between major cultural institutions, researchers, and local communities are the bedrock to an
approach to cultural heritage that can sustain the richness of our current lived environment.
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1 INTRODUCTION
The first sentence of the entry on Dorset in The Oxford Companion to British History (Can-
non(ed.) 1997:302) notes that Dorset is one of the oldest and most beautiful shires. However,
having acknowledged the heritage potential of the countys landscapes on the basis of history
and aesthetics, the Companion continues in a very different vein, as follows:

But it has been so immortalized in the novels of Thomas Hardy that to many
people it is bet ter known in fiction than in fact the land of Tess and of Gabriel
Oak, of Giles Winterbourne and Marty South, of Eustachia Vye, the reddleman and
Michael Henchard trapped in time where Mrs. Yeobright sits dying on Egdon
Heath and the effigy of Henchard swirls round and round the weir-pond outside
Casterbridge.

In spatial terms, Hardys novels were set in South West England, an area which he fictiona-
lised as Wessex by changing nothing but the place names. Thus Dorset (the most common
setting for his novels) became South Wessex and its county town of Dorchester became Cas-
terbridge and so on. Although they were largely written in the late nineteenth century, the no-
vels characteristically portrayed mid nineteenth century English rural life as it was observed and
Literary Heritage or National Heritage? Landscape Preservation
and Change in Dorset
R. Jones
Curtin University, Perth, Western Australia
T. Dolin
Department of Communication and Cultural Studies, Curtin University, Perth, Western Australia
ABSTRACT: The largely rural landscape of Dorset is widely seen as being essentially and tra-
ditionally English. In part, this perception has been entrenched in the public mind by the late
nineteenth and early twentieth century writings of Thomas Hardy and, in more recent years, by
numerous film and television adaptations of his works. In an unrelated but in some ways paral-
lel development, the Prince of Wales has encouraged the development of a present day version
of a traditional English village at Poundbury on the outskirts of the county town of Dorchester
(Hardys Casterbridge). In this presentation, I argue that the surface features of past landscapes
are often preserved or even recreated for contemporary purposes that have little to do with the
(often agricultural) functions for which these landscape features were first devised and more to
do with contemporary visions of heritage and even nationalism. This will be illustrated through
the results of a survey of tourists at a variety of Hardy-related sites in and around Dorchester
which considered the extent to which they sought and/or found rural landscapes which they
could relate to Hardys works. It will also consider the landscape of Poundbury, which has been
developed as an idealisation of a traditional English village. Under the theme of heritage and
sustainable development the paper will consider whether heritage(s) is/are being sustained, re-
tained, transformed or creatively destroyed by literary tourism and royal property development
in and around Dorchester.
remembered by Hardy from his childhood in a small village just outside Dorchester. This was a
critical period in English history, as Short (2005:177) notes in his evaluation of Hardys novels:

He gives us a picture of the countryside in transition, a rural region rich in local
ways and customs, being incorporated into a metropolitan society with national
codes and standardised life styles. He is, in effect, describing the death throes of an
authentically different rural society.

Hardy, at the time he was writing, was, unsentimentally, describing the upheavals in the Dor-
set economy, society and landscape that came about as the industrial revolution took hold in
Britain and as the coming of the railways ended both the isolation and, in many ways, also the
distinctiveness of the English rural regions. Many twentieth and twenty first century readers of
his novels and viewers of their frequent television and film adaptations - however, would ap-
pear to agree with the Oxford Companions view that Hardys Wessex novels depict a bygone
rural England, an England, furthermore, that these readers and viewers can idealise and view
with nostalgia. Significantly, as Selwyn (1996) argues in The Tourist Image: Myths and Myth
Making in Tourism, many will aspire to find, in the locations where the novels were set, at the
very least, echoes and, ideally, tangible evidence of Hardys Wessex.
The main intent of this paper is therefore to consider whether such echoes are still to be found
in and around Dorchester/Casterbridge which is, arguably, the epicentre of Hardys fictional
world. It will present some results from a survey, undertaken in 2009, of tourists at several
Hardy-related sites in Dorchester and in Lower Bockhampton, his birthplace. The survey sought
to identify the extent to which Hardy was a factor in their visits to the area and whether they
could relate the contemporary Dorset landscapes to the narratives and the settings of Hardys
work.
However, since the broader theme of this paper is the preservation of aspects of a Hardyesque
past into Dorsets/Dorchesters present, some attention must be paid to a major local develop-
ment which, although it does not specifically reference Hardy and his work, also aspires to per-
petuate, if not to re-create, traditional English landscape ideals. Poundbury is a major suburban
development on the western edge of Dorchester. What makes it both distinctive and relevant to
this paper is that this development is occurring on former farmland owned by the Prince of
Wales in his capacity as the Duke of Cornwall and that it is being undertaken in accordance
with the Princes views on modern architecture and on environmental and planning issues more
widely (HRH the Prince of Wales, 1989). The development of Poundbury is deliberately in-
tended to be strongly reminiscent of the village and small town landscapes of Dorset immedi-
ately prior to the industrial revolution and therefore of the village and townscapes, if not the ru-
ral landscapes, of Hardys Wessex.
While both the Hardy (tourist) industry and the Prince of Wales suburban development are
idiosyncratic events, they are both examples of a much wider valorisation of the pre industrial
past which figures strongly in the heritages and the imaginaries, not only of England but of
many other nations. The conclusion of this paper will therefore consider both of these phenom-
ena as examples of a much wider heritage movement that is, perhaps, particularly characteristic
of villages, small towns and their surrounding countrysides in long settled and economically
developed countries.
2 HARDY COUNTRY/HARDY TOURISM
The impact of Thomas Hardy and his literary work on contemporary Dorchester and its sur-
rounds is immediately apparent. As the towns and, arguably, the countys most famous son, his
statue looks down on Dorchesters main street from a site known locally as the top of the
town. Further along this street, in the town centre, the Dorset County Museum features a Tho-
mas Hardy Gallery which includes a replica of his study and extensive references, frequently
topographic, to his Wessex novels. The Barclays Bank branch which dominates a pedestrian-
ised town centre shopping street, is both an imposing nineteenth century building and clearly,
from a number of textual references, the model for the residence of one of Hardys most famous
fictional characters, the Mayor of Casterbridge. Its walls are therefore graced with both an
Heritage 2012
automatic cash dispenser and the characteristic round blue plaque which, in Britain at least, al-
ways denotes an important cultural heritage association.
Many businesses in the town have adopted trading names capitalising on Hardy and his
works. Some of these are obviously related to the tourist industry, such as the Casterbridge Bed
and Breakfast. Others, such as Casterbridge Mortgages, are not; and others again, such as
Greenwood Carpets, may or may not be trading on the Hardy legend regardless of whether any
local customers or Hardy tourists choose to see any association between this business and his
novel, Under the Greenwood Tree.
On the edge of the town and extending ca. five kilometres to its east are several sites of what
might be termed Hardy pilgrimage. Max Gate is the impressive suburban house that Hardy de-
signed (he was an architect by training) and in which he lived from 1885, after he became a suc-
cessful man of letters, until his death in 1928. It stands in considerable contrast to the much
more humble thatched cottage by an unsurfaced country lane in Lower Bockhampton, where he
was born in 1840 and in which he spent his childhood. Between these two residences lies the
church at Stinsford. This is the church that Hardy attended as a boy and, while his ashes lie in
Poets Corner in Westminster Abbey, he requested that his heart be buried in its churchyard
alongside the graves of his first wife and other family members.
Hardy first attained popular success with Under the Greenwood Tree, which was first pub-
lished in 1872, and, almost immediately, interested readers began to visit the sites where the
novels were set, particularly after Osgood McIlvaines collected edition of the novels (with
commissioned landscape drawings on their engraved frontispieces) came out in 1895 and Mac-
millans Wessex edition of the novels appeared in 1912. During this period several books and
guides to Hardys Wessex appeared and the famous Wessex map, which contained both fic-
tional and actual place names, obviously assisted early literary tourists in identifying the loca-
tions of scenes from his novels. This process was further assisted by a series of tour pamphlets
produced by the Thomas Hardy Society in the 1970s which, novel by novel, provided maps and
itineraries for walks and car tours to all of these works identifiable locations.
In 1994 several tourist, heritage and local government organisations combined to establish
the Hardy Trail. This consisted of an Inner and an Outer Tour. The inner loop included Dor-
chester, Stinsford and Lower Bockhampton and was entirely within 15 kilometres of Dorches-
ter. The Outer Tour was considerably longer taking in much of Dorset and extending beyond it
to such tourist centres as Bournemouth and Salisbury. While most of the 38 pages of documen-
tation on the Trail focus on Hardy and on the settings of his novels, they also include informa-
tion on Accommodation and Refreshment Along the Trail and on Tempting Diversions. A
2006 publication by the West Dorset Council and the Thomas Hardy Society depicts a modified
Hardy Trail, taking in parts of both the inner and outer tours, but remaining entirely within the
West Dorset District. It also provides information on the locations used in several recent and not
so recent film and television adaptations of Hardys works, extending back to the classic Alan
Bates and Julie Christie Far from the Madding Crowd made in 1967.
By the early 21
st
century, therefore, a mature Hardy tourism industry had developed which
was attracting considerable numbers of visitors to the area. Many of these viewed Hardys
works as a major contribution to Englands literary heritage and, perhaps more arguably, they
were seeking, over a century after the novels were written and a century and a half after they
were set, a landscape and even a national heritage that they could associate with Hardys works.
3 THE HARDY SURVEYS
To examine some of the relationships between Hardys work and the contemporary Dorset land-
scape, at least in the minds of tourists visiting various Hardy sites, two surveys were conducted
in and around Dorchester in the summer of 2009. While the main survey was of tourists visiting
any one of: Max Gate; Lower Bockhampton; the Hardy Gallery at the County Museum; or the
Dorchester Visitor Centre, which offers a considerable amount of information to Hardy tourists,
it is helpful to place these responses in the context of the views obtained from a survey of local
residents. The local residents were surveyed at the Dorchester County Library and, while this
sample may be somewhat skewed with regard to class/education and, possibly, their age struc-
ture, they do provide an indication of the views of the local reading public on the contempo-
rary relevance, significance and value of both Hardy and Hardy tourism to Dorchester. The find-
ings of the residents survey are summarised in Table 1 below:

Table 1. Local Residents (n=140) % agree/strongly agree
Hardy is important to Dorsets heritage 96.4%
Hardy is important to their own heritage 48.9%
Hardy is important to the tourist industry 97.2%
Tourists can still experience Dorset as in Hardys Day 58%
Tourists are well informed about Hardy 55.2%
Tourist numbers grow after film/TV exposure 89.3%
Dorset should grow its tourist industry 82%
(Source: Local Survey, 2009)

The discrepancy between the first two figures is notable. Fewer than half of the local resi-
dents, and indeed half of the local library patrons, feel any personal heritage link to Hardy and
his work yet, overwhelmingly, they do see Hardy as being important to the heritage of Dorset
(whatever they choose to mean by Dorset in this context) and virtually all of them acknowledge
Hardys importance to the local tourist industry. It is unsurprising that there was strong support
for the growth of Dorsets tourist industry, given its contribution to local income and employ-
ment, particularly at a time of financial crisis. Elsewhere in the survey, respondents were given
the open ended opportunity to identify local problems resulting from the growth of tourism.
Very few respondents nominated anything other than (largely seasonal) traffic congestion. The
fact that most local residents perceived an increase in tourist numbers following a successful
Hardy film or television adaptation while very few tourists nominated such productions as the
reason for their visit is perhaps more entertaining than informative. More relevant to the theme
of this paper, however, are the final two statistics. A majority (albeit not a large one) of the local
respondents felt that, not only did the Hardy tourists arrive in Dorset with a good knowledge
of Hardys works but that, with this as their grounding, they could still experience elements of
Hardys Wessex in the contemporary landscape.
These findings help to place in context the responses of the tourists which are summarised in
Table 2 below:

Table 2. Tourist Survey (n=188)

Have some/primary interest in Hardy 50%
Lived outside Dorset 85.1%
Had read Hardys novels 73.9%
Had seen film/TV adaptations of Hardys work 86.4%
Had visited other literary tourism sites 71.7%
Considered Hardy to be very important/important/fairly important to their visit to Dor-
set 48.5%

(Source. Local Survey 2009.)

While most of the respondents had been literary tourists elsewhere and had some familiarity
with Hardys work, even at these Hardy tourist sites only about half could be considered to be
true Hardy tourists in that the author and his works were significant motivators of their visit.
It was the views of these Hardy motivated tourists on the relationships between the contempo-
rary Dorset landscape and Hardys oeuvre that were of most relevance to this project and this
subset of tourists were therefore asked to respond to a further set of questions. Their replies are
summarised in Table 3 below:

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Table 3. The Views of Hardy Tourists (n=73)

Intend to make further visits 82.3%
Feel that the area is strongly associated with Hardy 92.7%
Consider that the local landscape enables them to better understand Hardys work
86.4%
Locations that over 50% associate with Hardy: agricultural landscapes; villages, pubs
and lanes; churches/churchyards; Hardys houses; Dorchester (Casterbridge)
Words selected to describe Hardys work (n =286): Tradition 29%; Englishness 28.3%;
Timelessness 19.2%; change 8.4%; modernity 2.1%

(Source. Local Survey, 2009)

Overall these results indicate that these Hardy tourists share the views of The Oxford Com-
panion to English History rather than those of Short. They see Hardys work as trapped in
time and, more specifically, as trapped in an unchanging, pre-industrial time that is more quin-
tessentially English than is the present day. Furthermore, they see a landscape which they can
not merely associate with what they have read and seen in Hardys works, but one which is still,
in their eyes, sufficiently in tune with the landscapes and the time about which Hardy was writ-
ing that it enhances their understandings of his work. It is not surprising that they can do so in
locations that have not changed greatly (at least in form) since Hardys day, such as his houses
or the churches and churchyards. That the twenty first century mechanised agricultural land-
scapes of Dorset and the town of Dorchester, with a population currently approaching 20,000,
can also do this for them suggests that, perhaps for heritage reasons, the appearance, if not the
function, of both urban and rural Dorset is being deliberately preserved in a way that conforms
to these expectations.
4 POUNDBURY
To the East of Dorchester, around Stinsford and Lower Bockhampton, the landscape remains
rural and is being deliberately preserved in a manner that still allows for the evocation of the
Wessex of Hardys novels. By contrast, Dorchester is being expanded to its west to accommo-
date, by 2025, an extra population of around 5000. But here, too, in a manner just as idiosyn-
cratic as that of Hardy tourism, attempts are being made to create an environment that is also
evocative of a bygone, pre industrial era.
Prior to its selection as an area for Dorchesters urban expansion, Poundbury was an area of
farmland that was owned by the Duchy of Cornwall and therefore, since Duke of Cornwall is
his subsidiary title, by the Prince of Wales. The Princes views on modern architecture and
planning are widely known and were articulated in his 1989 book A Vision of Britain: a Per-
sonal View of Architecture. According to the Duchy of Cornwall website
(http://www.duchyofcornwall.org/designanddevelopment_poundbury_masterplan htm Accessed
9/04/2012), the Prince commissioned Leon Kreider, a champion of traditional urban design to
prepare the overall development concept for Poundbury and has maintained an interest in its
construction.
Construction of Phase 1 of Poundbury began in 1993 and, by 2006, the area had approxi-
mately 1450 inhabitants and 700 people were employed there. To quote the Duchy of Cornwall
website once more:
The architecture of Poundbury is unashamedly traditional, using a variety of Dorset
materials, such as stone, slate and render. The architecture draws on the rich heri-
tage of Dorset and, in particular, on the attractive streets of historic Dorchester it-
self.
The development has also been planned in a traditional manner with road patterns designed to
be pedestrian, rather than car, friendly. The pre-modern ambience was further emphasised by
the naming of phase 1 of the development as Poundbury Village, and the organisation of its
construction around a Village Stores and a replica Market Hall.

Those features of Poundbury which have environmental and social underpinnings, such as the
population densities which are higher than those in most suburban developments, the use of tra-
ditional building materials and the mix of building and land use types have generally been
commended. But most commentators have reservations about the attempts to (re)create a nine-
teenth (or even eighteenth) century ambience in this twentieth/twenty first century development:
The character is planned in and sticks out like a sore thumb. Period elements like
bricked up windows (a feature of old English houses during the era of the Window
Tax) look really hokey.Here its all a bit too exclusive and forced. Trying to
keep the modern world at bay isnt sustainable. An architectural flourish on a dou-
ble garage just doesnt seem right.
(http://www.nothingtoseehere.net/2008/11/poundbury_dorchester html Accessed
9/04/2012)
Spain (2010), who describes Poundbury as a museum of a mythical past (p.2), could well
be speaking for the Hardy tourists when he states I was waiting for the film crew to come
round the corner and pull away the faade(p.3), and he also confronts us with the following
claim:
Nostalgia can be a comfort as people age and die and life changes but to choose to
live in a space that seeks to comfort you that the country hasnt changed at all, that
we all hang out at the local baker and butchers, is to totally disregard any under-
standing of what it is really like to live in modern society. (Spain, 2010:5)
5 CONCLUSION
Mythical and idealised pasts, like Hardys Wessex and the Prince of Wales Vision of Britain,
exist both in and around Dorchester/Casterbridge and elsewhere. In some cases, as with Hardys
Wessex, they stem from stories and legends that, paradoxically, may seem more real than does
our (frequently mundane) contemporary life. Selwyn (1996: 20-21) refers to this as hot au-
thenticity which:
will apply to that aspect of the imagined world of tourist make-believe that as-
pect of tourist myths concerned with issues of self and society. The unashamedly
modernist suggestion is that underneath the surface structures of the post-modern
tourist myths are modern and even pre-modern concerns with the authentic
self and the authentic other.
Selwyn is contending here that at least as tourists - we see pre modern societies and even
pre modern fictions as being somehow more real (and, therefore, more hotly authentic) than the
coolly authentic and empirically verifiable circumstances of our contemporary lives. In a similar
vein, Eco (1986:63) considers the renewed interest in the Middle Ages to be a curious oscilla-
tion between fantastic medievalism and responsible philological examination or perhaps be-
tween Selwyns hot and cool authenticities. He then goes on to identify a series of little Middle
Ages which, not just as tourists but more generally, succeed in attracting and retaining our in-
terest today. These include:
Pretext a mythological stage on which to place contemporary characters; Ironical
Visitation in the same way that Sergio Leone and other masters of the spaghetti
western revisit nineteenth century America; A Barbaric Age of elementary and
outlaw feelings; Romanticism; and Decadentism.
All of these issues could also be said to direct our attention to the more recent, but still pre-
modern contexts and contents of Hardys works and of Hardys Wessex. Ecos (1986:63) list of
little Middle Ages however also includes National Identities a celebration of past grandeur;
Philological Reconstruction; and So-called Tradition. These three factors are central to the
Prince of Wales vision for Poundbury and perhaps even for the nation.
Distinctive and different as they are, Hardys Wessex and the Princes Poundbury are (admit-
tedly high profile) examples of a much wider heritage phenomenon, namely the selective valor-
isation of aspects, and particularly the landscape aspects, of a pre modern past. That these as-
pects are characteristically celebrated by the arts, such as Hardys novels, and through national-
istic rhetoric, such as the Prince of Wales vision only serves to intensify their power and in-
fluence as heritage icons.
Heritage 2012
It is necessary, however, to conclude with a qualification. While we may wish to experience
heritage sites, such as Lower Bockhampton, Max Gate and Stinsford churchyard or even to live
or work in pseudo heritage neighbourhoods, such as Poundbury, and while we may, as Spain
contends, draw some comfort from nostalgia, our visits (if not our visitations) are likely to be, in
Ecos terms, somewhat ironical. As Denis Cosgrove observes, with reference to the European
countryside, we wish to experience and enjoy the hot authenticity of tradition while remaining
within the cool authenticity of modernity:
We do not want to preserve landscapes necessarily because we want to preserve
some kind of authentic peasantry in the way that was the case in the nineteenth
century. We want to preserve it because we enjoy walking and hiking in it. That is
why Europeans want to preserve landscape it is an object of consumption. (della
Dora et al. (eds.) 2010:153.)
This research was supported by funding from Australian Research Council Discovery Grant
DP0877655
REFERENCES
Cannon, J. (ed.) 1997. The Oxford Companion to British History. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
della Dora, V., Digby, S. and Basdas, B. (eds.) 2010. Visual and Historical Geographies: Essays in
Honour of Denis E. Cosgrove. Historical Geography Research Series 42.
Eco, U. 1986. Travels in Hyperreality: Essays. San Diego: Harcourt, Brace Jovanovich.
HRH the Prince of Wales. 1989. A Vision of Britain: a Personal View of Architecture. New York: Dou-
bleday.
Selwyn, T. 1996. Introduction. In T. Selwyn (ed.) The Tourist Image: Myths and Myth Making in Tou-
rism. Chichester: Wiley.
Short, J.R. 2005. Imagined Country: Environment, Culture and Society. Syracuse: Syracuse University
Press.
Spain, A. 2010. Poundbury: Architectural Shame with a Worthy Aim. ArchDaily 29 August 2010.
Accessed 09 Apr 2012 <http:www.archdaily.com/75106>

Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
Aboriginal culture and heritage is responsible for the expansion of cultural policy into a broad
range of policy areas. The success of Aboriginal arts centers in generating incomes and em-
ployment in remote communities, and the entry of Aboriginal symbolism into the national ico-
nography, had a profound and far-reaching effect on how Aboriginal heritage and culture is
viewed and understood, including effects on its role in sustainable development. In this paper,
we examine the case for a new model using culture and heritage within sustainable development
in Australia: an uncoordinated and localized wave of Aboriginal cultural centers established
since the mid-1990s.
2 THE CULTURAL POLICY CONTEXT IN AUSTRALIA
Cultural policy analyst Jennifer Craik characterizes Australias cultural policy as a neo-
patronage approach towards elite arts, where an arms-length state-funded organization deter-
mines funding via peer evaluation that almost always protects the status quo, and an instrumen-
talist whole of government approach across agencies to non-elite arts and culture that were in-
cluded in cultural policy from the 1960s (2007). The characteristics of Indigenous cultural
policy were heavily influenced by the expansion of cultural policy. Indigenous culture has been
The second wave: aboriginal cultural centers in sustainable
development
T. Jones
Curtin University Sustainability Policy Institute, Curtin University, Perth, Australia
C. Birdsall-Jones
Curtin University, Perth, Australia
ABSTRACT: Over the past 10 years there has been a widespread, localized, uncoordinated ef-
fort across Australia to create Aboriginal cultural centers. Generally funded by regional devel-
opment bodies and/or local government, these centers focus on leveraging culture to drive hu-
man development (training, employment) while meeting a range of social and cultural goals.
Among their goals are cultural events, engagement with Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal com-
munities, and education about Aboriginal cultural knowledge. They can be differentiated from
the first wave of Aboriginal arts centers that began in the 1970s that were controlled by Abori-
ginal organizations in which the Federal government exercised influence via funding models,
had the principle activity of facilitating the production and marketing of art, and tended to be in
remote locations. The focus here is on an exemplar of the established, though still developing,
second wave of Aboriginal cultural centers. This paper presents a hypothesis on the characteris-
tics of the second wave of Aboriginal cultural centers and their alignment with state-defined
priorities for sustainable development through the case study of an Aboriginal culture and herit-
age centre. Insights are drawn from key informant interviews about the creation and operation
of Gwoondwardu Mia, the Gascoyne Aboriginal Heritage and Cultural Centre in Carnarvon,
Western Australia.
the focus of a range of policy areas at the Federal level; the environment (Indigenous heritage),
social services (use of arts programs), and languages and a range of arts programs. It has also
been a focus of tourism strategies.
1
Indigenous cultures attraction to policy makers at the Fed-
eral level has been replicated at all levels of government, leading to a wide range of policies that
aim to satisfy a variety of policy goals.
A second development with implications for Aboriginal cultural centers is the use of culture
in regional development programs. The role of culture in urban and regional development, par-
ticularly through ideas like the creative classes (Florida, 2002) the creative city (Landry, 2006;
Landry & Biancini, 1995) and creative industries (Cunningham, 2002; Hartley, 2005;
Venturelli, 2001), has increased the scope for state investment in culture and the arts in urban
locations. Regional areas have also sought to take advantage of these trends through their capac-
ity to use consumption, particularly tourism as a driver for jobs and growth (see for instance in
Germany, (Drda-Kuhn & Wiegand, 2010), and for a global study across the USA, Australia and
Europe, Duxbury (2009)). Gibson (2002) identifies tourism as crucial for understanding region-
al cultural industries in the Far North Coast of New South Wales due to its ability to fund infra-
structure and reinforce regional identity The expansion of cultural policy, particularly into urban
and regional development, provides part of the background to the emergence of a number of
publicly funded Aboriginal cultural initiatives in the last decade. In order to understand why
Aboriginal culture is now perceived as a potential driver of development we examine Aborigin-
al arts centers.
3 ABORIGINAL ARTS CENTRES AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON CULTURAL POLICY
The Aboriginal arts centers set the context for the cultural centers their success by establishing
that Indigenous culture was a viable driver of commercial, social and cultural benefits. An anal-
ysis of Aboriginal cultural centers needs to both recognize the importance of the history and ex-
periences of the arts centers and be distinguishable from them. Prior to the 1970s, Aboriginal
cultural objects were only perceived as art when they fit European conventions (such as bark
paintings) and only then through a redefinition of art that started in museums (such as painted
shields and other tools), so many objects were ignored or were not collectable (Morphy, 1998).
In 1971, Aboriginal Arts and Crafts Pty Ltd was established and played a key role in establish-
ing credible outlets for Aboriginal art. This organization controlled the supply of art by buying
and holding all of the art, with the purpose of creating a market, albeit one that could only ab-
sorb a portion of the art produced. In 1972, self-determination became the central element of In-
digenous policy, and the Aboriginal Arts Board (AAB) in the Australia Council was established.
This all-Aboriginal board was accompanied by a new type of arts bureaucrat, entrepreneurial
and focused on supporting and implementing the priorities of Aborigines, including buying
much of the art in the 1970s (Myers, 2002). Hence at the time the first arts centers emerged, the
two key sets of policy priorities around the arts centers viewed them as economic enterprises,
and as a means for self-determination and Aboriginal expression.
The AABs values and financial support were crucial contributions to what Altman calls the
arts centre model (2005, p. 6). This model employed non-Aboriginal arts advisors (also called
arts centre managers) who were directly accountable to the artists. Altmans (2005) description
concurs with Felicity Wright and Frances Morphys more focused definition that identified their
principal activity [as] facilitating the production and marketing of art and craft (Wright &
Morphy, 2000, p. ix), although he also notes the existence of a small number of urban centers
(2005). To be successful, the arts centers have to bridge geographical and cultural divides while
satisfying the requirements of artists, policy makers and the market. The relationship between
these elements has shifted over time.
The AAB (now the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Arts BoardATSIAB) in the Aus-
tralia Council focused its resources on specific projects, arts promotion and professional devel-
opment for individual artists. During the boom years of 1981 to 1989 (Myers 2002) economic
rationalization came to dominate the administration of arts centers. Exhibition and retail suc-
cesses led to the entry of Aboriginal art into public collections and international exhibitions, and
an association of Aboriginal symbolism with Australian cultural nationalism. The states policy
emphasis became increasingly on the arts and crafts industry, rather than on arts as an activity of
Heritage 2012
cultural preservation. Myers characterizes the third period, from 1989-2000 as a privatization
period (2002, p. 124), shaped by the establishment of a calibrated market for Aboriginal fine
art. The changes of 1989 ultimately resulted in less control for arts centers and continued issues
of quality for dealers as the market suffered from an entrepreneurial free for all (Myers, 2002,
p. 315), including a growth in highly questionable business practices that divided artists from
their communities and took advantage of their immediate need. According to the 2007 Senate
Standing Committee report, there were 110 arts centers in Australia, supporting the greater part
of the 5000 arts producers whose work sells for between $400-500 million (Standing Committee
on Environment Communications Information Technology and the Arts, 2007), although this is
likely to be lower now due to a downturn following the start of the Global Financial Crisis in
2008.
This provides an outline of the policy context and developments in the governance of art cen-
ters, but does not communicate arts centers range of tasks and goals. In the Standing Commit-
tee report (Standing Committee on Environment Communications Information Technology and
the Arts, 2007), Desart presented the most complete list of arts centers roles: cultural and iden-
tity maintenance; places where culture and law is respected and renewed; a place of work and
earning income; distributor to a range of markets; strengthening the community through youth,
health and social activities; places of learning where artists teach, and artists and staff learn ar-
tistic and administrative skills; and places of respite, care and informal support particularly for
older people and women (2007, p. 31). Other submissions added conservation of art work, edu-
cating the broader community, and contributing to Aboriginal control and self management. The
Standing Committee report (2007) and Wright and Morphy (2000) draw attention to issues of
governance, staff training, staff retention and infrastructure funding. For the art centre execu-
tives (largely composed of senior artists and custodians), Wright and Morphy found that less
importance was attached to income and the centers were seen primarily as cultural institutions,
emphasizing cultural maintenance, facilitating artists, and the production of art (2000).
The attractiveness of arts centers to governments, like Aboriginal cultural enterprises more
generally, are their capacity to satisfy a range of policy goals, including regional development,
reconciliation, supporting regional and national symbolism, and Indigenous development. While
these goals are broad and encompassing, some shared characteristics can be identified. First,
they are Aboriginal controlled and owned. Second, they facilitate the production and marketing
of art and craft as their primary activity. Third, they are social enterprises in that they produce a
range of benefits for their employees, artists and communities, not just financial returns. Four,
their intercultural role as mediators between Indigenous and non-Indigenous cultures and priori-
ties shapes their characteristics as institutions and creates a deal of tension in the position of the
arts advisor or centre manager. Five, they are for the vast majority reliant on government sup-
port in order to operate, which comes from Federal sources in particular Federal funding
through Department of the Arts (DOFTA) and a work for government subsidy
2
scheme. How-
ever, arts centers will also seek funding from other sources. Now we turn to the case study to
see the degree to which an Aboriginal cultural centre differs from an Aboriginal arts centre.
4 THE CASE STUDY: GWOONWARDU MIA GASCOYNE ABORIGINAL HERITAGE
AND CULTURE CENTRE
4.1 Methods
The objective we pursue here is to determine the characteristics of an Aboriginal Cultural Cen-
tres (ACC) establishment and activities, before determining if that centre can be distinguished
from the Aboriginal Arts Centers, and if there are grounds for further study of ACCs. The cul-
tural centre used as the case study is the Gwoonwardu Mia Gascoyne Aboriginal Heritage and
Culture Centre, located in Carnarvon in the Northwest of Western Australia. We came to an
agreement with Gwoonwardu Mias board and Indigenous Reference Group to assess its opera-
tions and social and cultural impacts in Carnarvon.
We began by examining existing documentation on Gwoonwardu Mia, including meeting
minutes and planning documents. Second, we undertook 21 interviews with 23 respondents,
people who were involved in Gwoonwardu Mias activities. This covered people with a range of
engagement including: board members, Indigenous Reference Group members, past and present
employees, key people who were involved at the beginning of establishing Gwoonwardu Mia
artists , employees of the key funding body, and people involved with the training programs.
This included 15 Aboriginal and six non-Aboriginal people, all of who were or are involved in
Gwoonwardu Mia. Respondents received a fact sheet, gave written consent to participate, had
the goals of the research clearly explained to them, and were informed of their right to withdraw
at any time. All respondents received copies of the transcript of their interview to verify its ac-
curacy. One respondent chose to withdraw her interview on reviewing the transcript.
The interviews were semi-structured and based around an interview schedule. The interview
schedule included two categories of questions: questions about the establishment of Gwoonwar-
du Mia; and questions on its social and cultural impacts including its current, planned and po-
tential roles and activities. Interviews were recorded, and ranged in length from 30 minutes to
90 minutes
4.2 Background
The history of Gwoonwardu Mia is the history of the Aboriginal people who live in the Murchi-
son and Gascoyne regions of Western Australia.
3
. (Tindale, 1974) the five language groups
whose cultures are now presented in Gwoonwardu Mia are the Inggarda, Baiyungu, Talanji,
Thudgarri and Mulgana. The Inggarda language group is widely accepted as the custodians for
the land that includes Carnarvon, which has ongoing implications for Gwoonwardu Mia and
language group politics in Carnarvon.
Carnarvon has suffered from the declining returns from primary industries since the 1970s,
with many in the town still employed in agriculture (primarily horticulture) and fishing. The
largest economic shift has been the increasing importance of the tourism industry. For the year
ending September 2008, there were 179 352 tourists to the shires of Carnarvon and Exmouth
with an estimated expenditure of $141 million (Jones et al., 2011), making tourism the dominant
economic activity. The primary attractions of the region as a whole are related to the Ningaloo
reef, beautiful coastline and beaches, attracting a high proportion (25.3%) of international visi-
tors (Jones, Hughes, Wood, Lewis, & Chandler, 2009). The town of Carnarvon does not have
easy access to either Ningaloo Reef or an iconic beach. However, all visitors driving from Perth
to the region and beyond must travel through Carnarvon as it is located on the only major coast-
al highway, and it sits between the Shark Bay and Ningaloo Coast world heritage areas.
Regional development initiatives have been important for both Carnarvon and Gwoonwardu
Mia. The Liberal-National conservative government introduced a development commissions in-
itiative in 1993 as a response to effects from the deregulation of parts of the Australian economy
in the 1980s, and due to the influence of the National Party leader Hendy Cowan, who was also
the Minister for Commerce and Trade and Deputy Premier (Glasson, Jennings, & Wood, 1997).
The purpose of the RDCs can be broadly summarized as stimulating regional employment, in-
vestment, coordination and development (Glasson, et al., 1997). The Gascoyne Development
Commission (GDC) is one of nine RDCs in Western Australia. The introduction of the Royal-
ties for Regions funding scheme following the 2008 elections also strengthened the position of
the GDC as it administrated the scheme in the region.
4
The Gascoyne Regional Development
Plan 2010-2020 (GDC, 2010), developed by the GDC and the regions four Shires, underlines
the GDCs role in coordinating and stimulating economic development. Positive outcomes for
Indigenous people is one of 19 priorities for the region. Gwoonwardu Mia is mentioned spe-
cifically as an organization that connects Aboriginal residents with tourism and training.
4.3 Gwoonwardu Mia
The idea for Gwoonwardu Mia began in the early 1990s with a group of Aboriginal elders who
later formed the Gnulli Group of native title claimants, and discussions with the Gascoyne De-
velopment Commission (GDC) who were charged with assisting Aboriginal economic devel-
opment. Kieran Kinsella, the first CEO of the GDC, had previously worked in acquisition of
pastoral lands for Indigenous groups. In his interview, he described a meeting where the elders
met with Minister for Commerce and Trade, Hendy Cowan:
Heritage 2012
[We] had Hendy Cowan coming to town for another matter, but we had that meeting. [...] We
had lunch around the board table. Hendy was there and he just sat and listened to them. One by
one they got confidence. They ended up going on the white board and one guy started by draw-
ing his country, then they all followed suit. At the end of it, maybe it was an hour and a half af-
ter lunch they all had fun. Hendy treated them with great respect, and they all left, and Hendy
turned to me and said you can have whatever money you need to get this going. So we got $50
000 out of Hendy, and we employed some consultants to work with us and the steering commit-
tee to develop a brief for what should be in the centre, whats all happened. (Interview P22, 7
November 2011)
Through native title negotiations over a new estate in Carnarvon, a Land Use Agreement was
put in place that provided the land for an Aboriginal cultural centre, $4.7 million in funding for
building and running costs for 3 years, and an Aboriginal Economic Development Officer who
was employed through the GDC. The officer, Rowena Mitchell, and a group of people through
an Aboriginal Corporation called Piyarli Yardi, spoke to numerous groups, designed the build-
ing, and saw it constructed. However, two sets of conflicts prevented Piyarli Yardi from open-
ing the building in 2005 when it was completed and ultimately delayed its opening until 2009.
The first was within the Indigenous community, where Inggarda elders and other groups felt
disenfranchised from the process of creating a cultural centre. A number of interviews indicated
Carnarvon has been the location of other organizations that have been captured by family inter-
ests. The second conflict was between Piyarli Yardi and the GDC, particularly after the ap-
pointment of a new CEO who had little experience in Aboriginal issues. This led to the resigna-
tion of Rowena Mitchell (Interview C19, 2 August 2011) and PYAC writing to the responsible
Minister, Tom Stephens, stating their intention to end all business relations with the GDC. At-
tempts were made in 2004 and 2005 to reconcile the groups.
5
In 2005 the new Minister for the
Gascoyne, Jon Ford, assumed responsibility for the cultural centre and introduced a new man-
agement structure that is still in place. The Board consists of three Aboriginal and three non-
Aboriginal members, and a Reference group of 15 Aboriginal representatives, three from each
language group, advises the board. Kieran Kinsella was appointed by the Minister as the Chair,
along with three Aboriginal elders, the Shires CEO and a well-respected local non-Aboriginal
businessman. While the Board has been very engaged, the reference group has a small number
of committed members. The Board and Reference Group changed the name to Gwoonwardu
Mia, which means Carnarvon, or the place where two waters meet (Interview C7, 28 July 2011).
The objects of association, largely taken from Piyarli Yardi, are very broad, but still provide
the basis of the vision of the centre:
To establish a common meeting place for the people of the Gascoyne Region where lives are
enriched, Aboriginal culture is recognized and practiced, quality employment and business en-
terprises operate and where youth are actively engaged in creating their own future.
(Gwoonwardu Mia Gascoyne Heritage and Cultural Centre, 2009).
6

The more focused Core Activities (see Table 1) from the 2009-2010 strategic plan indicate
the priority areas for the centre, and provide a means of assessing what has been achieved since
its opening. The goal of being a meeting place is achieved through the success of the other
functions and its place in the Carnarvon community

Table 1: Core activities from Gwoonwardu Mia Strategic Plan 2009-2010

1 Meeting Place
2 Conference / Function facility
3 Outdoor Performance area
4 Caf
5 Business Incubators
6 Retail/Gallery Shop
7 Artist in Residence Space and Display area
8 Major Gallery permanent Interpretive exhibition
9 3D audio visual Gallery
10 Ethnobotanical Gardens
Conference/function facility (1) and outdoor performance area (2) have been functioning
since 2009. The first Centre Manager, Lorraine Hayden, oversaw a high-quality fit out with the
most advanced meeting facilities in Carnarvon. The outdoor space consists of a large grass area,
surrounded by small gardens and a high thatch fence, and has a stage. The outdoor space is free
for Aboriginal groups out of hours, and the conference facilities has hire rates due to the costs
incurred in cleaning and maintenance. Gwoonwardu Mia is not open when there are large events
out of hours due to the staffing levels required and costs incurred. However, this works well in
that the interior space is not suited to large numbers, and the outdoor space is robust. Events and
meetings are essential for attracting people to Gwoonwardu Mia, but in different ways. Events
were often commented on for the variety of people they attracted:
The outdoor space seems to be essential as well. Thats another space where you get this inte-
raction between Aboriginal people and non-Aboriginal people (Interview C21, 2 August 2011)
Meetings raise Gwoonwardu Mias profile and are a revenue stream:
Its beginning to be a focal point for the whole of Carnarvon. People now tend to use the CC
because of the state of the art meeting rooms. Sometimes they have a couple of hundred people
at a meeting. Not just Aboriginal people, government, pastoral, Ministers often visit there and
have their meetings. (Interview C17, 2 August 2011)
Hence the building design, staffing issues and quality of the fit out have combined to shape
the use of the space. Staff have also assisted in generating Aboriginal activities, particularly
events. An Aboriginal lady who coordinated an event stated:
I will say they opened that whole centre up to NAIDOC and they allowed me to do NAIDOC
two years in a row without paying one cent. And when I did get funding, Justine [the Centre
Manager] was there to acquit the money for me. It went straight into the CC account and Justine
did that. (Interview C11, 30/7/11).
An important element to remember is that the assessment took place in 2011, less than three
years after Gwoonwardu Mia opened and before all of its infrastructure and staff training had
been completed. Hence these facilities, and the other elements assessed below, were not at their
full capacity.
Gwoonwardu Mia incorporates a caf (4), which is open from 10.30am to 3.30pm (the same
opening hours as the shop). The cafe opened in the first year and two chefs were contracted to
run it and provide training to Aboriginal employees. The quality of the food was very high and
it immediately attracted a following and made Gwoonwardu Mia the location of the Durack In-
stitute of Technologys hospitality training for young Aboriginal people. While the original
couple left Carnarvon after attempting to open a training restaurant, an ongoing relationship has
been formed with Durack to continue the training and Gwoonwardu Mia have taken over opera-
tion of the cafe. Training is now provided by the company of celebrity chef Don Hansie, with
Durack providing the training certification. The cafe is also the first restaurant in Carnarvon to
attract large numbers of Aboriginals, and one of the only venues where Aboriginals and non-
Aboriginals eat together.
I love going down there and seeing the cafe with both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people
in there. Theres local Aboriginal people having lunch, theres the tourists, there might be a ta-
ble of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people having lunch together. That always gladdens my
heart. You dont see that in very many places to be honest, even places that have large Abori-
ginal populations. Thats what the cultural centre should be about. (Interview C21, 2 August
2011)
Aboriginal trainees have gone on to work in other food venues in Carnarvon.
Gwoonwardu Mia has also led to an Aboriginal art revival in Carnarvon. While the Artist in
Residence program is the relevant activity (7), the facilities that relate to artists include sourcing
work and assisting with pricing, running a gallery shop (6), and assisting with artists adminis-
tration. The influence of Gwoonwardu Mia is perhaps best captured by their role with the Jil-
linbirri Weavers, a group of three Aboriginal women who weave a variety of different objects.
The Weavers began working in a community house with an Arts Development Officer, Sarah
Trant. When Sarah left Carnarvon, the Weavers became the first artists in residence at Gwoon-
wardu Mia, and one of the Weavers, Toni Roe, received funding from Gwoonwardu Mia and
the Department of Culture and the Arts (DCA) to work full-time in Gwoonwardu Mia facilitat-
ing the Weavers activities. This now includes entering numerous competitions, trips to New
Zealand and Alice Springs for conferences, an artist in residence program in Albany and run-
Heritage 2012
ning a weaving workshop in Geraldton. The administration for the weavers was managed
through Gwoonwardu Mia. Gwoonwardu Mia was also the location of the Carnarvon Arts Show
in 2010, which had a large Aboriginal contingent, and the top prize was won by Gwoonwardu
Mia affiliated Aboriginal artist Ruby MacIntosh. Three artists were located through Gwoonwar-
du Mia and invited to exhibit and participate in the Revealed Exhibition held in conjunction
with CHOGM in Perth, 2011. Aboriginal artists have benefitted from the encouragement and
the presence of an outlet for their work. Two artists stated that previously the art had been
stacked up in their bedrooms and that Gwoonwardu Mia was an appropriate place for their
work. The venue itself caters primarily for tourist art, and that is what sells. It generates sup-
plementary income for artists:
You dont make that much but if youre thinking OK my rates are coming up soon, its going
to cost me $600. If I make half a dozen sets of beads, then that money I can put aside, and when
the rates do come up, I have money set aside without having to go into my pension. (Interview
C6 27 July 2011).
This success has occurred without any formal training programs for artists, or even a dedicat-
ed space for them to practice. The Artist in Residency program has been limited by the absence
of artists studios. While the weavers were quite flexible in their practice, another artist in resi-
dence found the space difficult to use:
Its a nice atmosphere but its too professional here. Its a workplace you know. I go home
and everything is on the floor. You know what I mean? If I could just chuck my paint on the
floor and sit down, Id be right, but its too professional here. I feel like I cant make a mess,
and I always want to just run amok. (Interview C8, 29 July 2011)
The Board and management have responded to this situation by sourcing the designs for men
and womens artist studios and are in the process of applying for funding. This would include a
position that operates more like an Arts Adviser in an Arts Centre.
Plans for the two galleries (8 and 9) are underway and the permanent Aboriginal Heritage
display in the main gallery should be open by June 2012. Funded by Lotteries WA, heritage re-
search has been undertaken by Maryanne Albrook and Malcolm Jebb, and has been described
by one elder as a history in our words (Interview C7, 28 July 2011). Members of the Board
and Reference Group are very excited about the display, and anticipate that it will address the
wishes of one of the original men who spoke to Hendy Cowan, to have a place where his child-
ren and grandchildren could learn about where they fit in the universe and the Aboriginal glob-
al universe (Interview C21, 2 August 2011). The ethnobotanical gardens (10) are being devel-
oped in conjunction with well-known gardening expert and commentator Sabrina Hahn. The
Business Incubators (5) consist of two computers and carrels located in the Gallery Shop. While
there have been close calls, they have not been taken up for use by an Aboriginal start-up. The
Board has rejected other offers for use from existing organizations.
Employment and training in the Centre has been facilitated by funding from the Indigenous
Coordination Centre (ICC) to train Aboriginal staff. This has enabled Gwoonwardu Mia to em-
ploy six people on a part time basis for four years, facilitating the creation of individual training
plans for staff. Gwoonwardu Mia has been quite successful compared to other training provid-
ers in retaining staff, and staff have gone on to full time work with other businesses. However,
working with people who have not generally previously had long-term employment creates
staffing difficulties for the Centre Manager. There is flexibility for staff when managing family
issues and an emphasis on communication. The Centre Manager position is also quite stressful
and demands high levels of cross cultural understanding and communication, and high-level
administrative skills. Staff also commented on the opportunities that working at Gwoonwardu
Mia provides for cultural learning.
Funding for Gwoonwardu Mia has been from a variety of sources, many of them coordinated
through the GDC. The original $4.7 million was insufficient due to cost increases caused by de-
lays in the project, and the original model was predicated on the existence of the Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC), the peak Indigenous body that was disbanded in
2005. The Chair of the Board stated:
[As] it came down it got more expensive. Rather than get more money, they started to chop
stuff off it. It was chop the landscaping, chop the fit out. So here you were, the most vulnerable
group, you were setting them up to fail. We proved that it was $1.8 million dollars. The first
thing that I sat down was to say to get the place to work will be to get the centre open. Lets say
it was $2 million short, and if not for Royalties for Region, we would be a long way short of
where we are. (Interview P22, 7 November 2011)
Money has been sourced for the fit out (Regional Development Scheme), business incubation
pods and office and IT equipment (Lotteries West), the landscaping (Department for Local
Government and Regional Development) and establishing the permanent heritage display (Lot-
teries West and Royalties for Regions). The ICC funding for staffing is also substantial. The
Centre Manager is employed through the GDC, which provides a sufficient guarantee to attract
quality applicants. Income streams are derived from the core activities, and will increase over
time, particularly once the permanent exhibition is established. There was broad agreement
amongst respondents that it was unrealistic to expect a Cultural Centre like Gwoonwardu Mia to
cover its costs. The business case for Gwoonwardu Mia relies on tourism to generate revenue
and broader regional returns, which also links with the place of Gwoonwardu Mia in GDC plans
to connect Aboriginals to tourism and training in services (GDC, 2010).
The presence of Gwoonwardu Mia has influenced the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal com-
munities in Carnarvon in four key ways. First, it is a cultural place where Aboriginal culture,
heritage and traditions are respected. One of the Aboriginal board members stated:
The involvement of the local traditional people on the ground has to be a very integral part of
its whole functionality. Lose that, I think you start to lose site of the cultural aspects of the cen-
tre, of a building like that. You would never want to lose that and forget about those sort of
people. Its the authority, its the heartbeat, its the bloodline of information that people want to
know about. Whilst these other things can be part of it, that I think is crucial to its whole being.
(Interview C17, 2 August 2011)
Gwoonwardu Mia is a place where cultural knowledge was discussed, imparted to Aboriginal
and non-Aboriginal residents, and where tourists felt able to ask about Aboriginal connections
and perspectives. Second, its establishment caused friction within the Aboriginal community.
There is much talk of reconciling the different groups so that the community could be united in
support of the centre, particularly amongst Board members, and some of those people are now
using Gwoonwardu Mia for meetings and events. Third, it has been a place where non-
Aboriginal and Aboriginal people form relationships, particularly around events, meetings and
the cafe. Perspectives from the non-Aboriginal community were initially negative due to the
length of time the building was not used. However, opinions turned around quickly following
the opening and the big first year (Interview C13, 1 August 2011), including a number of
people dropping artifacts they had at home into Gwoonwardu Mia. Finally, it has created two
new positions in Carnarvon linking Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people for positive local
outcomes. It has linked creative and capable Centre Managers with Aboriginal people who are
undertaking cultural and other initiatives. It has also created an informal cultural interpreter and
custodian position within Gwoonwardu Mia for an Inggarda person. This person, who recently
passed away, became a facilitator for Aboriginal people through her invitation to use the Centre,
and a range of non-Aboriginal people. The current Centre Manager said of her:
She is a remarkable individual, no question. She does that with people across the board, so
absolutely with other language groups in that comfort in being welcomed to the centre. She does
it with tourists, she does it with government. (Interview C13, 1 August 2011)
The picture that emerges from this description is a functioning cultural centre in its estab-
lishment phase that is dealing with politics within the Aboriginal community it serves.
5 COMPARING GWOONWARDU MIA AND THE ARTS CENTRES: IS THIS A
SECOND WAVE?
Gwoonwardu Mia differs from Aboriginal Arts Centers in a number of ways. First, it is not an
Aboriginal corporation and the Board is not entirely Aboriginal. Instead, it has a mixed model
and incorporates a reference group. This reflects a broader change away from Aboriginal self-
determination in policy to self-responsibility. However, the attempt at a structure that was en-
tirely Aboriginal and the history of capture in Carnarvon should be acknowledged, as well as the
success of the mixed-model. Second, Gwoonwardu Mias design and spread of activity indi-
cates that the production of art and craft is not its primary activity. Assisting artists and provid-
ing an outlet for local Aboriginal art is one of its activities. Its primary function as a meeting
Heritage 2012
place is fulfilled primarily through its provision of high quality spaces and services run by Ab-
original staff for hospitality, events and functions. Gwoonwardu Mia is a social enterprise in
that it provides a range of benefits for the Indigenous community in the form of training, admin-
istrative assistance and resources. It probably does not function as a place of respite to the ex-
tent of the Arts Centers in remote communities, probably because other places fulfill this func-
tion in Carnarvon. Both are focused on cultural and identity maintenance through their
activities. Gwoonwardu Mia does have a strong intercultural role through the way it trains
Aboriginals in providing high quality services. Like the Arts Centers, the Centre Manager ab-
sorbs much of the tension, in this case between the demands and pressures of Aboriginal life in
Carnarvon and work demands. Finally, Gwoonwardu Mia is likely to continue to be reliant on
state funding, but through different funding sources (the GDC and the ICC for staffing costs).
These structural and functional differences are linked to differences both within the Abori-
ginal community in Carnarvon and to the circumstances of its establishment in the 1990s. The
elders who initiated the Cultural Centre expressed a desire for cultural and identity maintenance
within Gwoonwardu Mia, which is also expressed within the functions of Arts Centers that are
also cultural spaces. However, they also placed greater emphasis on enterprise creation and
training. The building design facilitated cultural maintenance through exhibition and events
spaces rather than arts practice, and the emphasis now is training Aboriginals to be employed in
the services economy and facilitating cultural activities. The GDC is oriented towards regional
development. It did introduce some of the elements that assisted the emergence of the arts cen-
ters, most notably entrepreneurial staff who were able to facilitate a cultural initiative of a group
of elders. To place this in a larger shift in regional Australia, the GDC has assisted Gwoonwardu
Mia as a cultural organization that links Aboriginals into the post-industrial shift in thriving re-
gional communities towards services, particularly to tourists.
Gwoonwardu Mia is an example of an Aboriginal cultural organization that provides a range
of services to visitors, leveraging Aboriginal culture to provide employment and training while
also being a place for culture and identity maintenance. The final question we address here is to
briefly canvas if there are a number of similar Aboriginal cultural centers in Australia. A report
in 2009 reviewed three ACCs in Western Australia and five in the rest of Australia {Centre for
Aboriginal Studies, 2009 #2668}. However, this was not a comprehensive report, and the au-
thors are aware of ACCs in the Swan Valley near Perth (Maalinup Aboriginal Gallery, which is
privately owned and provides a range of cultural tours) and the Living Kaurna Cultural Centre
in Adelaide (funded and run in conjunction with the City of Marion). A comprehensive Austral-
ia-wide study is likely to reveal more. If there are many Aboriginal cultural centers in operation,
they constitute a second wave of Australian Indigenous cultural organizations inspired by the
broad imperatives of Indigenous culture and identity maintenance, reconciliation, and shifts in
regional sustainable development towards post-industrial services and consumption.
ENDNOTES
1
Most recently, increasing the supply of labour, skills and Indigenous participation was a key plank of the
National Long Term Tourism Strategy.
2
CDEP
3
The Yamatji region overlaps with the Gascoyne region, which is the settler name for the area covering
the Shires of Shark Bay, Carnarvon, Exmouth and Upper Gascoyne, approximately 700 Kilometres
north of the capital city of Perth.
4
The Royalties for Regions scheme was an initiative of the Western Australian National Party, which
held the balance of power following the 2008 election. It aims to return 25 percent of the States min-
ing and petroleum royalties to regional areas.
5
This included a meeting facilitated by Fred Chaney in November 2005.
6
The quotations are in the original, indicating its basis in the Objects of Association
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Heritage 2012

1 INTRODUCTION
Are we sufficiently proud of our contemporary cultures to confidently say that we wish to pass
these on to future generations? As cultures homogenize through the dominating influences of
urban cities and globalization, has our cultural heritage experience been narrowed to a point
that it is unsustainable?
This paper looks at our contemporary lives to see whether there are important aspects that
we have overlooked in our business. It draws out contemporary meanings and values, different
ways of knowing and communing with nature and spirit. More importantly it hopes to encour-
age reflection on the dominant worldview that human beings and other-than-human beings are
two separate entities, and to grow an appreciation for a mindset that places human beings
within a greater, more sustainable, whole. It is hoped that the concepts presented may provide
different ways to review our cultural heritage and approaches to life and work so that new or
renewed traditions can emerge towards living sustainably.
A report for the International Network on Cultural Policy on Intangible Heritage (Deacon et
al., 2004: 7) states: globalization is feared as a cultural bulldozer capable of flattening mar-
ginal cultural forms in the same way that Hollywood and Bollywood floods the local film
market. Concepts such as the Triple Bottom Line planet, people, profit or environmental,
social and economic success (Savitz & Weber, 2006) are part of globalization, with the Four
Pillars of Sustainability, which adds culture to the Triple Bottom Line (UNESCO, 2002), be-
Five dimensions of community
S. Krempl
Curtin University, Fremantle, Western Australia, Australia
D. Marinova
Curtin University, Fremantle, Western Australia, Australia
ABSTRACT: The Five Dimensions of Community concept places culture and heritage within
the context of planet Earth and the cosmos. This allows space to discover what universal won-
der means for people of different backgrounds and to share moments where natural expe-
riences have taken your breath away and provided new sights. Through a greater awareness of
the elements of the Five Dimensions of Community we can better engage in the interconnec-
tedness between heritage and culture, the built and natural environment, corporate living and
spirituality. This paper proposes that in order to contextualize our cultural heritage, we need to
go beyond the triple bottom line and the four pillars sustainability frameworks that seem to
separate us from the rest of the world, and look for the spiritual links that connect us to each
other, the Earth and the universe so that new or renewed sustainable traditions can emerge.
ing an attempt to humanize it. The Triple Bottom Line concept is aimed at business for trade
accountability and is less suited for reviewing cultural wellbeing. It refers to monitoring and
measuring of social, environmental and economic standards to be attained in undertaking
trade. The added cultural perspective in the Four Pillars context, is more often than not used in
anthropocentric contexts, such as the value of cultural diversity and the importance of Indi-
genous cultures for humankind. Despite their good intentions, these concepts may be contri-
buting to a lack of consideration for anything other than human wellbeing.
Many thinkers and leaders in the sustainability field see collaborating beyond human beings
as critical to improving the health of the planet. For example, Berry (1999: 72) stresses that the
four key establishments being governments, universities, religious traditions and corporations
that play a significant role in the direction that human life takes are failing in their basic pur-
poses. They all presume a radical discontinuity between nonhuman and the human modes of
being, with all the rights and all inherent values given to the humans. It is not the purpose of
this paper to discuss when and how this disconnection occurred; however it should be ac-
knowledged that past communities and civilizations had a far greater connection, collaboration
and a reverence for the natural world.
Meanwhile centuries have passed influenced by Western philosophy as shaped by Des-
cartes, Darwin and positivist thinking. At last a new layer of divergent worldviews, under-
standings and interpretations started to emerge to show that reductionism and species survival
are only part of the picture and that an overarching collaboration between humans and nature
exists. Kropotkin (in Ridley, 1996), asks whether the fittest species are those who are conti-
nually at war with each other or those who support one other. Kropotkins response is: we at
once see that those animals which acquire habits of mutual aid are undoubtedly the fittest (in
Ridley, 1996: 4).
In our cultural heritage endeavors, are we separating humans and nonhumans? Or are we
working to create habits of mutual aid, an awareness of interdependency and a collaborative
and therefore sustainable path? Is mutual aid the best sustainability strategy?
The Five Dimensions of Community is a new concept that extends the Triple Bottom Line
and The Four Pillars to enable reflection on our way of life that is equally respectful of human
and nonhuman cultural diversity and systems. This paper presents the work in progress in the
use of this concept and draws on particular examples from this research.
2 THE FIVE DIMENSIONS OF COMMUNITY CONCEPT
The Five Dimensions of Community has the potential for the intangible link between human
and nonhuman to be explored. As such let us first introduce it in a way that allows a sensory
experience:

Imagine yourself being in your favorite place in the world. It is often the three-
dimensional place that you first recall. The colors, forms and textures you once
saw and touched come to mind. However there is more to the place that makes it
special. This place triggers, for you, a point in time in your life. You may recall
the happiness or sadness that was with you then. Perhaps it conjures up relation-
ships and experiences at that period of time. This space of identity, family and
community is the fourth dimension. Are there other qualities attached to your fa-
vorite place? Perhaps you felt the wind when you were there, or saw a sunset or
heard sounds that sparked a sense of universal wonder, and you were transported,
in an instant, into a spiritual dimension. All these five dimensions make places
special to you personally but also for any community.
The Five Dimensions of Community (see Table 1) immediately places our culture and her-
itage in the context of the Earth and the cosmos. This has the capacity to include our expanded
thoughts and relationships with humans, nonhumans, the planet and beyond and to many and
diverse tangible and intangible ways of knowing and living. It includes a completely new di-
mension, the fifth dimension, to the three-dimensional reality that is associated with the Triple
Bottom Line. The three dimensional world, because it is tangible and real, is much easier to
put boundaries around and rules governing economic performance, regulations, processes and
Heritage 2012
corporate systems exist in this three dimensional world. Interestingly enough, the three dimen-
sional world can have a limited impact on how we view and express our lives and the world,
in the same way that economic laws can have limited impact on culture and heritage. The
fourth dimension is similar to the Fourth Pillar in that it is represented by culture, heritage and
identity as it pertains to human beings. The fifth dimension however is very special. It refers to
what is intangible and spiritual in our lives extremely difficult to define but easy to succumb
to. We describe it as universal wonder. In many ways this dimension holds the essence of
community heritage and cultural relationships with the natural living and non-living human
and nonhuman world. Whilst it could be argued that a sense of spirituality exists in the three
dimensional world, which includes the natural world, and also in the fourth dimension, or the
people space, the majority of Western Australian people interviewed to date have found bene-
fit in having the fifth dimension, or a spiritual realm, as a separate consideration because it in-
volves a different sense of being that could easily be overlooked if it did not have space dedi-
cated to it. In the words of one research participant: Spirituality is a way of looking at Nature
and you can turn it upside down and Nature is an aspect of spirituality but if you dont sepa-
rate them, they just coalesce then you miss the intentionality of being spiritual. In addition,
time and consideration for spirituality was seen as essential for making decisions and follow-
ing through with actions that were for the greater good, no just for humans but for all Earth
communities.
The words community and culture, in this context of the Five Dimensions of Community,
are used interchangeably. The word community can mean a collective of people with a com-
mon background and this implies therefore similarities and shared life styles or cultures. En-
couraging the interchangeable use of the words is a way of allowing communities to see them-
selves as having a culture which is important in a place such as Western Australia where it is
common place to hear many communities, both urban and rural, say that they dont have a cul-
ture and that only Aborigines and people from other countries have cultures. The term cultur-
al cringe was coined by Australian writer A.A. Phillips in 1950 (The Age, 2005: March 25)
and reflects this attitude. Post-Colonial literature (Ashcroft at. el. 1989:2-12) refers to this atti-
tude towards culture as an eroding of a sense of self due to dislocation caused by migration
and other factors. It goes on to say that new settlers needed to be allowed to express their
sense of otherness through integrating natural settings and experiences for example the new
landscapes, climate, seasons, flora and fauna and even creating a unique form of English into
their everyday lives. Through statements in interviews it would seem that this cultural cringe
has not changed very much at all hence the use of community and culture interchangeably to
enable participants to recognize that their way of life who they are, their dreams, values, be-
liefs and how they communicate with each other and in their work processes, how they inte-
ract with the built and natural environment, how and where their history is kept, their customs
and traditions, how they trade and what they trade in, how others see them is their culture.

Table 1. The five dimensions of community concept.
The three dimensional
world
refers to the world that can be seen and touched both natural
and built.
The fourth dimension comprises of the identity, the culture and heritage of
human beings ranging from individual to groups and
community and includes relationships within human
individuals and communities
The fifth dimension refers to a universal wonder an intangible spiritual realm

The Five Dimensions of Community concept is intended as a framework that acts as com-
mon ground to enable dialogue and discussion of appreciation of the understandings of spiri-
tuality, the phenomenal experiences associated with these and how important these are to
wellbeing, a deeper appreciation of culture and heritage and to sustainability. As one research
participant as put it: The people that I have known who work so well and independently with-
in the cultural field have a sense of spirituality. And that could be from a deep belief in a reli-
gious perspective or from other. Creativity is one of the things, along with spirituality, that we
tend to treat lightly and dismiss for ourselves too. If we dont see it as important for our-
selves then we are not going to acknowledge the importance for others and therefore we have
the power to deny others that opportunity and that recognition. So we withhold part of their
wellbeing if we dont provide that space.
For too long conversations on these topics have been declared politically incorrect and
therefore removed from situations where people of different backgrounds come together
which in our urban life has become the norm. Contemporary communities are diverse. When
you dont find common ground, differences become barriers. When common ground is
achieved differences are appreciated. Research conducted in Western Australian, using the
Five Dimensions of Community concept as the common ground, indicate that communities
recognize spirituality as part of their everyday life and appreciate opportunities to have their
spiritual interpretations and experiences acknowledged and deemed credible.
The fifth dimension has been prominent as well as forgotten throughout human history. The
environmental attorney and governance specialist Cullinan (2011) examines the roots of our
legal heritage prior to the birth of corporations. He takes us back to the history of law, when
Cicero, a first century BC Roman philosopher stated that: True law is right reason in agree-
ment with Nature; it is of universal application, unchanging and everlasting We cannot be
freed from its obligations by Senate or People, and we need not look outside ourselves for an
expounder or interpreter of it. (Cullinan, 2011: 69). However, the first century BC law has
evolved and the current law regards the connection between people and nature is as follows:
Animals, plants and almost every other aspect of the planet are, legally-speaking, objects that
are either the property of a human or artificial juristic person such as a company, or could at
any moment become owned, for example by being captured or killed. For as long as the law
sees living creatures as things and not beings, it will be blind to the possibility that they
might be the subjects (i.e. the holders) of rights. It is simply legally inconceivable for an object
to hold rights (Cullinan, 2011: 63).
Rules of human dominance over others and over all nonhuman entities are present in all
areas of the Triple Bottom Line and the Four Pillars and have repositioned our original think-
ing and values regarding our relationships with nonhuman in favor of economic and corporate
management and growth for humans. These laws have also framed our cultural and heritage
contexts.
We have a very clear example of this in Australia. The year 1967 was very important for
Indigenous Australians. Laws were changed providing Indigenous Australians the right to be
reclassified from Flora and Fauna to Human Beings. As Flora and Fauna, Aboriginal
Australians were objects, not subjects and not allowed to vote. In a Sydney Morning Herald
article, Linda Burney (2007: n.p.), an Australian politician, is quoted as saying: This is not
ancient history. I was a child. It still staggers me that for the first 10 years of my life, I existed
under the Flora and Fauna Act of NSW.
If the situation was reversed, and we were all Flora and Fauna instead of Human Be-
ings, the importance of Nature to human culture may have been better appreciated and inte-
grated into our culture and heritage. In retrospect, the categorizing of Aboriginal Australians
under Flora and Fauna could be seen to imply that Aboriginal Australians have intimate know-
ledge of flora and fauna communities. This could also imply that government and administra-
tors making those decisions were separated from this connection with the Australian bush. A
lack of respect for the laws of nature is the Australian context has resulted in disastrous poli-
cies and agricultural practices that have destroyed vast expanses in Australia. In the Western
Australian Wheatbelt that is 19 million hectares in size, approximately 93% has been cleared
for European-style agriculture resulting in extensive wind, water, soil erosion and rise in salin-
ity. (Men of the Trees WA, 2010: 4), However both the Flora and Fauna and Human clas-
sifications fall short of recognising the richness, intimacy and phenomenal experiences en-
countered within spiritual dimensions as is evidenced in this quote from a desert country
Aboriginal elder (Robinson, 2010: 56):Listen carefully this, you can hear me. Im telling you
because earth just like mother and father or brother of you. That tree same thing. Your body,
my body I suppose, Im same as you anyone. Listen carefully, careful and this spirit e
come in your feeling and you will feel it anyone that. I feel it my body same as you.
The link between community and nature appears to be a recurring theme. However the links
portray humans in conflict rather than in collaboration, asserting their domination over Nature.
How strong is this link to Nature in our contemporary urban communities, our urban cultures,
and what are the impacts on sustainable futures? The Five Dimensions of Community does
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not specifically focus on Nature. Nature has a place in the three dimensional world and there is
scope for including Nature within the fourth and fifth dimensions, but it is not clearly articu-
lated and could be missed. The Five Dimensions of Community does not have a specific focus
for governance or corporate systems either and corporate systems play a very significant role
in contemporary culture. So where does governance and corporate systems sit in the Five Di-
mensions of Community?
3 CORPORATE SYSTEMS AND THE FIVE DIMENSIONS OF COMMUNITY
The Five Dimensions concept does not have a dedicated place for corporate systems because
corporate systems are a tool, just as technology is a tool. Corporate systems, like technology,
whilst essential and provide many benefits, are not a dimension of life. Using this same ratio-
nale, the economic area of the Triple Bottom Line or the Four Pillars is also a tool and not a
dimension of life. Economics has been given the status as a dimension of life and Spirituality
is not represented in the Triple Bottom Line. Yet, it could be argued that peoples belief sys-
tems influence their life and trade choices, what they determine as quality and what is seen as
sustainable. The importance of a consciousness of Nature and Spirituality in every day life
could therefore have significant impact on sustainability and likewise, the demise of Nature
and Spirituality in every day life can potentially be very costly to human sustainability. Apply
Newtons law of motion that states that for every action there is an equal and opposite reac-
tion (NASSA, 2010) to our current global situation and we have the current world scenario
being the interest of human wellbeing and the preservation of all things human becoming hu-
man self-destruction! The shortcomings of this consciousness in governance matters and in
applying corporate systems tools without an awareness of the interconnectedness of natural
systems is reflected in the experience of a Western Australian forester interviewed as part of
this research: Currently, in thinking of a big system like the Rangelands of Western Australia,
the governance is divorced from the nature of the land. The governors have an incomplete un-
derstanding and their decisions are dominated by political expediency and self-survival in the
system unconscious of the dynamics of the natural system that they are governing. This is
not a judgment that they dont know the system. They are just unconscious of the dynamics of
the natural system. The more there is consciousness of Nature and Spirituality the better the
decisions will be.
4 A DIFFERENT VIEW OF THE FIVE DIMENSIONS OF COMMUNITY
Without clear representation of Nature and corporate systems in the Five Dimensions of
Community their relationship with spirituality and culture cannot be properly accessed. To
this end, a second chart, the Connectivity Matrix (see Table 2) assists to further explore the
Five Dimensions of Community and to better understand its applications in our contemporary
lives. Table 2 is currently in development. It provides a different view and understanding of
the Five Dimensions of Community. It brings corporate systems and Nature into focus.
The Community, Corporate, Nature and Spirituality matrix is a human social connectivity
matrix that captures the elements of life and our engagement with different worlds in a dif-
ferent way. Through it we can reflect on how much time we spend in each area to try to ap-
preciate what is or would be a more balanced and therefore sustainable life. Table 2 is not in-
tended to segment life up into silos but rather for the sections to help us to focus on, and give
time and space to each different element in turn, and then to view it as a whole.
As part of community engagement work in the environmental sector in 2010, Krempl con-
ducted three workshops as part of sustainability awareness events. These workshops were
based on the Community, Corporate and Nature columns of Table 2. The spirituality column
had not been developed at that point. One workshop was with government, one with a not for
profit group and one was open to the public. Participants were asked to give a percentage to
each of the three columns based on their perception of how much time they spent in each,
taking their current life and work as a whole. The total for all three columns needed to add up
to 100%. In all three workshops, the Nature column failed to reach a 10% average. As a re-
sult of this, we began to question the reliability of biophilia described as the love of nature that
is inherent in all of us as stated by a leading Australian environmentalist, (Flannery, 2010:
107 -108) in his quoting the work of evolutionary biologists Wilson and Fromm. Research
done on the death of languages, (Nettle & Romaine, 2000:2-7), shows that once the applica-
tion for words are lost, the context changed, or the focus of a community shifted from an earth
rich way of life to a more common global language, the nuances and locally specific words
can be lost within as little as one generations. If, then, communities have been detached from
nature for two generations, could we loose this biophilia, this connection and love of nature,
forever? It is a possibility. How would that disconnection impact on the decisions we make
and the culture that we would pass on to future generations? Is the current level of disconnec-
tion already having an impact on environmental sustainability including human survival? Is
this connection with nature and spirituality a strong or weak part of our cultural heritage? And
will the richness of our cultural heritage be compromised by a decline of nature and spirituali-
ty in our lives? On the other hand, it is also a possibility that a consciousness of spirituality
can decommodify nature to ensure that biophilia is revived where it is loosing its connections
within our communities.

Table 2. Connectivity Matrix
Community Cul-
ture
(1
st
Person)
Corporate Sys-
tems
(3
rd
Person)
Nature Spirituality
Communication Oral Communica-
tion
Written Commu-
nication
State of Being Universal Wonder
Skill required

Listening / Ob-
serving
Writing / Speak-
ing
Flow Silence / still
Process Involvement Detachment Interdependence Transformation
Foundational
element

Vision &
Tradition
(identity)
Management &
Governance
(stability)
Creation &
Destruction
(change)
Belief

(hope)
Essential
conditions
Trust & respect Facts and figures Time and space Compassion
Intended outcome Belonging Money Sustainability Love

The Five Dimensions of Community and the Connectivity Matrix is being trialed as a set-
ting for conversations about Nature and Spirituality, topics that would usually be far removed
from contemporary urban social or work communities. The categories and dimensions have,
so far, helped participants to work through and clarify different aspects, for example the dif-
ference between what we consider to be the environment and Nature. Through this process,
staff in environmental organizations, have stated that it is a different thing to be carrying out
environmental work and to be immersing oneself in Nature. This may seem obvious now that
it is stated but in the busyness of corporate living it was, in many instances, overlooked. After
the sharing of memories and experiences in Nature, it became apparent for some that time for
Nature had not been factored into their lives and they were remiss of this. In other cases,
where this difference was known and recognized, there was a consciousness of the need to
make time to be in Nature and this was already part of their lifestyles. Environmental work
was seen as detached and objective and belonging under the corporate system area as was
scientific research that was also seen to fit under the corporate objective, reductionist category.
Immersing oneself in Nature was described as being open with ones senses, listening, ob-
serving, smelling, becoming more aware of natural surroundings and the life within it, res-
ponding to it, feeling a connectedness. It was seen as a presence as well as being present in it.
It was feeling a sameness, an intuneness which did not happen unless you could unwind into
it as described in this quote from a Western Australian environmental sustainability leader:
I can have time and space but my state of mind would have to have stillness. If I have created
the time and space, empty of thoughts, then that is stillness. We tend to use the word spaces to
mean not doing anything. But I was trying to communicate the stillness of mind rather than
stillness from doing things.
Heritage 2012
Nature seems to have an impact on people. When you are in nature in that natural world
there is a sense of honesty and you can communicate honestly. I dont really know why.
Perhaps there are no distractions. You can be more open with people in a natural setting. It
allows for that one on one time that you can spend with your family or by yourself. Some of
the best and open conversations Ive had with my family have been driving through the pad-
docks. Where as if you are sitting at home, the radio or TV is on and people walk in and out.
When you are out there, there is just Nature, you and the other person or Nature, you and your
family. Krempl describes an experience of this impact that Nature had on people when she
was on a Men of The Trees Society tree planting day with busloads of high school children.
She first saw them get off the bus in rather rowdy fashion strutting an air verging on arrogance
and very concerned about their looks. As the day went on she noticed them change and start
to notice things around them. The teenagers calmed down and lost that egotistical element as
their clothes and hands and shoes got covered with mud as they trundled through paddocks
soaked with winter rain to collectively plant thousands of native seedling to rehabilitate de-
graded land. It would seem that Nature had tamed them. Marinova describes her experience
with taking PhD students to maintain a section of the Bibbulmun Track a 1000km long larg-
est pedestrian path maintained by volunteers in Western Australia. The students have to walk
for 20km while doing some work, such as cutting branches, removing fallen trees, pulling out
weeds. The first 1.5km seem like an impossible task and very different from their everyday
routines, but then something happens They can start to see the blue skies, hear the sounds of
the birds, observe the colors of the flowers, trees and bushes, feel the smell of the air Walk-
ing is no longer a challenge, they feel they can jump, walk very quickly and even fly. Nature
has given them energy and rejuvenated every cell of their bodies. Everything is interesting,
there is something magic in the air.
5 TAKING UP THE FIVE DIMENSIONS CHALLENGE
This research that explores Nature and Spirituality as important spheres of life has allowed a
different kind of exploring to occur about how we live our lives. In one organization, it came
to be known that some staff had often wished to be able to take their work outdoors in Nature
as appropriate but assumed this would not have been supported by peers and management.
Though opportunity for dialogue this permission was unanimously supported. This may seem
like a simple thing but it was like the joy of a child being allowed to go outside to play. Al-
though that analogy of a child enjoying going outdoors requires qualification these days as
Louv, the person who coined the term Nature-deficit disorder, reminds us with a quote from a
fourth-grader in San Diego which says I like to play indoors better cause thats where all
the electrical outlets are (Louv, 2005: n.p.). The research provided the administrators in the
organization with a greater appreciation of the complexities of feelings and intangibilities of
the work done with communities and staff who work directly with communities. Administra-
tion staff themselves, once liberated from their corporate personas, shared rich experiences in
Nature and Spirituality reflecting intriguing cultural diversity. It also provided community
workers a chance to appreciate the complexities and pressures of the corporate system.
As part of the research, participants from the organization were asked how much time they
spent in each of the four areas as shown in Table 2 at this point in their lives, and, in the case
of an organization, how much time each participant believed that the organization spent in
each area. It was the domination of time for corporate matters, through the percentages exer-
cise, that surprised this community service organization and this triggered a finding that the
pace they were working at seemed to erode the noticing of small but important points required
for the integrity of quality of life for those that the organization serviced. It was said, that it
was easier to bring an awareness to these important intangible areas through discussing spiri
tuality as spirituality brought values to the surface. Here is a quote from research with that or-
ganization: There is a pace we reach very quickly that will leave others behind. And the ones
that are left behind are the people that we are supposed to be sitting along side.
In other contexts the domination of corporate matters was dealt with in a different way. This
is one persons considered response to the percentage question. It expresses the benefit of spi-
rituality in underpinning community and corporate worlds. The spirituality part is in all areas.
During the day there might be little bits of spirituality happening that are bigger than time.
However, the time for spirituality transforms the other aspects of life. Spirituality and Nature
need to be incorporated into community and corporate worlds. So I need to incorporate spiri-
tuality and Nature into me all of the time in order for me to operate best in community and
corporate worlds.
6 ALLOWING THE FIFTH DIMENSION
So far, this research has found that persons who have close and active links with Nature also
have a deep sense of spirituality. How have they defined spirituality? The following state-
ments from interviews conducted in December 2011February 2012 with Western Australian
sustainability leaders and workshops with not-for-profit organizations show that there are dif-
ferences in how spirituality is perceived in response to the different aspects as shown in Ta-
ble 2. Spirituality is described as the inner intuitive gauge of right and wrong, respect, being
what is done rather than what is said, the essence, the driver, a letting go of self, and a sense of
being and being in the presence whatever one perceives as the creator of the universe. It is also
moments when we are knocked out with some natural experience of wonder and amazement
and beauty. Here are some thought provoking quotes on Spirituality from research partici-
pants:
As humans we transcend the physical by some mysterious, unquantifiable and
unobservable but very important way, we are more than physical
We need to find ways to be aware of spirit every moment whatever our procliv-
ity is
This is where we fall short as a species. I think that is why spirituality is ex-
pressed in so many ways because we dont have a language for it. We will see
spirituality expressed through writing, music, dance, prayer, meditation, objects.
It is universal wonder. It is what the spiritual within us reveals and finds the
doorway to. We use every tool in the book to try to communicate something that
is incommunicable.
Aspects of commonality with regard to spirituality were also noted. These are the deep ap-
preciation of stillness and an ability to hear the silence that enabled people to be aware of their
spirit and the spirit of all things in Nature and the universe. Nature is recognized for its three
dimensional physicality as expressed in a range of favorite places that included a persons
home and surroundings, to particular forests, oceans, beaches and other natural locations but
the connection goes beyond the physical form. The scope with the Five Dimensions of Com-
munity and its placement within the wider context of Earth and the cosmos allowed the recog-
nition of common threads with favorite three-dimensional places to move from the three-
dimensional to the fourth and fifth dimension with ease. In this quotation, Natures physical
and spiritual dimension is captured along with universal wonder and the human relationship to
all these aspects: Driving through the Kari Forest it is like the air has a color to it and going
into that space you become one with the world you are going into. Another account states:
As soon as we reached the land of Pia, it was different. It felt like the trees, the earth and the
birds all welcomed us along with the people. We could feel the spirit of the land and the spirit
of the people instantly. You knew there would be a Grevillea bush there and a set of rocks and
when you came back the next year seeing the land was like seeing old friends.
The fourth dimension the people realm, also had connectivity leading to a deep spiritual
fifth dimensional place. Again, in this instance, the Five Dimensions of Community and the
Connectivity Matrix provided the scope for the participant to consider different layers of rela-
tionships and their meanings for community wellbeing.
The inclusion of the fifth dimension the spirit realm in the Five Dimensions of Commu-
nity concept, provides time and space to share experiences and thoughts about Nature and Spi-
rituality in every day living and working situations. The research shows that Nature is an ac-
cepted common ground for spiritual expression and engagement; however the majority of
those interviewed supported having spirituality as a separate dimension from Nature as it pro-
vided a different entry point.
Heritage 2012
For some this experience of talking about Nature and Spirituality was new. For these
people, the love of Nature seemed inherent but not familiar and in some instances there was a
resistance to engaging with nature, because it was unknown and because it contained living
things, like creepy crawlies that they saw as a threat. These persons preferred the comforts of
city living and five star comfort rather than a night under a million stars! This was the same
for Spirituality. Where there was not a close link to Spirituality, it was not initially familiar. In
these situations there was also a resistance to engaging in spirituality because of preconcep-
tions of what spirituality meant. Spirituality for these people meant religion and religion was
something they would prefer to avoid. In most cases, dialoging about spirituality in its broader
sense was seen to be enjoyable and appreciated.
For some, their lack of engagement in Nature and Spirituality was seen as a stage of life
where other aspects such as raising children and demanding careers were the priorities. On the
other hand there were those in demanding senior positions who made it their priority to go for
runs or walks through park and bush land or to take weekends away in Nature on a regular ba-
sis. The majority of people interviewed were not so fortunate or disciplined, or they felt guilty
to take time out from being busy, but wished to have more time to engage in the spiritual
realm be it Nature or in some other practice to reacquaint themselves in these areas. Practices
such as yoga, the arts, martial arts, retreats, meditation, prayer and time for self-reflection,
bushwalking, camping and even travelling was what they would do with this time.
Initial findings from the interviews with sustainability leaders and workshops with not-for-
profit community organizations indicate that the following are the key challenges in allowing
the Five Dimensions of Community space in our lives:
Skills and customs are required to help us relearn how to quiet our minds: Stillness in a
way of shutting down all the busyness of the mind and the brain and the physical movement
in order to be in the presence. Without it we are too busy looking at our self than to reality.
There is a need for more teachers, guides and opportunities to experience Nature and to
bring Nature closer to us in our life and work: I think there is a lot that is inherent [about
Nature]. Sometimes when you tell a story about the land or share with people about the land
it opens their eyes to the land or they have an experience of the land. Therell be something
that wakes them up to that [Nature].
Values need to be spoken and their application reinforced and taught. Values should not
be taken for granted: I underpin all projects with teaching the values of respect, non-
judgment and compassion. And I verbalize these often and encourage actions that demon-
strate these values.
Recognition that as human beings, we are part of a greater whole and have a responsibility
to learn the languages of the other than human: If there is a lack of opportunity [to be in
Nature] because you are a city dweller then I can see that the lack of interdependence or in-
terconnectedness that prevents you being able to be engaged with Nature and I could see
that being a pretty dangerous position. This is because the engagement with Nature is non-
verbal. Nature has a language of its own. If we ignore Nature then we have the potential to
be very destructive.
7 CONCLUSION
Even though the majority of workshops and interviews were conducted in the built environ-
ment, the fact that the discussions focused around Nature and Spirituality seemed to allow a
sense of being in Nature and Spirituality that opened, what has been described by participants
as, honesty in discussion without the corporate and commercial distractions.
The focus on Nature and Spirituality, which is seen by the majority as inseparable al-
though good to have as separate lenses to keep each alive in our mind and senses are per-
ceived as a requirement for community wellbeing and areas to be strengthened for the sustain
ability of future generations. This would therefore imply that what is perceived as our contem-
porary culture as it currently exists in Western Australia, is not something that Western Aus-
tralians interviewed would be proud to pass on to future generations. Nature and Spirituality is
seen as necessary to draw out meanings and values, different ways of knowing and commun-
ing with all things of the Earth, the cosmos and all dimensions within and beyond our compre-
hension and would provide the depth of culture required for sustainable futures.
In Western Australia, the impact of governance and policies developed without a con-
sciousness of the dynamism of nature has had devastating impacts on Natures own ability to
find homeostasis and these same regulatory systems together have forged a main stream com-
munity that largely sees itself as cultureless with culture belonging only to Aborigines and
overseas people. Yet the richness of heritage, life experience, tacit knowledge, a sense of
wonder and connectedness with the world and the universe emerged once a credible setting
was created and the words Nature, Spirituality and universal wonder were given time and
space to allow people to journey through the dimensions of life, living and wonder. The visi-
bility of words should not be underestimated. This ending quote states this quite profoundly.
[Languages] have no tangible existence like trees or people. In so far as language can be
said to exist at all, its locus must be in the minds of the people who use it. . A language is
not a self-sustaining entity. It can exist only where there is a viable environment for them to
live in.(Nettle & Romaine. 2000:5)
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Algonquin Books of Chapel Hill.
Men of the Trees WA. 2010. Diversity Across the Wheatbelt. Putting It Back, Together. Perth, Men of
the Trees Western Australia.
NASSA 2010. Newtons Laws of Motion. Glen Research Centre. NASSA
http://www.grc.nasa.gov/WWW/K-12/airplane/newton.html accessed 10th March 2012
Nettle, D., Romaine, S. 2000. Vanishing Voices. The extinction of the worlds languages. New York.
Oxford University Press.
Ridley, M. 1996.The Origins of Virtue. London: Penguin Books.
Robinson, I. 2010. This Thirsty Heart. A journey in the deserts of Australia. Perth: MACSIS Publishing.
Savitz, A.W. & Weber, K. 2006. The Triple Bottom Line How todays best run companies are achiev-
ing economic, social and environmental success and how you can too. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-
Bass.
UNESCO 2002. UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity. Adopted by the 31
st
Session of
the General Conference of UNESCO. Paris: UNESCO.
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1 NATURE OR ENVIRONMENT?
The term environment is often used as an equivalent of time-revered nature in the debates
over the planets predicament. We speak, for instance, of nature conservation or environment
conservation indifferently. However, there are cases in which environment seems unlikely to
replace nature completely. For nature carries affective and moral overtones with it, and it is to
them, however vague and variable they may be, that it owes its persistent grip on our minds. We
are not (yet?) asked to love the environment and even appeals to respect it do not (yet?) pro-
duce emotional responses as intense as those with the word nature in them, whatever one
means by that word. The ancient moral maxim according to which we should follow nature
(naturam sequi) has been repeated many times and in various forms throughout the history of
philosophy. It assumed the allegedly normal course of things as the standard of value, and the
assumption has left traces in such common phrases as let nature follow its course or nature is
the best physician. Everyday language prevails on us, so to speak, to prize what is described as
natural over what is non-natural or unnatural, that is, according to any dictionary definition
contrary to the normal course of nature; and unnatural is sometimes simply another word for
wicked. All of those are remnants of the normative use of the concept of nature in ethics,
which J.S. Mill denounced (and to my mind demolished) as meaningless and abusive in his es-
say Nature, published posthumously in 1873. But in spite of Mill, and subsequent critics in the
same line (for instance Warnock, 2003), the concept of nature as a moral guide has not entirely
disapperared from ethics. In particular, its moral and emotional implications affect, whether
consciously or unconsciously, many aspects of present-day environmental thought and practice
(Cooper, 1992): to put it bluntly, one often writes environment, but what one really means is
nature (in the above sense).
Culture, environment, and the quality of life
A. La Vergata
Facolt di Lettere e Filosofia, Universit di Modena e Reggio Emilia, Modena, Italy
ABSTRACT: Answers to such questions as What is to be done? and How to do it? are
strongly influenced by a variety of long-standing forms of cultural heritage. People do not have
the same idea of what is meant by culture, nature, environment, let alone quality of life.
No wonder that labels such as ecological philosophies or environmentalism cover an as-
tounding, and confusing, variety of opinions. Biocentrism or anthropocentrism? Nature conser-
vation or preservation? What is meant by sustainable development? The very notion of natu-
ral resources a conundrum. Assumptions and cultural influences are unconscious in many
cases. It is therefore necessary to bring them to the fore, in order to prevent (or, more realistical-
ly, to reduce) confusion, to keep off ideologies (as far as possible), and to increase the level of
responsibility. Cultural studies, intellectual history and critical analysis of language and ideas
are crucial in environmental issues and practices.
Generally speaking, environment sounds less normative, more neutral and more suitable for
scientific contexts. It also has the advantage of by-passing (or leaving aside for better times)
some controversies in which nature has been so long involved: nature vs. society, nature vs.
nurture, nature vs. culture. If anything, environment proves in many cases a convenient
substitute for the concepts that are being opposed to nature, not only when environment is
used in the sense of education, social context and cultural influences, but also when we say, for
instance, that the expression of the phenotype is influenced by the organisms interaction with
surrounding agencies. Indeed, the pendulum has often gone to the other extreme, and environ-
ment has become for many people merely what surrounds us, outer as opposed to inner na-
ture, or nature in the Cartesian sense. It has required considerable effort to come to a more com-
prehensive and balanced view of ecological problems and to develop in educated people a
growing awareness that the environment is no longer something out there in need of protec-
tion and that human beings are part of a network of complex relations of interdependence
within a diverse biosphere. As a consequence, attending to human welfare became part and
parcel of environmental protection. In other words, human life has become increasingly
ecologized (Thiele, 1999: xxvii), and the process is still under way. Culture (including technol-
ogy, institutions, social practices, political attitudes, aesthetic tastes, etc.) can no longer be op-
posed to nature as such. It is impossible rationally to draw, once and for all, a qualitative sepa-
ration line between the way of life of hunters-gatherers (once regarded as mere Naturvlker) and
that of Norwegian whale-hunters, between the apple Eve offered to Adam and that which sup-
posedly fell on Newtons head, between wooden-spade cultivation of a few vegetables on stint-
ing soil and modern mechanized agriculture, or, pace Heidegger, between the Rhine as simply a
river with a wooden bridge over it and the Rhine dammed so as to become a water-power sup-
plier. Whether one thinks it ideally better to dwell in a peasant farmhouse in the Black Forest or
in New York City is a matter of personal taste. People enjoying big towns cannot be thought to
be less natural, nor less human for that matter, by any universally agreed standard. Nowadays
the domain of much recent environmentalism is an intricate weave of natural and social rela-
tions, or a coevolution (Thiele, 1999).
What we need is not a new metaphysics or thinking cap, let alone a universal regeneration,
but more information, discussion, pluralism in decision-making and shared responsibility.
Whether we like it or not, politics always has the last word. The point is to have good politics,
that is politics based on free and universal participation in public life, which is to say: democ-
racy.
2 SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
Pluralism entails the rejection of all kinds of fundamentalisms, whether of the Arcadian or of the
business first variety. Discussion, in turn, cannot but result in decisions supported, directly or
indirectly, by the majority. For these reasons, biocentric ethics (and, a fortiori, those attributing
intrinsic value to ecosystems) are hardly applicable to practical life, however well-meant and
thought-stimulating they may be. For the same reasons-and also because nature altered by cul-
ture is still nature and can be as great a source of recreation and of intellectual pleasure as wil-
derness can be-aiming at conservation seems to be preferable to, and more practicable than,
aiming at integral preservation (I adopt here the distinction made by J.D. Passmore, 1971). Na-
ture conservation does not differ significantly from the so-called resource-management ap-
proach to ecological problems. Both influenced the notion of sustainable development that has
been consolidating over the past 20 years or so in the public debate at local, national, and inter-
national level. In fact, the sustainability approach is the most extensive and extended process of
revision of traditional development theories and of research into new integrated methodologies
for the management of both the environment and development at global, regional, and local
level. When we consider the conditions prevailing in the environment on the planet (climate
change, biodiversity loss, depletion of natural resources, impact on the quality of human life,
etc.), which we now know with increasing punctuality thanks to research and scientific and
technical knowledge, the theme of sustainability does not seem to be just one among others, but
the theme that defines all others.
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The World Commission on Environment and Development, established in 1983 as an inde-
pendent body by the United Nations Environment Programme and chaired by the Norwegian
Prime Minister Gro Harlem Brundlandt, issued a Report which defined sustainable development
as development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future
generations to meet their own needs. The concept of sustainable development does imply lim-
itsnot absolute limits but limitations imposed by the present state of technology and social or-
ganization on environmental resources and by the ability of the biosphere to absorb the effects
of human activities. The Report included a sad (or realistic) note: The rate of [unintended]
change [occurring in the atmosphere as a consequence of the enormously increased human
power radically to alter planetary systems] is outstripping the ability of scientific disciplines and
our current capabilities to assess and advise (World Commission on Environment and Devel-
opment, 1987: 43, 48).
Sustainable development is more debated in theory than defined in practice. Critics have
pointed out that the development that had to be made sustainable according to the Report was
still too much West-centred. Some went further and said the Report contained an implicit pre-
scription for subtly imposing a Western standard of living, although in a more humane form,
on Third World countries. Sustainable development, the Indian environmental scientist
Vandana Shiva said, protects the primacy of capitalism. She went on to say that True sus-
tainability demands that ecological principles be incorporated into production processes to re-
shape them. Conservation has to be a basis and foundation of production. It cannot be an adden-
dum. [] Life can be destroyed to create capital. This destruction will be more efficient and
more rapid with the new biotechnologies which often are offered as miracle cures to the eco-
logical crisis. But accumulated capital cannot recreate the life once destroyed (Shiva, 1992:
191-192).
This is true, but I am afraid not many of us would accept Shivas urge to obey natures
logic and to maintain the integrity of natures processes, cycles and rhythms. In Western
countries, we feel nature differently. We may wellindeed, we mustrecognize the faults of
Western history and civilization, and plead guilty of them, but we can hardly behave as if that
history did not exist, or as if it was possible for us to brainwash ourselves. The ecological crisis,
and its close interconnections with the economic and financial crises, may offer a historic op-
portunity to develop a collective response aimed at orienting the model of global development
through concrete policies, initiatives, and actions able to redefine the quality of development.
But this is possible only if there is a global political body issuing a few, clear directions and en-
forcing strict compliance with them. Politics must set the framework within which economic
forces will be allowed to play under local control and in accordance with local demands and
traditions. There is much truth in the formula Think globally, act locally.
3 QUALITY OF LIFE
In 1989 the governing council of the United Nations Environment Programme identified eight
priority areas: climate and pollution of the atmosphere, pollution and shortage of freshwater re-
sources, deterioration of oceans and coastal areas, land degradation, biological impoverishment,
hazardous waste and toxic chemicals, management of biotechnology, protection of health and
quality of life. Unfortunately, most of these phrases are subject to different interpretations. This
is particularly true of quality of life.
What is meant by it? The problem of the quality of life is generally the object of moral phi-
losophers, with whom it is increasingly replacing old-fashioned happiness, and of social scien-
tists and economists (Lecaldano & Veca, 2001). The latter, especially economists, tend to con-
ceive of it in terms of measurable quantities (commodity consumption, bank accounts, number
of cell telephones, etc.). As to professional philosophers, as long as they debate with each other,
confusion can be somehow reduced by traditional methods of discussion. But what about those
fields where the philosophical analysis of concepts, assumptions and arguments is neither the
main task of the people involved nor a pre-requisite for decision-making and operating? As-
sumptions and cultural attitudes are unconscious in most of the cases. It is therefore necessary to
bring them to the fore, in order to prevent (or, more realistically, reduce) confusion, to keep off
ideologies (as far as possible), and to increase the level of shared responsibility. Cultural stu-
dies, intellectual history and strict criticism of ideas are, therefore, crucial in dealing with envi-
ronmental issues and practices.
The concept of quality of life is essential for a discussion on the meaning of sustainability.
Ideas about quality of life define the direction of sustainable development in the long term. If
sustainability is about continuity, development is about change. Usually, development is seen as
a synonym of economic growth, which, in most cases, can only be achieved with additional im-
pact on the environment. Shared ideas about quality of life are essential for maintaining behav-
iour choices and policies in a sustainable direction.
How can quality of life be conceptualized and operated? The utilitarian approach views
quality of life in a subjective way, which may vary considerably. Personal notions about what a
good life is are strongly influenced by the culture people are part of: the broad cultural heritage
of a society leaves, as it were, an imprint on an individuals frame of mind and values that en-
dures despite modernization (whatever one means by that) and globalization.
By contrast, the capability-approach proposed by Martha Nussbaum and Amartya Sen em-
phasizes the need for a systematic exploration of the content, reach, and relevance of the con-
cept of quality of life, and of the ways to make it concrete and usable. Stiglitz, Sen and Fitoussi
point out that measuring all features of quality of life requires both objective data, such as those
given by the Human Development Index, and subjective data, such as cognitive evaluations of
ones life, positive and negative emotions. The combination of objective and subjective data not
only adds to a better measuring of quality of life, but also leads to a better understanding of its
determinants, which reach beyond peoples income and material conditions. Nussbaum and Sen
do not offer a normative idea of human nature from which to derive a standard set of universal
values that are to be guaranteed. Rather, they insist that political theory should take account of
the quality of individuals lives in terms of their functionings and of their capability to function.
Individuals should be enabled to make their decisions, and this is possible only if all are granted
equal opportunities to be educated, informed and free to act under their own responsibility and
according to their choice (Sen, 1992; Nussbaum & Sen 1993; Sen,1999; Nussbaum, 2011). This
is hardly compatible with the neo-liberal views that have characterized the Western way of life
since the 1980s, and that, significantly, have been under attack by environmentalists as well.
The idea of quality of life involves many individual and social conditions which have to be
assured both formally and materially, such as equal access to education, health and participation
in the selection of the ruling classes. Whereas in the traditional national contexts these condi-
tions were thought to be achieved in citizenship (based on sovereignty of the State and on the
welfare system), in the new transnational context it is the idea of person that is central in is-
sues relating to the quality of life. Accordingly, the very concept of human rights is undergoing
a process of redefinition. The universalistic interpretation of them is challenged both by defend-
ers of a cultural (or communitarian) interpretation and by defenders of a socio-economical
interpretation. A crucial distinction must also be made between de jure authority and de facto
authority. Today, authority is no longer exerted in the political arena only. Economic relations
conceal real inequalities, which obstruct the achievement of individual autonomy. In discussing
sustainable development and quality of life, it is therefore of vital importance to consider under-
lying values related to the aims and direction of development and progress. Many of these val-
ues are rooted in worldviews and religious traditions. This raises the issue of cultural relativism,
and the need for a continuous, open, piecemeal negotiation between the different values at stake.
4 BIODIVERSITY
I will now give a couple of instances of the ways the notion of quality of life bears on ecological
problems. The first concerns biodiversity, a term that was coined in the mid-eighties of the last
century and that right from the start has made a truly remarkable career. The text of the Conven-
tion on Biodiversity adopted by the United Nations conference held at Rio in 1992 described bi-
ological diversity on three levels: within species (genetic diversity), between species, in ecosys-
tems. The convention urges the conservation of biodiversity on all these levels. However, it also
allows the sustainable use of biodiversity, and advocates equal sharing of the benefits that
might derive from it. Pursuing all these aims at the same time and in a balanced way seems a bit
Heritage 2012
hard. In the meantime, human intervention is accelerating the natural pace of species extinc-
tion by a factor of ten.
Conservation of biodiversity is deemed vital for many reasons. Most of them, like the re-
cently developed idea of ecosystem services, articulate a clear human stake. And it is here that
the notion of quality of life comes directly into play. Emphasizing the economic and financial
value of these services will certainly contribute to get real protection measures accepted and im-
plemented, but it should be clear that this line of functional reasoning is likely to lead to selec-
tive action based on a more or less subjectively established hierarchy within nature, as not all
biodiversity seems to contribute equally to these services. Some species and systems will be
thought to have more to offer than others. Some might be left out, as they are supposed not to
contribute in any demonstrable way to the services that are considered important for this or that
human population. If the tough aim of conservation is to be substantiated we do need other
(powerful) arguments and/or values to guide our behaviour in particular cases. What those ar-
guments and values might be cannot be decided a priori. But it must be clear from the beginning
who is going to decide: the whales (represented by whom) or the whale hunters? It should also
be clear that this not merely a matter of economy vs. nature: whale hunting, although con-
trolled by multi-national industries devoid of ecological sensitivity, is also a part of some popu-
lations way of life and culture, that is of their relations with nature. Horrible though it may
sound, it can be more than that: a source of pleasure enhancing the quality of life of not a few
persons. I detest the idea of taking pleasure in activities that entail any bloodshed whatsoever,
but those peoples arguments (if any) in favour of whale hunting must be taken into considera-
tion in the debate preceding decision, and they cannot be silenced by the mere promise of eco-
nomic compensation.
5 LANDSCAPE CONSERVATION: FOR WHOM?
My second instance concerns landscape, both natural and human. Environmentalism is gener-
ally concerned with those who will come after us: We do not inherit the Earth from our par-
ents, we borrow it from our children (Brower, 1995: 1). A well known joke replies, But what
have future generations done for me, that I should care so much about them? It is a serious
question. Apart from philosophical considerations, do we really know what our childrens child-
ren will need? As G.B. Shaw put it, Do not do unto others as you would others to do unto you:
tastes might be different. Demands and needs, no less than tastes, change over time. And it is
quite possible that posterity will accuse us of having wallowed in fanciful speculations about na-
ture conservation instead of providing them with more parking areas. This is one further argu-
ment against preservationist fundamentalism, and in favour of taking into account human arte-
facts as well as natures production when dealing with the environment.
In the city where I live, Florence, there is an ever recurring debate on whether to bring the
Piazza della Signoria, one of the most visited sites in the world, back to its original look by re-
paving it with typical Florentine red ceramic. A few years ago, excavations brought to light im-
portant remains of the ancient Roman city. This complicated matters by introducing one further
option in the debate: why not cover the piazza with a glass surface for people to enjoy two
sights of a glorious past at the same time? Nothing happened: the remains were buried again un-
der a layer of unattractive grey stones, leaving the issue for the next generation. One could say
that this is conservationism put in practice.
I, for one, would not have replaced the Parisian Halles with the Centre Pompidou, nor would
I have demolished the Covent Garden market in London. I would also have preserved the
Wembley Imperial Stadium. But people, including I hope football fans like me, decided other-
wise (although without consulting me). I could have spent hours in admiration of that temple of
soccer, and this would have enhanced for a while the quality of my life. Too bad. Tastes are dif-
ferent. So are cultural biases. Cultural, and aesthetic, relativism is among us Westerners, too.
The point is to allow different people with different tastes to express them on a footing of equal-
ity before a decision is made, and a decision, furthermore, that should damage the losing minori-
ty as little as possible. After all, the essence of democracy is respect for minorities.
6 CONCLUSIONS
To sum up:
Nature should be banished from moral (let alone political) arguments, and environment
should not be used as nature in disguise.
Human beings interact with a system of interactions. They are not unique in this.
They are unique in the same sense as every species is, and for this very reason they cannot
help being anthropocentric.
For the same reason, biocentric ethical theories are rationally impossible as well as impractic-
able, and invitations to think like a mountain and the like can only be considered as rhetorical
means to awaken people from their dogmatic slumber and to stimulate sensitivity to environ-
mental issues, but nothing more.
The term environment should be taken as including all products of human activity, whether
biological of cultural. They belong to nature as much as beavers dams, anthills and coral reefs.
Attending to the welfare of the human species must be part and parcel of environmental pro-
tection.
Discussion on environmental issues should include evaluation of different cultural traditions
and contexts, as well varying local economic demands.
Not only arguments, but words and concepts used in the debates should be submitted to criti-
cal analysis, and their emotional implications brought to the fore.
Environmentalists should always take into account cultural differences and take care of them
as much as they care for biodiversity.
The history of ideas in culture has much more to contribute to ecological debates than is
commonly assumed. Ecological problems involve the past as well as the future.
REFERENCES
Brower, D. 1995. Let the mountains talk, let the rivers run: a call to those who would save the Earth. New
York: Harper Collins.
Cooper, D.E. 1992. The idea of environment, in D.E. Cooper & J.A. Palmer (eds), The environment in
question. Ethics and global issues: 164-180. London and New York: Routledge.
Lecaldano, E. & Veca, S. (eds). 2001. La qualit della vita. Rivista di filosofia 92(1).
Nussbaum, M. & Sen, A. (eds). The quality of life. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Nussbaum, M. 2011. Creating capabilities. The human development approach. Cambridge (Mass.) and
London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.
Partridge, E. (ed.) 1981. Responsibility to future generations. New York: Prometheus.
Passmore, J. 1971. Mans responsibility for nature. London: Duckworth.
Sen, A. (1992). Inequality reexamined. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Sen, A. 1999. Development as freedom. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Shiva, V. 1992. The real meaning of sustainability, in D.E. Cooper & J.A. Palmer (eds), The environment
in question. Ethics and global issues. London and New York: Routledge.
Thiele, L.P. 1999. Environmentalism for the new millennium. The challenge of coevolution. Oxford: Ox-
ford University Press.
Warnock, M. 2003. What is Natural? And Should We Care? Philosophy 78: 445-459.
World Commission on Environment and Development. 1987. Our Common Future. Oxford: Oxford Uni-
versity Press.
Heritage 2012
1 A PARTICULAR SOCIETY AND CONTEXT. THE HYGIENE AND THE SALUBRITY
AS HOUSING PROBLEMS
In Oporto, the debate of the citys hygienism and salubrity started to arise in the late 19th cen-
tury, with growing diseases related to the inadequate housing conditions of the poorest popula-
tion. As in other European cities, engineers, doctors and politicians started to handle these ques-
tions by creating building legislation. The General Improvements Plan of 1864 (Plano Geral de
Melhoramentos das Cidades e Vilas do Reino) was the first regulatory framework from which
some issues began to be considered, like soil treatment, infrastructures (water supply system,
sewerage system and street lighting) and general building conditions (Matias 2002, 9-10). This
national decree gave rise to the Plano de Melhoramentos da Cidade do Porto presented to the
City Council in 1881 by the engineer J. A. Correa de Barros (1835-?). At that time, many other
documents demonstrated hygienist concerns, such as the well known writings of doctor Ricardo
Jorge (1858-1939), an emblematic figure in Oporto's research context (cf. references).
The Dissertations presented by graduating doctors to the Medical and Surgical School of
Oporto, at the turn of the 19th century are also particularly interesting, referring several sub-
jects: sewerage systems (Oliveira & Vale, 1886), microbiological air analysis (Pereira & Pinho,
1894), safer water supplies (Fontes & Frias, 1908) or general housing hygiene (Braga &
Brando, 1894), (Antas, 1902), (Baa Jnior, 1909), (Lemos & Martins Junior, 1914). Contem-
porary authors, such as Seixas (2003) for example, are reflecting on the meaning of the hygien-
ists written heritage in the contemporary city's construction.
Authors such as Teixeira (1992), Trevisan & Matias (2002) and Maia (2000) inform about
Oporto's context between 1830 and 1950 (housing policies/strategies, legislation and epidemiol-
ogy, respectively), revealing a local administration that was increasingly aware of the need to
control private construction and the housing conditions. Nevertheless the implementation of
rules and laws, the general overview is that the municipal services were unable to get significant
results in the field, especially in connecting buildings to the public sewerage system (Gros 1982,
11). The main reason given is the absence of urban planning Plans, integrating parceled inter-
ventions (Trevisan 2002, 31). Oporto only began to be thought in a planned way since 1932,
with the presentation of Prlogo ao Plano da Cidade do Porto by engineer Ezequiel de Campos
Hygienism, salubrity and regulations. The Oporto's collective
dwelling in the 1st half of the 20th century
G. Lameira
PhD scholarship (SFRH/BD/72996/2010) - Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT)
Faculdade de Arquitectura da Universidade do Porto (CEAU/FCT) - Atlas da Casa, Porto, Portugal

ABSTRACT: This article aim is to question the regulation's role in the collective housing pro-
duction, not only in the design of the domestic space, but also in the transformation of the citys
image and its morphological character at a specific historical period. The research framework
proposes the concepts of "hygienism" and "salubrity" to support this aim and refers to the build-
ings that were conceived in Oporto between 1925 and 1957, and also to building and urban leg-
islation applied in that period. There's a special interest in the housings typological transforma-
tions and their urban morphological consequences. This recent and relatively unknown heritage
is worthy of consideration as it engages deeply changes in Oporto's building tradition.
(1874-1965), in which he produced the first generalist considerations about this subject (Cam-
pos, 1932). This reality wasn't that far from what happened in European capitals like Paris, de-
spite the gap of several decades. In this city, health policies regarding housing were being devel-
oped since 1850, producing significant theoretical treatises and debates (in this particular aspect
differing hugely from Oporto's situation), but in fact, it was only by 1900 that they began to in-
fluence housing structures (Moley 1998, 11).
In the 1st half of the 20th century, Oporto was effectively a technical and scientific city. The
collection of Centro Portugus de Fotografia (CPF), based in Oporto, enabled the illustration of
some ideas explained so far. Several themes emerge in the photographs that framed the existing
city, or recorded the occurrences taken place there: events (visits from the king, military pa-
rades, presentations), thematic exhibitions at the Palcio de Cristal (new car models, medicine
congresses, agricultural products). The most developed factories are also photographed, show-
ing their advanced gear and their employees: it's the city of mechanical efficiency.
These pictures also document everyday moments in the city, like the destruction and trans-
formation of the urban fabric or the installation of transport infrastructures: the train, its station,
the trams and their lines' installation. It's the emergence of a "techno scientific" city that is radi-
cally different from the one that preceded it. The town center wasn't being built from scratch, on
the contrary it was clearly being built on a reasoned balance between new and pre-existence, as
the photographer Domingos Alvo (1872-1946) documented (Figs 1, 2).

Figure 1, 2. Domingos Alvo, Public transport systems at Oporto, [19--], PT/CPF/ALV006666, (on the
left); Domingos Alvo, Oporto, General view of the tram lines works' at S da Bandeira street, [19--],
PT/CPF/ALV004696, (on the right), Centro Portugus de Fotografia/DGARQ/MC.

Figure 3. Aurlio Paz dos Reis, Oporto, [Technicians at the Laboratory], [1882] - [1949],
PT/CPF/APR2921, Centro Portugus de Fotografia/DGARQ/MC.
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As in other European cities in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the subjects of salubrity
and hygiene are carefully recorded: the doctor in the laboratory and the exhibitions of sanitary
equipment in medical congresses, for example (Figs 3, 4). The question of healthiness is com-
bined with the need for comfort, particularly in bourgeois rental housing. Therefore, these con-
cerns were taking place not only through urban and building regulations (plot's occupancy,
boundaries, courtyards), but also by the means of the apartment's technical apparatus. The
"Modern Oporto" comes to us in these photographs, and at this specific subject through the
work of Aurlio Paz dos Reis (1862-1931).

Figure 4. Aurlio Paz dos Reis, Oporto, [Exhibition at Market Ferreira Borges], [1882] - [1949],
PT/CPF/APR0798, Centro Portugus de Fotografia/DGARQ/MC.
2 THE REGULATIONS AS CONTROL INSTRUMENTS
Building regulations: "A system of control through which statutory standards on matters such as
safety and energy conservation are enforced by local authorities." (Cowan 2005, 42)
In the 1st half of the 20th century, the central and local authorities significantly expanded the
number of instruments at their disposal to control the growth and the construction of the city,
gradually overcoming the general considerations that ruled the housing sanitary field, which
were evident in the general improvement plans in the late 19th century. In 1903 it was published
the Regulamento de Salubridade das Edificaes Urbanas (RSEU), a document of national im-
plementation specifically about building. The replacement of this regulation, the Regulamento
Geral das Edificaes Urbanas (RGEU) was only approved in 1951, among other general use
legislation. The RGEU is still in use today despite the repeal and revision of some decrees and
in its origin had several objectives namely:
to regulate the activities of private developers;
to establish rules for both applicants and those who evaluate the licensing process;
to establish a minimum level of building's sanitary and safety conditions;
to include the scope of urban aesthetics.
The RSEU of 1903 is essentially a regulation referring to salubrity and hygiene ignoring the
last two given subjects, i.e. the building's security and urban aesthetics.
Between RSEU and RGEU, the cities of Lisbon and Oporto approved some intermediate reg-
ulations aiming to specify and adapt the general rules to local conditions, an objective suggested
by the RSEU itself. Looking at building legislation, the most significant of these intermediate
regulations was the Regulamento Geral da Construo Urbana para a Cidade de Lisboa
(RGCU) of 1930.
It's interesting that in Lisbon, with the growing controversy surrounding the "quality of con-
struction", the aesthetic control arisen as a relevant question (Agarez 2009, 40-47). It became
one of the basic subjects of the RGCU of 1930, in conjunction with other important issues: the
buildings conditions (elevation of building faades, courtyards, lighting, ventilation), the habita-
bility of the interior spaces (ceiling height, areas, spans), and the construction elements' charac-
teristics (floors, roofs, walls, stairs).
Maintaining the chapters' structure of the RGCU of 1930, the RGEU of 1951 reinforces the
issues of domestic healthiness, repeatedly invoking the need for proper geographical exposure
to the sun, but clearly reducing the concerns about architectural aesthetics.

Table 1. Synthesis of the main construction and building regulations approved between 1863 and 1957.
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________
General use legislation*
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________
1863 Construes que ameaam runa (Lei de 16-7-1863)
1864 Obrigatoriedade de edificao nos terrenos confinantes com a via pblica (Lei de 31-12-1864)
1903 RSEU - Regulamento de Salubridade das Edificaes Urbanas (Decreto de 14-2-1903)
1914 Regulamentao da construo nas cidades de Lisboa e Porto (Decreto n 902, de 30-9-1914)
1915 Utilidade pblica das expropriaes a efectuar pelas Cmaras Municipais (Lei n 438, de 15-9-
1915)
1918 Regulamento para o emprego do beton armado (Decreto n 4036, de 28-3-1918)
1924 Recursos relativos s determinaes municipais sobre prdios que ameacem runa (Lei n 1670,
de 15-9-1924)
1935 Regulamento do beto armado (Decreto n 25948, de 16-10-1935)
1936 Regulamento de segurana dos ascensores e monta-cargas elctricos (Decreto n 26591, de 14-5-
1936)
1943 Regulamento do beto armado (Decreto n 25948, de 16-10, com as correces introduzidas pelo
Decreto n 33021, de 2-9-1943)
1943 Regulamento geral de abastecimentos de gua (Portaria n 10367, de 14-4-1943)
1946 Regulamento geral das canalizaes de esgoto (Portaria n 11338, de 8-5-1946)
1951 RGEU - Regulamento Geral das Edificaes Urbanas (Decreto-lei n 38382, de 7-08-1951)
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________
* Regulations with national purposes.

In Oporto, despite several intermediate building decrees approved between RSEU and
RGEU, it's a fact that there wasn't any document with the integrating basis of the Lisbon's
RGCU (which clearly set up the basis for the RGEU).
However, after the promulgation of RGEU the Oporto Municipal Services were able to intro-
duce some novelties that didn't occur in the Lisbon's legislation. By the mid 50s, a new regula-
tion emerged in Oporto, the Regulamento do Plano Regulador da Cidade do Porto (RPRCP) of
1956. This apparently concise document with urban concerns took the opportunity to address
and clarify some of the most ambiguous articles provided by the RGEU - those about the build-
ing's aeration. The RPRCP fixed clear restrictions towards building design, having an inevitable
impact in new collective dwelling.
Before the Oporto's RPRCP of 1956, the overview is that the building regulations' role is to
set a "demanding framework" for private buildings, ruling over the public space (streets, build-
ing faades, building size, infrastructures) and the general quality (in terms of ventilation and
lighting) of the dwelling interior spaces. The same occurred in the French context, where the
central and local authorities managed carefully the balance between the private initiative and the
public interests, avoiding restraints in private investment (Moley 1998, 22).
Oporto has its own specificity regarding collective dwelling. It's a phenomenon that occurred
only in the 1st half of the 20th century, first with the over occupancy of single-family structures.
Around the 20s, new housing structures began to be constructed, which building regulations had
necessarily to control and supervise.
Although we're analyzing a short period of time (1925-1957) it's a relevant specific historical
period, between the appearance of the first new collective housing buildings and the settling of
some models/typologies in the early 60s (Barata 1999, 238-241). At the time, it's also relevant
that the Oportos city image was changing, as modern buildings (at least engaged with sani-
tary rules) started to appear, exhibiting their large faades and "updated" floor plan typologies.
In our perspective, these typological and morphological changes can be related to several factors
besides legislation. But in the long run, it's a fact that some specific rules had severe conse-
Heritage 2012
quences in this transformation process. Considering the content and scope of activity of those
regulations, it seems important to understand and discuss their effective impact in collective
housing production.

Table 2. Synthesis of the main regulations approved in Oporto between 1869 and 1957.
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Oporto
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________
1869 Cdigo de Posturas do Municpio (Acordo do Conselho de Distrito de 4-3-1869)
1889 Cdigo de Posturas do Municpio
1901 Regulamento Geral de Sade
1905 Cdigo de Posturas do Municpio do Porto (Edital de 11-2-1905)
1915 Regulamento da Comisso de Esttica da Cidade
1919 Regulamento do Municpio do Porto relativo Instalao do Saneamento
1924 Postura sobre obras particulares na Cidade
1925 Regulamento da Comisso de Esttica da Cidade
1929 Regulamento de obras particulares na cidade do Porto (Edital de 28-1-1929)
1929 Distncias entre prdios contguos (Edital de 24-5-1929, modificado por proposta de 14-7-1938)
1929 Regulamento para a Instalao do Saneamento Urbano da Cidade do Porto
1929 Regulamento para o abastecimento e consumo de gua (Edital de 28-10-1929)
1930* RGCU - Regulamento Geral da Construo Urbana para a Cidade de Lisboa (Edital de 6-12-
1930)
1941 Varandas envidraadas nas traseiras de prdios (Proposta de 14-8-1941)
1941 Ligao dos prdios urbanos aos aquedutos de guas pluviais (Edital n 9/41, de 21-8-1941)
1943 Regulamento do Servio de Saneamento da Cidade do Porto (Portaria de 29-11-1943)
1943 Instalao de elevadores em prdios (edital n 9/43, de 26-5-1943)
1944 Regulamento sobre construo civil na parte referente defesa contra incndios (Edital n 6/44,
de 14-3-1944)
1944 Regulamento dos Servios de Abastecimento de gua Cidade do Porto e Concelhos Limtrofes
(Portaria de 4-9-1944)
1956 RPRCP - Regulamento do Plano Regulador da Cidade do Porto (Separata do Boletim Municipal
n 1036, de 18 de Fevereiro de 1956)
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________
* Lisbon specific regulation. Just for reference.
3 THE NORMATIVE DISCOURSE AND THE COLLECTIVE HOUSING IN OPORTO
Let us focus on two architectural aspects that are relevant in the design of Oporto's urban hous-
ing in the 1st half of the 20th century: the small inner yard - a ventilation/lighting enclosed area
placed inside the building (Fig. 5), and one of the building's main dimensions: its depth.
The normative discourse around these subjects does not express itself equally in Oporto and
Lisbon, despite of RSEU (1903) and RGEU (1951) being common regulations. The Lisbon's
RGCU (1930) and the Oportos RPRCP (1956), introduced important specifications to national
regulations, that had effect only on their specific context of application.
The small inner yard, or just yard as it was called, was a permitted enclosed area in both
RSEU and RGCU. In this last document, the restrictions were stricter in terms of dimensions
and areas than in the first one, following the normative references of the Parisian legislation.
In RGEU, the small inner yard disappears from the normative vocabulary (references only to
street, courtyard and backyard) and procedures were introduced that largely inhibited the use of
this architectural element (but not with a textual prohibition). The authors Agarez (2009) and
Reis (2009) have recently discussed the implications of these regulatory changes in the Lisbon
context, namely the proliferation of buildings with irregular posterior faades, which tried to
"open" the inner yards and therefore circumvent the stricter ruling concerning this sort of spac-
es. These authors express opposite perspectives towards the usefulness and value of the small
inner yard in the design of urban housing. Agarez argues that already in the 50s, buildings with
irregular posterior faades or inner aeration yards were outdated, while Reis explores the advan-
tages of contemporary recovery of the small inner (open or closed) yard, acknowledging the
added value of typological models that made use of it.
In Oporto, we dont find neither echoes of this current discussion, nor detailed studies on the
use/reinterpretation of the small inner yards on new buildings (at least, while it was possible to
make use of them). The only perspicacious clue seems to be given by F. Barata referring to the
transformation of existing buildings, in the beginning of the 20th century. He alerts about the
consequences of the pure and simple prohibition of the small inner yard in Oporto, implicitly
mentioning the RPRCPs 31st article (Barata 1999, 246):
"Article 31 - In new buildings intended for housing, small inner yards are not allowed.
Single - By small inner yard is meant a space enclosed by four walls; when one side is the
contiguous property boundary it will be considered as a faade."
This article seems to clarify the ambiguities found in the RGEU of 1951, which permitted ar-
chitects and constructors to build small inner yards in new buildings, stating exceptional circum-
stances. For instance, the "Building of Foz" designed by architect Fernando Tvora, and li-
censed in 1954, has a small inner yard for kitchen's ventilation, making use of exceptions tolera-
ted by the 71st Article of RGEU (Fig. 6, LO 0094/1954).
Having as framework the Parisian housing buildings, C. Moley demonstrated that small inner
yards gradually disappeared not by the constraints of regulations, but simply because the de-
signer/builder needed its area. The author documented this progressive phenomenon, stressing
how the small inner yard was increasingly used to ventilate only toilets, being recurrently lo-
cated at the bottom of the apartment, and step by step being reduced up to become a con-
duit/shaft (Moley, 1998). In France, the "typological leaps" are not as evident as in Oporto, giv-
en the much older tradition in rental housing building (a reality that dates back to the 18th
century).
It is a fact that before the RGEU of 1951, and the peremptory RPRCP of 1956, it is possible
to find buildings with or without small inner yards (Figs 6, 7). The reasons to include these en-
closed areas are among several: the plot's width and the building's maximum depth (and there-
fore maximum profitability), the owner's preferences and the architect/constructor's references
(and their ideal way of life representation). The dimensions of the small inner yards are also ex-
tremely diverse, and not strictly following the minimum stipulated by regulations, which indi-
cates some sort of freedom.

Figure 5. Closed small inner yard in an Oporto building built in the mid 40s.

Table 3. The small inner yard.*
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Regulation Kitchens Toilets, stairs, galleries
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________
RSEU (1903) 9 square meters 4 square meters
RGCU (1930) 1/4 of the faade height (width) 1/6 of the faade height (width)
2,5 meters at least** 2 meters at least**
RGEU (1951) 1/2 of the faade height, measured from the
apartment floor (width); 3 meters at least***
RPRCP (1956) not permitted not permitted
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________
* Minimum dimensions/area
** Kitchen and one bedroom
Heritage 2012
*** Inner yard permitted as exception.

Figure 6. Oporto housing buildings WITH closed small inner yards (some floor plans conceived before
1956). From left to right: LO 1032/1935; LO 1471/1936; LO 0056/1939; LO 0260/1938; LO 0094/1954 -
Departamento Municipal de Arquivos da Cmara Municipal do Porto (DMACMP).

Figure 7. Oporto housing buildings WITHOUT closed small inner yards (some floor plans conceived be-
fore 1956). From left to right: LO 0400/1939; LO 0055/1939; LO 0090/1937 - DMACMP.

The Oporto's banishing of the small inner yard in 1956 was complemented by another restric-
tion that indicated clearly how housing should be built from that point: "Article 30 - The depth
of the buildings that have only two non adjacent faades (front and posterior) must not exceed
15 meters, usually measured from the axis of the street."
Both RSEU of 1903 and RGEU of 1951 were quite silent on this subject. In the case of
RGEU, the width of the street and backyard were strictly regulated (where the distance between
faades should be equal to their height: the "45 Rule"), so the depth of buildings turns out to be
a consequence of the street's width, the particularities of the plot, and the configuration allowing
more profitability to owners. Nearly the same factors were involved in the option of including
small inner yards. Before 1956, this resulted into an extremely variable set of buildings' depths,
some of them 15 meters deep, but not by imposition (Figs 6-8, 10).
Shortly before the Oporto's RPRCP of 1956, the Lisbon's legislation also produced regula-
tions that established rules regarding to the building's depth (1955), but always in strict areas
(core areas or new avenues), in certain cases requiring the parallelism of the faades.
Oporto's legislation was clearly much stricter. The imposition of a maximum depth, together
with recommendations for the alignment of posterior faades (which were not explicit in the
Regulation of 1956, but were in fact being implemented by Municipal Services since the 40s in
several streets like S da Bandeira or Ceuta) lead to the eradication of typological plans with ir-
regular configurations (Figs 9, 10). The Municipal Services aim was to render hygienic both
building and backyards, forcing more compact and aligned buildings, which created obvious
difficulties to plots with narrow widths. By regulating and controlling parceled interventions,
the building's shape and enclosed areas like the inner yards the Municipal Authorities were
shaping the city, both in a typological and a morphological manner.
Table 4. The depth of the buildings.*
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Regulation
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________
RSEU (1903) not referred; restrictions in yards between buildings regarding their height:
18 meters - 30 square meters; more than 18 meters - 40 square meters
RGEU (1951) not referred; restrictions in yards between buildings regarding their height
minimum distance = the building faade height ("45 Rule")
RGPRCP (1956) 15 meters
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________
* Minimum dimensions.

Figure 8. Oporto housing buildings up to 15 meters deep (some floor plans conceived before 1956).
From left to right: LO 0643/1948; LO 0673/1939; LO 0275/1952 - DMACMP.

Figure 9. "Compact" Oporto housing buildings (some floor plans conceived after 1956). From left to
right: LO 0397/1957 and LO 0016/1958 - DMACMP.
4 SOME CONCLUSIONS. THE IMPACT OF REGULATIONS. HYPOTHETICAL
TYPOLOGICAL (AND URBAN) CONSEQUENCES
In Oporto, were the regulations the main cause of collective housing's typological change, in the
period between the mid 20s and the mid 50s of the 20th century? At this point, we can state that
they weren't.
By referring to the French situation, C. Moley proposes releasing the idea of immediate caus-
al relationship between regulations and architectural production. He alerts that architects and
house builders are vehicles of a shared culture assimilated over a long period of time (con-
sciously or unconsciously). This phenomenon is more connected to an "inherited culture", with
particular "principles and codes", then with a set of constraints (Moley 1998, 271). This au-
thor also points out that throughout history, no decree on building's regulation has focused on
the distribution of floor plans, so it seems abusive to see in the regulations the main cause of the
fixation of certain typological models or specific floor plan organizations.
These assumptions are essential to understand the production (transformation and adaptation)
of some housing types and typologies. They are verifiable in Oporto, by observing the diversity
of floor plans that were conceived since the mid 30s (Figs 6-10), but it doesn't change the fact
that, in certain specific situations, regulations had remarkable consequences in architectural his-
Heritage 2012
torical practices. According to F. Barata, the proscription of the small inner yard, interrupted
historical processes of typological transformation, which used simple elements to adapt the ex-
isting architecture to newer conditions, such as the over occupation of single-family buildings.
The inner yard permitted the migration of kitchens and bathrooms to the apartment central areas
as a permanent solution to the collective housing program (Barata 1999, 245-246).
In our opinion, it also interrupted recent parallel typological experimentation in new building
design, leading to the fast disappearance of some types. With respect to the Oporto new housing
buildings, the thesis we've tried to suggest (rather than demonstrate) is that prohibiting the small
inner yard and limiting the building's depth by regulations enacted in 1956, more than giving
rise to evident changes on building types, lead to the impoverishment of architectural design. A
building type was being imposed, with regular shape and aeration conduits, on the grounds of
"proper lighting and ventilation" of spaces.
Only two building types seemed to succeed in consolidated urban areas, generating several
models and different typologies. In large plots the privileged model was the 15 meters deep
slab, with regular configuration and compact volume. In narrower plots, which historically had
relied in long depth and small inner yards to ventilate the central areas of the apartment, profita-
bility problems naturally occurred. The kitchen's inner location was no longer possible. Ac-
cording to F. Barata, the solution for building in narrow plots was apparently found in the asso-
ciation of two parcels (approximately a 12 meters faade building), with a standard structure of
2 apartments on each story, sharing a common staircase. This solution was widely spread in the
60s, with varying degrees of architectural quality (Barata 1999, 245-253).
Therefore, it represents an enormous reduction of design possibilities, taking into account the
typological richness and adaptation possibilities of floor plan designs that can be found from the
mid 20s to the early 50s, particularly those that made use of small inner yards and explored the
association of several housing units.
This is where we consider the Regulation of 1956 a "shortsighted" instrument, transforming a
"demanding framework" into a prescriptive one. This doesn't mean that regulation changes can't
generate typological innovation. The emergence in Lisbon of buildings with open posterior
yards (redentes) in the 30s was a manifest way to overcome stricter rules on inner ventilation
yards, imposed by the RGCU. The Lisbon's house builders were clearly following the solutions
presented by the French building tradition, which was an historical important reference.
It is a fact that the Oporto's regulation of 1956 was imposing building types, but neither this
document nor RGEU addressed restraining decrees about floor plan disposition. Therefore it's
unlikely that these regulations are the only justification to the typologies similarities that were
becoming ordinary: more compact plans, simplified household and aggregation of bed-
rooms/bathrooms at one side and kitchen/living room at another.
In this line of ideas, it seems important to transpose the warning of C. Moley to the Portu-
guese reality: the (contemporary) argument that the continuity of some housing mod-
els/typologies and their uncritical reproduction is the result of the growth of regulatory re-
strictions it's a misjudgment. The consolidation of certain building types or typologies is the re-
sult of the slow process of architectural, social and economic validation of shared inherited
logics (i.e. a cultural process). Consequently, the transposition and revision of depleted mod-
els/typologies will have to naturally fit into these long-term cultural processes, and it's unlikely
that the solution can be proposed or imposed by regulations of any kind.


Figure 10. Buildings between party walls conceived between 1925 and 1957. Some examples.
REFERENCES
Agarez, R. 2009. O Moderno Revisitado: Habitao Multifamiliar em Lisboa nos anos de 1950. Lisboa:
Cmara Municipal de Lisboa.
Antas, A., Monterroso, M. 1934. A Salubridade Habitacional no Porto (1929-1933). Lisboa: Imprensa
Nacional.
Antas, A.C.F.; Lima, C.A. 1902. Insalubridade do Porto, Porto: Officinas do "Commercio do Porto".
Baia Jnior, J.S.F.1909. Contribuio para a Hygiene do Porto. Porto: Typ. a vapor da "Encyclopedia
Portugueza".
Barata, F. 1999. Transformao e permanncia na habitao portuense. A forma da cidade na forma da
casa. 2 ed. Porto: Faup publicaes.
Braga, J.R., Brando, A.H.A. 1894. Subsidios para a hygiene da habitao: ventilao, iluminao, aguas
e remoo de immundices. Porto: Typographia Peninsular.
Campos, E. 1932. Prlogo ao Plano da Cidade do Porto. Porto: Empresa Industrial Grfica.
Cowan, R. 2005. The Dictionary of Urbanism. Tisbury, Wiltshire: Streetwise Press.
Edificaes Urbanas. 1944. Legislao Geral de Uso Corrente; Regulamentos e Posturas das Cmaras
Municipais de Lisboa, Porto e Coimbra. Porto: ed. Lopes da Silva.
Fontes, A., Frias, R.B.R. 1908. Contribuio para a Hygiene do Porto: analyse sanitaria do seu abasteci-
mento em gua potavel. Porto: [s.n.].
Gros, M.C. 1982. O Alojamento social sob o fascismo. Porto: Edies Afrontamento.
Jorge, R. 1899. Demografia e hygiene da cidade do Porto: Parte I: Clma-populao-mortalidade. Porto:
Cmara Municipal do Porto/Repartio Municipal de Sade e Higiene.
Jorge, R. 1885. "Higyene Social applicada Nao Portuguesa" in Conferncias Feitas no Porto. (Porto,
1885). Porto: Civilizao.
Jorge, R. 1888. Saneamento do Porto: Relatrio apresentado Commisso Municipal de Saneamento.
Porto: Typ. de Antnio Jos da Silva Teixeira.
Lemos, A.G.F., Martins Junior, J.L.S. 1914. Contribuio para o estudo da higiene do Porto: ilhas. Porto:
Imprensa Nacional de Jayme Vasconcellos.
Maia, J.J. 2000. Transio epidemiolgica, infra-estruturas urbanas e desenvolvimento: a cidade do Porto.
In Anlise Social, vol. XXXV (156), 2000 (1 ), p. 583-604.
Matias, I. 2002. O pensamento higienista na segunda metade do sculo XIX. In Alexandra Trevisan & Is-
abel Matias. Higiene e Salubridade no Porto (1850-1930). Porto: Centro de Estudos Arnaldo Arajo.
Moley, C. 1998. L'Architecture du Logement. Culture et logiques d'une norme hrite. Paris: Anthropos.
Oliveira, A.A.C., Vale, I.A.P. 1886. Estudo sobre os diversos systemas de remoo das immundicias
adoptados nas principaes cidades da Europa e sua applicao cidade do Porto. Porto: Typographia de
A. J. da Silva Teixeira.
Pereira, J.A, Pinho, C.A.C. 1894. Contribuio para a hygiene do Porto analyse microbiologica do ar.
Porto: Typographya Occidental.
Reis, N.M.A. 2009. O saguo na habitao urbana. O interior da casa em torno de um vazio vertical nu-
clear. Tese de Doutoramento. Lisboa: FAUTL.
Seixas, P.C. 2003. Higienismo: Textos que Fizeram Cidade. In Isabel Patim (org). Literatura e Medicina.
I Encontro de Estudos sobre Cincias e Culturas, Porto: Universidade Fernando Pessoa, p.119-137.
Teixeira, M.C. 1992. As estratgias de habitao em Portugal, 1880-1940. In Anlise Social, vol. XXVII
(115), 1992 (1 ), p. 65 a 89.
Trevisan, A. 2002. Higiene e Salubridade urbana nas primeiras dcadas do sc. XX. In Alexandra Tre-
visan & Isabel Matias. Higiene e Salubridade no Porto (1850-1930). Porto: CEAA.

Regulations

Plano de Melhoramentos da Cidade do Porto. 1881. Apresentado C.M.P. por J.A. Corra de Barros.
Regulamento Geral de Construo Urbana. Lisboa. 1930. Edital de 6 de Dezembro de 1930. Lisboa:
Cmara Municipal de Lisboa.
Regulamento Geral das Edificaes Urbanas. 1951. Decreto-lei n 38382, de 7 de Agosto de 1951.
Regulamento de Salubridade das Edificaes Urbanas. 1903. Decreto de 14 de Fevereiro de 1903. Lisboa:
Imprensa Nacional.
Regulamento do Plano Regulador da Cidade do Porto. 1956. Separata do Boletim Municipal n 1036, de
18 de Fevereiro de 1956.
Heritage 2012
FIGURE REFERENCES
Figures 1 4: photographs from the archives of Centro Portugus de Fotografia/DGARQ/MC.
Figures 5 10: authors photographs and representations concerning licensing floor plan drawings, held
by the Oporto Municipal Archives (Arquivo Histrico e Arquivo Geral da Cmara Municipal do Porto).

Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
In Spain the Industrial Revolution was developed in three big phases. The first stage, still tepid,
saw the development of the industry in some areas of the country, mainly placed in the Northern
part. Among them, Catalonia would play a key role in the textile manufacture, whose bond with
our factory will be shown below. However, we often forget that it was actually the Second In-
dustrial Revolution what initiated the most relevant period at a national level, and that one of the
catalyst companies of this movement was from Valencia: the Nolla Floor Tile Factory.
It was in 1860s when a Catalan entrepreneur, Miguel Nolla Bruixet, set up a totally innova-
tive factory in the Spain of 19
th
Century, using imported technology and conceptions from Eng-
land. Although he was originally from Reus, where his family was dedicated to silk manufactur-
ing and trade, his businessman nature led him to move to Valencia where he would developed
his textile business, which he would be running until 1866.
Nevertheless, his biggest achievement was the establishment of the Nolla Floor Tile Factory,
situated in Meliana. After starting out in the tile industry with his brother-in-law Luis Sagrera,
Gaspar Dotres and Francisco Molt, he went deeper into this business embarking on the con-
struction of an imposing industrial complex, of almost 20.000m
2
. The complex will become a
milestone to the life of the Northern Huerta and to the industrial history of the region.
A family property, that fulfilled all the requirements for the activity he had in mind, was the
place chosen for establishing the installations. Strategically placed, it consisted of a large ex-
panse of land and a formidable 17
th
Century alquera, a building attached to farming activities
that had recently been renovated by his parents-in-law as a summer house. This building would
be an unshakable reference in the evolution of the complex, as well as a privileged meeting
place for the European high society of that time, which was interested in contemplating the pos-
sibilities offered by these tiles. (Fig.1)
Restoring the social and historic heritage of Meliana
X. Laumain
ARAE Patrimonio y Restauracin S.L.P., Spain
A. Lpez Sabater
ARAE Patrimonio y Restauracin S.L.P., Spain
ABSTRACT: By the mid 19
th
century Nollas Floor Tile Factory, whose historic relevance is
unquestionable while unknown, arose in Meliana. It was one of the driving forces of Spanish
industrialization. The beauty and endurance of the Nolla manufactures, as well as its endless
possibilities, brought an immediate national and international success. Countless Art Nouveau
buildings hold compositions made with these tiles. In order to reach such an excellence, it was
necessary that everyone taking part of the process had exceptional knowledge and know-how.
Actually, in 1871 the founder and some of his employees were honored with the Cruz de Isabel
la Catlica, from the King Amadeus I of Savoy. An exhaustive study of the social history of the
factory, and Palauet Nolla, has been done, in order to document and enhance such a relevant
heritage; as well as the manufacturing process of Nolla flooring tiles, its social impact and artis-
tic merit.

Figure 1. The Palauet Nolla and the Factory, in the Huerta. (Ayuntamiento de Meliana)

The products from this factory achieved an immediate success, as commercial as institutional,
and Miguel Nolla saw how his floor tiles were recognized everywhere he went, accumulating
quickly a large number of awards and medals at regional and national fairs or Worlds Fairs.
This important publicity, together with an extensive network of contacts in the highest society
of Spain and Europe, allowed him to reach an extraordinary renown. His mosaics captivated all
who had the chance to contemplate them, decorating his flagship building, the Palauet Nolla, the
building just noted above. Their spreading was on a global scale, and the exportations to other
continents, provided by the economical relations with the colonies, were multiplied. But, which
was the reason of such a success, and, what consequences will it bring to the social fabric of Va-
lencia?
2 THE NOLLA FACTORY: A PIONEERING COMPANY IN SPAIN
In 19
th
Century, the Orientalism prevailed over the European artistic sphere. Decoration was in-
spired by drawings and colours from distant countries, bringing some exoticism to the Old Con-
tinent. Attuned to businesses, and consequently used to look for the most suitable product for
the taste of his customers, Miguel Nolla was immediately captivated by the mosaics produced in
England by the companies Maw and Minton. There is no doubt, considering his exceptional
business sense, that from the very first moment he was aware of the possibilities of this material,
with its tiny tesserae allowing the design of fine and elaborate colourful drawings, often in-
spired by the Persian carpets. Suffice it to see the flooring at the ground floor of what will be-
come his showroom, the Palauet, or the exterior decoration of its tower, to understand it.
So, Miguel Nolla decided to import the above tiles and produce them in Valencia. In order to
carry out his project, he built a factory in Meliana, on the greenery environment of the Huerta, a
centuries-long agricultural belt around the provincial capital, and comparable to the famous
ghuta of Damascus. Thus, the first impact was a visual and environmental one, since on a rural
landscape an industrial complex was established, with its chimneys giving off a black dense
smoke, with its noises and its frenetic activity; diametrically opposed to the farming tradition of
the place, but at the same time generating one of the most interesting periods of its history. The
industrial complex, which will evolve according to the requirements of the production, will also
change its owner at the beginning of 20
th
Century, passing into the hands of the Swiss firm
Gardy. This company, currently named Schneider Electric, was one of the world leaders in elec-
trical components, and its plant in Meliana was one of its leading installations. Its uninterrupted
continuance of the activity at the same complex for more than a century and a half is a very re-
markable feature of this factory, and it always kept excellence in the field that was being under-
taken.
For the construction of the original installations, Nolla not only broke with the landscape, but
also with the local constructive tradition, he used English shaped bricks, smaller and thicker
than the ones used in Spain; and he made them himself, as showed the stamping on both sides of
Heritage 2012
the pieces. The bond, and even the volumes and typology of the building, were inspired by Brit-
ish models.

Figure 2. Left: The gate of the Factory. Right: Administration building (Ayuntamiento de Meliana)

But the businessman not only imported ideas and conceptions, he also bought the machinery
in England, copied the types of pieces (also using formats in inches instead of adapting them to
the metric system), and even reproduced entire parts of the original catalogues.
Considering all mentioned above, we could think that Miguel Nolla only plagiarized an Eng-
lish product for his own advantage. The truth is actually quite far from it. Indeed, although he
reproduced an already known system, he contributed with his particular touch, what would dis-
tinguish his products from what had been done until then. Nollas contribution was triple, and it
would constitute the core of a specific industrial and social heritage. It is about the introduction
of new conceptions for the production management, the creation of specialized trades and a no-
table social concern for his workers.
3 NOLLAS CONTRIBUTIONS
3.1 New production and trade concepts
In the factory of Meliana, although the production was based on English systems, Nolla adapted
it all to the conditions he had at his disposal, as to his vision of what an optimal management of
this sort of business might be. His idea was developed around the clear wish of a total control of
the whole production process, from the raw materials supply to sale, including all different in-
dustrial phases, transportation and even the layout of the products. This search would lead him
to create a number of technical and social specificities that will constitute a unique heritage, of a
great richness and variety, which unfortunately will be almost completely lost along with the
demise of the company at the end of 20
th
Century.
With the aim of being unconnected with the price fluctuations and the availability of raw ma-
terials, he bought some quarries from where to mine kaolin, a fundamental component of the
mass used for his ceramics, instead of porcelain which has a different composition, production
process and firing. The extreme quality of the materials mined from his quarries allowed him to
work with relatively simple installations, like the kilns, getting over the common problems ari-
sen for the uniform and controlled firing required by this sort of ceramics, just with the help of
ingenious systems. But, anyway, he introduced a cutting-edge technology for that time, like
steam engines. In particular, the grinding mill, which made a task that previously had to be out-
sourced, was one of the scarce existing examples in Spain. His eagerness to not depending on
anyone led him to produce his own materials to build or restore his premises. Even the bags
used in the factory were woven in-house.
As the company was developing and achieving quickly renown, other businessmen resolved
to produce a similar product appeared. The clearest case is the Pin one, also located in Valen-
cia region. Therefore, the Manufacture Royal Privilege obtained in 1860 for five years wasnt
enough. Using its imminent renewal he applied for an Invention and Exclusivity Privilege,
which he got from Queen Isabella II in 1864 for a period of ten years; thus, he got rid of any in-
itiative from possible competitors. This shows Miguel Nollas nature, his company policy and
the reach of his power.
As for the distribution of his products, Nolla planned a very complete commercial strategy,
addressed to all possible customers. For the general public, he used the catalogue system devel-
oped in England, offering hundreds of designs, based on modules that can be repeated infinitely,
covering any floor or wall, regardless its size or shape. It was only necessary to place an order
indicating the reference number of the model and the required area. The packing system was al-
so studied so the pack was as small as possible, what was very important for long-distance
transportation or exportation.
For more important orders the Nolla Floor Tile Factory had a group of designers who created
unique compositions, especially designed for a given place, according to the requirements of the
customers. Wonderful carpets, elaborated geometrical compositions, floral motives or even coat
of arms and figurative allegories are some of the aesthetic resources used for floorings of some
Spanish, French and Russian palaces. One of the regular customers of the company, apart from
several European families of the bourgeoisie and nobility, was the religious order of Jesuits.
Across the entire country, we find a massive use of the Nolla mosaics as flooring in classrooms,
corridors and refectories. The services offered by the company, in these significant cases, were
not only the design of the composition; but specialists, the mosaiqueros, were sent to the place
for laying the ties. These workers were the best in their trade, and worked directly for the facto-
ry. Thus the businessman was certain of the correct laying of the tiles, and the satisfaction of his
distinguished customer. There are two clear examples of this procedure, the case of the Church
of the Immaculate Conception and its old school in Gijn and the case of one of the under-
ground stations of Moscow. In the first case, the artisans moved in with their families, and
ended up establishing themselves in Asturias. Beyond the anecdote, this example shows some
aspects. First, the creation of a truly specialized trade, and the recognition that mosaiqueros had.
But it also shows that the society of Gijn received enthusiastically this new decorative system,
since the artisans could develop their job after the initial work, settling and making a living by
it, what means an important quantity of commissions. This trade was the most outstanding one,
but it was just the end of a production process constituted by a big number of phases, each of
which required an already forgotten savoir faire.
3.2 The workers: the human assets
The main faade looks over a large rectangular square oriented towards the south, with the
lengthwise axes of the square and church coinciding. The church is completely free-standing,
having previously been located against the side of the mountain and its topographical elevation
was also higher. In order to connect the square to the road network and make it part of a one-
way system, a section of the mountain was removed in order to make way for the road and a
standard retaining wall built of masonry was constructed. Its elevation was therefore considera-
bly reduced and, over time, further work was undertaken, leading to alterations to the original
morphological conditions of the terrain.

Figure 3. Workers in front of the gate (left) and inside the factory (Right) (Ayuntamiento de Meliana)

Heritage 2012
As noted above, the complex production of the Nolla mosaics involved a large number of
trades, most of them specialized and constituting an essential link in the chain. Hundreds of
people carried out these works, mainly women, but also men and children. During the period of
the biggest activity more than a thousand people were working in the factory, inhabitants from
Meliana or other nearby villages. We must also take into account all the people that were related
to the production of the factory, and therefore worked indirectly like suppliers, hauliers, or the
famous mosaiquers about whom we will talk later.
The savoir-faire of all these workers is a real intangible cultural heritage of prime impor-
tance, whose memory is almost extinguished nowadays. Machines and tools used in the produc-
tion have disappeared, leading to the consequent obscurity of the gestures that generations of
workers have repeated thousands of times, until they achieved a unique dexterity. (Fig.3)
So, the Nolla Floor Tile Factory had a large number of specialized trades, standing out de-
signers, the workers in the kiln and the mosaiqueros, as symbols of the beginning, middle phase
and ending of the process. The first ones were responsible for creating the compositions dis-
played on the catalogues, as for the exclusive drawings for the most distinguished customers of
the company. Today, when one has the chance to see the sketches on a thin squared paper and
how they were developed as a wise mixture of the different shapes, sizes and colours of the
pieces, notices the most elaborated and artistic side of those who had to combine stylishly
tesserae in order to achieve models that would mean to be a fashionable stylistic reference. The
sensibility of their work is especially noticeable in the combinations of colours that simulate
shades, giving depth to the surfaces.
In a much more pragmatic aspect, but equally important, the kiln workers were responsible
for the correct firing of thousands of pieces. They must be able to control the heat and a stable
temperature during the whole process, about 1250-1300C, using very basic methods. The qual-
ity of the refractory brick is essential, as the load of the kiln, or the previous drying. The experi-
ence acquired with time allowed these workers to be able to arrange and control the delicate fir-
ing process, despite using combustion materials or installations that couldnt be standardized.

Figure 4. Left: Bricks and boxes of material. Right: Oven (Ayuntamiento de Meliana)

Finally, the mosaiqueros, the most known and visible side of the company, were the symbol
of the savoir-faire of this industry. Through the recent study of the Palauet Nolla, it has been
found that their knowledge wasnt only technical, in order to perform a correct laying of the
mosaics, but also artistic. Indeed, theres no doubt that this artisans were very skilful and able to
lay large dimension floors without faults. More exactly, they were able to fix or hide possible
faults without altering the final composition. Buy they were also ingenious and accurate solving
problems on site. Joints, especially corners, were great challenges. When laying floorings based
on a repetitive model, the designs didnt fit exactly to the size of the room. Therefore, the mo-
saiqueros had to improvise, playing with the drawing to minimize defects.
From this point of view, Palauet Nolla is a real gem. The staircase skirting, many floorings,
or even isolated compositions show an impeccable skill from those who made them. Moreover,
in over 1.200m
2
of mosaics in the building, tile-to-tile joints are less than half a millimetre; what
means that mosaiqueros had no margin of error. But the paradigmatic example of their accuracy
can be seen on the dome of the miramar tower, where the squared pattern composition softly
adapts to the hemispherical shape of the shell, joining vanishing lines on the sides of each fourth
part of the dome, dropping the number of lines step by step, all imperceptible from the ground.
The quality of Nolla Factory workers was highlighted in 1871, when Miguel Nolla and six of
his workers received the Cross Isabella the Catholic from the King Amadeus I of Savoy, as rec-
ognition for such a relevant work. We shouldnt underestimate the importance and scope of this
intangible heritage which, in our opinion, is even more relevant that the remaining material heri-
tage from that period.
3.3 Unprecedented social measures
The bond between the company and its workers was always close. Miguel Nolla had a strong
paternalistic attitude towards his workers, as it is shown by the social measures he adopted. One
of the most outstanding symbols of the ambiguity or the mixture between the wish of control
and the generous character of the businessman is the presence of his portrait on the Western fa-
ade of the Palauet, towards the courtyard of the factory. This picture shows his omnipresence,
his wish for being with his workers, but at the same time keeping an eye on the correct running
of the company. The good relation between the owner and the workers was evident during some
moments of social tensions, when Nolla workers refused to go on strike, despite the requests
from the workers of other companies, and kept on working.
The motto Subordination, ethics, award to work placed over the access to the factory
wasnt in vain. Miguel Nolla, indeed, demanded a close involvement to his workers, as well as a
blameless morality; but, for those who fulfil his requirements, he had planned notable gratifica-
tions. He offered to the oldest workers a dwelling in the surrounding of the factory. Eventually,
these buildings together with the industrial complex created a neighbourhood named after the
owners surname. Nowadays it keeps this name, showing the importance of the factory and its
social bond.
There were also other sorts of gratifications or bonus, as well as other measures addressed to
the workers welfare. All of them led Nolla to obtain an official recognition in a Worlds Fair
that highlighted the commitment of his company.
The social impact was huge, as the most part of the inhabitants of Meliana, Foios, Bonreps
and Mirambell and other nearby villages worked directly or indirectly for Nolla. There were
consecutive generations, and theres no family in Meliana without one or some ancestor, or even
all of them, who have worked in the factory. Thus, it is part of the identity of the people.
4 NOLLA FLOOR TILES: HISTORIC AND ARTISTIC HERITAGE
Despite of having only a limited technology in the beginning, Miguel Nolla was able to produce
a high quality ceramics. The products manufactured in Meliana had exceptional features. Their
mechanical strength is equal to the best marbles one and, since their dyeing process started from
the paste, their colour was unaffected by any harmful agent, both chemical and natural (like ac-
ids, sunlight, erosion, etc.). Tesserae themselves, unlike the hydraulic materials, resist hydro-
chloric acid too, which was used for cleaning mosaics with no damages at all. This exceptional
strength is the most relevant aspect in the preservation of this heritage throughout time, even in
abandoned or neglected buildings, and it was the reason of its fame among the customers of the
company. But it is not the only and not even the main feature that explains the relevance of
Nolla products as historic and artistic heritage. Actually, first of all, its reputation and peoples
fervour for using these tiles was because their variety of colours and fineness could create beau-
tiful decorations. Catalogues displayed innumerable models; once they were laid, they made real
carpets and not only a simple finish like other paving materials. This fabric-like appearance
came from different elements. Almost in every case, the flooring did not only use a given draw-
ing but it was placed on the centre. Surrounding it (in the case of rooms) or on the sides (in the
case of corridors and staircases), theres usually a fringe that finishes off the composition, en-
hancing and framing it, like tapestries and carpets. Its, therefore, the same visual language. In
turn, between the main design and the walls, theres usually a simple, neutral and mostly mono-
chromatic mosaic, which reinforces this idea of unity. This trend is even clearer when the design
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was purposely done, using always this composition. Stylistic codes from textile industry were
used in these designs, with a quite evident Persian influence.
As for its diffusion, it can be said that it was widespread. We should remember that Art Nou-
veau architecture from all Europe have profusely used Nolla tiles, obviously in Spain its use was
more intense. Most of 19
th
Century emblematic buildings in Valencia, Eixample bourgeois
apartments or even some old renovated palaces were decorated with Nolla mosaics. It was a
sign of good taste and social standing. It was Antonio Gaud who became the most famous rep-
resentative of the company, since he used the high quality tiles from Meliana in some of his
buildings, especially for floorings. Unfortunately, the ignorance about the value of these mosa-
ics, and the cost of its renovation and laying, has led to its continuous removal when the build-
ing have been renovated or restored. Thus, the number of examples has decreased but they are
still numerous.
The case of Meliana, the birthplace of this industry, is remarkable. Most of the houses had
Nolla mosaics on their floors, faades or any other sort of decorations, since many mosaiqueros
were living there, as well as many other workers (who sometimes got tesserae sacks as gratifi-
cations or bonus). Today, despite most of these examples are lost, there is an astonishing con-
centration of them.
Although Meliana has a lot of examples, most of them of medium quality, it also hosts the
most important example of this art: the Palauet Nolla. This building was turned into the show-
room of the company when Miguel Nolla began his production in the new factory. It was a key
tool in his commercial strategy; it showed the best possible artistic resources and became a ref-
erence of beauty. After visiting the place, the famous poet Vicent W. Querol wrote:

Nolla performed like God did
(excuse me the sacrilegious concept)
he created thousand things from dust
and saw that it was good

Figure 5. Left: Front page of a Catalogue. Center: Detail of the dome. Right: Restitution of a mosaic tile
floor from the Palauet Nolla (Laumain, 2011)

Obviously, the mosaics placed in the Palauet were designed by the best draftmen, and their
laying was performed by the most skilful mosaiqueros, as its shown on the surveys from the
last study of the building. This research gave the information to calculate that the whole area
covered with mosaics is over 1.200sqm, from different periods and with different sort of mo-
tives, but always keeping their excellence. A careful and accurate reproduction of the existing
designs allowed to discover the laying methods used by the mosaiqueros, their tricks to offset
those faults that arose during the works, and even some mistakes. But it also highlighted an as-
tonishing capacity to improvise with a certain freedom, making possible to solve occasional
problems on site.
Such a collection of mosaics, with a high artistic and decorative quality, made by the best ma-
terials from the Nolla factory and made by the most skilful masters, makes of the Palauet Nolla
an incomparable material and intangible heritage. Unfortunately, its progressive transformation,
and its final closure in 1968, has generated an unavoidable process of deterioration which
nowadays is putting seriously at risk the integrity of such a heritage, a symbol of a time, an in-
dustry and its workers and its exceptional artistic and social legacy.
5 THE DECLINE OF NOLLA FLOOR TILES
The appearance of the hydraulic tiles in 20
th
Century, meant a severe blow for Nolla company.
Its low-cost manufacture, but especially its low-cost laying, prevailed over the quality and
beauty of Nolla mosaics, and in 1980s the factory was forced to close. This also meant not only
the loss of jobs in the factory, but also the trades related to it. Not mentioning the social activity
that it had generated.
It is very interesting how in few decades this legacy was completely forgotten, erased from
collective memory, like if its evocation was too sour or painful. In Meliana theres no evidence
of a sense of nostalgia for the lost splendor; not even the pride of have been a reference in
Europe, or even a global one. They just turned the page, and it is even difficult to find people
who know the history of such an important industry.
The first blow for the company came with the beginning of the 20
th
Century, when the kaolin
quarry was run out. This forced Miguel Nollas sons, who were the owners of the business at
that time, to use a lower quality material. This matter made impossible to keep using the old
kilns on, it was necessary to use gas-based systems because they were more stable. Instead of
adapting the installations, they were sold and the factory moved to the centre of the town. Since
then the company became weaker and weaker, especially from mid 20
th
Century.
6 THE RESTORING OF THE SOCIAL MEMORY: HOPES FOR THE FUTURE
Such a precious legacy is nowadays at risk of disappearance. The Palauet Nolla, victim of a fast
process of deterioration, is in a critical situation. The mosaics placed in private houses are dis-
appearing because a lack of knowledge of the owners and the high cost of its restoration. This
heritage is at a real risk of disappearance, sweeping along the social and historical memory of
those who took part of this wonderful industry.
Conscious of it, the Council of Meliana is decided to get involved in the restoration of this
community legacy. The first measure was elaborating an extensive study of the Palauet. As a re-
sult of this work, there is now a desire of elaborating a Master Plan, with the aim of restoring
the building step by step. Nevertheless, the most immediate measures werent addressed to the
building but to its social bonds.

Figure 6. Left: House in Meliana. Right: Restitution of the Palauet Nolla (Laumain, 2011)

Heritage 2012
Indeed, an intensive didactic task was done; it consisted in some initiatives devoted to the
recognition of such a heritage. A large number of lectures, writings and exhibitions were done,
at a scientific, particular or institutional level. A straight consequence of those activities was a
tremendous awakening of the population, and the creation of a strong movement longing for the
restoration of the splendid past of the town and the memory of their forefathers, reinforcing their
own community identity.
From our point of view, the support of the population, which is indispensable to achieve the
ultimate purpose of restoring the historic, artistic and social heritage of Nolla and his workers,
means the most notable achievement.
Although part of the history of the factory is still alive thanks to some of its remaining prem-
ises, old pictures and the testimony of some workers, its knowledge and savoir-faire have been
lost. A research line is being developed about this heritage with the aim of keeping and re-
cording its legacy, even achieving its complete restoration, it is to run it again, recovering cer-
tain trades which are lost nowadays. Thus, the ultimate goal is the restoration of the historic and
artistic heritage (the material one), through the Palauet Nolla, as well as the social heritage (the
intangible one), formed by the trades and the women, men and children who practiced them.
REFERENCES
BARBERA NOLLA, Mara Rita, Evocacin de la fbrica de mosaicos Nolla, Meliana. Bodas de Oro
de la Cooperativa Elctrica, 1923-1973. Meliana. 1973
LAUMAIN, X.; LPEZ SABATER, A. and RIOS ALOS, J., Estrategias para la vitalizacin del legado
industrial, I Congreso Internacional de Investigacin sobre Paisaje Industrial. Sevilla. 2011
LAUMAIN, X., Meliana i la Fbrica de Cermica Nolla: una Histria compartida, Meliana i la fbrica
de Nolla, una historia compartida. Meliana. 2011
LAUMAIN, X.; LPEZ SABATER, A. and RIOS ALOS, J., Identidad, Patrimonio y Creatividad: El
caso de Palauet Nolla de Meliana (Valencia), diseo + imagen + creatividad en el Patrimonio Indus-
trial. Gijn. 2011
LAUMAIN, X.; LPEZ SABATER, A.; ALONSO BURGAZ, C.; RUBIO GALN R. and RIOS ALOS,
J., El Palauet Nolla. Patrimonio en peligro de extincin, Actes del III Congrs dEstudis de lHorta
Nord. Valencia. 2011
LAUMAIN, X.; LPEZ SABATER, A. and HUERTA GABARDA, C., Virtual Technologies for ar-
chaeological Studies of Nollas ceramic mosaics, Electronic Visualisation and the Arts Conference
(EVA London 2011). Londres. 2011
REIG FERRER, A. M and ESP REIG, A. La aplicacin del diseo a la industria del mosaico valencia-
no del siglo XIX Nolla y Pin. Archivo de Arte Valenciano. Valencia. 2010

Heritage 2012
The evolution and history of ancient landscapes reflect the relationship between the physical
substrate of the territory and the human community that lives there. Throughout history the way
we study the landscape has developed to include different sources and documents that can guide
the reader along the path of transformation that the sites have gone through over time. In the
ancient world in particular, contact with the landscape was a stimulus for the understanding of
its diachronic and historical depth through the study of its stratification. The archeological
landscape is not exclusively agricultural, based on the teachings of Emilio Sereni, but is also a
constructed space with a story to narrate of how it was perceived, represented and
contextualised by the ancient peoples. In our approach to such a landscape, a profound
understanding of local conditions has to be included in planning our research so as to create
strategies aimed at mediating between the cultural traces of the past and the social conditions
and identity dictated by its present state. To safeguard the archaeological component of a
landscape it is fundamental that we the use the different sources and processes that are
employed in the research of an ancient landscape, to understand the existing traces of the past,
and through the planning process, bring the expressions left by history into the present.
According to Alberto Clementi: The signs of memory, () shouldn't be treated (...) as
objectified reconstructions of a past that no longer exists. Rather they should go back to
speaking a language () capable of recounting the many lives of the places and buildings, ()
comprehensible to the world of collective memories. (Clementi, 1990)
Musealisation means preservation within a context that promotes opportunity for
educational and cultural enjoyment by the public. As regards to archaeology, it is of
fundamental importance to respect the topographical authenticity of our cultural heritage and to
safeguard the environment within which this heritage is located. Even if the archeological
remains that enable us to rebuild houses, villages, and shrines and to create the contexts to help
us understand the relationship between the land and its heritage are present, they are often
missing from projects to promote these assets. Moreover, it is impossible to take entire
Designing the landscape of memory: conditions for sustainable
development
M. Leonardi
University Kore, Enna, Italy
ABSTRACT: The proposed contribution is part of a research conducted for the Department of
Architecture and Urban Planning at the University of Catania, based on the study and analysis of
the archeological component of the territorial subsystem settlements in Catania with the aim of
drafting a plan of the landscape (2004-08). The survey was focused on the reading of the
archeological findings and the interpretation of environmental implications. Essential to the
interpretation and classification of data acquired during the analysis and synthesis of the
research was the creation of a GIS platform database of reports, analytical methodologies,
proposals and maps. The guidelines followed in the drafting of the project were aimed at the
creative development of landscapes with special archeological importance, redesigning those
areas which have been affected by anthropogenic intervention. The investigation has also been
devoted to the development of a Geographic Information System created for cultural heritage.
territories and freeze them, an action which would paralyse their economic activity. Therefore,
by viewing the territory as a great cultural basin, we are proposing an open air museum
created in close collaboration with the disciplines of archeology, through its investigative and
scientific work, architecture and landscape design.
Using the interpretation of ancient environmental presences and the implications that they
have on the territory, the project guidelines were the creative development and the preservation
of cultural landscapes of great importance. The aim was the promotion of archaeological sites
within a framework of strategies integrated into the development of the landscape and the
reclamation of those areas which have been affected by anthropogenic interventions. The
research has given us the possibility of adding to the knowledge already gained of the history of
ancient landscapes with the use of a chronological scan. This has been a major contribution in
the interpretation and the reconstruction of a succession of multiple cultures within the province,
highlighting the stratification of the anthropogenic combinations from prehistory to the Middle
Ages, combining the GIS with the ancient perception of the landscape. To this research, field
visits, a comparison of information from other archaeologists, analysis of literary texts and
iconographic documentation were added.
1.1 Perceptions of the ancient landscape
In the provincial landscape, archeology is characterised by contrasts between changes and
permanence; the landscape has been a meeting place and a frontier for multiple civilizations for
thousands of years. The province of Caltagirone, for example, has been intensely inhabited
since Neolithic times and presents a continuity of settlement that includes the entire panorama
of the prehistoric civilizations of eastern Sicily. The remains of a cave necropolis and
Stentinello pottery in Poggio Salvatorello and along the 124 Caltagirone-Mirabella-Imbaccari
road, seem to be connected to those of the Montagna area, with its terraces of Siculian
settlements and burials in grottos dug into the limestone rock. Most of the tombs date back to
the Pantalica civilisation to the north of Caltagirone while others are from Castelluccio.
Located a few miles south of Caltagirone, with an excellent strategic position for the control
of the surrounding area, San Mauro was also inhabited in prehistoric and protohistoric times.
The site was then chosen by the Greeks as a base in the VII cent. BC, which became an
important reference point for cultural and commercial exchanges in Gela.
Traces of the Romans which were superimposed over the prehistoric and Greek
civilisations, are still present in the ruins of a likely latifundium at Contrada Racineci,
contemporary with the remains discovered at the estate at Poggio dei Cresti and
Poggiodiano, where traces of a permanent settlement date back to the Republican Age, the
Imperial Augustan Age and late antiquity respectively. These discoveries are mixed with
Byzantine and Medieval traces found in the necropolis at Racineci, at Masseria
Cutuminello, Poggio Pizzuto and Piano Cannelle.
The provinces of Mineo, Castel di Iudica and Ramacca also show continuity in their
prehistoric settlements. In Mineo this can be seen in the remains of a necropolis dating from the
Ancient Bronze Age at Contrada Fausia, in the remains of a burial cave from the Neolithic
Age and Bronze Age at Contrada Sacchina. There are traces from the Early Bronze Age in
the settlement at Contrada Casalvecchio and at Castello di Serravalle, Casa Balata,
Costa Finocchio and at Fontana dell'Inferno. At Piano Casazzi e Erbe Bianche the
settlement and the necropolis date back to the Bronze Age and Early Iron Age. Here, there is
also a Hellenistic indigenous settlement (VII-II cent. A.D.), characterised by cave dwellings,
rectangular rooms cut into the rock, the remains of foundations and outer walls, and the ruins of
a fortification. The site is also home to suburban cave sanctuary that overlooks the necropolis.
Ramacca in Contrada La Montagna is a complex area with a Hellenised indigenous city.
Traces of inhabitation date back to the Ancient Neolithic times and continue until the Copper
Age and Ancient Bronze Age. The site was inhabited from prehistoric times until the end of the
fourth century A.D. You can see the remains of an ancient city (Hellenised indigenous) with a
cave sanctuary and a shrine. Portions of the settlement have been uncovered which show an
urban framework and traces of an acropolis. Also in Ramacca there are remains of a Neolithic
settlement typical of the Castelluccio area with burial caves from the Bronze Age. Settlements
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from the Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine periods up until to the Norman times can be found
at Cozzo Santa Maria.
At Patern, near Poira e Poggio Cocola there is an area of fragments from the Bronze Age
and Iron Age. The structures of a Hellenised indigenous settlement, similar to that at Monte
Castellaccio remain with habitable structures and traces of a boundary wall from the Ancient
and Classical Greek periods.
At Monte Castellaccio there is a Hellenised indigenous settlement with several levels of
inhabitation dating from the Early Bronze Age and the IV cent. A.D. Preserved at Castel di
Iudica are Hellenised indigenous inhabitations and necropolis, ruins of houses and tombs from
the Archaic period, a necropolis (VI IV cent. A.D) at Monte Iudica, Masseria Iudica and
Monte Santo. At Monte Turcisi are the remains of massive boundary walls and five water
cisterns for water conservation dating back to the Archaic Greek period. A Roman villa with a
mosaic floor is located at Contrada Castellito, in the province of Ramacca. Similarities with
this architectural complex, near the Catania-Agrigento Roman road, can be found at the Massa
Capitoniana. the first Roman watchtower for those coming from Catania. Traces of a rural
settlement, evidenced by the remains of walls belonging to a building from the Roman
Republican period can even be found at Contrada Lavina at Castel di Iudica. These are just
a few examples of an immense cultural heritage within the province. A heritage that is often
distorted by environmental pressures. This does not mean however that the archeological
landscape has lost the ability to transmit cultural messages, emotional values and a sense of
identity.
1.2 Bridging the gap with the contemporary landscape
Among the aims of landscape architecture is an attempt to rebuild the relationship between the
ancient and the modern, and the retrieval of the bond between them as they were and us as we
are. Among the many achievements of modernity, we can also insert the hope of reconstructing
the image that the ancient civilisations had of their own landscape. Sometimes a place name
does not provoke any reaction in the visitor. The reason could be attributed to a lack of
information, or a forgetfulness that characterises many local communities, even those with a
good reputation for social and cultural preservation.
The strategies put in place to increase communication are of a primarily cognitive character.
The first step was the creation of an integrated database of information. However where this
research differed from that done in the past was that it was planned with its end purpose, namely
communication, narration and promotion of objects, monuments and sites in mind right from the
start.
Archaeological finds often become uninteresting when viewed through the glass case of a
museum. Excavations are abandoned, they become an enclave, a place name is just a piece of
lost landscape, far off the beaten track.
This meant thinking of the research as a way to trigger a virtuous circle. People see the well-
displayed remains in a museum and they become interested in the place and the landscape
where these objects were used. The primary aim of the Information System is to highlight
moments in history and culture which have been, up until now, presented in an incomplete,
inaccurate or ideologically-skewed way. In the organisation of the parks, the research project
could also emphasise the profound interpenetration between the environmental, historical, and
cultural values of a site and suggest pathways to guide the visitor around the ancient
countryside. This not only serves to help the public understand the structure of the different
past eras on the landscape but it also helps to reconstruct the image that our ancestors had of
individual remains.
This is why the communication network, that up until now has given the public the
opportunity to enjoy the natural landscape and its archeological or architectural history, should
be integrated to take the visitor from a total unawareness of the territory to a complete vision of
the landscape, creating an appreciation of both nature and the different anthropic forms present,
that are two sides of an identical, very long and complex historical process. With this
objective in mind, the study of the usability conditions of each geographical location has been
added to an examination of the emerging features of the archaeological components. At this
stage the site is evaluated in its interrelationship with the landscape from which the critical
endogenous elements and factors of exogenous vulnerability are derived. At the same stage
of the investigation, elements and qualifying thematic connections are identified as a suitable
panoramic position for the settlement, the archaeological remains and their interrelationship
with the natural elements, with settlements and historic centres, or with pathways and scenic
viewing points.
Before the Legislative Decree 42 of 2004, the traditional model of preservation restricted or
rejected a priori any intervention or modification of the status quo of a territory on the basis of
the presumed inviolability of the historical or archaeological context. It was a cultural choice
that did not achieve great results. This model ensured the protection of an archaeological area
but in an inappropriate way, freezing the territory in time without considering the possibility of
developing the landscape in terms of sustainability, operability and durability. The alternative
is to configure a preservation model which on the one hand seeks to ensure the maximum
preservation and promotion of our cultural and environmental heritage yet at the same time
relates to the landscape as an economic resource on which to base the solution for structural
problems, such as commercial activities and occupation, and importantly to recognise the needs
of the city.
Following studies of the evaluation of the potential of the ancient sites and property on the
landscape and on the advice of the Linee Guida Regionali del Piano (Guidelines of the
Regional Plan), proposals have been made to highlight the archaeological finds for their
inclusion in a circuit of cultural and / or tourist use, to design the reclamation of sites subject to
anthropogenic pressure and to incorporate archaeological elements into the fabric of the modern
city with their preservation oriented towards areas of cave settlements. The aim of the
intervention is to construct a scientifically proven history of how landscapes were created in
different periods, how they were seen and perceived by human beings and the societies who
lived there.
REFERENCES
Albanese R. M., Procelli E. 1988-89, Ramacca (Catania)-Saggi di scavo nelle contrade Castellito e
Montagna negli anni 1978,1981 e 1982, in N.S.A. XLII-XLIII, Suppl.I
Amore G. 1979, Nuove acquisizioni sul Neolitico nel territorio di Caltagirone, Kokalos XXV.
Bejor 1992, Caltagirone in Bibliografia Topografica della colonizzazione greca in Italia meridionale e
nelle Isole, Vol. X, Pisa-Roma.
Belfiore R. 2000, Il centro abitato indigeno-ellenizzato di Piano dei Casazzi (Mineo) in Sicilia
Archeologica anno XXXIII, fasc.98
Cambi F. 2003, Archeologia dei paesaggi antichi: fonti e diagnostica, Roma.
Catanzaro C., Maniscalco L., Pappalardo G., Russo P., Vinciguerra D. 1975-76, La stazione preistorica di
Poggio Monaco nel territorio di Patern, in Cronache di Archeologia 14/15.
Clementi A. 1990, Il senso delle memorie, Laterza, Roma.
De Seta C. 1982, Storia dItalia, Annali, 5, Il paesaggio, Torino.
Di Maria M. 1996-97, Insediamenti di et romana a Caltagirone, in Bollettino della Societ Calatina di
Storia Patria e Cultura n.5-6.
Frasca M. 1996-97, Rodio-Cretesi e Calcidesi sui colli di Monte S. Mauro, in Societ Calatina di Storia
Patria e Cultura, Bollettino 5-6.
Frasca M. 1975, Il villaggio preistorico di Torricella presso Ramacca in Sicilia Archeologica VII, 27
Frasca M. 1976-77, Ramacca: campagne di scavo 1970-71 in contrada Torricella in Kokalos, XXII-
XXIII.
Lagona S. 1973, La ricerca archeologica nel territorio di Caltagirone, Archivio storico per la Sicilia
Orientale, LXIX, fasc II.
Leonardi M. 2005, Progetto urbano e memoria archeologica, Galatea, Acireale.
Manacorda D. 2007, Il sito archeologico: fra ricerca e valorizzazione, Roma.
Mc Connell B.E. 1997-98, Scavi e ricerche tra Monte Castellaccio e Poggio Cocola (Patern) tra il 1994 e
il 1997, in Kokalos XLIII-XLIV
Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
I dealt with the relationship between heritage and sustainable development for the first time in
1997, when the World Monuments Fund and the Archaeological Superintendency of Pompeii
entrusted me with the task of carrying out a study of the state of preservation of the Pompeii
archaeological area. At that time the ancient town was in an evident condition of decay, due to a
series of factors which involved the idea of sustainability both in a narrow sense, i.e. with refer-
ence to the preservation of the cultural resources for the future global generations, and in a wid-
er sense, that is to say with reference to the duration of the local economic development based
on the archaeological area existence and on its tourist potentials enhancement.
The results of the study were shown in a master plan, whose title was Un Piano per Pompei,
dealing with the planning and management of the ancient town. In brief, the paper was divided
into three parts:
a. the first historical part addressed the problem with a process approach, trying to find
the causes of the decay of that time in distant and recent past events;
b. the second operational part aimed at knowing, accurately, for each place on the
whole town scale the quantity and the preservation state of structures, buildings and
decorative elements;
c. the third planning and management part, dealt with standards, guidelines and trans-
formation interventions to lead again the archaeological area to a condition of stabil-
ity and sustainability.
It was necessary, in other words, to consider Pompeii no more as a static complex of archaeo-
logical ruins but as a sort of cultural ecosystem in which heritage preservation issues had to be
interlinked with the dynamics of tourist development, of the logistics of people, goods and
Pompeii sustainability between preservation and modern use
G. Longobardi
Dipartimento di Studi Urbani, Universit Roma Tre, Rome
ABSTRACT: In the 1990s I was the coordinator of a master plan of the archaeological area of
Pompeii called Un Piano per Pompei. It began to plan the archaeological site management fol-
lowing sustainability standards, putting forward a possible analogy between natural and cultur-
al ecosystems. The plan was launched following the scathing comparison between the state of
preservation of the town in the 1990s and the forty years before one, and it triggered a process
of restoration of the archaeological heritage and renovation of the tourist facilities. This process
has been, however, stopped, over the last few years, by a considerable change of perspective
which has diverted attention from the daily care of the resources, stressing the exceptionali-
ty and emergency of everything occurring at Pompeii and preventing the development of any
public cultural and management policy. The paper aims at taking stock of the master plans ten-
year management.
means of transport which are, daily, present in the archaeological area, and the dynamics of the
not insignificant aesthetic and functional relationship with the contemporary neighbouring town.
2 POMPEII UNTIL 1997
The ancient town had, several times, generated concerns and fear because of its state of decay
since 1748, when it was discovered. Carolina Bonaparte, in 1812, rightly complained about the
non-methodical way of carrying out works and she wished a project which aimed at speeding
up finds, but ensuring at the same time the preservation of everything concerning arts (Mascoli,
1981). The decay of Pompeii i.e. was already evident in that period still characterized by the
Revival of Antiquity which had to make it one of the most desirable cultural destinations in the
world.
In the past century, the first modern view of the places buried by the eruption of Mount Ve-
suvius, in their complexity of archaeological, preservative, organizational, educational and tour-
ist subjects, was the one put forward by Amedeo Maiuri during the postwar period. Firstly, the
removal of earth banks which, since the Bourbon period, had progressively surrounded the
town, secondly, a conscious plan to give excavations a cultural and tourist attraction function at
the international level gave the town a completely renovated appearance.
The Antiquarium, restored and enlarged after bombardments, the Auditorium (where confe-
rences, illustrations on the occasion of official visits, conventions, but above all a more ordinary
and daily educational activity addressed to visitors, were organized), the pinewood which func-
tions as big green lung, the piazza Anfiteatro new entrance and the piazza Esedra renovated en-
trance, the restaurant in the Terme del Foro, were objects of a tourist-cultural policy to which
the organization of summer night shows, the lightning of the Foro and of the approaches to the
Teatri area were added.
In the early 1950s Pompeii received only 300.000 visitors per year, who enjoyed accessibility
which was much better than today: the motorway, three railway stations, five different entrances
to the excavations. During the following years these facilities were only partially adapted to the
change in needs and to the increase in visitors; rather, many of them were left to fall into decay
until they became unusable. Then, a series of workers and restorers always working: looking at
the photos of that time, compared with the todays ones, a fresh and tidy image of home and ur-
ban landscapes, with tidy plaster and well-kept gardens, can be seen.

Figure 1. Visitors per year in Pompeii 1965-2010.

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After what can be considered a climax state of the archaeological area, because a balance
between preservation and fruition was achieved, the system fell progressively into decay, two
divergent phenomena taking place: a descending one (the heritage preservation state), and an
ascendant one (the tourist use). A key episode is the earthquake which hit Naples in November
1980, which caused severe damage to the heritage that had already been degraded by time. The
events which followed were the main causes of the following crisis.
So huge investments in cultural heritage, in Italy and in Pompeii in particular, had never been
made before, and the available economic resources have never been used so freely. The me-
chanisms of financing, allocated through concession, imposed often excessive projects, which
could be managed only by big engineering companies, that overshadowed the usual procedure
of making modest but continuous investments in the maintenance of the urban fabric, reducing
to a few people the internal structure concerning the daily maintenance.
So, while dozens of Pompeiis most important and famous monuments became unsafe for
normal use because of their state of neglect, hundreds of billion lire were used for oversized
projects, which often turned out to be useless, proved not to be coordinated with each other and
werent often aimed at being practically carried out. At the same time, the few human resources
of the Superintendency were used within an incessant programme of temporary exhibitions or-
ganized in Rome and Pompeii.
The irresistibile ephemeral fashion, on the one hand, canceled the interest in permanent col-
lections (Pompeii, actually, hasnt got its Antiquarium any more, and, in addition, it was sepa-
rated from its natural Museum, the museum of Naples, because of the institution of the local
Superintendency) and in the demanding but obscure heritage care work, on the other hand, it
concurred to hail, definitively, the Vesuvian site as a star of the world mass tourism, even if no
structures able to manage its impact were set up parallel to it.
In 1997 the comparison with the 1950s situation was alarming: in 40 years 56 important
houses or public buildings and nearly 35 hectares out of 50 hectares excavated were in a state of
advanced decay. The decay concerned also the knowledge of phenomena, since there werent
any data which made it possible to reconstruct a heritage and its conditions map.
3 UN PIANO PER POMPEI
Decay, however, is a phenomenon difficult to remove at Pompeii, because it isnt a small object
but a town; in addition, it is an uninhabited town where the normal maintenance activity that
people do, each of them by himself on his things, has to be replaced by a comprehensive inter-
vention plan. The urban fabric is fragile, because it is rich in the tiniest decorative elements that
the instantaneous burial has preserved and that time hasnt been able to crumble little by little,
as in most archaeological sites.
On the other hand, the decay of Pompeii cant be avoided stopping its fruition, because expe-
rience has shown that decay speeds up in those buildings which arent visited any more. As a
matter of fact, the daily frequenting makes it possible to detect the first and smallest signs of de-
terioration and to promptly take action. A certain decay, therefore, is inevitable, but a town
management which can be defined sustainable should aim to a dynamic balance in which Pom-
peii continues to be offered to the public of the world spreading culture and economic develop-
ment. In this balance, however, the town should deteriorate as slowly as possible keeping itself
intact and fit for the typical cultural industry fruition standards.
The problem data are, therefore, in a sequence of interlinked actions:
- defining the consistency of Pompeii as a physical artifact;
- assessing its intactness and state of preservation through the use of appropriate indicators;
- identifying the main external agents which cause its decay;
- determining a possible carrying capacity of the system and consequently some use thre-
sholds of the resource.
These objectives are the linchpin of Un piano per Pompei, which, in 1997, began to plan the
management of the town according to sustainability standards (for a more in-depth treatment cf.
Longobardi, 2002).
Defining the consistency of the town involves the need to measure some significant sizes
which make it possible to manage the quantity of basic goods which are part of the resource and
objects of the maintenance care. It consists, therefore, even if for a strictly instrumental purpose,
in expressing Pompeiis qualities in some measurable quantities.
In the Piano, which was developed starting from the creation of a digital 79 AD cadastre, the
main parameters needing to be quantified on the urban scale were identified: masonry, plaster,
paintings, floors, decorative elements, protective coverings. From 1999 to 2001 some teams of
interdisciplinary operators conducted reconnaissance campaigns collecting quantitative, typo-
logical and preservation information about these objects. The collected data were organized in a
GIS system able to render both analytical details and synthetic plans with variable aggregation
levels.

Figure 2. Screen example from the GIS of Un Piano per Pompei.

On the basis of large numbers, quantities of constituent materials of the urban fabric can be
summarized as follows:
- wall surfaces: 294,000 sq. m
- plastered and frescoed surfaces: 60,000 sq. m
- floored surfaces: 29,000 sq. m
- protective covering surfaces: 20,000 sq. m
Simplifying the different possible readings of data, one might say that the state of preserva-
tion of about 50% of the Pompeiis built heritage was assessed as bad and about 17% as very
bad. It gives some measure of the seriousness of the situation at that time.
As far as the detection of agents causing the town decay is concerned, the main trace can be
found in a study (Adam, 1983) which found the main factors in meteoric waters, in spontaneous
vegetation, in exceptional events (earthquakes), in air pollution and in tourist erosion.
As for tourist erosion, which isnt the main decay factor, it is necessary to highlight other as-
pects related to preservation, but pertinent to other fields. On the one hand, they are linked to the
use of an archaeological town like Pompeii in the cultural industry age: this condition requires
that visitors are provided with basic services, whose essentiality is constantly increasing due to
the diffusion and development of this type of tourism. When people stop in a place for an hour
or for a longer time, they need toilet facilities, water, safety and security, customer care, rest, ca-
tering and entertainment services, producing garbage in proportion to their number and to the
quantity of offered services. These facilities need human and natural resources, energy and they
Heritage 2012
take up space. The relationship between Pompeii and the number of visitors, in other words,
cant be set once and for all but it can change over time, and the variation not only requires
some functioning thresholds but also new investments in services. And the number of visitors
who can be accommodated doesnt depend only on damages that they can cause to the heritage,
but also on the quantity of services, on the size of structures arranged to accommodate them and
on the size of the part of the archaeological town which is open to be visited.
On the other hand, it is undeniable that, however reduced, the tourist use of Pompeii leads in
any case to consumption. If consumption can be reduced to the lowest level, it is reasonable to
think that also use can be limited, in particular considering that even if an excessive crowding
doesnt damage monuments considerably, it will reduce, in any case, the possibility of enjoying
them, highly limiting the fruition conditions of places. It makes sense, therefore, to talk about a
carrying capacity.
Studies carried out at that time led to some general guidelines which can be summarized in
the following observations:
- carrying capacity increases, widening the enjoyable area of the town through renovation;
- carrying capacity will increase if visitors are distributed within the area;
- carrying capacity will increase if the peaks in the daily presence of visitors are limited and
visitors are distributed in a regular way over time;
-visitors concentration in particularly interesting confined places has to be limited, if neces-
sary through rationing measures;
- carrying capacity will increase if the number of interesting confined places is raised.
It obviously doesnt mean that it is necessary to limit the number of visitors in Pompeii: with-
in the difficult balance between preservation and fruition there might be complex ways of man-
agement and cultural policy choices. But, generally, if the enjoyable base of the town widens
thanks to renovation and preservation it will be possible to visit a larger part of Pompeii, where
every area or monument will undergo even long maintenance operations periods.
In brief, the physical consistency of the objects examined in Un Piano per Pompeii is, if one
might say so, the cultural capital of the town. If its size and features are known it will be poss-
ible to assess the extent of technological, human and financial resources necessary to plan both a
wide renovation of the urban fabric and efficient maintenance cycles.
It is necessary, in other words as in a living self-regulated system which opposes decay to
set up artificial regulation mechanisms which make it possible to limit consistency erosion en-
suring the future fruition of the archaeological resource. These mechanisms will have to be able
to adapt the system to the changes in the maintenance capabilities and in the stream and ways of
fruition, preventing it from heading for a process of out of control decay. So, the Piano began to
serve as a support for the town management decisions. At least up to a point.
4 THE 2000S
On the basis of considerations and simulations made possible by the GIS of Un Piano per Pom-
pei, the Superintendency, headed by Pier Giovanni Guzzo, launched an intervention plan con-
cerning both heritage renovation and a reorganization of the logistic and reception structures of
the site. In order to distribute visitors in the ancient town more homogeneously, the Porta Stabia
entrance, which had been closed for long time, was reopened and the Superintendencys scien-
tific and administrative bases were situated in the neighborhood in a complex of deteriorated
19
th
century buildings starting an operation of relocation of a lot of functions which, over time,
had been concentrated in archaeologically interesting buildings within the excavations.
As for renovation, heritage urgent interventions and ordinary maintenance were restarted, and
the decision to intervene with particular intensity on the axe of the urban cardo maximus in via
Stabiana was taken in order to make it possible, through renovation, to concentrate touristic
load in the centre of the ancient town, distributing it in a more homogeneous and sustainable
way. Pompeii at that time, according to the 352/97 law, enjoyed both a new financial autonomy
thanks to which considerable takings obtained through the selling of tickets were available
and the arrival of a city manager (at the beginning Giuseppe Gherpelli) who had all the adminis-
trative tasks which were previously assigned to the Superintendent (cf. Guzzo, 2003). Thus, the
prearranged objectives seemed to be realistic and achievable.
Yet, the perspective of change linked to autonomy had a short life, in particular since the
2001 second Berlusconi government, characterized by a new political climate: firstly, through
the replacement of the city manager, secondly, through the taking away of 30 million euro from
the Superintendency fund, decided by the 51/2006 law, all the renovation processes which had
been initiated were drastically slowed down (cf. Guzzo, 2011).
Later, in 2008, the archeological area was put under special administration, following some
sensational articles which put the stress on the decay of the archaeological area, on stray dogs
inhabiting it and on some wastepaper out of the wastepaper baskets. According to a widespread
national custom, emergency and exceptional measure features should be given to important is-
sues such as the conservation of Pompeii, so that they can be addressed with the political advan-
tage resulting from the media exposure. On the other hand, recent news has shown as these fea-
tures have constantly been associated with ill-reputation and misappropriation of public funds
phenomena. And Pompeii has always received large public funds, except the latter case. As a
matter of fact, the special administration didnt receive any funds and the two commissioners,
who followed one another between 2008 and 2010, spent part of the already existing funds for
already planned restorations confirming implicitly the validity of their planning and the re-
maining part for advertising and linked activities, which slowed down the initiated process even
further.

Figure 3. Restoration interventions in Pompeii 2001-2010 (in dark grey).

The last 10 year debate accompanied by a bombarding media overexposure, has been charac-
terized by frequent polemics against Pompeii issues and by an enduring lack of data. And its no
accident. As a matter of fact, finding data concerning heritage interventions made in the 2000s
isnt simple, documents arent homogeneous and are distributed in the different offices which
have decided and managed them over time. These documents deal with works carried out often
in several succeeding lots, with uncertainties linked to the nature of archaeological heritage in-
terventions; some of these works are distinctly localized, others are distributed in large areas;
others are in the planning papers, others need to be urgently carried out.
Those data which have been found, however, even if incomplete and with some inevitable
approximation, show an implementation of the plan, between 2001 and 2010, which can be
quantitatively summarized as follows.
Restoration interventions, on structures, decorative and furniture elements, were made in 102
premises out of a complex of 1336 premises by which the excavated town is constituted, but da-
ta dont express exhaustively the intervention size because a lot of premises are very small. As
for larger premises, of more than 400 sq. m (which are 215, in all), interventions concerned 48
Heritage 2012
of them (i.e. 22%), among which there are not less than 30 of the most important and known
domus in Pompeii (Casa dellAncora, Casa dellEfebo, Casa dei Vettii, Casa di Giulia Felice,
Casa del Moralista, Casa dei Mosaici geometrici, Villa dei Misteri, Casa degli Amorini dorati,
only to cite some of them). As for the extent, these interventions concerned nearly 9.1 hectares
premises out of the 33.7 total hectares of the land areas of the excavated town, i.e. nearly 27%.
It is more realistic to indicate this percentage as about 25% of the building consistency, applying
a correction coefficient which takes account of the not uniform distribution of the wall masses.
If also the several smaller interventions, whose feature is often urgency, are considered, the
premises area on which interventions were carried out will rise to nearly 13 hectares (38% of the
total land area). Finally, this datum will rise to 20.3 hectares (about 60% of the land area) if the
different interventions carried out on the protective coverings of the whole town, situated on the
most valuable parts of the urban fabric, will be considered.
Giving more certain economic data about investments required by these interventions is more
difficult. On the basis of collected and organized information a figure of 44 million euro can be
determined, considering interventions, the asbestos removal plan and the restoration of the Ca-
nale Conte Sarno. Further 20 million euro were invested in the same period in fringe works,
such as: the arrangement of the entrances of the several buildings intended to house the Superin-
tendency, safety implementation of the electrical system works, drainage system and fencing
works, maintenance of green areas and disabled access works.

Figure 4. Pompeii, Dicember 2011.
5 CONCLUSIONS
A variegated situation difficult to summarize and which certainly needs further in-depth infor-
mation and interpretations emerged from the data synthetically presented. We go back to the
previously mentioned situation, highlighted by surveys conducted between 1999 and 2001,
which led to the intervention plan of the following decade: i.e. a worrying state of conservation
of 67% of the building heritage (50% assessed as bad plus 17% as very bad).
Compared with it, the datum of 25% restored heritage (even if preventive, as said before) can
be considered insufficient; it is sufficient to visit Pompeii to note that there is still a lot of work
to do, not mentioning the recent collapses, whose news has circulated all over the world. But, on
the contrary, the same datum could be considered even gratifying if one takes account of the dif-
ferent obstacles encountered by the plan in its implementation and the chronic shortage of funds
to fulfill a so huge task. Ten years ago the number of houses that could be visited at Pompeii
was reduced because of decay, today a lot of houses which have been restored over time cant
be open to public because of the shortage of guards. There is the risk, therefore, that decay ad-
vances again without being detected beforehand.
Today the ancient town, which has left the emergency management, is on the eve of a Euro-
pean funding which amounts to 105 million euro that should give birth to a new restoration in-
terventions plan, which, however, has difficulty in becoming operative. So, the restoration of the
archaeological resource and its need for patient, ordinary and daily care, continue to be de-
ferred, while the practice of sustainability, even at Pompeii, proves to have not a merely tech-
nical but an eminently political nature.
CREDITS
Un piano per Pompei - Program for the conservation and management of historical and arc-
haeological heritage of the ancient city was coordinated by Giovanni Longobardi and Andrea
Mandara with the collaboration of Alfredo Galmuzzi and Giovanna Spadafora, and Maria Paola
Guidobaldi and Fabrizio Pesando for archaeological aspects. The first phase of work, 1997-
2000, was funded by the American Express through the World Monuments Fund, at that time
represented in Italy by Stephen Eddy. The second phase, completed in 2001, was funded by the
Archaeological Superintendence of Pompeii.
I thank Paola Rispoli and Bruno Sammarco, architects in the Archaeological Superintendency
of Naples and Pompeii, for the retrieval of data on interventions in the last decade. I also thank
the archaeologist Silvia Panti, for processing of GIS data.
REFERENCES
Mascoli L. et al. 1981. Architetti, antiquari e viaggiatori francesi a Pompei dalla met del settecento al-
la fine dellottocento. In Vallet G. et al. Pompei e gli architetti francesi dellottocento. Napoli: Mac-
chiaroli.
Adam J.-P. & Frizot M. 1983. Dgradation et restauration de larchitecture pompienne, Paris: Centre Na-
tional de la Recherche Scientifique.
Longobardi G. 2002. Pompei sostenibile. Roma: LErma di Bretschneider.
Guzzo P.G. 2003. Pompei 1998-2003. Lesperimento dellautonomia. Milano: Mondadori Electa.
Guzzo P.G. 2011. Pompei, tra la Polvere degli Scavi. Napoli: Valtrend.

Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
Past is great fascinating, especially when we found that any of it is not existing in the world, but
only can be followed its traces in some peoples memory or historical materials. In Taiwan, as
other developing countries, pursuing modernisation and economic development were most cru-
cial national policies in the second half of 20th century. Part of Taiwanese citizens, however,
found thatthe places in which there were rich of their lived traces had been bulldozed down to
give the space for building better modern life in the future. Their lives were forced to be
transformedinto new and modern type.Their lives might become better, but sometime they felt a
little sadwhen they looked backward and found that they had lost some things in their life which
can be shared with their future generations. Modernisation changed peoples lives and also so-
cial context. Some buildings become empty and decadent since peoplethought that they were
not suit for the new society.Lived stories leave, while people had gone. The stories of the built
environment may be told via some appropriate media, whereas it may be impossible to create
present stories which are continuous episodes following thestories in yesteryear unless the plac-
es become lived again and the past is appropriately represented. It generally changed to be un-
derstandable that people are the better narrators and lived stories composers, especially those
who originally live in the place. To conserve a historical place, particularly in urban area, is not
Cultural bridge of linking past and future: military dependants
villages in Taiwan
Y.-C. Lu
Department of Architecture and Built Environment, University of Nottingham, United Kingdom
ABSTRACT: Historical urban area is a sort of storage which is richly filled with developing
traces of culture and society. Both the culture and the society are lived when the original resi-
dents are dwelling in the area. Nowadays, they are threatened to be disturbed or demolished by
urban development, even though, the issues of urban conservation have been discussed for sev-
eral decades. Culture, including tangible and intangible, has to be conceived and perceived in
the place and the time. It is impossible to get back to the time, but the physical setting of the
place maybe preserved in proper ways. In Taiwan, Military Dependants Villages (MDVs), a
kind of military community with interesting developing history are undergoing the threat. Some
of the villages are protected and adjusted because they are supported by conservationists and
government. The physical settings of MDVs are still there, but the time and sense of place have
gone when all or part of the original residents has left and new users are involved in. How can
the culture and the society be conserved in the future? What kinds of role can conservationists
and new residents play in the conservational acts? In the paper, two cases, Shi-Shi South Village
and Treasure Hill in Taiwan, will be reviewed critically. The conservational methods and pro-
cedures will be discussed. Moreover, the paper will evaluate the benefits of the events that are
applied to represent culture in the past and to introduce the new culture to citizens. The adjusted
historical areas have become the sites of producing and re-producing of culture. It is lived cul-
ture, but not the original one.
This paper suggests a structure of multi-layers historical landscape narratives to display how
a historical heritage can tell its landscape narratives and to be a cultural bridge which transmits
its past to future generation.(Fig. 3)
At the first, the historical landscape is considered as a text in the multi-layers structure. When
people read the text, it can be analysed into three factors, history, settings, and narratives. Both
participants of conservational act and landscape readers can directly read from historical land-
scape. Or, they can understand the landscape through history or others narratives related with
the place.Participants of conservational act and landscape readers may communicate their per-
ception getting from landscape. Both of their perceptions may echo to the first text of landscape
and may enrich it. In addition, the response may improve the conservational strategy. Finally,
the linkages between history, settings, and narratives are to evaluate a conservational act.
3 THE PRACTICE OF MDVS CONSERVATION
Military Dependants Villages are immigrant villages appeared after 1945 in Taiwan to accom-
modate soldiers and their dependants who came from China. The immigrant villages usually
were fenced as enclaves because of the political conflicts and the differences of national and
cultural identification between locals and immigrants. Those buildings were not designed by ar-
chitects, but most of them were reformed or extended by residents themselves. They are full
with sense of place in M. Heideggers words. Most of those villages, however, were bulldozed
during the process of urban development. How to conserve the special spaces and to write their
narratives became one of important issues in Taiwan recently.
There were more than 800 MDVs in Taiwan. The building type and spatial context are vari-
ous. Plus, because the residents were from different provinces of mainland China, every village
has its culture which is developed by its population. The stereotype of MDVs is that the build-
ings are very poor, most of them are built with slate roof which is supported by bamboo plaster
wall, and around by bamboo fence. Thus, bamboo fence is another term of MDVs. The residents
had experienced cruel war. Their culture and accent are very different from local people. This
maybe a stereotype of MDVs and their residents, but it is the popular image in most of local
people.
The first case Shi-Shi south village is a formal MDV. It was one part of the accommodation
of Shi-Shi Military factory. The factory became urban area after the expanding of Taipei City.
Treasure Hill is an informal MDV, similar to a squatter community. It was developed around
200 year ago. It is located beside a military barrack. Some soldiers and veteran who was serving
or had been serving in the barrack built their home by themselves without official permission.
Both villages are important and interesting cases of MDVs conservation act.
In 1997, Mr. Curtis Smiths proposal which suggested Shi-Shi South Village should be con-
served as a heritage site was the first case of spatial conservation of MDVs. After negotiating

Figure 4 - Shi-Shi South Village
Heritage 2012
with Taipei City Government, four buildings of Shi-Shi South Village was ascribed to historic
heritage in 2001, and they are used to be Sinyi District Public Assembly Hall and MDV Cultural
Park. The functions of the four conserved buildings include special exhibition House, MDVs
museum, restaurant, and community house. (Fig. 4)
There were two main issues when the village became a historical site. One was how to protect
the culture of the village. The other was what the place would be. Because this is the first MDVs
conservation project, there was no reference case. Moreover, the original residents would move
out to their new home, therefore it was impossible to maintain those important heritages. After a
competing, the solution for conservation act is collecting as many as historical materials of this
village and exhibiting in a MDVs museum in the conservational site. In addition, opening the
site and transforming it to a park and community hall are the methods which assemble new us-
ers of the place.
It is a very pity that there only outlook of the four buildings are preserved, but the original
partition were removed to make the space suit for new function. In the MDVs museum there are
the traces of partition wall foot on the floor pavement. Even though the museum manager tries
to rebuild the original interior scene, it is still very far from the original one. Beside every re-
built interior scene,there is an interpretation panel which offers the only linkage between visitors
and the villages past, if they are not experienced any MDVs history. After all of original resi-
dents had moved, there will not be any new lived material or story produced by the community
which is the continuation of MDVs life. That is why some people argue that the left space likes
a kind of specimen which has lost the sense of real MDVs and cannot disseminate the real cul-
ture of MDVs. Moreover, the exhibition of MDVs culture and history is too simple and uncrea-
Figure 5 - MDVs Museum

Figure 6 - Simply Market in weekends

tive to attract visitors to visit again. (Fig. 5)
The project of Shi-Shi South Village does not only focus on the exhibition of MDVs culture
and history, also offers most part of space for public acts which include those about MDVs.
Nowadays, the popular and attractive acts are enjoying nostalgic handmade food in the restau-
rant and visiting the Simply Market in every weekend. This conservational mode is still fully
controversial because some people argued that the two acts are not related with MDVs culture
or history of Shi-Shi south village. Oppositely, many citizens love the two acts very much. Al-
most every day, the restaurant is occupied with crowds who enjoy handmade food or nostalgic
atmosphere. Every weekend, many people gather in the centre square enjoying music or looking
around every stand to find some interesting stuffs. Comparing with the new acts and MDVs mu-
seum, the former is much accepted by citizens and creates more new stories than the later.
(Fig. 6)
The conservation of Treasure Hill is a special case in the history of settlement conservation in
Taiwan. Treasure Hill was developed in late 17
th
century when Han defeated the aboriginals and
erected the Treasure Hill Temple. In Japanese colonial period, the Sindian Stream nearby the
Treasure Hill was the source of tap water of Taipei City, in consequence Treasure Hill was
marked a water source preserve. During the World War II, Japanese army built aerogun battle-
fields, forts, and ammunition depots at here. After receiving from Japanese government, the
Army of the Republic of China used it as the same kind of barrack. In 1950s, there were only 3
to 5 illegal houses, the temple, and the barrack at Treasure Hill. In 1960s, the leader of the bar-
rack tacitly agreed some soldiers to build their illegal house around the barrack. It gradually be-
came a settlement with 50 to 60 houses. The barrack moved away in the early of 1970s. The set-
tlement grew rapidly, and it finally became a more than 200 houses, around 4 hectares
community in 1980s. Moreover, the background of the residents has become complex from pure
soldiers to mixed with urban immigrants and students. At the same time, Taipei City Govern-
ment redefined Treasure Hill as park on urban plan and planned to remove all illegal houses on
the site for regularising urban landscape and protecting the source of water. In 2001, the Treas-
ure Hill Work Team, organized by some students of Graduate Institute of Building and Planning
National Taiwan University, and some NGOs advised that the Treasure Hill should be assigned
to cultural heritage and should be conserved dynamically with the original residents. It was cer-
tified by Taipei City Government as a group of historic buildings in 2004. Inconsequence of
residents illegal ownership, they had to move out before 2007. (Fig. 7)
The strategy which the NGOs suggested was transforming the squatter settlement to be a pub-
lic housing and the identity of original residents from illegal owners to tenants. In 2003, Taipei
City Government hosted an experimental plan Global Artivist Participation Plan (GAPP) at
Treasure Hill. The plan introduced artivists over the world to cooperate with inhabitants to rein-
terpret the spirit of the place and to imagine the settlements future. The strategy is fully contro-
versial. Some people argued that the government cannot deprive of the ownership belonging to
the original residents. Others criticise the experimental conservational activity for that it has de-
stroy the original relationship of residents by importing new residents. The conservational plan,
however, is a bold and hypothetical act, and it also is a reference for other conservational project
Figure 7 - Treasure Hill
Heritage 2012
in the future. (Shih 1998; Chen 2000; Shih 2000)
The Treasure Hill conservation and revitalisation programme adjusted the squatter communi-
ty into artist village, youth hotel, and residential area for original residents and renamed the
community as Treasure Hill Art Village (THAV). The youth hotel is still being constructed. The
other two parts were opened in October of 2010. THAV offers 14 studios for selected artists to
use temporarily in 3 or 6 months. It also provides 2 rehearsal studios, 3 exhibition room, and

Figure 8 - One of yellow chair project

Figure 9 - Drama Out of Nothing (courtesy of The Assignment Theatre Group)

Figure 10 - Resident narrate her story to visitors

to motivate citizen to learn what our city, what its past and our future lives are via artists pro-
jects.
Exploring the historical physical setting and artists works in person is one of main method to
experience the historical landscape narratives. (Figure 11) Or, following the guide offered by
manager is another way to learn the sense of the place. (Figure 12) After Treasure Hill Art Vil-
lage opening over 1 year, there are more visitors post their experience on the internet. All of the
three are different layers of landscape narratives. The narrative is still going on. It is can be pre-
dicted that there will be more and more different narratives about Treasure Hill in the future.
Those narratives will offer the meaning of Treasure Hill from different point of view.
4 CONCLUSION
A lived heritage conservation should be a kind of continual linked multi-layers narratives. The
aroma of past can be pervaded in historical place where people can totally immerse in it, but not
be tightly strained to be choked. Like a palimpsest, people can follow the remained traces to
imagine the culture in the past.
The structure of multi-layers historical landscape narrative tries to develop a concept of sus-
tainable conservation. The structure suggests an echo route to collect peoples responses about
historical landscape. Furthermore, those responses may make previous narratives become en-
riched. They may also give another interpretation about the meaning of the place and make the
meaning easier be conceived. Those responses could be references on readjusting the historical
landscape. Most important is that the sustained narrative creating supports the conservation
alive and transmits the past culture into the future, if the three aspects, history, current setting,
and narratives, are linked well and easily perceived and conceived.
Shi-Shi South Village shows the exemplary of unlinked culture conservation. Past, present,
and future are not linked well, like a parallel stratum without any crosses between them. People
may visit the historical site to grieve the past things. Or, they, just like tourists, come and enjoy
the place and the nostalgic atmosphere, but not learn much about what the heritage attempts to
pass down.
Opposite the conservational strategy of Shi-Shi South Village, the THAV presents better
linkage between history, setting, and narratives. Part of the original residents is living there now,
and new participants are invited to create new stories of the place. New act and art works at-
tempt to involve citizen and visitors to be part of them, even just temporal participants. These
acts and conserved physical setting evoke more emotional experience about what the place was
and is. Of course, they trigger people to imagine what the place will be.
All conserved heritage are a kind of bridge which links past and future because we think past
is treasure,which should be cherished. On the aspect of protecting past culture and transmitting
to future generation, the strategy used on THAV is better than the one on Shi-Shi South Village.
REFERENCES
Australia ICOMOS (1999). The Burra Charter: the Australia ICOMOS Charter for places of cultural sig-
nificance, Australia ICOMOS.
Chen, Y. C. (2000). Reseeing Bao Tzang Yan - Building Process and Forms of Urban Informal Cultural
Landscape in Developing Countries. Graduate Institute of Building and Planning. Taipei, National
Taiwan University. Master.
Copeland, T. (2006). Interpreting the Historic Environment. Heritage Interpretation. A. Hems and M. R.
Blockley. Abingdon, Routledge: 83 - 95.
Crossley, N. (2001). The Social Body: habit, identity and desire. London, Sage.
Jenks, C. (2004). Culture. Abingdon, Routledge.
Kroeber, A. L. (1952). The nature of culture. Chicago, University of Chicago Press.
Kroeber, A. L. and C. Kluckhohn (1952). Culture : a critical review of concepts and definitions. Cam-
bridge, Mass., Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University.
Lefebvre, H. (1991). The Production of Space. Oxford, UK and cambridge, MA, Blackwell.
Merleau-Ponty, M. (2002). Phenomenology of Perception. New York, Routledge.
Shih, M. (1998). "Homeland or Park? The Past, Present and Future of the Treasure Hill." Living Psychol-
ogy 243: 50 - 60.
Shih, M. (2000). Squatter Settlement and Wealth Accumulation. Graduate Institute of Building and Plan-
ning. Taipei, National Taiwan University. Master.
Williams, R. (1995). The Sociology of Culture. Chicago, University of Chicago Press.
Williams, R. (2005). Culture and materialism : selected essays. London, Verso.

Heritage 2012
The Regional Council of Languedoc-Roussillon (South of France) has recently launched a
tourist promotion campaign focusing on the theme of water. A series of posters has been
published, each presenting a toponym, a brief comment, and an aerial photograph. One of those
posters called the Ensrune Oppidum is focused on the western Biterrois, the area situated
around the town of Beziers in France (Fig. 1). Our attention is immediately attracted to the mid-
section of the poster where we can see a sun-shaped area below the following comment:
Oppidum dEnsrune (Hrault): lirrigation faonne le paysage depuis lpoque gallo-romaine,
comme Ensrune., meaning that the Ensrune Oppidum is a good illustration of the fact that
irrigation has designed landscapes since the Gallo-Roman area.
I think such a poster clearly highlights how the heritage of the Biterrois has been treated
through many years, that is, very paradoxically, leading to a situation that questions its long
term viability. Indeed, the natural and historical heritage of that region is extensive enough but it
has been seldom or wrongly identified, seldom or wrongly recognized as such. As a matter of
fact, the text refers to an oppidum but shows a land division. Likewise, it refers to irrigation but
shows a drained pond. It mentions the Gallo-Roman area but shows a proto-historical site and
another site that was developed in the middle ages, that is to say, as you may have identified it,
the famous sun-shaped land division of the Montady pond that was drained during the 13
th
cen-
tury (Abb, 2006). Irrigation is actually used here as a cultural referent in the landscaping of the
Mediterranean areas which enables to create a convenient focus on the role of man's work's in-
fluence on his environment.
Beyond that paradox, the choice that was officially made to promote the tourist development
of the Languedoc-Roussillon Region significantly reveals that the heritage of the Biterrois is not
properly appreciated and has been too often underrated. The discrepancy between what that her-
itage really is and how it is perceived has been constructing a snapshot of reality and a lack of
visibility throughout many centuries.
Heritage in that area is indeed rich, varied and extensive, even when restricted to its most
common definition, that is to say, what has been built according to an elaborate architecture or
to archeology (Choay, 2010), in other words, what can be plainly labeled as historic monu-
ments. The Ensrune oppidum, for instance, or the remains of an amphitheater in Bziers, a
Landscapes as ancient heritage in Bziers area: from appreciation
to enhancement
S. Marchal
Universit du Maine, Parc Culturel du Biterrois, Nissan-Lez-Ensrune, France
ABSTRACT: This abstract questions in a historical perspective the way the ancient heritage of
the Bziers area called the ''Biterrois" has been perceived, appreciated and classified since the
Renaissance up to now so as to highlight how it has been enhanced. The awareness of local her-
itage in the Biterrois emerged in the 1640s. At that time, it was seen in architecture but through-
out the 18
th
century, it has fallen into oblivion. What is perceived nowadays as Heritage in the
Biterrois is more related to landscapes and agrarian structures than to ancient monuments. Since
the early 2000s, heritage enhancement actions have taken place within the framework of the Eu-
ropean Union and that of a Cultural Park in the Biterrois, the Parc Culturel du Biterrois.
Gallo-roman villa in Vendres called the Temple of Venus and the Via Domitia are just some
of the many examples of those historic monuments dating from the proto-historic and the an-
cient periods. The religious heritage which had reached a great extent during the Counter Re-
formation under the influence of Italian Archbishops, was already noticeable through the Blue
Penitents Chapel, the Magdelene Church, Saint Nazarus Cathedral, and St Aphrodise Abbey,
among others (Sagnes, 2000). In the realm of Civil engineering, the Biterrois area has been pro-
foundly molded by the works of Riquet who created the Royal Canal of Languedoc in 1666 -
known as the Canal du midi-, and the tunnel of Malpas, or also the bridge of Colombiers, and
the 9 successive sluices of Fonsrannes in Bziers (Clavel-Lvque, 2009). Finally, in the 19
th

century, a prosperous winegrowing sector boosted the economic development of the Biterrois
through the construction of the canal over the Orb river, of many pinardiers castles imitating
the Bordeaux region style and Haussmann-like approach of urban planning through the theater,
the fruit and vegetable market, known as les Halles, the Poets' Garden for example (Sagues,
2000).
Some of those monuments have gained well-renowned and prestigious or international classi-
fications. For instance, the Ensrune Oppidum has been classified as a Historic Monument since
1935, and the Canal du Midi has been part of Unesco World Heritage since 1996. What's more,
the Biterrois not only includes architectural heritage but also abounds in natural heritage with
many different landscapes ranging from dunes to garigues through waterlands with protected
fauna and flora like the petite Camargue around the lake of Vendres managed by the French
coastline conservation authority.
Consequently, the discrepancy between what that heritage really is and how it is perceived
raises issues questioning the long-lasting process of construction of the very concept of Heritage
in the Biterrois area. Far from being a self-assured reality, heritage depends indeed rather on the
image constructed by who observes it (Chape, 2010). It is necessarily to be appreciated through
a combination of past and present values in order to give authority to what some experts call
the future of its past.
For example, Ancient sites in the South of France had been re-discovered, appreciated and
fully acknowledged at the Renaissance, constructing the imagined basis of common cultural ref-
erences in Europe. The Biterrois corresponds to the territory of the Roman colony funded by
Octavio in 36/35 AD for the veterans of the 7
th
Roman Legion. However, even though it had
been the most vivid in language or in toponymy, its heritage was utterly acknowledged only
many centuries later until the 18
th
century when it stopped being fully appreciated. How come?
How has the heritage of the Biterrois suffered from a lack of visibility for so long? To answer
those questions, I shall focus first on the 17
th
century perspectives when heritage had been con-
sidered for the first time. Then I shall examine how it fell into oblivion in the 18
th
century, so as
to assess the way the ancient Biterrois landscapes have been deemed so far. Finally, the way that
heritage is being enhanced and promoted nowadays shall be pondered upon.

Figure 1. Localization of Bziers
Heritage 2012
1 BECOMING AWARE OF ANCIENT HERITAGE
From a historical perspective, I shall try now to put down clear markers about the progressive
construction of the very concept of Heritage which enabled the awareness of the local heritage
of the Biterrois to emerge.
Following the example of their peers from the 15
th
century Italy, many humanist scholars -
artists, doctors, professors, students, ambassadors, and engineers from all the nationalities- tra-
veled through Europe in the 16
th
; 17
th
and 18
th
centuries and they made a quite thorough inven-
tory of ancient ruins (Lemerle, 2005). In that context, the Biterrois -as a city and then as heritage
itself- was re-discovered rather belatedly, given its localization in the ancient Provincia between
Italy and Spain.
1.1 A belated acknowledgment in the 1640s
Heritage of the Biterrois was not mentioned once in the first cosmographies identifying and
listing ancient sites. The case of Bziers had only appeared for the first time in 1575 in the text
published by the French Andr Thevet in which no information was given. Moreover, in his
Cosmographie, Franois de Belleforest only alluded to the destroyed monuments of Bziers. In
his Description contenant les antiquits, fondations et singularits des plus clbres villes
published in 1611, Franois Des Rues mentioned Bziers without describing it. In 1614 only,
Andr Duschne published the first description of the city in his thorough inventory of the
ancient monuments in the French Kingdom. He qualified Bziers as an episcopal and
ancient city but he only used the Jesuit College as an example.
Louis Coulon was the first scholar to label and acknowledge Bziers as an ancient city in the
1640s. In Ulysse franois, he was the first to describe the city heritage that he developed in de-
tails in his two following publications Les Rivires de France, in 1644, and Le Fidle conduc-
teur pour les voyages de France, in 1654. In that text, Bziers was described for the first time as
both a landscape and ancient heritage.
Indeed, for him, that heritage was to be associated with a bridge -not to be seen as such-, a
church, the ruins of an amphitheater the ruines dun amphitheatre, a citadel and the Jesuit
College. In Les Rivires de France, he mentioned a new element in1644 referring to another
bridge made by the Romans (ouvrage des Romains) on the Capestang lake. It was said to be
in ruins and partially silted up. It was by implication the trace of the famous Via Domitia he was
referring to, a trace which was materialized by the Capestang viaduct and the bridge of Bziers.
Likewise, we can infer that Louis Coulon had been able to make the first written description
of the ancient ruins of Bziers because he most likely benefited from his reading of the
Mmoires de lHistoire du Languedoc published by Guillaume Catel in 1633, that is, 10 years
earlier. Therefore, that successive multi-layered construction of what was heritage in the Biter-
rois seems to be quite essential for its very definition.
1.2 Biterrois heritage perceived and conveyed by a local Ancient historian
Guillaume Catel was a member of the Parliament of Toulouse (South West of France). In the
1620s, he wrote a major piece of work entitled the Mmoires de lHistoire du Languedoc from a
genuine historical perspective (Delprat, 2001). He referred to many monuments that he per-
ceived as being part of heritage since he regarded them as traces of the Biterrois ancient past.
Among them were an amphitheater -or its ruins-, a monument in Vendres called the le temple
de Vnus or the temple of Venus, and a bridge in Capestang called Pontserme. According to
him, Bziers and the Biterrois clearly encompassed the characteristic monuments that defined a
Roman city. In the following extract, the city of Bziers was even quoted next to that of Toul-
ouse, and most especially along with Nmes which appeared as the typical Roman city with its
numerous remaining ancient monuments.
() la Gaule Narbonnaise a t rgie et gouverne par des Prteurs, quelques fois par des
Proconsuls, et d'autres fois par des Prsidents de Provinces(). Le grand nombre d'inscrip-
tions que nous trouvons tant en la ville de Narbonne, que de Nmes, outre le tmoignage que les
anciens nous ont laiss, nous font assez voir combien les Romains ont aim et frquent ce pays,
n'y ayant nulle ville clbre du Languedoc o ils n'aient laiss pour une ternelle mmoire plu-
sieurs grands et magnifiques temples, difices, capitoles, amphithtres, ponts, aqueducs et
chteau : comme Nmes le temple de Diane, Toulouse le temple de Pallas, Vendres le temple
de Vnus, les Capitoles de Narbonne, Toulouse, Nmes. L'amphithtre qui se voit encore quasi
entier Nmes, celui de Bziers duquel on voit les caves dans le logis de la Croix blanche, celui
de Toulouse qui est prs du Chteau Saint Michel, le pont bti par eux sur la Rivire Gardon,
appel communment le pont du Gard, le pont Septimius, appel aujourd'hui Pontserme, entre
Narbonne et Bziers ; L'aqueduc qui se rend Nmes et passe sur le pont du Gard, celui de
Toulouse qui ()passait au chteau de Peyrolade, et aprs venait dans Toulouse ; L'aqueduc
qu'on voit la porte Saint Etienne de la ville de Toulouse, et passait bien prs de la ville, au
lieu appel Terre Cavade, et allait non dans Toulouse, mais du ct de Guillemeri, duquel on
voit encore les masures et canal fait de briques et pierres brises ensembles avec un excellent
ciment ; Le Chteau de Lates prs de Montpellier, le Chteau Narbonnais de Toulouse, le canal
tir du Rhne par le commandement de Marius, et une infinit d'autres masures, reflets des b-
timents faits par les Romains, desquelles j'ai fait particulire mention en parlant des villes de
Languedoc().
It was quite an impressive list, indeed, focusing on very accurate landmarks, all the more so
that many of those monuments were not to be re-discovered until the 20
th
century or even the
21
st
century in Lattes, Narbonne or Toulouse. Some are yet to be re-discovered, like the Septi-
mius bridge.
2 THE ISSUES OF IMPARTING KNOWLEDGE AT STAKE
The awareness of local heritage in the Biterrois only emerged in the 1640s. Actually, the me-
thod used by humanists and scholars and for locating monuments can be a key element in un-
derstanding that slow process.
In the 16
th
century, indeed, humanists gave more credit to what was written about the monu-
ments than to the monuments themselves. The reality perceived through ancient writings pre-
vailed on the reality given by the ancient monuments which only asserted the prevalent value of
the pre-existing reality of texts (Choay, 2010). As humanists could only locate the monuments
that had been previously written about, they did not look for ruins in the Biterrois which was
sometimes mentioned in Ancient literature. For example, the case of Narbonne is quite reveal-
ing. Humanists most probably used the texts by Cicero, like Pro Fonteio, to look for Roman
ruins. So they went to Narbonne but they did not go to Bziers, which is only distant from 20 ki-
lometers.
2.1 Anne de Rulman's manuscript: a missed opportunity
The Biterrois was however mentioned in a manuscript by Anne de Rulman studying the ancient
monuments of Bziers while Guillaume Catel was writing his Mmoires de lHistoire du Lan-
guedoc.
Anne de Rulman was a notorious lawyer who came from, and worked in Nmes, a city full of
ancient monuments which are still famous worldwide today, such as la maison carre -a tem-
ple- or le Pont du Gard, a few kilometers away. In addition to his profession, and his passion
for grammar and archeology, he was also locally known as being an antiquarian, a man who
was passionate about Antiquity and its ancient monuments (Sauzet, 1993). In Rcit des anciens
monuments qui paroissent dans les dpartements 1

et 2 Narbonnaise, he published a thorough
and well-researched report not only on the ancient monuments of Nmes but also on what he
found in Bziers where he must have stayed for a while in 1628.
Then, he wrote a short report on Bziers with many drawings attached under the title La re-
prsentation des plans et perspectives des anciens difices publiques que les Romains ont lais-
ss dans Bziers, et le profil des statues, colosses, figures, trophes darmes, pices de
triomphe, mausoles, colonne, sacrifices, pitaphes et inscriptions. He must have planned to get
his manuscript published as he wrote a preface to his King Louis XIIIth but, unfortunately, he
failed to do so. Today, you can find a copy of his manuscripts in the National Library of France.
Heritage 2012
2.2 From in situ heritage to displaced and relocated heritage
In the second half of the 17
th
century, Anne de Rulman, Guillaume Catel and Louis Coulon stu-
died and referred to ancient monuments which had already been deteriorated through time.
However, those scholars could identify without a doubt the monuments as ancient because
they relied on the writings by ancient authors. The monuments could be defined so, at that time,
because they were made with columns. The column was the vertical element that symbolized
what was, in essence, antique. In his manuscript, Folio 147, for example, Rulman included
drawings that made visible how the monuments used to look like with columns (Fig. 2). With
that sort of ahead of time anastylosis, he made the symbolic importance of the landscape stand
out quite significantly for in situ heritage. In his drawing of the temple of Venus, the monument
was taken as a part of the landscape situated between the lake of Vendres and the Mediterranean
Sea. At that time, Bziers colony was indeed not far from the sea which was in contact with the
lake. Therefore, through his drawing, Rulman did manage to enhance the close link between the
sea and the Biterrois that ancient authors had established much earlier.
What stands out from Rulman's work is the fact that many of the ancient objects he could see
were already more or less displaced from the countryside around Bziers -the villages of Mau-
reilhan, Vendres, Montady, or the road to Pzenas- and relocated to Bziers. The Roman statues
Rulman may have come across were the properties of rich inhabitants of Bziers like Mr Ma-
rion, Mr Portes or Dr Dortouls... Throughout the 17
th
century, heritage of the Biterrois had been
displaced from in situ and relocated in town, in the antique collections of a happy few. What's
more, in 1844, ten statues of the heads of the Imperial family were discovered in the center of
Bziers, under the ancient Forum. These Augustan sculptures, major pieces of art of that period
in Bziers are still being part of the collection of the Museum of Toulouse, despite the conserva-
tion policies set up by Prosper Mrime in the 19
th
century (Balty & Cazes, 1995).

Figure 2. Anne de Rulman's manuscript, folio 148, ms 8648, Bibliothque Nationale de France, 1628.

In that sense, the innovative and visionary approach that Anne de Rulman adopted in La
reprsentation des plans et perspectives des anciens difices publiques que les Romains ont
laisss dans Bziers gave a very graphic dimension to his representations of ancient monuments.
In -what is called today- his reconstructions of what ancient monuments used to be, he in-
duced the representation of landscapes a core issue in the way heritage was perceived. Such a
work could have been a watershed in the way the Biterrois heritage was acknowledged. Actual-
ly, in the Renaissance period, drawings, sketches or any visual representation gave credit to the
very existence of ancient monuments as such. With the publication of Rulman's manuscript, the
Biterrois heritage could have been fully acknowledged. As it had never been published, that her-
itage tended to remain unknown and it seemed to have fallen into oblivion during the 18
th
cen-
tury.
2.3 Significantly absent from Ancient Heritage in the 18
th
century
It is quite telling, indeed, that the Biterrois heritage was not mentioned even once in the journey
diaries of the numerous European aristocrats who traveled around Europe and especially in the
South of France. What was called the Grand Tour was the opportunity for them to get in
touch with the monuments and landscapes and to deliver their perception of them in their writ-
ings.
In that literature, Bziers ancient monuments got to be all the more noticeable that they re-
peatedly seemed to be unnoticed by travelers. For instance, in 1740, in Nouveau Voyage de
France, Piganiol de la Force described the bridge, the church, Saint Nazarus Cathedral and the
citadel ancient site and the Jesuit College. Furthermore, he did mention the ruins of the two
temples that were destroyed in the Gothic period, but he never alluded to the presence of the
Roman amphitheater. In 1777, in Voyage de Londres Gnes, Guiseppe Baretti reported that
nothing was worth seeing in Bziers just like Gauthier de Simpr did, in 1778 in Voyage en
France de M. Le Comte de Falckenstein. At the end of the 18
th
century, in Voyages en France
pendant les annes 1787,88, 89 et 90, what was nonetheless worth seeing for Arthur Young was
the Canal built by Ricquet.
The sort of invisibility characterizing the Biterrois heritage perception -except for the Canal-
seemed to be part of a larger global phenomenon connected to the discovery of ancient sites in
Italy such as Herculanum in 1713, Paestum in 1746 and Pompeii in 1748. In that context,
French antiquarians rather turned their attention to another kind of heritage, the Christian mo-
numents built between the 5
th
and the 15
th
century labeled as Antiquits nationales.
However and paradoxically, as Rulman might have sensed, most of the ancient heritage in the
Biterrois was not to be found in monuments but in landscapes. That specific heritage can be ap-
preciated and acknowledged directly in and on the soil.
3 ANCIENT LANDSCAPES AS HERITAGE AND THE NEW CHALLENGES OF
PRESERVATION
What is perceived nowadays as Heritage in the Biterrois is more related to landscapes than to
ancient monuments or architectural remains. That change of perspective in the very definition of
that Heritage has been enabled by the progressive displacement of focus from the Roman col-
umn in the 16
th
to the landscape a few decades ago. And the Biterrois landscapes have been re-
cently acknowledged as many traces of the way the Romans used to cultivate the land through
agricultural landmarks, agrarian structures or farm localizations....Just like those landscapes
which have evolved over time as human activity has changed, heritage has acquired many layers
of meaning. It can be plainly seen -and it is widely accepted as such- as a historical and cultural
construct (Leveau, 2000).
Those historical landscapes are now as legitimate and ancient as architecture, which used to
be the only valid evidence of Roman power in the colonies. They are yet to be plainly identified
and appreciated in the scientific community as well as in the policies implemented by the local
authorities to be properly promoted as Heritage and protected as such. Indeed, from their very
essence, they are likely to undergo quick degradation and to face to the risk of disappearing.
That sort of new past Heritage raises many issues related to its preservation and its enhance-
Heritage 2012
ment. How can these landscapes and agrarian structures leave a legacy and continue to be pas-
seurs de mmoire (Lvque et al, 2009)? How can this heritage be safely preserved over time?
3.1 Identification and appreciation of these historical heritage landscapes
Historical landscapes as Heritage have been identified as the combined works of nature and man
over time and as archeological documents since the 1970s.
They have been the subject of research at the University of Besanon (France) through the
works led by Monique Clavel-Lvque about ancient agrarian structures in the Biterrois (Clavel,
1970, Clavel-Lvque, 1995a, Clavel-Lvque, 1995b, Clavel-Lvque, 1998, Maun, 1998,
Evelpidou, 2003) which have been also developed by two European scientific Actions called
COST (European cooperation in the field of Scientific and Technical Research).
They both highlighted the fossilization of Roman cadastral surveys and they put forward the
keys to understand the evolution of the present-day landscape through diachronic readings
showing how ancient roads, lands or fields left their marks until today. The ancient agrarian
structures in the Biterrois characterized by vineyards have imprinted the landscapes as well as
the people's memories. In that sense, those historical landscapes are also cultural landscapes,
and Roman country planning is still reflected in nowadays rural areas (Fig. 3). Vineyards have
constructed and structured the Biterrois landscapes for nearly more than two thousand centuries.
With the other ancient lanes like the famous Via Domitia, they are considered as essential parts
of ancient heritage (Clavel-Lvque, 2008).

Figure 3. Ancient cadastration surveys and villas in Vendres
3.2 The issue of preservation at stake
However, despite the development of conservation policies in the 1990s and despite the
European Convention on Landscapes signed in 2000 and enacted on March, 1
st
2004, protecting
those rural cultural landscapes revealed to be difficult (Negri &Odiot, 1990, Chiva, 1994, Chiva
1995, Molinas, 2008).
The growing number of housing schemes around villages and the current techniques used in
agriculture are as many obstacles to the protection of landscapes which fail to be preserved like
the castle, the abbey or the masets that are small wine growers huts in the Biterrois (Vitaux,
2009). Even waterlands can be hardly preserved. For example, the Montady pond, which has
been classified by the French Ministry of Ecology as site pittoresque since 1974 for its pictu-
resque circular shape, has been yet at the heart of many conflicts between farmers and cultural
institutions trying to protect that part of heritage being deteriorated.
3.3 The role of Cultural Parks
I think that the preservation of those fragile historical landscapes and more generally, that of ru-
ral heritage needs to be achieved through official awareness and enhancement campaigns in
France and in Europe.
For example, the Biterrois heritage has been partially but nationally acknowledged with the
classification as Historic Monument of the Ensrune Oppidum and of the underpass drainage
gallery of the Montady pond. Nevertheless, and contrary to many other cities in the Languedoc-
Roussillon Region such as Mende, Uzs, Villeneuve-les-Avignon, Nmes, Pzenas or Narbonne,
Bziers has not been recognized as a City of Art and History (Ville d'Art et d'Histoire). Like-
wise, as long as the Biterrois as a whole is not classified by the French Ministry of Culture as
Country of Art and History (Pays d'Art et d'Histoire), how can territorial policies be imple-
mented? How can that specific heritage be enhanced and rendered visible to public opinion
without a national framework?
Indeed, since the early 2000s, heritage enhancement actions have taken place within the
framework of the European Union through the two COST Actions called G2 Paysages anciens
et structures rurales and A27 Understanding pre-industrial structures in rural and mining land-
scapes which have aimed at improving the understanding, the appreciation and the enhancement
of rural and historical landscapes throughout the 1990s-2000s (Clavel-Lvque et al, 2002).
Those actions led to the creation of a Cultural Park in the Biterrois (Parc Culturel du Biter-
rois) thanks to the support of the General Council of Hrault and La Domitienne, which is
the name of the local Communaut de Communes authority, an association of municipalities.
In that context, the Biterrois Cultural Park was state-approved and declared of public utility
in 2011. Actually, by definition, like any Cultural Park, it has been designed to make public
opinion and authorities realize that landscapes are cultural Heritage which needs to be protected
as a non-renewable resource as it is nonetheless essential to local economic development (Ore-
jas et al, 2002). The Biterrois Cultural Park which is a non-profit organization can therefore
constitute strong foundations for the strategy of sustainable development implemented locally
(Fig. 4). It shall also serve to ensure that the Biterrois landscapes are identified and acknowl-
edged as Heritage so as to be better preserved.
So, the choices made in favor of the enhancement of the local heritage in the Biterrois are in
the process of being clearly identified and promoted today. They are an integral part of the Eu-
ropean network under construction which shall ensure that the European historical landscapes
are enhanced in a consistent and efficient way.
The issues of cultural development which need to be considered in a sustainable perspective
are huge and they represent challenges we shall face in the future, keeping in mind the opportu-
nity Bziers and its antique heritage had already missed in the 17
th
century, in the hope it will
not happen again.

Heritage 2012

Figure 4. A brochure from the Biterrois Cultural Park with guidelines for the visit of the Temple of Venus
(Vendres)
REFERENCES
Abb, J. L. 2006. A la conqute des tangs. L'amnagement de l'espace en Languedoc mditerranen
(XIIe-XVe sicle). Toulouse: Presses Universitaires du Mirail.
Balty J.C., Cazes, D. 1995. Portraits impriaux de Bziers. Toulouse: Muse Saint Raymond.
Chappe, F. 2010. Histoire, Mmoire, Patrimoine, du discours idologique lthique humaniste. Rennes:
Presses Universitaires de Rennes.
Chiva, I. 1994. Pour une politique pour le patrimoine culturel rural. Paris : Ministre de la Culture et de la
Francophonie.
Chiva, I. 1995. Le patrimoine rural in Acte des Entretiens du Patrimoine: 227-232. Paris: Editions du pa-
trimoine.
Choay, F. 2007. LAllgorie du patrimoine. Paris: Seuil.
Cicron 1960. Pro Fonteio. Boulanger, A. (trad). Paris: Les Belles Lettres.
Clavel, M. 1970. Bziers et son territoire dans lAntiquit. Paris: Les Belles Lettres.
Clavel-Lvque, M. 1995a. Cit et Territoire. Paris: Les Belles Lettres.
Clavel-Lvque, M. 1995b. Le rseau centuri Beziers B, Atlas des cadastres de Gaule I. Paris : Les
Belles Lettres
Clavel-Lvque, M. 1998. Cit et Territoire II. Paris: Les Belles Lettres.
Clavel-Lvque, M. 2008. La voie Domitienne et lamnagement de lespace de Narbonnaise: un mar-
quage durable. In R. Compatangelo-Soussignan, J.R. Bertrand, J. Chapman, P. Y. Laffont, Marqueurs
des Paysages et systmes socio-conomiques, Proceedings of Le Mans COST Conference. Rennes :
Presses Universitaires de Rennes.
Clavel-Lvque, M. 2009. Un paysage en ligne: le Canal du Midi. In Lvque, L., Ruiz Arbol, M., Pop,
L. (Eds), Patrimoine, Images, Mmoires des paysages europens. Paris: lHarmattan.
Coulon, L. 1643. LUlysse franois. Paris : Bibliothque nationale de France.
Delprat, C. 2001. Officiers et seigneurs. In Les Cahiers du Centre de Recherches Historiques, numro
27. Paris.
Desrues F. 1611, Description contenant les antiquits, fondations et singularits des plus clbres villes.
Paris : Bibliothque nationale de France.
DRAC. 1995. Les arnes romaines de Bziers redcouvertes. Bziers: AFAN.
Duchne A. 1614. Les Antiquitez et recherches des villes, chasteaux, et places plus remarquables de toute
la France. Paris: Bibliothque nationale de France.
Evelpidou, N. 2003. Analyse spatiale, mthodologie et modlisation : gomorphologie et goarchologie
du sud biterrois, thse de doctorat, Histoire et cultures de l'Antiquit, Besanon: Universit de Franche-
Comt.
Lemerle, F. 2005. La Renaissance et les Antiquits de la Gaule, Larchitecture gallo romaine vue par les
architectes, antiquaires et voyageurs des guerres dItalie la Fronde. Bruxelles: Brepols.
Leveau, P. 2000. Le paysage aux poques historiques : un document archologique in Annales dHistoire
et de Sciences Sociales, 55e anne, N. 3. Paris.
Maun, S. 1998. Les campagnes de la cit de Bziers (partie nord orientale, II av VI aprs J.-C.). Mon-
tagnac : Edition Monique Mergoil, Montagnac.
Ministre de la Culture, rseau des Villes et Pays dArt et dHistoire: www.vpah.culture.fr
Molinas, J. 2008. Pour une politique de prservation du patrimoine rural. Paris: revue Paysans et Socit,
N 307, janvier-fvrier.
Negri, V., Odiot, T. 1990. Protection et conservation des parcellaires antiques dans le paysage actuel. Par-
is : Revue archologique du Centre de la France, tome 29, fascicule 2.
Orejas, A., Battaglini G., Clavel-Lvque, M. 2002. La valorisation des paysages culturels antiques: un
parc partir dune rgion. In Clavel-Lvque, M. A. Orejas, A. (Eds), Atlas historique des cadastres
dEurope, II, action COST G2 Paysages anciens et structures rurales: dossier 8T. Luxembourg: Of-
fice des publications des Communauts Europennes.
Parc Culturel du Biterrois: www.parc-culturel-biterrois.fr
Rulman, A. 1628. Rcit des anciens monuments qui paroissent dans les dpartements 1

et 2 Narbonnaise
Ms 8648, 8649. Paris : Bibliothque nationale de France.
Sagues, J. (Eds) 2000. Histoire de Bziers. Toulouse: Privat.
Sauzet, R. 1993. Dun Humanisme provincial au dbut du XVIIe sicle, le discours irnique dAnne
Rulman (1583-1639). In Card J., Langage et Vrit, Etudes offertes Jean Claude Margolin. Genve:
Droz.
Vitaux, L. 2009. Les masets du Biterrois, un marqueur des paysages viticoles europens. In Lvque, L.,
Ruiz Arbol, M., Pop, L. (Eds), Patrimoine, Images, Mmoires des paysages europens, Paris:
lHarmattan.
Heritage 2012

1 INTRODUCTION
A year before the energy crisis of 1973 some important basic concepts of sustainable develop-
ment were identified and set out in the 1987 World Commission on Environment and Develop-
ment Report "Our Common Future". The concepts summarized and set out in the famous report,
commonly called "Brundtland", from the name of the President of the Commission, stem di-
rectly from the cultural climate of the late sixties, which in 1972 led to the production of the fol-
lowing three key texts:
the Declaration of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment
adopted by United Nations in Stockholm;
Origins of sustainability in cultural heritage
M. Mariotti
Sapienza Universit di Roma
ABSTRACT: A year before the energy crisis of 1973 some important basic concepts of sustain-
able development were identified and set out in the 1987 World Commission on Environment
and Development Report "Our Common Future". The concepts summarized and set out in the
famous report, commonly called "Brundtland", from the name of the President of the Commis-
sion, stem directly from the cultural climate of the late sixties, which in 1972 led to the produc-
tion of the following three key texts:
the Declaration of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment adopted by
United Nations in Stockholm;
the MIT research paper "The Limits of Growth", commissioned by the Club of Rome;
the "Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage"
adopted by UNESCO in Paris.
All the above documents assume, albeit each in a different way, that there is a limit to economic
and social development, which was based previously on the assumption there was an infinite
supply of resources. The three documents define a close parallelism between cultural/natural
and environmental resources, which brings us back to the same issue: they are limited in quan-
tity and they need to be protected, so that they can be transmitted to future generations. This is-
sue, which lies at the heart of the concept of Sustainable Development, has involved Cultural
Heritage from the beginning. As a matter of fact, being a limited material resource, it lies at the
root of the identity of a people, and so intrinsically linked to the problem of being transmitted to
future generations. For these reasons and for all other considerations that have characterized it
since ancient times, cultural heritage can be considered a forerunner of the concept of sustain-
able development as defined in the Brundtland Report.
the MIT research paper "The Limits of Growth", commissioned by the Club of
Rome;
the "Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural
Heritage" adopted by UNESCO in Paris.
All the above documents assume, albeit each in a different way, that there is a limit to eco-
nomic and social development, which was based previously on the assumption there was an in-
finite supply of resources.
Of the three texts, the Declaration was the first to be published. It recognizes the earths lim-
ited resources and states that man cannot be separated from his environment, which is defined as
Human Environment. Taking a holistic view, it states that this needs to be protected for trans-
mission to future generations.
"The limits of growth", taking into account the existing relationships between human needs
and the planet's ability to satisfy them, explores the possible limits of growth mechanisms due to
the exhaustion of natural resources. The holistic approach of the study gives new quantitative
scientific legitimacy to the concept of development limits, introduced in 1798 by Robert Mal-
thus, and suggests possible alternative development models.
Finally, the Convention recognizes that cultural and natural heritage, by its very nature linked
to the concept of scarsity and therefore limited resources, is increasingly threatened by human
presence and the economic and social environment determined by man. Referring to the princi-
ple already set out in the Declaration, namely to ensure "the transmission of cultural and natural
heritage for future generations", cultural and natural heritage is also viewed as a limited re-
source and, for its special importance, even more in need of protection and preservation.
Therefore ,the three documents define a close parallelism between cultural/natural and envi-
ronmental resources, which brings us back to the same issue: they are limited in quantity and
they need to be protected, so that they can be transmitted to future generations. This issue,
which lies at the heart of the concept of Sustainable Development, has involved Cultural Heri-
tage from the beginning. As a matter of fact, being a limited material resource, it lies at the root
of the identity of a people, and so intrinsically linked to the problem of being transmitted to fu-
ture generations.
For these reasons and for all other considerations that have characterized it since ancient
times, cultural heritage can be considered a forerunner of the concept of sustainable develop-
ment as defined in the Brundtland Report.
1.1 Background
The concept of limited resources was already set out at the end of the eighteenth century (Mal-
thus, T.R. 1798) in theories that linked population growth to the cultivation of increasingly less
fertile land, thus causing a shortage of primary goods for subsistence. This process would inevi-
tably bring a stop to economic development, given that population growth expands geometri-
cally, faster therefore than the increase in food resources, which has only an arithmetic progres-
sion.
This concept was referred to in the Peak Oil Theory (1956, Hubbert, M.K.) concerning on the
temporal evolution of the production of any exhaustible or physically limited mineral resource
or fossil fuel. According to the theory a maximum production date can be estimated from his-
torical data on the reserves of a mineral resource. Initially proposed as a purely empirical model,
it was then developed also in mathematical terms. The influence of this approach can be seen in
the deterministic mathematical modelling used in subsequent studies undertaken by MIT on the
limits to growth.
As regards the damage caused by the intensive exploitation of environmental resources, the
book Silent Spring (Carson, 1962) describes the effect of pesticide use in agriculture, highlight-
ing the damage caused to ecosystems affected by chemical treatments. In 1972 the great success
of the book and the movement it inspired led to a ban on DDT in agriculture. The book can be
seen as a precursor of the criticism of the contemporary industrial system, highlighting the use
of toxic substances that are foreign to natural biological cycles and so difficult for the planet to
absorb.
A few years after the publication of Rachel Carson's book, the dominant development model
was again criticized and compared to the American Far West (Boulding, 1966), where cowboys
Heritage 2012
draw on hypothetically unlimited natural resources, expanding their search to ever new and un-
touched frontiers. A more human and environmentally friendly economy, he argues, should be
developed since however large the Earth may be, it is not conceptually very different from a
space capsule. The inhabitants of the planet, like astronauts, can only count on available re-
sources, they live within a limited space and it is only within this space that they can dump their
waste products. For this reason the planet is called "Spaceship Earth". It appeared on the front
pages of newspapers and magazines, was the subject of books and articles, and was a source of
inspiration for the first Earth Day in April 1970.
This metaphor already contained the idea of a system that was a closed cycle, later explicitly
expressed in the book The Closing Circle (Commoner, B., 1971), in which the ecological crisis
is seen as the result of the existing conflict between the workings of the ecosystems and the
logic underlying the capitalist economy. While the former tends towards stability and operates
in closed cycles, the second promotes a linear model of growth, which upsets natural balances.
The crisis can be overcome by changing the development model, prioritizing ecology rather
than profit. This was the springboard that led to the latest theories about the life cycle of materi-
als and the concept of "eco efficiency" (Braungart M., Mc Donough W., 2002).
The year following the publication of Commoners book, the Declaration of the United Na-
tions Conference on the Human Environment was issued, followed by the research paper "The
Limits of Growth" and the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and
Natural Heritage adopted by UNESCO in Paris - documents that are fundamental for the defini-
tion of the concept of Sustainable Development (Unwed, 1987). A critical appraisal is given in
the following section, highlighting common conceptual roots.
2 COMPARATIVE DESCRIPTION
2.1 United Nations Conference on Human Environment (UNCHE)
The Stockholm Conference was the first United Nations conference convened to discuss the
problem of pollution. The Declaration, released after the summit in Sweden, brought the con-
cept of the environment to the fore, asserting it could not be subordinated or considered inciden-
tal to the protection of special interests.
The conference was attended by 113 countries, 108 of which were UN members; UN Secre-
tary General U Thant, representatives of 13 UN agencies, other international organizations and
nongovernmental organizations were also there as observers. Maurice Strong, an entrepreneur
with experience in energy and finance, was invited to be Secretary General.
The conference led to the adoption of three non-binding documents:
the Declaration of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, which laid
down 26 principles and guiding policies on the environment, which the States undertook to
abide by both nationally and internationally;
an Action Plan for Human Environment containing 109 operational recommendations to de-
fine in detail the objectives of the Declaration;
a resolution on institutional and financial questions;
The recommendations of the Action Plan were adopted by consensus and reflected an agenda
involving five main areas:
the relationship between development and environment;
educational, informational, social, and cultural aspects of environmental issues;
pollution;
management of natural resources.
The Declaration of Principles uses an anthropocentric approach, setting out basic rules of
conduct for the protection of the environment, including the need to address and resolve envi-
ronmental issues through joint action.
The environment is conceived as an indivisible system, whose problems should be analyzed
and solved in organically and in unitary fashion; it should no longer be just the sum of individ-
ual component elements (water, air, land, etc).
The United Nations Conference on the Human Environment expressed a general interest in
the environment; this formed the basis for the subsequent development of the discipline of envi-
ronmental protection at the international level. Thus, the defence and improvement of the envi-
ronment was considered to be an issue that was at the root of the well-being of peoples and eco-
nomic development of the whole world. The conference underlined the conviction of the
inadequacy of the dominant economic model. After analysing the environmental impacts gener-
ated by traditional models of development, it put forward a new concept of development, char-
acterized by profound civil, social and cultural values rather than purely economic ones.
It highlighted the principle of self-determination of peoples and local expressions. In this
sense it seemed to echo some basic principles of the theory of conservation introduced by Alois
Riegl in the late nineteenth century, who saw the value of a work of art as a dynamic factor,
linked to a particular artistic intent closely associated with the environmental conditions of the
time and in constant evolution due to the evolving relationship between history and art.
It put forward a model of development that meets basic needs, in both material and immate-
rial terms, while ensuring environmental quality and ecological balance.
Maurice Strong introduced the concept of eco-development, based on respect for ecosystems
and the great natural cycles, an awareness of resource exhaustibility, and caution in accepting
new technologies.
As in the MIT report, resource limitations form part of the basic concept of a new model of
economic development, centred on the parsimonious use of resources, applying the technologies
of industrial production to satisfy basic needs rather than greater profit and increased consump-
tion.
The concept of resources to be transmitted future generations is used frequently. Even though
the concept of limited resource refers mostly to the environment it also highlights the impor-
tance of reducing emissions of pollutants and conserving non-renewable energy resources.
2.2 Limits to Growths
The Report was published in 1972 by MIT and commissioned by the Club of Rome. The au-
thors are Donella H. Meadows, Dennis L. Meadows, Jorgen Randers and William W. Behrens
III.
The idea for the publication came after a meeting of economists, sociologists and scientists,
organized in 1968 by the Italian industrialist Aurelio Peccei at the Accademia dei Lincei in
Rome. All were united in their conviction of the inadequacy of the Western model of growth,
mainly because it is based on the use of non-renewable resources, which by their nature will one
day run out.
In order to assess the maximum life span of the present growth system, the mathematical
model World 3 was developed. Based on the five variables of population, agriculture, economy,
natural resources and pollution, it sets out to represent the processes of development of the past
and then on the basis of these, those of the future. These dependent variables in fact stem from a
combination of over one hundred fifty independent variables, for which previous trends were
known. The exponential trend which resulted from the analysis was then used to calculate the
projections in the report.
The mathematical model demonstrates that in a contained system, the exponential growth of
any subsystem inevitably comes into conflict with the limits of its resource base.
The reports population growth forecasts are particularly alarming, given that a rise in the
growth rate together with an exponential increase in population would generate a fourfold in-
crease in the population in 60 years.
Economic and industrial growth is described as a process based on an ever wider gap between
the conditions of increasingly richer industrialized countries and those of developing countries.
Population and industrialization trends then come up against the problem availability of re-
sources, on which growth processes depend, thus there is a threshold for population and eco-
nomic growth.
Resources are categorized as arable land, raw materials, fossil fuels and nuclear fuel. A good
deal of attention focuses on the topic of food, as well as energy.
Heritage 2012
Apart from the availability of resources, another consideration is the problem of waste pro-
duction and that the fact that the planets ecosystem can only absorb the products of human ac-
tivity to a limited extent. This process is in fact possible only through a series of cycles that
converts them back into new resources. If the absorption capacity is exceeded, waste accumu-
lates excessively and harmfully and cannot be disposed of.
According to the MIT study, assuming that the current growth trends continue unchanged in
the five key areas, humanity will reach the natural limits of growth in a hundred years.
The report proposes the alternative of abandoning the dominant system of growth by turning
to a growth model based on ecological and economic stability that can be guaranteed indefi-
nitely. This can be defined as one that meets the material needs of all the earths inhabitants,
who are all given the same opportunities. The final hope of a new development model based on
balance and stability anticipates the concept of Sustainable Development.
2.3 Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage
The "Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage" was
approved the UNESCO General Conference on 16 November 1972 in Paris.
The document, consisting of thirty-eight articles, defines the concepts of Cultural and Natural
Heritage. The first is represented by monuments, groups of buildings and sites, the second natu-
ral features, geological and physiographical formations and natural sites.
So starting from a specialist view - the idea of cultural heritage and wanting to get the
greatest number of countries involved, the concept of Natural Heritage was introduced. This
move, determined also by the desire to get the United States involved in the process of defining
the Convention, is important in that it gives the concept of heritage a wider meaning and one
that closer to the concept of resource as used in the Stockholm Conference and in the MIT re-
port.
The Convention states that it is the duty of every state to identify and delineate the different
properties on its territory so as to ensure their protection and presentation, including them in a
special "World Heritage List".
The Convention establishes that it is the duty of member states to provide regular reports on
the state of conservation of registered sites, encouraging public awareness and improving pro-
tection through appropriate information and education programs. Gradually over the years, the
criteria for admission to the list have come up against conceptually difficult decisions, thus the
admission parameters have had to be revised and sometimes paradoxical situations have arisen
(Frey, B., Steiner, L., 2011, Van der Aa, B. 2005, Jokilehto J., 2002).
The mission of the Preservation of Cultural and Natural Heritage is summarised in the motto:
"Our heritage should be safeguarded for future generations," clearly connected to the concept of
inheritance and the limited nature of resources, which have to be handed over integrally to fu-
ture generations. These concepts, which are now seen to form the basis of sustainable develop-
ment, were from the beginning at the heart of the debate on Cultural Heritage.
3 THE QUESTION OF ENVIRONMENTAL PARAMETERS IN MUSEUMS
A general discussion on buildings used for conservation and their optimal indoor environmental
setpoints, thus considering these buildings only for the purposes of conserving and presenting
the art objects in them, is of limited value today.
This debate, which until now has focused on the issue of indoor environmental parameters for
conservation, can be seen as paradigmatic and intimately linked, even from the lexical point of
view, to the concept of limit, and that a problem, that was only seen in terms of conservation,
has also become an energy issue and one of sustainability. It is as if the object stored within the
walls of a museum has crossed the traditional conceptual confines into the broader horizon of
sustainability, the seeds of which were already present, as we said, in the concept of cultural
heritage.
If fact, starting with the early postwar years, high environmental performance was considered
necessary in all cases, an approach made possible by the supposed unlimited availability of re-
sources. In recent years, having become aware of the reduced availability of these resources, the
quently difficult to control, unless by means of complex strategies for indoor microclimate con-
trol.
There is still a viable alternative which involves a significant reduction in energy needs and
material resources - the concept of basic need and greater use of renewable resources. This de-
pends greatly on the local conditions of the site and on reducing as much as possible the use of
non-renewable resources, as set out in previous documents. In this sense, the use of an envelope
that can guarantee high performance from the dynamic point of view, as regards heat and mass
transfer, is indispensable, as also a change in project targets, which must be adapted to the real
needs of conservation, taking into account the real environmental conditions.
4 CONCLUSIONS - CULTURAL HERITAGE AND SUSTAINABILITY
In the previous discussion it was found that the concept of sustainable development is intimately
linked to that of cultural heritage. As we have seen, the idea of cultural heritage is rooted in an-
tiquity and has, from the beginning, come up against the concept of limit, linked to the tran-
sience of both the image and its material support (Brandi C, 1964). A work of art, to use a con-
cept dear to John Ruskin, is above all a thing and therefore intrinsically of limited availability.
Even the concept of inheritance and transmission to future generations, as noted above, has
for a long time already been the focus of the conservation of cultural heritage. For example, we
could mention the issue of the construction of the new Basilica of St. Peter and the concept of
memory and identity of the original building. Another important episode, that has been men-
tioned several times, is the dedication that Pope Benedict XIX erected in the Flavian Amphi-
theatre in Rome in 1744, in a place of fundamental importance for Christianity, to put an end to
the plundering of the materials. Finally there is Cardinal Paccas Edict of 1920, which, among
other measures, indirectly contained the seeds of the concept of property and heritage in both
economic and historical terms, claiming ownership of all archaeological discoveries for the
State.
The Brundtland report speaks of energy resources environment, but does not directly mention
cultural heritage. It places great importance on ethical and cultural values, considering the con-
cept of resource in its widest possible sense.
The Convention highlighted that the deterioration and disappearance of this heritage, consid-
ered unique and irreplaceable, constitutes an impoverishment of humanity. Mention is often
made of the concept of asset and property, and thus indirectly the idea of limit, too. From an
economistic point of view, it is the limitedness of an asset that gives it its value. An unlimited
asset, according to traditional economic parameters, is worthless. In fact, it is the scarcity of an
asset, namely its limitedness, which gives it its value. A single asset, which is not reproducible
such as a masterpiece of Renaissance painting, is, because of its uniqueness, invaluable, and to
which, however, the market attaches a monetary value. In the convention, heritage, to a certain
extent, is seen as a non-renewable resource; once lost, it can no longer be reproduced or recov-
ered.
Energy resources, in their different ways, also belong to humanity, so in theory all the peo-
ples of the world should be able to access them freely and equally. As in the case of cultural
heritage, energy resources are not limitlessly available.
As we know, material and energy resources are classified into "renewable" and "non-
renewable. In the first case, the limit to consumption is given by its availability, which is nec-
essarily linked to the existing reserves of raw materials; in the second case, it is given by the
flow of energy in different forms that the planet can generate. If consumption per unit of time
exceeds what is available, the system itself is weakened and made vulnerable, and so in the long
term the resource will run out.
Burning a ton of oil is certainly not as criminal as destroying a work of art. A gallon of Black
Sea oil will not be qualitatively comparable to Libyan oil but from the point of view of its use-
fulness it remains simply a gallon of oil. The rock paintings of the steppes can in any way be in-
terchanged with the archaeological remains of Sabratha, while the above gallon of oil remains
undifferentiated regardless of its origin. However, by contributing to the destruction of the
planet's resources we certainly approach the ultimate limit for humanity to survive. In fact, as
stated in "Our Future World", man cannot be separated from the environment and the planet
where they live, and for this reason we can say that the issue of resources is indistinguishable
from that of cultural heritage.
The close link between energy resources and conservation can also be seen in the concept of
"reversibility" and "minimal intervention", which belong to the world of conservation (Brandi,
1963). Regarding the use of resources and energy the concept of reversibility can easily be as-
similated to the sustainable use of renewable resources, while that of minimum intervention can
be closely associated to parsimonious use of resources.
To sum up, we can say that the transmission of heritage and resources to future generations
can be guaranteed through the use renewable resources and an economical use of available re-
sources.
5 REFERENCES
ASHRAE, Chapter 21: Museums, Galleries, Archives and Libraries. 2007 ASHRAE Handbook HVAC
Applications. Atlanta, GA 2007.
Brandi C.,(1963), Teoria del Restauro, Einaudi
Carson R., 1962, Silent Spring, Houghton Mifflin
Boulding K., The Economics of the Coming Spaceship Earth, 1966, presented at the Sixth Resources for
the Future Forum on Environmental Quality in a Growing Economy in Washington, D.C
Commoner B., 1971, The closing Circle, Bantam Books
Braungart M., Mc Donough W., 2002, Cradle to Cradle, Remaking the Way We Make Things North
Point Press
Frey, B., Steiner, L., 2011, World Heritage List: does it make sense? International Journal of Cultural
Policy
Hubbert, M.K., 1956, Nuclear and the fossil Fuels Drilling and Production Practice, Spring Meeting of
the Southern District. Division of Production. American Petroleum Institute, 22-27, San Antonio,
Texas:Shell Development Company
Jokilehto J., 2002, Seminar at Scuola di Specializzazione dei Monumenti di Roma
Malthus, T.R., 1798, An essay of the principle of the population as it affects the future improvement of
society
Meadows D. H., Meadows D.L., Randers J., Behrens W.H, 1972, The Limits to Growths, Universe Books
Riegl A, 1903, Der moderne Denkmalkult. Sein Wesen und seine Entstehung
UN General Assembly, United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, 15 December
1972, A/RES/2994, available at: http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/3b00f1c840.html [accessed 6
May 2012]
UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation, Convention Concerning the Protection of the
World Cultural and Natural Heritage, 16 November 1972, available at:
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4042287a4.html [accessed 6 May 2012]
UN World Commission on Environment and Development, 1987, Report of the World Commission on
Environment and Development: Our Common Future, United Nations
Van der Aa, B., 2005, Preserving the Heritage of Humanity? Obtaining World Heritage Status and the
Impacts of Listing, Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research, Amsterdam.
Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
More than a decade ago, the World Tourism Organization (WTO) recognised that heritage and
culture had become a component in almost 40% of all international trips undertaken (Timothy
and Boyd, 2003). In the same vein, Sigala and Leslie (2005) employ a raft of similarly impres-
sive statistics to underpin the rationale for their book on international cultural tourism which is
premised upon the increasing centrality of heritage and cultural attractions in modern, technolo-
gy and knowledge-based societies. As they further note, it is not surprising that in recent years
the cultural heritage sector has gained much political attention owing to its economic potential
and its importance for market development in the information society, given both that culture
has become a major driver of tourism demand and flows, and cultural heritage resources are
routinely placed at the centre of both urban and rural development and rejuvenation strategies
(Sigala and Leslie, 2005). And as McCleery (2011) observes of tourism in relation to intangible
cultural heritage (ICH), tourist development is acknowledged as just such a legitimate economic
development tool by agencies at all levels, from local authorities, through regional development
agencies and the branches of central government and its arms-length bodies, right up to supra-
national organisations such as the Council of Europe, the European Union and the United Na-
tions. This is why, as Sigala and Leslie (2005) confirm, every country, region or locale has
viewed or is viewing its cultural resources in terms of tourism potential, most markedly in the
post-industrialised western nations which have been losing market share as traditional visitors
go elsewhere.
Yet, as Sigala and Leslie (2005) are also quick to warn, to measure the value of culture in
economic terms alone is a fundamental flaw since the value that cultural institutions deliver to
Remaking cultural heritage: a role for responsible tourism?
Alison McCleery
Edinburgh Napier University , Scotland, UK
Alistair McCleery
Edinburgh Napier University , Scotland, UK

ABSTRACT: The challenges thrown up by heritage tourism are similar in many ways to those
confronted by ecotourism. The term cultural tourism, as with its sister term environmental (or
nature) tourism, highlights a paradox: transmitting knowledge and understanding of cultural
heritage from generation to generation is all about safeguarding that heritage, just as fostering
green attitudes and promulgating green behaviours is all about protecting the physical envi-
ronment from damage; tourism, on the other hand, is all about consumption. Thus in spaces
where tourists and practitioners of whether heritage or nature conservation come together, there
is the potential for socio-cultural conflict because of different agendas. Yet the term responsi-
ble tourism suggests that consumption and conservation are not mutually exclusive, which fur-
ther implies that gatekeepers can also be guardians. These are the challenges confronting every
meeting of tourism with conservation, and it is these challenges, along with questions of rights
and responsibilities, as well as issues of ownership, commodification and inauthenticity, which
are examined here. Specifically, the case for cultural heritage as a tool for economic develop-
ment is explored.
society is often indirect and non-financial as they primarily strive to provide intellectual enjoy-
ment and raise awareness about the importance of cultural and historical knowledge. Indeed,
they argue that it is these other cultural value characteristics and the intellectual exploitation
that represent the true value of cultural heritage. This does not mean that market opportunities
are to be ignored, but it implies that cultural institutions and governments need to maintain a
realistic view on the exploitability and management of cultural heritage resources, as well as a
return on investment in supporting the continuity of these resources. This is where the concept
of responsible tourism enters the picture with the balancing of what McCleery (2011) encapsu-
lates as an ethical framework for safeguarding cultural heritage on the one hand against an eco-
nomic imperative for its exploitation on the other. In the case of ICH, however, while it is obvi-
ous that as an external-facing phenomenon, in achieving economic viability it also risks adulter-
ation and dilution, it is less obvious that as an internal-facing phenomenon, in remaining pure
and unadulterated it may also become so fragile as to die out altogether. In other words, doing
nothing is unlikely to equate with safeguarding, so that non-exploitation may have ethical im-
plications as far-reaching as those of exploitation. Against this background, the remaking of
cultural heritage, up to a point, may be a price worth paying to ensure its sustainability. Where
that point lies in practical terms and who has the right to decide, and whether gatekeepers (e.g.
development agencies and tour and site managers) can also be guardians (e.g. conservation
groups and ICH practitioners) and in what circumstances, is the crux of the debate which fol-
lows.
2 DECONSTRUCTING HERITAGE AND CULTURE
Timothy and Boyd (2003) offer a concise but comprehensive review of and commentary upon
the range of meanings ascribed within the tourism literature to heritage and heritage tourism,
their evolution and their links with culture and cultural tourism. While there is little consen-
sus as to where the boundaries of heritage lie, there is broad agreement that it has something to
do with the past and, more than that, the past in the present, filtered and interpreted through a
value system that changes through time and space. It has long since moved away from being
associated with an inheritance or legacy; and is often erroneously equated with history. Some
observers focus on a regional context. For example the WTO defines heritage tourism as an
immersion in the natural history, human heritage, arts, philosophy and institutions of another
region or country (quoted in Timothy and Boyd, 2003). And while all define heritage to in-
clude major historic sites and institutions, many also encompass within the definition not only
the humanised but also the natural landscape, as well as previous ways of life linked to particu-
lar economic activities, and living cultural heritage. Heritage then can be classified as tangible
immovable resources (e.g. buildings, rivers, natural areas); tangible movable resources (e.g. ob-
jects in museums, documents in archives); or intangibles such as values, customs, ceremonies,
lifestyles, and including experiences such as festivals, arts and cultural events (Timothy and
Boyd, 2003).
Commenting on the extent to which the term heritage has been misused, as illustrated by
employing a list of meanings compiled by Tunbridge and Ashworth (1996) to demonstrate both
the misuse of the term heritage and the wide scope of its evolving connotations, Timothy and
Boyd (2003) move on to address both the association between heritage and culture and the link
with tourism. In passing, they note the more negative and pejorative views of the term heritage
forthcoming from Merriman (1991) who stated with barely disguised distaste that: [i]n this
sense, as used in the heritage industry, the word has become synonymous with manipulation
(or even invention and exploitation of the past for commercial ends. And they also mention
Ashworth and Tunbridges (1999) far more neutral stance which sees heritage as bringing to-
gether an eclectic range of contemporary uses of the past which include ... the provision of
economic resources for commodification within heritage industries. What they do not high-
light, since they actually refer to these two commentaries in reverse date order, and what is wor-
thy of note, is the change in attitude vis-a-vis heritage-based economic development in the space
of a decade from one of indignant outrage to one of more-or-less acceptance. It is suggested that
here is evidence of the era of Thatcherism having done its work. We are all consumers now.
Heritage 2012
Developing this theme, it is noteworthy that Fladmark in his 1993 edited volume entitled
Heritage the sub-title of which incorporates the word Enterprise alongside but after Con-
servation and Interpretation speaks of new attitudes to the development of heritage that will
... ensure that the needs of the present are met without compromising the ability of future gen-
erations to meet theirs. This is sustainability by any other name, a word which Fladmark ad-
mits he is still nervous of using. A qualifying rider to this evolving approach is appended which
has echoes of the best of all possible worlds WHO definition of health, so that we find
Fladmark referring to human needs amounting to more than simply the basic human needs;
they also embrace the ability to enjoy aspects of our heritage that give spiritual uplift, aesthetic
pleasure and cultural fulfilment. At the very least, this is a reinforcing echo of the sub-title and
an acknowledgement of the role of edutainment. By the next year, in another edited volume
entitled Cultural Tourism, Fladmark (1994) is not only spelling out the pro-active role of enter-
prise in relation to cultural heritage; he is also talking about not only the requirement to protect
the physical environment but also the duty to spare the human occupants of that environment.
As he emphasises, cultural heritage tourism is not only concerned with identification, manage-
ment and protection of the heritage values but it must also be involved in understanding the im-
pact of tourism on communities and regions, achieving economic and social benefits, providing
financial resources for protection, as well as marketing and promotion.
As Tunbridge subsequently observes in 1998, what has clearly emerged by escalating the in-
tellectual and economic profile of heritage is an expansion of the term to apply not only to the
historic environment, both natural and built, but also to every dimension of material culture,
intellectual inheritances and cultural identities. And, as Richards (2001) notes, the same trend of
inflated meaning has been applied to the use of the term culture in relation to tourism. The
situation is summed up succinctly and accurately by Timothy and Boyd (2003). The terms
cultural tourism, heritage tourism, ethnic tourism and arts tourism are almost inter-
changeable in their usage, with limited consensus regarding whether or not people are talking
about the same thing. While the present authors would tend to place arts tourism where that
relates to high culture in a special and slightly separate category, perhaps akin to a shortened
version of the European Grand Tour - an educationally and culturally refining experience
popular with young men of the English upper-class elite nevertheless Timothy and Boyds
(2003) contention that the modern-day Grand Tour is more focused on pleasure over learning is
not disputed.
3 RECONSTRUCTING HERITAGE AND CULTURE
What is certain is that [cultural] heritage tourism has grown rapidly in recent years (Stebbins,
1996); that cultural [heritage] tourism goes beyond the visitation of sites and monuments to
include the consumption of processes where these are defined to include the ideas and way of
life (the ICH) of people (Richards: 2001); that this has created a situation where an oversupply
of tourist attractions in general, and heritage sites in particular has been reached (Middleton,
1997); and that because the [cultural] heritage [tourism] product is [by definition] fashioned by
tourism, commoditisation [inevitably] features strongly within the tourist experience (Timothy
and Boyd, 2003); that [cultural] heritage has been a key tool for bringing life to previously der-
elict industrial regions (Timothy and Boyd, 2003); and that the industry is not without its critics,
so that while Hewisons condemnation of the heritage industry as a malign force which trivial-
ises and distorts history producing inaccuracy and superficiality is not wholly unexpected
given that it was written in 1987. Similar censure issued by Uzzell (1996) a decade later by
which time a watershed in the evolution and acceptability of visitor attractions was well de-
fined and established arguably does require to be taken rather more seriously. As Shackley
(2001) notes, the tourist in York, England, can visit the great Minster church in a way which is
merely continuing 1500 years of tradition, but a visit to the Jorvik Viking centre incorporating a
ride and other paraphernalia of the heritage industry is getting quite a different experience in
which issues of authenticity inevitably surface. Because the two experiences are not mutually
exclusive alternatives, it is not even legitimate to enquire as to whether it is better to tolerate the
fakery of the latter in favour of protecting the former from the environmental impacts of pol-
lution and erosion resulting from the impact of a volume and type of non-worshipping visitor
which it was never originally destined or therefore designed to receive.
And just as historical sites are at risk of destruction, and history as heritage is in danger of
becoming shallow and inexact, so is ICH as an outward-facing phenomenon at risk, whether of
extinction or of becoming unnecessarily exaggerated and outlandish. ICH goes beyond the ma-
terial and comprises the living cultural expressions inherited by groups and communities from
their ancestors and transmitted in turn to their descendants. All manner of knowledges, customs
and rituals are included, ranging from social activities such as storytelling and traditional dance,
to recipes for culinary specialities and work-based practices and routines. In terms of these latter
ways of life, as MacCannell (1999) observes, almost any sort of work from the backbreaking
toil of the Welsh miner to the unpleasant work of the Parisian sewerage operative can be the
object of what Urry (2002) has famously termed the tourist gaze. According to MacCannell,
Modern Man is losing his attachments to the work bench, the neighbourhood which he once
called his own but, at the same time, he is developing an interest in the real lives of others.
It is not hard to identify the paradox here; tourists real lives at home are grey and unreal,
whereas the everyday lives of others are somehow vibrant and real. The mundane everydayness
of their lives has somehow become exotic. But because real lives are found only backstage and
are not immediately on view, the gaze of the tourist involves obvious intrusion into peoples
lives (Urry, 2002). Because of the inconvenience or even downright unacceptability which
this entails, the people being observed and also the local tourist entrepreneurs gradually come to
construct backstages in a contrived and artificial manner. Tourist spaces become organised
around what MacCannell (1973) refers to as staged authenticity, in an effort by the indigenous
community both to protect itself from intrusions into the privacy of its family lives and to take
advantage of the opportunities presented for profitable investment.
And at once a situation arises in which ICH pivots around from being inward facing for the
benefit of local people, to being outward facing for the benefit of visitors; and in which in a
move to protect sacred or otherwise cherished ICH from rape and pillage by hordes of what are
perceived as mainly uncomprehending and insensitive visitors pseudo-events are staged spe-
cifically for the benefit of the visitors. The real experience which tourists crave has become
unreal, even if in all its unreality, it actually constitutes the implementation of a genuine, con-
temporary commercial initiative which defines the reality of the service providers current work
and life experience. The tourists are thus participating in something real, yet observing and per-
ceiving something unreal, with one inevitable result, namely that the individual entrepreneurs
and the communities in which they reside, are induced or reduced to producing ever more
extravagant displays for the innocent (gullible?) observer, who is thereby even further removed
from the local people. And over time, via advertising and the media, the images generated of the
linked tourist gazes come to constitute a closed self-perpetuating system of illusions. Pseudo-
reality tends towards hyper-reality, with the perverse corollary that tourists sensuality and
aesthetic sense become as restricted as they are at home (Urry, 2002). This is further heightened
by the relatively superficial way in which indigenous cultures necessarily have to be
(re)presented to the tourist. The issue at stake is the feasibility of simultaneous consumption and
conservation of cultural heritage, when that cultural heritage has to be at one and the same time
both unadulterated and commodified. What Grassie (1983) has termed the soft option for eco-
nomic development, which is seized upon by desperate regional development authorities eve-
rywhere as a quick-fix tool for the promotion of economic growth (or the prevention of econom-
ic decline), can not only promote what Urry (2002) refers to as trinketisation of local crafts,
but may pervert local customs and slowly but surely insinuate itself into and corrupt family life.
4 MAKING TOURISM RESPONSIBLE AND SUSTAINABLE
Yet how exactly can commercial trinketisation and mass visitation leave the built heritage un-
spoiled, and societal violation and community diminution the intangible heritage undiluted and
intact. A visit to either Lourdes or Le Mont St Michel, both in France, is sufficient to convince
that this is a difficult, if not impossible, goal. Both sites are physically overwhelmed with the
sheer density of visitors on the one hand and with commercial outlets selling cheap and tawdry
plastic and sometimes battery-illuminated sacred souvenirs to cater for the crowds. In the case
Heritage 2012
of Lourdes, the possibility of a powerful and uplifting experience for genuine pilgrims may be
diminished by the mundane functionality implicit in the truly impressive sight which greets the
visitor. This is not of the shrine in the rock cave with its natural spring, far less of any holy ap-
parition, but rather of an endless stainless steel counter served by elaborate plumbing arrange-
ments to facilitate the filling with holy water of plastic containers of all sizes and shapes,
which are subsequently carted away by the visiting hordes in quantities which would do justice
to any supermarket. In the case of Le Mont St Michel, the French government is having to
spend more than 150 million Euro in order to replace the existing causeway bringing visitors
cars to the island with a more ecologically sustainable bridge carrying electric mass transporta-
tion shuttle vehicles, and which will also allow the tides to sweep around the perimeter of the
rock, facilitating its maintenance as a tidal island. This will reduce particulate pollution from
vehicle emissions and remove the visual intrusion of the hundreds of cars parked daily at the
foot of the mount, but it cannot increase physical carrying capacity and so will not reduce the
overcrowding on a spatially constrained site; nor will it sweep away the commercialism which
both sustains the visitor hordes and is sustained by them in a symbiotic relationship. And while
visitors to an attraction widely perceived as a sacred site are in the main not visiting to worship,
pray or meditate, even for many of these more-or-less cultural tourists whether purposeful,
sightseeing, serendipitous, casual or incidental (McKercher and du Cros, 2002) preserving
something of the spirit of place of the attraction is fundamental to its sustainability not only
as a sacred space but also as a tourist destination (Shackley, 2001)
In the case of ICH, whether sacred or secular, there is not only the possibility of destruction,
dilution or other form of diminution; there is also the reality of frank and devastating change as
a direct result of contact with a metropolitan culture. Thus, for example, Nepalese children, liv-
ing not only in urban Katmandhu, but also in the Himalayan foothills in proximity to the Anna-
purna trekkers circuit, are not shy of demanding money from westerners in the relevant lan-
guage and currency; while traders in Turkish markets raise smiles from UK visitors with their
less than authentic cry of cheaper than Asda, cheaper than Primark, cheaper than shoplift-
ing! (McCleery, 2011). Similarly, festival organisers the world over begin to give their offer an
outward-facing commercial veneer as opposed to an inward-facing indigenous appeal; and pre-
existing traditional economic activity, originally performed as genuine primary sector activity
with often limited potential for commercial gain, translates into the identical activity performed
as a tertiary sector performative activity with disproportionately enhanced potential for com-
mercial gain. Edinburghs Hogmanay (New Years Eve celebration) is a commercially driven
festival or collection of events taking place over the New Year period. Initiated through col-
laboration between the private sector and the local authority, this event now attracts thousands
of visitors and their spending to the city. Yet, other than seeing in the bells at midnight on 31
December, the contemporary Edinburgh mass entertainment bears no relation to traditional
Scottish New Year customs such as first-footing, that is, being the first person to cross the
hosts threshold bearing black bun, whisky and a lump of coal as a neighbourly offering of tra-
ditional food, drink and fuel. Edinburghs Hogmanay has thus graduated to heritage tourism
status, becomes necessary to consider whether local traditions have been overtaken by the event,
or whether ownership of this representation of Hogmanay ha in fact been removed from lo-
cal practitioners. For here is a prime example of how a previously unselfconscious, unobserved
authentic and traditional activity translates into a self-conscious, widely observed, rather less
traditional and authentic activity, which does of course have some potential to remain culturally
reinforcing as well as, importantly, now being commercially advantageous.
Scotlands national poet, Robert Burns, is celebrated widely in Scotland on the day of his
birth, 25 January. Haggis and neaps a savoury pudding containing sheeps offal minced with
oatmeal and spices and all contained within the animals stomach and served with mashed tur-
nip is traditionally eaten at Burns suppers. At these events Burns poetry is read aloud and in
particular there is an address to the haggis a Burns poem which is ceremonially piped in to
the dining hall and toasted by all present with a dram a glass of whisky. However, the detail
and character of this event has changed with the changing times so that ladies are now admitted
and there is toast to the lassies and also a reply to the laddies. At the same time there are vege-
tarian alternatives as well as non-alcoholic beverages for those with dietary preferences, perhaps
associated with their own specific cultural heritage. Notably, the custom of Burns suppers has
been exported abroad along with the poverty-induced diaspora which dispersed Scots to the four
corners of the world. Whether in the English university town of Oxford where there is now an
informal Burns week when all the colleges celebrate Burns night with a dinner and a ceilidh (an
evening of Scottish dancing) or in the United States, Canada and Australia where Burns cel-
ebrations have been adopted, assimilated and adapted beyond diaspora and beyond all recogni-
tion there is a certain inevitability that where living culture is concerned, evolution is inevita-
ble and not inevitably bad. It goes without saying that an exclusive all-male drinking club would
be widely regarded by right-thinking people as being less acceptable than an accessible and
civilised social gathering of both sexes, even if it is perceived (by some) to have become less
authentic. Not all traditional ICH is good.
So it is that along with activities surrounding St Andrews and St Patricks Day (the national
days of Scotland and Ireland falling on 30 November and 17 March respectively), both of which
represent festivals widely celebrated especially in the US and Canada, Burns celebrations are
tending to become more inclusive and, for hotels and restaurants and other commercial out-
lets, that certainly offers a new income-generating outward-facing attraction. St Andrews Day
and now Tartan Week a Scottish-government inspired initiative to replicate the reputational
and commercial success of the impact of the Irish diaspora in the United States have both now
certainly outgrown the concept of a modest, inward-facing community-focussed expression of
ICH. But if in the context of global urban metropolitan culture, this seems benign, what of the
situation in an altogether more marginal location. It is arguably not only legitimate, but also es-
sential, to enquire about the effect which commodification has on the distinctive and lately in-
come-generating festival of Up Helly Aa, the Viking fire festival in Shetland, Scotlands most
northerly Atlantic archipelago. This festival has become a high-profile visitor attraction, having
featured in, among other things, Lonely Planets Bluelist (McCleery et al., 2008).
To some extent the answer will depend upon the particular character of the social relations
that come to be established between hosts and guests. In other circumstances, the guests
might well challenge a practice which relegates women to a role of trailing around all night long
after a bunch of men wielding fiery torches, cooking for them and cleaning up after them. But
they say nothing and they leave wholly innocent of the division in the attitude of the local popu-
lace towards the fire festival. Curiously, in this case, the commercial potential of the ICH may
be seen to be working in favour of its sustainability, however politically incorrect its substance.
The Kate Kennedy procession, an annual celebration at the University of St Andrews, has taken
place since 1926 under the auspices of the Kate Kennedy Club, an all-male student society. It
features male and female characters from Scottish history, including Mary Queen of Scots, all of
whom were formerly played by male students, attracts many visitors to the town, and has been
featured in the promotion of local cultural tourism. However, the University authorities recently
banned the procession on the grounds that it could not support an event or an organisation that
was barred to women. The Club has now had to reform, opening up its membership to women
students, and the procession will henceforth take place including female participants.
5 OWNERSHIP AND EMPOWERMENT ISSUES IN CULTURAL TOURISM
As Scheyvens (2002) observes, tourism brings with it myriad potential pitfalls and yet it also
offers considerable potential for bringing appropriate development to local communities. Ulti-
mately, it is vital to find ways in which tourism is able to work for regional economic develop-
ment because it is the worlds largest industry. Furthermore, as well as promoting economic
development, tourism can help to meet social and political goals such as building capacity,
strengthening community-level institutions, reinforcing cultural integrity and ideally, self-
determination. This particular perspective upon [cultural] tourism is curiously similar to a per-
spective from Scotland upon intangible cultural heritage, which concludes that the Scottish
Government ... has certainly appreciated the potential advantage of an approach to ICH which,
by promoting inclusivity and diversity, can simultaneously foster a coherent and cohesive na-
tional identity (McCleery et al, 2010). And it stands to reason that, if the objectives of tourism
on the one hand and ICH on the other genuinely are so similar, it is certainly worthwhile spend-
ing time and energy developing models of good practice which can be followed by agencies
supporting local development and other stakeholders, in both the public and private sector, to
Heritage 2012
ensure that the exploitation of heritage and culture occurs in an equitable and sustainable man-
ner.
UNESCO already endeavours, as an intrinsic part of its overall programme, to promote tour-
ism strategies based on principles which serve the organisations twin aims of protecting the
cultural and natural heritage and promoting development. These include: promoting the idea
that the cultural heritage has not only local and national but also universal value; promoting the
concept of global heritage, which removes barriers between the tangible and intangible heritage
and foregrounds the concept of cultural landscapes; supporting the concept of cultural and eco-
nomic enhancement of local areas; understanding that tourists today are well informed, discern-
ing consumers seeking personal enrichment; realising that civic awareness needs to be devel-
oped among local inhabitants as well as among visitors; accepting that tourism policies must be
drawn up in conjunction with cultural policies; and realising that economic, cultural and social
costs need to be evaluated as part of the development of a cultural tourism policy (Barr, 2000).
Elsewhere it has been observed that fine words which comprise the rhetoric of the high-minded
guiding principles and well-intentioned high-level objectives of UNESCO as a benevolent in-
ternational organisation do, however, need to be translated into action on the ground
(McCleery et al, 2010).
In this respect, significantly, Scheyvens (2002) emphasises: how empowerment of communi-
ty members through training courses, information sharing and participation on decision-making
bodies is necessary prior to and during tourism development; how active participation fosters
the exerting of control over the form and function of tourism; how immediate tangible benefits
must be followed up with intangible benefits such as skills development and enhanced percep-
tions of community cohesion and security; how when tourism is a strategy for community de-
velopment, mechanisms need to be in place to ensure that the benefits as well as the costs are
widely dispersed; how tourism should be pursued alongside a range of livelihood options and
should not supersede these; and how positive relationships should be developed between com-
munities and other tourism stakeholders in order to maximise the benefits from partnerships be-
tween local people, the private sector and government. Others have attempted to produce practi-
cal community-focussed best practice guidelines to assist stakeholders in addressing the main
operationalisation issues facing destinations wishing to develop tourism in a sensitive and ap-
propriate manner. For example, Walker (2003) has developed a locality profiling stage and
step modelling methodology as a tool to promote sustainable approaches to tourism develop-
ment by examining current development, evaluating existing impact, assessing likely future de-
velopment, and measuring local population involvement. Inskeep (1994) proposes a balanced
and methodical application of socio-economic impact control measures and socio-economic
programming in order to maximise the benefits of tourism. These and other approaches to best
practice will provide a baseline for a future project commissioned from the present authors by
Creative Scotland to design a model of good practice for the facilitation and promotion of cul-
tural heritage as a positive development option for communities in Scotland. However, it must
be recognised that in some situations there can be no right answer; protecting real ICH from
damage by offering tourists a pseudo-experience is laudable in one respect but may be con-
strued as morally repugnant in another.
6 CONCLUSION
As Smith (2003) observes, tourism need not be perceived as a last chance. Some of the more
intangible benefits may include the renewal of cultural pride, the revitalisation of customs and
traditions, and opportunities for cross-cultural exchange and integration. This resonates with
the view of the ICH in Scotland Team at Edinburgh Napier University that it is possible to ex-
ploit ICH sensitively to benefit the economy through cultural tourism, with the result that the
creation of funding streams through such economic exploitation is itself a key factor in the long-
term safeguarding of the diversity of ICH practices in Scotland (McCleery et al, 2011). Indeed,
it may be not so much a question of tourism constituting a last chance as the absence of tourism
constituting a lost chance. Nevertheless, it is accepted that the case for cultural heritage as a tool
for economic development needs is not yet fully proven and there is work to be done on behalf
of both hosts and guests before it is certain that tourism is able to shake off the label of a new
form of imperialism (Smith, 2003). Ongoing research in Scotland will contribute to that im-
portant goal, so that presently it will not be unreasonable to envisage a role for responsible
tourism in remaking cultural heritage. In other words, heritage consumption and conservation
are not inevitably mutually exclusive; and gatekeepers can also be guardians.
REFERENCES
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Barr, H. 2000. The Cultural Policies for Development. In Tourism and Environment The Natural, Cul-
tural and Socio-Economic Challenges of Sustainable Tourism: 25-28. Strasbourg: Council of Europe
Publishing.
Fladmark, J.M. 1993. Heritage Conservation, Interpretation and Enterprise. London: Donhead.
Fladmark, J.M. 1994. Cultural Tourism. London: Donhead.
Grassie, J. 1983. Highland Experiment. Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press.
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MacCannell, D. 1999. The Tourist A New Theory of the Leisure Class. California: University of Califor-
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ums Galleries Scotland.
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& R. Amoda (eds), Constructing Intangible Heritage. Barcelos: Green Lines Institute.
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Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
Cultural evolution that includes cultural heritage and architecture as its constituent parts deter-
mines the changes of concept and results in the practice of integration of new architectural ob-
jects into conservation areas. Despite geographical, political and ethnical peculiarities that make
an undeniable impact on the specifics of this development in certain states or regions, the over-
all cultural evolution progresses according the same laws. The regulation practice by the
UNESCO, ICOMOS and Council of Europe organizations regarding heritage conservation re-
veals this evolution and shifts in the concept of new architectural objects integration into urban
heritage sites and their interdependence with the practical results. The international regulation of
urban heritage started in 1964 (Venice Charter) and since then the concept of urban heritage has
broadened and deepened, the number of elements to be conserved increased; consequently, the
need, scope, methods and means for regulation of new architectural objects in conservation are-
as have been revised. The author aims to define and describe characteristic stages of require-
ments for integration of new architectural elements and, consequently, peculiarities of infill ar-
chitecture as the outcome of the quantitative spread and qualitative elaboration of the concept of
urban heritage and principles of its conservation and development.
The impact of changes in urban historical heritage conservation and development regulation
on the results in practice is illustrated by examples of characteristic new architectural objects in-
serted in the historic territories of Lithuanian cities: the capital Vilnius and second largest city
Kaunas. Vilnius presents in itself a specific example, because in 1994 Vilnius historic centre
was included on the World Heritage List on the basis of the criteria ii and iv (Criterion ii: Vil-
nius is an outstanding example of a medieval foundation which exercised a profound influence
Infill architecture: chasing changes of attitudes in conservation of
urban heritage
E. Navickiene
Vilnius Gedimino Technical University, Vilnius, Lithuania
ABSTRACT: International regulation for urban heritage started in 1964 (Venice Charter) and
since then the scope, methods and means for regulation of new architectural objects in conserva-
tion areas have been deepened and revised by the UNESCO, ICOMOS and Council of Europe
organizations. The author defines certain stages in evolution of the concept of urban heritage,
principles of its conservation and development and, consequently, recommendations for new ar-
chitectural elements to be integrated into urban heritage sites as quantitative spread and qualita-
tive elaboration. Recommendations for infill architecture started with maintenance of harmony
between new building and its historical context on the urban-structural and formal-
compositional levels. Later on, they encompassed the reflection of local character, following
traditional patterns, continuity of a places intangible values and social experience, also high-
quality architectural standards. The author parallels the change of concepts on international lev-
el with the practice of insertion of new architectural objects in Lithuanian historic urban herit-
age.
on architectural and cultural developments in a wide area of eastern Europe over several centu-
ries. Criterion iv: In the townscape and the rich diversity of buildings that it preserves, Vilnius
is an exceptional illustration of a central European town which evolved organically over a pe-
riod of five centuries) (UNESCO, 1994). It might seem paradoxical, but during the Soviet
times, before 1990, the practice of Lithuanian infill architecture followed the principles reflected
in the international legal documents and experienced analogous shifts as compared to many oth-
er European countries, in spite of political restrictions, limited professional collaboration and
lack of information from the West (Navickiene, 2006). A slight difference observed in the re-
cent two decades encouragement of historicism is typical to the practices in the states that
experienced political changes by the end of the 20
th
century, so it can be viewed as a peculiarity
of the region.
2 INITIAL REQUIREMENT FOR THE VISUAL COMPATIBILITY WITH HISTORIC
BUILDINGS (IN DOCUMENTS ADOPTED IN 1964-1972)
The initial documents (1964-72) by the UNESCO, ICOMOS and Council of Europe organiza-
tions concerning conservation of urban heritage on international level stated the protection of
cultural heritage: monuments, groups of buildings and sites; these pieces of urban heritage were
considered as indivisible totality, the harmony of which should be constantly preserved (Coun-
cil, 1968). One of the basic tasks for new developments was to follow historic urban structure:
The introduction of contemporary architecture into ancient groups of buildings is feasible in so
far as the town-planning scheme of which it is a part involves acceptance of the existing fabric
as the framework for its own future development (ICOMOS, 1972). At the formation stage of
the concept of urban heritage and its conservation, the tangible elements that constitute urban
heritage were pointed out for preservation. Limited range of urban heritage prompted to issue
appropriate requirements for new elements. Mainly formal-compositional means (mass, colour,
scale, rhythm and appearance) for achieving harmony between new building and its historic
context were defined: No new construction, demolition or modification which would alter the
relations of mass and color must be allowed (ICOMOS, 1965); only in so far as due allow-
ance is made for the appropriate use of mass, scale, rhythm and appearance (ICOMOS, 1972);
... protecting it from any new construction or remodelling which might impair the relations of
mass or colour between it and its surroundings (UNESCO, 1972). One more essential state-
ment that consolidates the positions of documents by the UNESCO, ICOMOS and Council of
Europe organizations is the focus on contemporary expression: Any extra work which is indis-
pensable must be distinct from the architectural composition and must bear a contemporary
stamp (ICOMOS, 1965); ...that architecture is necessarily the expression of its age...
(ICOMOS, 1972). The emphasis on the contemporary expression might be regarded not only as
a categorical recommendation, exclusive for the period, but as a precondition for modern archi-
tecture, opposed to recreation and imitation methods. It is noteworthy to mention the recom-
mendation for careful use of contemporary techniques and materials: Such contemporary archi-
tecture, making deliberate use of present-day techniques and materials, will fit itself into an

Figure 1. An example of a standard dwelling build-
ing of Modern architecture (the 1960s) parachuted
to the historical Kstucio Street in Kaunas.
Figure 2. The retrospective architecture of the
dwelling buildings in v. Mikalojaus Str, Vilni-
us (1969) imitates the historical one avoiding
any contemporary expression.
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ancient setting (ICOMOS, 1972), that will shift to emphasis of traditional techniques and
materials in later documents.
The preservation of urban heritage at the starting stage of regulation was static and limited to
its physical elements. The basic requirements for new architecture in the territories of urban
heritage defined in the international documents of 1964-72 were the following: 1) harmony with
the surroundings on urban-structural level; 2) visual harmony with the surroundings in architec-
tural composition; and 3) contemporary stamp. Concentrating on the processes happening in
Lithuanian old towns, we can find the causes for these statements in the prevailing practice of
infill architecture. The call for urban-structural harmony in the appropriate documents has come
from urban mistakes neglecting the street-line, urban scale, average height and size of the
neighbouring historic buildings. The call for architectural-compositional harmony has come
from visually incompatible architectural scale and appearance of parachuted buildings, espe-
cially straightforward representatives of Modern movement (Fig. 1). Emphasis on the contem-
porary expression relates to the phenomenon of retrospective architecture imitating surrounding
buildings in simplified manner which was widely popular in the after-war period (Fig. 2).
3 TOWARDS CONTEXTUALITY BY IDENTIFYING A CHARACTER OF A PLACE (IN
DOCUMENTS ADOPTED IN 1975-1982)
The notion of urban heritage to be preserved is elaborated by territorial spread (named as cultur-
al landscapes) and multi-layering: beside the material culture, new layers constituting urban her-
itage are added that include human activities as much as the buildings, the spatial organization
and the surroundings (UNESCO, 1976). More aspects like a source of national identity and
cultural continuity filled with social experiences are added to the significance of heritage con-
servation. Elaboration of the concept of urban heritage and its preservation alters the require-
ments for infill architecture. Urban-structural and formal-compositional means for achieving
harmony between a new building and its historic context are extended and remain of the same
importance: introduction of modern architecture into areas containing old buildings provided
that the existing context, proportions, forms, sizes and scale are fully respected (Council,
1975); harmony of heights, colours, materials and forms, constants in the way the facades and
roofs are built, the relationship between the volume of buildings and the spatial volume, as well
as their average proportions and their position (UNESCO, 1976), also the need to observe
() its relation to the landscape (ICOMOS, 1975a, Resolutions).
Whatever the case, it is understood that structural and formal means are sufficient only for
visual compatibility; the new demand of reflecting the character and providing personality to a
place appears (ICOMOS, 1975a, Resolutions). The reflection of character as a means of identi-
fication is a sensual cognition of an individual case rather than a universal clearly defined and
constituted tool for achieving successful integration of new objects into a heritage site. The
character, according to Chr. Norberg-Schulz, describes the very nature of locality, which is lost
if reduced to analytically definable aspects; it denotes a general comprehensive atmosphere an-
swering to the question how one feels in a certain place (Chr. Norberg-Schulz, 1976). The Dec-
laration of Amsterdam tries to define the character as the enclosed spaces, the human dimen-
sions, the inter-penetration of functions and the social and cultural diversity (ICOMOS, 1975b,
The Declaration). The definitions of the concept, constitution of character and specifics of the
place are still in the initial stage, although we may find them in coherence with memory of the
human race, specific atmosphere, values and significance, talents and know-how of artists and
highly-qualified craftsmen and traditional activities at urban historical sites the qualities
pointed out in documents that are on the way to embody intangible heritage.
The human dimension that newly appeared in the concept of urban heritage and its preserva-
tion in full importance and wide range at once, within the scope of the recommendations for
new architectural elements was expressed as a need for continuing trades and crafts: Steps
should be taken to ensure that traditional building materials remain available and that traditional
crafts and techniques continue to be used (ICOMOS, 1975b, The Declaration); it would thus
be essential to maintain appropriate existing functions, in particular trades and crafts
(UNESCO, 1976); The use of regional materials and preservation of local traditional building
techniques are essential to satisfactory conservation of small settlements (ICOMOS, 1982).

Figure 3. The architecture of a dwelling building in
Pilies Str, Vilnius (1979) aims at harmony with the
context by using popular clichs, although neither
the hip shape of the roof, nor open first floor gal-
leries are characteristic to Vilnius Old Town.

Figure 4. Using Post-Modern language the archi-
tecture of the bank office (1978) shows the sensi-
tivity and respect to the context that helps to reach
successful unity between different styles, materials
and colours.

It was prompted to ensure the continuity of traditions and cultural identity through traditional
crafts, building materials and techniques, but not through straightforward imitation repeating the
forms, patterns and appearances of historic buildings, as it was typical for the practice until that
time. It is important that the uses of regional materials and traditional building techniques do
not conflict with the general principle that any new work should bear the mark of our age
(ICOMOS, 1982) as they are convenient to use in a contemporary way. The need for modern
expression is no longer an emphatic recommendation; it goes as a natural option for architec-
ture. On the contrary, it is conceived as something possibly dangerous, if it is introduced irre-
sponsibly instead of historic fabric: nothing new that we create, however fine, will make good
the loss (Council, 1975); the future cannot and should not be built at the expense of the past
(ICOMOS, 1975b, The Declaration).
The requirements for infill architecture in the period 1975-82 were elaborated. Beside struc-
tural and formal integration of a new object into the urban heritage situation that ensures visual
and compositional compatibility, the need for more contextual relationship appeared. The notion
of context to be reflected in successful integration was deepened; it was considered not just a
close surroundings based on visual relationship, but a specific characteristic place. It was under-
stood that the quality of integration depended on the knowledge of a peculiar place and ability to
reflect it. These efforts were intended to avoid buildings visually compatible, but not typical for
a place (Fig. 3), as there were plenty of them because of both ignorance and influence of the
Post-Modern attitude towards architectural work as a set of historic quotes regardless of their
origin. More layers for integration of infill architecture into an urban heritage territory were
added: reflection of character that embraces qualities of buildings, spaces, functions and social
diversity; continuity of traditional building materials, technology and crafts using them in con-
temporary manner. In practice, the new approach resulted in much more contextual design
(Fig. 4).
4 AIMING AT THE ON-GOING EVOLUTION OF MULTIDIMENSIONAL
TRADITIONAL PATTERNS (IN DOCUMENTS ADOPTED IN 1987-1999)
The territorial spread (called heritage sprawl) and multi-layering of the cultural heritage contin-
ued, consequently the concept of its conservation became heterogeneous. Summing up the for-
mer experience, the historic urban heritage is treated as a type of cultural landscape comprised
of the natural and the built environment and the everyday living experience of their dwellers as
well (ICOMOS, 1987), expressed by material and spiritual elements like urban patterns, rela-
tionships between buildings and green and open spaces, the formal appearance of buildings, the
Heritage 2012
relationship between urban area and its setting, and various functions (ICOMOS, 1987). The
UNESCO World Heritage List of cultural properties of an outstanding value was becoming in-
creasingly non-representative, as Europes cultural heritage, historic towns and religious build-
ings were over-represented and listed architecture was elitist (Munjeri, 2004). Thus the grow-
ing concern about the traditional living cultures, their non-elitist heritage, especially the one of
indigenous people influenced the charters by Australia (1979, 1981, 1988, 1999), New Zealand
(1992) and Americas ICOMOS (1996). The approach to conservation pointed out in the above-
mentioned charters was a bit different; it turned from freezing the static situation to dynamic
process, as safeguarding of people identity, well-being and the cultural meanings and associa-
tions inscribed in heritage sites was of major importance: in certain types of heritage sites, such
as cultural landscapes, the conservation of overall character and traditions, such as patterns,
forms and spiritual value, may be more important than the conservation of the physical features
of the site, and as such, may take precedence (ICOMOS, 1996). Intangible heritage is accepted
as an inherent part of the cultural heritage; its role sprouts up towards the same importance as
material fabric. The Australia ICOMOS Burra Charter pointed out the basic components of
places of cultural significance for conservation, where only one component out of four is tangi-
ble: fabric, uses, associations and meanings; or, stated in more detail: cultural significance is
embodied in the place itself, its fabric, setting, use, associations, meanings, records, related
places and related objects (The Australia, 1999).
Historic cities with their intrinsic dynamic nature needed changes for on-going evolution.
Methodically restricted physical changes associated with maintaining the traditional patterns of
communal use of the heritage site do not necessarily diminish it's significance and may actually
enhance it (ICOMOS, 1996); it added extra mission for infill architecture to continue charac-
ter and traditions and to safeguard identity, as the structural and compositional harmony with
the surroundings was insufficient. Recommendations for contemporary infill buildings com-
prised several aspects. The focus on achieving harmony between new building and their historic
context was shifting from urban-structural and formal-compositional means like spatial layout,
scale, lot size, bulk, form, and colour (ICOMOS, 1987; The Australia, 1999) to unique features
specifying certain piece of urban heritage like overall character, uses, customs, traditions, asso-
ciations, meanings, texture and materials (ICOMOS, 1992; ICOMOS, 1996; The Australia,
1999). In case a new object further pursued individual characteristics of the context, it was con-
sidered contributing to the enrichment of an area. The precautious way in achieving harmony
with the surroundings complying with valuable cultural heritage was recommended. The claim
for modern expression was moderate: it should be sufficiently distinct that they can be read as
new work (ICOMOS, 1992), but imitation should be avoided (The Australia, 1999).
The objective of overall harmony with the surroundings shifted from visual to intrinsic; from
generalized to individualistic. The context to be reflected for a successful integration broadened
up to a multi-layered place of unique traditional, social and cultural characteristics. Qualitative
elaboration of conservation of urban heritage emphasized contextuality of infill architecture by

Figure 5. The building of the Ministry of National
Defence (1997) restores to life the silhouette and
rhythm of the 14
th
and 15
th
century structure of v.
Ignoto Street, Vilnius by marking the size and posi-
tion of four Gothic houses
Figure 6. The modest expression, cautious design
and obedience to the historical context determines
contextual, but passive relationship of an infill
dwelling building in Kumeli Str., Kaunas (1993)
with its surroundings.

regulation and know-how (Fig. 5). The regulation of new architecture in urban heritage sites be-
came more complex; its aspects turned to be more numerous and part of them harder to define
in generalised way, especially when they touched upon immeasurable intangible features. In or-
der to conform to regulation and not to compete with valuable context, the results of infill archi-
tecture were restrained and cautious (Fig. 6). The ambiguity of such practice contextuality and
passiveness was especially evident in buildings built during the last decade of the 20th century
in historic Lithuanian centres.
5 THROUGH INTANGIBLES TOWARDS HIGH-QUALITY INTERVENTIONS (IN
DOCUMENTS ADOPTED SINCE 2000)
The scope of international documents adopted in the 21
st
century elaborates the notion of cultur-
al heritage drawn to its formerly marginal spheres. Our interest covers incorporation of intangi-
ble cultural heritage (2003) and the spirit of place (2008) as autonomous parts of cultural herit-
age. Proper relevance to earlier underestimated intangible part of cultural heritage enables to
provide a sense of identity and continuity, to promote respect for cultural diversity and human
creativity and to give a richer and more complete meaning to heritage as a whole. As the guar-
antees for sustainable development, overlapping notions of intangible heritage and the spirit of
place must be taken into account in all legislation concerning cultural heritage, and in all con-
servation and restoration projects for monuments, sites, landscapes, routes and collections of ob-
jects (ICOMOS, 2008). Having in mind the constant regeneration and the processual nature of
both intangible heritage and spirit of place due to change of communities (Jiven & Larkham,
2003) the objective of conservation is not to safeguard the static condition of the past time, but
rather respond actively to the changing environment and continuity of communities, also retain-
ing values. It elaborates the understanding of historic context, to which infill objects must re-
spond: it is not a three-dimensional urban space filled with architectural objects, it is rather a
multidimensional place filled with interacting natural, tangible and intangible values and peo-
ples experience of the place treated as an integral part of their society.
Analytically identified and described certain elements of spirit of the place and intangible
heritage might be included into legislative procedures and regulation for new elements to be in-
serted into historical urban landscape. In international documents of the last decade spirit of
place is defined as the tangible (buildings, sites, landscapes, routes, objects) and the intangible
elements (memories, narratives, written documents, rituals, festivals, traditional knowledge,
values, textures, colors, odors, etc.) (ICOMOS, 2008); the elements of intangible cultural herit-
age concerning infill objects are defined as social practices, knowledge and traditional crafts-
manship (UNESCO, 2003). The given layout is not a detailed recipe or cure-all, as part of given
elements repeat former experience and the other part is hardly implemented, but it is a kind of
drafted scheme that should be filled for an individual case on local level.

Heritage 2012

Figure 7. The former exterior view of a Jewish
quarter surrounded by Amenos, Dysnos and
Mesini Str., Vilnius (2006) is reconstructed only
on street sides in the higher than the original vol-
ume.
Figure 8. The historical origin of the architectural
elements and forms in newly designed hotel on
Raugyklos Str., Vilnius (2003) conceals its build-
ing time and distorts observers ability to recognise
the age of historical fabric and its authenticity.

The discussion goes on, how intangible elements should be materialized and hardly definable
spiritual features be visualized in infill architecture? How the concept of spirit of place could
be employed as a defining quality of the contemporary metropolitan landscape and as a coun-
terweight to its generic aspects? Could this defining quality be formulated [] to provide a
ground for individual values? (De Wit, 2011). As the recommendations for sustainable integra-
tion of new infill buildings based on complex multidisciplinary qualities and values become less
precise and legible source of information and guidelines for experts and architects involved, the
decisions for action scenarios are downloaded to local responsibility that provides the back-
ground for slightly different treatment. The complexity and amplitude leaves more space for de-
sirable interpretation that may result in unwelcome processes of false reconstruction, historicism
and others. Without standard assessment tools qualitative or quantitative proponents of the
historic preservation/heritage conservation movement have long used sense of place in an un-
critical way to justify their activities whilst ignoring the larger question of exactly which cultur-
al, social and physical elements of an environment comprise sense of place and how this dis-
crete information should affect management plans (Wells, 2010). In Lithuania, especially in
the UNESCO World Heritage Site Vilnius historic centre the recent methods of design of in-
fill buildings are oriented towards historicism and reconstruction despite the international doc-
uments discourage the reproduction of vanished buildings and structures (Council, 2001), and
require to avoid all forms of pseudo-historical design, as they constitute a denial of both the
historical and the contemporary alike (UNESCO, 2005). Recent Vilnius Old Town legal and
regulatory documents encourage identical or image reconstruction of demolished historical
buildings (Fig. 7) and non-expressive new buildings in the territory surrounded by former forti-
fication walls and in numerous cases outside former fortification walls and in periphery of the
city, which is questionable. It might be explained by little will to keep up with progressive dy-
namics, isolation and stagnation in preservation section. In short, the rapid change of Vilnius
historical townscape is limited not by quantity of new structures, but by their modern expression
(Fig. 8) motivated by preservation of the values and sense of place of the World Heritage Site.
In cases when an infill object has not been based on historic vocabulary, it become less and less
a pure piece of contemporary architecture and more and more a composite answer to compli-
cated regulation that decreases architectural quality (Fig. 9). The balanced modern architecture
is not practiced as often as one could expect (Fig. 10).
The replication-based processes that take part in Vilnius historic centre are not an exception
from the rule. The shift towards historicism in historical urban landscape, also influential design
paradigms like cultural revitalization or New Urbanism raise the questions of authenticity and
ethics and has resulted in discouragement of pseudo-historical design in recent international
documents. The steady development towards invisible interventions (Meurs, 2007), the prac-

Figure 9. Pure architectural solution turns into a
complicate one due to the request to insert a re-
constructed piece of a historic elevation and
obligatory sloped roof shape in the design of a
hotel in L. Guceviciaus Str., Vilnius (2004).
Figure 10. The laconic contemporary style of
dwelling buildings in Krivi Str., Vilnius (2008)
recall detached housing, characteristic for the
locality, and materials, also use of modern tech-
nologies, and was nominated by national awards.

tice of non-expressive, cautious, passive design, spreading in conservation territories have pro-
voked the focus on high-quality of contemporary infill architecture. It is the new quality- based
challenge for new architectural elements beside the constant call for harmony with the surround-
ings to achieve the quality worthy to become the heritage of tomorrow (Council, 2001) or the
brand of the citys character, a strong competitive tool for cities as it attracts residents, tourists,
and capital (UNESCO, 2005). Vienna Memorandum on World Heritage and Contemporary
Architecture Managing the Historic Urban Landscape (UNESCO, Vienna, 2005) made a step
forward in recommendations of new design in urban historical landscape, as the need for archi-
tectural quality has not been pointed out until the 21st century. It accentuates three major key-
stones for infill architecture: continuity of culture (1) through quality interventions (2), avoiding
pseudo-historical design (3) as ethic standards and a demand for high-quality design and exe-
cution, sensitive to the cultural-historical context, are prerequisites for the planning process
(UNESCO, 2005). The attitudes prevailing in Lithuanian conservation areas do not correspond
to this point of view: instead of measures intended to preserve and replicate previous situation
by freezing the development and restricting modern expression, they should elaborate the meth-
ods for consolidating conditions for high-quality architecture, first, to appear in historical parts
of the cities and then to be concentrated there.
6 CONCLUSIONS
Within the recent five decades, recommendations for integration of infill architecture into his-
torical urban context presented in the international legal documents by UNESCO, ICOMOS and
Council of Europe organizations have been developing from visual relationship to intrinsic one,
from generalized points of view to prompting individual means and solutions on a local level.
The urban-structural and formal-compositional means have been retained as a steady primary
regulation for integration of a new building into its historic context. Beside the initial require-
ment for achieving the visual harmony with historic buildings, in the 1970-ies the encourage-
ment to reflect the local character and follow traditional patterns was added, and recently it has
been shifted to continuity of a places tangible and intangible values and social experience in
high-quality interventions. The latter recommendations to reflect the spirit of place and intangi-
ble elements through new infill architecture is a complicated subject to legislate as these notions
are hardly definable and legible, at least in the generalised way, they just function as a back-
ground for research in individual cases and are related to the impact on the activities of the ac-
tors involved on perceptual level.
Heritage 2012
A future challenge is to elaborate the methodology how to recognise and define the layers of
heritage comprising intangible values and the spirit of place as an objective easy-to-understand
tool. The complexity, multidimensionality, and only partial legibility of heritage in historic ur-
ban territories have become a headache for those who are concerned about the new develop-
ments. As seen in Vilnius case, it may lead to easy solution restricting the possibilities for ac-
tions even far outside the territory of historic centre, and questionable personal attitudes and
competence in conservation section. Overview of Lithuanian experience reveals that elaborated
regulation and restrictions, if orientated backwards, lead to rise of contextuality of infill archi-
tecture, but foster complicated passive design and create conditions for a tendency towards re-
construction and historicism. Too little space is left for an architects creativity that might lead
to higher architectural quality; it minimises the possibilities to create the heritage for tomor-
row. Even precise following of the regulations and recommendations does not guarantees a per-
fect result; there are examples of iconic high-quality architecture based on good intentions, per-
sonal sensitivity and know-how of actors involved, but designed in opposition to the academic
methodology. The latest call for high-quality standards of infill architecture found in the interna-
tional documents might be achieved by implementation of obligatory architectural competitions,
encouraging the involvement of renowned experienced architects and not restricting creative
ideas by mere historicism.
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Council of Europe 1968. Resolution (68) 12 on the Active Maintenance of Monuments, Groups and Areas
of Buildings of Historical or Artistic Interest within the Context of Regional Planning. Available at:
https://wcd.coe.int/com.instranet.InstraServlet?command=com.instranet.CmdBlobGet&InstranetImage
=584317&SecMode=1&DocId=632536&Usage=2 [Accessed 12 January 2012].
Council of Europe 1975. European Charter of the Architectural Heritage - 1975. Available at:
http://www.icomos.org/index.php/en/charters-and-texts?id=170:european-charter-of-the-architectural-
heritage&catid=179:charters-and-standards [Accessed 12 January 2012].
Council of Europe 2001. Resolution n 1 on the Role of Cultural Heritage and the Challenge of Globalisa-
tion. Available at: https://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc.jsp?id=204231&Site=CM [Accessed 12 January
2012].
De Wit, S.I. 2011. Articulating the Site: The Reflection Garden as a Condensation of the Genius Loci.
Nordic Journal of Architecture 1(1): 18-23.
ICOMOS Brazilian Committee 1987. First Brazilian Seminar about the Preservation and Revitalization of
Historic Centers; Itaipava - 1987. Available at: http://www.icomos.org/index.php/en/charters-and-
texts?id=194:first-brazilian-seminar-about-the-preservation-and-revitalization-of-historic-centers-
itaipava&catid=179:charters-and-standards [Accessed 12 January 2012].
ICOMOS National Committees of the Americas 1996. The Declaration of San Antonio (1996). Available
at: http://www.icomos.org/index.php/en/component/content/article?id=188:the-declaration-of-san-
antonio [Accessed 12 January 2012].
ICOMOS New Zealand 1992. Charter for the Conservation of Places of Cultural Heritage Value. Availa-
ble at: http://www.icomos.org/docs/nz_92charter.html [Accessed 12 January 2010].
ICOMOS 1965. International Charter for the Conservation and Restoration of Monuments and Sites (The
Venice Charter - 1964). Available at:
http://www.icomos.org/index.php/en/component/content/article?id=157:the-venice-charter [Accessed
12 January 2012].
ICOMOS 1972. Resolutions of the Symposium on the introduction of contemporary architecture into an-
cient groups of buildings, at the 3rd ICOMOS General Assembly (1972). Available at:
http://www.icomos.org/index.php/en/charters-and-texts?id=383:resolutions-of-the-symposium-on-the-
introduction-of-contemporary-architecture-into-ancient-groups-of-buildings-at-the-3rd-icomos-
general-assembly [Accessed 12 January 2012].
ICOMOS 1975a. Resolutions of the International Symposium on the Conservation of Smaller Historic
Towns, at the 4th ICOMOS General Assembly (1975). Available at:
http://www.icomos.org/index.php/en/charters-and-texts?id=384:resolutions-of-the-international-
symposium-on-the-conservation-of-smaller-historic-towns-at-the-4th-icomos-general-
assembly&catid=180:chartes-et-normes [Accessed 12 January 2012].
ICOMOS 1975b. The Declaration of Amsterdam - 1975. Available at:
http://www.icomos.org/index.php/en/charters-and-texts?id=169:the-declaration-of-
amsterdam&catid=179:charters-and-standards [Accessed 12 January 2012].
ICOMOS 1982. Tlaxcala Declaration on the Revitalization of Small Settlements (1982). Available at:
http://www.icomos.org/index.php/en/charters-and-texts?id=385:tlaxcala-declaration-on-the-
revitalization-of-small-settlements&catid=179:charters-and-standards [Accessed 12 January 2012].
ICOMOS 1987. Charter for the Conservation of Historic Towns and Urban Areas (Washington Charter
1987). Available at: http://www.icomos.org/index.php/en/component/content/article?id=159:charter-
for-the-conservation-of-historic-towns-and-urban-areas [Accessed 12 January 2012].
ICOMOS 1994. World Heritage List. Vilnius. No 541. Available at:
http://whc.unesco.org/archive/advisory_body_evaluation/541.pdf [Accessed 12 January 2012].
ICOMOS 2005. Xi'an Declaration on the Conservation of the Setting of Heritage Structures, Sites and
Areas. Available at: http://www.international.icomos.org/charters/xian-declaration.pdf [Accessed 12
January 2012].
ICOMOS 2008. The Quebec Declaration on the Preservation of the Spirit of the Place. Available at:
http://www.international.icomos.org/quebec2008/quebec_declaration/pdf/GA16_Quebec_Declaration_
Final_EN.pdf [Accessed 12 January 2012].
Jiven, G. & Larkham, P.J. 2003. Sence of Place, Authenticity and Character: A Commentary. Journal of
Urban Design 8:1: 67-81.
Meurs, P. 2007. A Charter for Each Intervention: from Generic to Specific Guidelines. City & Time 3
(3):4: 53-60.
Munjeri D. 2004. Tangible and Intangible Heritage: from Difference to Convergence. Museum Interna-
tional. 56(1-2): 12-20.
Navickiene, E. 2006. Nauja architektra istorineje aplinkoje: krimo patirtis. Vilnius: Technika.
Norberg-Schulz, Chr. 1976. The Phenomenon of Place. In M. Larice & E. Macdonald (eds), The Urban
Design Reader: 125-137. London: Routledge.
The Australia ICOMOS 1999. The Burra Charter: The Australia ICOMOS Charter for Places of Cultural
Significance 1999. Available at: http://australia.icomos.org/wp-content/uploads/BURRA-CHARTER-
1999_charter-only.pdf [Accessed 12 January 2012].
UNESCO 1972. Recommendation concerning the Protection, at National Level, of the Cultural and Natu-
ral Heritage. Available at: http://portal.unesco.org/en/ev.php-
URL_ID=13087&URL_DO=DO_TOPIC&URL_SECTION=201.html [Accessed 12 January 2012].
UNESCO 1976. Recommendation Concerning the Safeguarding and Contemporary Role of Historic Are-
as. Available at: http://portal.unesco.org/en/ev.php-
URL_ID=13133&URL_DO=DO_TOPIC&URL_SECTION=201.html [Accessed 12 January 2012].
UNESCO 1994. World Heritage List. Vilnius. No 541. Available at:
http://whc.unesco.org/archive/advisory_body_evaluation/541.pdf [Accessed 12 January 2012].
UNESCO 1998. Suzhou Declaration on International Co-operation for the Safeguarding and Develop-
ment of Historic Cities. Available at: http://whc.unesco.org/archive/suzhou.htm [Accessed 12 January
2012].
UNESCO 2003. Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. Available at:
http://portal.unesco.org/en/ev.php-
URL_ID=17716&URL_DO=DO_TOPIC&URL_SECTION=201.html. [Accessed 12 January 2012].
UNESCO 2005. Vienna Memorandum on World Heritage and Contemporary Architecture Managing
the Historic Urban Landscape. Available at:
http://whc.unesco.org/uploads/activities/documents/activity-48-3.doc [Accessed 12 January 2012].
Wells, J.C. 2010. Our History is not False: perspectives from the Revitalisation Culture. International
Journal of Heritage Studies 16(6): 464-485.
Heritage 2012

In the last thirty years there has been a trend in Spanish-Caribbean island literature to focus on
the theme of black identity as an expression of racial pride. This emphasis counteracts stereo-
typical images of blacks in such earlier works as Sab (1841) by Gertrudis Gmez de
Avellaneda, Cecilia Valds (1882) by Cirilo Villaverde, and Mara (1867) by Jorge Isaacs
(among others), which depict docile blacks dwelling in the suffering and humiliation of mental
bondage. There has been an absence of images in early Latin American works that portray
blacks as worthy or dignified. As different ideological and aesthetic trends evolve, however so
does the intellectual consciousness of contemporary writers who challenge the prevailing fea-
tures of the mainstream nineteenth and early twentieth century Latin American literature. Poet
Nancy Morejn (1944) from Cuba, for example, in the bilingual collection of poems, Where the
Island Sleeps Like a Wing (1985), diligently concentrates on conveying a new racial reality that
depicts a more believable portrayal of blacks.
The theme of black identity in the poem Black Woman from this collection unswervingly
asserts black pride. Whereas black images were once denigrated or nearly non-existent in Latin
American literature Morejn presents black images and identities in realistic fashion in order to
deconstruct the formerly conjured depictions. The poem reflects Cuban historical issues and
presents a fresh perspective of the black image. The historical facts epitomize strength and
courage and offer an alternative to the misrepresentation of black characters in Latin American
literature. Moreover, the historical content of the poem is a source of accessible positive infor-
mation to reeducate a collective generally resigned to the dominant pattern of stereotypical mis-
representation.
The discourse in the poem mirrors features of maroon literature, used by Josaphat
Kubayanda in Minority Discourse and the African Collective: Some Examples from Latin
American and Caribbean Literature. (1985) The term, which has roots in guerrilla resistance
movements among Blacks (124), suggests a challenging discourse that ventures to counterat-
tack the conventionally disparaging image of blacks in literature. In his essay Kubayanda postu-
lates that the
Passive resistance in the poem Black Woman
D. Pardo
University of Central Oklahoma, Edmond, OK, US
ABSTRACT: Poet Nancy Morejon, in her collection of poems, Where the Island Sleeps Like a
Wing, (1985), shuns myths and stereotypes of blacks, replacing these with more authentic imag-
es of blacks in the Caribbean. She has conscientiously concentrated on a new racial reality that
depicts a more believable portrayal of blacks in literature. I examine the theme of black identity
with an emphasis on pride in the poem Black Woman from the same collection. Considered
maroon literature by Josaphat Kubayanda in Minority Discourse and the African Collective:
Some Examples from Latin American and Caribbean Literature, (1985), the term, which has
roots in guerrilla resistance movements among Blacks (124), allows these writers to escape
the canons criteria while resorting to one that reflects the distinctive aspects that shaped the
black psyche in the Caribbean.
discourse [. . .] emerged largely against this backdrop of Caribbean self-review and
self-recognition; it served as an intellectual and cultural attempt to affirm a Carib-
bean affinity with Africa as well as to express faith in the Caribbean person [. . .]
the idea of Africa and of the Caribbean was articulated in the very European lan-
guages for which Africa and the African diaspora had been nothing but a shadow
Africa. (Kubayanda 116)
Kubayanda parallels writers of maroon literature to resistance guerrillas such as Enriquillo,
from the Dominican Republic, Cudjoe from Jamaica, the mambises (the black liberation army)
from Cuba, the Quilombos of Brazil, the Nat Turners of the United States, and all those who
fought the powers of the time. The legacy of their resistance bequeaths to writers of this charac-
ter to mission to escape the canons criteria and replace it with a discourse inclusive of distinc-
tive Afrocentric features. Kubayanda claims the this sort of semantic
raises and nurtures a combative consciousness through linguistic subversiveness.
Here its function is the affirmation of the roots of a minority culture. It has a col-
lective value because its goal is to arouse and nourish a collective sensibility. (119)
The poem Black Woman embodies a combative consciousness unveiled through the af-
firmation of the roots of a minority culture, in this case; the cultural traditions and historical
and heroic references symbolize pride and may serve to interrogate negative images of the past.
With this in mind, my overall objective is to examine the emphasis on black pride as it ap-
pears in the poem Black Woman in order to highlight some constructive aspects of blacks
lived experience normally omitted from Latin American literature. Although the nucleus of the
poem delineates the history of black people in Cuba, I will concentrate on some African cultural
traditions and achievements of the enslaved Africans and their descendants in Cuba. I postulate
that the elevation of black pride based on the recollection and adaptation (Kubayanda) of cul-
tural traditions and historical facts function to amend the images reflected in literature. That is,
African/African-American linguistic forms customarily thought to be outside the possibilities
of creativity are displayed in this poem with a sense of pride. Furthermore, Morejns poem
may effect a reconstruction of the denigrated black image in Latin American literature by recov-
ering and narrating factual occurrences which offer a more realistic viewpoint among blacks.
The poem, which traces the history of black people in Cuba from a womans perspective, is
structured in seven stanzas with a verse between them. In the first four stanzas, the poetic voice
alludes to the Middle Passage, pictures the arrival of slaves in Cuba, the initiation process and
the acceptance of enslavement, and paints an accurate picture of the hardships of slaves and
their adjustment in the new land. The lines between the stanzas, I rebelled, I walked, I incited,
I worked hard, I went to the mountains, and I came down from the Sierra, are arranged in the
poem as anticipated movements in a crescendo. These movements predict approaching trans-
formations for the enslaved as becomes evident in the last three stanzas of the poem. In the last
three stanzas a shift is evident and the themes now pertain to resistance, achievement, and the
glorification of the Cuban Revolution. The narrators theme in the beginning stanzas centers on
adaptation to slavery whereas the final stanzas exhibit the triumphs of the enslaved Africans and
their descendants.
The opening stanzas typify Kubayandas theory of self-review and self-recognition, which
he claims developed as an intellectual and cultural attempt to affirm a Caribbean affinity
with Africa (Kubayanda 116). For instance, the poetic voice validates the process of self-
review as she narrates her first encounter with the new world through a recurring flashback
which vividly recreates the image of the ship sailing the seas, the waves slapping against its hull
as it concludes the journey of the Middle Passage, a passage which was thought to have frac-
tured ancestral ties as it uprooted the enslaved. According to Brathwaite however
modern research is pointing to a denial of this, showing that African culture not on-
ly crossed the Atlantic, it crossed, survived, and creatively adapted itself to its new
environment. Caribbean culture was therefore not pure African, but an adapta-
tion carried out mainly in terms of African tradition. (103)
The words and phrases, lost cost, ancestral language, and Mandinga epic, directly confirm
the attempt to affirm a Caribbean affinity with Africa as well as to express the idea of Afri-
ca and of the Caribbean. It establishes a kinship with Africa and suggests that although the an-
Heritage 2012
cestral culture may be remote it is not forgotten. The fragmented recollections of customs, be-
liefs, and rituals also disclose the gradual progress of the process of adaptation. On the one
hand, the recollection and assessment of the journey acknowledges of its occurrence, a feature
of self-review and self-recognition (Kubayanda); on the other, it corroborates Brathwaites
idea that Cuban culture has retained some elements of African tradition, but these elements have
accommodated the Caribbean culture and are carried out mainly in terms of African tradi-
tion.
An instance of this adaptation in the poem is conveyed by the narrator, who wishes to at-
tribute human qualities to the clouds and the ocean, when she states that not even the ocean
could remember the night and refers to the above clouds, the innocent present witnesses. In
the Yoruba tradition, from West Africa, nature is able to take on human characteristics for the
purpose of restoring order and providing solutions. However, in the poem nature is unable to
perform an African cultural tradition and perhaps intervene in the process of enslavement that
awaits the captive. In this case, nature remains a silent witness incapable of disturbing the
course of history or interceding on behalf of the enslaved. The invocation of nature as witness,
however, demonstrates that cultural and ancestral beliefs have not totally disappeared and that
Blacks segregated from original communities and enslaved either lost their traditional mores or
observed them surreptitiously. (Moreno-Fraginals 13)
For various reasons African religious elements (Santera and Voodoo) survived in the Carib-
bean. The chief reason was the landholders failure to acknowledge the depth of the African
slaves ties to ancestral beliefs, rituals, and practices. The landholder was so preoccupied with
the productivity of the slaves that he failed to realize the slaves participation in Christian cere-
monies and rituals disguised their own religious practices. The first stanzas of the poem assert a
self-review and self-recognition, a kinship with Africa, and accords with Kubayandas claim
that this linkage has a collective value because its goal is to arouse and nourish a collective
sensibility. This idea correlates with Deleuze and Guattaris belief that the language of a mi-
nor literature expresses particularities and idiosyncrasies that on the one hand protest the injus-
tices of dominant culture and major language, while on the other hand creating a new utterance
filled with intensities relative and representative of the members of the minority group.
In the last three stanzas of the poem, the narrators focus shifts from a sense of loss and alien-
ation observable in the beginning stanzas to an exhibition of the triumphs and accomplishments
of blacks. In this section, the historical background of resistance concentrates on the maroons,
runaway fugitive slaves, and their places of refuge, called palenques. The great feats of runa-
way slaves provide a stimulus for the restoration of the black image. Morejns tribute to runa-
way slaves stresses the importance of their legacy which persuaded future generations to resist
injustices. The stanzas in this section substantiate a more assertive sense of self.
As early as the sixteenth century and through the abolition of slavery (1886) in the nineteenth
century, the maroons established settlements in the mountains. The palenques provided a base
from which they could assemble, plan, and execute revolts against plantation owners. Flight to
the wilderness, where they built and settled in secluded areas, provided a sense of community
and protection for slaves, and a life free of captivity for blacks from different ethnic back-
grounds. In an effort to divide and conquer and to circumvent any gathering of common ethnic
cultures, the planters sought to ensure that,
Large groups of slaves were never made up of Africans of a single ethnic group:
that is, slaves from various regions, speaking different languages or dialects,
with different feelings of hostility towards each other, were deliberately grouped
together. (Moreno-Fraginals 7)
Although the plantation owners sought to disrupt the stability of African traditions, the mixed
ethnicities in the maroon communities were able to form solidarity and preserve fragments of
cultural traditions. The planters used ethnic diversity among Africans as a way of creating fric-
tion and separation in order to thwart any sense of camaraderie; however, the fact that the fra-
ternities and religions of Abaku, Lucum, and Santera exist today proves that their strategy
was not totally effective because these fraternities and religions demonstrate their dynamic fu-
sion of a variety of African traditions/religions. (Megenney 122)
Thousands of courageous blacks, including maroons, filled the ranks of the Liberation Army
for the struggle for Cuban liberation from Spain. The narrator, a maroon herself, acknowledges
a movement of resistance that emerged in order to give a new meaning to freedom. The line be-
tween the fifth and sixth stanzas I went to the mountain indicates the narrators flight from
captivity. She claims, my independence was in the palenque / and I galloped among the troops
of Maceo,
1
which reveals her determination to resist and fight for freedom and independence.
The mulatto Antonio Maceo, a highly respected freedom fighter who started out as a foot sol-
dier and advanced to the rank of general, inspired a high level of confidence and self-respect
among slaves and blacks fighting in the War of Independence. He made his command post in
the palenque where the women set up makeshift hospitals, workshops, and other services that
provided aid to those fighting the war. Maceo, known as the Bronze Titan, accompanied by
other Afro-Cuban military leaders including his brother, attracted many runaway slaves to fight
in the War of Independence.
Although the runaway slaves contributions seemed great and worthy of praise, conditions for
blacks did not significantly change after the War of Independence (1895-98). In fact, conditions
for Afro-Cubans and the poor rapidly deteriorated. Nevertheless, their legacy provides the
bridge to a new method of challenging the oppressive and repressive regimes that governed the
country. Morejn respectfully honors these freedom fighters because they represent a legacy of
resistance that served to stimulate and ignite future generations.
These future generations in the poem are those who came down from the Sierra to seek
freedom and equality for all people in Cuba. The last line of the poem evokes Fidel Castro re-
turning from the mountain to put an end capitalism and usurers, and it ends with the narrators
outcry now I exist: only today do we have and create. The personal I, throughout the poem,
becomes a collective we in this stanza to suggest the power of the people. The narrator envi-
sions the greatness of the sea and the power of magic and anticipates it to a future filled
with hope and a new day in Cuba.
It bears repeating that the nucleus of the poem Black Woman delineates the history of black
people in Cuba: the first few stanzas concentrate on the loss suffered as a result of displacement,
dismemberment, and rupture; while the last few stanzas propose an alternative perspective that
counteracts this sense of loss. The first stanzas in the poem for example divulge the process of
adaptation in various forms. This essay has focused on certain customs, beliefs, and rituals
that suffered rupture, however despite a process of acculturation certain features of the African
culture remain in the Caribbean. The lines in between the stanzas, I rebelled, I walked, I incit-
ed, I worked more, I went to the mountain, and I came down from the Sierra, suggest a move-
ment toward liberty. Taken as a whole, these verses denote a transformation, a leap to another
consciousness, an imperative action that empowers the enslaved and grants them the ability to
dismantle the shackles, above all the mental ones.
In the last three stanzas of the poem, the exalted legacy of the maroon is highly celebrated
because it symbolizes defiance as well as hope for those who refused to submit to despair.
Many maroons displayed courage by enlisting in the military forces to fight against the Spanish
colonial forces during the War of Independence. This provided a sense of pride for those
fighting for a cause side by side with the military Mulatto leader Antonio Maceo. The invoca-
tion of a name such as that of the hero Maceo motivates the Cuban people: the builders of his
legend will invent for him appropriate adventures in depth. These will be pictured as journeys
into miraculous realms, and are to be interpreted as symbolic (Campbell 321). The reverence
and praise of notable heroes and historical events are emblematic because they offer alternatives
and most of all hope to the Cuban people.
The final stanza glorifies the ongoing Cuban Revolution, which embodies a struggle which
mobilizes all classes of the people and which expresses their aims and their impatience, which is
not afraid to count almost exclusively on the peoples support, [and] will of necessity triumph
(Fanon 246). The poem ends by reaching a climax that discounts the repressive and oppressive
factors of colonialist and pre-revolutionary Cuba, and celebrates and glorifies the Cuban Revo-
lution, which gained control of all aspects of Cubas national interests for Cuban people. Nancy
Morejn addresses the lack of positive black images in Latin American literature by providing a
more authentic picture of blacks, commensurate with their rich culture, traditions, and history.
In spirit, the poem resists and subverts the conventional literary discourse through inclusion of
Cuban cultural traditions that typically have been excluded.
Heritage 2012
ENDNOTES
1
There would have been varying degrees of acculturation among the maroons, for house slaves as well
as field slaves as well as field slaves escaped, imported Africans and Cubans born slaves populated the
palenques. (Brandon 66)
REFERENCES
Bentez-Rojo, Antonio. The Repeating Island. Trans. James E. Maraniss. Durham: Duke UP, 1996.
Brandon, George. Santeria from Africa to the New World The Dead Sell Memories, Indiana: Indiana UP,
1997.
Brathwaite, Edward Kamau. The African Presence in Caribbean Literature. Africa in Latin America.
Ed. Manuel Moreno Fraginals, Manuel Moreno, Trans. Leonor Blum. New York: Holmes and Meier
Publishers, 1984.
Campbell, Joseph. The Hero With a Thousand Faces. New York: Pantheon Books, 1949.
Damas, German Carrera. Flight and Confrontation. Africa in Latin America. Ed. Manuel Moreno
Fraginals, Trans. Leonor Blum. New York: Holmes and Meier Publishers, 1984.
Deleuze, Gilles, and Felix Guattari. Toward a Minor Literature. Trans. Dana Polan. Minneapolis: Min-
nesota UP, 1986.
Fanon, Frantz. The Wretched of the Earth. Trans. Constance Farrington. New York: Grove Press, 1963.
Franco, Jos Luciano. Mariana and Maceo Afrocuba an Anthology on Cuban Writing on Race, Politics
and Culture. Ed. Pedro Prez Sarduy, and Jean Stubbs, Melbourne: Ocean Press, 1993.
Gmez de Avellaneda, Gertrudis. Sab. Madrid: Ediciones Ctedra, 1999.
Gonzlez-Wippler, Migene. Santera magia africana en Latinoamrica. Mxico, D.F.: Editorial Diana,
1976.
Hartman, Saidiya V. Scenes of Subjection Terror, Slavery, and Self-Making in Nineteenth-Century
America. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1997.
Howard, Phillip A. Changing History Afro-Cuban Cabildos and Societies of Color in the Nineteenth
Century. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State UP, 1998.
Isaacs, Jorge. Mara. Madrid: Ctedra, 1998.
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---. Black Literature and Humanism in Latin America. Athens: Georgia UP, 1988.
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American and Caribbean Literature." Cultural Critique 6. (Spring 1987): 113-30.
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Black Scholar Press, 1985.
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1 HERITAGE ISSUES
To an ever increasing degree, studies of the anthropology of tourism that are based on direct ex-
perience in the field often end up demonstrating how in the context of processes of patrimo-
nialization and the exploitation for the purposes of tourism of (tangible and intangible) envi-
ronmental and cultural assets a kind of authenticity comes to be constructed within the
much-reviled inauthenticity of tourism, and this highlights the complex interplay of appropr-
iations and negotiations that occur in every process of touristification.
Particular emphasis is placed on the issues of identity and politics within the myth of au-
thenticity. In other words, field research by anthropologists of tourism has also served to con-
tribute to some extent to the long ongoing deconstruction of the dichotomy between authenticity
and artifice, starting from the assumption that, as Ulf Hannerz writes (Hannerz, 2001: 36), we
must abandon the idea that the local is autonomous and has its own integrity, and affirm instead
that it has meaning rather as an arena in which various influences come together.
What this line of thought highlights is the role of identity negotiation (with all the implica-
tions economic, political, ethical and aesthetic this may have) within the dynamics of cultur-
al appropriation and re-appropriation. Space for negotiation is a crucial dimension within the
broader perspective that links the creation and recreation of cultures and places to the processes
of local construction of identity, traditions and authenticity processes that have contributed to
the institutionalization of heritage and tourism of African societies as ethnic, pristine and
original cultures. In the present-day contexts of African tourism, the practice of negotiation
thus refers to contact relations who as James Clifford points out, are never transparent or free
of appropriation (Clifford, 2004: 38).
Looking at things on a larger scale, when we address key issues such as the multiple facets of
authenticity, the staging of memory and identity and the construction of feelings of belonging
to a place, a territory, a culture we are forced to ask questions primarily about the very mean-
ing of heritage in non-Western contexts.
What merits the label heritage in cultures other than Western European culture (the only
one to have developed the universalistic notion of heritage)? Memorial sites, monuments, ar-
Africa: tourism and heritage
M. G. P. da Passano
Associate Professor of Anthropology, DAFIST, Faculty of Letters and Philosophy, University of Genoa,
Italy
ABSTRACT: Tourism is a subject of interest for anthropology as it touches upon important is-
sues and concepts such as authenticity, modernity, ethnicity, identity, memory, and the inven-
tion of tradition which are components of social changes and the focus of both anthropology
and cultural studies. In Africa, heritage policies used to be a product of the hegemonic colonial
experience that involved the entire continent. Todays tourism is affected by important eco-
nomic interests that can shape the heritage policies of exotic countries (sometimes even in con-
trast with local interests) and influence local economies and environmental.
chitecture, festivals, signs, images? What objects, and representative of what history? What
forms of art and craft production (traditional, contemporary)?
The most important point of convergence between tourism and anthropology is the construc-
tion of heritage (artistic, landscape, human) with all the processes that this construction brings
into play, from the production of authenticity to the reconstruction of ethnicity and the reseman-
tization of the past, and so on and this is at the heart of contemporary critical thought within
cultural studies. Closely related to this is the equally widely debated issue of the commercializa-
tion of culture and heritage.
Given the complexity of the issue at stake, the question of heritage and the relationship be-
tween identity, memory (or rather, often conflicting and incompatible memories) and heritage,
is crucial in the former colonized societies that until recently were the subject of research of tra-
ditional ethnology tand are now exotic tourist destinations.
2 THE LEGACY OF COLONIALISM
We should not forget, on the one hand, the important role the colonial gaze played in the forma-
tion of the identity of the colonizer and the colonized, in the birth of tourism in areas outside
Europe (in Africa tourism was invented by whites in the latter half of the nineteenth century
in the wake of colonial expeditions) and in the consolidation of the media image of exotic lands
as places frozen in time.
Nor, on the other hand, should we overlook the importance of global economic and tourist in-
terests (which do not necessarily coincide with the interests of local populations) in relation to
the heritage policies of countries which are exotic holiday destinations, mostly backward coun-
tries whose fragile economies end up being extremely dependent on tourism.
Undoubtedly a significant factor contributing to the uncertainty of the future of the environ-
mental and cultural heritage in many exotic locations is the invasiveness of the tourist indus-
try based on the experience of another ethnicity. This market, with its neo-colonial consumerist
logic (which demands the insatiable annexation of ever new horizons to the dreams and econo-
my of the West), is reinforced by the prevailing tendency among central and local authorities in
the countries of the South to regard natural and cultural landscapes as an economic resource to
be exploited.BWithin this perspective, use is made of models of land management and modifi-
cation borrowed from the West, and sizes and characteristics of places are constrained to meet
the demands of a mass tourism that imposes standardized structures.
And even when the opposite approach is taken (as in the protectionism adopted in nature
management in Africa during the colonial and post-colonial era with the creation of parks and
protected areas) and an area becomes off-limits to local populations (denying them tradition-
al rights of use on nature reserves and in most cases forcing them to move out), this is done in
the name of a vision of preserving original landscapes which has also been imported from the
colonizing countries. If we want to deconstruct our idea of Africa as a land of unspoiled hu-
man and physical landscapes we need only think of how little, generally speaking, the staging of
a preserved authenticity that corresponds to tourists perceptions has to do with local expe-
rience (at best it is the folkloric reconstruction of identities and cultural specificities).
3 BETWEEN STEREOTYPE AND LIVED IDENTITY
The banality of tourism is a phenomenon from which no one is totally free and Western tourists,
more or less consciously, all fall into the category of exemplary cases of African tourism and
as such are inevitably prisoners of ideologies and clichs (Simonicca, 2007: 72).
Without forgetting the simplifications that any interpretation of the complex tourist expe-
rience entails and also bearing in mind the diversity of approach taken by the various types of
tourists, what is quite clear is that the only real meeting point between white visitors and black
population(Celati, 1998:19) is the sphere of bargaining. It is equally clear that the game played
out between white tourists rich, powerful, modern, buyers of everything (Celati, 1998: 11)
and the natives who out of a sense of natural justice see them as cows to be milked (Celati,
1998: 21) is an unequal battle (the expression comes from Olu Oguibe).
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The processes of negotiation between hosts and guests certainly operate within a framework
where the consumption of exoticism is influenced by the continued imbalance of power between
the African world and the Western world (that being said, we should not forget the manipulation
of this assumption of inequality by the local population). Nonetheless, however much it is de-
termined by power relations that are put up with or negotiated, and however predictable is its
continuous oscillation between conflict and reconstruction, bargaining between the involved
parties leads to outcomes that are not necessarily predictable and brings out the many transver-
sal factors which affect the construction and expression of identity in local tourism circuits. In
spite of a certain repetitiveness in their respective ways of manipulating the codes of the other
and despite the tendency on the part of both sides to attribute certain characteristics and motiva-
tions to their interlocutors as a matter of course, each negotiation is a re-interpretation and as
such only partly follows a predetermined script. In the game played out between those who have
come to experience the exotic and those who see their role as selling the exotic, the economy
comes up against the imaginary. The fact that in bargaining the local actors enact their culture
according to our expectations, but also according to their desires and cognitive resources,
changing things according to what opportunities and contexts are available, and in most cases
adopting quite flexible attitudes towards claimed traditions should not be interpreted as pas-
sive acceptance or opportunistic adaptation (Lane, 1988: 66). It should rather be seen as confir-
mation of the observation that every tourist negotiation is not only laden with very real interests
but is also an exchange of social signs: the negotiation of image, identity and power between na-
tives and tourists, but also within the same host communities, is never absent.
Furthermore, the fact that, generally speaking, host societies, yesterday invaded by settlers
and today by tourists, show ambivalent attitudes towards Westernization, often proving them-
selves capable of cultural creativity in their construction of an interface with the hordes of
guests, forces on us the anthropological reflection that we should not undervalue the hegemony
and resistance that emerges in traditional and local policies, especially in colonized contexts in
the economy and the imaginary.
The refunctionalization of tradition and the staging of memory in present-day contexts where
there is an increasing commercialization of exotic cultures linked to the tourist consumption
of places, narratives and identities, leads to an ongoing revisitation of history and anthropology
in local communicative policies. These strategies of exploiting ones own heritage constitute a
privileged field for the study of the transformations, redefinitions and renegotiations of identity.
The unresolved controversy surrounding the costs and benefits of mass tourism (both devel-
opment factor and source of wealth for countries in difficulty on the one hand, and on the other,
the engine driving consumerist commodification, which is destructive both of the environment
and of the cultural and social fabric) occurs in all regions of the Third World that are in the
process of modernization.
4 QUESTIONS OF POWER, IMAGINARY AND TOURISM POLICIES
In Africa, however, the anthropological debate on tourism and heritage takes on particular im-
portance for three reasons.
First, since the phenomenon of neo-colonial and colonial rule in Africa affects the whole of
the continent (albeit in different ways), the interaction between local politicians, those who con-
trol (mostly foreign) capital and the constructed imaginary that underlies the action of the first
two emerges in all its complexity. In assessing the meaning and the impact that the phenomenon
of tourism may have, we must not only take into account the social and economic repercussions,
but also address this burden of representation which in the past has made Africa an immobile
continent (Moravia, 1972) to be used and consumed by the imperialist and colonialist system,
and that even today continues to show its power to act on the Western imagination and on the
African dynamics of retraditionalization. Tourism in Africa, especially when it focuses on cul-
tural and ethnic resources, is the continuation of a discourse that has never stopped producing
phantasms and misunderstandings, barriers and hierarchies.
The second reason is related to the first. Patrimonialization has been established in Africa
through foreign eyes and intentions. The events that have given African societies international
recognition of their local heritage (a fact which launched the development of tourism) should
therefore be regarded as part of a process of cultural contamination; this interpretation brings
out the balance of power and constraints of power that emerge in the mapping of local resources
and their use for exploitation and / or income.
In light of the already mentioned fact that, in the case of Africa, centuries of contact with Eu-
ropeans and decades of colonization had already forced local people to rethink their relationship
with memory and identity, and considering that, more generally speaking, matters relating to
environmental and cultural heritage reflect the tensions produced by the intersection of layered
and contradictory representations and memories, as well as different and conflicting expecta-
tions and interests, it should come as no surprise that the colonial imagination still seems to play
an important role (it should be stressed that it is very much present in those in charge of the psy-
chological and economic investment in exotic tourism) in policies of regional and local African
tourist consumption and heritage construction. These policies, however conceived, necessarily
relate to the set of stereotypes and prejudices that fuel the western market of travel and escapism
into the primordial and authentic worlds of Africa.
In general, local governments seem to endorse the images that the West has produced, as the
many processes of patrimonialization and museification continue to testify. One need only think
of the almost universal adoption by African states of neo-colonial strategies of exploiting their
tangible and intangible heritage (from the various means of constructing authenticity and the
picturesque to the processes of aestheticization and exoticization of landscape and local life).
These imported strategies, designed to maximize a places tourist appeal and which serve the
logic of post-colonial exploitation (Rami Ceci, 2005: 43 and 58-59), also ultimately change the
self-perception of local communities by encouraging processes of identity re-appropriation and
re-classification.
From this perspective we can see in the phenomenon of tourism not only the assimilation of a
hegemonic language, but also the ability of local actors to use to their advantage the key words
of the lexicon of the West in search of adventure in African otherness words such as tradi-
tion, exotic and primitive. From hunter to hunted, in his constant search for tribal arts
and rituals the white tourist (whether traveller or merchant) is trapped inside the constructions
that he himself has helped to create throughout history, and as such becomes a victim of scams
(one need only think of counterfeit works of art or the involvement of white people in esoteric
rituals).
It should also be pointed out that in African contexts of tourism there is an evident overlap-
opposition, as described by Alexander Simonicca (Simonicca, 2006: 35), between cold authen-
ticity, typical of institutional constructors of images, and hot authenticity, created on site by
residents. The latter is linked to the increasingly strong desire to regain possession of local
forms of religion, music, dance and art in general and to conceive of them as a heritage to pre-
serve and sell outside Africa or to the various groups of tourists who visit the continent.
The third, but not least important, reason is that Africa, a world saturated with the planetary
imaginary (Amselle, 2001:14) in which traditional mass tourism destinations continue to
record despite widespread political and social instability, and despite statistics indicating a de-
cline in tourism in several areas of the continent a substantial influx of visitors, is also the land
where most of the poorest countries in the world are concentrated. Nowadays, despite the diver-
sity of contexts and within the framework of stories and institutions that differ greatly from
place to place (Africa offers a wide range of situations from the tourist point of view), the fun-
damental questions about the role of tourism in relation to the definition of cultural heritage, the
use of this definition for the purposes of shaping the land, and the procedures for protecting and
reworking heritage, are posed across the whole continent.
5 UNCONTAMINATED LANDSCAPES: PARADISE OR INFERNO?
Although developed in different forms and motivated by different philosophies, the proposed
models of tourism inevitably bring with them a great number of contradictions.Mass tourism is
a phenomenon that reveals the paradoxes and the cruelties of the world we live in and that, as
Abdelwahab Bouhdiba writes, Injects the behaviour of a society of superfluity into a society of
need.
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This certainly does not help resolve the imbalances and social and economic concerns that
continue to trouble Africa. Africans today want to take advantage of globalization and consu-
merism; in other words, they aspire to modernity, and their aspiration is reflected in the desire to
gain access to a world of privileges from which they often believe, for various reasons, they
have been excluded. Barriers and borders, both internal and external to the continent, are the
new forms of exclusion of people who are demanding that which is precluded from them a pri-
ori.As Ferguson (Fergusson, 2005) suggests, the dimension to analyze, therefore, is space. The
marginalized are not expecting a better future, but they move in space to look for it, even
when the enterprise is highly risky and has only minimal chance of success. The very same
places that represent Edenic scenery for tourists from the northern hemisphere are often expe-
rienced as hell by the natives, places from which they wish to escape to the paradises of
West.This movement represents a form of asymmetry which tourism and migration clearly
demonstrate.The white man must not only embody the category to which he has been as-
signed, but also explain why he was able to reach Africa with his papers in order and after a
comfortable trip, whereas young Africans are faced with increasingly high barriers designed to
keep them in one place, one country or at least within their own continent.
REFERENCES
Amselle, J.-L. 2001. Connessioni. Antropologia delluniversalit delle culture, Turin, Bollati Boringhieri,
(Branchements. Antropologie de luniversalit des cultures, 2001, Paris, Flammarion,).
Clifford, J. 2004. Ai margini dellantropologia. Interviste, Rome, Meltemi (On the Edges of Anthropolo-
gy, 2003, Chicago, Prickly Paradgm Press LLC).
Celati, G. 1998. Avventure in Africa, Milan, Feltrinelli.
Ferguson, J. 2005. Decomposing modernity: history and hierarchy after development, in A. Loomba, S.
Kaul, M. Bunzl, A. Burton and J. Esty (eds). Postcolonial Studies and Beyond, Durham, Duke Univer-
sity Press.
Hannerz, U. 2001 La diversit culturale, Il Mulino, Bologna (Transnational Connections. Culture, People,
Places, 1996, Routledge, London-New York).
Lane, P.J. Tourism and Social Change among the Dogon, African Arts, Vol. XXI (4), 1988: 66-69 and
92.
Moravia, A. 1972. A quale trib appartieni?, Milan, Bompiani.
Rami Ceci, L. (ed.), 2005 Turismo e sostenibilit. Risorse locali e promozione turistica come valore, Ro-
me, Armando editore.
Simonicca, A. 2006. Viaggi e comunit. Prospettive antropologiche, Rome, Meltemi.
Simonicca, A. 2007. Turismo fra discorso, narrativa e potere, in Marco Aime (ed.) Antropologia del tu-
rismo, La ricerca folklorica, 56, pp.7-29.

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1 INTRODUCTION
In general, there are four major types of excavated architecture according to their direction of
excavation: Horizontal, Vertical, Shallow and Mixed underground architectures. In the two first
there is a minimal human intervention in the configuration of the living space, through simple
excavations subtly adapted to the natural environment. The last architectures offer more com-
plex caves obtained on rocky elements, by creating new forms and spaces. They are construc-
tions involving a greater excavation in soils with definite values of hardness or resistance but
also soft enough to be carved and shaped with rudimentary tools.
All this types or underground architectures have generated a considerable diversity of forms
and groups, by creating original troglodyte structures throughout the Mediterranean region and
it seems interesting to show the particular evolution of the excavated dwelling in Crevillente, in
the south east coast of Spain, as a vivid example of habitable cave-houses nowadays.
2 DEVELOPMENT OF CREVILLENTE CAVES
The first town centre of Crevillente is developed with a complex and disorderly structure in the
late sixteenth century. Two centuries later and after long periods of poverty, the capacity of the
existing town overflows with a demographic revival and a new excavated development begins
on the slopes of the mountain in the north area.
Some people starts to dig house-caves in the northern ravines of the town and this is how the
problem of lack of housing is adapted to the geographical environment of the region, in a mu-
Underground housing in Crevillente (Spain): a way of living or
an economic necessity?
B. Piedecausa Garca
Department of Architectural Constructions. University of Alicante. Spain
S. Chinchn Yepes
Department of Architectural Constructions. University of Alicante. Spain

ABSTRACT: Excavated architecture has been a traditional way of sheltering people for over
the years by enduring into the present due to a proper typological evolution. These simple ty-
pologies of housing do not need extra energy contribution for their interior conditioning in
summer or winter and propose different modes to deal with the territory and its geographical
features, obtaining interesting urban and architectural solutions transferable to current configu-
rations based on ground thermal inertia. Due to this, as it seems interesting to comprehend the
existent formal and material characteristics of underground houses, the aim of this paper is first
to analyse the main typologies of excavated dwelling existing in Crevillente(Spain); second, to
identify their excavation process and finally to evaluate the influence of this typology in the
area and the possibility of its continuity. This work is part of the doctoral thesis of the first au-
thor.
nicipality established under a mountain range that allows the expansion of troglodyte construc-
tions.
Their location takes advantage of the shortage of rain and becomes the ideal site for this type
of construction minimizing walls or ceilings thickness and making the most of any existing
slope. That is why a new housing system (cheaper and affordable to the economic needs of the
moment) is favourably adapted to the topography and climate of the municipality. As the years
go by, the number of caves augments and in a short period of time the number of underground-
houses increases in a surprising way: in less than 100 years their number is doubled (from 500
cave-houses in 1797 to 1.056 caves in 1887) while conventional housing develops in a lower
rate (from 1.000 housing in 1797 to 1.454 in 1887).
Regarding the development of conventional buildings, in the nineteenth century the number
of not excavated buildings in Crevillente grows more than 50%, confirming the great urban
growth at this time. Later, at the turn of the century and after a demographic depression, the
emergence of new excavated shelters is very slow since 1900. Even so, at the beginning of the
century cave-houses represent almost 44% of homes in Crevillente accommodating 46% of the
total population.
Unfortunately, in 1960 over 400 caves disappear in just decade even though many of them
had already been conditioned to new health and social requirements (as installation of water or
electricity). In 2006, according to the council nearly 2.600 people lived in 700 cave-houses in
the town, transforming Crevillente into a unique population. Today, due to the lack of a com-
prehensive municipal control, the actual number of cave-houses is uncertain and undetermined.
3 TYPOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF CAVE-HOUSES IN CREVILLENTE
3.1Main typologies
Cave-houses of Crevillente form original settlements on the hills of the entire town where there
is no much typological planning previous to construction, unlike in conventional building.
The extension of troglodyte neighbourhoods has a width of about 400 m in the east side and
250 m in the west side of La Rambla (an ancient dry watercourse), by generating a large belt of
caves which limits the expansion of conventional buildings in the town. In a total area of about
365.000 m, most of the houses follow the contour lines generating two large regions of exca-
vated settlements, one of 258.000 m
2
in the east side and another of 107.000 m in the west side,
as shown in Figure 1.

Figure 1. Schematic cross section of cave neighbourhoods in Crevillente.

The main types of excavated housing in Crevillente related to a typological identification are
the following:
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3.1.1Cave
This underground typology corresponds to totally excavated spaces in the ground, where there
is no element or exterior construction added to the front faade (Fig. 2).

Figure 2. Outside view of excavated houses in the CAVE typology.

3.1.2 Cave + Attached constructions
This underground typology presents added exterior constructions besides having also excavated
rooms (Fig. 3). These adjacent areas can be accessed from the outside (it is the easiest solution
as it only adds a construction outer the cave, without affecting the excavated rooms) or can be
accessed from the inside (they are new constructions which are included within the underground
typology).

Figure 3. Outside view of excavated houses in the CAVE+ ATTACHED CONSTRUCTIONS typology.

3.1.3 House + cave
In this typology, the cave-house is showed as a conventional home and its excavated character
goes unnoticed because several exterior constructions occupy the entire faade (Fig. 4). In this
case, the excavated rooms are used only in certain seasons of the year as homeowners take ad-
vantage of conventional constructions in winter (where the humidity is lower) and live in the
cave during the summer (due to its greater thermal comfort).


Figure 4. Outside view of excavated houses in the HOUSE+CAVE typology.

3.2Basic rooms and singular elements
In underground caves, dining room is usually the access to the housing. From this room, several
spaces with direct exterior ventilation are dug symmetrically in depth on each side, according to
user needs. Thus, there are homes reaching even inside 5 levels of rooms as a result of the typi-
cal evolution of the family; however, a deep excavation implies that spaces only can be venti-
lated from previous ones, making it really difficult for air renewal (Fig. 5).

Figure 5. Evolution scheme of the main floor in a cave-house in Crevillente.

The basic rooms in cave-houses in Crevillente are:
Dining room. It is between 8-10m length, 2-2,5m wide and 2,5m height and it dis-
tributes the rest of the interior spaces.
Bedrooms. They have usually rectangular shape and a slightly lower height than the
dining room, but never less than 2m. In most cases, there are three bedrooms with an
average size between 7-12m
2
but also rooms of even 30m
2
can be found.
Kitchen and bathroom. Whenever possible, these areas are placed outside the cave, in
small attached buildings to facilitate the installation of new water pipes and sanitation
to improve the quality of daily life.
Regarding singular and specific elements of excavated houses in Crevillente, it is also
possible to consider:
Spinner room. It is a very long space that appears around the second half of the nine-
teenth century. At that time, work was generally done at home and this type of room
was used for manufacturing and spinning hemp (Fig. 6). Today, it is very difficult to
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find this peculiar place because small spinner workshops closed in the municipality
since the emersion of the carpet industry in 1960.
Attached constructions. They are recent buildings attached to the front of cave-houses
without being a structural part of them (Fig. 6). They are usually simple constructions
with current materials that were mostly made during and after the war (1940-1950) or
in the acceleration process in 1980. Because of their location and their direct ventila-
tion to the street, they are a usual place for wet rooms.
Chimney. Crevillente traditional chimneys are made of stone or clay and are between
1,5 to 1,8 m high. They offer different shapes such as conical shape (characteristic of
Guadix and Baza regions), truncated shape (typical of Crevillente (Fig. 7)) or even
parallelepiped shape. Nowadays, chimneys have lost their original function as
kitchen is located in an attached building outside in many cases. Even so, they still
play an important role in providing ventilation to the room where they are placed.
Lumbrera. A lumbrera is a parallelepiped skylight located in the deepest room far
from the access, in order to generate a cross ventilation through natural draught and
provide light to deep spaces (Fig. 7). It is approximately 1,5 m high and is usually
covered with flat tiles; it has commonly small windows protected by wire mesh on
both sides that allow better air exchange and regulation of temperature and humidity
within the cave.

Figure 6. Left image. Attached construction with kitchen use. Right image. Main floor of an excavated
house with spinner room. Carreres, M. Coves vivenda i coves filadores a Crevillent: 125.

Figure 7. Left and central image. General view of a traditional chimney. Right image. General view of a
traditional lumbrera.

4EXCAVATION TECHNIQUE
The excavation of this cave-houses is composed by a fairly simple construction technique and,
although there was skilled labor to do this work in the town, in many cases the owner was who
conducted the excavation or at least helped in the process.
The traditional technique intended to get the maximum benefit from the intrinsic conditions
of the soil layers, by digging softer strata (usually composed by sandstone or detrital limestone)
located between two layers of higher hardness (such as limestone) used as structural elements
for ceilings or pillars.
About the excavation tools, when natural materials were soft it was only necessary to use
picks and shovels to perforate the ground, but when they reached a certain hardness strata it was
necessary the use of a pointer. If the hardness was so high that it was impossible to dig, it was
always possible to low or raise the level of the pavement in the interior spaces. Thus, steps ap-
peared inside rooms or level changes were generated on ceilings and walls.
Regarding the perforation process, if the slope was not high enough to serve directly as a fa-
ade, the first step was to excavate its front until a vertical wall of about 10 m long and 4 m
height is reached to function as a faade. Later, an esplanade was created in front of the con-
struction by using the excavated soil to serve as a terrace, an entrance courtyard or even small
vegetable garden which could feed the family in times of need. In general, the faade width is
small due to the existence of nearby caves. On the contrary, there are fewer restrictions and
greater freedom of movement if we talk about its depth because it only depends on the dimen-
sion of the hill where it is located.
Inside, the vertical structure of the housing is based on load-bearing walls between 80-100
cm that generate small corridors in the access to other rooms. Regarding its horizontal structure,
ceilings are composed by Roman arches or barrel vaults and not by a flat element, because land
loads are better distributed to the supporting structure in this way.
Although in the main space (dining room) dome often starts from the level of the pavement,
in some cases there are also small carved pilasters attached to the load-bearing walls to help
supporting the weight of the dome. In spaces with a bedroom function, walls tend to be smooth
without any protuberance because their reduced dimensions do not need wall reinforcements.
5 CONCLUSIONS
Caves have been spread out to all areas where there are certain initial conditions such as ex-
treme temperatures, low precipitations or grounds of sedimentary materials. Although these
caves initially appeared as a basic survival shelter, in many cases they have acquired the status
of a real popular housing. Today, many settlements are been recovered thanks to the addition of
new infrastructures, thanks to the improve of their habitability conditions or thanks to the mo-
mentum of its integration in consolidated urban structures.
This is the case of Crevillente where entire neighbourhoods are preserved still today and
where caves are highly prized for being cool in summer and warm in winter (provided that they
are well preserved).
It is often considered that troglodyte buildings do not deserve to be classified as proper archi-
tectural solutions and they have often been neglected because its implementation is not based on
complex concepts or advanced techniques. However, after a thorough analysis, underground
proposals can become great architectural solutions nowadays, as we can see in the Crevillente
case, the dwellings have developed a singular response to the following aspects:
5.1Urban structure
The large number of caves has led to the perception of these houses as unique urban complexes
structured according to natural alignments and taking advantage of existing slopes. The organi-
zation of these neighbourhoods follows a pattern conditioned by the orography, either originat-
ing areas with a staggered distribution when the slope is very sharp or a more random and cha-
otic distribution when the slopes are not as noticeable.
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In both cases, urbanization is full of pedestrian ramps, impossible slopes for vehicle access,
stairs or level changes, forming a labyrinthine pattern where the overlap of streets and caves
overlook urban rationality. Thus, there are numerous street ramifications with the same name
but different layout without a continuous path, which implies a difficult reading of the urban
pattern.
Regarding its insertion into the weave, they are almost completely urbanized areas nowadays
(there are only certain points in the higher areas of the ravines where asphalted road have not
reached yet (Fig.8)), only with the disadvantage of their countless slopes and their convoluted
paths.

Figure 8. Left image. Urban deficiencies in a cave area. Right image. Stairs between parallel streets at
different elevation.

5.2Typology development
Since the appearance of cave-houses in the eighteenth century and their great development in
the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, their importance is increasing over the years. However,
after the approval of the General Urban Plan in 1967, the number of underground homes suffers
an increasing regression, first by the prohibition of new excavations or repairs and in the last
years, due to urban speculation.
There is no official count of cave-houses since the 70's and, therefore, the number is un-
known even to the municipal census nowadays. Even so, everyone is aware of the lately destroy
of countless groups of caves to transform them into conventional houses.
Although house-caves are legally underprivileged by the lack of specific planning regulations
to protect them, there are still many people interested in the conservation and the excavation of
their homes, who feel especially proud of them and who decide to make the necessary im-
provements to ensure they are well maintained. The desire to preserve their family roots has
allowed these underground homes to continue showing their original essence and traditional
values but, despite the efforts of their owners, unfortunately these cave houses are slowly disap-
pearing against conventional buildings.
In the best case, new construction is limited to the patio area to extend more m
2
outside the
cave, even with constructions beyond the underground rooms. In other cases, the death of the
former owners makes the excavated housing remain closed for a while so, with no use, it can
eventually collapse due to the lack of ventilation or maintenance.
In the worst case, the owners wipe out the underground excavation after a legacy of a cave-
house to build a conventional single-family building, especially in the closest area to the town
(Fig.9). Actions that have been carried out for speculative reasons or encouraged in the last
years by the lack of municipal involvement in protecting these constructions.


Figure 9. Conventional constructions in different parts of cave neighbourhoods in Crevillente.

5.3Standard of living
In the last years, the improvement of urbanization in the districts of caves has certainly been a
major step on the conditions of accessibility, water supply or street lighting in these neighbour-
hoods. What is more, it has also allowed a considerable improvement of the stability of the
ground in the slopes, mainly in cases with multiple tiers.
The studies of V. Gozlvez in the 70's show that the proportion of caves with running water
or waste pipes was less than 90% because their location in the periphery, where there was not
installation of these facilities. The low proportion of showers in the Cave typology was due to
moisture problems after their installation in underground rooms. In the Cave + Attached con-
structions typology or in the House + Cave typology, the existence of showers was more com-
mon (multiplied by three) because they could be installed in a separate building outside of the
excavation. Moreover, the existence of essential electrical appliance was quite high in the case
of gas cookers (over 80%) and half in the case of refrigerators (between 50-75%). Nowadays,
there is no need to talk about the equipment inside these dwellings because in every single cave
there are both facilities and common equipment as in any conventional construction, to the
choose of their owners.
5.4Cave ownership
Regarding the ownership of excavated houses, over 88% of caves were privately owned by their
users in the 70's and were a family inheritance from over several generations in most cases.
Nowadays, residents are mostly elderly people who have lived their entire lives in an under-
ground house or young people who have inherited a cave from their family. These owners pre-
serve caves as a first home and use them throughout the year, and only a 15% of these excava-
tions have been set up for rent, mainly in summer season.
5.5Social acceptance
"Coveros" is the name by which Crevillente population called the inhabitants of the excavated
houses in the municipality. Derived from the Catalan word "cova" (cave), this name has lost any
pejorative connotation and it is used in a common way without ulterior motives nowadays. Even
so, for many years this word was used in a derogatory manner towards a certain part of the
population, who were seen as somehow second-class citizens because of the remoteness of cave
neighbourhoods from the village centre.
This distinction initially came from zonal aspects and was rooted in the differences of urban
patterns of both areas: one in the village (more rational, measured and structured) and the other
one in the neighbourhoods of caves (more tortuous, disorganized and free). Later, the distinction
was focused on social aspects because excavated houses usually belonged to humble people,
who were rejected by the well-off population in the city centre.
Nowadays, cave dwellers in Crevillente do no longer belong to poor families and it predomi-
nates middle class population. Even so, in some cases it still exists a feeling of a "second class"
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because these areas have always suffered delays in urban improvements, health facilities and
new equipment by the municipality.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This study is part of the Project MES, Innpacto, from the I+D+I National Plan of the Ministry of
Science Innovation, funded with FEDER funds.
This research was supported by an FPU grant (Formacin de Profesorado Universitario) from
the Spanish Ministry of Education to the first author.
REFERENCES
AA.VV. 1993. Cobijo. Madrid: Tursen Hermann Blume Ediciones.
Algarn, M. 2006. Arquitecturas excavadas. El proyecto frente a la construccin de espacio. Coleccin
Arquthesis, num.21. Barcelona: Fundacin Caja de Arquitectos.
Arazo, M.. & Jarque, F. 1995. Arquitectura popular valenciana. Valencia: Diputacin Provincial de
Valencia.
Carreres, M. 2010. Coves vivenda i coves filadores a Crevillent. Revista Valenciana d'Etnologia N 5:
119-135.
Feduchi, L. 1974. Itinerarios de Arquitectura Popular Espaola. Coleccin Nueva Imagen. Barcelona:
Editorial Blume y Editorial Labor.
Garca, J.A. & Lpez, J.A. 2000. Las cuevas de Crevillent. Estudio y catlogo grfico. Alicante: Instituto
de Cultura Juan Gil-Albert y Ayuntamiento de Crevillente.
Garca, J.A.; Lpez, J.A.; Ferri, J.; Prez, V.R.; Prez, J.C.; Jimnez, A. & Rodrguez, L. 2000. Las cue-
vas de Crevillent (Alicante). Estudio y catlogo grfico. Sevilla: Actas del Tercer Congreso Nacional
de Historia de la Construccin.
Goldfinger, M. 1993. Arquitectura popular mediterrnea. Barcelona: Gustavo Gili.
Gozlvez, V. 1971. Crevillente. Estudio urbano y demogrfico. Valencia: Departamento de Geografa
Universidad de Valencia.
Gozlvez, V. 1983. Crevillente. Estudio urbano, demogrfico e industrial. Alicante: Instituto Universita-
rio de Geografa Universidad de Alicante.
Gozlvez P, V. 1974. La vivienda troglodita en Crevillente. Su origen, expansin y pervivencia. Valen-
cia: Actas 1 Congreso de Historia del Pas Valenciano. Volumen IV.
Loubes, J.P. 1985. Arquitectura subterrnea. Aproximacin a un hbitat natural. Coleccin Tecnologa y
Arquitectura. Barcelona: Gustavo Gili.
Oliver, P. 2007. Dwellings the vernacular house worldwide. Hong Kong: Editorial Phaidon.
Seijo, F.G. 1979. La vivienda popular rural alicantina tomos I y II. Alicante: Ediciones Alicante.
Shoenauer, N. 1984. 6.000 aos de hbitat. De los poblados primitivos a la vivienda urbana en las cultu-
ras de oriente y occidente. Coleccin Arquitectura Perspectivas. Barcelona: Gustavo Gili.


Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
Raised on the idea of a treasure hunt game or sport combined with the technological assets pro-
vided by the Internet and the Global Positioning System receivers, Geocaching became a so-
phisticated activity, or sport, that have followed the technological evolution of those assets. Be-
sides technological means, Geocaching Sport combines also map skills and the use of reason-
ing to solve complex problems (Hawley, 2010).
Basically, the Geocaching sport or activity consists in finding a container (Geocache) by us-
ing information on its coordinates and hints given by the individual that had hidden it. The Geo-
cache is composed by a logbook where Geocachers may record their findings, make a descrip-
tion of the quest experience and exchanging greetings, and also of several kinds of objects that
might (or not) be thematically linked and that are supposed to be trade by the Geocachers
Geocaches are usually located near or in places of local or broad interest, such as historical
places, public spaces, monuments, or sight views.
Geocaching: a review of knowledge and practices as a factor of
promoting heritage
C. Pinheiro
Green Lines Institute, Portugal
R. Amoda
Green Lines Institute, Portugal
University Lusada, Vila Nova de Famalico, Portugal
S. Lira
University Fernando Pessoa, Portugal
ABSTRACT: In this paper we aim at presenting an outdoor activity that registers a significant
growing during the last decade, Geocaching. This is an introductory paper on this issue - the
lack of bibliography and of studies on Geocaching is remarkable - divided in 2 main sections: a)
a brief history and a conceptual definition of Geocaching at its present state and b) the potential
of Geocaching as a factor of promoting heritage. Geocaching really began in the year 2000
(when the use of GPS with accurate precision became possible) as a simple game of finding a
concealed box (the "cache") using tips, GPS coordinates and various kinds of information pro-
vided by the "owner" (the creator and keeper) of the cache. It grew rapidly and the types of
caches, their classification and difficulty suffered a process of standardization that lead to the
present state of the game. Despite the fact the basics of the game remained almost untouched,
some of its tools (e.g. GPS devices and specific software) changed significantly during this last
decade making it accessible to a vaster community of "geocachers". Geocaching, as its present
state, is played by thousands all over the globe and there are millions of caches available. Nev-
ertheless there is a common ground to all this vast community, as well as common rules and
common practices - this is a singular phenomenon that deserves scientific reflection. In the sec-
ond part of the paper we depart from a simple, however problematic, hypothesis: geocaching is,
apart from other uses, a significant and powerful tool to promote heritage. Its educational, tour-
ism and scientific potential(s) is vast and can be used to effectively promoting heritage (in the
broader sense of the concept, including monumental, natural, built, archaeological, ethnographic
and other forms of heritage). From this primal hypothesis we will engage in the presentation and
discussion of a number of case-studies that illustrate some of the above-mentioned types of heri-
tage. We will defend that geocaching can be nowadays analysed as a communicative tool, and a
very effective one mainly if compared with other more classical approaches to heritage promo-
tion.
To find a geocache, the geocacher uses the web site lists to select and get coordinates of geo-
caches in a particular region, and a satellite-based Global Positioning System (GPS) to locate
the geocache in the field.
2.3 The geocache
There are several types of geocaches, being different in size (i.e. micro, mini, medium or large
size), material, and shape and, most important, in originality. Common characteristics are that
the geocache (or simply cache) should be a waterproof and resistant container such as a plas-
tic or metallic box or tub. Besides the objects placed inside, the cache contains a logbook and a
pen or a pencil so that geocachers might record their findings.

Figure 2, 3, 4. A large, a medium and a micro cache.

Figure 5, 6. Micro caches: examples of concealed caches.

Geocaches also may contain the so called geocoins, a kind of medals designed and coined
to be placed in the geocaches as a special prize. Other special objects that may be found inside
the geocaches are the Travel Bugs (TB), composed of a small objected tagged with a plaque.
The journey of a Geocoin or a TB is tracked with the purpose to get it from a specific location
to another, or just to know how far they can travel.
Geocaches may be divided in the following categories (McNamara, 2004; Nolan, 2006;
Groundspeak, 2012): Traditional cache, Multicache, Virtual Cache, Mistery Cache,
Event Cache, among others.


Figure 7, 8, 9, 10. Example of a cache drawing attention to a monument
(Romanesque church of Serzedelo Guimares Portugal).

2.3.1 Traditional Cache
This is the original geocache type consisting of, at minimum, a container and a log book or
logsheet. Larger containers generally include items for trade. Nano or micro caches are tiny
containers that only hold a logsheet. The coordinates listed on the traditional cache page provide
the geocaches exact location.
2.3.2 Multicache
A Multi-Cache ("multiple") involves two or more locations. The final location is a physical
container. There are many variations, but most Multi-Caches have a hint to find the second
cache, and the second cache has a hint to the third, and so on. An offset cache (where you go to
a location and get hints to the actual cache) is considered a Multi-Cache.
2.3.3 Mystery or Puzzle Caches
The "catch-all" of cache types, this form of geocache may involve complicated puzzles that
you will first need to solve to determine the coordinates. Mystery/Puzzle Caches often become
the staging ground for new and unique geocaches that do not fit in another category.
2.3.4 EarthCache
An EarthCache is a special place that people can visit to learn about a unique geoscience fea-
ture of our Earth. EarthCache pages include a set of educational notes along with cache coordi-
nates. Visitors to EarthCaches can see how our planet has been shaped by geological processes,
how we manage its resources and how scientists gather evidence to learn about the Earth. For
more information about EarthCaches, visit http://www.earthcache.org/.

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2.3.5 Event Cache
An Event Cache is a gathering of local geocachers or geocaching organizations to discuss
geocaching. The Event Cache page specifies a time for the event and provides coordinates to its
location. After the event, the cache is archived.
2.3.6 Letterbox Hybrid
Letterboxing is another form of treasure hunting using clues instead of coordinates. In some
cases, the letterbox owner has made their container both a letterbox and a geocache and posted
its coordinates on Geocaching.com. If there is a stamp inside a Letterbox Hybrid, it is not an
item intended for trade; the stamp is meant to remain in the box so that visitors can use it to
record their visit. To read more about letterboxing, visit the Letterboxing North America web
site.
2.3.7 Virtual Cache
A Virtual Cache is about discovering a location rather than a container. The requirements for
logging a Virtual Cache vary you may be required to answer a question about the location,
take a picture, complete a task, etc. In any case, you must visit the coordinates before you can
post your log.

Table 1: Cache Types and Sizes
Some Cache Types Cache Sizes
Traditional Cache
Multi-cache
Mistery Cache
Earthcache
Event Cache
Letterbox Hybrid
Virtual Cache
Micro
Small
Regular
Large
Other
Not chosen
Virtual
2.4 Tools
To practice Geocaching, the geocacher must use an Internet connection and GPS receiver. The
internet web sites are used to find the set of coordinates of a geocache, which provides its loca-
tion in a map, i.e. latitude and longitude or Universal Transverse Mercator UTM). The GPS re-
ceiver is used to enter the coordinates and to guide the geocacher the nearest the geocache.
However, additional resources such as observation capacities and logic are needed to find it.
2.5 Events
Some events may be planned in order to gather different geocachers in a particular place of in-
terest. A Event Cache is a formal or informal reunion of geocachers, that may lead to the
search of a special geocache hidden specifically for that moment.
Other kind of event is called Cache Machine and its purpose is to find the great number of
cashes in a set amount of time (e.g. hours or days).
2.6 Geocaching.com
Geocaching.com site is the most popular web-site containing information on geocaches and
geocachers worldwide. It requires users to sign-in and maintain an account in order to access
information and to log their caches. If almost anyone can create an account and start geocaching
and logging, very strict rules apply to the creation of new caches nonetheless any geocacher
might submit a new cache and have it approved if rules are respected.
Figure 11. The Geocahing.com site opening page.

Visitors to the web site may search for caches by using zip code, village, town, region, coun-
try. Search techniques might involve specific queries such as searching specific types of geo-
caches or geocaches located near a set of coordinates. Search procedures results in a list of geo-
caches as shown is Figures 12 to 14.

Figure 12. List of caches provided by Geocahing.com site (e.g.: Castelo de Vide region)

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Figure 13. Webpage of a geocache (e.g.: Megalithic monuments near Castelo de Vide; from this view
caches are accessible see next figure)

A geocache webpage provides detailed information that will help finding each cache. Infor-
mation provided is the official geocache name, who placed the geocache, the geocache coordi-
nates, an icon to download coordinates, where and when the geocache was hidden, geocache
waypoint name, geocache difficulty level, terrain difficulty level, general description of the geo-
cache, hints, links to nearby caches, map location of the geocache, and logged visits (McNama-
ra, 2004).

Figure 14. Excerpt of a geocache webpage
(e.g.: Megalithic monuments near Castelo de Vide; cache details)

3 GEOCACHING AS A PROMOTING TOOL
Being posted all over the world, the number of geocaches transforms the geocachers into an
unique community without geographical or cultural boarders, which may interact without a per-
sonal acquaintance.
The growing popularity of Geocaching is the result of a combination of factors, namelly:
- human curiosity and observation skills;
- the possibility to be played anywhere;
- motivation to see new places;
- the educational component;
- social and cultural interaction;
- the availability and accuracy of GPS technology (e.g. cell phones);
- Its affordability.
Worldwide participation, social and cultural inclusiveness and low cost involved, highlight
the potential role of Geoacaching as a way to promote heritage tourism in a given region, mak-
ing available material and intangible heritage in an enjoyable way. Geocahing is than an exam-
ple on how information is moving from traditional supports to geospatial environments where
data flows and may be transported by participants in a simple cell phone or like-device.
In such a communication and socializing context, Geocahing provides interaction among par-
ticipants becoming a tool to disseminate information on local cultural assets and landscapes.
The cache owners assume the role of gathering, treating and providing information about places,
historical figures and buildings, and local legends. On the other side, geocachers are feeded with
this information and may acquire additional or new knowledge about a place, its history, culture
and human activities. Information is available to all as they wish to discovery it. Heipke (2010)
refers the example of Geocaching as a democratic activity, where it is easy to contribute, to par-
ticipate, to reward and to be rewarded, and to promote quality and local pride, as cultural objects
may be included in the geocashing net.
Community integration and educational roles of Geocaching includes motivating factors that
embraces social and virtual environments, such as community orientation, personal reputation
(number of caches found), effects on the community and socializing in the community (Iqbal et
al., 2010). Moreover, the study on how mobile and social technologies are influencing informal
learning by Clough (2010) examines the Geocaching community, enhancing the persistent dig-
ital narrative of location provided by the on line resources (webpages creation) where geocach-
ers interact and share contributions, linking the physical experiences with the virtual spaces
where Geocaching activities are coordinated and recorded. In the same study, seventy-four per
cent of responses indicated that the geocachers have learned from geocaches that they have
found, by improving knowledge and making learning fun. Responses of geocache owners also
highlight the research that they made to find information about the places to locate their geo-
caches. In such context, Scanlon (2011) refers the location-based learning of a place that is pro-
vided via digital narratives constructed and shared by the Geocaching community.
In such approach, Geocaching may complement traditional tourism activities by attracting a
new kind of visitors to historical and natural places. Trails for Geocaching activities were in-
cluded as a specific trail type in the Great Falls Park, Virgina, USA, in order to meet the specific
needs of Geocahing activities combining them with protective measures of the natural area
(Wimpey & Marion, 2009). Furthermore, Gyimthy & Mykletun (2004) enhances the role of
Geocaching to promote the so called adventure tourism, as an activity to allow humans to play
and interact with the environment. Watson et al. (2004) highlights the example of the Geocach-
ing to enhance the importance of a new era for U-commerce based on technology availability
and how people can take advantages from there. A complementary approach is stated by Bishop
(2011) that points out the possibility of Geocaching to be included in landscape planning as a
mean to interact with the persons in order to support public multi-disciplinary decision-making
by asking them to leave their feedback in the logbook. In this case, Geocaching is proposed to
include the activity and the opportunity to get opinions and suggestions for landscape planning.

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4 PROMOTING HERITAGE
Promoting heritage in sustainable way raises a vast range of fundamental questions that are far
from being under scrutiny in this paper (we already discussed a number of those in a previous
paper (Lira, 2008: 219-226) and it is possible to find abundant literature on the topic namely
(Archibald, 2004; Arnold, Davis, and Ditchfield, 1998; Chitty and Baker, 1999; Crouch and
Lbbren, 2003; Herbert, 1997; Hems and Blockley, 2006)). Our main aim in the second part of
this paper is to discuss the potential use of Geocaching as a factor to promote heritage, and our
hypothesis is that Geocaching is indeed a significant and powerful tool to promote it, including
monumental, natural, built, archaeological, ethnographic and other forms of heritage. We will
not engage in a discussion about the effectiveness of the discovery as catalyst to knowledge
and we will accept that having a challenge and being able to overcome it is, in general, a posi-
tive factor one that is often used in educational and cultural activities (in formal and informal
education) with significant levels of success for example in museums, visitors seem to like the
opportunity to find, discover and understand by themselves without being patronized by redun-
dant or self-evident labels (Krutler, 1997; Falk and Dierking, 2000; Prez Santos, 2000). As
Geocaching is all about discovering (OHara, 2008: 1180) and overcoming a challenge it educa-
tional and cultural potential is indisputably high the question must be is it being used to such
goal? and if yes how is it an effective and a long-lasting experience, one that might enhance
the promotion of heritage?. We will try to answer both questions by presenting some cases,
where Geocaching is being used as a tool to intentionally promote heritage.
The answer to the first question is not a hard one: yes, it is, Geocaching is being used to pro-
mote heritage or at least to make it easier and more attractive to people who would not visit
places and explore heritage resources without (an extra) motivation. A significant number of
examples could be presented but we will focus on three: the city of Santiago de Compostela
(Galicia, Spain), the region of Castelo de Vide (Portugal, near the Eastern border) and Hannover
region (Northern Germany).
Santiago de Compostela is an historical town (UNESCO Heritage) and tourism (alongside
with religious pilgrimage) is naturally one of the stronger activities there. It would seem point-
less trying to increase tourism attraction with Geocaching, but it is not the case, right on the
contrary. Santiago has a number of caches that are strategically located to point out some of
the most interesting spots of the city and geocachers come from all over the world trying not to
miss any of those. The path through the city to find the caches is a natural way of discovering
some of the highlights of Santiago.

Figure 15. View of Santiago Spain, from the cache named Postcard of Santiago.
A complete different scenario can be found in Castelo de Vide, where a multi-cache invites
geocachers to discover some of the most important megalithic monuments of the region. The
path leads from one monument to the next, and details that would be easily missed during a
normal visit are explored as significant parts of heritage.

Figure 13. Menir de Meada, Castelo de Vide Portugal: the arrow marks the cache spot

Our last example is the trial that begins at Barsinghausen train station, South-West from
Hannover. It was planned to be completed without the necessity of travelling by car and in-
cludes different levels of difficulty (from accessible to handicapped people to extreme, even
demanding the use of climbing gear, etc.).

Figure 14. The Geocaching map of Barsinghausen and the region of Hannover. The density of caches is
significant.
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Other examples could be easily added (the city of gueda in Portugal
[http://forum.geocaching-pt.net/viewtopic.php?f=2&t=3425 and http://www.cm-agueda.pt
/PageGen.aspx?WMCM_PaginaId=27652&noticiaId=36967&pastaNoticiasReqId=35276]
would be a good example of a City Hall engaged in using Geocaching as a tool to promote its
region) but the ones above are probably representative of a vast field of work that is becoming
more and more significant from private geocachers to official institutions, the game is being
increasingly used to promote heritage.
Answering the second question (how is it an effective and a long-lasting experience, one
that might enhance the promotion of heritage?) is more demanding than answering the first one
however possible. In fact, in all given examples, despite the fact they are completely different
(different regions, different difficulties, different aims and goals, among others) they all have at
least one characteristic in common: finding the caches makes the geocacher explore the terrain,
observe the landscape, catch the details and learn something about local heritage. It really
doesnt matter if the scenario is a medieval town (Santiago), a rural area in South Europe (Cas-
telo de Vide megalithic monuments) or a mixture of industrial and rural areas in the North of
Germany (the region of Hannover) the result is similar and a very interesting one: geocachers
get a deep, most complete and sometimes overwhelming knowledge of the places and of the
region they are exploring.
These are key factors for effective and long-lasting experiences, at least in terms of heritage
use. If one compares geocaching experience visiting heritage with more common or traditional
approaches it will become self-evident that the intensity and duration of geocaching activity is
one of the utmost important factors to its success promoting heritage geocachers, as few other
visitors, pay attention to all kinds of details, search around, observe the landscape, heed the ter-
rain, take their time and enjoy themselves all that trying to find the hidden container. Peace of
mind and pleasure are very important ingredients when the effectiveness of an experience is at
stake furthermore, the necessity to spend a significant amount of time at the same location
improves the capacity to make the experience memorable. All those combined make Geocach-
ing indeed an activity that can easily facilitate the promotion of heritage depending on how
caches are combined and located.
5 FINAL REMARKS
Finally, Geocaching is accessible to all, independently of age and (to a certain extent) cultural
background. It is not an expensive activity, demands no high-tech devices (any normal GPS or
mobile phone with GPS will do the job) and implies very thin (or even none) connection be-
tween the owner of the cache and the geocacher. Thats way City Councils, Tourism Offices
and other official entities are becoming more and more motivated by this phenomenon and be-
gin to accept it as a powerful communication tool to promote heritage.
Obviously the Geocaching community has its own rules and it is not possible within the orig-
inal and official organization [http://www.geocaching.com/] to create caches at own free will.
Rules apply and some scrutiny is made by referees who review the proposed cache and verify if
it meets the guidelines. However, other communities are arising, for example OpenCaching
[http://www.openca-ching.com], with the same basic idea but different rules and different phi-
losophies. As final thought we support that Geocaching will become a fundamental tool to pro-
mote heritage it already is so, in a non-institutional basis and it will most certainly attract the
attention of official entities responsible for promoting heritage in a sustainable way due to its
remarkable ductility and to its high level of effectiveness.
6 REFERENCES
Archibald, R. (2004). The New Town Square. Oxford: Altamira Press.
Arnold, J., Davis, K. and Ditchfield, S. (eds.) (1998) .History & Heritage. Consuming the past in Con-
temporary Culture. Donhead: Dorset.
Bishop, I. (2011). Landscape planning is not a game: Should it be?. Landscape and urban Planning 100
(2011): 390-392.
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meaning. Altamira: Walnut Creek.
Geocaches em Portugal - World Heritage, available on-line
[http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ckm4s1B63yc&feature =share], accessed May 2012.
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Tourism Research 31 (4), 855-878.
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Hawley, F. (2010). Agon and ecstasy: transgression, transformation, and transcendence in competitive
geocaching. Deviant Behaviour, 31, 225-250.
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ing 65 (2010), 550-557.
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Herbert, David (ed.) (1997) Heritage, Tourism and Society London: Printer.
Iqbal, A., Kankaanranta, M. & Neittaanmaki, P. (2010). Experiences and motivations of the young for
participation in virtual worlds. Procedia Social and Behavioral Sciences 2, 3190-3197.
Krutler, H. (1997) New strategies for communication in museums. ICOM/WUV, Wien.
Lira, S. (2008). Urban heritage and multimedia guides. In R. Amoda, S. Lira, C. Pinheiro et al. Herit-
age 2008 World Heritage and Sustainable Development. Green Lines Institute: Barcelos.
McNamara, J. (2004). Geocaching for Dummies. Indianapolis: Wiley Publishing.
Nolan, S. (2005). Building magical realms: responses to pervasive and locative media technology. Digital
Creativity. 17:3. 185-192.
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On the Move. CHI: Florence.
Prez Santos, E. (2000). Estudio de visitants en museos. Trea: Gijn.
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Journal of Open, Distance and e-Learning, 26:2, 97-112.
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ketplace to U-Space. Business Horizons 47/6, 33-40.
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VA. Journal of Environmental Management 92 (2011), 1012-1022.

Heritage 2012

1 INTRODUCTION
In 2008, according to data from the World Tourism Organization, the arrivals of international
tourists totaled 924 million worldwide, 16 million more than in the previous year. The corre-
sponding growth of 2% in international tourism occurred mainly due to the remarkable results
of the first six months, since the second part of the year witnessed the increasing instability of
the financial and economic systems, leading to a slow-down in the activity of the tourism sector
(INE, 2009). In Portugal, tourism, conversely to the last two years, when the tourism activity
has achieved a high nominal growth rhythm, the year of 2008 was marked by a slowdown in the
tourism activity as a result of the basic effect of the data of previous years on one hand and due
to the present world economic situation, on the other.
Portugal is traditionally a country of destination for Europes tourism market. Between 2000
and 2008, the tourism consumption grew nominal annual average of 4.5%, meaning the end of
the period, over 5.2 billion euros compared with 2000 (Eurostat, 2008). To the same period, the
value added generated by tourism increased in nominal terms, at an average annual 4.5%, corre-
sponding to over 2.1 billion in 2008 compared to 2000.In 2006, employment in tourism repre-
sented 8.1% of total employment in the economy, more 0.1 pp than in 2005, standing at about
416 thousand individuals. Represents 8% of GDP, increasing for 17% if considered leisure and
restaurants services.
Since the quality of the destination present one of the major factors for growth, we pretend to
this work to contribute to this growth.
Perceived image and the predictors of heritage tourism the case
of the Douro Region
L. Pinto
Centro de Estudos em Educao, Tecnologias e Sade, ESTGL e ESTV, Instituto Politcnico de Viseu
ABSTRACT: This paper, addresses the issue of service quality in tourism sector. The goal of
this study was to establish baseline data concerning a tourist profile and their evaluation of the
stay at Douro Vinhateiro Region, a World Heritage in the North Portugal. The study attempts to
investigate the relationship between the destination attributes and tourists satisfaction, identify
the relationship between satisfaction and the intention to revisit the region, as well as the attrib-
utes predictors of the tourists' satisfaction using Ordinal Regression Analysis. The main goal of
the study is contribute to the improvement of the tourism offer in the region and consequently of
the country. In this sense an empirical study was conducted through a questionnaire using IPA
analysis with some modifications, in the summer of 2003. The profile of the tourists can be de-
scribed as middle age (51-60 years), with a higher education and a income higher than 2000
per month. Results show that satisfaction as a strong relation with the intention to revisit the re-
gion, tourists who are satisfied return. The predictors attributes that contribute most to the
overall satisfaction of tourists are the weather, accommodation and restaurant services, the re-
gional cuisine and price.
The purposes of the study were characterize tourist profile, identify the relationship between
cultural/heritage destination attributes and the overall satisfaction of tourists who visited a cul-
tural/heritage destination, and analyze the differences in the level of overall satisfaction of tour-
ists with respect to quality price relationship, intention to re-visit the region and destiny to a
friend or colleague and identified predictors attributes that contribute most to the overall tour-
ists satisfaction.
In recent years the focus on the literature of customer satisfaction has been increasing, given
the importance of this concept, which is seen as an antecedent to customer loyalty and even en-
trepreneurial success (Reicheld & Sasser, 1990). Thus, there are several studies on customer sat-
isfaction in the tourism sector which used scales of multiple attributes (Yi, 1990). Those are
more recent than on other sectors, however limited and inadequate (Moreno, S. et al., 2000).
Understand the tourists' satisfaction is extremely important for the tourism industry, mainly
due to the potential effect on the future of the economy (Petrich, 2003). Satisfied tourists tend to
share their positive experiences to others (word of mouth) and to buy the product repeatedly
(Prebensen, 2004, Kozak & Rimmington, 2000; Kozak, 2003; Ross, 1993). This requires the
evaluation of the level of tourists satisfaction, the destination in general and the business tourist
destination in question.
Having evaluated the tourist satisfaction, which is a good prediction of its intention to buy
again, it is necessary to develop an appropriate strategy for relations with tourists, especially to-
day, where there appears to be a decline in customer loyalty with tourist destinations.
The increasing importance of service quality as a means of gaining competitive advantage has
led to the development and application of various techniques in order to measure the perceived
quality of service in the industry of services (Parasuraman, Berry & Zeithmal, 1985, Cronin &
Taylor , 1992). Most of these quantitative studies have adopted the paradigm of the expectation-
disconfirmation, which explores the relationship between customer expectations prior to pur-
chase and their satisfaction (performance) after purchase.
They argued that if the performance of the product and service exceeds expectations leads to
satisfaction, otherwise, if performance is below expectations leads to dissatisfaction (Oliver,
1996).
SERVQUAL developed by Parasuraman et al. (1985, 1988), based on the paradigm of the
expectation-disconfirmation, remains a very popular instrument in measuring quality service,
focused on the expectations. This model have been subject to many criticisms, especially with
regard to the different dimensions, its psychometric properties and the nature of how expecta-
tions are formed (Babakus & Boller, 1992; Zeithaml, et al.,1993).
Thus, many researchers believe that other direct methods are needed, to measure the quality of
service such as SERVPERF and IPA (Importance-Performance Analysis).
The SERVPERF, is based on analysis of service quality performance. This model, developed
by Cronin & Taylor (1992) and based on SERVQUAL uses a range of items which seeks to
measure, using a Likert-type scale, the performance of a particular service not the difference be-
tween expectations and performance. After some studies using this method, it was concluded
that is better on explained the variance in total service quality than SERVQUAL. However, with
the application of this method, we lose a lot of useful information.
The other direct method used to analyze customer satisfaction and in recent years has gained
much popularity for its simplicity and diagnosis, to identify marketing strategies, and used in
several areas such as tourism, leisure and recreation, education and health, is the method based
on the importance-performance paradigm (Go & Zang, 1997; Guadagonolo, 1985, Joseph & Jo-
seph, 1997, Ford et al., 1999).
This method, developed by Martilla and James (1977), seeks to identify the importance of
consumers in respect of certain attributes. The importance is seen as a reflection of the relative
value of differents attributes used. The attributes considered less important, are those that have
a minor role in overall satisfaction and the most important attributes are the keys in building
customer satisfaction (Barsky,1995).
The goal is to identify which attributes or combinations, which influence consumers to buy
again the product / service. The information obtained should be used by managers to develop
marketing strategies where improved performance has more influence on consumer satisfaction
(Lovelock et al., 1998). It also has the advantage of identifying which attributes of services,
must be maintained and those for which a significant improvement would have little impact.
Heritage 2012
education level. With regard to respondents' annual household income, the largest group includ-
ed those with an annual household income of US 2,000 or above (54,1%). Most of the Portu-
guese respondents (40%) reported that they live in the south (cf. Table 1)

Table 1 - Demographic characteristics of the respondents
Varivel N Percentagem (%)
Sex
Female
Male
Total

53
69
122

43,4
56,6
100
Age
18-25
26-30
31-40
41-50
51-60
61- 70
+70
Total

3
15
21
26
35
16
6
122

2,5
12,3
17,2
21,3
28,7
13,1
4,9
100
Residence
Portugal
North
Center
South
United Kingdom
Germany
Spain
Total

91
30
11
50
12
11
8
122

74,6
24,6
9,0
41,0
9,8
9,0
6,6
100
Marital status
Single
Marriage
Widow
Divorced
Together
Total

28
83
3
6
2
122

23,0
68,0
2,5
4,9
1,6
100
Education
Primary
Secondary
Higher
Total

6
44
72
122

4,9
36,1
59,0
100
Occupation
Seniors
Employees in position
leadership
Professional artists
Employees
Students
Retired
Total

60
22

2
11
3
24
122

49,2
18,0

1,6
9,0
2,5
19,7
100
Liquid Income ()
< 500
501-1000
1001-2000
>2000
Total

8
12
36
66
122

6,6
9,8
29,5
54,1
100
Heritage 2012
From a forced varimax-rotated factor matrix, five factors with 19 variables were defined by
the original 36 variables that loaded most heavily on them (loading >0.4).
The eigenvalues suggested that a four-factor solution explained 67,77% of the overall vari-
ance before the rotation. The factors with eigenvalues greater than or equal to 1.0 and attributes
with factor loadings greater than 0.4 were reported.
The overall significance of the correlation matrix was 0,001 with a Bartlett test of sphericity
value of 829,82. The statistical probability and the test indicated that there was a significant cor-
relation between the variables, and the use of factor analysis was appropriate. The Kaiser-
Meyer-Olkin overall measure of sampling adequacy was 0,73, which was meritorious (Hair et
al, 1995; Stevens, 1986). Table 1 illustrates the results of the factor analysis.
The five factors were: Environment, Accessibilities, hotel and restaurant services and climate,
Landscape and Hospitality and professional service and safety.

Table 2 - Factor Analysis of Attributes Perception in the Douro Region (N=77)
Factor

Attributes
Factor
loadings
Communalities
1 - Environment
Water pollution 0,86 0,86
Land pollution 0,84 0,79
Air pollution 0,83 0,79
Noise pollution 0,66 0,64
2 - Acessibilities
Road acessibilities 0,83 0,80
Traffic 0,71 0,60
Signposts 0,69 0,72
Cultural offer 0,67 0,67
3 Hotel/restaurant ser-
vices and climate
Price 0,67 0,65
Climate 0,64 0,50
Restaurant services 0,64 0,74
Lodging 0,63 0,63
Typical gastonomy 0,40 0,67
4 Landscape and Hos-
pitality
Landscape 0,77 0,62
Relaxation 0,60 0,57
Residents hospitality 0,58 0,61
Region tipicity 0,42 0,55
5 Profissional service
and Safety
Safety 0,85 0,76
Profissionals com-
petence and simpaty
0,46 0,72
The ordinal regression analysis (PLUM) was used, a procedure proposed by McCullagh
(SPSS, 2004) in order to study the effect of predictor variables of different types of measure-
ment in ordinal dependent variable.
After analysis of the dependent variable, overall satisfaction with the Douro Region, held the
descriptive study of the independent variables in this case the factors extracted in principal
components analysis
Table 2 illustrates the results to test the quality of the model:
- Adjustment of the model (likelihood ratio = 114.991; 2 = 25.453, and p <0.001), which re-
veals that all five variables explains an adequate amount of variance in overall satisfaction.
- Measures of goodness of fit (Pearson 2 = 127.809, p = 0.065; Deviance - 2 = 114.991, and, p
= 0.237), we can say that the model matches the data that we are studying.
- Statistics of R. The regression coefficients in the variable overall satisfaction are listed in Ta-
ble 2. In the analysis of regression coefficients, we used the Wald test, which assumes a distri-
bution of chi-square, which is regarded as the most appropriate procedure to study the contribu-
tion of each predictor to the model and its statistical significance.

Table 3 - Regression coefficients of the overall satisfaction
Factor Estimate Wald P
Environment

Accessibilities

Hotel/restaurant ser-
vices and climate

Landscape and Hospi-
tality

Professional services
and safety
0,04

0,04

0,29

0,04

0,15
0,15

0,37

7,73

0,06

0,80
0,698

0,546

0,005

0,806

0,371

The factor Hotel/Restaurant services and climate, it is the only variable that possesses predict
value in the explanation of the global satisfaction with the Douro region (Wald =7,73; p=0,005).
The higher the classification in terms of attributes regarding hotel/restaurant services and
Climate the higher the global satisfaction.
4 CONCLUSIONS
Respondents attribute different weights to the aspects of the services found in accordance with
the importance and satisfaction for each of those aspects.
From the tourists that visited Douro Region, 68% are married. The dominant age group of
the respondents was 51 to 60 years (29 %), in terms of level of education, almost 59% of the re-
spondents had a university education level. With regard to respondents annual household in-
come, the largest group included those with an annual household income of US 2,000 or above
(54,1%). Concerning the travel behavior characteristics, 68% had previous experience with the
area. With regard to the length of stay, 55,8% of the respondents stayed for 2 to 5 days. In rela-
tion to membership in a group, most respondents (64,8%) traveled with a partner, friends, and
family members, whereas 35,2% of respondents traveled alone or in an organized group. Lastly,
in the category of travel informations sources, the largest group of respondents (51%) traveled
to this Region because of mouth to mouth references.
There is a positive relationship between satisfaction and recommendation of the trip to a
friend, almost all the tourists rated the relation price-quality as positive.
Heritage 2012
Concerning, overall satisfaction and re-visit the Douro Region, we found that whatever the
degree of satisfaction, almost all the respondents re-visit the region.
In order to further understand the relationship between cultural/heritage destination attributes
and identify the predictors attributes that contribute most to the overall tourists satisfaction, we
used principal components factor method to generate the initial solution and after we used Ordi-
nal Regression Analysis (PLUM). We find that the factor Hotel/Restaurant services and climate,
it is the only variable that possesses predict value in the explanation of the global satisfaction
with the Douro region. By identifying which attributes of services, must be maintained and im-
proved to maintain tourists satisfaction we suggested that this information should be used by
managers to develop marketing strategies to improved performance on those factors that most
influence tourists satisfaction.
REFERENCES
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Research, 24 (May): pp. 253-268.
Barsky, J.D,1995. World-Class Customer Satisfaction. Chicago, USA: IRWIN Publishing.
Cronin Jr., J. J., & Taylor, S. A., 1992. Measuring service quality: an examination and extension. Journal
of Marketing, 56(2), pp.5568.
Eurostat, 2008. Population and social conditions - Industry, trade and services. Collection: Pocketbooks.
Office for Official Publications of the European Communities. Luxembourg.
Ford, J.B., Joseph, M. e Joseph, B., 1999. Importance-performance analysis as a strategic tool for service
marketers: the case of service quality perceptions of business students in New Zealand and the USA,
The Journal of Services Marketing, Vol 13, No 2:pp.171-186.
Go, F., & Zhang, W., 1997. Applying importanceperformance analysis to Beijing as an international
meeting destination. Journal of Travel Research, Spring, pp.4249.
Guadagnolo, F., 1985. The importanceperformance analysis: an evaluation and marketing tool. Journal
of Park and Recreation Administration, 2, pp.1322.
INE (2009). Estatsticas do Turismo 2000. Instituto Nacional de Estatstica. Lisboa
Joseph, M e Joseph, B., 1997. Service quality in education: a student perspective, Quality Assurance in
Education, Vol 5, N 1: pp.26-37.
Kozak, M. And Rimmington M., 2000. Tourist Satisfaction with Mallorca, Spain, as of season Holiday
Destination. Journal of Travel Research. 38, pp. 260- 269.
Kozak, M., 2003. Measuring Tourist Satisfaction with Multiple Destination Attributes. Tourism Analysis
7, pp.229-240.
Lovelock, C, Patterson, P.G and Walker, R. H., 1998. Services Marketing. Sydney: Prentice Hall.
Martilla, J. A., & James, J. C.,1977. Importanceperformance analysis. Journal of Marketing, January,
pp.7779.
Oliver, R.L., 1996. Satisfaction a behavioural Perspective on the Consumer. London, McGraw-Hill.
Parasuraman, A., Zeithaml, V. A., & Berry, L. L., 1985. A conceptual model of service quality and its
implications for future research. Journal of Marketing, 49, pp.4150.
Parasuraman, A., Zeithaml, V. A., & Berry, L. L., 1988. SERVQUAL: A multiple-item scale for measur-
ing consumer perceptions of service quality. Journal of Retailing, 64, pp.1240.
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Review, 68, pp. 105-111.
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pp.477-489.
Yi, Youjae (1990). A Critical Review of Consumer Satisfaction. Review of Marketing 1990, ed. Valarie
A. Zeithaml, Chicago; American Marketing Association, pp. 68-123.
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pectations of Service, Journal of the Academy of Marketing Science, 21 (1): pp11-12.


Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
The Altai Republic (Fig.1) is located in the heartland of the eponymous Altai ridge (Russia -
southwest Siberia) and is known for its unique cultural heritage, meaning the archaeological
monuments, cultural landscape and its intangible social values. Archaeological monuments lie
scattered across the Altai and are a silent witness of the important transitional role it has played
since the late Neolithic (3200 BC) in the steppe region of central Asia. As well as its environ-
mental importance, the cultural landscape of the Altai has a unique historical and spiritual sig-
nificance for both the indigenous Altaian population and scholars. Furthermore, ever since the
post-Soviet ethno-cultural revival, local customs beliefs and traditions have been reinstated
(Halemba, 2006; Halemba, 2008a; Broz, 2009), which presents anthropologists, ethnographers
and sociologists with a rich and unique source of information. Unfortunately, uncontrolled tour-
ism, urbanization and agriculture are putting increased pressure on its cultural heritage (Gheyle,
2009; Plets et al., 2011a). Future plans to construct a pipeline through the Altai to China, which
will cross several sacred landscapes and more than a thousand monuments (Plets et al., 2011b),
is endangering the future of heritage.
The main aim of our research is to find a long-term and well-directed solution for the disinte-
gration of the regions heritage. Successful archaeological surveys (Gheyle, 2009) and detailed
three-dimensional (3D) photorealistic registrations of rock art and surface monuments (Plets et
al., 2012) by Ghent University, Gorno Altaisk State University (GASU) and the Institute of Ar-
chaeology and Ethnography of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences (IAE
SBRAS) (Krupochkin, 2009), provide a promising structural basis for sustainable heritage man-
agement and planning policy. But, intangible indigenous heritage values remain underrepresent-
ed in the broad heritage domain of the Russian Altai. All too often, heritage-related tensions be-
tween on the one hand tourists and archaeologists, and on the other hand the indigenous
Altaians undermine an effective heritage management. Without integrative community in-
Integrating indigenous needs through participatory action research
community-based indigenous heritage in the Altai Republic
G. Plets
Ghent University, Department of Archaeology, Ghent, Belgium
V. Van Eetvelde
Ghent University, Department of Geography, Ghent, Belgium
R. Plets
University of Ulster, Environmental Science Research Institute, Coloraine, Northern Ireland, United
Kingdom
J. Bourgeois
Ghent University, Department of Archaeology, Ghent, Belgium

ABSTRACT: Recent growth of tourism, urbanisation and large scale construction projects are
putting increasing pressure on the preservation of the cultural heritage of the Altai republic
(Russia). Especially the indigenous needs and interests towards this heritage are under-adressed
and, if not tackled, no effective steps can be set towards the sustainable preservation of the cul-
tural heritage of the Altai region through management and planning. Within this paper, an ap-
proach is presented that ultimately aims to fill this gap, based on the development of an under-
standing of the indigenous values of both the cultural landscape and archaeological monuments.
A keystone of the approach is participatory action research (PAR) which enabled a spatial un-
derstanding of the valuation of the cultural heritage.
volvement and understanding, no effective steps can be set towards sustainable perspectives for
the cultural heritage of the Altai region.
Wanting to integrate indigenous interests, a combined approach of the practical and theoreti-
cal basis of community-based archaeology (see: Clarke, 2002; Greer et al., 2002; Greer, 2010),
supplemented with the effective principles and methodologies of participatory action research
(PAR) (Kindon et al., 2009) has been chosen. The aim of this exercise was to understand and ul-
timately communicate the intangible and cultural relevance of archaeological monuments and
the cultural landscape. In the future, this will from part of the solid basis needed for comprehen-
sive heritage management.
Figure 1: Map of the Altai republic indicating the planned pipeline and study areas of 2011.

This paper presents the specific approach and preliminary results of the participatory action
research, compiled in the area of the Karakol Park, focusing on the spiritual and religious social
landscape values. Before describing the approach and results, the cultural heritage and the in-
volved indigenous communities of the Altai mountains will be described.
2 THE CULTURAL HERITAGE OF THE ALTAI MOUNTAINS
2.1 Indigenous communities
The indigenous people of the Altai currently make up 31% of the total population in the region.
The concept of the Altaian people was created by Soviet officials aided by ethnographers (e.g.
Potapov, 1969), by grouping Turkic speaking tribes based on geographical, cultural and linguis-
Heritage 2012
tic similarities (Broz, 2009: 51-55). Although most indigenous inhabitants of the region see
themselves as Altaians, and are bound by their common attitude towards the Altai mountains,
there is still differentiation on clan-tribe level. Their relationship with the Altai goes beyond the
pure aesthetical as they see the Altai and its landscape with its numerous mountains, prominent
hills and sources as spiritual entities who are at the centre of their traditional belief (Halemba,
2006: 18; Khomushku, 2010). Originally nomads, they were sedentarised during collectivisation
and currently make a living breeding livestock in the predominantly Altaian villages.
During the Soviet period there has been a steady growth in Russian-speaking populations in
the area. This group comprises 60% of the population and mainly live in the more populated
western and northern parts of the Republic. Most are Orthodox and a small group are Old Be-
lievers, a small sect originated after a schism in Orthodox church in 1666. Mixing between Al-
tains and Russians groups occurs frequently, and in most cases the Altaian partner devotes
him/herself to Christianity.
2.2 Cultural heritage of the Altai: definition and threats
For thousands of years the Altai Mountains have been an important transitional region between
the Mongolian and Kazakh steppes. The cultures that dwelled the Altai left their mark on the
Altaian landscape through an extraordinary number of monuments and petroglyphs. In specific
cases, local climatic conditions have allowed extremely good preservation of organic materials.
For example, some of the burial sites (e.g. mounds of Tuekta, Bashadar, Pazyrik and Ukok),
dating mainly from the Scythian period (800200 BC), were located in frozen ground, which
has resulted in exceptionally good preservation of wooden objects, textiles, leather ornaments,
and the remains of sacrificed animals and mummified humans (Rudenko, 1960; Molodin et al.,
2004).
Besides the undeniable scientific importance, the archaeological heritage also has a striking
supra-natural meaning for the indigenous Altaians. Although this has long been known, the ex-
tent of this importance really became obvious after the excavation and subsequent removal of a
young Scythian women on the Ukok plateau in 1993 by the IAE SBRAS (Polosmak, 1995).
This Ukok Princess became a hot-topic for the Altaians (Halemba, 2008a; Broz, 2009: 49-51)
and her removal was seen as the cause for an earthquake in 2003 and various other incidents.
Since her excavation, the Ukok princess was increasingly used as a tool against archaeologists,
making archaeological work impossible in the area.
With respect to the cultural landscape of the Altai, different types of heritage values can be
recognised following the World Heritage Convention (Rssler, 2006). Firstly, there is the par-
ticular presence of time-depth in the landscape attributing to its cultural significance (ICOMOS,
2009: 8). The numerous archaeological monuments and their specific plantation in the land-
scape, provide insight into the human occupation of this organically evolved landscape. Less
straightforward to deal with are the decreasing number of Soviet relics linked to the collectivisa-
tion era, representing a significant but historically difficult layer in the landscape of the Altai.
Secondly, the landscape has a powerful intrinsic/religious meaning for the local population,
making it an associative cultural landscape (ICOMOS, 2009: 8). Fieldwork and studies by Ha-
lemba (2006) and Ghent University (see below) illustrate that the Altaians have a distinct sense
of place attachment and perceive the landscape around them as a spiritual entity. The landscape
is at the centre of worship (figure 2) and almost everything in the landscape (e.g. mountain
passes, rivers, snowy peaks, prominent ridges, forests, and spring waters) has a sacred meaning
and should be treated with respect (Halemba, 2006). In addition, numerous ordinary places,
without being specific sacred places, are connected to regional heroic tales telling the history of
the region.
Increasing pressure from agriculture, urbanisation, and tourism has already led to degradation
of the cultural heritage of the Altai. Numerous cases are known of archaeological sites being de-
stroyed by tilling, villages being built on top of sacred burial grounds, and sacred landscapes
and archaeological sites being despoiled and polluted by tourists (Plets et al., 2011a; Plets et al.,
2011b). Some international initiatives and research projects have tried to look into a sustainable
development model for the Altai Mountains (Foley et al., 2006; FSDA, 2006). But, although all
efforts to tackle the development problems of the Altai should be applauded, most of these pro-
jects do not include the cultural heritage. Recent local initiatives (e.g. the Karakol park and the
cultural board of the Telengits of Kosh-Agasch) show great potential for a well-directed heri-
tage management but need scientific and financial support in order to succeed (Plets et al.,
2011a; Plets et al., 2011b).

Figure 2: Arzhan suu near Boochi. Arzhan suus are spring waters with healing properties where strong
powers can felt (Halemba, 2006: 88). In order to respect these places, appropriate rituals are conducted in
the form of offerings of food, alcohol, flowers,.... and kira (ribbons of preferably white fabric) are bound
to adjacent trees.
3 COMMUNITY-BASED HERITAGE THROUGH A PARTICPATORY ACTION
RESEARCH (PAR) APPROACH
When engaging in conservation and sustainable management, the timeless words of the land-
scape ecologist Aldo Leopold (1947: 2) form a strong basis.

Once you learn to read the land, I have no fear of what you will do to it, or with it. And
I know many pleasant things it will do to you.

When extrapolating this statement to the heritage context of the Altai, this means that only
when one fully understands the heritage and its interrelationship with the communities, an effec-
tive and sustainable heritage management is possible. Similar approaches that include commu-
nity engagement and heritage appraisal are certainly not new and have already illustrated their
strength, applicability and shortcomings in archaeological research and cultural heritage man-
agement (Hodges & Watson, 2000; Greer et al., 2002; Chirikure & Pwiti, 2008; Chirikure et al.,
2010; Hemming & Rigney, 2010; Watson & Waterton, 2010). But, as noted by Chirikure &
Pwiti (2008: 478) there is not one single best method for tackling community engagement, but it
is in fact very context-dependent. Each case/region should be approached in relation to the
needs and interests of both the local community and its heritage.
The practical and theoretical basis of community-based archaeology (see: Clarke, 2002;
Greer et al., 2002; Greer, 2010) sets a sound basis for different post-colonial contexts. Instead of
the common consultative approach in which a researcher explains his research agenda and local
communities can react to it (Clarke, 2002: 251; Greer et al., 2002: 267), the community-based
approach is interactive and aims to pro-actively integrate the needs and interests of the locals
into the complete research process based on a thorough understanding and involvement of the
local population, resulting in a mutual benefit (Clarke, 2002: 251; Greer et al., 2002: 267). So
Heritage 2012
extrapolated to the heritage management context of the Altai, community-based heritage man-
agement aims to be an interactive management based on a comprehensive understanding of in-
dividual communities, their heritage and the intrinsic interrelationship.
Such a community-based approach demands a context-specific comprehensive understanding
of the communities involved, which is only possible through an intensive collaborative frame-
work (Greer et al., 2002: 268). A possible way to gather the necessary insight and collaboration
is through participatory action research (PAR), whose methodologies are applicable in different
contexts and are designed to produce context-specific information (Pain, 2004: 653). PAR is
one of the most popular approaches within human geography and is well suited to explore peo-
ples relation with places, space, and environments and how place is tied with cultural identity
(Pain, 2004: 653, Kindon et al., 2009: 90-92). PAR has been widely used to address and assess
local knowledge, needs and rights, especially within post-colonial contexts involving indige-
nous people and minorities, (Pain, 2004: 654). Common used PAR methods like participatory
mapping, interviews and participant observation have been used to study and understand the
spatial dimensions of socio-cultural issues similar to the Altai (Pain, 2004; Brown & Raymond,
2007; Fagerholm & Kyhk, 2009; Kindon et al., 2009: 94).
Especially the use of participatory mapping opens up possibilities to assess the associative
landscapes of the Altai. It has already proven successful in other regions in collecting relevant
socio-cultural data on the valuation of places and environments (Brown, 2004; Pain, 2004;
Fagerholm & Kyh, 2009; Kindon et al., 2009). Aided by a geographical information system
(GIS), illustrative researches (Brown, 2004; Brown & Raymond, 2007; Raymond & Brown,
2007; Fagerholm & Kyhk, 2009) were successful in establishing a compressive understanding
of the social structure and extent of the cultural landscape for specific communities.
4 METHODOLOGY
Participatory mapping and standardised interviews were conducted in 13 villages across the Al-
tai during fieldwork in the summer of 2011. Although the community-based assessment was es-
pecially aimed at the indigenous Altaian population; Russian, Kazakh and mixed villages across
the Altai were also involved. The aim was to reach all households of the villages. Even though
working with a local Altaian to win over the trust of the community-members, some people
were reluctant towards the interviews. Furthermore, alcohol abuse related problems within
many of these villages prevented some inhabitants to participate objectively. In total 198 par-
ticipants were assessed, this represents about half of the households of the 13 villages.
In preparation to this fieldwork, 48 depth interviews of 1-2 hours were conducted, assessing
random villagers, in the summer of 2010. Together with the extensive work of Halemba (2006;
2008a; 2008b) and Broz (2007; 2008; 2009; 2010), a relevant understanding of the local com-
munities was achieved, allowing the compilation of a systematic questionnaire with well-
directed questions and the definition of relevant themes for participatory mapping.
Based on the above mentioned understanding and insights from prior participatory mapping
researches (Brown, 2004; Brown & Raymond, 2007; Raymond & Brown, 2007; Fagerholm &
Kyhk, 2009), five relevant social values were chosen for participatory mapping for Altaian
context (table 3). During 20-30 minutes talks (including the standardised questionnaire, see be-
low) community members were asked to indicate areas of a certain value on topographic and or-
tho-photo maps of the region (scale 1:50.000) and republic (scale 1:1.000.000). Additionally,
background information (i.e. why is that place important) about these places was noted. Once
collected, all mappings and side information were integrated in a GIS platform, which also
served as a basis for spatial analysis of the mapped values.

5.2 Outcomes spiritual/religious social landscape mapping results and discussion
A total of 78 participants marked 233 locations, which can be grouped into 61 individual areas,
as having supra-natural meaning. These areas were defined as distinct places with a strong spiri-
tual character, clearly transcending the landscape around them. Nine participants were not able
to define any such specific locations and saw everything in the landscape as a sacred. This
makes that approximately 90% of the participants attach a spiritual meaning to (parts of) the
surrounding landscape. Interestingly, this includes people with non-traditional beliefs (table 5)
and Russians. The Russians which indicated places also marked by Altaians, described these as
energetic places rather than sacred places.

Table 5: Table indicating religion for each ethnic group. For each category the number of participants that
attach supernatural value to the landscape is indicated.
Traditional beliefs Orthodox Atheist Total
Russian 1 6 1 8
Attach supra-natural 1 4 0
meaning to the landscape
Altaian 74 8 3 85
Attach supra-natural 74 6 2
Mixed 0 1 1 2
Attach supra-natural 0 1 0 1

When looking at the types of mapped locations, the categories that were marked the most
were: prominent mountains (54%), followed by springs (23%) and archaeological monuments
(10%). This correlates well with the local character of the valley, as prominent mountains domi-
nate the view of this alpine landscape. The large representation of springs could be related to the
environmental problems of the valley, during the Soviet period toxic insecticides and fertilisers
were used frequently, resulting in heavy pollution of the numerous streams and rivers, making
the springs until recently the only sources for potable water. Thirdly, the valley is amongst one
of the archaeological richest valleys of the Altai with numerous royal burial mounds from the
Scythian period (Rudenko, 1970) and rock art sites (Martinov et al., 2006), which can explain
the marking of archaeological monuments.
When combining these results in a GIS, the spatial dimensions and patterns of this social
value can be understood better. Through raster calculations, areas with great overlap can be de-
lineated, indicating possible consensus amongst participants (see figure 6). On the scale of the
valley, there is agreement on only one well defined spiritual area, the Uch Enmek mountain
complex, which was designated by 61% of the participants (47). Most people described it as the
centre of the world, dictating their life. The complex comprises a series of prominent snowy
peaks and forms the headwaters of the Karakol river. Furthermore the nearby mountain pastures
and lakes make it an important grazing and foraging area in the summer.
There are a few locations that were elaborately described by multiple participants, but were
characterised by less agreement than the Uch Enmek. When looking which villagers defined
these areas, it seems that there is a strong scale of agreement between participants of the same
village. These are commonly striking landscape entities close to the village. Strangely, nearby
villages close to such areas do not explicitly value that place alike. For example in the Karakol
village, 74% of the respondents (14) marked the Bai Tul mountain as an extremely sacred place.
When looking at the results of Bitchiktu Boom, a village approximately 4 km south of Karakol,
whose view is also partly dominated by the Bai Tul, only 1 respondent of 22 marked this area.
In other study areas outside the Karakol park, the pronounced collective characterisation on vil-
lage level of nearby spiritual places was also apparent. This could indicate a multi-scaled con-
struction of the indigenous associative landscape, which is largely determined on village scale.
So when integrating indigenous interests, comprehensive village assessment is necessary.
Figure 6: Geographical distribution of the marked areas, indicating the intensity of overlap between par-
ticipants

Respect for these spiritual places of both regional and local importance is imperative, they
form the meaningful basis of the associative landscape of the Altaians, involving a lot of cultur-
ally-driven emotions. Halemba (2006: 73) describes an example that illustrates the cultural sen-
sitivity and importance of such places. She describes what locals believe to happen when a sa-
cred place is not treated with respect, citing a sacred spring that was frequently visited by
tourists. Their ignorant behaviour (leaving rubbish behind and wanting to imitate the rituals of
the Altaians) made the master spirits of the place angry. The spring started to lose its healing
powers and, gradually, its value was lost. This is not an isolated case and the rapid growth of
tourism is increasingly causing widespread local dissatisfaction. If such issues are not tackled,
the future outlook for the cultural landscape does not look bright and locals will see their cul-
tural landscape disintegrate further. However, to outsiders, it is often unclear which places have
special meaning and which code of conduct is needed. Only through systematic mapping on
community scale can the extent and meaning of the associative landscape features can be under-
stood As noted by Binks (1989: 191), only an independent assessment and understanding of the
Heritage 2012
value of a place, environment or heritage of a particular community can enhance its importance,
which ultimately can establish the need for wider appreciation and conservation.
Informing visitors about the cultural value of such locations and the appropriate behaviour,
would be a first step forward. There is generally a lot of good will with tourists, as one of the
reasons that people visit the Altai is exactly its rich cultural heritage and values. But when there
is almost no communication with them about the local traditions and sensitivities, one cannot
automatically expect appropriate conduct.
Furthermore, a consistent geodatabase of all communal, regional and national sacred places
could facilitate a more republican recognition. This would also be a step forward for a better
spatial planning policy as large projects (e.g. pipeline and ski resort on Seminski ridge) are
planned on culturally valued spots, resulting in conflicts with community members.
Although not extensively discussed in this paper, archaeological monuments have a similar
value. The example of the Ukok princess illustrates that archaeological research without com-
munity involvement is an unethical move. If such a policy is continued and the indigenous as-
pects of the cultural heritage are not integrated, there are no sustainable perspectives for the cul-
tural heritage of the Altai region. Through this research project we aim to raise awareness about
the interrelationship between the intangible and tangible aspects of the archaeology and land-
scapes of the Altai. Without integration of intangible aspects, we feel that there is little purpose
in trying to protect the disintegrating heritage.
6 CONCLUSION
This paper has presented a preliminary understanding of the interrelationship between commu-
nity-members and their cultural heritage in the Karakol Valley, through participatory mapping
and interviews. The first results indicate that aspects of the associative landscape differ signifi-
cantly between the studied villages. This stresses the need for interaction on village scale when
engaging in practices that could affect the local heritage.
In the future, a more comprehensive understanding of the associative landscape of the inhab-
itants of the Altai republic can be achieved by integrating other mapped social landscape values.
This, together with the data about the intrinsic value of the archaeological monuments, could
mean a major step forward in understanding and eventually addressing the indigenous aspects of
the cultural heritage of the Altai mountains
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Foremost, we would like to thank Synary Malchinova for the interesting and often intense talks
about Altaian culture and landscape. Furthermore, we also wish to acknowledge the financial
support provided by IWT and FWO-Flanders, which helped us to organise our expeditions and
desk-based research. The numerous participants are also thanked for their time and hospitality.
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1 INTRODUCTION
This study focuses on the history of the development of the art of organ building in the Grand
Duchy of Lithuania in the eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth centuries and its
significance to Eastern and Central Europe.
The first organ in Lithuania was first mentioned in historical documents in 1408, when the
Grand Master of the German Order Ulrich von Jungingen from Marienburg sent a present a
clavichord and a portative to Anna, the wife of Vytautas, grand duke of Lithuania.

Example 1. On the left: Influence to organ building in Lithuania until the beginning of the 18th c. On the
right: The first organ in Lithuania mentioned in 1408: Present by the Grand Master of the German Order
Ulrich von Jungingen
Lithuanian baroque organ heritage: origins, formation and
influence in the East Europe
G. Povilionis
Organ Heritage Center, Vilnius, Lithuania
ABSTRACT: The formation of traditions of the Lithuanian organbuilding art have come from
Eastern Prussia and various German principalities starting the 16th century. This background
influenced the formation of the national identity of Lithuanian organ history Vilnius School of
Late Baroque Organbuilding in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the 2-half of the 18th century
and its importance for the formation of the East-European organ art. In the 2-half of the 18th
century and the 1-half of the 19th century, it was masters from the VSLBO (Zelle and sons,
Jantzon and son, Scheel and son, Olszynski, Raczkowski, etc.) working in the GDL and
elsewhere. The beginning of Lithuanian organbuilding tradition was noted by the grand organs
with 20-36 stopsn by Jantzon. The original types of architectural composition and the stop list
attributed to the area of the Vilnius artisans spread across the present territories of Lithuania,
Belarus, Poland and Latvia.

Until the beginning of the eighteenth century organ building in our country was influenced by
the German (various German principalities) and Prussian (especially of Eastern Prussia the
Knigsberg region where the organ tradition came from the influential schools in Hamburg and
Gdansk) organ building tradition. At that time, organ builders of the Knigsberg school were
invited to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania; they also went to Scandinavian countries and Livonia
(incidentally, the schools of Stockholm and Linkping were established under the influence of
the Knigsberg school). However, influenced by foreign and local tendencies the art of organ
building in Lithuania formed and grew to be independent the Vilnius late Baroque organ
building school with its own masters and style. Its history encompasses a hundred years from
about 1740 until about 18401850: these are the dates when the first and last Baroque
instruments attributed to the masters of the Vilnius school were built in the area.

Example 2. The largest part of Lithuanian Baroque organs - small positives of 712 voices

Nevertheless, for a long time historians attributed the instruments made by Vilnius masters to
artisans from Knigsberg, as the largest part of Lithuanian Baroque organs are small positives
of 712 voices that were often considered provincial, unoriginal instruments which reminded of
or simply copied those made by masters from Eastern Prussia. Indeed, masters from Knigsberg
travelled to Lithuania to build organs in the latter part of the eighteenth and the beginning of the
nineteenth centuries, but they made single instruments. Meanwhile, there were several master
artisans around Vilnius in the eighteenth century. More and more of them arrived as in the
eighteenth century when many churches were built or reconstructed all over the Grand Duchy of
Lithuania and there was increasing demand for new organs. Some of the artisans stayed in
Vilnius, the cultural and political centre of the duchy, where the administrative centres of
monasteries were situated and connections with the authorities made it possible to get
commissions in the most remote provinces. In this way, the area where Vilnius masters worked
was rather large as the territory of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the eighteenth century was
ten times larger than it is now: present-day Belarus, parts of Latvia, Poland and Ukraine
belonged to it. Therefore, the legacy of the organ builders of the Vilnius School is important not
only in the history of Lithuania but also of the mentioned countries. Incidentally, speaking about
the Vilnius school of the late Baroque organ building I refer to Lithuania with its eighteenth
century state administrative borders. It is interesting to note that those borders did not always
coincide with the boundaries of the Roman Catholic Church. Because of this, instruments by
Vilnius masters have survived in the neighbouring principalities of Courland and Livonia
(present-day Latvia that did not belong to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania at that time) but only in
Catholic churches. An interesting fact is known about the religious beliefs of those masters:
almost all of them were Lutherans (in Lithuania, Catholics dominated); however, there was no
religious intolerance and religious differences were not an obstacle to build organs for
Catholics.
Stylistic, constructional and musical similarities with instruments built by masters of different
schools that mistakenly induced various researchers to attribute the organs surviving in the
Heritage 2012
Grand Duchy of Lithuania to Knigsberg artisans are understandable: the organ builders who
settled in Vilnius in the mid-eighteenth century came from outside bringing their own traditions.
However, they also established their own tradition characteristic of the area of the Grand Duchy
of Lithuania and the Vilnius masters were able to build large instruments on a par with those
made in Western Europe. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to substantiate with historical
arguments the claim that the Vilnius school of the Late Baroque organ building was independent
and to prove its importance to the art of organ building in Eastern Europe.
2 ORIGIN OF VILNIUS MASTERS
Most of the artisans were Vilnius citizens. From 1737 master G. A. Zelle who came from
Knigsberg was mentioned as living in Vilnius; his origins might have been linked with
Ostfriesland. Before settling in Vilnius, he worked for almost ten years at the workshop of
Georg Sigismund Caspari in Knigsberg.
First mentioned in 1752, Joachim Friedrich Scheel, who was born in the environs of the
small town of Schwaan (not far from Rostock, Germany) from the principality of Mecklenburg;
he might have been a relative of master August Scheel who lived in the town of Kalish, Poland.
Between 1763 and 1765, mention was made of Mateusz Drygalski, who came to Vilnius from
Prussia.
Nicolaus Jantzon, an apprentice of Zelle, who was first mentioned as living in Vilnius in
1752, arrived from Hamburg. A year later, he married his masters daughter most probably with
a view to establishing himself in the organ building trade in Vilnius. It is likely that when his
father-in-law died in 1761 Jantzon took over the workshop and became the most distinguished
representative of the Vilnius school of organ building in the latter part of the eighteenth century.
His son Friedrich Samuel was also an organ builder.
At that time local masters L. Klimowicz, J. Pawlowski, B. Sidorowicz, A. Szulk,
J. Bohdanowicz, K. Bortkiewicz, J. P. Grys, and J. Kowalski also worked in Vilnius. Artisans
who did not live in Vilnius but collaborated with the masters of the Vilnius school and followed
the same style also belonged to the same group: M. Raczkowski, T. F. Dreinowski, and
J. Voyculewicz from Samogitia (emaitija).

Example 3. Masters of Vilnius Baroque Organ Building School


Example 4. Organs built in the tradition of the Vilnius school and Daniel Wroblewskys Organs built in
the tradition of the Vilnius school

Instruments built by the masters of the Vilnius school are spread over a large area. The latest
research suggests that the church in Pasiene (present-day Latvia), then a remote part of the
Grand Duchy of Lithuania, houses a 1765 organ by an unknown master from Vilnius; in the
church in Lai (Latvia) stands a 1798 instrument built by F. S. Jantzon; the church in Lenas
(Latvia) houses an instrument by Dreinowski; the large instruments in the churches in Polock
and Budslaw (Belarus) are attributed to Jantzon; the organ in the Bernardine church in Lvov
(Ukraine) must have also been built under the influence of Vilnius masters. It can be assumed
that organs built in the tradition of the Vilnius school are more widely spread due to the
migration of the organ builders. For instance, Johann Christoph Ungefug was born and studied
the trade under Zelle in Vilnius; he later left for Eastern Prussia. Daniel Wroblewsky (1744
1818), one of the most distinguished organ builders of Polish origin in Denmark later studied
under Ungefug. Therefore, it is likely that Vilnius organ master Zelle could have indirectly
influenced the culture of organ building in Poland (Mazurian region), and perhaps even in
Denmark and Norway.
3 ORGAN FACADES
3.1 Architecture
The organs built by the masters of the Vilnius school are distinguished by the original
architecture of the facades. Their two-tower structure was a characteristic feature of the school.
It is likely that this composition came from Eastern Prussia as it is seen in the mid-eighteenth-
century instruments in several churches in the environs of Knigsberg: in the church in Caymen
(present-day Kaliningrad region) and the 1737 organ positiv by Caspari in the Church of
Neurosgrten in Knigsberg. It is known that Zelle worked under Caspari at that time, and later
Jantzon studied under Zelle. The restored facade of the instrument in St Johns Church in
Vilnius can be regarded as a compositional prototype. Its central part is of a typical form on the
base of which the facades of most of later Lithuanian organs were built.
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RECENT VIEW RECONSTRUCTED ORIGINAL VIEW
Example 5. The Reconstruction of the Facade of N.Jantzons Organ in the St Johns Church, Vilnius, 1766

The two-tower facade composition is dominated by two polygonal side towers and straight
flats surrounding them. This is a double form of a three-part compositional element (3x2) with
an extra central tower. This seven-part form is the architectural base of facades that changed
depending on the size of the instrument, id est it was narrowed, widened or flats were moved to
different places. In this way, new facade forms that could be divided into three groups were
created. The Vilnius masters favoured the first two, while the third that was rarely used includes
instruments with different forms of the facade. The first group includes one-manual facades,
while modifications of the organ facade with two manuals are in the second group.
The oldest two-tower composition organ has survived in the Church of St George in Vilnius
and in the church in Jonikis; the newest one is in the church in Kantauciai. In Samogitia, the
organ builders used this composition until the 1810s, while the church in emale has an 1839
classicist form.

Example 6. Faade Model St Johns church, Vilnius and Other Facades by Vilnius school


Example 7. Faade Models Variants and Schemes of Faade compositions

3.2 Ornamentation
Late Baroque organ facades as other elements of the church interior were adorned with carved
wood ornaments that had original forms and a unique configuration of decorative details. For
instance:
Decorative console at the bottom of every tower;
Pipe feet and tops covered with an ornamented openwork lattice;
Facade sides adorned with volute wings;
Cartouches at the top of towers with the initial letters of the one who funded the
instrument (in most cases), monograms, an extract from Psalm 150, a coat of
arms or other elements (a star, a clock);
Eye of Providence in the central part;
Towers of the facades of grand and middle-sized organs often adorned with a
composition of several figures: angles with trumpets and a figure of King David.

Example 8. Ornamentation elements (Wing Carvings and Consoles)

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Example 9. The Organ Triplet (Faade triplet, master N. Jantzon): Troknai, 1787-1789; Tytuvenai,
1789; Kurtuvenai, 1792-1794

Example 10. N. Jantzons Organs: The Bernardine Church in Vilnius (17641766), Church in Linkuva
(17641765), Church in Budslav (Belorussia, 1783)

4 INSTRUMENT
In Lithuania, in Catholic churches unlike in Lutheran ones the role of the organ as a musical
instrument was not so great, (although the instrument was obligatory in all churches) as organ
music most often accompanied liturgy, which did not promote independent and professional
playing.
The organ is a complex instrument, technically and technologically, and organ research is a
separate field. This study is concerned with the aspects of stop lists and registers characteristic
of the Vilnius school of organ building.
The most important instruments built by the masters of the Vilnius school are the grand
organs by Jantzon in the Bernardine Church in Vilnius, as well as in the churches in Linkuva,
Budslaw, Tytuvenai, and Troknai. The stop lists of his instruments stand out by their original
register names and pipe scales (Unda Maris, Salcinal, Sedecima, Flet Major, Flet Minor, Jula,
the reed stop Vox humana,) as well as an exceptionally rare and a highly effective musical
instrument used in grand organs a tuned bell carillon (Vox Campanorum), acustic drums and
cimbelstar.


Example 11. The tuned bell carillon Vox Campanorum

Example 12. The Stoplist of the Jantzons Organ in Tytuvenai: the underlined stops are specific for Jant-
zon
5 CONCLUSIONS
The surviving large organs by the most distinguished Vilnius school master Nicolaus Jantzon
define the characteristic features of the instruments in terms of the architecture of the organ fa-
cades. In the facades of Jantzons organs the influence of the compositional details characteristic
most probably of the facade of instruments by Hamburg masters (the bottom of a two-stage cen-
tral part) is seen as well as the features characteristic of the grand instruments of the Karaliau-
cius late baroque instruments: a three-part composition on both sides of the organ, side towers
with symmetrical outside little windows and a figure of King David in the centre of the facade.
The distinctive features of the grand organs of the Vilnius school are given: 1) the pipes in the
organ facade in the large side towers and squares are not part of the pedal system as typical of
the instruments made by Hamburg and Karaliaucius masters, but to the first manual; and 2) the
structure of the facade a composition with two dominating side towers, while a composition
with the central highest tower was typical of Hamburg and Karaliaucius organ schools instru-
ments. Analysis of the typical register structure, origin and prevalence in Lithuania proves that
the dispositions typical of the Vilnius organ school instruments by its main master Jantzon
were stable.
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The geographical area where the Vilnius organ builders instruments are found worked testi-
fies to the fact that they were widely spread in the remote places of the Grand Duchy of Lithua-
nia, for instance, in Pasiene (present-day Latvia), Bialynices (present-day Belarus; the church
and the organ have not survived), the Jesuit church in Polock (present-day Belarus), Budslav
(present-day Belarus), the Dominican Church in Rozanystok (present-day Poland), the Bernar-
dine Church in Lvov (present-day Ukraine). Additionally, the presented data makes it possible
to argue that the legacy and activities of the masters of the Vilnius school are important not only
in Lithuania, Belarus, Latvia, Poland and Ukraine; they could have influenced indirectly the his-
tory of organ building in Denmark and Norway.
REFERENCES
Bonkhoff, Bernhard H. Historische Orgeln in der Pfalz. Mnchen-Zrich, 1984.
Bsken, Franz. Die Orgelbauerfamilie Stumm aus Rhaunen-Sulzbach und ihr Werk. Meinz 1960;
Neuausgabe 1981.
de Celles, Dom Francois Bedos. Lart du Facteur Dorgues. 1766; faksimilinis leidimas: Geneve, 1994.
Eberlein, Roland. Orgelregister, ihre namen und ihre Geschichte. Siebenquart, 2009.
Erici, Einar., Unnerbck, Axel. Orgelinventarium. Stokholm, 1988.
Fischer, Hermann, Wohnhass, Theodor. Historische Orgeln in Unterfranken. Mnchen-Zrich, 1981.
Fock, Gustav. Arp Snitger und Seine Schule. Ein Betrag zur Geschichte des Orgelbause im Nord- und
Ostseekstengebiet, Brenreiter-Verlag, Kassel 1974.
Friedrich, Felix. Der Orgelbauer Heinrich Gottfried Trost LebenWerkLeistung. Leipzig, 1989.
Galicz, Jan. O organach w Wilnie. In: Ruch muzyczny, Warszawa, 1861, Nr. 8, p. 121122.
Golos, Jerzy. Polskie organy i muzyka organowa, Warszawa, 1972.
Grahn, Gran, McCrea Andrew. Towards a History of OrganBuilding in the Baltic States. In: The Or-
gan Yerbook, Vol. XXVI (1996), p. 132.
Janoniene, Rta. Vilniaus Bernardin banycios vargonai. In: Kultros paminklai, Vilnius, 1998, Nr. 5,
p. 135142.
Knner, Klaus. Del Sddeutsche Orgelprospekt des 18 Jahrhunderts. Tbingen, 1992.
Morelowski, Marian. Snycerz Gdowski, mistrz Casparini i organy grupy wilenskiej XVIII w. In:
Prace i materialy Sprawozdawcze Sekcje Historii Sztuki TPN w Wilnie, Vol. III, Vilnius, 19381939,
p. 308317.
Paknys, Mindaugas. Vargon meistrai Lietuvos didiojoje kunigaiktysteje. In: Menotyra, 2001, Nr. 2,
p. 5261.
Pape, Uwe. (Hrsg.) unter Mitarbeit von Wolfram Hackel, Gottfried Gille und Hermann Fischer. Lexikon
norddeutscher Orgelbauer, Band 1 Tringen und Umgebung, Berlin, 2009.
Povilionis, Girenas. Vargondirbystes menas Lietuvoje nuo baroko iki klasicizmo. Vargon katalogas.
XVII a.XIX a. pirmoji puse. Vilnius, 2009.
Povilionis, Girenas. XVIII a. Vilniaus meistr vargon prospekt projektai. In: Krinys, menininkas,
erdve, Daile Nr. 39, Vilniaus dailes akademijos darbai, 2005, p. 3544, ISSN 13292-0316.
Renkewitz, Werner, Janca, Jan, Fischer, Hermann. Geschichte der Orgelbaukunst in Ost und
Westpreussen 1633 bis 1944. t. II, 1d. Berlin, 2008.
Rodeland, Jrgen. Die Orgelbauwerkstatt Schler in Bad Ems. Katzbichler, Mnchen u. Salzburg 1991.
Schaefer, Marc. Das Silbermann-Archiv. Winterthur/Schweiz, 1994, p. 176.
Smulikowska, Ewa. Prospekty organowe w dawnej Polsce. Wroclaw, 1989.
Smulikowska, Ewa. The Polish Organ. Vol. II: Organ-Cases in Poland as Works of Art. Warschau, 1993.
Schneider, Thekla. Die Namen der Orgelregister. Brenreiter, Kassel, 1958.
Sulzmann, Bernd. Die Orgelbauerfamilie Martin in Waldkirch im Breisgau. Wiesbaden, 1975.
The NordicBaltik organ book. Gteborg, 2003.
Urbanavicius, Agnius. Vilniaus naujieji miestieciai 16611795 m. Vilnius, 2005.
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1 INTRODUCTION
World heritage and national listing of heritage sites has resulted in economic generation but also
subsequent rapid development leading to increasing challenges in the management of these
complex, living sites (Aas et al., 2005, Westley and Vredenburg, 1997). This imposition of
scientific-western knowledge through the set up of national frameworks in many countries and
the top-down World Heritage framework has resulted in the disengagement of local
stakeholders and communities who are not only the owners of the heritage but are also
propagators of the culture that lends meaning to the heritage sites in the first place (Wijesuriya,
2006). The inadequacy of the current conservation thinking is evident in the confrontation of
application of existing principles to communities still respecting pre-industrial traditions, in
urban and rural areas in general (Wijesuriya, 2003, Baillie, 2006, Tunprawat, 2009,
Weerasinghe, 2011). There is now a call for the re-engagement of local communities in efforts
to recognise the diversity of cultures and physical conditions (Jokilehto, 2002).
To explore these issues, Kathmandu was selected as a case. The Nepalese case represents a
shift from a localized, primarily community-led heritage conservation system called guthis to a
global, streamlined, top-down approach that has resulted in increasing strain between local
values and universal values as propagated as part of the global world heritage framework.
Prevention of change to the physical aspects of heritage sites in a bid to attain authenticity, the
concept of minimal intervention to retain as much material fabric as possible to ensure that the
site is a true and genuine representation of history, one of the key ideals of the heritage
conservation discourse, has resulted in an inherent conflict between heritage conservation and
urbanization. Such a Euro-centric focus on the retention of everything as it is does not bode
well with the Nepalese context where change is an inherent approach in the continuity of
Integrating indigenous and modern heritage conservation practice
in Nepal
N. Pradhananga
Southasia Institute of Advanced Studies, Kathmandu, Nepal
C. Landorf
University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia
ABSTRACT: A push towards meeting global standards in heritage conservation has resulted in
community-led heritage conservation initiatives being sidelined in Kathmandu, Nepal.
Exploration of a traditional heritage conservation approach in Kathmandu called the guthis has
highlighted its salient features of holism, participation and sustainability. Some of the key issues
for integration of the guthi system with the scientific-western approach include differences in
the conception of authenticity, a decreased sense of ownership and a lack of collaboration
among stakeholders. Based on a critical review of conservation theory and a detailed case study
of the Kathmandu Valley World Heritage Site, a collaborative framework to facilitate
integration of indigenous and modern heritage conservation approaches at the Kathmandu
Valley was proposed. The collaborative framework encourages a shift from an authorised,
expert-driven approach to a community-led approach that assists in furthering sustainable
heritage conservation outcomes.
cultural heritage. Such an overlay of scientific-western knowledge characterised by the set up of
bureaucratic organisational structures and institutionalization of community led approaches, on
indigenous social systems of heritage conservation provides fertile ground for an exploration of
the engagement (or not) of local communities.
2 KATHMANDU
Kathmandu is the capital of Nepal and is home to the Kathmandu Valley World Heritage Site
which consists of 7 world heritage monuments zones two Hindu sites of Pashupatinath and
Changu Narayan, two Buddhist sites of Bauddhanath and Swayambhunath, and the three Palace
Squares, Bhaktapur Durbar Square monument zone, Patan Durbar Square monument zone and
Kathmandu Durbar Square monument zone. Most of the architectural monuments in Kathmandu
are constructed of wood, stone or brick, most frequently combining brick masonry and carved
timber framing using load bearing technology. Other elements also form part of the architectural
vocabulary of structures in the Kathmandu valley such as decorative bricks, tiled roofs, moulded
terracotta sculptures, and sculptures in metal or stone. These monuments form part of the
cultural landscape in the Kathmandu valley along with sunken water fountains, free standing
stone or metal sculptures of donors placed on high pillars in front of the temples, mandala
plaques and Bodhisattva images in the courtyard of buildings (Sekler et al., 1977) (See Fig. 1).

Figure 1: Kathmandu Durbar Square monument zone (Source: UNESCO Kathmandu Documentation
Centre)

In a context so rich culturally and historically, it is not surprising that recent processes of
modernisation since the mid 90s has created increased pressure on the urban infrastructure and
settlement patterns. Kathmandu has changed from the traditional capital town of the Himalayan
Kingdom into a modern city and has become one of the worlds most popular tourist
destinations (Weise et al., 2004). Along with rapid transformation in Kathmandu has come a
push towards meeting international standards in heritage conservation based on a rigid notion of
authenticity.
A case study approach was used to explore the integration (or lack of) of traditional heritage
conservation approaches embodied in an indigenous community management system called the
guthis and the scientific-western heritage conservation approaches. This was done through an
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ensure the heritage was conserved (See Fig. 2). An automatic system was already in place. Most
of these heritage items from various periods are still standing today due to the repair and
maintenance carried out by the guthis and the tendency to reconstruct after monuments fell into
a state of disrepair.
Another feature of the guthis is the level of participation and access to decision making. This
was due to the strong attachment to religious and cultural beliefs and the development of social
norms which were embedded into the daily lives of the people. This enabled a sense of
attachment and belonging within the community. Participation takes place not only amongst
guthi members but also with other locals in the community. Providing such access to
involvement and decision making ensures that communities take responsibility to solve their
own problems.
Automatic heritage conservation processes is another aspect of the guthi system. The guthi
system benefitted from the continuation of the work and the transfer of expertise from one
generation of the next. The land that was endowed for each guthi could be relied on as a reliable
source of income, in the past, even across generations. The guthis are self - perpetuating and self
- triggering in nature. The guthi system is, therefore, seen as a reliable system as projects do not
have to be formulated as in scientific-western heritage conservation management systems. The
guthis have, over the years, changed and adapted to varying needs. Despite various changes in
policies, the ability of the guthis to ensure sustainable use of resources has highlighted the
resilience of such systems.
4 SCIENTIFIC WESTERN APPROACH
After Nepals foreign policy changed in 1951 to allow interaction with the rest of the world, the
first few decades leading to the inscription of the Kathmandu Valley World Heritage Site
(KVWHS) can be characterised by the role of international organisations in leading studies and
reports that would become the basis for nomination. The Department of Archaeology (DoA)
took over the responsibility of heritage conservation for the country through the Ancient
Monuments Preservation Act (AMPA) 1956 (DoA, 1956). This bureaucratic set up for heritage
conservation processes received further impetus with the institutionalisation of guthis to form
the Guthi Corporation based on the Guthi Corporation Act (1964). The Kathmandu Valley
World Heritage Site was inscribed on the World Heritage List in 1979.
The scientific-western approach of heritage conservation in Kathmandu is characterised by
the set up of bureaucratic structures such as the DoA. This set up was based on the introduction
of archaeology into the public sector management regimes in South Asia by the British
Colonial administration; a strong dependence on foreign experts to assist in heritage
conservation in the initial decades; an approach to heritage conservation driven by the Euro-
centric concept of authenticity and the World Heritage framework; and a lack of a holistic long-
term perspective (UNESCO, 2002). Such an approach however, did assist in the training of
many of the authorities at the DoA, improved the state of conservation of individual monuments
of the KVWHS, and helped to channel funds to much needed projects. It failed, however, to
address the rapid deterioration of the historic environment of the KVWHS due to uncontrollable
urban development (Weise et al., 2004). By 1994, the principal concern about the future of the
built environment of Kathmandu had shifted from the maintenance and restoration of individual
buildings to a deeper concern about the need to implement an effective system of development
control before the character of the world heritage site was irretrievably lost (Amatya, 2007).
KVWHS was placed on the World Heritage List of Danger in 2003 due to loss of traditional
vernacular heritage in 6 of the 7 monument zones of the Kathmandu valley (Amatya, 2007,
Weise et al., 2004, Fontanari and Gianighian, 2004, UNESCO, 2003a, UNESCO, 2003b). The
27
th
session of the World Heritage Committee noted the key issues of the KVWHS to be urban
pressure caused by rapid population growth, lack of a management mechanism (including
legislation), lack of institution coordination, and earthquakes leading to a loss of authenticity
and integrity and a lack of enforcement of protective regulations (UNESCO, 2003a).
The local community by this stage had been well and truly sidelined and for members of the
local communities, the responsibility of heritage conservation now belonged to the government.
There were also tensions evident between the World Heritage Committee and the DoA on what
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5 KEY ISSUES IN RE-ENGAGEMENT OF COMMUNITIES
5.1 Authenticity
The authenticity of the KVWHS was compromised with rapid deterioration of the vernacular
fabric that provided the setting for the monuments (UNESCO, 2006, Gov of Nepal, 2006). Two
key issues arise in the deterioration of the vernacular fabric the notion that everything
possible should be done to restore the building to ensure minimal intervention and the actual
reconstruction of structures that are incompatible to the setting due to usage of foreign
materials; improper form, proportion and scale of buildings; and inappropriate building
techniques. The DoA has devised bylaws that specify materials, height, construction technology
and other aspects which have not proven to be effective. The bylaws are evaded and the solution
to the issue above has been one that is based on negative reinforcement and has further alienated
the local community. Local inhabitants are open to the use of modern materials and because of
the economic benefits, buildings that are large and out of scale are built. This has led to conflict
in Kathmandu between the needs of the people and that of the authorities responsible for the
conservation of these sites.
Reconstruction is a debatable phenomenon in heritage conservation due to the perception that
it is inauthentic and is deceptive to the receivers of the heritage (Wei and Aass, 1989, Pickard,
2001). Reconstruction in the Nepalese context takes place due to the philosophical basis of
conservation that is based on cyclical renewal and impermanence; the location of
Kathmandu valley in an earthquake zone; heavy monsoon rains and eventual rotting of wooden
supports; and lack of a clear holistic national heritage policy to guide interventions (PAHAR,
2004, DoA Nepal, 2007). Materials used in heritage items in Nepal such as brick, mud and
wood are impermanent in nature and are subject to quick degradation. This has necessitated
their replacement in restoration activities. Material authenticity has never been a focus for the
Nepalese context but rather the translation of meta-physical philosophies such as orientation of
temples and, number of doors and windows, into current restorations.
5.2 Ownership
A lack of ownership is felt by the local community after the guthi system was institutionalised
to form the current Guthi Corporation. There was resentment within the community who felt
that they would not have needed the assistance of the government in the form of the Guthi
Corporation had the land not been nationalised and had there still been a resource base. This has
led to a lack of responsibility on the part of the local community, guided by the mentality that
heritage conservation works should be the responsibility of the government. For the community,
the situation has been made worse by the lack of ownership and responsibility felt by the
government since the nationalisation of the guthis. Despite owning majority of the heritage
items in the Kathmandu valley (Gov of Nepal, 1979), the Guthi Corporation has had limited
involvement in heritage conservation works.
Traditionally, the guthiyars (committee members of the guthi) were empowered and had
access to decision making. They had ownership over heritage conservation processes, not only
in terms of the physical structure, but also in the decision making process surrounding various
activities related to the heritage item under consideration. This sense of ownership that the
inhabitants felt towards their heritage, and the sense of responsibility and accountability they
felt, has been lost considerably. The need for engagement of indigenous communities is then
evident as they are the ones who have the greatest connection with the heritage.
5.3 Collaboration
The first attempt of systematic collaboration was during the development of the Integrated
Management Plan (Gov of Nepal, 2008). The placement of the KVWHS on the World Heritage
List of Danger brought together all stakeholders in collaboration to formulate this long term
management plan. A Coordination Working Committee was formed consisting of the Head of
the World Heritage Section of the DoA with members representing each of the World Heritage
Monument Zones (DoA Nepal, 2007). Effective collaboration is challenging due to complex
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inter-linkages between stakeholders, their varied priorities and the inherent structures that
formulate which participants often have little control over (Huxham, 2003, Huxham and
Vangen, 2000). A comparison of these attempts at collaboration at the KVWHS with the
indigenous guthi system highlights the inbuilt collaborative system of the guthis that was self-
triggering and self-perpetuating. Those individuals involved in the guthis had learnt this over
time whilst being involved in the guthis. The guthi system is dynamic and is driven forward by
a common vision that offers all stakeholders a common platform to become involved and to stay
involved.
The institutionalisation of the guthi into the Guthi Corporation led to the deterioration of the
guthis. Although the Guthi Corporation was also involved as part of the stakeholders involved
in the development of the IMP, the role afforded to the Guthi Corporation was tokenistic and the
opportunities of the Guthi Corporation were not explored. The Guthi Corporation was seen as
an organisation that played a secondary role to the primary initiative of DoA to preserve
tangible heritage. Positive beliefs about outcomes did not exist and shared power access was an
issue.
To ensure that an organisational domain can adapt and broaden its agenda, it is important that
all organisations view each other as legitimate stakeholders and believe that positive outcomes
can be achieved through collaboration (Gray, 1985). After the problem-setting phase,
dispersion of power generally takes place between stakeholders during the direct-setting phase.
The structuring phase requires a high level of independence and a redistribution of power. This
is the phase when the organisational domain is in a position to influence the contextual
environment. After the outcomes are achieved, a broadening of agenda guided by the desire of
each organisation to work towards a common vision is required.
6 RE-ENGAGING COMMUNITIES THROUGH A COLLABORATIVE FRAMEWORK
A reconceptualization of conservation is required through a decolonization process which
acknowledges the existence of alternative stories and parallel ways of understanding, utilising
and caring for the material past (Sully, 2007). Such a multiple perspective approach in heritage
could focus on the importance of indigenous knowledge and community participation as
opposed to an approach which attaches itself to the authorised heritage discourse (Tunprawat,
2009, Smith and Waterton, 2009). The case of the guthis highlights the value in such an
approach. The turn from an empowered community to a disengaged community due to the
infiltration of an authority-led approach can only be resolved through a revisit of the roots of the
indigenous systems of heritage conservation and through empowerment of the local community
(See Fig. 4). The involvement of the local community is then important to gain their support, to
ensure that solutions are contextually grounded and to take into consideration the perceptions of
the community towards their heritage. Authenticity of the process of conservation is just as
important as the authenticity of the product. This process provides the community an ability to
influence the decisions made.
Some of the issues as outlined above for integration of indigenous and scientific-western
heritage conservation systems can be resolved through collaboration. A collaborative
framework is therefore, proposed based on the framework as put forward by McCann (1983) ,
Gray (1989) and Waddock (1989) and on the findings as distilled from an in-depth analysis of
the integration of indigenous and scientific-western heritage management systems at the
KVWHS (See Fig. 5). The framework consists of four steps: initiate, define, decentralise and
implement. The first step, initiation, involves the definition of the problems dimension, in this
case the integration of the indigenous and scientific-western heritage conservation management
systems. As identified by Waddock (1989), one of six environmental forces is required for
collaboration mandate or legal system, existing networks, third party organisations, common
vision, crisis or visionary leadership. The Guthi Corporation and the local community have had
little involvement in collaborative initiatives. Any involvement so far has been tokenistic in
nature (Arnstein, 1969). These stakeholders should be given priority during the stakeholder
definition process. Awareness of the problems dimensions should be raised amongst the
stakeholders as suggested by McCann (1983). During this process, the capacity of stakeholders
will become clear and capacity building may be required for them to be able to participate
institutionalisation of the indigenous guthi has an adverse impact on heritage outcomes (iii)
scientific-western heritage conservation systems have not led to positive heritage outcomes at
the KVWHS (iv) road blocks exist that impede integration of indigenous and scientific-western
heritage and (v) explored how a collaborative process can facilitate the integration of indigenous
and scientific-western heritage systems.
The current scientific-western heritage conservation approach was found to have a focus on
tangible heritage that fails to take into consideration intangible heritage and the important
interaction between the tangible and intangible. A lack of community participation was also
found for the KVWHS. This was seen as a result of the disenfranchisement of local
communities from their own heritage where the indigenous heritage system has been sidelined
by scientific-western heritage conservation systems.
The case of Kathmandu highlights that any one system is no longer suited for increasingly
complex heritage management requirements. The positive aspects of both indigenous and
scientific-western heritage conservation systems are required for an inclusive approach. The
research undertaken provides insight into the issues of authenticity, ownership and collaboration
that form road blocks to this integration process. It highlights the need for an overarching
framework that is suited to the needs of the 21
st
century. In areas where indigenous approaches
as distinct as the guthis do not exist, research into any traditional knowledge on heritage
conservation could also be undertaken to shed light on their appropriateness for the present
context. The issues that are determined for integration of indigenous and scientific-western
heritage management systems may differ at each site. A collaborative framework, however,
could provide much needed guidance on how to tackle the disjoint between local and universal
values and on how to facilitate integration of indigenous and scientific-western heritage
conservation systems as a means to explore the shift from an authorized, expert-driven approach
to a collaborative approach.
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Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION

The understanding of a public heritage asset, whether a monument, an archaeological site or
even more clearly in cases of intangible heritage (Correa & Ibanez, 2008), is not possible with-
out the interpretation of the environment to which it belongs. This concept is represented by the
idea of situated learning (Scribner, 1986), which assumes that learning occurs most effectively
in a real context, and that this context becomes an important part of the knowledge created.
Therefore, a comprehensive visit to every heritage site takes on a unique cultural and social val-
ue. It is of high interest to promote such sites as places to visit and for collective use and ensure
the participation of every visitor.
In this sense, trying to fill the gap between personal limitations and those caused by the cha-
racteristics of the environment or cultural bias becomes a necessity. In accordance with the cri-
teria that determine that the environment must be universally accessible (Spanish law not enfor-
ceable UNE 170001-1:2007), the following activities are distinguished as having priority and
associated with the use of any space: walking activities, comprehension, location and commu-
nication. Historical, artistic, cultural and / or natural public heritage require sensitive interven-
tions in this direction, so that disabled do not experience discrimination.
The United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UN, 1972) re-
cognizes that disability is an evolving concept that turns out from the interaction between dis-
abled people and the environment and social barriers surrounding them, which prevent them
from having an equal, full and effective participation (preamble, paragraph e). A disability can
Accessibility and inclusive design in UNESCO heritage sites in
Spain
M. Puyuelo Cazorla,
Universitat Politcnica de Valncia, Valencia, Spain
L. Merino Sanjun
M. Val Fiel
J. Gual Ort
Universitat Jaume I. Castelln, Spain

ABSTRACT: Ensuring active participation by the public in heritage sites is a key factor in their
valorization and sustainability. Creating accessible heritage sites enriches the social fabric
offering alternative leisure and culture for all individuals in the world at large. This paper
presents the research project in progress, funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science and
Innovation: Study and design of orientation elements, communication support and other
accessories to improve accessibility in different environments of the interpretation of the natural
and built heritage sites. The project examines the current state of accessibility resources,
through two lines of work: documentary analysis and field studies. The core of this research
project provides a thorough collection of accessibility devices deployed to visit heritage sites.
This study seek the goal of bringing the cultural resources to the citizens, especially to those
groups with different types of disabilities, and to turn public heritage into a fully didactic,
interactive area open to all participants.
be permanent or temporary; a broken leg, an illness, a pregnancy, can turn any user into a tem-
porary disabled visitor. Another type of disability is caused by aging. The demographic process
shows an increase in the numbers of elderly people. This group can suffer a series of limitations
due to age, such as vision and hearing loss or mobility problems. But at the same time, this
group represents an increasing public at cultural sites, and is of particular interest from the pers-
pective of inclusive design (Fischer & Meuser, 2009).
It also happens that since the 80's, art and cultural industries can be considered a cornerstone
in the development of cities, and thus represent an active interest in economic and social devel-
opment. Some studies have shown that the promotion of art and culture has become a feasible
solution to various local issues, from social exclusion to unemployment.

Figure 1. Different interventions in sites from the UNESCO world heritage list in Spain: Orellan view-
point in Las Mdulas (Len) and the Alhambra (Granada).

The particularity of historic heritage sites, and sometimes the difficulty to be modified, makes
these places not accessible to many users. Some of the considered study areas are: potential us-
ers and their requirements, special devices, existing technologies and detailed analysis of differ-
ent places and contexts. It is considered that these areas may shed light on new solutions. It also
acquires special relevance the concept of interactivity and its real possibilities of application in
these enclaves.

Figure 2. General scheme of research work areas.

These studies help us detecting which devices are most appropriate for every need or place,
providing guidelines for designing new applications and to optimize those already existing. Pro-
filing an instrument of knowledge as a handbook or manual to establish functional accessibility
criteria for these enclaves is an ultimate goal of this project.
Design and Accessibility at Natural and Built Heritage Sites

1. Definition of the study area
2. Basic analysis concepts
3. Users
4. Devices and technologies
5. Field studies
6. Report development
Heritage 2012
2 PUBLIC HERITAGE AREAS AS CONTEXT OF INCLUSIVE DESIGN
Public heritage areas are of a great value for the society, but they may not always be attractive
to the eyes of a non-expert observer. The enhancement of the public heritage sites arises from
interventions at different levels of performance and complexity, which may provide information
and resources that help the user to understand the heritage context. These interventions will, in
any case, require designing products to solve issues of use and communication to increase their
enjoyment. In this way, the objects of public use, signage, media and devices for accessibility
are changing the image of the historical sites and monuments (Puyuelo et al., 2010). These ele-
ments have a singular role in the reliability and usability of public heritage places, and therefore
constitute a relevant factor in its sustainability as areas of cultural visit. Therefore, product de-
sign for accessibility to heritage sites should be developed based on knowledge, research and
evaluation of potential and available resources. It becomes important to study the heritage sites
visit development, and to base the studies on actual implementations.
The magnitude and diversity of assets that constitute the cultural heritage sites makes neces-
sary to narrow the scope of our study. So we look closely at the UNESCO classification and
their definition as world heritage sites in Spain.
The work group took as point of departure the definition of built, mixed and natural heritage
established by the General Conference of the Organization of the United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization (UN. 1972b). The physical characteristics of the natural
and mixed locations made the group to focus on the first kind of sites, the "sets: groups of build-
ings, separate or architecture" and the "works of man or the combined works of man and nature
and archaeological sites".
3 METHODOLOGY
The project is divided in two distinct areas of study. On the one hand, an area of research and
analysis of documents, specified in the first 4 sections shown in Figure 2. On the other hand, a
practical work area based on field studies of heritage sites and existing technologies (Fig. 2, sec-
tion 5).
The research team is composed by five members from various academic and professional
fields: fine arts, architecture and industrial design engineering, but also features collaborations
with specialists in other fields. This allows a multidisciplinary approach to the problems of the
accessibility context in relation to users. In this direction, the team has planned the participation
of users, as it is necessary to take into account user's involvement as an active agent (Kaner &
Lind, 2007). In particular, some experiments are taking place around the tactile discrimination
in the current thesis of J. Gual, linked to this project.
The field works analysis allows the understanding of heritage sites in relation with accessibil-
ity issues. So far, we have studied eighteen heritage sites, spread over fifty three different
locations. Each particular study is introduced with an overview that describes what the place
has to show in the visit. It is followed by a detailed case report, including the most remarkable
aspects: accessibility conditions, available resources of interpretation in situ, etc. The analysis
of the information obtained has enabled the team to highlight the innovative works and to
establish a scale to assess and compare the accessibility of the different sites.
These research areas will provide information to work in both directions: the evaluation of
products, devices and technologies; and the application of inclusive design process in elements
for the interpretation.
4 RESEARCH LINES

The core of this research project provides a thorough collection of accessibility devices actually
deployed in heritage locations (sections 4 and 5, Fig. 2). This information allows us to observe
the sort of products, the information they provide and their interactivity levels.
4.1 Devices for accessibility
With operational nature, in this study are detailed and listed the series of common needs and
general requirements that constitute the intervention areas for an accessible design in these sites.
These requirements allow us to distinguish the following issues to solve:
Movement from one point to another and access to different sections, areas, etc. (Re-
moval of Barriers and ambulation and safety elements)
Orientation and understanding the space (signage and other media elements)
Use of equipment, devices or "appliances"
Stay, security and rest (physiological needs)

Figure 3. This research area (4) includes the current technologies and devices already used, some tech-
nical challenges and other specific products for interpretation.

Figure 4. Products and current devices grouped according to their functions.

4.2 Interactivity of the deployed resources
Currently, the resources used to promote accessibility to cultural heritage sites are geared to
solve physical problems. This focus in the main needs for visitors with reduced mobility or in
wheelchairs, but does not avoid the limitations associated with other disabilities, which in many
cases do not allow the total comprehension of the visit.
It is therefore important to investigate with the aim of achieving greater autonomy for a
greater range of visitors. In this sense, it is essential to define the concept of interactivity. It is
also important to determine what levels and conditions define an element as interactive and to
relate this term with the basic principles of universal design (CUD, 1997).
Among the different definitions and models of interactivity (Maldonado & Bonsiepe, 1964;
Norman, 2002; Rafaeli, 1988), we take this concept as a continuous process of action-reaction
4. Devices and Technologies

Current technologies and devices
New applicable technologies
Adapted devices
Current technologies and devices.

Wayfinding elements
Pictogram, information panels, tactile paving,
brochure, interactive bureau

Physical accessibility
Wheelchair, walker, ramp, railing, adapted elevator
adapted furniture

Interpretation devices and Technologies
Tactile model, tactile image, audio description,
audio guide, video guide, audio books, anti-
obstacles glasses, ergonomic keyboard, tactile
screen, writings reader scanner, signage hardware,
braille keyboard, QR codes, augmented reality.
Heritage 2012
communication between two or more actors who participate in an alternative way, creating ex-
periences through the exchange of information."
In this area the studies carried out into the design of user interfaces are noteworthy. These
studies provide useful criteria for the planning and development of interactive systems with dis-
plays, e.g. interactive tables. These criteria may have application in the design and evaluation of
interactive devices for public use, although it should be noted that these devices prioritize visual
and audio components. To create a fully accessible interactive device, it will be necessary to
combine accessories that allow their use by users with deficiencies in different areas.
In order to analyze the factors that determine a better or worse interaction with the content
and the cultural heritage context, the accessibility devices have been classified according to the
levels and types of interactivity they provide (Table 1).

Table 1. Classification of accessibility devices according to its relation to response, its relation to percep-
tion, its input and output and their interactivity level.
* r
1
static, r
2
dynamic; p
1
tactile, p
2
visual, p
3
audio, p
4
mobility; i input, o output; a
1
user-device, a
2
user-
user, a
3
user-message; m
1
non interactive, m
2
reactive, m
3
interactive; c
1
reactive, c
2
coactive; c
3
proactive

The devices have been classified according to their level of response, the medium transmit-
ting the content, the information direction and the basic characteristics of interactivity they of-
fer.
The study confirms that most of the elements used at the moment focus on mobility and traf-
fic problems. In addition, most devices require visual perception for use. Similarly, few devices
with interactive content are used in public places, and those applied generally offer a simple
response to user actions without enabling the user to interact in the content offered. The study
included 23 devices. Table 1 shows a selection of the studied devices, focusing on the ones with
interactivity functions. Notice that none of the devices meet all the requirements; they need to
be combined so as to achieve maximum options in a given context. It is also observed that ac-
cessibility is not only dependent on the complexity of the device, but it is the sum of the re-
sources offered in the emplacements what ensures the participation of the different users.
Thus, these tables are a tool to analyze the elements that should be applied in every situation
and set the parameters accordingly to enhance application designs
Device Classification
Related to
response
Related to
perception
Input /
output
Related to interactivity level
Actors Messages Control
r
1

r
2

p
1

p
2

p
3

p
4

i

o

a
1

a
2

a
3

m
1

m
2

m
3

c
1

c
2

c
3

Interactive table
Tactile model - - - - - -
Tactile image - - - - - -
Audio description
Audio guide
Video guide
Digital talking books
Anti-obstacles lenses
Ergonomic keyboard - - -
Virtual keyboard - - -
Braille keyboard - - -
Signaling hardware
4.3 Graphics technologies, representation applications and virtual environments for
accessibility
The difficulty of changing certain natural or historical heritage sites to be accessible because of
its protected nature, it is of great interest to investigate alternative ways of approaching which
generate similar experiences for all visitors.
In this regard it is necessary to study some technologies that starting from graphic representa-
tions can provide a virtual reality, in order to build new levels of interaction with places and
knowledge (Gatatzes et al., 2002). Virtual resources can establish a new relationship with the
interpretation and conservation of heritage properties by eliminating common difficulties of
access thanks to simulated perceptions.
Graphics technologies are a resource capable of transforming the cultural heritage in an inter-
active learning place completely open to all participants. The adaptability and fidelity of the
reproductions that allow some techniques favors the inclusion of users, and enhances the en-
joyment and appreciation of heritage, particularly by those groups with disabilities. This im-
provement in the accessibility increases the participation of visitors, and brings new interest to
the visit. To encourage their appropriate use, in the study were established quality criteria fo-
cused on the implementation of next-generation graphics technology in different areas of know-
ledge, emphasizing the ones that can be applied to cultural heritage.
The studied devices highlight the use of QR codes (Quick Response Barcode), systems of AR
(Augmented Reality) and the use of CAVE environments (Cave Automatic Virtual Environ-
ment). These systems allow an efficient adjustment of interpretations, stimuli and models de-
pending on the situation. These applications can offer detailed information, and even virtually
recreate the space to exhibit. Some virtual models facilitate movement around the grounds in all
directions of space, and allow actions impossible in an ordinary visit.

Figure 5. Some examplesof interactive devices. From left to right, front of the Casa de las Conchas
(House of the Shells) in Salamanca, interactive projection of the same front in the center of interpretation.
On the right, various interactive devices at the centre of Catalan Roman-esque Churches of the Vall de
Bo.

Such systems acquire a compensatory interest to users in certain situations of disability,
which would otherwise be excluded (Azuma, 1997). These resources make cultural attractions
understandable and enjoyable, helping improve the tour they offer, or even allowing it to be per-
formed in places far from the site itself, as is the case of digital museums on web information
systems.
However, we note that interest should not only go to the perspective of transferring the herit-
age site to another context and location, but should focus on increasing the resources and the
value of the environment that represents. These technologies allow us to create a presentation
model of heritage resources associated with an integral idea of landscape and respect to it
(Puyuelo et al., 2011). Its use in the places of interest combines reproductions with original tes-
Heritage 2012
timonials, and expand the experience of the visitor, combining conservation and enjoyment and
creating a focus of attention towards these locations.
5 CONCLUSIONS
This project has identified the main problems and opportunities for inclusive design in heritage
environments in order to develop their possibilities of interpretation and extend its accessibility
to elder people and people with disabilities. Inclusive design should be emphasized as an in-
strument of promoting and match the visit of all the people, in the duration, enjoyment and
access to the knowledge related to a particular place. In all this process it have been found that
the relationship between elements and context of use is extremely important, and its scope ex-
tends beyond the building itself or its monumental importance, because it generates individual
experiences.
In general there is an increasing understanding among professionals in charge of these places
that visitors expect to be able to readily access, accurate and interesting information, and espe-
cially, high quality devices. The majority of them recognize that the abundance of resources
assures the most long visit and extends the visitors' range.

Figure 6 Availability in percentage of different resources for accessibility at the studied UNESCO herit-
age sites.

We can see above a relation of resources arranged for type and ranked according to the num-
ber of different resources installed or employed at the sites visited in this research (Fig. 6). The
highest column corresponds to general interventions of removing local barriers. We can see the
level of implementation of the different sort of elements and technologies as well as the effi-
ciency of the application of regulations such as that of elimination of architectural barriers.
Se observa que los dos recursos menos implementados (recursos auditivos, tctiles) constitu-
yen elementos que pueden verse reforzados a travs del desarrollo de un recurso comn como
son los dispositivos en relieve y soportes volumtricos. Adems, este tipo de productos son muy
apreciados por el pblico en general y los nios en particular.
It is observed that the two resources less implemented (auditory, tactile resources) constitute
elements that can be reinforced across the development of a common resource since they are the
devices to touch, in relief and volumetric supports. In addition, this type of products are very
estimated by the public in general and the children especially.
The course of this study provides a prospective view to the implementation of new technolo-
gies in the devices and media design for accessibility in two main directions. On one hand, it is
extremely important to meditate and beyond the experimental studies on the properties of haptic
/ tactile materials and surfaces. Some technologies like 3D printing and reproductions will open
new options and means for volumetric tactile elements indicated particularly for visual impaired
11,31
31,85
9,52
4,17
21,65
29,91
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
Auditive
Resources
Tactile
Resources
Audiovisual
Resources
Visual
Resources
Physical
Resources
Other Services
people. In other hand, any discussion of improving accessibility in cultural interpretation must
consider as challenges to go further in adopting new graphic technologies in various orders.
We emphasize the importance of design activity as a mediator in the development of products
and services that are functional as well as simple and friendly to users, careful with the unique
characteristics of these singular environments. As noted by E. Olander in her article "Accessibil-
ity is not enough," the question is not simply getting a product or place to be practicable or to
permit to be used by people with limitations, but should foster relationships along with emo-
tional and rewarding experiences.
Finally it is important to remark the main role of these resources for the heritage sites sustai-
nability, in relation to their potential use and visit. The so-called cultural tourism is receiving
substantial changes, aimed primarily to the characteristics of older visitors who want to enjoy
their holiday in as a self-sufficient way as possible, with minimal assistance (Degenhart, 2009).
The availability of access devices can be considered today as an added value in the competitive
struggle to attract visitors, and an advantage for people to achieve greater autonomy. It can be
said that today, in the field of public heritage, it is crucial to definitely remove all obstacles and
invest in inclusive design.
A comprehensive strategy of design in the future of the accessibility in these sites should in-
clude projects to combine the resources not only to realize the visit and tour, but also for his
study and interpretation.
AKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This study is being conducted as a research project at the Universitat Politcnica de Valncia,
entitled "Study and design guidance elements, communication media and other accessories to
improve accessibility in different interpretation environments natural and built heritage. This
project is funded by Spanish National Scientific Research, Technological Development and
Innovation Program."National Plan for Scientific Research, Development and Technological
Innovation 2008-2011 DPI2008-03981/DPI.
REFERENCES
Axel, E.S. & Levent, N.S. 2003. Art beyond sight: a resource guide to art, creativity, and visual impair-
ment. New York: American Foundation for the Blind.
Azuma, R. 1997. A Survey of Augmented Reality. Presence: Teleoperators and Virtual Environments
6(4): 355-385.
Correa, G., Ibez, J.M. & Etxeberria, A. 2005- 2008. Museos, tecnologa e innovacin educativa:
aprendizaje de patrimonio y arqueologa en territorio Menosca Reice. Revista Electrnica Iberoameri-
cana sobre Calidad, Eficacia y Cambio en Educacin (3). Online resource.
CUD. 1997. Center for Universal Design. North Carolina State University. Online resource.
Degenhart, C. 2009. Barrier-free Tourism. Construction and Design Manual: Accesible Architecture.
DOM, Berlin.
Fischer, J. & Meuser, P. 2009. Construction and Design Manual: Accessible Architecture. Berlin: DOM
publishers.
Gatatzes, A., Christopoulos, D. & Roussou, M. 2002. Reviving the past: Cultural Heritage meets Virtual
Reality. Proceedings of the 2001 conference on Virtual reality, archeology, and cultural heritage. New
York: ACM Inc.
Kaner, S. & Lind, L. 2007. Facilitator's guide to participatory decision-making. San Francisco: John Wi-
ley & Sons.
Maldonado, T. & Bonsiepe, G. 1964. Science and Design. Journal of the Ulm School for Design: 8-9.
Norman, D. A. 2002.The Design of Everyday Things. New York: Basic Books.
Olander, E. 2008. Accessibility is not enough: What about feelings in universal design products? Swe-
den: Lund University.
Puyuelo, M., Merino, L. Val, M., & Felip, F. 2011. Representaciones virtuales y otros recursos tcnicos
en la accesibilidad al patrimonio cultural. Revista EGA 17 (1): 164-173.
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ronments of World Heritage sites. Heritage 2010: Heritage and sustainable development. Portugal:
Green Lines Institute.
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Rafaeli, S. 1988. Interactivity: From new media to communication. Sage Annual Review of Communica-
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rence of the United Nations educational, scientific and cultural organization. Paris.
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CO. The general conference of the United Nations educational, scientific and cultural organization.
Paris.

Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
The collapse of the region's industry, caused by the phylloxera epidemic and the unviable blast
furnaces, was the reason for Malaga began to exploit the idea of climate-related tourism, and lit-
tle by little, this geographical location shifted to the west coast, with Torremolinos and Marbella
as the main generators of the brand of Costa del Sol. In 1955, the National Tourism Plan was
approved and the Costa del Sol was declared as a tourist location, it marked the beginning of the
stage of mass tourism.
City not on earth, (Canales, 1976) the poet's words tell us about the character of the city, al-
ways reinventing itself, without attachment to the monumental and historical, and therefore its
capacity for dreaming. It may be that the main virtue of Malaga, to enable the realization of Pa-
radise. The architects reinvented the city in the middle of nineteen centuries, and intellectuals
and artists and especially poets, got us a new look of the sea. The Mediterranean represents an-
cient civilization and now border area, a place to rest and contemplate, making it definitely, a
place to dream.
2 THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE CITY. A NEW URBAN LANDSCAPE
2.1 Twilight of romantic image
The taste for the exotic, monuments and adventures were the conditions that made Spain into
the circuit of the Grand Tour travelers of nineteenth century. Malaga was a purely commercial
city, with many foreign companies that exported mainly wine and raisins and in 1833 it began
its industrial transformation with the opening of blast furnaces.
The heritage of tourist territory. From winter resort to Costa del
Sol, (1860-1955). Influences of painting and literary currents in
the spaces of leisure and the transformation of landscapes
A. B. Quesada Arce
Universidad de Sevilla, Espaa
ABSTRACT: During the second half of the nineteenth, cultural and social changes happened
swiftly and one of the most important was leisure time of the working class. Erudite leisure had
been begun to turn into a leisure linked with hedonism. The iconography of the sea has a key
role in the creation of a new territory for tourism. After the crisis at the end of the nineteenth
century, it was necessary to reinvent the city of Mlaga and the main work was transforming
Malaga into a touristic city. Around this time, the first hotels appeared by the sea, leisure archi-
tecture and the move to the west coast formed the foundations of the Costa del Sol. Pictorial
currents and poetry influence the architecture and also the architecture inspires the artist. This
mixture leads not only to physical change with the construction of new places, but also a psy-
chological change with the vision of new landscapes.
The urban landscape of the city was very different of the other andalusian cities.Thus an eng-
lish clergyman traveler wrote that he found little of the customs of Andalucia, and saw an indus-
trial landscape, not very poetic, imported from the laborious England. "(Canales, 1969)
Romantic travellers were interested by the ruins of the Castle of Gibralfaro, Alcazaba and
others monuments; especially the Cathedral.

Figure 1. D. Roberts. Mlaga vista desde la fortaleza de Gibralfaro. Archivo Daz Escovar

The port was presented in many romantic representations, indicating the commercial and dif-
ferentiating as previously referred. This is shown in prints by David Roberts, who from Gibral-
faro presents the idealized foreground Castle, the unfinished Cathedral and the building of La
Aduana in the background, defining the image of the city. In another view from the sea, the ca-
thedral and its tower, along with ships from the port, acting as the elements are identified with
the city.
2.2 New arts discipline, the landscape
It was in the mid-nineteenth century, when the Academy of San Fernando created a new chair to
accommodate the artistic discipline of Landscape. The first to occupy it was Genaro Prez Vil-
laamil, to be replaced by Carlos de Hes in 1857. With him began the evolution of Romantic
painting to realism, one of the keys of the change in trend was manifested in the desire for stud-
ies from nature (Fernndez, 2007), as opposed to the custom of the Romantic painters to per-
form the compositions based primarily on idealization.
The picture,Un pas. Recuerdos de Andaluca, Costa del Mediterrneo, junto a Torremo-
linos (1860), de Hes, presents a look at a territory yet untouched by human hands, where hu-
man presence is reduces to a man with his back to the sea. On the bottom, and diffused under
the mountains, the city is barely distinguishable. The title is chosen by the artist, pointing to
identification with the Mediterranean and it is a foretaste of the importance that the sea would
have on the construction of identity of Malaga over the next century.

Figure 2. Carlos de Hes. Un pas. Recuerdos de Andaluca, Costa del Mediterrneo, junto a Torremoli-
nos (1860).Fondo: Museo del Prado
Heritage 2012
A specific current was developed where the sea was the main theme; it represented the search
for novelty and as a gateway to escape from a lifestyle marked by the influence of the industrial
revolution. This new movement was called marina and it had great importance in the cities of
Cadiz and Malaga.
In views to represent the port, as opposed to points of the Romantics, the monumentality of
the town disappears, and the sea, beach, pier, fishing smack are the elements that are identified
with the city. On the other hand we must highlight the importance of the time of day that is re-
flected in the paintings as they demonstrate the importance of light in the new realistic concept
of representing the landscape.

Figure 3. Verdugo Landi. Jbegas. Fondo: Archivo Daz Escovar

The sea was perceived as a commitment to the Mediterranean identity, which would be en-
hanced by the inclusion of popular scenes clearly of Malaga, such as a special fishing smack,
called Jbegas.
2.3 Country houses. Gardens of classical leisure
The rise of the industrial bourgeoisie brought about emergence of areas related to illustrate lei-
sure, these country houses were located in Churriana, Torremolinos and the northern city area,
near Guadalmedinas river. As a main reference the historic gardens of El Consul and El Retiro
can be highlighted, which since the sixteenth century were located in the area of Churrriana.
The married couple Amalia Heredia Livermore and engineer George Loring Oyarzbal, after
returning from their long honeymoon in France, Italy, Switzerland and Germany, decided to
translate their cultural concerns for landscaped gardens. It was linked to European intellectual
trends and it intended to give an aesthetic idealized answer to the sense of loss all things natural
(Gracia, 2007), typical of technological progress of this time.
La Conception and San Jose were projected as English-style gardens, in an organic and pic-
turesque stream, characterized by domesticated naturalism.
Amalia's strong personality and intelligence, coupled with her education, led her to have a
strong inclination for the arts and La Concepcion became a place of cultural and political cult.
(Olas & Barrando, 2007)

Figure 4. La Concepcin. Fondo: Archivo Daz Escovar
The neighboring farm of San Jos was bought by Toms Heredia Livermore, and it pointed in
the same line in the design, transforming it into a recreational property with a splendid garden,
along the lines of classic suburban villas. The main building is divided into a classical composi-
tion with the Ionic colonnade on the ground floor and composed of pilasters on the upper floor.
Another point of intersection with the classical architecture is the arranged in U type with cen-
tral loggia and side towers, similar to the Villa Farnesina of Baldassare Peruzzi in Rome and
Villa Trissino of Andrea Palladio in Cricoli. Tomas was an important art collector, particularly
classical paintings from Europe.
2.4 New urban landscape
The city, in its industrial heyday, brought together a large group of Spanish business leaders,
Manuel Agustn Heredia became the most important industrialist mid-century in Spain.
A large number of emigrants from other towns and the nearby provinces became the factory
workers, in the classic rural exodus to the city that defined the industrial revolution.
The rapid population growth had been led an unhealthy lifes conditions. This framework was
similar to other cities like Madrid and Barcelona, and the Urban Expansion Plan (1861) was the
architectural solution to the city growth.

Figure 5. Duarte Belluga, 1898, Mlaga. Fondo: Archivo Municipal de Mlaga.

Jos Moreno Monroy, Urban Plan architect designer, proposed important hygiene operations.
The most interesting operation contained in that Plan, was the union between two town centres,
the Main Square and port area, La Alameda, opening the city to the sea. The ancient street was
removed and replaced by the new city. In the last decade of the century the construction of
Larios street was finished and in a short time it represented the global image of the city. In the
collective imagination it became the most representative street of Malaga (Rubio, 2003).
New expansion projects were been drawn to reduce population density of downtown. One of
the areas where this growth was projected was generated by the reclaimed land behind the ex-
pansion of the Port, La Malagueta.
The other great plan of the century was the creation of the Paseo del Parque; it was developed
in 1894 as an extension between La Alameda and La Malagueta.
The most important architects were involved in the study of different solutions. But this in-
tervention showed a clear hint of landscape intervention in the wake of public actions driven by
the local aristocracy and within the framework of the educated industrial elite means a definitive
break with the picturesqueness of the romantic vision and a commitment to the values of mod-
ernity.
Urban expansion and new homes were located in the East, La Caleta and El Limonar were
new and modern residential neighbourhoods, they were designed looking for a healthy envi-
ronment thanks to the proximity to the sea and the low density. In short, this kind of neighbour-
hoods posted for the bourgeois residence and it reproduced on a small scale leisure property of
aristocracy.
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Hacienda Platero had been designed by Jose Maria de Sancha, he had raised elongated plots,
with entrances from the road Mlaga-Almeria , northern side and the gardens towards the sea,
south. In 1895, he continued with his promoter activity and bought the properties of El Limonar
and San Agustn.

Figure 6. La Caleta. Fondo: Archivo Daz Escovar.

La Caleta and El Limonar became the areas where the bourgeoisie, both locally and from
nearby provinces, placed their homes to spend the summer season. This kind of suburb had been
the model adopted in developments had been taking place during the twentieth century on the
coast.
3 MALAGA, WINTER RESORT
3.1 Poets and their identification with the sea
Sea had been begun to transmit a hedonistic character through the painting is a reflection of the
new customs and currents of modernity, the cultural symbolism marked a definitive role of the
sea in the collective imagination throughout the twentieth century.
The contemplation of the territory through the senses, a subjective perception, recognized the
sublime elements of the physical environment and became them in landscape.
The picture Playa de la Malagueta(c.1910-1920) of Cecilio Pla, wasnt only the story of a
scene from the new leisure on the beach, but also showed the progress of our society that had
increasingly social rights, rests and holidays. Leisure ceased to be something exclusive to aris-
tocracy, and became the great conquest of working classes.
Salvador Ruedas poem, My Country, put the sea and the coast as a structuring element of
Mediterranean identity, evident from the title of the poem, and it highlighted the elements of a
new identity.
Garcia Lorca, following Salvador Ruedas way, found in the coastal landscape the key ele-
ment of the identity of Andalucia, he told it in the letter that he wrote to Manuel de Falla in the
summer of 1923 (Arenas & Majada, 2003).
Local government and businessmen tried to tranfor the city of Malaga in a winter resort, and
new hotels had been located in the new residential area, Caleta-Limorar. The "British Pension",
Hernn Cortes Hotel had been acquired by the company Caleta Palace. New owner made im-
provements and enlargement to become it in The Caleta Palace Hotel; the project put great em-
phasis on the scenery that could be contemplated from the main rooms. The regional style and
eclectic architecture of Guerrero Strachan was represented in this work.
In 1921, Fernando Guerrero Strachan began drafting the project for the Prncipe de Asturias
Hotel, in short time it had became in an important reference not only in the city but also in
Europe. It was a monumental building and was designed in U-shaped, opened to the sea which
could be contemplated from the rooms through the garden.
In both cases, it was clear the visual metaphor of the hotel-balcony of the sea was linked to
relaxation, (Bravo, 1997), and that leads us to establish a direct relationship with the verses of
Jorge Guilln, Paseo Martimo, Mlaga.

Figure 7. Norah Borges. Arquitectura, barco y personajes. Juan de Osma Gallery.

The Caleta Palace Hotel was the summer residence for F.Garcia Lorca and his family; Lorca
met the poets E. Prados and M. Altolaguirre, both residents in the new neighbourhood.
The road Malaga-Almeria and the railway became the axis around which the new buildings
were located; new infrastructure was an important key for incipient tourism. In the early twenti-
eth century Spain government boosted the road network; it was greatly help the development of
the car and the birth of the Costa del Sol. The national road N-340 (from Barcelona to Cdiz)
was the source around where first hotels, first housing developments, pubs, clubs were located.
This fact wasnt lost on Le Corbusier, who after a visit to Spain in 1932, said about of this
road :it was the most beautiful road I know, sometimes wonderful, a novelty of modern times,
splendour. (Tern, 2003).
Writers and artist toured the coast of Mlaga; in Torremolinos the Castle of Santa of Clara
didnt go unnoticed by the poets of the generation of 27.
Sir George Langworthy, a British army officer, reformed the Castle and put great emphasis
on the remodeling of the garden with elements of Mediterranean architecture. Terraces went
down to the beach. The result was deeply evocative.
In 1928, the poet Luis Cernuda visited these beautiful gardens by the sea accompanied by
Manuel Altolaguirre and Emilio Prados. A few years later, at the height of surrealism in Mlaga,
the presence of Dal and Gala, confirmed the hypnotic power of the Mediterranean coast. The
place was immortalized by a poem of Luis Cernuda, 'The Indolent (1929).
The poets Manuel Altolaguirre and Emilio Prados, created a printing press in Malaga, Sur,
in the autumn of 1926 it was edited the first number of the magazine called Litoral; it was the
heart of the Generation of 27. Paul Elouard said that it was "the best European magazine of
time." (Arenas & Majada, 2003).

Figure 8. Santa Clara. Fondo: Archivo Temboury.

The chosen name, Litoral, is an evocation of their identification with the place and the Medi-
terranean landscape, highlighting the commitment of the poets of 27 with Mlaga and the sea.
Heritage 2012
The sea is presented as a perfect place for realization of dreams and visual concerns of the
Surrealists, as we see Moreno Villas pictures.
Jose Moreno Villa was the most important representative of relationship of the landscape and
the early avant-garde. Moreno Villa, who was born in Malaga, was a man who integrated all the
qualities of a brilliant intellectual, poet, painter, art critic, historian, and above all the soul of the
Residencia de Estudiantes in Madrid. He was also the editor of the magazine, Architecture: the
Central Society of Architects, between 1926 and 1933.
In the painting titled Landscape (c.1929), Moreno Villa focuses his attention on the basic
elements of Mediterranean architecture, insisting on simplicity as a statement of modernity. Mo-
reno Villa didnt understand the Modern Movement as something of break with the past; he
thought it was the continuation of the great moments in Art History, characterized by a search of
the essence (Carmona, 1985). This work showed lines of cubism, and the search of the essence
was manifested in the simplicity of paintings lines, as the Mediterranean architecture repre-
sented.
The first Golf Club in the province of Malaga was located in Torremolinos area and high-
lighted this line of Mediterranean architecture; it was promoted by the National Tourism Board
during the period of the Republic. The young architect Jos Gonzlez Edo proposed a simple ar-
chitecture building and attempted to establish a relationship with the rural landscape in which it
was located. Vernacular architecture was used to intensify the Mediterranean and the landscape
of Andalucia versus imported representing a golf course, linked mainly to British identity.
Edo introduced in the city the concepts of modern architecture, but perhaps the quality that
best defined him was his strong commitment with the architectural project, using it as a tool
with which to solve an interior design as well as the problem of coastline of the province of
Malaga.
4 THE EPHEMERAL PARADISE. COSTA DEL SOL
4.1 First hotels in Costa del Sol, lost landscapes
Carlota Alessandri commissioned architect Jos Gonzlez Edo the project of the first installation
of the coast with tourist vocation, the Parador de Montemar in Torremolinos. It was located on
the farm called La Cucazorra: It was crossed by the road N-340 (from Barcelona to Cdiz), and
it spread out beach and was located on the west, between Torremolinos and the Carihuela area.
The use of Mediterranean architecture was a constant on shore hotels; it tried to emphasize
the rural character of their locations in opposition to the city's architecture.
Definitely, Edo culminated the idea of Costa del Sol as a seaside resort area. The winter re-
sort designed in the late nineteenth century was transformed in the Costa del Sol. He thought
that the emerging tourism would have an infinity appetite to colonize the coastal territory. He
designed he planned the tourist area around Torremolinos, close the airport, railway and golf
course.

Figure 9. La Roca Hotel. Fondo: Archivo Blanco Cabre-
ra.
Figure 10. Jos Moreno Villa. Hotel
Camino de la arboleda o rboles ilumi-
nados de noche por los faros de un
automvil.
La Roca Hotel was opened in 1942; it had a wonderful situation, on elevated position above
the sea, near the Castle of Santa Clara, it had an amazing sea view, besides having a beautiful
garden with many palm trees.
4.2 Housing, a rest place
Housing on the coast was conceived as a space for the holiday rest and it represented the aspira-
tion of the middle class to a new kind of holidays. The plasticity of the studies and projects of
Gonzalez Edo had been evidenced with his drawings and watercolours, his sketches stop being
architecture and become objects with sculptural vision; he had got his teacher lesson, the archi-
tect Anasagasti (Mosquera & Prez, 1990).
Edos project to the Countess of Pries, made in the late forties years, was based on Mediter-
ranean architecture but without giving up a functional and well resolved project. This work is
clearly influenced by Frank Lloyd Wright and Jos Antonio Coderch.
Coderch was a great expert on the vernacular architecture of the Mediterranean coast, from
which he developed a coherent language with the Modern Movement, as shown by his projects
of houses in the Costa Brava.
Another great architect was Fernando Garcia Mercadal, and studious of Mediterranean archi-
tecture, left evidence of his concept of housing on the coast in one villa made in Montemar
(Torremolinos).
"In Mercadal, the Mediterranean, the sea of architecture, had a role, as is usual reading,
nostalgic, melancholy, almost a tourist in any case modern. Much less can be inferred from his
drawings of Mediterranean architecture of those years an architectural content. Rather, are
drawings of a painter or in any case, an anthropologist.(Rodriguez, 2003)

Figure 11. J. Gonzlez Edo. Watercolor. Fondo: Archivo Histrico Provincial de Mlaga

On the other hand, this is a similar trend to other parts of the Mediterranean coast, as the
Costa Brava and Islas Baleares, where this kind of housing was importance in the construction
of the Mediterranean as a tourist city garden.
4.3 Marbella, the show to you had to go
At the end of 30s Norberto Goizueta came to Marbella. He bought the Guadalminas farm from
the Spain Sugar Company, a large farm of about four hundred hectares, similar to many others
at that time which characterized the landscape of Marbella and surrounding area.
Goizueta, who was from the Basque country, lived in Madrid and was a landowner-farmer in
Marbella; he commissioned an American architect and a Catalan architect, Antonio Ferrat, his
housing design. The buildings were designed not only linked to the farm, but also as a place of
leisure.
The beginning of tourism by the pioneers, from the nobility and upper classes, mean that they
were transformed from farm owners into tourism developers, and set a precedent in the form of
Heritage 2012
organization of the tourist company, which since the beginning exhibited their precarious situa-
tion.
Ricardo Soriano rented from Concha Prez-Argem a farm located between Marbella and San
Pedro, where he opened the resort called "Venta y Albergues El Rodeo." Soriano was com-
pletely convinced he had found the Paradise on a random stop on a journey from Tanger to Ma-
drid, he felt that strange sensation that the place had chosen him.
Ricardo Soriano's idea was to receive his guests like friends. Shortly after, his nephew, Al-
fonso de Hohenlohe, acquired Santa Margaritas farm, whose farmhouse became the Marbella
Club Hotel.
A wealthytourism began to come and marked the image of Marbella: Soon, this ephemeral
paradise succumbed to the ravages of mass tourism promoted by the Regime of Franco.
The guides of the late fifties already promoted Marbella, (Bonilla, 2005) as the show to you
had to go."
5 CONCLUSION
Cultural changes and middle class growth brought about a new kind of leisure. The crisis of
Malaga economy in the last nineteen coincided with a new type of landscape, characterized by
evocative scenes and with representing changes of light, would be a stepping-stone towards an
idealization of nature, which left subjectivity in favor of naturalistic way; the Mediterranean Sea
turned into a new social space. The poets of Generation of 27 had an important entailment with
Malaga and they contributed to construction of collective imaginary, where the sea was
associated with the idea of paradise. The hypnotic power of the place had been described by L.
Cernudas poem, The Indolent, marked a gradually abandoned Malaga city towards the Costa
del Sol coastline. First hostels in Torremolinos and Marbella had been possible because the
place had been mesmerized their developers. Vernacular architecture of this first hotel
represented as opposed to classical architecture of city hotels. It was born the Costa del Sol.
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Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
Our research project, Understanding the Past to Build the Future, documents and interprets the
history of the Labrador Mtis. The Labrador Mtis are a people of mixed European and Inuit
ancestry, who live in the small communities along the coast of central and southern Labrador,
Canada (Fig. 1). This is a multidisciplinary collaborative research project involving both univer-
sity-based and community researchers. Our project researchers (consisting of both community-
based Mtis researchers and university-based academic researchers) explore the archaeology,
history, ethnography and genealogy of the Labrador Mtis. We are also working to develop
practices that promote Labrador Metis interests in education and sustainable development. In
this paper, we shall focus specifically the ways in which archaeological research has re-framed
and re-invigorated our knowledge of the history of the Labrador Mtis people in order to situate
Mtis heritage as they plan for the future.

The labrador metis and the politics of identity: understanding the
archaeological past to negotiate a sustainable future
L. Rankin
Memorial University, St. Johns, Newfoundland, Canada
A. Crompton
Memorial University, St. Johns, Newfoundland, Canada
ABSTRACT: The Labrador Metis are a people of mixed European and Inuit ancestry who live
along the coast of central and southern Labrador, Canada. Our research project, Understanding
the Past to Build the Future, is a multidisciplinary project that interprets the history of the La-
brador Mtis. This project produces research of value to the Labrador Metis, and provides a
foundation for further initiatives on the part of the Mtis in the areas of heritage research and
conservation, education, political action, and economic development. The Labrador Metis have
undergone transformative changes in the last 20 years, particularly regarding their own develop-
ing sense of cultural identity and shared history, and have become increasingly politically active
and economically directed. This paper will provide a background to the ways in which our
project has been able to explore Labrador Metis identity in the past and in the present, particu-
larly drawing off of archaeological research.
Europeans had frequented the southern Labrador coast since the 16
th
century. Initially, Bas-
que and French crews came to southern Labrador for the purposes of fishing and whaling, and
established seasonally occupied stations along the coast. During this time, the Europeans en-
gaged in occasional trade with the Inuit now resident in southern Labrador. European settle-
ment along the southern coast changed after 1763, when the Treaty of Paris excluded the French
from this area. Fishermen and merchants from Britain and from Newfoundland began to popu-
late the south coast from this point onwards. From the late 18
th
-century, European men who
came to Labrador to work in the fishery occasionally married Inuit women, forming the ances-
tral population of todays Labrador Mtis (Jackson, 1982; Kennedy, 1995, 1997; Plaice, 1990).
3 LABRADOR MTIS ETHNOGENESIS
Compared with other Aboriginal peoples who live in Labrador, the Mtis have only recently be-
gun to assert their Aboriginal identity (Kennedy, 1996; Plaice, 1996). Two other Aboriginal
groups in Labrador (the Inuit and the Innu) have a much longer history of asserting their Abori-
ginal identity than the Metis. The Innu and the Inuit have both negotiated with the federal and
provincial governments since the 1950s to secure fiscal agreements, formal recognition of their
Aboriginality, land claims, (and in the case of the Inuit) autonomous government (Alcantara,
2008; Kennedy, 1997). Through this process, both Inuit and the descendants of early European-
Inuit unions living in northern Labrador would come to be regarded as native (and now Inuit).
Although the Mtis were of similar mixed Inuit-European ancestries (the difference being that
they lived further south than the Inuit), they were not defined as Aboriginals (LIA, 2003; Plaice,
1996).
By contrast to the Inuit and the Innu, Labrador Mtis have only recently begun to publicly
acknowledge their Aboriginal identity, mobilize politically, and lobby to have their Aborigi-
nality recognized by others (Kennedy, 1996; 1997; Plaice, 1996). Labrador Mtis ethnogenesis
developed comparatively late, due in part to the assumption that southern Labrador was not
thought to be a traditional Inuit homeland, and thus its residents were of European (not Aborigi-
nal) ancestry. Furthermore, prevailing notions of social stigma meant that prior to the 1980s,
persons appearing dark or native were negatively evaluated, and thus acknowledging ones
Aboriginal ancestry was tacitly discouraged (Kennedy, 1996). As a result, the political mobili-
zation of the Labrador Metis only began in 1985, with the establishment of the Labrador Mtis
Association (now the NunatuKavut Community Council).
Thus, a combination of external and internal factors meant that the Labrador Mtis have only
recently begun to explicitly acknowledge their own heritage and to argue for their political rec-
ognition. However, in the last 20 years, the Labrador Metis have undergone transformative
changes, particularly regarding their own developing sense of cultural identity and shared his-
tory. With the rise of substantial resource development projects in their traditional lands, and the
negotiation of land claims agreements with neighbouring First Nations and Inuit groups in Lab-
rador, the Labrador Metis have become increasingly politically active and economically di-
rected.
4 UNDERSTANDING THE PAST TO BUILD THE FUTURE
Until recently, the Mtis and their southern Labrador homeland has seen comparatively little re-
search. This is a profound issue for the Metis in their struggle for political acceptance of their
Aborignality. Official recognition by federal and provincial governments rests on the ability of
Aboriginal groups to demonstrate that they have traditionally, and continually, occupied their
lands to the exclusion of other peoples (Alcantara 2007).As a result of the scattered and frag-
mented nature of the history of their people, our research project was developed jointly with the
NunatuKavut Community Council, and at their request. In addition to developing a better un-
derstanding of their history for their own socio-political purposes, the Mtis also wanted greater
support for student skills training and education, adult skills training and literacy support, and
heritage-based tourism development as part of their economic planning process. Much of the
history of the Mtis people remained buried in archaeological sites or hidden in faraway ar-
chives
As a result, we assembled a research team and found funding for a multi-year and multi-
disciplinary project, thanks to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada
(SSHRC). Our research project, Understanding the Past to Build the Future, documents and in-
terprets the history of the Labrador Metis from their beginnings some 500 years ago up to the
present. The research design of this CURA project was, from the outset, developed collabora-
tively between university and community researchers. The co-investigators on the project are
four university scholars and four community researchers, who have had and continue to have
equal input into all of the decision-making and planning of the project. Our project researchers
investigate the origins and development of the Labrador Mtis people through archaeology, his-
tory, ethnography and genealogy. Furthermore, we are also engaging the current needs of the
Labrador Mtis through the development of initiatives in education and sustainable develop-
ment.
5 THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE LABRADOR MTIS
Labrador Mtis, being of mixed Inuit-European descent, are understandably curious about their
Inuit ancestors. Since archaeology is the only way to gather information about a peoples histo-
ry and lifestyle in the absence of written records, our project has two researchers focusing on the
archaeology of the Labrador Mtis. Specifically, the researchers are particularly interested in in-
vestigating the Inuit ancestors of the Mtis in southern Labrador during the pre-contact and ear-
ly contact period. We have also focused on the development of a distinct Labrador Mtis identi-
ty, as reflected in Mtis archaeological sites dating from the eighteenth to the twentieth century.
Because of the importance of European commodities to Inuit economy and society, academ-
ics have long debated whether Europeans and trade lured Inuit southward or whether southern
Labrador was in fact a traditional Inuit land-use and settlement area (Taylor, 1980; Kaplan,
1983; Richling, 1993; tudes/ Inuit/Studies, 1980). Recent archaeological evidence, including
that uncovered by researchers with our project, suggests that Inuit occupation along the south
coast of Labrador occurred earlier than previously thought, was widespread along the coast, and
was of a permanent nature.
The traditional narrative that archaeologists have long adhered to held that the Inuit did not
permanently reside south of Hamilton Inlet in central Labrador (Fig. 1). This perspective has
only been challenged in recent years. Archaeological work by the primary author (Rankin) in
Sandwich Bay has demonstrated that previously held notions about Inuit settlement in Southern
Labrador can no longer stand. The depth and breadth of Inuit occupation in Sandwich Bay
means that this region must be regarded as a traditional use-area of the Inuit. Thus far, most of
the Inuit sites that have been located in Sandwich Bay are found on outer coastal islands. One
of the most productive of these islands is Huntingdon Island, which has been the focus of re-
search by Rankin and her students for several years.
Huntingdon Island bears the remains of a number of Inuit sites which represent both summer
and winter occupations. One site alone (Huntington Island 5 [FkBg-03]), contains at least 5 Inuit
or Inuit-Mtis sod-walled winter houses. Sod houses were semi-subterranean structures, ideally
suited for Labradors cold winter months. These structures were framed with driftwood, and
covered with sod and/or skins. A sunken entrance passage with a cold trap served to prevent
cold air from entering the living space (Rankin, 2009). Summer occupations are also present at
Huntingdon Island 5, indicated by the discovery of 6 or more house tent rings. Tent rings are
composed of a circle of rocks, where the edges of a skin tent were weighted down or secured
with rocks. The presence of tent ring sites clearly indicates a warm-weather occupation at this
site. Collectively, the Huntingdon Island 5 sites date from the early- to mid-16
th
century, up
through to the eighteenth century, and were clearly occupied year-round (Murphy, 2011; Ran-
kin, 2010).
Another pervasive narrative that has long framed our perception of Inuit history in southern
Labrador is that any reference to the Inuit in southern Labrador represents infrequent use of the
region. For example, historic documents do contain references to an Inuit presence in southern
Labrador. Scholars have traditionally interpreted these references as indicating the seasonal
Heritage 2012
presence of itinerant Inuit traders, who ventured south in small numbers to access European
trade goods (Stopp, 2002).
Clearly, the Inuit living in Sandwich Bay were trading with Europeans, because European ar-
tifacts are found on Inuit sites with regularity.French artifacts are common finds on Sandwich
Bay Inuit sites from the sixteenth through the eighteenth century (Murphy, 2011; Rankin, 2010,
2011, 2012). The artifacts include numerous fragments of early modern French pottery, typi-
cally Normandy stoneware. Occasional rare finds have been made, including a ceramic ware
manufactured in Dieppe in the late sixteenth century, and which has not until now been found
outside of Dieppe. British ceramic types common to the later eighteenth century, including
pearlware and creamware, are also common finds on later-dating houses. These artifacts were
obtained from Europeans either by direct trade or by scavenging abandoned European sites.
Iron artifacts are also common finds, and were often re-worked by the Inuit to shape them
into a more desirable form (Murphy, 2011; Rankin, 2010, 2011, 2012). For example, iron nails
were re-worked by removing the nail head and cold-hammering the shaft until it was flat. Some
intentionally flattened iron was turned into blades for traditionally shaped Inuit knives. Sword
hilts were also recovered from one of the houses at Huntingdon Island 5; they had been modi-
fied to permit them to be hung as pendants from leather thongs. Likewise, British coins have
been found with intentional drill holes; the recovery of one coin with a leather thong and a deco-
rative bead strung through one of the holes suggests its use as a pendant. Clearly, European ma-
terial was being obtained through trade, and repurposed in uniquely Inuit ways.
However, the material remains from the Huntingdon Island sites also demonstrate that the
Inuit living in Sandwich Bay were more than just itinerant traders. The sod houses found at
these archaeological sites are communal houses, meaning that a single structure was built to
house multiple families. Indeed, one of the sod houses from the Huntingdon Island 5 site is very
largemeasuring 8 by 11 meterswhich is, at the time of writing, one of the largest Inuit
communal houses on record. We can estimate the number of families who would have lived in
sod houses, based on the number of soapstone lamp stands found within the house. Each family
would have had its own soapstone lamp (as a source of heat and light), which stood upon its
own lamp stand. Based on the number of lamp stands found in this sod house at the Huntingdon
Island 5 site, as many as 5-6 families may have lived here.
Likewise, the artifacts too indicate the presence of families. Knives known as ulus, which are
traditionally used by women, have been found at many of the sites. Knives shaped in the tradi-
tional mens knife shape have also been recovered. Children were also present at Huntingdon
Island 5, as indicated in the discovery of miniature artifacts (such as a very small soapstone
lamp). These are small versions made to imitate larger tools, and were traditionally the property
of Inuit children. Thus, their presence at Huntingdon Island 5 is an excellent indication that
children lived at the site too.
Archaeologically, we can demonstrate that the Inuit presence in Sandwich Bay was not just
limited to itinerant Inuit male traders. Clearly, entire families lived in southern Labrador. They
had lived there for much longer than previously thought, and were living in the area year-round.
Furthermore, our researchers have been able to demonstrate that the Labrador Mtis devel-
oped a distinct identity along the southern Labrador coast. Our genealogist has been able to
trace entire family lineages back to the arrival of the earliest British settlers in the region.
Archaeologically, we have excavated and sampled known Mtis houses to try and differentiate
Mtis sites from those belonging to European settlers or seasonal fishermen. By the nineteenth
century, Mtis houses were hybrid structures. The houses were constructed, likely by European
men, using standard European construction techniques. However, the arrangement of interior
space (which would have been the preserve of the Inuit wives) indicates that the houses interior
was used in ways that were more comparable to Inuit lifeways (Beaudoin, 2010). Archaeologi-
cally, then, the Inuit-Mtis warrant their own archaeological definition (Kelvin, 2011; Pritchard,
2010).
6 TURNING ACADEMIC RESEARCH INTO COMMUNITY KNOWLEDGE
An important part of our project is to provide information about the development of the Metis
people back into the community, so that this information might be used by the Metis to further
their demands for legitimacy and recognition. We want the Metis to be able to access their new-
ly-revealed heritage, and be able to use it not only for political action, but also for education,
community, and economic development planning. We believe that this information should be
spread as widely through the community as possible, and thus we use a number of approaches to
disseminate our research results. We reach a wide public audience by involving local communi-
ty members in our research, helping us gather archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evi-
dence. We hire local students, including those who are Labrador Inuit-Mtis, and work closely
with the NunatuKavut Community Council to help source candidates. We welcome the commu-
nity to our research projects, and sponsor Community Day activities that actively encourage
local visitors to come and observe our research results as they unfold in the field. Prolonged in-
teraction with community members through a committed approach to locally-hired individuals,
and strong public involvement, is an efficient way of funneling our immediate research results
back into the community.
We recognise that not everyone can work for us, or visit us as we collect our research data.
Thus, we try to reach out beyond the boundaries of the local communities where we work to
reach a wider audience. To accomplish this, we have adopted a number of approaches to broad-
cast our research results. We give media interviews to local journalists, and write articles for lo-
cal newspapers and popular magazines. We also give public lectures in our research communi-
ties, either in person or via webcam. We held our last Project Annual General Meeting as a
travelling workshop, in which we visited a number of south Labrador communities with our
project researchers.
We maintain a project website (www.mun.ca/labmetis), which is becoming increasingly
popular. We update our website often, and document our research results in accessible, non-
technical language. We use the website as a way to disseminate research news quickly. We also
use the website to allow visitors to download files of our popular publications and interviews, as
far as copyright permission allows us to.
The website also provides photo archives of our research projects in progress, so that we can
communicate immediate and visible results of our research to both academic audiences and the
general public. We also publish images of the research we conduct in museums and archives
outside of the province, to allow community members to see discoveries that would otherwise
remain difficult for them to access.
We also try to bring our research alive in creative work, to encourage public interest with
creative works of film and print. We have hosted two film-making workshops in our research
communities, and have a third planned. We are currently producing a movie (working title: The
People of Southern Labrador) in which we portray what we have learned in an engaging, visual
way. Two of our researchers are also working on books set in southern Labrador- one is a novel
and the other is a childrens book.
Educational outreach is another way that we try to disseminate our research in the communi-
ties where we work. Wherever possible, we hire local students to help collect our research. We
have sponsored workshops in local schools, and are developing digital environments to allow
students to interact with our research results in novel ways. We have contributed to public-
school curriculum development in the areas touched by our research.
We also target community groups and governmental bodies for research dissemination. We
have written advisory documents for heritage groups and for NunatuKavut in particular. In the
process of generating research data, we provide relevant databases, datasets and image archives
to provincial institutions, such as the Provincial Archaeology Office (PAO). They can use this
data for planning and administrative purposes, or share data with other researchers.
7 THE SOCIO-POLITICAL REALITIES AHEAD
Our project has been able to demonstrate that the time depth of Inuit presence in southern La-
brador has been previously underappreciated, and we have also been able to recognise and cha-
racterize the nature of European-Inuit interaction in this area. We have been able to identify
through artifacts and written records the ways in which the Inuit and Europeans became cultu-
rally entangled. And most importantly, we make efforts to ensure that this information is quick-
Heritage 2012
ly fed back into the communities that we work in. However, the Labrador Metis have a long
struggle ahead to turn the products of our research project into tangible political gains.
The Labrador Mtis are still struggling to achieve socio-political acceptance of their Aborigi-
nal status. A 1996 Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples report accepts that the Labrador
Mtis are in the position to accept the rights and powers of nationhood, and have all the features
of a distinct Aboriginal group (Sawchuk, 2001). However, this has not yet come to pass for the
Labrador Metis, and they are not yet officially recognized as an official Aboriginal group by the
federal government. By contrast, the Inuit have made (and the Innu are in the process of mak-
ing) land claim agreements with federal and provincial governments. Land claims provide Abo-
riginal groups with a degree of political autonomy, control over traditional lands, and a man-
dated role in the approvals process for natural resource development (among many other rights).
However, thus far the Labrador Metis have been unable to convince federal authorities of
their Aboriginal status. This has had an effect on their ability for political action regarding de-
velopment projects that have an impact on their traditional lands. For example, a hydroelectric
project at Muskrat Falls, in the traditional Metis lands, is currently in the planning and impact
assessment stages. The Labrador Metis have been unable to legally force the Province of New-
foundland and Labrador to negotiate an impact benefits agreement with them, because they are
not yet officially recognized as an Aboriginal group by the Federal government of Canada
(Bartlett, 2011). The province did, however, negotiate an impacts benefits agreement for the
Muskrat Falls development with the neighbouring Innu.
Furthermore, the Metis traditional territory is home to mineral resources, particularly iron.
Despite the fact that the Labrador Metis have been asserting their Aboriginality since the mid-
1980s, they have not been consulted or considered in the planning and approvals process in the
same way that the Inuit or the Innu have. Indeed, the very first agreement between a mining
company and the Labrador Metis, in which agreements on environmental and cultural protection
and aboriginal employment were negotiated, was only signed in early 2012 (Labrador Iron
Mines, 2012).
The Metis have at least been consulted in other land use projects, including the proposed
Mealy Mountain National Park (Government of Newfoundland and Labrador 2010). Together
with the Inuit and the Innu, the Labrador Metis have lobbied to ensure that their traditional land
use practices can still be upheld in the newly created park. Trapping, fishing, wood cutting and
some hunting permissions have been retained for Aboriginal peoples, including the Metis. The
Mealy Mountains National Park is several years away from being established yet, but the inclu-
sion of the Metis in the negotiating process is a promising step towards their inclusion in the ne-
gotiations around projects that affect land use in their traditional territory.
Indeed, an increase in large-scale natural resource development projects may in fact provide
an opportunity for the Metis to further press their claims for recognition. In the 1990s, signifi-
cant mineral deposits were discovered at Voiseys Bay in Inuit traditional lands in Labrador.
The subsequent rapid development of a large-scale mining project forced government authori-
ties to fast-track land claim negotiations with the Labrador Inuit Association, which had been
ongoing without much success since 1975 (Hood and Baikie 1998). Likewise, increasing activ-
ity by mining companies in Labrador meant that the Innu were finally being engaged in negotia-
tions over projects that occurred in their traditional lands (Armitage and Ashini 1998). The Innu
and the Government of Newfoundland and Labrador have recently signed the New Dawn
Agreement, which consists of an Agreement-in-Principal regarding Innu land claims, as well as
securing agreement on a hydroelectric project in their traditional lands (Government of New-
foundland and Labrador, 2011). This is not to say that economic development is a necessary
precursor to the satisfactory resolution of land claims issues. However, for the Inuit and the
Innu, such projects certainly affect the speed with which such negotiations were concluded (Al-
cantara 2007, 2008).Such large-scale resource development projects are in the planning stages
for the Labrador Mtis traditional lands, though they have not been always included in the plan-
ning process. Here, the Labrador Mtis are in a situation which differs from the experiences of
the Innu or the Inuit, in that the Aboriginal status of the Labrador Mtis is not yet uniformly ac-
cepted or acknowledged.
8
98 CONCLUSION
The Labrador Mtis are a people of mixed European and Inuit ancestry, who live in the small
communities along the coast of central and southern Labrador, Canada. Our research project,
Understanding the Past to Build the Future, is concerned with multiple aspects of the Labrador
Mtis, including understanding their origins and development as a distinct Aboriginal group.
We involve the Mtis community in our research in as many ways as we can, including involv-
ing Mtis members directly in the research and by conducting community outreach whenever
we can. We also try to communicate our research results to the larger community many ways,
including several non-traditional (non-academic) formats. The Labrador Mtis are thus able to
access our research, and use it in many ways, including educational initiatives, policy and plan-
ning purposes, and socio-political action.
We have been able to demonstrate that the Labrador Mtis have a past that is knowable, de-
finable and distinct. Their past is, without question, an Aboriginal past. The origins of the Lab-
rador Mtis began with a sustained Inuit occupation of southern Labrador. Until our project be-
gan, the Inuit presence in Southern Labrador had been previously presumed to be entirely
sporadic and not extensive. We have demonstrated through archaeological excavation that the
Inuit had a sustained and lengthy presence along Labradors south coast. The Inuit were living
on the coast year-round, in large multi-family dwellings, and had been doing so since the six-
teenth century. As the Inuit and Europeans became culturally entangled, a unique and identifi-
able Mtis presence emerged. We have been able to identify and document the emergence of the
Mtis in southern Labrador. The Mtis can now demonstrate their past and their history.
The comparatively late ethnogenesis of the Labrador Mtis means that they still struggle to
achieve socio-political recognition of their Aboriginality. This stands in contrast to the other two
Aboriginal groups in Labrador, the Inuit and the Innu. The Inuit, through a long process that
lasted decades, been able to negotiate land claims and self-government, and the Innu have made
significant progress towards this end as well. The degree to which the Mtis will be able to re-
solve their negotiations with governmental agencies as the Inuit and the Innu have remains to be
seen. In the process of negotiating their own relationships with government bodies and resource
companies, the Labrador Metis have been able to draw upon the research results provided by
our project. The question remains whether there is enough time for our research to have real im-
pact before major resource projects are initiated on their traditional lands.
REFERENCES
Alcantara, Christopher. 2007. Explaining Aboriginal Treaty Negotiation Outcomes in Canada: The Cases
of the Inuit and the Innu in Labrador. Canadian Journal of Political Science 40(1):185-207.
Alcantara, Christopher. 2008. Deal? Or no Deal? Explaining Comprehensive Land Claims Negotiation
Outcomes in Canada. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario.
Armitage, Peter, and Daniel Ashini. 1998. Partners in the Present to Safeguard the Past: Building Cooper-
ative Relations Between the Innu and Archaeologists Regarding Archaeological Research in Innu Ter-
ritory. tudes/Inuit/Studies 22(2):31-40.
Bartlett, Dave. 2011, NunatuKavut Injunction Denied. The Telegram, March 26. St. Johns, Newfound-
land.
Beaudoin, Matthew. 2008. Sweeping the Floor: An Archaeological Examination of a Multi-Ethnic Sod
House in Labrador (FkBg-24). Unpublished M.A. Thesis, Memorial University, St. Johns, Newfound-
land.
Delanglez, Jean. 1948. Life and Voyages of Louis Jolliet (1645-1700). Chicago: Institute of Jesuit Histo-
ry.
tudes/Inuit/Studies. 1980. Les Inuit du Qubec-Labrador mridional/The Inuit of southern Qubec-
Labrador (Charles A Martijn & Norman Clermont, eds). Vol. 4, Nos. 1-2.
Government of Newfoundland and Labrador. 2012, November 18. Press Release: A New Dawn for the
Labrador Innu. http://www.releases.gov.nl.ca/releases/2011/exec/1118n11.htm. Accessed May 9,
2012.
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Government of Newfoundland and Labrador. 2010, February 5. News Release: Canada and Newfound-
land and Labrador Commit to Creating New National Park Reserve in the Mealy Mountains, Labrador.
http://www.releases.gov.nl.ca/releases/2010/env/0205n08.htm. Accessed May 12, 2012.
Hood, Bryan, C., and Gary Baikie. 1998. Mineral Resource Development, Archaeology and Aboriginal
Rights in Northern Labrador. tudes/Inuit/Studies 22(2):7-29.
Jackson, Lawrence. 1982. Bounty of a Barren Coast: Resource Harvest and Settlement in Southern La-
brador. Happy Valley-Goose Bay. Memorial University, Labrador Institute of Northern Studies.
Kaplan, Susan. 1983. Economic and Social Change in Labrador Neo-Eskimo Culture. Unpublished PhD
dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Bryn Mawr College.
Kelvin, Laura. 2011. The Inuit-Mtis of Sandwich Bay: Oral Histories and Archaeology. Unpublished
M.A. Thesis, Memorial University, St. Johns, Newfoundland.
Kennedy, John C. 1995. People of the Bays and Headlands: Anthropological History and the Fate of
Communities in the Unknown Labrador. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Kennedy, John C.1996. Labrador Village. Prospect Heights, Illinois: Waveland Press.
Kennedy, John C. 1997. Labrador Metis ethnogenesis. Ethnos 62(3-4): 5-23.
LIA 2003. Labrador Inuit Land Claims Agreement (29 August 2003).
Labrador Iron Mines Holdings Ltd. 2011, February 7. Press Release: LIM Signs Co-Operation Agreement
with NunatuKavut. http://www.labradormetis.ca/home/files/pg/ncc-lim-press_release-feb_7_2012.pdf.
Accessed February 28, 2011.
Murphy, Phoebe. 2011. The Southern Component of the Labrador Inuit Communal House Phase: The
Analysis of an 18th- Century Inuit House at Huntingdon Island 5 (FkBg-3). Unpublished M.A. Thesis,
Memorial University, St. Johns Newfoundland.
Plaice, Evelyn. 1990. The Native Game. St. Johns: ISER Newfoundland Social and Economic Studies
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Plaice, Evelyn. 1996. Touching Base: Land and Lives in Central Labrador. Unpublished PhD Disserta-
tion. University of Manchester, England.
Pritchard, Brian. 2010. Snooks Cove Archaeology Project: Report on Field Season 2. Provincial Archaeo-
logy Office 2009 Archaeology Review 8:124.
Rankin, Lisa K. 2009. An Archaeological View of the Thule/Inuit Occupation of Labrador. Report on file
with the Labrador Mtis Nation, Goose Bay, Labrador.
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Richling, Barnett. 1993. Labradors Communal House Phase Reconsidered. Arctic Anthropology 30(1):
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Sawchuk, Joe. 2001. Negotiating an Identity: Mtis Political Organizations, the Canadian Government,
and Competing Concepts of Aboriginality. American Indian Quarterly 25(1):73-92.
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Heritage 2012
1 RURAL HERITAGE, CULTURE AND SUSTAINABILITY:AIMS AND OBJECTIVES
This research focuses on the study, documentation and dissemination of the dry stone construc-
tions called muragghi, that is, the truncated cone shaped watchtowers with concentric or rectan-
gular terraces, stone steps twisting around the building and a cupola hidden inside (Tiralongo,
2006).
Permanent landmarks throughout the Sicilian territory still characterising the Hyblaean land-
scape, they are constructions of the rural tradition built using the dry stone method, and they
also represent tangible products of the local agricultural economy as well as of the peasant cul-
ture of south-eastern Sicily in which natural landscape and architecturally constructed landscape
merge, each one respecting the other (Figure 1). They are artefacts shaped by the place itself and
by the relationship established with the place chosen according to the various needs, which af-
fect the choice of the forms and of the building materials (Fianchino, 1988; Fianchino, 2003).
They are elements which define and qualify the territory itself, since they represent the Mediter-
ranean way of life and of human production, cultural and environmental heritage which should
be protected and enhanced through a creative approach.
The aim is to start their documentation with interpretations, discretisations and abstractions
which codify perceptive experience into a concrete, visual language of objective knowledge.
Furthermore, we aim to set up a project of promotion through the use of innovative technologies
for the virtualisation and the communication of heritage according to a dynamic perception of
space continuously evolving. This involves the creation of a model of development which
makes heritage accessible in a series of interconnected sites which can help dilate its knowl-
edge and revitalise the territory itself.
Innovative technologies for the knowledge and the enhancement
of Hyblean rural heritage
F. Restuccia
University of Catania, Italy
M. Galizia
C. Santagati
ABSTRACT: The study is aimed at the knowledge and documentation of the dry stone arte-
facts, the muragghi, which characterise the Sicilian Hyblaean landscape. These buildings are the
sign of the vernacular rural economy. They represent a way of life as well as of human work.
The main goal is to start an enhancement project through the experimentation of innovative
technologies aimed at the virtualisation and communication of the environmental assets. We
propose the creation of a structure able to interconnect this heritage for its safeguarding and en-
hancement not only as a source of immaterial well-being but also as an economic resource to be
used, for example, for the development of cultural and rural tourism, according to the principles
of sustainable development. The experimentation has been started on the muragghio of villa
Trippatore in Sampieri (RG), a little watchtower of the ragusan farm which embody the material
culture of the territory.
Thus, the creation of a structured system of competitive media networks for these works
which are authentic spontaneous land art, represent the Mediterranean character, and possess
values ranging from visual to formal, handmade and cultural qualities is proposed.
Heritage with an added value to safeguard, sources of immaterial well-being and material
profit to use within the homogeneous stone landscape of the Hyblaean Mountains, in a global
system of cultural enhancement of the Sicilian territory. An authentic cultural heritage seen both
as a knowledge factory capable of triggering cultural and rural tourism, and, also, as consis-
tent with the principles of sustainable development for a responsible protection of the soil and of
the environment.
Tests have been made on an emblematic example, the muragghio of Villa Trippatore in Ra-
gusa, a small watchtower for the Ragusa farms, which encompasses all the evident aspects of
the local culture as well as of stone as a building material of ashlars stacked with no binding
mortar. It is a memory not only of a past reality, of mans actions in relation to his needs and to
the conditions of the territory, and of the link between crafts and territory, but it is also a mem-
ory of the methods and techniques applied to create, use or modify these constructions, which
are necessary for the carrying out of coherent development projects.

Figure 1. Muragghi in the Hyblaean territory (Tiralongo, 2006)
2 A VIRTUAL MUSEUM OF RURAL ARCHITECTURE IN THE TERRITORY OF
RAGUSA
From this perspective of preservation and conservation of construction heritage which is in a
serious state of disrepair, and in order to achieve the conservation of the memory of the roots of
a territory and of its culture, this work aims to document/organise/convey a wide repertoire of
small calcarenite stone constructions in the Hyblaean area, which were part of rural cultiva-
tions. Our intention is to create a museum of spontaneous land art which represents the Mediter-
ranean character through visual, formal, handmade and cultural values.
The aim of pursuing a policy of sustainable development has led us to the study of a structure
which, by shifting the attention onto local rural heritage and its close relationship with the natu-
ral environment, will trigger economic and social effects through knowledge and preservation.
The possible creation of a three-dimensional digital system - which, through a series of lay-
ers, could document the heritage by further changes of scale, and could make possible a virtual
tour of the Mediterranean landscape - has been evaluated.
First of all, the current state of research in 3D WEB GIS applied to cultural heritage was
investigated, and, more precisely, the research on the Via Appia conducted by a team research-
ers, was analysed (Gaiani et alii, 2002).
Heritage 2012
The territory selected for the research is the territory of Ragusa, a wide area marked and
shaped, through simple stone geometry, by these small constructions: small containment walls
of the land or dividing the various estates, capanni (huts), macere (heaps of stones), muragghi,
cuccumeddi (circular dry stone walls used to protect trees) (Tiralongo, 2006).
This spontaneous architecture is characteristic of south-eastern Sicily as well as other parts of
the Mediterranean region Puglia, Abruzzo, Sardinia, Spain, France (DAurea, 2008; Rossi &
Leserri, 2007) and they exist thanks to the abundance of suitable stone material and the need to
clear the land of stones in order to cultivate it besides the natural demand for the construction of
structures for the defence of the territory and for the accommodation of farm implements, ani-
mals, and people. Small constructions which, through their building principles of solidity, func-
tionality and economy, represent the art of construction of the local culture, thus becoming
valuable cultural, economic and social heritage.
Thus, the objective of the research team is to identify, on a territorial scale, the most structured
examples among these stone constructions, that is, a certain number of constructions which present
a priori architectural features: firmitas, venustas and utilitas. Among the many and creative con-
structions built by the local craftsmen, the muragghi have been selected for their special geometri-
cal/formal and technological/building solutions which have their archetypal model in the hut, in
the tholos or in the natural cave. They represent a typology of artefacts which uses dry stone build-
ing methods, which are common to prehistoric or protohistoric buildings of major historical and
architectural importance (Mycenaean and Greek funeral tholoi), and which are based on the use of
stone as the only building material, with no use of mortar (Gulli & Mochi, 1997).
The muragghio, dialect for walls, is a distinctive watchtower of the farm, in the shape of a
truncated cone, which lies directly on the ground, or on terraces lying on a higher level which
make the building stand out even more in the rural landscape.
The often monumental dimensions this tiny architecture assumes are visually conveyed by the
flat surfaces, mostly quadrilateral-based podiums, and by the terraces of circular concentric
planes with decreasing diameters, which, like in the ziggurat, raise the structure towards the sky.
The muragghio is characterised by hard local limestone ramps, mostly helix-shaped, carved
into the great wall thickness of the construction, which reach the top of the belvedere from
where it is possible to control/admire the surrounding landscape. Besides, the geometri-
cal/formal solution which these rural constructions have in common is the inner space covered
with an overhanging dome consisting, with great practical/building expertise, of concentric lines
of stones stacked with no mortar to support one another during construction without using any
centring.
After identifying this heritage, it was decided to include it in a virtual network of cultural
tourism with socio-economic effects on the local territory, by using innovative technologies
geared towards the enhancement of cultural heritage. Two main objectives were pursued while
taking into account the historical/cultural and geometrical/formal features of the objects studied:
1) information/examination of the whole existing rural heritage and 2) its communica-
tion/navigation.
1) As regards the organisation of the process of knowledge, a tree structure chosen (Figure 2).
Its central body, the trunk of the system, is the objective of knowledge seen both as accom-
plishment and starting point in order to carry out specific actions on the territory. The roots rep-
resent the enormous, heterogeneous amount of data (3D models, images, photos, drawings,
texts, written documents), necessary for a possible project of development and preservation of
the heritage, which can be implemented and modified; the branches represent the large and
various effects on the territory.
The objective is, therefore, to create a system which will become a means of dissemination,
and which will be the visual representation of this knowledge, an apparatus of both writing and
reading based on the use of the interrelationship between GIS architecture and WEB 3D through
VRML models (Apollonio et alii, 2011; Gaiani et alii, 2002).
Moreover, the 3D GIS has to be able to manage data which backs up the processing of que-
ries, along with the interaction with the dynamic user. Thus, it has to meet a few essential re-
quirements:
- acquisition
- organisation
- modification
- selection and analysis
- presentation and navigation.

Figure 2. Organisation of the process of knowledge through a tree structure

2) As regards the communication/visualisation of information, it is necessary to create a user-
friendly three-dimensional model, which can perceptively give a realistic image of the artefacts
visited through a virtual tour in which to exhibit cultural heritage. It forms a database of spatial
information, which can be implemented and updated. The three-dimensional model itself becomes
the object of the representation and an intuitive user interface of an information system which de-
scribes it also by various tools (texts, 2D drawings, sound, images, films). Also, it is the tool for
selecting the HTML page which contains the information concerning the object itself. A spatial
model which, being included in networks of virtual cultural tourism, has to show geometri-
cal/spatial characteristics faithful to reality, without underestimating the relationship between the
photorealistic outcome of the model and the size of the file (Gaiani et alii, 2009).

Figure 3. The complexity of information through different representations
Heritage 2012

Furthermore, as for both the characteristics of the artefacts analysed and the use of the tool
created, a few basic requirements were included in the system:
scalability and modularity of system architecture, so as to use the same database for
everytype of user (management of heritage, scientific analysis, tourism, etc.) filtered
simply according to the characteristics requested;
compatibility with various formats in order to make the system capable of integrating
different types of resources;
use of open-source software for visualisation in order to guarantee the management
and maintenance of the system over time;
use of different and complementary 3D acquisition techniques, in order to enrich the
information system, by different operators.
Thus, it was decided to structure the whole system of these small architectural elements,
through the use of 3D WEB GIS so as to record, document and, at the same time, navigate the
whole stone building heritage, as well as making possible a complete mapping of the relevant
information.
The first phase of the work consisted of the census of a large number of muragghi in the Hy-
blaean territory, and the consequent need to deal with these artefacts on an architectonic scale,
through a detailed survey which could help understand the variable and constant features ob-
served in later case studies. From an operational point of view, a topological organisation of the
collected data and, consequently, the identification and visualisation of rural artefacts within a
2D geo-referenced map of the Hyblaean territory, through coloured indicators, were carried out.
The second step will consist of the uploading to the 3D GIS of the virtual model of the
muragghio, to which information of a varied nature was related so as to make possible a scien-
tific use of three-dimensional modelling as an aid for the conservation of data for the project of
a cognitive system (Apollonio et alii, 2010; Biallo, 2005; Forte, 2002). The digital model is a
reading-writing model which possesses greater accuracy of visualisation, although, conversely,
difficulties increase because of the size of the file and of real time interaction.
By selecting the three-dimensional model, which can be rotated and zoomed by special but-
tons, the user will be able to access the HTML page which contains the hypertextual informa-
tion and the multimedia data of the 3D model.
Besides, the preselected visualisation can also use 2D systems which, conversely, would cre-
ate a cognitive overload of data which would greatly limit its use.
An authentic system of a 3D type which is able to provide a homogeneous framework for the
scientific visualisation, an effective integration, a web-based presentation of sets of heterogene-
ous spatial-temporal data, as well as facilitating the interpretation, exploration and analysis of
large amount of data having important geo-spatial, temporal and semantic characteristics.
The 3D GIS being developed aims to offer accuracy of 2D geometrical data, immediate inte-
gration of 3D data, fast supply of very diverse and extremely accurate data, an essential aid dur-
ing the processes of visualisation, diagnosis, decision, action and virtual control of the final
product.
Such a structure, then, allows us to take a culturally significant tour of the Hyblaean territory,
between nature and architecture, through an integrated interpretation of heterogeneous data,
which provide multiple solutions to the request for information as well as to various functions:
management, conservation, analysis, tourism.

Figure 5. View of the muragghio Trippatore

The experimentation on this rural artefact is aimed at the detection of a full documentation
procedure of the construction in all its form and material nature. In addition it is aimed as well
at the realisation of a light textured model with a low LOD (Level of Detail) which could be
inserted and visualised in the 3d GIS which is currently being developed. Thus, it is possible to
provide an innovative/interactive representation of the Hyblaean rural heritage navigable and
examinable according to the needs (management, conservation, tourism) in an environment
which stimulates users cognitive skills.
Particular attention has been paid to the reduction of the huge amount of data deriving from
3D surveys (cloud of points and polygonal mesh). To this day the detection of an univocal pro-
cedure aimed at data reduction - though maintaining artefact topological, dimensional and ma-
teric features - still remains an open issue.
In fact, the morphologic features of the surveyed object influence the choices: it is not always
the case that what is good for a certain typology can be applied on an object with different for-
mal, dimensional, material, morphologic features.
3.1 3D digitalization pipeline: from the point cloud to the 3D textured model
The dimensional and material characteristics of the muragghio have led us to use the range-
based modelling technology using a TOF (Time of Fight) laser scanner 3D which is able to ac-
quire in short time and with high accuracy the metric, chromatic and materic information of the
studied object.
In fact, nowadays the use of 3D laser scanner into digitalizing project of cultural heritage (ar-
chitectonic, archaeological and environmental) is the most used approach, despite the high costs
for the instruments, the software and the processing of the cloud of points (Chiavoni & Paolini,
2007; Docci, 2006; Gaiani et alii, 2009; Remondino, 2010; Remondino, 2011; Santagati, 2007).
Currently, different research teams are carrying out testing on low-cost 3D systems detecting
application, acquisition and management protocols, as well as the indispensable metric tests.
The 3D HDS 3000 laser scanner belonging to the Luigi Andreozzi Laboratory of Architec-
tural Photogrammetry and Survey of the Department of Architecture of the University of Cata-
nia has been used. It is a laser scanner with a scan field equal to 360x270, accuracy equal to 6
mm, resolution 2 mm and scan speed 4000 points/sec.
The phase of on-site survey took into consideration the morphological-dimensional character-
istics of the muragghio and the boundary conditions. The truncated-cone shape of the building
has required an accurate survey project because of the lack of data in the areas where the points
are tangent to the surface. This, along with the presence of trees and vegetation near the artefact,
forced us to increase the number of scans in order to obtain a more complete coverage of the
object.
Three-dimensional targets, where possible, were used, since they allow greater precision, and
are time-saving during the following phases of editing and recording of the various scans into a
unique reference system (Restuccia et alii, 2009; Santagati, 2011).

Figure 5-6. (on the left) Phase of the on-site survey, (on the right) view of the cloud of points

The project of data acquisition, thus, consisted of one inside scan and 8 outside land scans,
one of which was made from the mid-landing of the double flight of stairs which leads to the
top-belvedere which is about 3 meters from the ground. The selected step-scan (10 mm) opti-
mizes on-site timing with the needs of the research so as to obtain a detailed description of both
geometrical and building characteristics (i.e., the texture of the ashlars).
The union of the single scans in a unique reference system took place through the use of
three-dimensional targets (semi-automated procedure) and homologous points with alignment
error equivalent to 3 mm, contained within the instrumental error (6mm).
From the overall model obtained, about 33 million points, were removed unwilling elements
such as plants and vegetation in order to facilitate the following phases of creation of the 3D
model and the 2D graphic representations.
The model has been processed using the software Reconstructor by Gexcel, according to the
following steps: point cloud pre-processing (noise filtering, deep and angular discontinuity
computing, inclination and confidence values computing); photographic mapping; creation of
HD mesh surface; clustering of the meshes in a single textured model.
The truncated-cone shape of the muragghio has complicated the photographic mapping cal-
culation of the point clouds and the texturing of the whole model. As a matter of fact, during the
application of the images some criticality appeared:
- re-projection errors of the image along the points tangent to the surface;
- presence of vegetation near the construction.
Hence, the images have been retouched by erasing some portions along the tangential areas
and the vegetation.
Another critical step has been the global texturing of the whole model. In this case, the re-
coloration of the points of the cloud with the calibrated and re-projected images has been the
best procedure to apply.
From the textured cloud of point high definition meshes have been obtained in order to ex-
tract quality orthophotos useful for 2D representations (plans, elevations, sections). The passage
from the 3D model to 2D drawings was performed by choosing some appropriate reference sys-
tems. Hence, it has been identified the virtual centre of the inner circumference of the base for
the creations of vertical radial planes of sections joined to the axes of the openings.
As regards the elevations, the reference planes on which to make the projection were chosen
according to the two reference systems previously used so that, despite the projection of a
curved surface, the openings were represented in their actual form and size.

Heritage 2012
came out. This issue will be further deepened in the future by experimenting on sub-d displaced
surfaces (Fantini, 2011).
The created structure is a cognitive and popular tool that is able to represent and illustrate the
knowledge of the cultural assets.
It is actually the base for strategic interventions to protect and enhance the dry stone rural lo-
cal heritage. As a matter of fact, those vernacular memories inserted into a Mediterranean cul-
tural circuit are able to activate tourism with economic/social benefits on the territory, accord-
ing to the principles of sustainable development.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors wish to thank the Baroness Fanny Gravina for granting access to Villa Trippatore
and the engineer Umberto Grimaldi, technician of the Luigi Andreozzi laboratory of architec-
tural photogrammetry and architectural survey of the University of Catania, for his assistance
during the on-site survey.
CREDITS
Despite the joint nature of the research work carried out, the editorial responsibility for the paragraphs is
attributed to: paragraph 1, Franca Restuccia; paragraph 2 Mariateresa Galizia; paragraph 3, Cettina San-
tagati.
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1 INTRODUCTION
The complexity and contradictions of nowadays Palestinian landscape, are object of study and
elaboration for the concept development of the Riwaya Museum, currently under construction in
Bethlehem. In spite of the many delays and difficulties, the project, promoted by the Unesco Of-
fice in Ramallah in collaboration with the Palestinian Authority, and founded by the Govern-
ment of Norway, is today in its final phases, temporarily stuck in a complex negotiation on its
content with the local stakeholders.

Preserving intangible heritage of Palestinian Territories cultural
landscape: the Bethlehem Riwaya Museum
T. A. Rinella
Facolt di Arti, Mercati e Patrimoni della Cultura, IULM University, Milan, Italy
ABSTRACT: The cultural landscape of the Palestinian Territories is the result of multiple and
millennial interactions between man and nature where, unfortunately, the endless persistence of
the conflict is slowly but constantly proceeding to devastate and modify landscapes unity and
cultural identity. In this complex context, characterized by a deep cultural stratification, an es-
sential matter is the safeguard of the huge tangible and intangible heritage of Palestine. Regard-
ing this topic, I designed for UNESCO the Bethlehem Riwaya Museum, currently under con-
struction, a project that attempts to narrate the immaterial values connected to the material finds
of an underground archeological site through an innovative multimedia display. The Riwaya
Museum is the result of the partial refurbishment of an existing building, from which an under-
ground archeological site is accessible. Located in Bethlehems Manger Square, next to the Na-
tivity Church, the site is composed of two separate parts, a cisterns complex dating from the
middle ages and the rests of a more ancient byzantine monastery. The museum path develops
through the archeological site along a sequence of sensorial and interactive video environments,
arranged by Studio Azzurro, an Italian group of visual artists specialized in new media and
technologies for museum communication. Riwaya, in Arabic, means both History (of the
place) and story (stories from their inhabitants), and the museums aim is to recover both in-
tangible aspects, connected to the cultural landscape and threatened by war. By re-establishing
local cultural roots, the interactive experience of the museum will be functional, for the local
communities, to the consolidation of their own identity perception, reinforcing their awareness
of belonging to the territory they live in.

Figure 1. Views of the occupied Palestinian Territory: by-pass roads and Israeli railway. @ F. Busone-
ro/UNESCO, 2009
The main subject of the museums concept concerns the cultural landscape of the Palestinian
Territories, the result of multiple and millennial interactions between man and nature where, un-
fortunately, the endless conflict persistence is slowly but constantly proceeding to devastate and
modify the landscapes unity and cultural identity.
Before going into the museum concept, it is necessary to firstly focus on the complex project
premises and geopolitical situation.
As known, according to the 1995 Agreement (Oslo II), Israel retains security control and ju-
risdiction over planning and construction on the most part of the occupied Palestinian Territory,
divided in A, B and C areas, with different juridical status. Local communities have been se-
verely impacted by the Israeli occupation and restrictions on freedom of movement, access to
land, settlers violence, house demolitions, forced evacuation and other natural and environmen-
tal disasters. Palestinian cities and villages are squeezed inside their borders (in A and B areas),
as local people are not allowed to obtain any building permission in the C area, that covers al-
most the 70% of the oPt.
The delicate landscape balance is therefore daily threatened by the increasing pressure of mil-
itary occupation and its complex geopolitical background. Massive emigration caused by the
populations poverty, lack of employment and the forced exile of many Palestinians, implied a
progressive land and cultivations abandon in large areas. As a consequence of landscape deteri-
oration, there is also a constant vanishing of important social and environmental practices, that
represent the fundaments of social cohesion and cultural identity for the place and its inhabi-
tants.
Heritage 2012

Figure 2. The segregation wall and urban congestion in Bethlehem. @ F. Busonero/UNESCO, 2009

Major risks to the territorial integrity are today mainly concerned with the expansion of the
existing Israeli settlements and with the construction of new ones in the occupied Palestinian
territories, considered illegal by the international community. In some areas of the west bank,
the situation is even congested by the presence of the Green Line and Israeli railways, that cross
a part of the Palestinian land densely populated by Israeli settlers, with military outposts, Israeli
crossroads (forbidden to Palestinians) and check points.
Landscape devastation reaches its highest point with the building of the segregation wall be-
tween Israel and the west bank, that advances enclosing large portions of Palestinian land to the
Israeli side.
Furthermore, the militarization of the walls surrounding areas, determines a violent desertifi-
cation of the territory, with hundreds of olive trees cut down to obtain safety strips along it.
The expansion of a road network reserved to Israeli settlers and the detour of Palestinian traf-
fic to a separate roads and tunnel system, led to a gradual isolation of Palestinian villages and to
the fragmentation of the territory, as a result of decades of expropriations and restrictions to
people movement. The infrastructural system, usually considered a connection element, be-
comes here an overwhelming barrier that determines a progressive fragmentation of the territo-
ry. The isolation of local communities inside their villages borders, thus generates a slow but
inexorable process of loss of their cultural richness and identity.
In this dramatic context, the safeguard of the huge tangible and intangible heritage of the Ho-
ly Land becomes a fundamental matter for the protection of Palestinian cultural roots and the
reinstatement of their awareness in local communities.

Figure 3. The Bethlehem Riwaya Museum, multimedia installations by Studio Azzurro. @ Studio Azzur-
ro, 2010

The recent admission of Palestine as a UNESCO member, beside important political conse-
quences, was indispensable to inscribe on the World Heritage List its outstanding monuments
and sites. Unbelievably, as the Palestinian Territories were not officially recognized by the
U.N., this fundamental step for the territory safeguard was technically impossible without their
membership.
A peculiarity of Palestine is that many intangible aspects of its cultural heritage live in its
tangible heritage. Both are strictly linked and actually not separable. As Taylor affirms, one of
the deepest needs of humanity is a sense of identity and belonging to his territory. A common
denominator is human attachment to landscape and how we find and establish an identity sense
in landscape and place. Landscape therefore is not simply what we see, but a way of seeing: we
see with our eyes but we interpret with our mind and ascribe values to landscape for intangible
spiritual reasons (Taylor, 2008). Landscape can therefore be seen as a cultural construction in
which our sense of place and memory inheres.
The official definition of cultural landscape, established by the World Heritage Committee,
clearly states: cultural properties that represent the combined work of nature and man. There-
fore, cultural landscape, biodiversity, traditional knowledge, tangible and intangible heritage are
indissolubly connected. Its concept includes a variety of heritage categories, considering a wide
range of manifestations of the interaction between humankind and its natural environment,
therefore encompassing tangible, intangible and environmental cultural values.
Landscape is the place in which inhere peoples life, tradition, identity, belief and collective
memory. It is also a vital source of economic support for local people, as most of the Palestinian
landscape is put to agricultural use. The continuous existence of particular forms of land use is
not only helpful in maintaining biological diversity, but also in safeguarding a know-how and a
system of traditions that are a fundamental part of local heritage.
Olive trees, particularly, are a millenarian traditional cultivation that, with a process refined
over time, led to the production of a particular kind of local olive oil, with a deep and intense
taste and with a slight higher acidity level than others normally produced in the Mediterranean
area. Palestinian oil is indeed a local typical product, worldwide appreciated (Meneley, 2009)
and many Palestinian authors, like Ghassan Kanafani, widely extol the importance of olive trees
in Palestinian culture. The practice of olive trees cultivation represents still today a main income
Heritage 2012
source for many Palestinian families, and the trees presence characterizes the landscape with the
pregnant memory of intangible traditional values.
Thus, cultural landscape often reflects specific techniques of sustainable land use, allowing to
maintain a local biodiversity that is today seriously threatened by the heavy environmental im-
pact of the military occupation. The expansion of Israeli settlements, indeed, caused a consider-
able fragmentation and waste of the territory, significantly reducing the available land for agri-
cultural production. Among the new buildings and the fenced-in space cut by new cross-road
connections for exclusive Israeli use, and the abandoned border areas (where trees are cut down
and agriculture is forbidden), there are large portions of land that are alienated from any possi-
ble use.
In C areas, that formally belong to the Palestinian Authority but are military controlled by the
Israelis, it is forbidden any possible construction, included excavations and the creation of wells
and irrigating systems for agriculture. This strongly limits farming development in these areas,
restricting the land cultivation to the residual available areas in the densely edified B and A
zones.
A further serious problem, in these crowded areas, is the illegal dumping of solid waste. Be-
cause of the lack of space and controls, illegal dumping sites frequently arise in densely urba-
nized A and B areas, with grave problems of pollution and health diseases. One of the most
dangerous consequences is the contamination of water tables, that implies also the pollution of
wells and irrigation water, with disastrous effects on food safety and the agricultural environ-
ment. The situation is even more difficult in critical areas like refugee camps and particularly in
the Gaza strip.
The lack of any legal framework and the impracticability of a land planning policy, with
rampant building development inside the few residual areas in A and B zones, and uncontrolled
mining and quarrying activities, determine a wild land consumption and the destruction of the
Palestinian landscape habitat as well as its peoples memory.
From these complex premises, thus, arises the idea of focusing the concept for the Bethlehem
Riwaya Museum to the Palestinian Cultural Landscape. Its main goal will be to strengthen, in
local people, the awareness of their identity and the perception or their condition.

Figure 4. The Bethlehem Riwaya Museum, People of Palestine hall. Rendering and view of the current
state of the works.
2 THE MUSEUM PROJECT
The project intends to narrate the immaterial values connected to the material finds of an under-
ground archeological site through an innovative multimedia display, in an efficient manner ac-
cessible to everybody. A sensorial path develops through the material ruins of the archeological
site, along a sequence of interactive video environments, focused on aspects of the intangible
heritage of the territory related to the site. The term Riwaya, in Arabic, means both History
(of the place) and story (stories from their inhabitants), and the museums aim is to recover
both intangible aspects, connected to the cultural landscape and threatened by war.
The project arises from the partial refurbishment of an existing building, from which an un-
derground archeological site is accessible. Located in Bethlehems Manger Square, next to the
Nativity Church, the site is composed of two separate parts, a cisterns complex dating from the
Middle Ages and the rests of a more ancient byzantine monastery.
The existing building is the Bethlehem Peace Center, built in 1998/2000 after the demolition
of a preexistent building dating from the British mandate, used as a prison during the Israeli oc-
cupation. The strong will to forget the military occupation led the municipality to decide its de-
molition, and to build on its place the new Peace Center. The archeological site was therefore
discovered during the demolition works, but the need to achieve the construction of the new
building before the celebrations of 2000 (here particularly significant as Christs birthplace), ob-
liged the local contractors to continue the works, roughly preserving the ruins in the under-
ground levels.
In 2005, UNESCO got interested in the site and commissioned a preliminary project which
considered the possibility to implement a museum in the narrow underground spaces, recover-
ing the residual damaged ruins.

Figure 5. The Bethlehem Riwaya Museum, Land of Palestine hall. Ramp of the intermediate level. Ren-
dering and view of the current state of the works.

In this phase, it was necessary to completely reshape the spaces, with further underground
excavations, and to deviate and hide the plant and sewer systems, with a complex made to
measure design. Once a suitable space was obtained, UNESCO focused on developing the mu-
seum concept with an international experts committee (The main project team members are: Gi-
ovanni Fontana Antonelli, Project Officer, UNESCO Office Ramallah; Dr. Erling Dahl Jr., mu-
seum consultant, ICOM expert; Tiziano Aglieri Rinella, Architectural design; Studio Azzurro
Produzioni, interactive multimedia installation).
The residual archeological ruins were not particularly relevant if compared to other surround-
ing sites, but gave the inspiration for a wider museum concept, focused on the intangible herit-
age aspects inherent in the existing material ruins. This linked to the surrounding territory and
its cultural landscape, in an effort to virtually demolish the physical barriers that crush the popu-
lations identity and cut off their roots. The complexity of the treated topics required therefore a
collaboration endeavor with a scientific committee of local experts.
As a result, the overall common theme of the museum display became the territory and its
cultural landscape: the element which identifies the story of a community, whether seen as place
of permanence or of transient nomadic presence, in the various existing local forms (particularly
relevant here the religious pilgrimage). Territory is the area in which there is a general history,
or many specific histories, which interact with the actual present day life of that area, creating a
synthesis of possible relationships between past and future.
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In this background, one of the most important subject matters is the oral tradition, expressed
through narratives, poems, fairy tales (in Arabic hikaye), songs, artisanal and popular traditions,
folklore: all aspects linked to the cultural landscape and belonging to the very large intangible
heritage of this land, that is in danger of slowly disappearing because of the conflict.

Figure 6. The Bethlehem Riwaya Museum, the Cultural landscape hall. Display path through the archeo-
logical ruins. Rendering and view of the current state of the works.

The Hikaye is a fundamental theme of the museum concept, strictly linked to the role of
women in the Palestinian family, as bearers of intangible traditional heritage. This kind of narra-
tive represents an interpretation of Palestine cultural and social issues seen from the perspective
of women storytellers. It represent a significant component of the Palestinian oral tradition,
handed down from mother to son, and which knowledge is preserved by women.
The museum display philosophy is the opposite of old traditional museums, that are used to
exhibit large amount of items, attempting to be an encyclopedic representation of knowledge.
This old kind of museums are often boring and with a limited capacity to attract the mass pub-
lic. The Riwaya Museum, on the contrary, will be a place with a dynamic identity, whose expe-
rience will be unique and original and open to everybody: the goal is to move away from a mu-
seum as collection to achieve a museum as narration (Riwaya). The museum concept will
be unfolded through a proper script as a film, narrated through an interactive, emotional end ex-
periential multimedia communication. The task to achieve an efficient multimedia narrative
communication, where art, technology and territory are melt together, is currently under devel-
oping with the collaboration of Studio Azzurro, an Italian group of visual artists with a long ex-
perience in new media and technologies for museum communication.
Multimedia technology, indeed, is todays most common and universal language, that allows
to tell a story in a smooth, coherent and absorbing way, reconnecting with a shared feeling.
The museum path will be animated by a sequence of interactive video environments which,
activated through sensible surfaces as touch-screens, will tell a story in a emotional way, depict-
ing a synthetic fresco like the way it happened with the art of the past. The comparison is not
in fact inappropriate, because the dramatic and narrative aspect, the dialogue with the spaces,
and the immersive character create a remarkable proximity between the two artistic experiences,
so far in time from each other.
Those sensitive environments bring together an open dialogue between physical elements
and intangible aspects, through an interactive technology. The concept of each environment is
considered as a proper ecosystem: a place in which there is an interrelation between the virtual
component and the material presence, between a specific content and the experience of each vis-
itor. These learning ecosystems become places of immersive experimentation and a sort of
realms of memory, narrative habitats in which the fragmentation of stories favors the expe-
riential approach and the interactive language favors the emerging of the various story compo-
nents.
In the museum spaces, technological equipment is not displayed but its effects are perceived.
The goal is to totally hide the technological interactive systems (mouse, keyboard, etc.), in order
to achieve a sort of natural interface. The sensible environment is activated through tradi-
tional methods of communication, using touch, voice, gestures and movement across the space
etc., in order to create a more natural situation that is not frustrated by procedures that may not
be familiar to all. Each interaction, along the space sequence, is designed to lead people to be-
have in a spontaneous and natural way.
The narration which unfolds, filling the whole museum space, requires a dramatic approach
in the design of the architectural spaces and in the management of the virtual components, as in
a film script. The display unfolding is therefore inextricably linked with that environment, with
the place and with the stories it tells.
The design process, therefore, followed a two-fold staging situation: the technological sys-
tem is an integral part of the narrative exhibition in a whole architectural space, and this re-
quired a careful techno-dramatic treatment.
The archeological remains are thus woven together with objects, images and sounds that in-
terface with screen projections, temporally occupied by immaterial figures.
In the display of objects, attention is shifted away from the object itself to the story surround-
ing the object, reconstructing a setting which gives a context to the object itself. As Studio Az-
zurro affirms, by combining the physical substance of objects, spaces and people with the vir-
tual dimension of the multimedia story, it is possible to suggest the invisible. In other words
to allow the interpretation of that vital, ritual aspect that has been lost. Therefore, it is possible
to portray the invisible, the hidden stories associated to the object, or an alternative version of
the story, experiencing something impossible to fully grasp. The gap in its philological and
scientific reconstruction can be filled by the imagination of each visitor (Studio Azzurro,
2011).
3 THE EXHIBITION PATH
The permanent display will unfold through 7 main sections, some of them split in sub-sections,
dedicated to the following themes: History of Palestine (with two separate sub-sections for
Bethlehem and Palestine), Stories of motherhood, People of Palestine (stories of pilgrimage and
stories of displacement and forced migration), Land of Palestine (people and their land and sto-
ries from the landscape); sound jars (voices from the landscape); Culture of Palestine (tradition-
al know-how and crafts, stories of workers, Hikaye folktales), Cultural landscape (stories and
testimonies from the past), for a total of 15 different installations, plus some hybrid spaces for
temporary thematic exhibitions. These sections are completed by a multimedia recording la-
boratory and a computer station, were children and visitors can add contents to the museum.
The display path follows a descending direction, as the museum space develops through two
different underground levels, connected by an intermediate floor. The two archeological areas
are situated in the intermediate and in the lower floor.
Aware of the difficulty to explain such kind of multi-sensorial spaces, that need to be expe-
rienced in their three-dimensional whole to be fully grasped, we will however attempt to make a
clear and brief description of them.
The first episode, History of Palestine, will cover the period from the Canaanites up till today
and will present the stories in the history of the place. It will help the visitor understand the
development of Palestine and the traces of individual identity. A circular semi-transparent poly-
carbonate screen becomes the landscape of the historical and temporal scenario. The images
projected on the screen will spin a continuous scrolling that the visitor will handle interactively,
through a position placed in front of the screen.
The series of visions will be stopped, chosen, forwarded and rewound from the present to the
past and vice versa, simulating a true historical trip that always keeps a strict relationship be-
tween present and memory. Touching with a hand the wished point concerning a definite histor-
ical event placed on the timeline, the scrolling of the screen stops. So its narration reveals itself
through a sequence of images that pervade one another in a horizontal stratification. A trip into
the story, that stops only at the exact moment in which it reaches and lights the real historical
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archeological object placed at the back of the screen. An emblematic find of that event that can
be observed, together with other ones, behind the screen, that suddenly becomes transparent.
The second sensible environment regards the stories connected to Motherhood. In this
section women play a leading role that show their relationship with motherhood, the circle of
life and universality. The installation unfolds as follows: a triptych of screens will appear in
the middle of the room. Two of them are semi-transparent and the other one, placed in the mid-
dle, is brighter. On this central support will be projected a woman with a child, as a portrait that
evokes the sacred icons. Immediately after the visitor has approached the installation, lateral
projections will slowly appear, shaping the triptych: other images of more ordinary people de-
picting the relationship between mother and child, representative of the local social context. Be-
ing semi-transparent, these two projection surfaces will show lighter images that will expand in-
to the background space. The icon takes shape in life and in the surrounding space through these
two other narrations. Portraits of 20 women of different ages, social condition and religion will
be projected. In front of the screens, there will be a font as a mystic symbol: the principle of life
that penetrates all things of nature. The goal is to represent motherhood as a source of sacred
love, underlining at the same time their primary role in the family as children educators. Women
indeed, more than men, are bearers and medium of perpetuation of oral intangible traditions. On
the adjacent wall, instead, drawings and images created by children during workshops will be
hanged, to show motherhood from another point of view: the one of the children themselves.
The following important section is People of Palestine, where matters related to pilgrimage
and emigration are treated. Bethlehem, particularly, represents an important pilgrimage destina-
tion. Masses of believers visit the Nativity Church and the surrounding sites in different period
of the year. The flow of Palestinians who have emigrated, especially after the big exodus in
1948, represents the opposite of the flux of pilgrims going to Palestine. These two phenomena
are conceptually represented in this double installation. Two walls (semi-transparent polycarbo-
nate screens) support a sequence of projections representing spaces passed through by many full
size characters. These characters are: the contemporary pilgrims on one of the two walls, and
the emigrated Palestinians on the other one. They walk along the wall, symbolizing a journey,
until they dissolve.
Facing this parade, the visitor is tempted to discover where the characters are from and where
theyre going to. By stretching ones hand towards one of the characters, as if to stop him, the
character ceases to walk and immediately turns around to look at his interlocutor. He starts now
to tell us his story of pilgrimage or emigration, in his mother tongue. The story will last all the
time we hold the image still with our hand. This contact defines a first way of relating: the ges-
ture of stopping and keeping the video projected figure shows an intent of communication, of
exchange that involves the observer in the mimic narration of the character that has been inter-
viewed. Two maps will integrate this stories, respectively showing: the stream from the conti-
nents to the main pilgrimage destinations, and the stream from Palestine to the main emigration
destinations. This installation will require the shooting of about 40 people, that will be inter-
viewed to collect their stories. To complete the space, some historical diaries of pilgrims and
correspondence of emigrants will be exhibited in a proper showcase.
Palestine was always closely connected to the world around. Bethlehem was a city of travel-
ers since before Christ and in modern times is a city of pilgrims and migration. Since the begin-
ning of pilgrimage to the crusader times and up till today, there was an intense movement of
people both from and to Europe and Palestine, implying a strong cultural exchange. After 1948
and 1967, the natural flow of people, information, goods, traditions, ideas and so on, was made
more difficult by Israel. As a result, Palestine today is not only fragmented geographically, but
also in its socioeconomic and cultural identity. Clearly this issue will be strongly considered in
the installation, since nowadays situation is not supposed to be permanent.
The next section is the Land of Palestine, concerning stories from the landscape and its in-
habitants. This area is adjacent to the Byzantine Cisterns, the first part of the archeological site
enfolded by the museum envelope, in a intermediate floor between the two main underground
floors. An overhead gangway connects the upper floor to this area. Approaching from this way
the screen-wall at the bottom of this space, the visitor pass through three different perceptive le-
vels: a more than 10 meters large projection of a changing landscape will be displayed. Going
down the gangway, the observer will feel as if he was immersing himself in the scenario, with
the real cisterns visually interweaved and fused with the projected landscape. In the middle of
the hall adjacent to the cisterns, an olive wooden table, with a video projection on it, will be
used as a touch-screen surface. Obtained from an uproot olive tree, the wooden table will sym-
bolically refer to the neglected cultural landscape. It will allow, with a simple gesture, to choose
a face of a person, an inhabitant of the landscape, that will tell a story, an opinion or an idea.
The theme will be deepened according to the visitors choices and, as landscape is perceived in
a particular way by each individual, the projected landscape will be modified according to his
personal vision and the story he tells. In this scenario, the sound environment is very important.
It will spread all over the space lightly and continuously, giving back the depth of territory, with
Arabic narrating voices overlapping it.
Immediately behind the cisterns, visitors reach a platform with some jars. This spaces theme
is the water: it refers to an antique ritual common in Arabic countries: the tradition of water sel-
lers. The sound environment will give the suggestion to be outdoors, on the road. Jars will give
out sounds, noises and if necessary, stories about water, through proper devices. The attention is
focused on a feeling that doesnt exist in western countries: the aim is to make the visitor re-
sponsible, making him aware of the importance of the few natural resources left and of their
dramatic conditions and tragic waste. The installation will also have an educational purpose, in-
forming people on the existing efforts to spread in local communities an aware and sustainable
use of their resources.
Proceeding down to the lower level, behind the cisterns, from a wooden platform we can
access a cleavage in one of the cisterns side, from where we can look at its interior. Suddenly,
illuminated by a dramatic light, a spectacular view appears: a cross from the Crusades epoch is
engraved in the stone on the cisterns internal side.
After this charming discovery, we have access to the main lower floor space, where we get
into the Culture of Palestine area, an installation where the sound environment plays an essential
role. The main theme here is the Hikaye. This particular kind of narratives, as already men-
tioned, is an oral interpretation of events and fictions that show not only the line of the facts, but
also the moods of the life in the country during the ages, referring to stories inherent in the cul-
tural landscape and emphasizing an oral tradition that otherwise would be lost throughout the
many rewritings of the story. The Hikaye is narrated in colloquial Arabic and its expressive
power lies in the use of common language, speech rhythm and vocal effects. The visitor that
doesnt speak Arabic will be immersed in its musicality, emotionally approaching the oral tradi-
tion. The environment is constituted by interactive video projections, and will offer a huge
quantity of Hikaye told through images and voices of different women narrators. A database
that collects a great number of Hikaye from Bethlehem and the rest of Palestine already exists,
result of a previous UNESCO research project, as it is considered intangible human heritage. In
this section, the effort is to conjugate new technologies and oral tradition, providing a flexible
device that could be implemented also with a text or audio translation in other languages.
A multimedia laboratory, placed in a separate room, is conceived as an integral part of this
section. Here the visitor could build his own personal story. This installation is especially dedi-
cated to children and devised so as to deepen the interpretation and visualization of the Hikaye,
allowing its reprocessing. Through a large interactive touch-screen table, like a big iPad, child-
ren could modify and elaborate the collected material. The multimedia device is conceived to
grow little by little each time it is used. It could collect and record information, documents,
statements, audio-video recording and will have a very simple and intuitive graphic interface.
Every user could leave a recorded trace that will contribute to modify the perceptive parameters
of the children that will come afterwards. They will gain an intense sensitive and embedding
experience that could leave a deep trace in their memory, and this direct creative involvement
will create living memories in children. The activities of the laboratory will be also supported
by educational workshops. Furthermore, a picture, a drawing, or another kind of elaboration
created in this multimedia laboratory could be printed or sent via email to the child, that could
then bring home a tangible sign of the experience.
The next two adjacent areas are instead dedicated to the Palestinian handicraft tradition and to
its products: from the olive wood crafts to the nacre and ceramic manufacturing, the embroidery
and so on. Some narrating objects and the tools used to create them will be displayed in sepa-
rate areas. The manufacturing process will be showed in video projections, where the narration
will emphasizes the choreography of gestures, often ancestral, that shape the material. It will be
represented as a dance of an antique wisdom, expressed more in an emotional than in a descrip-
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tive way. The gesture will be melt with the sound of the work, composing brief videos musical-
ly characterized by the rhythm of the workers noises. The represented themes could also inspire
educational workshops to be organized at the museum premises, in order to strengthen the
awareness of traditional craftsmanship knowledge in the young generations.
The last section of the museum is dedicated to the narration of the cultural landscape of Beth-
lehem and Palestine, with a particular focus on their archeological sites. An articulated path un-
folds through the archeological ruins of the byzantine monastery, dramatically illuminated and
animated by several episodes, according to a theatrical screenplay. On the bottom wall, a big
scenario with a video projected archeological landscape will reconnect the underground archeo-
logical site to their belonging background.
The projected images, synchronized to the physical presence of the ruins, will tell about the
archeological sites story, in relation to the other archeological sites of the surrounding territory.
Historians and persons involved in the excavations will give their testimony, as well as young
people will give us their personal perception and knowledge about it. This could favor local
peoples awareness about their tangible heritage, or, on the other hand, it could disclose a wide-
spread ignorance about it. This section should therefore be supported with educational laborato-
ry activities, to make historical heritage become a field of activity and participation for the local
community.
4 CONCLUSIONS
In conclusion, the Riwaya museum will definitely offer a constant update and lifelong learning.
This learning will come through experience, through discovery, experimentation, surprise, along
the interactive path. A further augmented learning stimulated by the emotional experience that
could be completed, if necessary, through the internet. The web, indeed, in such kind of mu-
seum can be a sort of additional virtual room, where it is possible to find all necessary further
data and documents.
Thus, we attempted to demonstrate how the degradation process of the Palestinian cultural
landscape could be contrasted, besides the efforts of the international community to implement
effective political actions of conflict governance, even by the reinstatement of the local cultural
roots. The interactive experience of the museum will be functional, for the local communities, to
the consolidation of their own identity perception, reinforcing their awareness of belonging to
the territory they live in.
Despite the many local difficulties, delays and financial issues, that temporarily stuck the
project, its achievement will slowly but resolutely go on. The Riwaya museum will certainly not
give a complete answer to the hundreds of essential matters and contradictions of the place. It
should be considered indeed more as an open work than as a closed itinerary, available to fur-
ther contributors. However, maybe it could also be considered just a further small step for the
safeguard of memory, one of the hugest and at the same time more fragile aspects of mankinds
cultural heritage.
REFERENCES
Aglieri Rinella, T. 2010. Sustainable strategies for the occupied Palestinian territory: some project expe-
riences, International Conference Inhabiting the future after Copenhagen, Naples
Cancellotti, C., Cirino, P. and Harb, S. 2009. Research and documentation of the tangible and intangible
elements of olive cultural landscape in Palestinian highlands: the villages of Battir and Asira el Sha-
malyia (oPt), UNESCO Research Papers.
FAO, UNESCO, UNRWA, UNIFEM, UNSCO/RCO. 2010. Livelihood protection and sustainable
empowerment of vulnerable, rural and refugee communities in the Jordan Valley, project report, occu-
pied Palestinian territory (oPt).
Fontana Antonelli, G. 2009. Topografia della complessit. Lo stato dellarte su architettura, pianificazio-
ne, conservazione e paesaggio nella Palestina della Seconda Intifada, in Eda 7, Rehabilitation plan-
ning in the historical towns of the occupied Palestinian territory in Esempi dArchitettura, Anno III
n. 7/2009.
Gola, A., Perugini, N., Harb, S. 2010. The recovery of historical paths for tourism as tool for social and
territorial development: the Palestinian case of Battir, Almatourism n. 1, Bologna
Isaac, J., Halayqa, W., Qabaja, A., El-Butmeh, M., Hilal, J. and Jubran, N. 2005. The environmental
impacts assessment of the Israeli segregation plan on Battir village, ARIJ, Applied Research Institute
of Jerusalem.
Meneley A. 2009. A Tale of Two Itineraries: The Production, Consumption, and Global Circulation of
Italian and Palestinian Olive Oil, Colloque paper, Yale University.
Monaci, S. 2005, Il futuro nel museo. Come i nuovi media cambiano l'esperienza del pubblico, Milan.
MOTA, Palestinian Authority, Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities. 2005. Inventory of cultural and natu-
ral heritage sites of potential outstanding universal value in Palestine, Ramallah.
OCHA, Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. 2009. Shrinking Space: Urban Contraction
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Pansini, S. 2004. Museo e territorio, Bari.
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Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
During the last three decades, the world has seen a legal revolution for the protection and recog-
nition of the rights of Indigenous peoples. The assimilationist views espoused by the Conven-
tion Concerning Indigenous and Tribal Populations, 1959 (ILO 107) have been reevaluated
(Anaya, 2004: 58-59). There has been a shift from a paternalistic focus on providing assistance
to Indigenous peoples and ethnic minorities to adapt and become one with the dominant culture
of their country, to an open perspective under which the right to self-determination is of para-
mount importance. The signing of the Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989 (ILO
169) introduced the recognition of the validity of different ways of life that do not follow the
prevailing Western model of development; instead, Indigenous peoples can now be seen by the
new legal framework as diverse in their own right, and not as a transition towards assimilation.
This would mean, from a legal point of view, that they are now the masters and planners of their
own development as they better see fit (ILO 169, art. 7).
Colombia has been no stranger to such a change in perspective. In 1991, a new Constitution
was enforced in the country, which among many other significant changes made a 180-degree
turn in the definition of the Colombian Nation. What had previously been defined as a nation
united under a common and homogenous identity is now seen as a multicultural state with a plu-
rality of ethnicities (Padilla, 1996: 80-83).
Bearing this in mind, this paper will discuss the implications that this shift has brought for the
protection of intangible heritage in Colombia for Indigenous peoples. We claim that the ratifica-
tion of the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage, 2003 (CSICH)
in 2008, and the enforcement of the related implementation law and policy instruments, has fa-
cilitated what we will call here the appropriation of the Convention by historically margina-
lized minorities, who have embraced, used and molded it as a powerful tool to reaffirm and give
Emerging indigenous voices: safeguarding intangible heritage in
Colombia and the reaffirmation of cultural rights
N. Rodrguez-Uribe
Macquarie Law School-Macquarie University, Sydney, NSW, Australia
D. Rodrguez-Uribe
Office of Intangible Heritage-Ministry of Culture, Bogot, DC, Colombia

ABSTRACT: Indigenous cultural heritage protection in Colombia is supported by the human
right to self-determination and the provisions of the Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention,
1989 (ILO 169). The recent ratification of the Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention, 2003
(CSICH) in 2008 has added to this legislative basis, most notably by highlighting that cultural
heritage is not static, and its elements while being protected must be allowed to evolve in
time. The Colombian legal approach is analyzed, first by discussing the shift from the historical
focus on tangible heritage to the fluid nature of intangible heritage: and then by considering how
this shift holistically acknowledges and protects cultural rights and multicultural identities. The
listing of the Traditional Knowledge of the Jaguar Shamans of Yurupar is used as a case
study of the appropriation of the CSICH and its implementation instruments by the Indigenous
communities of the Great Vaups Reservation in the Colombian eastern Amazon.
visibility to cultural rights otherwise neglected. Although it would be interesting to discuss in
depth how ethnic minorities in general have appropriated the CSICH, the scope of this article
will be limited to the Indigenous communities that live around the Pir Paran river in the Gran
Resguardo del Vaups (the Great Vaups Reservation), who have organized themselves to form
a common front against the threats of globalization.
We will first explore the impacts of the historical focus upon conservation of tangible herit-
age, and how approaches to heritage protection have evolved to include the intangible and fluid
nature of cultural elements. We will then consider whether the strategies used to protect specific
cultural traditions in Colombia could be applied to protect other aspects of cultural heritage
from the impact of global capitalism in Colombia and beyond. We then move to an analysis of
the phenomenon of appropriation as a tool to reaffirm the cultural rights of peoples that have
historically been marginalized. These aspects and their implications for sustainable development
are illustrated by reference to the case study of the listing of the Traditional Knowledge of the
Jaguar Shamans of Yurupar in the Representative List of the Intangible Heritage of Humanity
in November 2011. We argue that this recognition in the international arena was the final, and
perhaps most powerful, step in achieving visibility, validation and recognition of the ancestral
way of life of the Indigenous peoples of the Great Vaups Reservation, while empowering the
community to be the guardians of their heritage.
2 LEGAL EVOLUTION OF HERITAGE PROTECTION
The recent ratification of the CSICH in Colombia has provided a very valuable tool for the rec-
ognition of cultural rights, adding to the legislative basis for the holistic protection of the rights
of Indigenous peoples. Within this framework, the definition of Indigenous heritage and par-
ticularly living cultural heritage is critical to its legal protection and deeply linked to the hu-
man right of self-determination, among other collective rights. In the exercise of self-
determination, there has been an emphasis on the inextricable link between peoples and their
land (Kari Oca Declaration, 1992; Kimberley Declaration, 2002), seeing it as much more than
property. It is claimed that the right to land has intrinsically spiritual elements, and is thus an
imperative for the survival of Indigenous cultures (Anaya, 2004: 141-145).
The legal instruments enforced in Colombia for the implementation of the CSICH, and the
associated cultural rights promoted by other treaties and declarations, notably ILO 169 and the
UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), have recognized that cultural
heritage, far from being a static body frozen in time and space, is a living entity that must be al-
lowed to evolve over time. Culture is thus tantamount to a life form. This is the case made by
the Colombian Policy for the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage (Safeguarding
Policy), which states that one of the characteristics of the intangible cultural heritage (ICH)
elements is their dynamism. Therefore, they are expressions of human creativity, highlighting
the genius of the communities and their capacity for recreating, adapting and reinterpreting their
own cultural elements (Safeguarding Policy, 2010: 251).
It would seem that the international agreements that seek to protect the rights of Indigenous
peoples have swung between two extremes, both of which do not fully encapsulate culture as
dynamic force capable of evolving on its own terms. On the one hand, there is the assimilation-
ist perspective that seeks to, metaphorically, take Indigenous peoples by the hand while guiding
them through their journey towards incorporation to the dominant culture. On the other, there is
the fossilization interpretation (The International Alliance of the Indigenous Peoples of the
Tropical Forests, 1995: 732), whereby Indigenous peoples need to be stuck in time as a moving
but unchangeable tableau of a charming past. However, there is a third interpretation, the one
based on human rights, which acknowledges dynamism in culture; this interpretation is the one
currently enforced by Colombian law and policy.
In this section we will briefly comment on the shortcomings of the methodology imple-
mented by the World Heritage Convention, 1972 (WHC), as a platform to explain how the
rights-based approach implemented by ILO 169 opened the way to a true appropriation of the
CSICH that takes intangible heritage protection as a tool to reaffirm cultural rights.
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2.1 The shortcomings of tangible heritage protection
In the 1970s, the term heritage acquired its more specialized usage, as the name given to
those valuable features of our environment which we seek to conserve from the ravages of de-
velopment and decay (Davidson, 1991:1). In the case of cultural heritage in the WHC, it refers
to immovable objects, as opposed to cultural property (Harding, 1999; Kuruk, 2004:114). The
protection of tangible heritage revolves thus around a very simple concept: to protect standing
remnants of a past long gone, whose legacy remains as a testimony of what was left by humani-
tys forefathers (Lowenthal, 1986: 42-43; Davison, 1991:5).
To determine which items are worthy to be protected, the WHC implements a methodology
called the outstanding universal value (OUV) test (WHC: arts 1-2; Operational Guidelines,
2011). This methodology has been controversial, especially because of its focus on Western
values (Harding, 1999: 301), reflective of a homogenizing and globalized approach (Blake,
2000: 75). This has generated a gross overrepresentation of listings by developed countries, es-
pecially in Europe (Kuruk, 2004: 115) and, in the cases of developing countries, of monuments
and buildings from the colonial past. Colombia is a prime example of this phenomenon. There
are seven natural and cultural elements listed by the country since the Conventions ratification
in 1983; two of the five cultural heritage sites, are representative of colonial architecture: the
Port, Fortresses and Group of Monuments, Cartagena, and the Historic Center of Santa Cruz de
Mompox (UNESCO, 2012b). Also, at a national level, most of the listed Assets of Cultural In-
terest refer to constructions of colonial architecture (Ministerio de Cultura de Colombia, 2012).
For Indigenous peoples, the methodology problem is twofold; first, the focus on the protec-
tion of all things past can be reflective of the assimilationist perspective mentioned above. It
could imply that the only sites attached to Indigenous cultures worth protecting are those that
are not in use anymore, thus severing the link between land and peoples. Again, the case of Co-
lombia is telling as the two archeological sites listed by the country the National Archeological
Parks of Tierradentro and San Agustn were built by cultures that are extinct today. Second,
the universality factor imbued by Western conceptions may seem to miss altogether the deep
meaning that the territory, and especially sacred sites, represents to the concerned peoples. As
commented by Harding (1999:304) cultural heritage is a very large category of tangibles and
intangibles including things that seem to have no intrinsic beauty but serve a valuable cultural
purpose, and things that are stunningly beautiful but have very little cultural connection. It
would be tempting to argue that this connection with determined pieces of soil is sufficient to
protect the site as tangible heritage. After all, the word tangible by its very definition implies a
physical object or place. This is not the meaning of the WHC. Under the OUV criteria, they
must by their sheer beauty, architectural design, or historical importance speak to humanity as
a whole and bear witness of a past now gone, factors that are not readily evident in the case of
sacred sites and traditional lands (Silverman & Fairchild Ruggles, 2007: 6-8).
One of the focuses of the rights of Indigenous peoples, as have been lobbied by Indigenous
groups around the world since the 1970s, is the recognition of the relationship between the
peoples and the land (Yez, 2006: 492). The plight had an echo and the demands were ulti-
mately enshrined in Part II of ILO 169, the only binding international treaty on the subject, and
defined in UNDRIP as the right to maintain and strengthen [Indigenous peoples] distinctive
spiritual relationship with their traditionally owned or otherwise occupied and used lands. The
spiritual connection goes then beyond the mere ownership or property rights as understood by
Western legal systems; sacred sites are many times considered as the point of origin of a par-
ticular community and have an important role to play in the afterlife. They are much more than
just plots of soil to be used. This is one of the reasons why the legal instruments that deal with
ownership of Indigenous territories, and that are signatories of ILO 169, usually define the
property as a collective right held by the entire community, as opposed to any of its individual
members, thus guaranteeing equal access and use (Constitution 1991: art. 329).
UNESCO recognized that the WHC was insufficient for the appropriate protection of ICH
and, moreover, that it had marginalized a vast range of cultural expressions which belong to
the countries of the South and which are crucial for the map of cultural diversity (UNESCO,
2001). A new avenue for the protection of sacred sites was opened by the acknowledgement that
the OUV methodology lacks a participatory component, being reserved to illustrated elite (Ku-
ruk, 2004: 127). In Colombia, the communities of the Pir Paran show the blurriness of the
limit line between the tangible and the intangible, by recalling that people make heritage out-
standing by giving it its living meaning. We cannot separate the tangible from the intangi-
ble. Our notion of what a sacred place represents is built on the intangible knowledge nested
inside it, because the knowledge is present in the places. The interaction with the tangible as-
pects is what produces the intangible value (ACAIPI & Fundacin Gaia, 2010: 17).
2.2 From ILO 107 to ILO 169: Indigenous peoples rights gain momentum
As seen in the previous section, the WHC proved inadequate for the protection of non-material
aspects of cultural heritage. Related to the rights of Indigenous peoples, the relationship be-
tween tangible and intangible features of their cultures is strongly linked, even indivisible, and
the physical elements of cultural heritage that which has been traditionally viewed as com-
prising it are in fact the vehicles by which cultural heritage (in its intangible sense) is mediated
to us (Blake, 2000: 74). Fortunately, these links have been acknowledged in relevant interna-
tional instruments that seek to dispel the homogenizing drive of the WHC. It is necessary here
to briefly explain the shift between ILO 107 and ILO 169, the latter being the legal framework
used in Colombia, as evidenced by the large body of case law by the Colombian Constitutional
Court applying ILO 169 directly (International Labour Organization, 2009: 9 & 63-127).
The first binding multilateral treaty devised for the protection of Indigenous peoples was ILO
107, which sought to integrate Indigenous and other tribal and semi-tribal populations into their
respective national communities (Preamble ILO 107: par. 8). Here, the protection extended con-
sists mainly in easing the way of assimilation, making the transition as seamless as possible.
Even though the concept of intangible heritage is mentioned (art. 18), it is in no way a valida-
tion of the ways of life of Indigenous peoples. It is rather a paternalistic nudge akin to that of the
parent towards a child that has produced an interesting, but ultimately precarious, watercolor
painting. The tone of ILO 107 follows these lines, and it is not surprising that it caused Indigen-
ous peoples organizations across the globe to plight for a change, an effort that came to fruition
with the drafting of ILO 169.
This new instrument, which replaces ILO 107 entirely in the countries that ratify it, abandons
the assimilationist drive of its predecessor and includes a feature completely absent in it: the
right to self-determination of Indigenous peoples. Although the right is not expressly enshrined,
the language of the Convention allows interpreting it as such, especially by changing the term
populations used in ILO 107 to the term peoples (Anaya, 2004: 97-103). This is undoubted-
ly the interpretation that has gained momentum in Colombia (See ILO, 2009: 73-75). As stated
by Anaya (2008), a momentous step in the consolidation of the contemporary international re-
gime on indigenous peoples, Convention No. 169 provides significant recognition of indigenous
peoples collective rights in key areas, including cultural integrity; consultation and participa-
tion; self-government and autonomy land, territory and resource rights; and non-discrimination
in the social and economic spheres.
2.3 The Colombian 1991 constitutional framework for Indigenous collective rights
The Colombian Constitution, acts and policies, provide separate tools to guarantee the respect
for the four groups of collective rights mentioned above. However, it is the right to cultural in-
tegrity that gives meaning to all of them by unifying their application, as we will explain in the
case study.
As mentioned in the introduction, the Colombian identity after the enforcement of the 1991
Constitution is now based on the multicultural and ethnically diverse definition of the Colom-
bian Nation (arts. 7 & 70). By this token, it has special provisions designed to protect Indigen-
ous peoples and let them decide their own development priorities, much in the spirit of ILO 169
and in resonance with the social movements that were taking place in the country at the time
(Ulloa, 2004: 34-35). Worthy of mention are the collective inalienable right to land of Indigen-
ous groups under the resguardo figure (arts. 63 & 320); the recognition of ethnic languages and
dialects as official besides Spanish in their territories (art. 10); the right to an education syllabus
that respects and develops their cultural identity (art. 68), and is delivered both in Spanish and in
their language (art. 10); and the right of governance autonomy inside their territories, as long as
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the acts passed and the rulings enforced are not fundamentally contrary to the Constitution and
laws of the republic (art. 246). Self-determination is a ruling principle of the state (art. 9).
The Constitution of 1991 is therefore the result of two pressures: the international change in
the approach to non-Western cultures, and the organization of local cultural groups, both ethnic
and social, to be heard and recognized as a part of the Nation construction in Colombia. Thus
the methods for public policy design in Colombia should be a balance between top-down inter-
national agreements and bottom-up local social struggles. The work of the Colombian Constitu-
tional Court is a testimony of this change: more than 40 rulings, many of which were initiated
by legal actions brought forth by Indigenous peoples, interpret the provisions of ILO 169 and
give parameters for their implementation. However, the countrys dominant culture is still he-
gemonic. There are still Catholic missions trying to convert Indigenous peoples, the education
in most reservations is not bilingual (Ba Tiul, 2006: 581), and still the resguardos can be mined
for the public national interest. This is why expanding the framework of rights to include wid-
er cultural aspects can open the door to improve their enforcement.
3 HOLISTIC PROTECTION OF CULTURE: COLOMBIA RATIFIES THE CSICH
It is possible to argue that the ratification of the CSICH in 2008 was a natural step to follow, as
the text of the Convention is in tune with several provisions of the Constitution. The most rele-
vant here are the promotion, protection and enhancement of cultural rights (art. 70), and the ac-
knowledgement of the multicultural nature of the Colombian Nation (art. 7). Thus, it is not a
coincidence that the Conventions implementation instruments followed the approach of empo-
wering communities in the proposal, listing, managing and safeguarding of representative cul-
tural elements. In order to efficiently implement the CSICH, the Colombian Ministry of Culture
created the Intangible Cultural Heritage Group (ICH Group) as a part of its Heritage Division.
In 2008, the ICH Group started to develop the necessary tools to give the communities the op-
portunity to make this international instrument their own, by implementing guidelines to en-
courage the identification of cultural elements and their history, and what are the challenges ex-
pected for their protection, condensed in the guidelines of the Safeguarding Policy of 2010.
The Safeguarding Policy builds on the principles of the 1991 Constitution and the General
Culture Act (Act 397 of 1997). Within the framework of respect and recognition of ethnic and
cultural diversity, the policys main objective is to strengthen the social capacity for the self-
management of ICH, as to ensure its safeguarding and promotion. It clearly acknowledges the
threats that development projects pose to ICH, and offers best-practice guidelines to mitigate or
prevent negative cultural, environmental and social repercussions (Safeguarding Policy, 2010:
256). It seeks also to reorient the public actions of the State to overcome the past limitations to-
wards the ICH safeguarding in Colombia, which fell short of seeing the country as culturally di-
verse. This implies the recognition of the particular visions and interpretations of development
held by different communities (Safeguarding Policy, 2010: 266-269; ILO 169, art. 7).
Therefore, and while knowing that the CSICH does not state it explicitly, the Colombian
government aimed through the Safeguarding Policy to give its people a tool for defending their
cultural rights and traditional beliefs within this framework of cultural diversity. By extension,
one of the uses of the tool is to insist on the futility of artificially dividing tangible and intangi-
ble aspects of culture, and recognizing the dependence of Indigenous peoples to their territory.
Another interesting feature is that the Policy places more emphasis on supporting local efforts to
protect indigenous traditions than on ensuring that these traditions are included on UNESCOs
Representative List. The reason for this prioritization of local actions seeks to reinforce the no-
tion that ICH is an important part of the Colombian cultural makeup, which needs grassroots
protection regardless of its potential international value.
3.1 Colombias actions as a party to the CSICH
As a party to the CSICH the Colombian government, through the Ministry of Culture, has the
obligation to take the necessary measures to ensure the safeguarding of the intangible cultural
heritage present in its territory. Also, it is charged to identify and define the various elements
of the intangible cultural heritage through participatory methodologies (CSICH: art. 11).
Therefore, the Ministry of Culture has to supervise the safeguarding of the cultural elements
that are part of the National Representative List for the Intangible Cultural Heritage (LRICH).
However, the whole methodology is designed so that the community itself has to ask for a par-
ticular cultural element to be added to the List and not the other way around, where the state de-
cides for its people what should or should not be considered part of the countrys heritage, as is
the case of the WHC. The participatory element of the methodology fills one of the most criti-
cized gaps of the CSICH (Kuruk, 2004: 127-129), which uses vague language in this respect
(CSICH: art. 15). The policy acknowledges the fundamental role played by society in general,
and communities in particular. As such, the community is in charge of identifying the element,
justifying why it should be listed in the LRICH, and develop a Special Safeguarding Plan (PES
in the Spanish acronym) that reflects the commitments towards it that the community is ready to
responsibly assume. And it will also be the community that, in the future, will have the respon-
sibility to implement the PES.
4 THE APPROPRIATION OF THE CSICH BY INDIGENOUS PEOPLES
The result of handing the tools for the communities to suit their own needs, and as a means to
restore cultural rights, is what we call appropriation. Even though, as we stated before, there
is a wide array of constitutional provisions that seek to protect and foster cultural diversity, the
mechanisms put in place in Colombia as part of the obligations of the CSICH complemented
them by providing international visibility, and facilitating interpretations that link tangible and
intangible aspects of culture.
As we will elaborate in the case study, in the process for listing the Traditional Knowledge of
the Jaguar Shamans of Yurupar, the communities strayed from the pure meaning of safeguard-
ing intangible heritage to ensure its respect, raise awareness and ensure mutual appreciation
(CSICH: art. 1), and used it instead to enforce cultural rights. There is an activist element in
their interpretation, perhaps echoing the aim of the Safeguarding Policy.

Table 1. 2008 Representative List Intangible Heritage of Humanity (Latin America & the Caribbean)
Country Name Ethnicity tradition origin
Belize-Guatemala- Languages, Dance and Music of the Garifuna* Mixed Indigenous-African
Honduras-Nicaragua
Bolivia The Andean Cosmovision of the Kallawaya** Indigenous (Kallawaya)
The Carnival of Oruro * Indigenous (Uro)
Brazil Oral and Graphic Expressions of the Wajapi** Indigenous (Wajapi)
The Samba de Roda of the Recncavo of Bahia African slaves
Colombia The Carnival of Barranquilla** African/Indigenous/Mestizo
The Cultural Space of Palenque de San Basilio*** African slaves
Costa Rica Oxherding and Oxcart Traditions in Costa Rica** N/A
Cuba La Tumba Francesa (The French Drum) ** African slaves
Dominican Republic The Cultural Space of the Brotherhood of the African slaves/Mestizo
Holy Spirit of the Congos of Villa Mella
Ecuador-Peru The Oral Heritage and Cultural Elements Indigenous (Zpara)
of the Zpara People*
Guatemala The Rabinal Ach Dance Drama Tradition *** Indigenous (Maya)
Jamaica The Maroon Heritage of Moore Town** African Slaves (Maroon)
Mexico The Indigenous Festivity Dedicated to the Death** Indigenous
Nicaragua El Gegense Indigenous
Peru Taquile and its Textile Art*** Indigenous Inca/Pukara/Colla
Originally proclaimed in *2001 **2003 ***2005
Adapted from UNESCO-Intangible Heritage Lists (UNESCO, 2012a)

It is interesting to note that many Latin American historically marginalized ethnic communi-
ties jumped at the opportunity to have their cultural elements listed after the ratification of the
CSICH. The first listing in 2008 are the best example of this drive; as illustrated in Table 1, only
one element Oxherding and oxcart traditions in Costa Ricafrom Latin America and the Carib-
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bean h an ethnic component. All the others showed the underlying defiance to the colonial rule
in the past, and the homogenizing dominant culture in the present. The trend continues the fol-
lowing year, although it is less marked (UNESCO, 2012a).
This would seem to indicate that behind this stance lingers the struggle for a long overdue
recognition of what Latin American cultural diversity has to offer. To verify that so many ex-
amples of intangible heritage were just waiting for a validation of the diverse identity of their
countries, shows how culture is indeed a dynamic force that challenges the homogenizing impe-
tus of the Western development model. The Pir Paran communities followed this pattern, and
took the opportunity to ensure institutional and social recognition of their world management
vision. In short, they made their voices heard, as we will show in the next section.
5 CASE STUDY: THE TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE YURUPARI JAGUARS
AS A MODEL FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
5.1 Dynamics of heritage rescue within the Vaups communities
In 1996, when the Vaups province in Southeast Colombia was a place practically forgotten by
the state, the Indigenous peoples living in the area of the Great Reservation realized the necessi-
ty of developing a collaborative organization to be able to respond to the challenges faced by
their communities. This is how the Association of Captains and Traditional Indigenous Authori-
ties of the Pir Paran River (ACAIPI for its Spanish acronym) was born. The ACAIPI under-
took the task to recover the rapidly vanishing traditional knowledge that constitutes the com-
munities identities. They developed a Life Plan that gave way to four focus areas:
environmental governance, education, health, and the development of productive projects. This
includes an effort to catalogue and protect traditional ecological knowledge, link it to the territo-
ry of the Great Reservation and hence justify why certain sites are considered sacred.
Immersed in the shared cosmovision of the Pir Paran communities, the Yurupar Jaguars is
a comprehensive view of the world, based on the role of humans as managers and stewards of
the lands of the Apaporis river basin. It condenses the sacred knowledge that was given to us
since the origin for the care of the territory and the life; it manifests though rituals, dances and
oral stories, sacred sites management, sacred elements and plants (ACAIPI & Fundacin Gaia,
2010: 6). Thus, every community plays a role in keeping the balance of the world upon which
health, food, wellbeing and spirituality depend. Note the inextricable link between land and
people that echoes UNDRIP and ILO 169. It is clear that one cannot survive without the other.
Traditional knowledge as a technique to manage the environment and maintain ecosystem
health has been documented as compatible with Western scientific knowledge (Oviedo et al,
2004). It is beyond the scope of this paper to discuss the precise convergence of traditional
knowledge with the scientific ecological data of the Vaups Amazonian ecosystem. However,
the element shows such a deep connection to the land cycles that to lose any of the elements
the land, the sacred sites, or the oral tradition would jeopardize the future of the entire culture,
its very life as a people. The sacred sites are the context for life to be created (ACAIPI &
Fundacin Gaia, 2010: 19), and their profound linkage to the entire culture and livelihoods of
the communities is what make them unique.
5.2 Sacred sites: tangible or intangible?
According to the cosmovision of the communities of the Pir Paran, the great Yurupar territo-
ry is like a human body that breathes, feels and has organs that enable it to function and live.
The organs () are places that we consider sacred () places that contain vital and spiritual
energy that nurtures all living beings in the surroundings (Nomination file, 2010: 2-3). The ter-
ritory is then considered as part of the communitys living body, which is in turn part of each of
its members, bearing the references of their very origin and maintaining the health of its people.
The relationship with the land holds the secrets and the answers for a balanced way of life.
However, the CSICH never refers to sacred sites, or to the direct protection of any territory for
that matter. This is where the appropriation of the convention is original in Colombia: as it
stands in the listing of the Yurupar Jaguar Shamans, the element cannot survive without the in-
tegrity of the land. To threaten it would mean for Colombia the possible risk of defaulting in the
obligations of the treaty, and this is another potential tool that ACAIPI can use.
Sacred sites can be seen as a historical and cosmological point of reference: they witness the
entire history of the community as a people. As such, they have a double nature: first, the cos-
mological importance, which can relate with the way the ancestors organized the indigenous ter-
ritory (creation myths), the rules that this organization might imply (spiritual and social values)
and the need for respecting them to keep the world balance. Second, the earthly component,
related to the practical uses given to the site. This can again be seen in the traditional knowledge
of the Jaguar Shamans of Yurupar; in the listed element, several sacred sites are in fact places
used by animals for reproduction, key aquifers, headwaters, or nurseries upon which the balance
and health of the ecosystem depends. This double nature of sacred sites has not been reconciled
in the international heritage conventions, but it is expressly recognized in ILO 169 (art. 13),
which again shows that the ratification of this treaty and its incorporation to the Colombian le-
gal system complements intangible heritage safeguarding from a rights-based perspective. The
Pir Paran peoples of the Great Vaups Reservation realized that it was possible to argue that
their cultural element incorporates both aspects, and UNESCO agreed by listing it in 2011 as we
will show next.
5.3 Mining threats and the need for listing the Traditional Knowledge of the Jaguar Shamans
of Yurupar cultural element
The current government, following the footsteps of the previous administration, has put mining
on a pedestal. It is now deemed a critically important engine of development, and is being
promoted as the new haven for foreign investment (Departamento Nacional de Planeacin,
2010). It is no secret that mining is an obtrusive practice. Large-scale operations involve, in the
worst-case scenario, open sky pits and, in the best, the contamination of underwater aquifers,
which can spread for miles. To allow mining, even under the shield of upholding the public in-
terest, could uproot these communities, dispossessing them of the soil to which their spiritual
lives, material livelihoods, and belief systems are intrinsically attached. This would generate an
impossible situation in which an entire culture is left with a life plan over a barren wasteland
where nothing is left to manage or protect. The case of the Pir Paran communities is living
proof of this critical situation: facing more than 30 mining prospecting license requests from ex-
ternal companies and individuals, ACAIPI turned to the Ministry of Culture to look for yet
another tool to fight the imminent mining exploitation. Let it be noted that the licenses requested
use legal loopholes in the Colombian Mining Code of 2001, too complex to be discussed here,
but based on the different property regime of underground resources. Suffice it to say that they
are threatening a collective right that is supposed to be inalienable, and advancing a homogeniz-
ing notion of development incompatible with cultural rights.
In sections 2.2 and 2.3 we mentioned that UNDRIP, ILO 169 and the 1991 Constitution pro-
vide a broad legal framework based on four sets of rights. Although the rights of consultation,
public participation and governance autonomy were adequately respected after the formation of
ACAIPI in 1996, the imminent threat to be conjured was what mining represents to the collec-
tive right to land. Without it, the very life of the communities is dissolved. As expressed in the
inclusion request for the national Representative List, For us the minerals are part of the territo-
rys life, not just the animals and the plants; without the precious minerals the territory would be
without light, without straight (ACAIPI & Fundacin Gaia, 2010:19).
In light of these very visible threats, intangible heritage protection is seen practically as tan-
tamount to the right to life, albeit of an entire culture instead of just an individual. Aware of the
challenge, the Heritage Division of the Ministry of Culture undertook the arduous task with the
support of ACAIPI and the Gaia Foundation of formulating the Special Safeguarding Plan and
the UNESCO Nomination file for Hee Yaia Keti Oka, the Traditional Knowledge (Yurupar
Jaguars) for the Management of the World of the Indigenous Peoples of the Pir Paran. The
documents explain how the Creators gave these communities the sacred knowledge of the man-
agement of the territories, and also explained to them the underlying order of a chaotic world.
The inherited knowledge connects the rhythms of Nature and the Universe with daily ritual hu-
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man activities. By connecting nature and people, the Creators gave these communities the tools
for a good life, based on a series of laws for living in the forest. When the mechanisms for
transmitting knowledge from one generation to the next are activated, the word, the history, the
Earth and Nature are preserved by the power of Yurupar (Nomination file, 2010:3).
During this process, the representatives of the community made clear that they were aware
that the Ministry would give only the recognition and the technical support, but it would be the
peoples of the Pir Paran the ones in charge of the element protection and safeguarding. They
where also aware that to be recognized in front of the world as intangible cultural heritage of
humanity might not be enough to prevent the impending devastation of mining. In any case, the
Traditional Knowledge of the Jaguar Shamans of Yurupar encompasses a whole net of regula-
tions, as well as cultural and social values that make the management of the environment a sus-
tainable one. Thus, by recognizing this traditional knowledge as national and world heritage, the
way of life of a vast group of communities in the Pir Paran river basin, and linking intangible
heritage protection to the rights-based content of ILO 169, more holistic perspectives for the sa-
feguarding of culture can be foreseen in the country.
But safeguarding is a toothless tiger if the community holding the cultural element is not
empowered to manage and regulate the protection of its heritage. The key here is to have gras-
sroots processes that promote the enforcement of cultural rights. This is how each community
lends a voice to their identity. The voices that rose in Vaups are being heard, not only by the
Colombian society that had forgotten them, but also by humanity as a whole; they want to have
their traditional knowledge and ways of interpreting the world to have an equal standing from
the white development concept that threatens them. Now they have a powerful ally: humanity.
6 CONCLUSIONS
Although the Colombian constitution is rich in rights, how people take acts and regulations out
of the paper and appropriate them according to their social needs, is the key for bringing them to
life and ensure their proper enforcement. The notion of living heritage adopted in Colombia
has the double task of validating cultural diversity and help on the protection of the rights of In-
digenous peoples. The assimilationist views of ILO 107 may no longer apply as a mandatory le-
gal treaty, but they certainly linger in dominant society. By trying to impose a homogenous
Western notion of where development should be directed, the cultural rights of Indigenous
peoples are again jeopardized. The message from the communities of the Great Vaups Reser-
vation with the listing of the Traditional Knowledge of the Jaguar Shamans of Yurupar is a re-
minder: Colombia is no longer a homogenous society attached to only one identity.
The listed cultural element makes a successful case as to why intangible and tangible heritage
aspects are intrinsically linked. This is after all a comprehensive territorial management plan
that articulates a holistic protection of culture. Here the framework provided by separate interna-
tional treaties and constitutional principles is put to work in a very elegant fashion, and the rec-
ognition in the UNESCO forum is a well-deserved honor, difficult to ignore even by the most
brutal economic-oriented policies.
The current tensions present in Colombia between the unprecedented prosperity offered by
mining, and the respect of ways of life that do not follow this narrow notion of development are
patent in the Great Vaups Reservation. The balance of rights and interests promoted by the
Constitution is put to the test: should the common national interest that can be benefited by min-
ing be prioritized? Should the inalienable collective right to land prevail? These are the ques-
tions that the current administration will have to ponder when studying the pending mining li-
cense requests over these Indigenous territories.
We can only hope that the international listing of this intangible element gives unprecedented
visibility to a way of life that follows sound sustainable practices based on traditional know-
ledge. We share the opinion that if development aspires to be truly sustainable, it should take
cultural diversity as a constant point of reference; the very recognition of the validity of ways of
life that challenge the Western paradigm may raise awareness of alternatives hitherto swallowed
by the homogenizing rivers of globalization. This is where intangible cultural heritage can be
used as a platform for championing cultural rights, giving a voice to those different points of
view that have been silenced through history. It is the peoples, their identity and their beliefs
that give heritage its meaning.
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Manejo del Mundo de los Grupos Indgenas del Ro Pir Paran, Hee Yaia~Kubua Baseri Keti Oka.
Bogot: Ministerio de Cultura.
Anaya, S.J. 2004. Indigenous Peoples in International Law. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Anaya, S.J. 2008. UN Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental
freedoms of Indigenous People. UN doc. A/HRC/9/9, 11 August 2008.
Ba Tiul, K. 2002. Los pueblos indgenas: Derecho a la Educacin y a la Cultura. In M. Berraondo (ed.)
Pueblos indgenas y derechos humanos. Bilbao: Universidad de Deusto.
Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage [WHC], opened for
signature 23 November 1972, 1037 UNTS 151 (entered into force 15 December 1975).
Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage [CSICH], opened for signature 17
October 2003, 2368 UNTS 3 (entered into force 20 April 2006).
Davison, G.A. 1991. The meaning of heritage. In G.A. Davison & C.A. McConville (eds.), Heritage
handbook: 1-13. Sydney: Allen and Unwin.
Departamento de Planeacin Nacional. 2010. Plan Nacional de Desarrollo 2010-2014: Prosperidad para
todos. Bogot: Presidencia de la Repblica-Departamento de Planeacin Nacional.
Harding, S. 1999. Value, Obligation and Cultural Heritage. Arizona State Law Journal 31: 291-354.
Intergovernmental Committee for the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage. 2011. Oper-
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tional Courts in Latin America: A Case Book, Geneva, ILO Publications.
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digenous and Other Tribal and Semi-Tribal Populations in Independent Countries [ILO 107], opened
for signature 26 June 1957, 328 UNTS 247 (entered into force 6 February 1959).
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Independent Countries [ILO 169], opened for signature 27 June 1989, reprinted in 28 ILM 1358 (1989)
(entered into force 5 September 1991).
The Kimberley Declaration (Reaffirming the Kari Oca Declaration 1992). 2002. In Australian Indigenous
Law Reporter [online] 7(3). Available: http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/AILR/2002/50.html.
Kuruk, P. 2004. Cultural heritage, traditional knowledge and indigenous rights: An analysis of the Con-
vention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage. Macquarie Journal of International and
Comparative Environmental Law 1(1), 111-134.
Lowenthal, D. 1986. Heritage and its interpreters. Heritage Australia 5(2): 42-45.
Ministerio de Cultura de Colombia. 2012. Bienes de Inters Cultural del mbito Nacional.
http://www.mincultura.gov.co/?idcategoria=37666.
Padilla, G. 1996. La ley y los pueblos indgenas en Colombia. Journal of Latin American Anthropology,
1: 78-97.
Policy for the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage (Safeguarding policy). 2010. In Ministerio
de Cultura (ed.), Compendio de Polticas Culturales, Bogot: Ministerio de Cultura de Colombia.
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Fairchild Ruggles (eds.), Cultural heritage and human rights: 3-29. New York: Springer Science +
Business Media.
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entre los movimients indgenas y el ambientalismo en Colombia. Bogot: Instituto Colombiano de An-
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sembly on 13 September 2007, A/61/L.67/Annex (2007).
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Yez, N.A. 2006. Reconocimientos legislativos de los derechos ambientales indgenas en el derecho in-
ternacional. In M. Berraondo (ed.) Pueblos indgenas y derechos humanos. Bilbao: Universidad de
Deusto.

Heritage 2012

1 INTRODUCTION
Shaxi sidengjie is situated in a remote valley in Jianchuan county (Dali Prefecture,Yunnan
Province) between the major tourist destinations of Dali and Lijiang and once formed part of
one of the major trails on the Yunnan-Tibet route of the Ancient Tea Horse Road. From the
Tang dynasty (7
th
century) onwards, the Ancient Tea Horse Raod became a central trade route
for the exchange of Tibetan horses and the tea from the interior regions, but it also enabled the
trade of other important commodities and the exchange of the diverse cultures of the region.
In November 2001, Shaxi, has been listed on the World Monument Fund's 100 most endan-
gered World Heritage sites. This marked the beginning of the Shaxi Rehabilitation Project
(SRP) of Shaxi Sideng Jie (/@M), a joint Swiss-Chinese government project supported
by national and international funding and expertise, to restore the old market town back to its
former glory. It also put this once important and famous but long forgotten stop-over on the An-
cient Tea and Horse Road back on the map, more precisely, on the tourist map. Since then Shaxi
has experienced a gradual increase in tourism, but due to its remote location it has so far es-
caped mass tourism which has had major impacts on the nearby cities of Dali and Lijiang. Shaxi
is now at a cross-roads: in less than two-years time the major high-way linking Dali with Li-
jiang and Jianchuan, Shaxi's nearest town and transport hub, will be finished which will cut
traveling time to Shaxi considerably and enable large amounts of tourists to visit the valley.
However, Shaxi valley has a fragile ecology but due to its remote location it could preserve its
natural and cultural heritage to this day, which in turn is the draw-card for tourism. Therefore,
Shaxi has to decide now which way to go: will it go down the path of 'mainstream' tourism de-
velopment in China, or will it make its mark as a model for green and sustainable tourism de-
Cultural heritage in China: Shaxi, a world heritage designated his-
toric town at the cross-roads of development
S. Schriver
University of Western Australia, Perth, Australia
ABSTRACT: In the last few decades, China's rapid economic growth and large-scale develop-
ment of the tourism industry put enormous pressure on the countrys physical, political, eco-
nomic, social and cultural environment. This often led to valuable tourism resources being ad-
versely affected at tourist destinations. In particular the pursuit of short-term economic benefits
in tourism development raises questions of ethics in terms of fairness of distribution, cultural
integrity, alleviation of poverty, and sustainability. While the present political climate regarding
cultural heritage protection in China appears encouraging and positive, the reality at the local
level seems more complex. This paper is concerned with these issues and examines the implica-
tions of recent and potential tourism development on the rich natural and cultural heritage of a
small village once an important stop-over on the Ancient Tea Horse Road - located in a beau-
tiful and remote valley in the foothills of the Himalayan mountains.
velopment as intended and initiated by the SRP, encouraging sustainable living and agriculture,
protecting its beautiful but fragile environment, nurturing and promoting traditional skills and
crafts, reducing poverty, and protecting its rich and intact cultural heritage?
This paper tries to engage in this crucial juncture of Shaxi's future: it will highlight its past as
an important stop-over on the Ancient Tea Horse Road which gave birth to Shaxi's distinct cul-
ture and history and sustained its organic life until the middle of the twentieth century when po-
litical upheavals and a newly built highway put an end to caravan trade and propelled Shaxi
back into isolation and a mainly agricultural life. It will then survey Shaxi's rich cultural herit-
age and examine how the Shaxi Rehabilitation Project, the catalyst for Shaxi's resurrection, has
contributed to its revival, continuation or accentuation, and what other factors played key roles
in the survival of the traditional life in Shaxi. It will finally argue that, based on the last ten
years of its development as a tourism destination and a sound platform of sustainable rural de-
velopment left by the Shaxi Rehabilitation Project, Shaxi has the capacity to embrace looming
changes without unduly compromising its natural and cultural heritage, but instead fully take
advantage of it. I also argue, that at this stage of Shaxi's development, the government, as the
self-appointed custodian of Chinese culture, has the full responsibility to make the right deci-
sions for its community to prosper in a balanced, fair, and sustainable way.
This paper is based on fieldwork currently being conducted in Shaxi, Dali Prefecture, Yunnan
Province, China. The research relies on observation, formal and informal interviews, as well as
secondary sources, primarily books published on the area (mostly in Chinese), and the interpre-
tation of these. Further, the fieldwork is complemented by studying the Chinese media and other
projects on cultural heritage protection in China, as well as taking full advantage of the histori-
cal works of ethnology and anthropology in Yunnan province.
2 SHAXI AND THE ANCIENT TEA HORSE ROAD (CHAMA GUDAO )
Yunnan Province is rich in natural resources and beauty, its topography ranging from majestic
mountain chains and river systems to arid plains and dense jungles, bordering onto Sichuan
Province, Tibet, Guizhou Province and Guangxi Autonomous Region within China, and Laos,
Burma and Vietnam in South-East Asia, making it Chinas most culturally diverse region with
most of Chinas minority people living there. All through Chinas ancient history, but notably
since the Tang dynasty (618-907), this region, with its strategic access to South-East Asia, Tibet
and Central Asia had developed a significant trading network, including the trade of tea, horses,
salt, jade and a multitude of other commodities, as well as a rich and varied social network,
which resulted in bustling centres of commercial activity, vibrant entertainment nodes, and busy
market towns (Zhang, 2006; Bin, 2004).

A number of trading routes criss-crossed that part of
the country one of the most difficult terrains in the world - with the Ancient Tea Horse Road

being the most important route connecting Yunnan Province with eastern Tibet, Nepal, India
and Central Asia, as well as being a feeder route to other trade routes going south and west, as
well as to the famous Silk Road, to Mongolia and Russia to the north (Bin, 2006; Avery, 2003).
This trade route also often referred to as the Southern Silk Road stretched for 3500 km from
the tropical south of Yunnan's Sipsongbanna where tea was cultivated, north to Tibet where
horses were bred, and flourished during the Nanzhao and Dali kingdoms (Tang, Song, and Yuan
Dynasties). Unlike the famous Silk Road, the Ancient Tea Horse Road was still used by horse
and mule caravans until the middle of the twentieth century, therefore there remain many living
cultural practices related to the culture and social life associated with horse and mule caravans
and of course, tea, tea production and consumption (Sigley, 2010).
The main reason of its existence was trade, in particular the trade of tea and horses with Ti-
bet: the Chinese needed horses, the Tibetans wanted tea. While tea was already cultivated and
consumed in Chinas Yunnan and Fujian Provinces for many centuries before the Tea Horse
Road (6
th
century BC), it was sometime in the middle of the Tang Dynasty (618-907) that Tibe-
tans began widely drinking tea. First used as a medicinal drink by the Tibetan court, then
adopted by Tibetan aristocrats, it quickly became a local staple. Beyond its taste it provided sig-
nificant nutrition to their meat and milk heavy but vegetable poor diet. The Chinese military
lacked strong horses such as the Tibetan breed, critical for fighting hostile neighbours to the
north and west. Tea thus became the first choice of trade for horses. The Ancient Tea-Horse
Heritage 2012
Road flourished during the Song (960-1127), Yuan (1279-1368) and Ming (1368-1644) dynas-
ties and the exchange was incorporated into the tributary system. During the Ming dynasty trade
became more and more formalized, standardized and monopolized, to 'buy peace' with certain
'unruly' ethnic groups (Sigley, 2010).
One of the branch roads of the Ancient Tea Horse Road also led to Shaxi. Shaxi Valley lies in
the Hengduan Mountains which form part of the Himalayan (Qinghai-Tibet plateau) mountain
range and the now famous World Heritage site of the 'Three Parallel Rivers', the Jinsha
(Yangtse), Nujiang (Salween), and Lancang (Mekong) rivers
1
. The Hengduan Mountains
(hengduan means 'obstruction') are not only an obstruction to traffic but also to cultural commu-
nication, therefore, unique ethnic cultures and untouched landscapes are well preserved. While
remote and isolated for the most part of its history, Shaxi is rich in natural resources and enjoys
a very favourable climate which eventually made the early Shaxi people settle and evolve into a
new ethnic group, the Bai people. Today, more than 90% of Shaxi's residents are of the Bai na-
tionality, who speak their own language, enjoy their own music and dance, and wear their own
traditional dress.
But Shaxi had become an important node of trade even before the so-called Tea and Horse
Road as salt was traded from the neighboring salt mines of Misha Valley, Laji Well in Lanzhou,
Nuodeng Well in Yunlong, and Qiaohou Well in the south of Shaxi valley. Due to the impor-
tance of salt in an inland area, taxation toll passes and gates were set up on each path to the salt
wells where salt caravans traveled frequently between Shaxi, neighboring villages, and beyond.
Shaxi's abundant products and convenient traffic soon engendered a thriving culture of business
and trade facilitated by the travel of caravans which lasted for more than a thousand years and
left its legacy which we can still see today in Shaxi valley. Sideng Market square in Shaxi val-
ley was a small market place where caravans passed through and which became the most impor-
tant centre for horse caravans trading almost anything that horse caravans needed, including
salt, rice sesame oil, dairy products and groceries, and later tea leaves, horses, fur, cloth, silk, or
medicinal herbs. The caravan teams (mabang =f) that carried these goods were Tibetan, Hui,
or local Bai teams, each team had its own method of organization, its own mules and leader. But
it was not only tea and horses and other goods that were traded, but this extensive trade also
stimulated and promoted cultural exchange and enriched the life and memory in Shaxi (Huang,
2009).
In the early Ming dynasty, Xingjiao Temple, the only Azhali Buddhism temple in China, was
built on the Sideng Market square which contains some rare but well preserved frescoes,
amongst them the mural of a female Buddha which suggests a matriarchal society in Shaxi. The
temple was built for the many Buddhists in Shaxi and for the convenience of those Buddhists
the market moved to the front of the temple which is the layout of Shaxi Sideng Jie today. Slow-
ly the market place developed around Xingjiao Temple and more stores and inns appeared, but
bandits often attacked and burnt down the village again and again, so the present layout of the
Market place dates from the late 19
th
century. Many beautiful traditional Bai folk courtyards
were built that represented those people who made their fortune as caravan chiefs or merchants
on the Tea and Horse Caravan Trail
2
. In the Qing dynasty the Kuixing Tower with Theatre
Stage - which dominates the view of the market place today - was built which is said to be an
'architectural masterpiece of the Bai people that gave birth to Bai culture and gives testimony to
their reverence for learning and culture'
3
. It was also at this time that the main thorough fares
through Shaxi, the north, south and east alley, developed, with the north alley being longer than
south alley, testifying to many more Tibetan caravans travelling from the north, between Jian-
chuan and Shaxi. The stone slabs in the middle of these alleys also remind us of its Confucian
heritage, where those in higher positions walked on the stone slabs, whereas those in lower posi-
tions could only walk on the sides that where roughly covered with cobbles. In the early 20
th

century, the market place was paved with red sandstone, a product of the local Danxia Land-
form, which is now under World Heritage.
The most important site of cultural value for Shaxi is the nearby 'Stone Treasure Mountain'
(shibaoshan), that houses the 'Stone Bell Mountain Cave' (shizhongshan) which became a major
cultural relic under State Protection Level in 1961 and a major tourist destination since 1982.
This mountain range with its unique natural stone forms (Danxia, Lanxi) and many well pre-
served temples harbours Shaxi's history and legacy attesting to the deep cultural exchange be-
tween the region and its neighbours to the south, to Tibet, Nepal, India, and beyond, as well as
showing the high taste of art and culture of the Bai people. The 'Stone Bell Mountain' grotto
cluster has unique value in Yunnan as it has the most variety of themes, most statues, most ex-
quisite carving art and is well preserved: it includes statues, stone carvings, murals and portraits
of buddhas, bodhisattvas, the goddess of Mercy, Guan-yin, and other deities; of kings of the
Nanzhao/Dali kingdom, their families and followers, figures of foreigners, and the carving of a
female reproductive organ (ayangbai), giving evidence to once great empires and religions that
greatly influenced the local people and culture (Huang, 2010). Buddhism, more precisely Azhali
Buddhism
4a
, became the dominant religion beside the influence of Taoism, Confucianism and
forms of local deity worship. In a trade centre such as Shaxi there was a cultural quality of
openness and tolerance without exception to religion, therefore Bai religion was truly syncretic,
as it accepted, integrated and combined various beliefs that travelled along the Ancient Tea
Horse Road.
3 THE CULTURAL HERITAGE OF SHAXI
In the media, Shaxi is usually depicted as: en route from Dali to Lijiang there lies a little town,
Shaxi, the last remaining Market town on the Ancient Tea and Horse Caravan Trail with an in-
tact architecture dating back to the Qing and Ming dynasties. It lies in a beautiful and remote
valley in the foothills of the majestic Himalayan mountains almost untouched by modern civili-
zation which has preserved its rich natural and cultural heritage. The people go about their daily
lives as they have done for thousands of years, working in the fields that adorn the valley, build
their beautiful and ornate houses, speak their own dialect, wear their distinct dress, celebrate
festivals, and love singing and dancing.
With little exaggeration, this is what Shaxi is still about, this is Shaxi's cultural heritage: scen-
ic location, fertile valley, traditional craft and architecture, distinct Bai language, beautiful song
and dance, joyous festivals, bucolic life style. Major infrastructure development has so far by-
passed Shaxi, just as the only major road in the valley bypassed Shaxi. A smaller cobbled road
leads through Shaxi 'new town', the current location of the famed Friday market and commercial
heart of Shaxi. An even smaller cobbled alley leads down to the historic Market place, or locally
known as Sifang Jie. Walking down the tranquil, but often busy tree-lined alley, passing the an-
cient, beautifully restored wooden houses, separated by small water ways on either side, passing
old women in their traditional blue dress, one arrives in the wide Market place with the domi-
nant Theatre Stage and Tower and the impressive Buddhist Temple. Continuing the walk, there
are small cobbled alley ways leading to the north, south and east flanked by courtyard houses
built in the traditional style with only wood and mud brick, ornate with paintings, and with
beautiful entry arches. Walking past one of the old houses, one can often hear singing, and ap-
proaching the window one can see some locals sitting together, some of them practising their
distinct Bai singing accompanied by traditional instruments. Walking on one can hear the
people from their houses talking in the for others incomprehensible Bai dialect. Finally one ar-
rives at the little local temple, mostly visited by older men sitting in the temple yard smoking
and playing mahjiang watched over by the locally worshipped Buddhist deity Guanyin, by Con-
fucius and his disciples, and other fierce local gods. The last stop before returning to rest in the
Market place is the ancient arched Yujin bridge by the river which still has the imprints of
horse's hooves, see the water flow beneath, the paddy fields spread before you, and surrounded
by hills which house the history of Shaxi. Without a doubt this is a most beautiful sight and few
places in China can still boast such an 'authentic' feel.
It is a place where local people live, work, and rest. No 5-star hotel (yet), no newly rebuilt
fake structures, no trincket shops, but an abundance of shoe shops where women sit and sew
traditionally embroidered shoes, and a wood carving shop or two. There are always local
craftsmen at work somewhere building traditional styled houses, where one can watch them
stomp the mud walls, prepare the wood for beams and rafters, or stones for the foundation. At
most times of the year one can see women working in the fields. At important events such as a
new house, weddings, births, funerals etc., locals, young and old, visit the local temple (benz-
humiao), carrying plates of food, pig's heads, and other offerings to the temple, ending with a
traditional 'badawan' feast at their home. Festival times are important, always including a visit to
Heritage 2012
the temple. At other times the temple serves as the 'social club' for elderly people. But all of this
with no pretence, no fakeness, no tourist spectacle, but genuinely local.
Today, the market place becomes busy again at festival time and when carrying out rituals, in
particular at the Eryueba (7on February 8 of lunar calendar), or Crown Prince Festival,
which celebrates the birth of Buddha and is the most distinctive and important religious festival
in Shaxi; or the Torch festival, also widely celebrated by many ethnic groups in south-western
China. Another important festival is the Bai people's 'valentine's day', where crowds of people
will gather and pairs of men and women will form up for an antiphonal singing competition in
Bai song. Accompanied by traditional string instruments Bai youths will sing responsively to
each other in passion for three days and three nights. This site (shibaoshan) is listed as a world
national singing day, or 'Bai People's Singing Town' (Jianchuan Bureau of Tourism, 2001). The
Bai singing voice is unique, accentuated by the unique Bai language. In recent years, some of
this singing has also been in Mandarin, so tourists would be able to understand.
Many rites and celebrations (such as the Benzhu Meeting) are related to the worship custom
of Bai people to their 'local god', or benzhu , who protects the local people in Bai culture, and
everyone of the Bai ethnic group is a follower of the local deity from their birth. Usually, in
each village and region, the Benzhu has a different meaning attached to it: some of the deities
worshiped in Shaxi are the God of Nature, kings and generals, national heroes, famous officers,
or loyal women. In most villages the worship of Guanyin, the Buddhist boddhisatva of Mercy, a
female fertility deity, is combined with the benzhu worship (Huang, 2009). There are also rites
of Taoism and Confucianism, but it is the practice of Azhali Buddhism, or Esoteric Buddhism,
that had the greatest impact on Bai culture as a whole
4
.
But folk culture is also present in folk art such as in folk songs (benziqu), Buddhism tone of
Azhali in old music, Taoism tones, and cave music; stone carving, wood carving, and architec-
tural craftsmanship are strong and traditional skills in Shaxi and the region; folk art in the region
also comprises fresco, cloth tie-dyeing, painting felt, earth pottery, and embroidery, in particular
embroidered shoes that both locals and tourists favour
5
. Further, the many local delicacies, often
harvested from the mountains, like wild fruit, roots or mushrooms, are part of the local cuisine
and culture
6
, and no feast is complete without the famous 'Eight Big Bowls', or badawan, com-
prising eight dishes of cultural significance. The locals rely predominantly on agriculture for
income and still follow traditional practices aided by mules and water buffaloes, and the rice
fields in the valley add to the beautiful, peaceful, and aesthetic landscape which is one of Shax-
i's greatest assets.
4 SHAXI AND THE SHAXI REHABILITATION PROJECT
In 2001, the World Monument Fund included Shaxi Market Place on the list of 100 Most En-
dangered World Heritage Sites, as 'Shaxi Market is the only surviving example of a way station
on the Tea and Horse Caravan Trail, with an intact theatre, guesthouse, temple complex and
gates (Huang, 2009)'. This was the start of the Shaxi Rehabilitation Project (SRP), led by the
Swiss Federal Institute of Technology (ETH Zurich) and funded by national and international
agencies, as well as local partners from Jianchuan County, Dali Prefecture and Yunnan Province
authorities. The Project consists of six modules: Marketplace Restoration, Historic Village Pre-
servation, Sustainable Valley Development, Ecological Sanitation, Poverty Reduction and Cul-
tural Preservation, and Events and Dissemination. Modules I-III are completed (2009) and
Module IV is now in process. The project was handed over to the local government in 2006.
First, the old Theatre and Stage (Kuixingge) and the Buddhist temple (Xingjiaosi) were reno-
vated and a small museum dedicated to the history of the Ancient Tea and Horse Road was put
in a wing of the theatre. Then, the old inns around the square which were locally owned but no
longer operational were renovated and bought by the local government. The former residents
were given larger parcels of land just outside the town where they could build new residences.
Residents living near the square who were not relocated must comply with building codes that
only allow for buildings to be built using traditional materials. A basic sewage system, some
eco-toilets, and waste water treatment were installed to improve hygiene and health standards.
Later, the East Gate, leading to the river and the ancient bridge, was restored and the South Gate
rebuilt in traditional mud-brick style. Foot prints and hoof prints of men and horses on ancient
rocks can still be seen around the town. The restored Market square, historic village and the
temple emphasise the notion of adaptive use as they are not only well-preserved old buildings
but also built for functional contemporary use which adds to the local identity.
This project is a model and a milestone in cultural heritage preservation where all the 'classic'
problems of authentic restoration, or restoring the heritage back to its original form, emerged
and had to be dealt with (Huang, 2010; Feiner, 2002). It takes Shaxi's specific geographical,
ecological, social and economic conditions into consideration and uses local materials and tradi-
tional techniques where possible. It is also a model and milestone insofar as it not only strives to
restore (rather than rebuild) and preserve the cultural heritage of Shaxi, but also laid the founda-
tion for long-term development, promoting all-round sustainability of development for this fra-
gile valley that is fast becoming a major tourist destination. However, it was specified in the
planning that 'tourism will not be the sole vehicle for the viability of Shaxi communities', and to
'develop tourism and other industries in the valley by preserving and rehabilitating its cultural
heritage, its ecological qualities, and its social structure' (Feiner, 2002). An integrated and com-
prehensive regional plan includes a zoning and transportation plan, a sustainable basic infra-
structure plan, a tourism development plan, a protection and development plan for historic sites,
and an investment plan (Feiner, 2002). These are all elements of an overarching model of sus-
tainable rural development which the project has as its main objective and wants to set an ex-
ample for similar sites.
This project was the first and most important step for the preservation of Shaxi's cultural her-
itage. It made local people newly aware of their roots and history, made them remember. Before
that, cultural heritage was unconsciously part of their lives, often unappreciated, and many as-
pects would have been in danger of fading out, disappearing, or being forgotten, in particular the
local historic architecture would soon have been beyond repair. But when the restorations were
finished, presenting the village with a newly restored historic market square that could be used
and lived-in again, locals were given back some of their identity. Now the important traditional
festivals can be celebrated again 'in style' on the beautiful square, enhanced by performances on
the magnificent theatre stage, once the heart and soul of Shaxi. And while the temple is current-
ly not used for religious purposes, its existence is very important to Shaxi. When the first tour-
ists arrived after the project was finished, for the first time in many decades, Shaxi people could
look again beyond their village and valley, taking in new influences from the outside world
which was what made Shaxi once such an important stop-over on the Ancient Tea Horse Road.
5 SHAXI'S FUTURE
In the past five years, the preservation efforts of the SRP team have brought in a marginally in-
creasing amount of tourism to Shaxi and has created new opportunities for Shaxi residents..
Shaxi has even made it into the Lonely Planet Southwestern China version in the past few years,
so foreign tourism will likely increase. This is already generating some extra money, which is
expected to increase and further raise the quality of life of the residents. According to the latest
survey the average annual income in Shaxi is still very low
7
. Agriculture is still the primary
source of income, but as Shaxi lies over 2000m high, only one harvest of rice is possible. Con-
struction work accounts for about two thirds of the secondary industry, and stone, wood carving,
and architectural craftsmanship are strong and traditional businesses. Skilled carpenters, wood
carvers and stone carvers often get contracted to projects elsewhere in the province or even to
other parts of the country. The third industry sector, Public Administration and Services, togeth-
er with the secondary industry mainly services the local agricultural population.
The positive account of Shaxi Sideng Jie should not, however, hide the fact that Shaxi is not
without problems. Uneven market distribution produces social and economic polarization which
is underscored by still wide-spread poverty, low education, unemployment, and out-migration.
But unemployment is not considered a shame or embarrassment as it is very common, so there
is often little motivation to find work even if available. The new social differentiation also
created a new social hierarchy organized around material wealth where guesthouse owners (all
outsiders) act as an elite, while those who have little land occupy the space of the marginalized
(Nanay, 2010). Community social relations and kinship relations are crumbling, and friendships
and family relations have even been commodified (Nanay, 2010). Family feuds over house
Heritage 2012
deeds are not uncommon, in particular since renting out houses has become a lucrative business.
Discontent amongst the younger generation due to lack of opportunities also breeds mischiev-
ous behavior and leads to an increase in alcoholism, petty vandalism, gambling and even drug
use. The villages around Shaxi are visibly poorer with dirt roads, run-down houses, and mounds
of trash. Many villages in the mountains, mainly inhabited by the Yi minority, can only be
reached by walking, horses and mules and lack basic infrastructure. With the growth of tourism
and growing exposure to the outside world, the local population is increasingly integrating out-
side culture into their own, in particular Han culture (hanhua ,|). As a result of this exposure,
they are mostly at loss trying to integrate change and a modern lifestyle with low income and
little know-how.
Considering the above conditions, it was realised from the start of the SRP project that Shaxi
can not remain in a time bubble for the pleasure of romantic tourists, but that development has
to happen. However, it is extremely important, that Shaxi's development will be continually
monitored and re-evaluated so as not to destroy its ecological balance. An increasing population
will increase land-use and put more and more pressure on valuable arable land. Over-use of the
natural environment will potentially lead to the depletion of natural resources as well as increase
the threat of natural disasters. An unchecked increase in tourism would almost certainly lead to
an unchecked increase in infrastructure development and land-use and very easily and quickly
destroy the natural environment and beauty of the valley. The local governments will have to
think beyond economic profit and continue to adhere to sustainable tourism development as
stated in the SRP development plans. 'Soft' tourism, such as eco-tourism or rural tourism are
viable alternatives to mass tourism, but are also not without problems (Su, 2011). The failure of
tourism development to address poverty reduction and environmental problems therefore also
suggest the need to rethink tourism as an alternative to development (Ming, 2009).
There are currently a number of independent projects in Shaxi that encourage sustainable de-
velopment and practices: one, a 'low-carbon project', financed by the Swiss government and led
by the architect who also worked with the SRP team, is trying to promote community participa-
tion and self sustainability, soft tourism, organic agriculture, business training and development,
etc. It aims to offer community support on all matters of 'green' and sustainable development in
the valley and includes the renovation of an old school and large temple complex in a neigh-
bouring village, donated by the Shaxi government, which will also serve as accommodation,
and cultural and information centre
8
. It is also currently developing concise plans and imple-
mentation for rural homestay (nongjiale T). However, studies show that tourism by
households depends on cash and spare labour, and that families with small farms and limited
labour can not engage in tourism, but have to rely more on agriculture to provide income for the
family (Ming, 2009). As Shaxi's population is mostly reliant on agriculture, it is common that
during the harvest season people leave their jobs to work on the fields, or are reluctant to enter
jobs before the busy agricultural season which causes a considerable labour shortfall in the tour-
ism industry
9
. Also, the ratio of formal education in Shaxi is low, few have experience in the
tourism and services industry, and hardly anyone can speak English. Education and training
constitute one of the biggest problems for further tourism development in Shaxi.
The other project, working under the brand name of Gingko Society
10
, established to create
sustainable, green-themed tourism development in Shaxi, is the restoration of an old temple
complex in a neighbouring village, to be turned into a visitor centre and vegetarian restau-
rant/cafe; besides accommodation, the society also offers activities for corporate team building
events and special activities for student groups to immerse themselves in local culture; it has
also initiated an outdoors-activity based low-impact tourism venture, called Shaxi Temple Zip-
line Tours, based in Shibaoshan, allowing tourists to visit the UNESCO heritage grottoes with-
out driving the long distances between the temples. The Gingko Society projects, financed by a
well-known American philanthropist and entrepreneur, also restored the former Dragonfly
Guesthouse, which is now aptly named Old Theatre Inn as it is also the home of one of the
many theatre stages in Shaxi valley. The 'low-carbon' project and the Gingko Society projects
both have the support of the local government and village elders, and both seek out local
craftsmen in wood craft and stone masonry for the restoration.
11
There are also plans in progress
to create a scenic bike and walking path linking the different villages in the valley and their spe-
cific sights, such as temples and theatre stages, encourage stop-overs to sample local fare and
stimulate their economies, and take advantage of the surrounding natural environment.It was
also a plan of the SRP to restore parts of the Ancient Tea Horse Road in Shaxi valley.
Within the shibaoshan cultural district there lies a little Bai village which has been chosen by
SIL and the Yunnan Province Language Affairs Commission as a model village to teach Bai in
preschool school before the children reach primary school, but also to foster and preserve the
local dialect, Bai song and other traditions within the wider community, in particular, artists,
singers, storyteller, potential teachers, and parents
11a
.
On the other end of the spectrum, local government development follows the path of
'mainstream' development for cultural heritage sites or other scenic spots in China: pompous
sculpture at the entry of the village; infrastructure works, such as road refurbishing and new se-
wage system outside the historic market, improved lighting along main road outside of town,
and the planned building of a large 5-star hotel/shopping complex. Investments from outside for
tourism development are encouraged. Almost forgotten are the poorer outlying and mountain
villages of the valley, as Shaxi takes the limelight. As people voice their concerns about the
poor state of communal and cultural buildings and the lack of government response to it, this
also indicates a disconnection, or miscommunication between the government and the people
and explains the lack of progress and improvement.
12
But this is still a poor area, and funding
for other projects besides the designated tourism infrastructure development in Sidengjie is hard
to find for the local government. The most visible and imminent problem in Shaxi is the gar-
bage. While the market place has a working disposal system, in other parts of the town and val-
ley garbage just gets dumped anywhere, raked together and burned, which emits toxic fumes
and is a sore sight for visitors. Spitting and throwing away trash is a common sight. The Heihui
River, the lifeline of Shaxi's agriculture, is lauded as a beautiful clean and clear stream but is
full of rubbish on its banks and gets dredged for river sand and stones, and a number of hydro-
stations divert water away from the river.
Tourism development in China is primarily organised by the government who operates tour-
ism companies and tourism attractions and makes it its responsibility to attract investment. This
puts other stakeholders, in particular local communities, in a relatively passive and inferior posi-
tion. Tourism development in China is also strongly tied to economic benefits and usually the
leading force in community development, sometimes even the only effective option (in particu-
lar in the western regions). Also, in China, the departments of tourism and cultural heritage are
two separate entities, where the former is more commercially oriented and has more 'clout' than
the cultural heritage department (Sigley, 2009). Cultural heritage agencies at the grass-roots are
usually understaffed and under-financed and have little influence. While community participa-
tion in tourism development in China has been recognised as an indispensable mechanism with-
in the macroscopic system of sustainable development, in practice it still doesn't exist in China
(Bao and Su, 2007). If there is community participation, their demands also focus primarily on
economic benefits, and villagers can get quite enthusiastic about participating, even over-
participating (Bao and Su, 2007). This means that other demands in community participation are
low, and villagers, especially in poor areas, do not care about the passive effects of tourism de-
velopment, such as pollution, or other environmental or social degradation, as long as it will
give them a better life. However, Shaxi has already experienced the benefits of more sustainable
development through working with the SRP team, and therefore their attitudes are also already
more 'conditioned' than in other poverty-stricken areas in the country. This means that, while
there is no real village participation, the local government, along with the various external par-
ticipants as mentioned above and the support of other government levels, would be in a very
strong position to keep pushing forward with sustainable development, divert from the path of
'mainstream' development of purely economic benefit, and serve as a model of rural develop-
ment for 21
st
century China.
6 CONCLUSION
Shaxi is a small and well preserved village with a rich and varied cultural heritage, situated in a
beautiful and fertile valley amidst a fragile natural environment. Local residents and the local
government are aware of the success as well as the negative effects of tourism development in
nearby Lijiang and Dali, but both are enthusiastic about major and fast development. Therefore,
Heritage 2012
Shaxi has been getting a lot of attention in recent times: film crews, researchers, media, county
and province government officials, and tourism officials, visit Shaxi on a frequent basis, survey-
ing, photographing, and evaluating Shaxi's tourism development potential. Furthermore, in
2010, an important meeting was convened by the State Administration of Cultural Heritage
(SACH) and the Yunnan government to discuss the cultural heritage protection and preservation
of the Ancient Tea Horse Road and first steps towards an application for World Heritage status
(Sigley, 2010)
13
. China is in a veritable World Heritage application fever and is now number
three in the world of most heritage sites listed (41). While in the national press many of the gov-
ernment voices support and urge sustainable development and the launch of '"Chinese Cultural
Tourism" in 2011 hopes to use the experiences of cultural tourism to promote the prosperity and
further development of China's vast and varied cultural heritage', Shaxi's future is still in dan-
ger
14
.The SRP project has initiated a viable all-round sustainable future for Shaxi that the gov-
ernment would have to carry to its end, or better, carry it on as a continuous development until
Shaxi village and valley can become self-sustaining, with a well-off, equitable, and harmonious
society. Shaxi's stakes are very high, it has much to loose, not only for the community and envi-
ronment, but also in the face of national and international agencies and organisations that helped
finance Shaxi's future, and also put trust in the government's capacity to continue work a sus-
tainable way.
ENDNOTES
1
See for example, http://www.china.org.cn/english/kuaixun/75236.htm , accessed, March 10, 2012.
2
Ouyang Courtyard is one of the most beautiful and best preserved one. The classic arrangement of the-
se courtyards was the 'three-house-one-protection-wall' courtyard, including entry gates, main en
trance, second entry, main house, wing houses, courtyard garden, small stage, kitchen, and affi-
xed stable. The high local vernacular architec ture also suggests the importance of Shaxi as a post-sta
tion on the Ancient Tea Horse Road. Yunnan's architecture mirrors local traditional styles of the
Bai, Yi, Naxi and Han.
3
Kuixing Towers (a tower for the God of Scholarship) have an interesting history, dating back to the
Ming and Qing dynasties, and the promotion of Confucianism through the issuance of Imperial Decre-
es. The Kuixing Deity in the Tower is also regarded as a god of Taoism and of good fortune in exami-
nations. There are many Kuixing Towers to be found in Shaxi valley, demonstrating the wisdom of the
local people and the popularity of Confucianism.
4
For more information on Azhali Buddhism, see Huang Yinwu, Reading Time in Shaxi, pp. 78-87.
4a
See also http://www.ethnic-china.com/Bai/baiindex.htm accessed February, 28, 2012.
5
Some of these arts are also on the list of Intangible Cultural Heritage, such as Tie-dyeing Techniques
of Bai Ethnic Group.
6
There are a few local people who regularly go up to the mountains to buy wild mushrooms from the
villagers who collect them. These are then mostly sold to traders who process them on the same day in
town, transport them to Kunming, from where they get exported, mainly to Japan; on this topic see for
example, D. Arora, 'The houses that Matsutake built', Economic Botany 62(3), 2008, pp. 278-90, The
New York Botanical Garden Press, NY. It explores the implications of harvest and trade of wild mu-
shrooms and other non-wood forest products (NWFP) and the ensuing wealth of many locals in the
lower Himalaya regions.
7
The latest survey on Shaxi's demographic, economic and cultural condition conducted by the 'low car-
bon project' team has just been returned and evaluated, and will be available in detail at a later point
upon request.
8
This project is in its early stages and inquiries can be made at the Shaxi Cultural Centre
http://shaxiculturalcenter.org/en/index.php
9
Based on interview with local guesthouse owner and another local service provider who have been
trying to find casual labour, but potential applicants (mainly young women) refused to enter emplo-
yment before the busy season in the fields, even when offered substantially more money; they also re-
fused a lower wage during training.
10
http://www.ginkgosociety.org/
11
For information on this project, see http://www.shaxichina.com/shaxi-information/the-pear-orchard-
temple.htm , accessed, February 28, 2012.
11a
See http://www.eastasiagroup.net/content/bai-literacy-project , see also Allen, B. Bai Dialect Survey.
SIL Electron ic Survey Report, 2007-012 (August 2007).
12
According to recent 'low-carbon project' survey (see above).
13
The meeting was titled 'China Cultural Heritage Protection: the Pu'er Forum on the Ancient Tea Horse
Road Cultural Heritage Protection'. Sigley, p. 537.
14
See for example, http://www1.chinaculture.org/focus/2008-11/14/content_331415_3.htm , accessed
February 28, 2012.
REFERENCES
Arora, D. 2008. The houses that Matsutake built. Economic Botany 62(3): 278-90.
Bin, Y. 2004.. Horses, Silver, and Cowries: Yunnan in Global Perspective. Journal of World History;
15(3): 281-322.
Bao, J. and Su, J. 2007. Differences in community participation in tourism development in China and the
West. Chinese Sociology and Anthropology, 39( 3): 9-27.
Feiner, J. et al. 2002. Sustainable Rural Development Based on Cultural Heritage. The Case of the Shaxi
Rehabilitation Project. DISP 151. This project is ongoing and is now in stage IV of VI.
Huang, Y. 2009. Reading Time in Shaxi. (zai Shaxi yuedu shijian), Yunnan Nationalities Publishing
House, Kunming.
Jianchuan Bureau of Tourism, 2002.
Ming, Y. et al. 2009. Tourism: An Alternative to Development?' Mountain Research and Development,
29(.1): 75-81.
Nanay, I., 'Utopian Marketization and the Historical Fate of a Rural Society: Sideng Village, Shaxi To-
wnship', SIT Study Abroad, ISP Collection, 2010.
Sigley, G. 2010. Cultural Heritage Tourism and the Ancient Tea Horse Road of Southwest China. Interna-
tional Journal of China Studies. 1(2): 531-544.
Su, B. 2011. Rural Tourism in China. Tourism Management, 14.
Zhang, W. 2006. The Trading Culture of Jade Stones Among the Yunnanese in Burma and Thailand,
1962881. Journal of Chinese Overseas. 2(2): 269-293.

Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
This paper aims to explore the significance of the intangible heritage and its role in the forma-
tion of social and personal identity. For this purpose, it follows the definition of the intangible
heritage outlined by the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural
Heritage.
The intangible cultural heritage means the practices, representations, ex-
pressions, knowledge, skills as well as the instruments, objects, artefacts and
cultural spaces associated therewith that communities, groups and, in some
cases, individuals recognized as part of their cultural heritage (UNESCO,
2009).
The commonly used phrase, the living cultural heritage, refers more specifically to modes of
expressions that transmit the essence of the communities or groups worldviews and cultural self-
understanding. Such transmission does not occur only through cognitively expressed images.
According to Costa (2011, 49), it is also transmitted through the intangibility of its contents,
feelings and emotions it provokes. Therefore, more specifically intangible heritage includes in-
ter alia oral traditions, language, performing arts, social practices, rituals and festive events and
more so importantly knowledge concerning the nature and the universe (UNESCO at 60). The
listed modes of creative expressions contain a plethora of dynamic and fluid memories (Trim,
Intangible heritage and its role in the formation of social and per-
sonal identity
J. A. Skrzypaszek
Avondale College of Higher Education, Cooranbong, N.S.W., Australia
ABSTRACT: The rapid changes in cultural demographics, technology, education and the im-
pact of globalization and multiculturalism demand a re-assessment of the processes that tend to
isolate contemporary life from its heritage, named in the paper as cultural distancing. In view of
the named dilemma, this paper explores the importance of the intangible heritage and its contri-
bution to the formation of contextualized social and personal identity. The heart of the argument
suggests that the nurture of the intangible heritage connects with the hub of identity formation.
In support of this position, this paper adopts and modifies Stobbelaar and Pedrolis existential
and spatial identity quadrant by expanding the meanings to horizontal and vertical dimensions
of lifes experience. The proposed model demonstrates that in the context of spatial dimension,
the affective component of social identity, coined with the elements of reflexivity ingrained in
the cultural memory, contributes to the reconstruction of relevant social and personal identity.
Further, in this context, intangible heritage provides visionary inspiration and motivational
drive. With this impetus, it drives the formation of the contemporary identity to discover a high-
er and future oriented purpose. Finally, the paper shows that in such a framework, identity
thrives with a passion and contextualized vision, as long as, individuals take the time and effort
to nurture, revive and recreate the memory of the living heritage.
2011,11). Ingrained in the textures of the expressed memories one finds the pulsating lifeblood
of identity.
Further analysis of the definitions points the notions of continuity or rather connectivity be-
tween the past and present. It suggests that such living heritage provides a sense of ongoing
identity on the proviso individuals engage actively in the process of continual recreation of the
cultural heritage (Smeets, 2004, 45). In other words, to maintain its ongoing vibrancy and influ-
ence, intangible heritage needs to be in a state of continual interaction with the changing nature
of social and cultural environment. It applies being relevant to its community, recreated and
transmitted, from one generation to another (UNESCO, Safeguarding without freezing). Van
Ginkel (2004, p.24) links the relevance of cultural connection and identity formation to show the
closely-knit relationship between the social and personal identity. He argues, Cultural heritage
is one of these defining factors of a persons identity. McLean (2006, p.3) reinforces this point
stating, Heritage has an identity-conferring status.
However, rapid changes in cultures, trends, demographics, technology and education coined
with globalization and multiculturalism demand a re-assessment of the processes that tend to iso-
late contemporary life from its heritage. Kim (2007) observes that while the vast array of global
changes seemingly closes the gap of the cultural differences, paradoxically the same forces con-
tribute to a deep fractious and unsettling landscape. For this very reason, recent years unfold a
growing interest in the study of intangible heritage and identity. Van Ginkel (2004, p.24) sees
this relationship as a necessary channel to help us maintain our roots in the midst of lives that
are characterized by mobility and change. In view of the existing divide between the past, the
contemporary life and the progressive nature of global changes, this research argues that the pre-
servation of the intangible heritage, namely as something we have to care about and simulta-
neously to care for, links with the hub of identity formation. In this context, caring does not ap-
ply, as commonly referred, to a process of preservation, conservation, safeguarding and
replicating. The named factors lock the intangible heritage to static patterns of traditions de-
tached from relevance to the contemporary life. Rather, this paper aims to explore the elements
that permeate the intangible heritage with lasting dynamism of flexibility and plasticity. It also
aims to discuss how these in turn empower the contemporary generations with images that en-
hance the formation of social and personal identity, yet retain a connection with the past.
2 BEGINNING OF THE JOURNEY
Heritage represents the history. Howard and Graham (2008, p. 2) refer to the constructionist
view of the heritage in which selective past materials becomes cultural, political and economic
resources for the present. Such a view discards the deeply ingrained interplay of emotions that
form part of human responsiveness to life experiences. The narratives, songs ballades, social
practices, rituals and festival are more than static vestiges of the past to be admired. Trim points
out (2011, p.12), It is the way the past is represented, both by and to the community, shaping
how the community sees and understands itself. As such, the images of the past remind us of
the life once lived in all fullness. According to Costa, (2011, p.50) such records transmit emo-
tions and mental concepts, and it may be added, it unfolds the dynamic story of human search
for meaning, purpose.
These spaces include the totality of human responsiveness to lifes journey emotions, per-
ceptions, conceptions, mediations, performances, materialization both in its social and personal
construct (Russell, 2007). Stobellar and Pedroli (2011, p.322) refer to such spaces of interactive
creativity as landscapes. They define the identity of the landscapes as the perceived uniqueness
of a place. They argue that peoples identity moulds within the confines and interaction with
many elements such as, social class, religion, ethnicity and interaction with the physical
world (Ibid., 323).
There is a common agreement that personal identity germinates in the context of such social
framework (Trim, 2011; Graham and Howard, 2008; Cipolla, 2008; Halas, 2010; Poole, 2008).
As part of the process, it is subjected to the impact of communicative memory defined as va-
rieties of collective memory that are based exclusively on everyday communications (Assman,
1995, p.126). Referring to the pioneering work of Halbwachs, Trim (p.11) highlights the value
of social frameworks for memory. It is the degree that our individual thought places itself in
Heritage 2012
these frameworks and participates in this memory that it is capable of the art of recollection.
The close interactively functional tie between the social and individual memory suggests as af-
firmed by Van Ginkel that the social and cultural background is one of the defining factors of a
person's identity(Van Ginkel, p.24). According to Sibellar and Pedroli people derive a signifi-
cant part of their identity from the landscape in which they were raised and lived (p.323). They
define such landscapes as existential identity.
This paper refers to it as a horizontally directional dimension of lifes experiences. It includes
all the experiences confronting people in the context of their social, cultural and geographical,
space and time. The processes leading to the formation of the individual I-feeling and the so-
cial/cultural we-feeling identity are never static (Ibid.). They are subject to changes. In other
words, identity does not retain a perpetual quality. In order to remain relevant to its time and
place, personal and social identity is always subjected to modification and renewal. It simply
exemplifies the flowing process of changing life. Van Ginkel comments, living beings change
over time, physically and mentally, and so does culture change. He supports the notion that
No culture is static but evolves constantly, usually as a reaction to exposure to, and interac-
tion with other cultures. In this process, identity is exposed to flux of changes and notions of
continuity and discontinuity. The interaction within the social context coined with the pressures
exerted by the process of change that according to Kim (p.241) renders the individual an emo-
tionally significant aspect of individual self-concept. In this case, the proposed view of exis-
tential identity seen by this study as a horizontally directional dimension of lifes experience
highlights the reality of the cultural gap caused by elements of time and change.
The issue that demands discussion relates to the emerging problem of cultural distancing illu-
strated in diagram 1. The individual landscapes (A & B) provide a nurturing framework for the
formation of identity. In each framework, the three characteristics of social identity, namely the
cognitive, evaluative and affective dimension (Guijarro, 93) shape the distinctive boundaries of
the perceived uniqueness of a place. The named characteristics play a significant role in helping
individuals to recognize and define the specificity of its uniqueness.

Diagram 1

However, as pointed by Bauman (2004,11) and Graham and Howard (2008,5) identity is not
secured by a lifelong guarantee. Rather, in order to remain relevant to its time and place, it is
subjected to continual modification. With passing time, the pulsating elements of the collective
social memory, referred to as a living communication transition to an objectivized culture
(Assmann, 128, Trim, p,11,12). This study refers to the named transition as cultural distancing.
3 IDENTIFYING THE CHALLENGE THE POINT OF TRANSITION
The named cultural distancing includes a transitioning journey from commemorative to cultural
memory. This process alters the interactive dynamism of identity formation and transforms it in-
to fixed vestiges of memory spaces locked in the framework of time. What once was a space of
vibrant, interactive and dynamic uniqueness, a place of noise, sound, colour and smell changes
into a relic, a memory of experiences in time passed by. Hence, events such as festivals, rites,
epics, poems and images, transform into, so called, memory islands or as suggested by Trim
"traditions" (p.12). He argues This kind of memory is, at its heart, how culture or community
lives with or against its past. (Ibid.)
With passing time, nostalgic sentiments prompted by the ongoing search for meaning and re-
levance, spark off into action the three elements of social identity. However, in view of the ex-
isting cultural distancing, the cognitive, evaluative and affective elements, which play an active
role in the ongoing process of identity formation, tend to assume a retrospective function. Here,
the affective element of the social identity, namely the feelings of emotional attachment to the
group (Guijarro, p.93) is driven by the emotion of nostalgic attachment to the past, rather than
elements of creativity towards the future. In that sense, the links with the past heritage are
viewed from the retrospective angle of recreating the past. Smeets (2004, 44,45) recognized the
growing challenge of cultural distancing by pointing out, Elements of intangible cultural herit-
age are disappearing, or deteriorating at an increasing pace. At the same time, he sees the link
with the past as heritage that is constantly recreated by communities and groups.
In contrast to the notion of recreation of the past, this study suggests that the horizontally di-
rectional dimension of lifes experience ties closely with the vertical dimension of life expe-
rience. In this context, to recreate the heritage means much more than to replay the past. It
means to recapture the elements within the past processes of identity formation applicable to the
ongoing process of the journey.
4 RETROSPECTIVE REFLECTIONS CONTINUITY OF THE JOURNEY
This raises a question regarding the role intangible heritage plays in the ongoing formation of
contextualized social and personal identity. What elements from the past continue to exert a
formative influence on ones self-understanding in the contemporary culture? To answer this
question, this study modifies Stobbelaar and Pedrolis concept of existential and spatial identity
(p.323). They suggest that, beside the existential identity, another vital component of the land-
scape is the so called, spatial identity(Ibid.). It is a space where people ascribe identity to
their environment. Naturally, the characteristics of this space are much broader than the visual
aspects of the landscape. They suggest it includes elements such as, orientation, distances, or-
dination, colours, processes and even sounds and smell. Based on Paassi (2002) and Ingolds
(2002) research, this specific dimension gives individuals the ability to describe the landscape
from outside. In other words, the spatial dimension enables individuals to step out off the im-
mediate surroundings and view lifes journey from an enlarged perspective. It must be acknowl-
edged that the Landscape Identity Circle quadrant adds to the understanding of the wide spec-
trum of influences impacting the formation of identity social and personal identity (Stobelaar &
Pedrolli, p. 325). However, it fails to resolve the question addressed in this paper.
For this purpose, this study expands the proposed model combining it with the functions of
cognitive, evaluative and affective elements of social identity in the context of reflexivity (Dia-
gram 2). In the proposed model, the names, existential and spatial identity used in Stobbelaar
and Pedrolis The Landscape Identity Circle quadrant are changed to horizontal and ver-
tical dimensions of lifes experience. The resulting two-dimensional view highlights the issues
created by the cultural distancing. It also provides a framework for the role intangible heritage
plays in the formation of social and personal identity.

Heritage 2012

Diagram 2

Firstly, the spatial and vertical dimension of lifes experience provides the opportunity to eva-
luate the connections between the two points of specific cultural uniqueness (A & B) from a
wider perspective. Secondly, as already stated, in each segment (A & B) the cognitive, evalua-
tive and affective dimension shape the specific boundaries of identity. Guijaro defines the cog-
nitive aspects as a dimension, by which an individual knows s/he is a member of the group;
evaluative dimension, which is perceived by comparison with other groups in which differenc-
es are emphasized; and affective dimension, which involves emotional attachment to the
group (p.93). In the framework of the existential identity, represented by the black arrow along
the horizontal axis, one discovers the emerging challenge of cultural distancing. The pressures
exerted by a variety of circumstances drive identity to an ongoing process of modification, re-
newal and adjustments.
In segment, A, personal identity develops within the construct of everyday communicative
memory. On the other hand, in segment B the process of identity formation faces the challenge
resulting from the interactive tension between the collective or cultural memory and the need for
contextualized relevance. The cultural memory is identified as the product of a collective expe-
rience immersed in the body of re-usable texts, images, rituals specific to each society in each
epoch (Asmann, 1995, 132). Quoting Pierre Nora, Trim refers to it as a dynamic force opened
to evolution, open to dialectic of remembering and forgettingvulnerable to manipulation and
appropriation, susceptible to being a long dormant and periodically revived (Trim, p,12). It is
obvious that, with passing time, the images of the past are characterized by its distance from
everyday life (Assmann, 129). At this point, it needs to be noted that the movements along the
horizontal axis provide only two options, namely a movement forward or reversal to the past. In
this respect, movements, along the named axis either disconnect contemporary life from its
roots or drive the sentiments toward a nostalgic attachment to the past rather than creativity that
enhances a process of continual relevance for the present and creativity towards the future.
The existential-spatial axis, represented by the black arrow along the vertical axis, named in
this paper as the vertical dimension of lifes experience, provides a broader and deeper perspec-
tive of the horizontal dimension. Firstly, placed in the framework of the vertical dimension, the
three characteristics of social identity (cognitive, evaluative and affective) are placed in, what
Graham and Howard (p.5) calls, senses of time. It may be referred to as a space of awareness
that identity is not secured by a lifelong guarantee (Ibid.). This awareness safeguards it from
the temporal orientation or understanding that a group oriented towards the past will tend to
identify itself or will compare itself with other groups in the past (Guijarro, 93). Further, the
temporal orientation includes the element of reflexivity. Assmann (p.130) connects the role of
reflexivity in cultural memory with the mode of potentiality where images of the past generate
a total horizon and the mode of actuality where each contemporary context puts the objec-
tivized meaning into its own perspective, giving it its own relevance. As well as, it includes
the ability to explain, distinguish, reinterpret, criticize, censure, control, surpass and receive
hypoleptically (Assman, p.132).
Secondly, in contrast, the proposed vertical dimension links the affective dimension of social
identity with the reflexivity. This paper argues that, in the proximity of the affective dimension,
reflexivity moves beyond the function of comparative analysis along the existential axis. Rather,
the interactive function between the two components shapes the uniqueness of both social and
personal identity on the vertical dimension of lifes experience. As already shown, the intangi-
ble heritage transmits much more than static informative images from the past. The narratives,
stories rites and images transmit emotions of the life once lived in all its fullness and the passion
associated with the universal search for meaning and purpose. In this context reflexivity ex-
pends its function for it moves beyond the mundane interests connected with lifes journey. In
this respect, Halas (2010, p.313) expands Assmanns view of reflexivity beyond the existential
dimension. She argues,

In the cultural perspective proposed here, memory is a temporal dimension of
communicated meaning. In other words, memory consists in communicative acts
transmitting reflexive knowledge about the past from the perspective of a future
present. Thus, a further importance lies in the fact that this proposal no longer re-
gards memory as turned exclusively towards the past

Quoting Mead, Halas proceeds to make a compelling point. Memory cannot be reduced only
to set of ideas about the past, because it is linked with action and thus with an orientation to-
wards the future. In her understanding, such reflexivity is not merely recollection of past
events. Rather, it is a memory that determines the transmission of meanings which will be for-
mative for the future and in the process it enables reflexivity (Ibid.p. 314).
In this context, the previously named characteristics of spatial identity such as orientation, di-
rection, purpose and knowledge concerning the nature and the universe, embrace the human
longing to understand the meaning and purpose of life and to have a point of references regard-
ing its origins. Holtorf (2010, p.46) argues that in that sense heritage functions less as a source
of information about the past and more as a therapy for people uncertain about who they are.
The colours, smell and sound engraved in the unique spaces of cultural memory unfold the aes-
thetic depth of human self-understanding highlighting qualities such as personal uniqueness, gif-
tedness and value. In other words, the elements that touch human emotions are not just the
events of the past. From the height of the vertical dimension, the intangible heritage transmits
the universal component of human passion to discover its value, uniqueness, individuality and a
sense of purpose in lifes journey. Quoting Damasio, Costa (2011) observes correctly, the deci-
sive step is making those images ours Such decisive steps connect with the past and at the
same time shape the uniqueness of the social and personal identity in the contemporary world.
5 CONCLUSION
In the framework, of the vertical dimension of lifes experience, intangible heritage provides in-
spiration and drive. This impetus, directs the formation of the contemporary identity, to discover
meaning and purpose. Its inspirational value empowers the existential experience but, it also
leans towards future orientation. Considering the meaning of the affective dimension of memo-
ry, Halas observes (p.314). Reflexive knowledge, is associated with emotions relating to mean-
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ings and values originating in the past (the present past) and significant for the future. Further,
it becomes a basis for social relations and ties connecting individuals or groups and determines
their future actions (Ibid.). In other words, the vertical dimension provides an ongoing motion
of contextual relevance (represented by dotted arrows) along the horizontal dimension. Here, the
social and personal identity is not only immersed in the framework of established traditions de-
termined by cognitive and evaluative analysis. Rather, as suggested by Wilson (2010, 35) it
stems from the mycelial qualities of human phenomenological perception mediated through in-
ter-personal relations. In this framework, the roots of intangible heritage provide a fresh space
for new negotiations, mediation, motivation and nurture. In other words, it provides visionary
inspiration and motivational drive. Here, the intangible heritage spreads its inspirational flowers
of past hope, dreams, desires and beliefs and gives birth to a new and revived sense of identity
in the contemporary world. Such identity thrives with passion and vision as long as individuals
take the time and effort to nurture, revive and recreate the memory of the living heritage.
REFERENCES
Assmann, Jan. (1995). Collective Memory and Cultural Identity. New German Critique 65, 125-133.
Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage: Basic Text (2009) Retrieved from
http://www.unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0018/001870/187086e.pdf (16 December, 2011)
Costa, M.L. (2011). Culture and mediation: the role of design in preserving the Intangible Heritage in
Sergio Lira, Rogerio Amoeda, Cristsina Pinheiro, Sharing Cultures 2011. Barcelos: Portugal, Green
Lines Institute for Sustainable Development.
Graham Brian & Peter Howards. (Eds.). (2008). Heritage and Identity. The Ashgate Research Compa-
nion to Heritage and Identity. Hampshire, England Ashgate Publishing.
Guijarro, Santiago. (2007). Cultural Memory and Group Identity in Q. Biblical Theology Bulletin,
Vol.37 (September 27): 90-100.
Halas, Elzbieta. (2010). Time and Memory: A Cultural Perspective. TRAMES, 14(64/59), 4, 307-322.
Holtorf, Cornelius. (2010). Heritage Values in Contemporary Popular Culture. In George Smith, Phyllis
Mauch Messenger, Hillary A. Soderland, eds., Heritage Values in Contemporary Society. Walnut
Creek: California, Left Coast Press.
McLean, Fiona. (2006). Introduction: Heritage and Identity. International Journal of Heritage Studies,
12:1, 3-7.
Poole, Ross. (2008). Memory, Responsibility and Identity. Social Research; Spring 2008; 75,1. 263-
286.
Russell, Ian. (2010). Heritage, Identities, and Roots: A Critique of Arborescent Models of Heritage and
Identity. In George Smith, Phyllis Mauch Messenger, Hillary A. Soderland, eds., Heritage Values in
Contemporary Society. Walnut Creek, California, Left Coast Press.
Smeets. Rieks. (2004). Globalization and the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural
Heritage. Globalization and Intangible Cultural Heritage International Conference, 26-27 August,
Tokyo, Japan.
Stobbelaar, Derk Jan & Bas Pedroli. (2011). Perspectives on Landscape Identity: A Conceptual Chal-
lenge. Landscape Research, 36:3, 321-339.
Trim, D.J.B. (2011). The Huguenots and Experience of Exile (Sixteenth to Twentieth Centuries: History,
Memory and Transnationalism in D.J.B Trim ed. The Huguenots History and Memory in Transa-
tional Context Essay in Honour of Walter C. Utt. Leiden: The Netherlands, Hotei Publishing.
UNESCO at 60. Retrieved from
http://www.unesco.org/services/documentation/archives/multimedia/?id_page=13 (9 January, 2012)
UNESCO Safeguarding without freezing Retrieved from
http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/index.php?lg=en&pg=00012 (9 January 2012)
Van Ginkel, Hans. (2004). Cultural Heritage, Identity Formation and Change in a Globalizing World.
Globalization and Intangible Cultural Heritage International Conference, 26-27 August, Tokyo, Ja-
pan.
Young, Yyun Kim. (2007). Ideology, Identity, and Intercultural Communication: An Analysis of Differ-
ing Academic Conceptions of Cultural Identity. Journal of Intercultural Communication Research,
36:3, 237-253.

Heritage 2012
(Map. 1). Altai-Kazakh falconers tame only female Golden Eagles (Aquila chrysaetos dapha-
nea) (Fig. 1). The adults body size can be up to 66cm, in height it can reach up to 90cm and in
weight it can be 5~6 kg (Fig. 2). An adult female's wing span reaches up to 234cm in width
(Gombobaatar & Usukhjargar, 2011: 55). Trained eagles are able to hunt for a Red Fox and
even for huge Gray Wolves. Kazakh falconers' eagle-tamed falconry is always conducted on the
horseback. More exactly, the Altai-Kazakh falconry is, therefore, suited to be defined as horse-
riding eagle falconry hunting to underline its uniqueness by differentiating it from other accipi-
trine (hawk) and falconiform (falcon) types of falconry.
Even though the horse-riding falconry is socially regarded as a cultural property, its scientific
definition and formation process is inadequately studied yet. However, the decline in a
huntsman population and hunting operations turns out to be unavoidable for this decade. Nowa-
days, falconry is going to be detached from its classical function of actual hunting in its origi-
nal contexts. Being aware of ideas of a cultural heritage, their preservation strategy and founda-
tional master plan for sustainability have not been prepared enough academically.
Taking these factors into account, the main focus of this paper will be to analyze the forma-
tion (evolution) process of falconry and define the criteria for sustainability of horse-riding fal-
conry. The core subject is heritage sociology and cultural anthropology based on intensive eth-
nographic fieldwork conducted from July 2011 to January 2012. The majority of empirical
analyses and observations are attributed to a concentrated participant observation, interviews of
local falconers and own experience of taming a Golden Eagle at Sagsai (Carcan) Village in
Bayan-lgii Prefecture in Mongolia.
The paper points out three main intertwined components in the socio-ecological building of
horse-riding falconry: (1) Recent social situation of horse-riding falconry from the observation
of The Golden Eagle Festival, (2) Environmental aspects of the presence of Golden Eagles in
Altai regions, and (3) Ecological evaluation as to transhumant animal-herding. In conclusion,
the research suggests the criteria for sustainability of Altai-Kazakh falconry as a lasting cultural
resource.
2 SOCIAL ASPECTS: ETHNICITY & CULTURAL DOMAIN OF ALTAI KAZAKH
FALCONRY
2.1 The Golden Eagle Festival and Contemporary Falconers
The first decade of 21st century is a historical period of an intangible heritage lightened in the
Altai Mountainous Regions. UNESCO has been developing the Convention for Safeguarding
Intangible Cultural Heritage of Altai craftsmanship. The Government of the Altai Republic al-
so adopted a special preserving program in 2005, entitled Revival, Preservation and Develop-
ment of Folk Art and Traditional Crafts in the Altai Republic (20052010) (Oktyabrskaya et
al., 2009: 130). Particularly, the Kazakh community in western Mongolia in 2000 with its Gol-
den Eagle falconry has been nationally regarded as a cultural property with the establishment of
Figure 1. Altai-Kazakh Falconer. Figure 2. A Matured Golden Eagle.
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The Golden Eagle Festival. At the same period Kazakhstan started a complex program His-
torical and Ethnological Study of the Kazakhs of Mongolia intended to reevaluate Altai-
Kazakh cultural resources for further development of the Kazakh nation (Molodin et al., 2008:
30). These cultural upheavals represent an extensive awakening for cultural revitalization of lo-
cal intangible resources with ethnic utilities, simultaneously evoking ideas of sustainability
against disappearance.
The recent establishment of The Golden Eagle Festival is a vital clue to the present situa-
tion of Altai-Kazakh falconry (Fig. 3). There were established two festivals, one is the Aimag
Festival which started in 2000 and is held by the Falconers Association and Bayan-lgii pre-
fecture, the other one is the Sagsai Festival established in 2001 by a local travel company.
Nowadays both festivals successfully gather up to 50~60 falconers on horseback and also gather
more than 400 overseas travelers from outside of the prefecture. For local falconers the festival
has become a good occasion to motivate eagle ownership. In March 2011 the Aimag Festival
was for the first time acknowledged by UNESCO as a festival conserving an intangible heritage.
In fact, the festivals have become an ethnic integrity symbolizing horse-riding falconry as an
intangible cultural heritage. It is the first representation of an ethnic heritage in Altai-Kazakh
community. This cultural proprietorship of falconry is positively related to a massive minori-
tization of Kazakh community in western Mongolia. It is said that more than 40,000 Kazakh
people (or 7,000 families) repatriated to Kazakhstan from Western Mongolia during 1991-1992
which is more than 80% of the total amount of Kazakhs returned to their historical homeland
from other countries (Molodin et al., 2008: 29). Altai-Kazakh community was highly minori-
tized through 1990s. In such a situation, re-discovery/ reevaluation of a traditional falconry
means the struggle against disappearance of the Kazakh community in Western Mongolia.
However, the role of the festivals has a univalent binary. On the one hand, the entire eagle-
ownership has been increased due to the festivals. But on the other, this cultural manifestation
had some impact on falconers to focus not mainly on the initial context of preserving traditional
falconry, but on the excessive actual hunting for fur-obtaining activity. Therefore, positive
and negative ambiguities are circulated in recent local falconry. The former is raising public
awareness and the latter is accelerating the process of de-contextualization.
Moreover, for the recent years the festival has become a big occasion involving not only local
residents. After 2007, the main venue of the Aimag Festival has been detached from the city
center. A fascinate parade involving musicians, children and local audiences well dressed in
ethnic clothes, used to be at the main square of the Bayan-lgii city although it has not seen any
more. The festival is clearly intended only to gather only overseas travelers.
Thus, the festivals exhibit local falconry and falconers as own cultural asset for external pur-
pose in order to raise public awareness. Namely, a certain idea of social intentions to continue
preserving traditional falconry is explicitly observed.
2.2 Falconry as a Socially Shared Property
Ethno-historical studies confirm that a long lasting cultural domain of horse-riding falconry is
explained by a fortunate lack of social restrictions to hold eagles. Socio-political roles and se-
vere restrictions on the practice of falconry were widely known in medieval Persia, China, Japan
and in some European Kingdoms. For example, falconry was an integral part of the patronage
system in medieval British court and even provided a cover for espionage and for Jesuit missio-
naries (Grassby, 1997: 42-43). However, in Altai-Kazakh communities anybody can easily be-
come a falconer and possess own Golden Eagle regardless of whether they belong to the elite or
not, without any regional and national government restrictions and elite-made regulations.
Ethnographic researches also add some new idea that arts and knowledge of falconry are nei-
ther a secret technique nor hidden arts transmitted through the father-son linkage. Conversely,
taming and breeding knowledge is well permeated into every member of the community and
even shared with falconers wife and children. For instance, housewives frequently feed eagles
when falconer is absent for herding. Therefore, widely shared knowledge has also contributed to
reinforce survivability of falconry practice until nowadays.
Taking recent social situation into consideration, the paper is going to specify formative fac-
tors and the criteria for preservation.
3 ENVIRONMENTAL ASPECTS: HIGH DENSITY OF GOLDEN EAGLES IN THE
ALTAI MOUNTAINS
3.1 Propagation of Golden Eagles in the Altai Mountains
The primary reason for continuity of the Altai falconry lies in an abundant avifauna, especially
in a great population of Golden Eagles in western Mongolia. Despite the fact that the dwelling
of Golden Eagles is world-wide, some of the species are in danger of extinction in some parts of
the Earth. Negative opinions are reported as for the population of Golden Eagles. In the British
Isles 700~900 eagles were found in 1980s. There are estimated 250~350 adult pairs the majori-
ty of which dwelt in the Scottish Highland (Ford, 1982: 112). In Japan, there are only 650
eagles in total (as of 2004) (Ministry of the Environment, 2004). Even in a largest portion of the
European Alps there were estimated 2,000 eagles (circa 1,100 couples) in 2000 (Brendel et al.,
2002).
However in general, the Altai Mountains are presumed to have the world-highest density of
Golden Eagles, especially the Bayan-lgii Prefecture. These regions are considered to have
their resident breeders which stay all year round in all parts of Mongolia (it is least con-
cerned species in the local avifauna) (Gombobaatar & Usukhjargal, 2011: 55). According to
my rough estimates in all parts of the Altai Mountainous region there are more than 5,000 adult
Golden Eagles.
The reason of such a comparatively high density is ascribed to extreme and severe natural
conditions, and geomorphic environment. Due to these harsh living conditions the human popu-
lation in the region has been limited since the ancient times. The territory of the Bayan-lgii
Prefecture is 45,700 km (similar to Denmark or Estonia) and its population is up to approx-
imately 90,000 people. The human density is roughly estimated at 2.0 person/ km. This ex-
treme human scarceness has been considered to benefit the propagation of Golden Eagles.
Consequently, the death rate caused by human interference has not been considered to be
very high in these regions. The natural conditions in Bayan-lgii have been undoubtedly free
from contaminations by DDT/DDE and any other agricultural chemicals or pesticides, as well
as poisoning which, for instance, boosted raptors' death rate in North America and Europe. The
death rate caused by electrocution is also very low in this region. In conclusion, we can say that
this comparative stability in eagle population is ascribed to Mongolian-Altai environment.
3.2 Geomorphologic Advantages for Golden Eagles' Hunting
Geomorphic characteristics of the Altai Mountains are undoubtedly suitable for the eagles' hunt-
ing process. A large number of rocks and extended open foothills contribute to easy prey detec-
tion thus increasing the efficiency of predatory hunting. The Altai Mountains are one of the old-
est mountains in this world. The mountain peaks have been formed for millions of years due to
the process of erosion and the foothills have been transformed into extensive plains which per-
mitted an extended view until very far (Fig. 4). The craggy surfaces and uneven ground covered
Figure 3. The Golden Eagle Festival. Figure 4. Hunting Points on the Ridgeline.
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with rocky eaves and caves have well provided with a various kinds of hiding spaces not only
for foxes, but for birds and rodents, and other potential diet-animals.
In addition, these rocky surfaces have not transformed into forests with a huge density of
trees. Technically speaking, the Altai Golden Eagle has been adapted to non-forest territories
both for hunting and breeding, unlike accipitrine (hawks) and falconiform (falcons). An exten-
sive open space and fine-viewed foothills without trees and forests present favorable conditions
for eagles to dwell. Their body size and predatory behavior are not appropriate to fly through
clusters of trees. Many hawks perch on a branch of a tree before attacking a prey. However, the
Altai eagles need to soar high over before swooping down on preys. Treeless mountains steeps
also provide eagles with the advantage of fine visibility and a convenient view for prey-
searching, which results in an ecological basis for food availability.
Furthermore, there are frequent upward current winds in the mountains, which are useful to
raise an eagle's heavy body high into the sky over the mountain foothills. It is quite necessary
for Golden Eagles to soar high in order to hunt. Severe natural conditions of the Altai region
contribute to an inhabitation of Golden Eagles and their perfect adaptation in this area. In other
words, hawks and falcons fly with their wings, and the other eagles fly with their winds.
Therefore, natural setting and conditions are of the utmost importance for falconry survivability.
It is the natural environmental conditions that have made it possible for local falconers in the
Altai region to preserve and continue eagle-tamed falconry for centuries.
4 ECOLOGICAL ASPECT: DEPENDENCE ON TRANSHUMANT PASTORALISM
4.1 Transhumance for Eagle-Ownership Facilitation: The Roles of Sheep and Horse
In order to preserve the tradition of falconry, it is very important to secure a feeding diet for an
own eagle. Incidentally, one of the reasons why falconry has been conducted for centuries long
in this region can be explained by the fact that the animal-herding economy reduced falconry
expenses.
A usual diet of a Golden Eagle is highly dependent on a fresh meat hunted for in wild condi-
tions. However, once tamed by a human an eagle adapts to eating various sorts of meat, such as
rabbits, ground squirrels, marmots, gerbils and other smaller mammals, foxes and dogs, and in
addition even cooked meat, carrion and offal. It should be mentioned that some falconers feed
their eagles with fresh-water dace (Leuciscus dzungaricus) in summer and autumn in spite of
the fact that Golden Eagles are not really piscivorous (fish-eating) raptors by their nature.
However, the bulk of annual costs for the maintenance of the Golden Eagles is about
50~70kg of goat or sheep flesh in average. As a rule, a falconer needs to provide his eagle with
300~500g of flesh everyday. Its annual consumption equals to 3~5 sheep (or goats). Conse-
quently, this is an unquestionably extreme burden for a falconers larder. As a comparison, an
annual consumption diet by an ordinary herder family, who has a wife and even 7 children, is
more or less 12~15 sheep. In particular, this can be much heavier burden for non-herders, who
lead a sedentary life, to provide such a huge amount of flesh annually. For this reason, the ma-
jority of settled falconers in Sagsai region are very often obliged to go hunting themselves by
shooting or trapping rabbits or mouse for eagle's diet during summer.
In conclusion, it should be pointed out that eagle-ownership is highly dependent on livestock
productivity from transhumant animal-herding economy.
Besides, horse possession is a critical attribute for Altai-Kazakh falconry which cannot be
imagined without horse-riding mobility. The hunting activity in the Altai Mountains has never
been practiced in plain steppe fields, watersides and forest regions unlike the European falconry.
A riding horse is quite necessary for climbing up mountains in order to get access to the hunting
spots on the mountain peaks (Fig. 5). Moreover, an adult female eagle usually reaches up to 6kg
in weight which is very cumbersome to handle on foot.
In accordance with local hunting regulations, hunting zone is within 3~4km, and at most 6km
distance from home. The longest hunting route is about 11~12km for a round excursion. All of
the hunting routes require climbing up a steep mountain path on a horseback. In the search for
foxes a falconer usually goes up to the top of the mountain in order to survey a landscape. Every
hunting point is observed on a ridge or on a mountain top. Namely, the hunting zone is limited
to the mountains in the vicinity of a falconer's home.
Horse-riding customs are very common in a local herders community in Bayan-lgii Prefec-
ture. Horses play an important role in providing mobility, even for elementary school students
who use them as a means of transportation instead of bicycles. Riding horses are efficiently
maintained within a social frame of animal-herding economy. For instance, if one wants to keep
a horse in a city without pastureland, it will take him about $20~30 per month to provide a
grain-made diet. As far as I researched 24 falconers in Sagsai, it turned out that only one falcon-
er did not possess a riding-horse, while others intensively used horses in their households.
Thus, socio-economic frame of an animal-herding lifestyle is necessary to fulfill essential
demands of eagle ownership and hunting operations. The Altai-Kazakh falconry shows the orig-
inal methodology on how falconry practice can be efficiently preserved in a non-aristocratic or-
dinary society. The owner of a raptor is meant to be obliged for feeding and breeding proce-
dures as it was mentioned above. From the perspective of maintenance costs concerned with an
eagle ownership a key clue to preserve eagle falconry is to develop a transhumant animal-
herding economy. The cultural establishment of Asian falconry has been largely dependent on
the aristocracy. Raptor maintenance has never been considered as a burden by the higher social
stratum. A versatile character of horse-riding falconry indeed acknowledged to its cultural es-
tablishment describes distinctive socio-historical ideas of how falconry has been efficiently pre-
served by ordinary people who did not belong to the aristocratic stratum.
4.2 The Significance of Fox Hunting for Monetary Incomes
The benefits from the falconry are almost limited to the fox fur which is suitable either for sales
or for personal use. The primary hunting target is Red Fox (Vulpes vulpes) and Corsac Fox
(Vulpes corsac). Common quarry of falconry such as rabbits (Lepus spp.) and various kinds of
game-birds are not considered to be the primary targets. Therefore, the Altai-Kazakh falconry is
usually described as a fox hunting by its nature (Fig. 6).
It is also worth mentioning that fox meat is ideally suited for eagles diet in a winter season.
A fox body is full of muscularity with small amount of blood and very low fat ratio of the whole
flesh. Falconers never give animals fat and blood to eagles from considerations of their diet
regulation in winter. At first, meat and flesh are usually chopped into small pieces. Then these
pieces have to be washed from blood and soaked in the water for hours. This is a local technique
of enseam (diet regulation in order to support the motivation of eagles to fly and hunt). If an
eagle eats fat and blood, it loses its aggression to hunt because of the full stomach satiation.
Approximately 4~5kg of flesh is taken with few losses from an adult fox. This amount is
enough for feeding an eagle for 10 days and more. During a winter season, the amount of 10~15
foxes is desirable to cover feeding expenditures. In case if fox meat is unavailable, a falconer
needs to share his own consumption with his eagle. A lack of fox meat means a direct threat to a
falconers larder. Thus, captured prey tends to reduce the burden of feeding expenditure. Objec-
tively speaking, "to tame a Golden Eagle" means to be in a great dependence on "keeping the
practice of fox hunting", thus taking the obligation of feeding an eagle, if a falconer himself is
Figure 5. A Falconer on Horseback. Figure 6. A Hunting Eagle Grasping a Fox.
Heritage 2012
not wealthy enough.
In addition, the most important thing in the falconry is that fur-obtaining and trading should
be a great recompense for an economic activity in the living strategy of the falconers. There are
certain structural weaknesses in securing cash incomes from sales and production system of
transhumant animal-herding. In summer, sales of dairy products such as milk, horse milk wine
and various meats are mostly fulfilled. However, the quantity and the quality of dairy products
decline sharply when winter comes. For instance, in winter each cow produces only 1 liter of
milk per day, whereas in summer it is able of giving 4 times more milk. Furthermore, the major-
ity of the livestock, particularly sheep and goats, lose 1/4 of their weight. The herders frequently
face severe shortage of provisions, as well as cash-incomes in winter. Therefore, sales of fox fur
and fur-used products should have the function of securing monetary incomes from winter to
spring providing other job opportunities.
4.3 Inter-Sustainability between Transhumance and Falconry
A certain versatility regarding the Altai-Kazakh horse-riding falconry as an intangible heritage
is that it has to be defined as in situ or on-going living intangible heritage.
The Altai-Kazakh falconry still have some unbroken ties with actual hunting in transhu-
mant living strategy. More specifically, it is distinguishable from the contemporary hawking
and falconry, the primary orientation of which is recreation, trophy-sport and entertainment. In
order to preserve this unique pattern of the Altai-Kazakh falconry, it would be highly beneficial
to overcome structural weaknesses in productivity of transhumance during various seasons of
the year. In this case, fox-fur trade remains to be one of the means of securing cash incomes for
falconers during harsh times in a winter season.
However, theoretically speaking, horse-riding falconry would not have been established as an
independent subsistence function alone without secured provisional means in summer (Soma,
2007, 2008). In fact, falconry has a history, which is less associated with food-obtaining pur-
poses in many cases. Therefore, transhumant animal-herding economy is considered to be a pre-
requisite and at the same time a fragile ecological basis for a classical horse-riding falconry.
Both productivity of transhumance and falconry are interchangeable throughout summer and
winter respectively. Sustainability of horse-riding falconry shares a single common destiny with
that of transhumant economy. This phenomenon naturally supports the theory that the origin of
falconry practice is ascribed to nomadic steppe regions.
5 CONCLUSION: FALCONRY AS A GIFT FROM HUMAN-RAPTOR HARMONY
The formation process of the Altai-Kazakh horse-riding falconry has been based on a very fra-
gile balance of inter-linkages among society, environment and ecology. Lasting sustainability of
horse-riding falconry requires not only singular conservation activities sequentially driven by
social aspiration to preserve an intangible heritage, but these kind of activities should also be in-
termingled with (1) social constitution for cultural proprietorship, which strengthens the overall
notion of heritage, (2) environmental conservation, which is aimed at securing the propagation
and abundance of Golden Eagles, (3) transhumant animal-herding, which has become an eco-
nomic basis to provide sheep and horses in order to facilitate the eagle ownership, (4) sustaina-
ble fox-hunting, which also reduces maintenance costs and raises opportunities for monetary in-
comes. All of the specified components work cooperatively in order to ensure the sustainability
of horse-riding falconry.
In fact, derivative cultural domains of falconry have become more attractive nowadays. How-
ever, unlike tangible heritages, ideas of symbolization, cultural constitution and emotional bond
will only bring a little contribution to fundamental resolution for sustainability. Society, envi-
ronment and ecology, these three threads have to be carefully, but firmly interwoven to stand
out a picture of horse-riding falconry on the cultural tapestry. It is not therefore too much to
say that falconry is The Heritage of Human-Animal Harmony in terms of developing versatile
notions.
Since ancient times falconers have been outstanding experts in captive and breeding tech-
niques of birds of prey (Ford, 1982: 158-161). Their discourse of taming and hunting with Gol-
den Eagles offers new notions for cross boundary beyond dualisms in nomads/agrarian,
Christian/ Islam, Asia/ Europe, human/ environment and Ancient/ Contemporary. For
example, nowadays new attempts such as introduction of falconers for dispel birds to avoid
bird-strikes at the airports (Battistoni et al., 2008; Kitowski et al., 2011) have been taken. In ad-
dition, a very low infection risk of Avian Influenza Virus (AIV) for falconer and their birds was
testified by German falconry (Kohls et al., 2011), which might expect new contributions by fal-
coners for research and seek solutions of AIV propagation. Falconry and falconer is now open-
ing a new chapter toward higher dimension into the society.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
This research is financially supported by THE TAKANASHI FOUNDATION FOR ARTS
AND ARCHEOLOGY. I would like to express my deep gratitude to Executive director Seiza-
buro Takanashi and to all members in charge cooperating to the foundation.
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Battistoni, V., Montemaggiori, A. & Iori, P. 2008. Beyond Falconry between Tradition and Modernity: A
New Device for Bird Strike Hazard Prevention at Airports. The document presented at Brasilia 2008
IBSC Conference: 1-13. [http://www.int-birdstrike.org/Brasil_Papers/IBSC28%20WP13.pdf] (Ac-
cessed 22/ 2/ 2012).
Brendel, U.M., Eberhardt, R. & Wiesmann, K. 2002. Conservation of the Golden Eagle (Aquila Chrysae-
tos) in the European Alps - Combination of Education, Cooperation, and Modern Techniques. Journal
of Raptor Research 36(1): 20-24.
Ford, E. 1982. Falconry in Mews and Fields. London: B.T. Batsford Ltd. 112, 158-161.
Gombobaatar, S. & Usukhjargal, D. 2011. Birds of Hustai National Park. Ulaan Baatal: Hustai National
Park & Mongolian Orthological Society. 55.
Grassby, R. 1997. The Decline of Falconry in Early Modern England. Past and Present 157: 37-62.
Kitowski, I., Grzywaczewski, G., Cwiklak, J., Grzegorzewski, M. & Krop, S. 2011. Falconer activities as
a bird dispersal tool at Deblin Airfield (E Poland). Transportation Research Part D 16: 82-86.
Kohls, A., Hafez, H.M., Harder, T., Jansen, A., Lierz, P., Lschow, D., Schweiger, B. & Lierz, M. 2011.
Avian Influenza Virus Risk Assessment in Falconry. Virology Journal 8(187).
[http://www.virologyj.com/content/8/1/187] (Accessed 10/2/2012).
Ministry of the Environment (Government of Japan). 2004. Press Release of 31
st
August 2004 - Kisyo-
moukinrui Chosa (Inuwashi, Kumataka) no Kekka ni tsuite.
[http://www.env.go.jp/press/press.php?serial=5218] (Accessed: 26/2/2012).
Molodin, V.I., Mylnikov, V.P. & Oktyabrskaya, I.V. 2008. The Kazakhs of Northwestern Mongolia Eve-
ryday Life and Holidays in Summer Pastures. Archaeology Ethnology & Anthropology of Eurasia
35(3): 129-142.
Oktyabrskaya, I.V., Pavlova,E.Y. & Skovpen, A.V. 2009 Modern Altai Craft. Archaeology Ethnology &
Anthropology of Eurasia 37 (1): 129-135.
Soma, T. 2007. Kyrgyz Falconry & Falconers and its Transition. In Academy of Uzbekistan/ UNESCO
(eds.) Proceedings of Materiari Natina-Teoreticheskoi Konferenzti 2006. Tashkent: 130-139.
Soma, T. 2008. Keisho naki Bunkaisan toshiteno Syuryou-Gijyutsu - Kyrgyz-Kyowakoku Issyk-kul Ko-
gan niokeru Takagariryou no Ethnography. Kokushikan University Chirigaku-Houkoku 16: 99-106.
UNESCO. 2010a. Falconry, a Living Human Heritage.
[http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/index.php?lg=en&pg=00011&RL=00442] (Accessed 24/10/2011).
UNESCO. 2010b. Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage - Nomination File
NO. 00442. In UNESCO Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural
Heritage (Fifth session, November 2010) (eds.) For Inscription on the Representative List of the In-
tangible Cultural Heritage in 2010. Nairobi: 1-28.
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Heritage 2012

1 NTRODUCTION
Threats prompted by development, tourism, globalisation, and environmental change pose a par-
ticular challenge for the conservation of historic cities, and are especially problematic in devel-
oping countries. Rapid changes and modernisation present major challenges to the cultural her-
itage management of historic centres: the demands to balance economic development and the
preservation of cultural heritage; the incorporation of new infrastructure and the adaptation of
the historic fabric to the needs of both contemporary residents and visitors alike; the pressure to
balance change without the loss of cultural heritage distinctiveness and the intangible heritage
related to it. Heritage practitioners, developers and planners have an extra responsibility to man-
age change and development in historic cities and simultaneously safeguard cultural heritage,
which is a great challenge. The ancient port of Suakin (on the Red Sea coast of Sudan) demon-
strates such demands.
This paper investigates the developments and projected conservation proposals which are ex-
pected to result in the largest physical, social, cultural and economic changes in the historic port
of Suakin, since moving the port trade to Port Sudan at the beginning of the twentieth century.
Both conservation and development are desperately needed. Firstly, I will highlight the pres-
sures, conflicts, shortcomings and missed opportunities to accomplish a sustainable change
which balances and reconciles the needs of the local community and the need for development
whilst maintaining the legacy of the ancient town, historical continuity, social memory and
identity and belonging. Secondly, I will explore the development and conservation compliance
with sustainable development and new notions of heritage conservation, the threats they pose,
their challenges, and the likely impact on cultural heritage. Finally, I will consider the impor-
tance of local communities in management, development and conservation in order to achieve
sustainable development in historic cities, the necessity of embracing social and intangible val-
ues to achieve more sustainable preservation practices and efficient management plans of histor-
ic cities, as well as the likely impact of their neglect on social meanings, memory, identity, and
belonging.
Not the way to do it: the case of Suakin, Sudan
S. Taha
University of Cambridge, Cambridge, United Kingdom
ABSTRACT: Development and conservation present opportunities and challenges, and are par-
ticularly complex in historic cities. Demands to reconcile change and development, attract for-
eign tourists while protecting cultural heritage and to involve communities and address their
needs are exceptionally challenging, even more so in developing countries. The case study from
the historic port of Suakin (Sudan) exemplifies such tension. In this paper, I will examine the
new development and proposed conservation schemes; the paper analyses what went wrong,
weaknesses, and missed opportunities for achieving sustainable development, how it could have
been done better and how we can learn from observing and applying the case of Suakin to oth-
ers.
2 NEW APPROACHES TO HERITAGE CONSERVATION
Until recently, international charters have provided guidelines for the protection and conserva-
tion of single monuments and groups of buildings in isolation, without taking into consideration
the context, social or environmental aspects (UNESCO 1972). Heritage valuation in these char-
ters was typically Eurocentric and very narrowly defined (Cleere 1989; Lowenthal 1990; Avra-
mi 2000; de la Torre 2002). The last few decades have been characterised by an ideological shift
away from traditional methods of assessing and conserving heritage. This move has been
represented by adopting an anthropological approach and changing the focus from principally
interpreting, conserving and protecting monumental heritage to a more holistic approach to-
wards protection which includes intangible heritage and the protection of cultural diversity
(UNESCO 2003; UNESCO 2005; Logan 2008; Rodwell 2011). Thus, heritage conservation
came to be understood not only as the restoration of physical objects, but also as a multifaceted
and continual process that involves attention to social and cultural contexts. Furthermore, ques-
tions such as why the heritage to be conserved is meaningful, to whom it is significant, how it is
used, the impact of intervention, and a multiplicity of other factors, are considered. Accordingly,
assessing social and cultural values is becoming a commonly used practice to inform preserva-
tion judgment. Conservation decisions have always faced a myriad of challenges and continue
to do so. This is why professionals are now calling for the integration of the what, why and how
to conserve, so as to enhance protection practice and to develop a more comprehensive conser-
vation policy (Avrami 2000; de la Torre 2002; Logan 2008; Mutal 2011).
From the 1990s, heritage professionals began to embrace the language of sustainability. Sus-
tainable conservations now incorporate social, economic, environmental and cultural compo-
nents and encompass assessment of heritage significance that integrates diverse values for holis-
tic sustainable conservation planning (Avrami 2000; de la Torre 2002; Winter 2008 and 2011;
Mutal 2011; Rodwell 2011). Adopting sustainability in heritage has expanded conservation me-
thods far beyond monuments, to look at the interconnection of nature, culture, and the built en-
vironment equally. Moreover, there is a growing recognition that heritage significance is
founded on a complex balance of economic, environmental, social and cultural factors, rather
than the historic characteristics a site alone. There is a growing understanding that all conserva-
tion and development plans need to include measures of sustainability. In this paper, I define
sustainable development as a holistic approach which considers culture, nature, environment
and the well being of the community as a whole, with a clearly integrated plan and strategy. I
argue that sustainable development is not one size fits all; it should suit the cultural and histori-
cal context as correctly stated by Imon (2008), who maintains that on the whole the term sustai-
nability is an undefined term, saying that there is no single concept for sustainable development;
it is rather the best option available. He suggests that options for development should be eva-
luated within the environmental restrictions and social context of a place, as well as the human
or cultural context. With this initial understanding, I will evaluate development and anticipated
conservation schemes in Suakin.
A leading document in this regard is the Australian Burra Charter (Australia ICOMOS 1999),
which considers social and cultural factors (Stovel 2003). The guidelines emphasise understand-
ing significance - what it is that makes a historic site important - before intervention. The ques-
tion which needs to be asked now is not what needs to be conserved, but rather how to conserve
and how to maintain the sense of place, identity, attachment and diversity in the process. The
starting principle of the Burra Charter is that place is important; to understand the cultural signi-
ficance of place is to understand the fabric and its setting, use and social meaning (Clarke and
Johnston 2003; Gibson 2009).
Although international conventions have included guidelines for conservation and manage-
ment, not all developing countries have made an attempt to bring in new ideas or to embrace
new concepts in the planning, conservation or management of cultural heritage.
Heritage 2012
3 SUAKIN: A BRIEF BACKGROUND
3.1 Suakins Past
Suakin was one of the most renowned international maritime trade centres on the Red Sea, and
was archetypical of the Islamic style of architecture and planning. Suakin remained intact and
continuously inhabited by multi-generational families, and a fully functioning port, until the be-
ginning of the twentieth century, when the British colonial power decided to move the port to
Port Sudan. From the beginning of the sixteenth century, Suakin became the most prominent
port on the Red Sea coast. Additionally, after the spread of Islam in Central and West Africa,
Suakin became a major port for pilgrims travelling to Mecca. However, this does not mean that
Suakin was used as a port for the first time then. Folklore takes Suakin back to the time of King
Solomon The documented history of Suakin goes back to 750AD, but many scholars indicate
that Suakins location is one of the oldest to serve as a port on the Red Sea (Al Shamiy 1961;
Dirar 198). Already, in the second millennium BC, there is a mention of Suakin being used as a
port, and the Red Sea has since been one of the main trading routes between the Mediterranean
Sea and the Gulf of Aden. Moreover, it has been a historical bridge between Africa, Arabia,
Asia, the Mediterranean, and Europe, encouraging trade, social and cultural contact between the
surrounding countries (Dirar 1981; Abu Aisha 2002). Suakin was one of the longest-serving
ports, and played a major role in the world of international trade and commercial exchange.
3.2 Suakins Cultural Heritage
Suakin has a distinctive architecture and character of its own. It is characterised by its compact-
ness, narrow, meandering streets, and minarets looming high in the skyspace. Houses in Gezira
(island) are three or four stories high, white washed, with outwardly-projecting windows (Ro-
shan), and are built of local coral. Gezira is comprised of several neighbourhoods, two main
mosques, Zawias (mosques without minarets), Khalwas (Quranic schools) Souq (market), the
harbour, and the commercial area. Similarly, the Gyef (coastal area) is subdivided into neigh-
bourhoods, a main street and Souq, three main mosques, a number of Zawias, Khalwas, shrines,
Carvansrai (travel lodge), school, prison, ginning factory, a wall which surrounds the Gyef and a
main gate. Outside the wall, there are the quarantine station, cemetery, shrines, mosques and the
wells which supply the town with fresh water, and residential area. Most importantly, Suakin is
rich in intangible heritage expressed through religious festivals, rituals, ceremonies, beliefs,
practices, and way of life, traditional knowledge, skills, crafts and so forth which is inseparable
from the tangible heritage. Suakin has been on the UNESCO tentative list since 1994.
3.3 Present-day Suakin
In present-day Suakin, religious buildings such as mosques, Khalwas, Zawias and shrines are
maintained by the local community and continue their religious, educational and social role very
much in the present. In contrast, the residential area and the Souq are deteriorating or have col-
lapsed. In spite of the fact that the area is lacking in amenities, electricity and running water,
people who resisted moving at the closure of the port at the turn of the last century continue to
live there. Regardless of all the changes and polices implemented in the past (such as the re-
moval of the rail line to Port Sudan, transferring the pilgrims departure to Port Sudan, restric-
tions on the size of boat building) which have impacted upon the economy and caused job losses
in the area, and future economic expectations look grim, people try to maintain a sense of nor-
mality by holding onto their traditional ways of life. In spite of the continued deterioration of
the physical landscape, Suakin continues to be used. There is a remarkable continuity, tradition-
al knowledge and cultural transmission which brings the place to life. For example, fishing (in-
cluding shell fishing using traditional methods), boat building and sail making, hereditary jobs,
imams and Khalwas teachers continue into the present. Moreover, the traditions of shrine visita-
tion, ceremonies, rituals, the coffee ceremony, and cuisine persist. The sea continues to form a
major part of their life; it is the source of food, economy and medicine. Leisure and tradition are
still lively. In the Souq street in present-day Suakin, people carry on and go about their lives,
despite the decayed surroundings. Passers-by stop to greet each other, engage in conversation or
stop for coffee and exchange news. The market serves many social and business functions. My
ethnographic research revealed that the Suakinese have a strong attachment to Suakin, and a
strong sense of identity, sense of place and belonging and pride, manifested by visiting, picnick-
ing, poetry and narratives. My interviewees indicated a shared feeling that the land gives them a
sense of who they are and where they come from, a link to ancestors and family history. This is
how interviewees expressed their relationship with Suakin, when I asked them what Suakin
means to them:
My grandfather, grandmother, my mother, father are all buried there...so there is a link be-
tween the soil, the land and my soul. (MPo 50s)
My ancestors are buried in Suakin ...so my soul, my flesh, my bones come from the earth of
Suakin. (MPo 60s)
A large number of families visit ancestral homes during public holidays. I asked, Most of the
houses are in ruin; why is the house important to you, even in its present state? The following
responses illustrate its meaning:
The stones you see scattered here, they represent our people. (FSi 60s)
We consider the house ...even if it is just a pile of stones, as part of our being, part of our ex-
istence. (MKh 50s)
The house represents our roots; if anything happened to it, it would be like someone taking
the roots and shredding them up. We even know the stones, who lived there and where; even
when it is merely a pile of stones, every stone tells a story, we feel we belong to them. (FPo
50s)
4 CURRENT POLICIES AND HERITAGE VALUATION IN SUDAN
In Sudan, as in the rest of Africa, legislative frameworks are influenced by a colonial conceptua-
lisation of heritage which has survived even after independence. The colonial period marked not
only the development of departments of antiquities and legal systems, but also the methods of
selection, interpretation and protection of cultural heritage. Colonial perceptions of heritage em-
bedded in the legislation reflect the view that, in order to be of value, heritage has to be ancient
and tangible. Similarly, heritage valuation and identification is profoundly influenced by pre-
vious international conventions (UNESCO 1972). However, the way we understand cultural
heritage has changed and what constitutes heritage has expanded during the last few decades
and most countries have revised their legislation (especially in the West) to reflect new ad-
vancements. In Sudan, the practice has not caught up with that change and the opportunity has
not been fully taken to embrace new developments in heritage. The law is outdated and fails to
appreciate and recognise the multiplicity of heritage values; it remains monument-centric, un-
dermining everyday heritage, and overlooking intangible heritage and continuous living tradi-
tions.
The National Corporation for Antiquities and Museums (NCAM) legal protection to cultural
heritage is extended to tangible heritage only. Consequently, Suakin is valued for its historicity
and monumentality, which has been the cause of unease and conflict between heritage profes-
sionals and the Suakinese. Whereas professionals value Suakin as an ancient past, for the Suaki-
nese it symbolises a living history - their history - and it is part of their identity and who they
are. This narrow view of heritage identification has put Suakins cultural heritage under extreme
pressure and threat due to development and other natural and human factors. The Suakinese lack
the financial means to restore their properties, and existing legislation does not allow govern-
ment money to be spent on the restoration of private property.
During the 1970s, NCAM did not provide protection when the town was still almost intact.
Coral stones were removed and burned to produce lime by prisoners in al Gyef (6 kilns were
constructed by the authorities). A Fisheries and Marine Division building was constructed,
which threatened the foundations and concealed significant heritage. Visitors walked on walls
and fragile staircases and burned wood from Rowashin, doors and fragments of floor boards for
barbecues. To date, there is no incentive or employment for people to move back to Suakin, so
most of the buildings are gradually crumbling.
In 1994, UNESCO expert Barrylane recommended listing Suakin as a historical site, which
NCAM considered as a basic necessity for state funds to be spent on any restoration work and to
Heritage 2012
enable private owners to be compensated. Additionally, he suggested protection of heritage in
order to preserve the remaining cultural environment and setting and to control development.
Also, he advised detailed zoning, planning and building regulation to control future develop-
ment on the Island, the Gyef and the surrounding area in such a way as to protect its historic
character, together with an integrated restoration and community development project and the
maintenance of a constant dialogue with the inhabitants (Barrylane1994). The UNESCO ex-
perts suggestions are very good measures, considering that a new port was planned to be con-
structed just one mile to the north of the old port. Nonetheless, his recommendations were not
implemented or followed up.
5 AN OVERVIEW OF THE NEW PORT, DEVELOPMENT AND PROPOSED
CONSERVATION
The beginning of the 1990s marked a new era in Sudan, characterised by political, economic,
and social changes. As a result of the oil boom, Sudan also embarked on rapid modernisation
and development schemes. Demands on Port Sudan increased; the port could not cope and
therefore a new port was necessary. Osman Dignas Port was built to the north of the old port
of Suakin in 1991 (Interviews 2007; 2008-9).
In the last two decades, there has been renewed interest in, and several proposals for, the con-
servation of the Gezira and for the development of al Gyef neighbourhood. These are both with-
in the city wall and make up the old centre. The Gezira project has always been the undertaking
of heritage and architects led by NCAM, but more recently the local authority and the Red Sea
State authorities have also become interested in restoring the island for tourism, which is shown
in the table below. I summarise these plans below and will discuss challenges and impact in the
next section.
5.1 Al Gyef Development Plans
2004 The politically elected Commissioner resolved to clear much of the old Gyef, which
would involve moving the inhabitants to new locations. A plan to build a Corniche
(beach), widen the medieval narrow winding streets and beautify al Gyef for tourists.

2007 Red Sea State Governor aimed to develop Suakin into a Duty Free Zone and a Dubai
on the Red Sea.

2011 The newly-appointed Commissioner disclosed to the media a new scheme of coop-
eration between the local authority and the Red Sea State authorities to develop tour-
ism in the area, both national and international. Accordingly, the preliminary stages
will start with immediate effect. These entail preparing the infrastructure, electricity,
water and other services.

2011 Beautification and building work has already commenced in March 2011. A new
building is under construction at present under the district governors directives.

5.2 Gezira Conservation Proposals
2007 A proposal by a Sudanese architect for reviving and rebuilding in the same style of
architecture, also introducing a new sewage system, electricity, water, roads and other
amenities. He suggested that when the owners could not meet the expense of rebuild-
ing their properties, the government should take over the land. He recommended that
the land should be used for building cinemas, a fun fair, theatre, museums and other
facilities. He proposed to attract tourism and to establish sports such as sailing, water
skiing, rowing and diving. He also wished to build modern cafes, restaurants, big de-
partment stores and all facilities where tourists could find comfort and entertainment.

2007

In response to the UNESCO 1994 recommendations, a Master Plan was prepared in
1997. This was completed by Mr. Mallinson and endorsed by the then Minister of

2007
(cont.)
Culture. The Minister declared that there would be three main areas: one for cultural
activities including a museum and a market, an educational area including hotels to
create employment in tourist-related jobs, and a third area for private owners. The
first stage of the plan would be to build on government-owned land where there was
no legal question. This phase would include restoring government-owned buildings,
mosques, building a shopping centre, museum, diving centre, hotels and a Corniche
and developing the fishing industry.

2011 The new Commissioner revealed a plan to restore the islands heritage to attract tour-
ism to the area. For the revival of the island, he confirmed signing an agreement with
a Turkish Company. The first part will involve restoring the mosques, the customs of-
fices and the supporting services. The company will supply expertise and building
materials for the owners. who have the funds to build their homes, which they can
then use to accommodate tourists. Restoration on the island by the Turkish company
was already underway in April 2011
6 CHALLENGES, THREATS AND SHORTCOMINGS
6.1 Pressure and Conflict
The building of the new port was received with great enthusiasm. Initially, the new development
and conservation were seen as an opportunity, as people hoped for new jobs and the long-
awaited revival and regeneration of the old town. However, all the excitement was short-lived.
The development and the method of its execution were seriously criticised by the Suakinese,
who believed that it had numerous shortcomings. They raised a number of issues and concerns.
Buildings are considered the property of the state if not privately owned, therefore local and
state authorities are free to flatten them to the ground. This has resulted in the loss of a large
number of buildings. The demolition included the old hospital on al Gyef, which was replaced
by new local authority offices, and the partial demolition of the quarantine station, which was of
historical significance to people who worked there and to the pilgrims who travelled to it. A
number of bunkers, where people remember playing when they were young, were also filled in.
The reservoir was totally buried and two neighbourhoods were restructured and people relocated
(Interviews 2008-9). Additionally, visits, picnicking and fishing near the port were prohibited.
The new port stands on part of the old cemetery and on Graham Island; one of the most con-
tentious acts was to stop local people from using the old cemetery. Developers also removed the
grave of one of the most popular holy men in the area, which is a taboo; his shrine was still ac-
tively visited. The shrine, which had religious significance, was demolished, and ritual places
which are fundamental for historical continuity and the transmission of knowledge exemplified
in the rich religious ceremonies, traditions and rituals. In addition, the port authority fenced off
the rest of the cemetery and three more shrines, which were actively in use, so that people now
need permission in order to visit.
6.2 Compliance with Sustainable Goals
Successful conservation and development plans demand receptiveness to the needs of stake-
holders, communities, and contemporary society, and are area-specific to meet the needs of par-
ticular places and their context (Winter 2008). Sustainable conservation necessitates long term
planning. Mutal (2011) argues that the why, the how and the what of rehabilitation of histor-
ic/inner cities dictates an inclusive policy and programme which goes beyond heritage. Herit-
age is only one component and if treated in itself in isolation it is not sustainable (ibid
2011:63). The case of Suakin stresses the paramount importance of the inclusion of social signi-
ficance assessment prior to any development or conservation plans. Although this has been im-
plemented in many countries, it is still not adopted in Sudan. Cultural heritage in the developing
world is exploited mainly for tourism and as a resource to boost the economy; as such, the
communities are usually sidelined and their attachment to cultural heritage, uses and meanings
becomes a casualty of development (Winter 2011). Effective sustainable development which
neither inflicts damage upon cultural heritage nor impedes the connection between people and
Heritage 2012
places can only be achieved by understanding emotional links and associations involving the
community.
Uncoordinated approaches are deficient; sustainable development necessitates a multidiscip-
linary and integrated management approach which links the safeguarding of cultural heritage
with the sustainable development of historic places. The balance between the safeguarding of
heritage and development supports the protection of traditions, culture, memory and sense of
place and the uniqueness of place, but also creates new economic opportunities. Unquestiona-
bly, this is not simple to achieve, but the best options for the cultural context should be assessed.
Integrated, comprehensive and holistic plans should aim to avoid radical interventions involving
major loss of heritage, and the severing of experiences, associations and traditions. Current de-
velopment and conservation plans in Suakin are envisaged separately and not as a unified
whole.
The construction of the port was ill-conceived and it was not built with a regeneration plan,
local people or heritage in mind. It was hastily completed, with neither feasibility study nor
evaluation of social values. Much of the island and the old town are now bounded by the port
and gas plant development and new infrastructure, which fail to recognise it as a continuous cul-
tural and social process which is valued by contemporary groups, who value the place and still
find it relevant to their lives. Suakin has played a significant role in enriching peoples lives, and
they in turn have enriched the place with meanings. The development was accompanied by a
large-scale demolition and erection of new buildings in their place instead of re-using the old
buildings.T
The development disadvantaged the people and altered their familiar landscape. Moreover,
external experts, who do not know the community or what is significant to them, exercised
power and control in access to places which are of religious and historical connotation to the
community, and which are evidently necessary to their sense of history and continuity. These
places also have a role in the (re)affirmation and creation of memory, identity and sense of place
(Interviews 2008-9; Taha 2011). In Suakin, there are currently two ports, the old and the new,
which are clashing, as related to me by my interviewees:
I cried when I saw the lights from the new port reflecting on the ruins of the old port...it was
painful to me. (FSi 80s)
6.3 Importance of the Local Community in Heritage Management
The relocation of the local community from neighbourhoods outside the wall, and the planned
relocation of local community from the Gyef area, demonstrated a total disregard for the signi-
ficance of the close-knit community, kin and neighbour. People were put among strangers who
did not share their traditions or values. The rationale behind mixing people from different back-
grounds was to assimilate and integrate the different groups. Similarly, the majority of employ-
ment goes to people from outside the area and local residents are not given job priority. Locals
report a lack of improvement in amenities and services in the old neighbourhoods; in particular,
there is no direct water supply and they need to purchase it daily. There is no electricity in the
old districts, and together with new shops and markets in the new areas, this means that the
main market closes early and therefore loses business to the new markets. Small shop owners in
the old neighbourhoods had to close for lack of business, and many people lost their livelihoods.
The following quotes reflect the communitys discontent:
People knew each other. The new planning and relocation moved people to different areas
and mixed people together; now you hardly see the people you know, only by chance. (MSu
70s)
It was better before, Suakin was smaller; we all used to meet at prayer time in the mosque
and at the Souq; now we are scattered. (MSu 20s)
The new Souqs killed the main Souq, the market was full of activity. (MPo 50s)
Furthermore, cars and trucks from the port and constant traffic use the area in front of the
womens beach as a short-cut. Permission was also given to some cafes to open directly oppo-
site the womens beach, which in a conservative society violates their freedom and impinges on
their everyday life:
Women are so exposed now; some families do not allow their daughters to go swimming.
(FSu 20s)
Most importantly, the idea of a Corniche is contrary to their customs and values. It will dis-
advantage boat builders, fishermen, women, children and leisure activities; moreover it will dis-
rupt the long-term relationship with the sea. The following quote sums up their view:
We do not like a Corniche in Suakin; it changes the character of the old town, brings unfa-
miliar values and customs. We do not want Western values, it will change the social fabric.
(MSu 40s)
Locals criticize the lack of planning for health and environmental control which has accom-
panied the development. Owing to the flood of migrants, there is more waste, rubbish and litter.
Fumes from the increased volume of traffic are also polluting the environment. Immigration and
the consequent population growth put pressure on housing and infrastructure. In addition, new
entrance fees to the old town imposed since the 1990s did not exempt owners, people who live
locally or school children.
7 CONCLUSION
The conservation and development of the most eminent port in Sudan has been treated as a
commodity, valued for economic generation and tourism maximisation rather than for cultural
and social significance. The problem stems from the fact that professionals have not yet adopted
current understandings of cultural heritage or heritage conservation practices. Experts continue
working with outdated concepts of management, planning, and stewardship focused on the sin-
gle value of the physical fabric. Moreover, the buildings are regarded as monuments and relics,
rather than as ancestral homes full of individual and collective memories and experiences as re-
vealed by my ethnographic research.
Cultural heritage is primary to sustainable development, cultural diversity and the inclusion
of multiple values. What will be lost, if it is not sustained, is the cultural and social link to Sua-
kin. There is no universal sustainable conservation or development kit relevant to all places, but
rather the best option relevant to the area, historical, social and cultural context and traditions.
All the present plans for the historic centre will lead to prettification of the area for tourism con-
sumption, rather than to regeneration of the area. A great opportunity to embrace the maritime
and commercial past of Suakin as a town and port with the contemporary social meaning has
been lost.
Conservation and development are urgently needed, but regrettably at the moment this oppor-
tunity has not been utilised. What is more, they threaten tangible heritage and jeopardize the un-
iqueness of the area. It is inadequate to conserve cultural heritage if the conservation is not inte-
grated with sustainable development options to benefit the community. This paper argues that it
is imperative to understand the social values of historic cities and to have a holistic and compre-
hensive vision of how to bring together the needs of the inhabitants with the safeguarding of the
cultural heritage; a holistic cultural vision to coordinate social, cultural, economic and environ-
mental issues into a single sustainable development programme.
The ultimate goal of conservation is not to conserve material for its own sake, but rather to
maintain the values embodied by the community, with physical intervention or treatment being
one of many means. The case of Suakin suggests that historic cities cannot be preserved sustain-
ably with isolated, disjointed and incoherent planning. Sustainable heritage conservation de-
mands a multidisciplinary approach, which calls for collaboration between all stakeholders to
get the best result, not just a top down approach. Modernisation can take place without risking
the loss of cultural distinctiveness and diversity or severing the uses of heritage and cultural
continuity. Recognising peoples social relations and the meaning of place increases our ability
to endorse social and cultural sustainability. Equally essential to sustainable development is re-
membering whose heritage we are protecting, and for whom. Last but not least, it should always
be remembered that the local community should be at the forefront and heart of all development
schemes.
Unsustainable development results in the loss of community memory associated with a tradi-
tional built environment; it endangers sense of identity, sense of place and belonging. The plans
to restore the town are likely to obstruct the transmission of social and cultural inheritance and
disrupt traditional modes of social and cultural practices where family, cultural, religious and
working life are closely integrated and interdependent.
Heritage 2012
REFERENCES
Abu Aisha, M. H. 2002. Suakin Oumm Al Howader. Riyadh, Saudi Arabia.
Al Shamiy, S. 1961. Sudanese ports. Cairo, Egypt: Egypt Book Shop Publishers.
Australia ICOMOS (1979, last revised 1999). The Australia ICOMOS Charter for Places of Cultural Sig-
nificance (The Burra Charter).
Avrami, E., Mason, R., & de la Torre, M. 2000. Values and heritage conservation search report. Los
Angeles: The Getty Conservation Institute.
Clarke, A., & Johnston, C. 2003. Time, memory, place and land: social meaning and heritage conserva-
tion in Australia. In: 14
th
ICOMOS General Assembly and International Symposium.
Cleere, H. 1989. Archaeological heritage management in the modern world. London: Unwin Hyman.
de la Torre, M. (ed.) 2002. Assessing the values of cultural heritage research report. Los Angeles: The
Getty Conservation Institute.
Dirar, M.S. 1981. The history of Suakin and the Red Sea. Khartoum: Al Dar Al Sudaniyyia for Books.
Gibson, L.& Pendlebury, J. 2009. Introduction: valuing historic environments, In: L. Gibson and J. Pen-
delbury, Valuing Historic Environments. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Ltd.
Imon, Sharief Shams 2008. Managing change in the historic city of Macao. In: Historic Environment,
Vol.12, No.3, pp.16-21.
Logan, W. S. 2008. Cultural diversity, heritage and human rights. In: B. Graham and P. Howard (eds.),
The Ashgate research companion to heritage and identity. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Ltd.
Lowenthal, D.1990. Conclusion: archaeologists and others. In: Peter Gathercole and D. Lowenthal (eds.),
The politics of the past. London: Routledge
Mutal, S. 2011. The future of historic cities: a practitioners experience. In: Afroditi Chatzoglou, Archon-
tia Polyzoudi, Marie Louise Stig Srensen and Shadia Taha (eds.), Historic cities, Historic Environ-
ment, Vol. 23(1), pp.61-66.
Rodwell, D.2011. Theory and practice in sustainable urban development. In: Afroditi Chatzoglou, Arc-
hontia Polyzoudi, Marie Louise Stig Srensen and Shadia Taha (eds.), Historic cities, Historic Envi-
ronment, Vol. 23(1), pp.8-15.
Stovel, H.2003. Foreword, Working towards the Nara Document. In: Knut Einar Larsen (ed.),
The Nara Conference Proceedings. Japan: Agency for Cultural Affairs UNESCO World Her-
itage Centre, 1995.
Taha, S. (2011). Suakins sacred landscape: shrine visitation. In: Srgio Lira, Rogrio Amodda, Cristina
Pinherio (eds.), Sharing cultures 2011, Proceedings of the 2
nd
International Conference on Intangible
Heritage, Tommar, Portugal 3-6 July. Barcelos, Portugal: Green Lines Institute.
UNESCO (1972). Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage.
Paris: UNESCO.
UNESCO. (2003. Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. Paris: UNESCO.
UNESCO.2005. Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions.
Paris: UNESCO.
Winter, T.2008. Heritage and development: introduction. Human Environment, Vol. 21, no.3, pp.2-4.
Winter, T.2011. Urban futures: some concluding thoughts. In: Afroditi Chatzoglou, Archontia Polyzoudi,
Marie Louise Stig Srensen and Shadia Taha (eds.), Historic cities, Historic Environment, Vol. 23(1),
pp.66-67.

Heritage 2012
1 ONGOING RESEARCH ON TERRITORIAL CAPITAL: A GENERAL FRAMEWORK
In this paper we present and discuss an ongoing research project that incorporates design and
craftsmenship. The project has a clear geographical dimension in the rural island of Chongming,
explores border relationships with the city of Shanghai, and leverages characteristics of the Chi-
nese countryside with the aim to achieve a more fair urban balance in the economic and social
fabric.
Moreover, we consider in an articulated and connected system, the issues of local identity,
immaterial heritage and the role of service design in the implementation of community based
benefits, framing the intervention in the broader ongoing social innovation research.
In the literature the relationship between identity, local territories and cultural heritage has
been widely documented, adopting a multidisciplinary approach in practice intervention of her-
itage preservation and transmission. In particular, our background stems from the last decade of
research within the community of design research at Politecnico di Milano (INDACO Depart-
ment for Industrial Design, Arts, Communication and Fashion, Milan), that widely explored the
relationship between the territory and its resources, and the local development conceived as a
strategic challenge for design research and practice (main references researches: Me.Design and
D.Cult, national based researches co-funded by MIUR Ministry of University and Research in
2002-2006).
This research has contributed to the literature on sustainable development by defining,
through a design approach that integrates design research and field experimentation, models that
include territory, local development, and sustainability in a coherent system. In this system de-
sign can be involved in envisioning a virtuous connection between territorial resources and local
development. The territory itself is recognized to have a peculiar value, on which design inter-
Bamboo entwines: a design intervention to envision culture and
innovation values of local crafts
F. Valsecchi
STF2 EU Science& Technology Fellowship Programme, Europe-China
S. Pollastri
Studio TEKTAO, Research Department, Shanghai, China
L. Yongqi
Tongji University, College of Design&Innovation, Shanghai, China
ABSTRACT: We introduce a design research project about design and local crafts. The re-
search playground belongs to a wider program about social innovation located in Chongming
Island, fundamental rural area of Shanghai. We contribute to new directions of urban planning
taking into account community factors, and the immaterial values of local resource like bamboo
craftsmanship. We start a co-design project interacting directly with the locals, working to re-
construct the social cohesion around a stronger local identity. The paper fully describe the re-
search and design activities. Even the project is still a work-in-progress, it has already emerged
the notion of cultural artifacts as new heritage: value is not technical quality embedded in forms
and processes, but in the way they are integrated in the social lifestyles and patterns.
vention strategically leverages; in the literature this concept is defined as territorial capital
(Villari 2005; Zurlo 2003a).
The concept of territorial capital describes the place as an articulated set of material resources
and immaterial values, physical goods, human resources, activities, habits, know-how, exper-
tise, cultural forms and identity governance structure, externalization and communication. The
territorial capital is the synthesis of all the values and resources that characterize a territory. It is
described as a multi-layer structure, on which design intervention can drive innovation by inte-
grating these resources (Castelli, A., Vignati, A., Villari, B., 2005).
From these findings we base our knowledge on the connection that design has with the dis-
ciplines that study the territory and its role in this framework. The project we are discussing ap-
plies these findings to the specific context of Chongming island, a rural area close to Shanghai.
It tries to clarify which are the specific characteristics of the territory we research, and which
design actions can be implemented to preserve and enhance the local heritage. From an opera-
tive point of view, since a rich background of research on the topic is not available for our con-
text, our work has a much less systematic approach than the ones conducted by Politecnico; it is
a more ethnographic process based on learning by experiencing. Once more, the design for
territories also represents an integrated approach into the design discipline: strategic design and
services design to build scenarios, to propose design visions of local development using some
themes of sense making such as the brand as collector of a coordinated system of the territorial
offer. (Parente, Villari 2010)
2 DESIGN AND INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE OF RURAL CHINA
In this framework of local valorization, the projects we are describing involve bamboo crafts as a
relevant asset we discovered within the territorial capital of our rural neighbourhood.
From a design perspective, the whole action aims to the exploitation and valorization of the ter-
ritorial resources (territorial capital) through a service based approach. A success plan of territorial
valorization requires innovation benefits at local levels, and the capacity to generate value for a
territory with a long-term perspective; this means also to consider the local values and the herit-
age (Magnaghi 2000) and thus favouring what, in Europe, is referred to as 'integrated local devel-
opment'(Villari 2005). In the context of the urban sprawl of China, the challenge of cultural based
valorization is crucial (Mars, Hornsby 2010; den Hartog 2011), and bamboo can be considered a
strategic area of intervention (among the several that we could explore in China) rather than a pre-
sidium (in the sense and meaning that the word represents by Carlo Petrini, founder of Slow Food
movement). Chongming Island faces the typical challenges of most rural environments: an unba-
lanced social structure, scarcity of public life, weakness in culture based activities and culture val-
ues, poor infrastructure.
As a general consequence and social impact, traditional rural ways of living and producing are
considered unattractive, and rural areas tend to be excluded from community awareness and eco-
nomic development. As a major impact, social ties fragment and local identity becomes weaker
and weaker. In previous research (initiated in 2009) we found that one of the assets of the rural
areas is the local heritage of knowledge, that in Chongming is represented by craftsmanship, in
particular bamboo weaving or woodworking. On the island, bamboo represents a system of values
for all who produce and use the artefacts, and around bamboo, communities gather with rituals,
daily routine and convivial moments.
This immaterial heritage of knowledge produces artefacts that are functional, practical, and ent-
wine stories from the local place. Nevertheless, there is not clear recognition, communication and
appreciation of these practices, that are hidden inside local communities. The result is that crafts
skills in Chongming island, are a disappearing part of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) of
the place. According to UNESCO, ICH includes practices, representations, expressions, know-
ledge, skills as well as the instruments, objects, artefacts and cultural spaces associated therewith
that communities, groups and, in some cases individuals recognises as a part of their cultural her-
itage (UNESCO, 2003, article 2.1). The low interest of the younger generation towards these
practices poses a threat to the transmission of this knowledge. One of the main characteristics of
ICH is its inclusivity, and the fact that it grows and develops when it is adopted by new actors,
contributing to the cohesion of the local community and providing continuity to its identity. If this
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process stops, then the safeguard of craft skills becomes a mere act of preservation of the past ra-
ther than valorisation of a living knowledge of a community.
The social fabric we described around bamboo is linked in literature to the concept of typical
knowledge (Lupo, 2008), that represents a kind of distributed heritage that is not manifested in
distinctive spectacular creative forms but rooted in activities, places and history. This typical
knowledge embodies the social fabric because it can represent productive knowledge (the ability
of a community to make, like the traditional crafts), but is also relational, (because it includes so-
cial habits, rituals, customs within the community), and re-productive (when defined as the identity
of a place by the external communication of the community, languages and all the forms of ex-
pressions, or the way to represent a community). As Lupo explains, in the UNESCO definition
typical knowledge is a crucial factor for local cultural identity and a key issue for sustainable de-
velopment. Therefore design intervention excludes practices of museification, and explores the use
value of knowledge heritage. The aim of the paper is to discuss a very practical and operative di-
mension of design for craft valorization. Crafts are not museum objects, but are instead artefacts
that embody cultural use values, and enable the acknowledgement and manipulation of knowledge
heritage. Within a design based valorization process, crafts evolve from being form-function based
(in which use and performance are the main assets) to form-meaning based, in which immaterial
values more clearly emerge. As Lupo says, We strongly believe that both craft and design can
benefit from this relation, if making it sustainably deal with innovation more than with the contin-
uation of a tradition (Lupo, 2010).
As the authors have previously found (Authors, 2010), design can trigger local innovation
through the exploitation of use value of the local knowledge, by the capacity to enhance and make
this heritage accessible as a system and a process for new different uses and users, by respecting
sustainability factors that preserve the existence and continuity of a local knowledge and preserv-
ing its specificities but integrating them within the context of the interdependent contemporary
world.
Traditional crafts are disappearing in Chongming, and activities such as weaving and sewing are
carried out just by elderly people. One of our aims is to transform an activity that is considered not
appealing and confined to the creation of daily use tools for work in the field (mainly baskets), to a
higher value design process, in which designers and producers cooperate to improve the technique
and aesthetics. Artefacts that embody cultural meaning, such as the crafts skills we are referring,
are open-ended knowledge system (Sennett, 2009), a repertory of forms and processes that can
be used as a source and raw material to be manipulated and adapted to local evolution. As reper-
toire, it is always embodied and is always manifested in performance, in action, in doing (Kir-
shenblatt Gimblett, 2004). The concept of repertory explicitly refers to manipulation possibilities
and transformation of knowledge bases; it extends the cataloguing procedures of preservation to
the referred concept of open-ended knowledge system, being by its nature evolving and trans-
forming by time and therefore open to different interpretations, uses, applications (Sennett
2009). Our role as a design research group, is to help visualizing the importance of this inheritance,
help preservation and documentation, and support and assist the transformation and adaptation
within new complex paradigms of production and diffusion. We recognize the value of the wealth
(meaning with wealth the Wealth of Networks by Benkler with no reference to money) and
the vitality of countryside culture, but we also recognize important opportunities and challenges in
contemporary Chinese society that is hovering between culture exploitation and sustainable inno-
vation. Social based production and entrepreneurial systems that follow the model of the soft
economy (Cianciullo, Realacci 2005), supporting cross fertilization between craft and design, can
be promising directions in this paradigm.
3 DESIGN ENTWINES
The project dates back to early 2011, even if the research background belongs to a wider re-
search program about social innovation within rural China (Authors, 2012 ), and was developed
to design strategies that can support equal and mutual benefits in the exchange of the resources
between the rural and urban development, contributing to new directions of urban planning that
take into account community factors. In this context, Design Entwines explores ways to pre-
serve and input values to the local production of crafts, starting from a direct interaction with
the people in the villages and acting to reconstruct the social cohesion around a stronger local
identity. We want to verify the hypothesis that the use value of local culture relies on the ca-
pacity of design to enhance and make accessible this heritage as a system and as a process for
new uses and users. Therefore, the research question develops around two main directions: on
one hand design works to create experiences of fruition of the typical knowledge, make it ac-
cessible and understandable inside and outside the community of creation (process that is re-
ferred in literature as by storytelling of the distinctive resources by means of a coordinated
brand policy (Parente, Villari 2010).
In the other direction design enhances the value of local culture through new design solutions
that can include products, services or strategies that respect the connection with the tradition and
empower new knowledge uses. Design action focuses on the territorial capital in order to high-
light feature and implement strategy for an appropriate competitive positioning.
The project is a middle term plan, estimated to have a year time lapse, at the end of which we
would be able to evaluate the impact of design intervention according to three strategies: a)
communication and network oriented, focused on branding and distribution for the local prod-
ucts aimed at effectively embodying the final product's knowledge format and contents from the
immaterial heritage and the place; b) product-service system oriented, that envisions market
based services between city and rural, allowing fair and direct exchange of resources and facili-
tating dialogue. In this strategy we hope to make a stronger connection among the citizens' net-
works and the villagers' communities; c) product oriented, that focuses on direct interaction be-
tween designers and craftsmen and enhances cooperation between professional creativity and
experiential creativity. This strategy is based on the idea that one asset of heritage preservation
relies on a living use of knowledge and the production of a new one.
We are aware that this represents a broad approach to design, in which we are challenged by
the systemic disciplinary intervention; nevertheless, if design impact is responsibly defined (in
its broader extension) by the capacity to envision better futures, systemic approach is needed.
Our aim is to revitalize the craft process, through multiplication of the products, enhance and
create use contexts and prototype sustainable production chains, which are strongly rooted in
immaterial values and benefits.
At this stage, we want to describe the current structure and preliminary results.
The project is articulated as in-depth continuous field research, which we negotiated by form-
ing a trustworthy relationship with the local community. In addition, complementary action re-
search tasks emerge, such as a co-design project of bamboo artefacts (local branded), to be sold
in local markets and within communities of interest (in which we experience the need and the
delicacy of a direct co-design interaction). Also, we develop solution scenarios and design vi-
sions through a dense activity of workshops and teaching initiatives directly in the field. Briefly,
the following diagrams (Fig. 1) summarizes the project structure.

Figure 1. Structure diagram of Design Entwines project
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Mainly, the objective is to encourage people to recognize and manipulate the social fabric,
through co-design initiatives between design and crafts (main users, the local community). The
process of co-design enables the embodiment in the artefacts of the crafts typical knowledge and
the open ended system of immaterial heritage is made factual.
At a deeper level, the co-design action more easily empowers social discourse about the im-
material heritage with design intervention contributing to extend the use value of the artefacts,
as well as expands the community of interests around the production community (main users,
society and citizenship).
This is pursued through a process of progressive reflection and small scale protoyping in a
design process that lacks of structured management but abounds with serendipity.
Summarizing, Design Entwines expresses specificity and goals at the level of creative process
(co-design), as well as the social impact (urban rural sustainable engagement) and the metho-
dology statement (progressive prototyping). In the following paragraphs we will detail the
process of co-design and discuss some preliminary outputs.

Figure 2. our friend, master bamboo waver Shi Laoshi at the workshop.
4 EXTENSIVE DESCRIPTION OF THE CO-DESIGN PROCESS
Our design process can be seen as a reiterative cycle, in which every intervention can be seen in
terms of results and accomplishments, but also as a starting point and raw material for a follow-
ing one. This series of actions that follow one another creates a process of continuous learning
that strengthens vertical knowledge, structures the relationship between the actors involved on
both sides and creates a documentation that can be used for communication and adoption in oth-
er contexts. In the design cycle different phases involve, in different moments, the design team,
the craftsman or both of them. These last ones are those in which the process of mutual learning
and understanding, as well as what we refer to as co-design activities, take place. Physical out-
comes of this process are objects that are no longer only objects, but devices for symbolic and
cultural mediation (Branzi, 2007).

Figure 3. Diagram of Co.design process
4.1 A. Exploration
As already mentioned, in the early stages of the project we had to face the lack of available re-
levant literature on the specific context. For a general research on the local area, we relied on
our previous experiences in Chongming island, that familiarized us with other aspects of the
territory, especially the social system.
The first step of the ethnographic and exploration process has been to visit different villages
to map the existing production system and understand its characteristics and unspoken rules.
From the beginning we identified two models of bamboo craftsmanship: a stall in local markets
or a workspace annexed to the farmhouse. Typically, in the first case, standardized products
were sold, sometimes also available in woven plastic strips (which is more flexible, faster to
weave and durable than bamboo). The second type of craftsmen has normally less products
available in store and prefers to make-to-order. The formal experiment and the customization
level is extremely relevant in this case. The possibility to have a more constructive and conti-
nuous dialogue with someone who is already used to discuss the details of his work led us to
choose this second type of craftsman as an interlocutor.
Other craftsmen that have been involved in some activities (mainly the DESIS workshop,
which will be referred later) do not weave bamboo, but use bamboo poles to build stairs, stools,
chairs and other furniture. Different techniques require different tools and skills, so craftsmen
tend to specialize either in woven objects or construction. In the following table major types of
bamboo production techniques are organized and described as observed during field work.

Table 1. bamboo production techniques and setting discovered by field exploration
products materials customization
Bamboo
weaving in
the market
baskets and tools for agricul-
ture, bike baskets, simple ob-
jects for the house and daily
life (snake traps, brooms etc)
Bamboo strips,
plastic strips
no
Bamboo
weaving in a
workshop
baskets and tools for agricul-
ture, preparation and
processing (ie. drier and
steamer)
Bamboo strips yes
Bamboo fur-
niture
Stools, chairs, stairs, small
tables...
Bamboo strips and
poles
yes

4.2 B. Idea generation and Concept
The main outcome of the first phase is a set of documents that describe local techniques, pre-
sented in a visual-textual language, our insights of the brand to be created. Starting from the
characteristics of the procedures, the tools used and existing catalogue of crafts, some ideas
have been sketched by members of the design team. As a first trial for a long term collaboration,
we decided to propose to the craftsmen a series of planters that are very similar to the baskets
they already produced. To focus our efforts on the process and the way we can build mutual
trust, we decided to start with objects they are familiar with, in terms of technique and function.
The unfinished concepts designed during this phase by the team are meant to be used as raw
material in the co-design activity.
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4.3 C. Co-design
The co-design phase of the process is the one in which the design team goes to the island to dis-
cuss the sketches with the craftsman in his workshop and finalize a proposal that will be realized
in the next step. Since the concepts we submit are (and are meant to be) in an early stage of de-
velopment, we always take with us, together with the sketches, a series of inspirational images
and models, in order to facilitate the communication.
Designer and craftsman are now working together in a team, where specific competencies and
capabilities are recognized and valorized, where the value of the craftsman's work is fully rec-
ognized, and also their way of operating, thinking with hands (Sennett, 2009). The final
agreement on the details is reached through a discussion and several sketches on paper.
4.4 D. Production and diffusion
The production task is left to the craftsman, who is free to accomplish it according to his sche-
dule. At this stage of the project we haven't involved, in any way, the craftsmen in the distribu-
tion and communication system, which is locally managed by the design team. We recognize,
though, the value of storytelling of the whole process and the role that the craftsman can have in
the communication. In the future we will work to develop a more systematic and participative
communication and documentation of the process.
5 PRELIMINARY OUTPUTS OF THE PROJECT
One of the most relevant outputs is the brand for a collection of objects designed and produced
in collaboration with the local craftsmen. The final result will be a series of small objects that
become the visible link between the rural and the urban communities. Around these objects dif-
ferent stories will be interlaced and made visible by different communication techniques, both
online and offline. The brand has been conceived to give more importance to the production
process more than the product itself. Objects have a story embedded; it is the story of their crea-
tion. Every object tells the story of the encounter between the designer and the craftsman. So
objects are alive, warm, human. The process of weaving symbolically refers to the building of a
relationship.
First, we applied the concept to a house basket conceived for urban gardening that allows di-
rect transfer of soil bags from one basket to a bigger basket. Then, to a bamboo pot for steaming
rice, with a minimum use of resources. Again, on an exhibition decoration appliance for a pic-
ture showcase. The design plan doesn't include clear foresight of the final collection, and as pre-
viously mentioned, the process mainly follows unpredictable creation directions. Nevertheless,
the process is showing a progressive consolidation of the interaction with craftsmen and a more
clear and shared discourse about the directions themselves. While this affects and slows the ef-
ficiency of the whole process, it is absolutely positive for the consolidation of a sustainable co-
design backstage.

Figure 4. Artefact A - The urban gardening bamboo pot

Figure 5. Artefact B the bamboo rice cooker

As a second example, we will discuss the Summer School organized within the framework of
DESIS initiatives, which took place last year. In August 2011 a workshop was organized with
40 students coming from Chinese, European and South American universities to prototype a
practitioner middle-scale activity in several bamboo workshop spaces. Among the workshop
results, the main achievement has been the very practical kick off of cooperation with the vil-
lagers. Currently we are developing middle-long term relationships with craftsmen from two
villages of the island.
The field research conducted allowed the students to interact closely with the craftsmen, and
experience a full cycle design process from concept design to implementation. The work of
these groups has been based on mutual trust between them and the locals, and this enhanced the
quality and the detailed scale of the results. There were two main relevant outcomes that will be
further explored in ongoing research within the core research team. The first outcome develops
a locally based market strategy for already existing small-scale producers by offering them
branding artefacts and tools to use in an enlarged market space. Another group focused, instead,
on the craft process itself, and used a very practical and DIY approach. New product concepts
were envisioned during the one-week co-design of students and craftsmen, and we are currently
developing with them the first collaborative collection of basket, planters and lamps.

Figure 6. Students working at the bamboo workshop during DESIS summerschool

Figure 7. Sample of material studies from the workshop
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The tentative (and in some case the chance) to revitalize the workshop places as well as input
new values and storytelling in the product manufacturing are main contributions of these pre-
liminary outputs.
6 DISCUSSION AND FUTURES
Summarizing,the paper presented a systematized way the notions of territorial capital, user val-
ue and local immaterial heritage, discussing theoretical discussion as well as an extend ongoing
case study within the field of design for social innovation. The case represents an example of
cooperation across design and crafts that aim to a wider positive impact in sustainable develop-
ment within China urbanization.
Even the project is still a work-in-progress has already emerged that the objects of the design
that grounds on the values of localism are cultural artefacts, and they can enable the envision of
new heritage, because value is not a technical quality embedded in forms and processes, but in
the way artefacts themselves are integrated in the social lifestyles and patterns. Once more is
clear that approached to sustainability requires wide and systemic consideration of heritage, so-
cial, economical and communities aspects.
The project will continue to more practical implementation and the progressive adjustment of
the co-design process, according to the quality of the design results. We expect to contribute in
the future with further publication about the completion of the process. Moreover, an important
remark about future outputs is necessary: a more deep consideration will be given also to the
storytelling of the local heritage, using design to create ways of fruition of the typical know-
ledge, make it accessible and understandable also outside the community of creation. This do-
cumenting artefacts are necessary outcomes of the field research and the local exploration, and
belongs to the system of immaterial heritage as well as the raw knowledge that we are expe-
riencing.
Within the specific context of China, one final consideration is given. Facing the challenge of
a more sustainable balance between urban areas development and countryside, a very relevant
impact comes from the continuous research on cultural aspects and social fabric, and it's the
gradual, even if slow shift from a conservative self-confidence of the craftsmen towards a pro-
gressive feeling of participation, that makes more easy the occurrence of fresh creative activities
and the personal empowerment.
REFERENCES
Authors, 2010, conference paper
Authors, 2012 forthcoming, monography book
Bauwens M., 2007. Peer to Peer and Human Evolution, Foundation for P2P Alternatives,
p2pfoundation.net.
Benkler Y. 2006. The Wealth of Networks: How Social Production Transforms Markets and Freedom,
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Branzi A. (ed by), Capire il design, Giunti, 2007
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Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
The town planning and architectural development of a whole area of Sicily, the South-eastern
one, has been characterized by reconstruction following the earthquake of 11 January 1693,
which razed a large number of towns and cities to the ground, thus laying, paradoxically, the ba-
sis for making the shaping of this Valley a unique case on an international scale. Indeed, even
though similar events have occurred in Europe such as the earthquakes of Lisbon in 1775,
Messina in 1783 and in 1908 these have usually involved single urban contexts instead of
whole districts. Eight of these towns Noto, Palazzolo Acreide, Ragusa, Modica, Scicli, Cata-
nia, Caltagirone Militello in Val di Catania , whose architectural appearance of great artistic
importance has had a common group of stylistic as well historic specificities, was included in
the UNESCO World Heritage List 2002 under the name of Late Baroque Towns of the Val di
Noto. In the justification among the criteria for the choice, besides the presence of a very high
number of monumental buildings, it was pointed out that The Towns of the Val di Noto
represent the culmination and final flowering of Baroque art in Europe. In the same year the
South-East Cultural District was created with the aim of carrying out the undertaking of the lo-
cal and regional communities to safeguard the South-eastern Sicilian Baroque, whose go-ahead
was given by the collapse of the Noto Cathedral Dom in 1996 and by the consequent interna-
tional outcry following this event.
Baroque, whose architectural and town planning themes for their widespread presence in all
the centres of this Island are a peculiar characteristic of its cultural identity (Boscarino, 1986),
therefore became the thread which shaped all the historical centres of the Val di Noto, highly
connoting this territory and becoming part of the wider landscape context of this area which,
with the Baroque style, materials and decorations, perfectly merges. Indeed The architecture
of these places [] reveals itself almost by magic in total harmony with the surrounding land-
Cultural heritage in sustainable development of a urban context: a case
study of Ragusa
G. Vecchio
University of Catania, Catania, Italy
ABSTRACT: The preservation of a complex of historical centres which share many heritages,
historically and stylistically homogeneous, represents a drive for a sustainable development of a
whole region. Such is the case of the South-Eastern Sicily area included in the UNESCO WHL
under the name of Late Baroque Towns of the Val di Noto. Considered here is one of these
towns, Ragusa, rebuilt after the 1693 earthquake and characterized by two historical centres,
upper Ragusa, built in accordance with an echelon-shaped scheme, and Ibla, rebuilt on the me-
dieval layout. The aim is to investigate how the town planning continuity from its original
building onwards can be translated into an entirely developed urban context, including upper
Ragusa, affected by a lack of take-off. To this end, suggestions are proposed that not only allow
a sustainable urban ecosystem to be maintained but also promote an economic development of
the whole district.
scape (Trigilia, 2002). However, in this area, where some towns have been built on their preex-
istent sites while others on different ones, a further element of homogeneity and specificity has
derived from the ability of some of those responsible for reconstruction to balance the innova-
tive drive which is typical of Baroque with the conservation of the urban medieval structure,
preserving in so doing the different phases of the historical stratification of this urban landscape.
Moreover, while in Sicily it did not very often occur that the Seventeenth century town plan-
ning experience resulted in spatial forms structured according to the dictates of the European
Baroque, neither that those towns were considered the core of some territorial systems to or-
ganize and coordinate rationally (Boscarino, 1986) and then that only some architectural struc-
tures such as the churches are totally Baroque, or better still they heighten the features of the
Baroque culture with a reinforcement of this style ascribable to provincial overemphasizing and
to the particular redundancy of the patterns they refer to (Madonna & Trigilia, 1992), on the
contrary, in Ragusa some urban spaces have taken form, that were substantially ascribable to the
Baroque both from the town planning and the architectonic points of view.
Therefore, the Baroque cities which unite all the symbolisms referring to the power of the ab-
solute monarchy and of the Church, in the inner area of the Iblei mountains, not only embody
the double aspirations of the ancient feudal nobility and of the new landed one, but at the same
time become a shared identity theme of the local population for its ability to enhance the
theatrical features of these urban and natural environments [] (Madonna & Trigilia,1992).
Indeed, in the Seventeenth century, attempts at absorbing the Hyblean cities within the Baroque
vision due to their special geographical conformations, made them become a kind of Baroque
acropolis where cathedrals took the dominant place of the castle (Fig. 1). So the ability to
change over time, combining new urban symbolisms in the old spatial fabric and developing
new synergies between the cities and the country, as well as solid relationships among the most
important stake-holders in the background, has considerably helped in creating an environmen-
tal homogeneity and a sustainable local development pattern still present to this day, even
though not without some criticism.
Considering that the creation of a cultural district means to realize an organic, systemic and
coordinated situation (Valentino, 2003) in which the system of relationships present in the ter-
ritory is of primary importance and that the cultural planning favours an outlook based on the
place instead of on the sectorialization of culture, the enhancing of the resources of Ragusa a
fundamental element of the sustainable development has the possibility of triggering a com-
petitive economic development on a global scale, as this city benefits from a position of natu-
ral monopoly which shelters it from that form of competitiveness which can be found, with the
enlargement of the markets, in the other sectors (Valentino P.A.,2003).
Indeed, with its contemporaneous reconstruction of numerous historical centres, the Baroque
Valley naturally forms a cultural district which has suggested both a way of urban spatial organ-
ization of an area characterized by its being among the highest seismic risk areas in Italy, and at
the same time a pattern of socio-economical development of a whole territorial district which,
over the centuries, has had environmental sustainability as its strength, maintaining an intact
balance between change and stability thanks to a relative architectonic continuity.
2 A BRIEF GEOGRAPHICAL-HISTORIC DESCRIPTION OF RAGUSA
Three of the Val the Noto towns are wholly included in the WHL: Caltagirone, Noto and Ragu-
sa.
The contemporary Ragusa has developed on three hilly sites of the Hyblean tableland, of cal-
careous origin, and has two historical centres. It represents an important example of town split-
ting following the earthquake of 1693, to which has been given body in the reconstruction of
Ragusa Ibla on the original preexisting nucleus of the medieval structure, placed at above 500 m
above sea level, and of the foundation ex novo of a new urban nucleus, upper Ragusa, placed
Heritage 2012

Figure 1. Skyline of Ragusa Ibla

higher on the hill of the Patro, characterized by a grid structure profoundly representative of the
international experience of Baroque.
After Greek colonization, the ancient Ragusa (whose area was involved by the erosion of the
valley which gave rise to the so-called quarry civilization formed by the Siculi settlements ex-
isting from prehistory leaving us until now a remarkable rocky heritage) was conquered by the
Carthaginians and then by the Romans until it became an important centre under the rule of the
Muslims. In 1091 it was assigned to Goffredo, the son of Ruggero I; and right under Norman
rule, especially under the powerful Chiaramonte family, the medieval street structure of this city
was shaped, merging gradually with the original civilization. In the fourteenth century the coun-
ty of Ragusa was joined with the county of Modica thus allowing, over the centuries, the history
of this entire area to share a common lot. Then to the Chiaramonte family, succeeded the Cabre-
ra family, who introduced the emphyteutic concessions which would not only have brought
about a demographic and economic increase of this city, but would also have represented a
starting point of a specific organization of the local landed property, of fundamental importance
in the future to create a different pattern of agrarian development in comparison with the lati-
fundum one, very common elsewhere in Sicily. Indeed, an intensive agriculture spread here to-
gether with a deep process of land colonization which would have changed the agrarian land-
scape of the County of Modica (Barone, 1996), characterized until now, among other things, by
the dry stone walls and by the masserie. More specifically, the parceling out of the estates of
the Hyblean area dates back to the prices revolution of the Sixteenth century, when with the de-
valuing of the currency, the inflow of precious metals from the Spanish and Portuguese posses-
sions drove the aristocracy and the high clergy to step up the corn production, resorting to some
perpetual land concessions on rents in kind (Barone,1996). However this was made easier from
the particular form that the emphyteusis had in this county, resembling it to a kind of deed of
sale.
The 1693 earthquake gave rise to conflicts coming out which had formed within the city be-
tween the ancient feudal nobility and the new emphyteutae one, during an age in which this
county was feeling the effects of a serious politic and fiscal crisis; so the representatives of the
oldest nobility, the Sangiorgiari, inhabitants of the district of the Piazza resolved to rebuild on
the old site, while the Sangiovannari inhabitants of the district of the Archi, preferred to build
around the church of San Giovanni Battista in the flat space of the Patro. Meanwhile the
earthquake and the following periods of reconstruction of these areas saw the alternation of dif-
ferent rulers as they passed from Spanish dominion to that of the Piedmontese and the Aus-
trians, to continue in 1734 under the dynasty of the Bourbons of Naples.
Because the earthquake had caused the castle of Ragusa to collapse, the typology of buildings
which were preferred as symbolical expressions of power were therefore realized, above all, in
religious architecture and in the historical palaces which still today represent the main cultural
heritage in Ragusa. Among the most characteristic features of the Baroque towns there are the
dome, the street furniture, the balconies and the covered roof-terrace belvedere of the buildings,
but above all the faades, very often of the concave or convex shape, so that it was referred to in
the Baroque style as faade architecture. They look like some theatrical scenes with the func-
tion of being enjoyed by or to amaze the observers and to this end were created to be observed
from below and during movement (Boscarino, 1986) as evidence of the close link between the
urban architecture and the daily experience of the dwelling. However, it is an architecture which
removes the edges and the corners in preference to soft surfaces and plentiful decoration. More-
over, the post-earthquake reconstruction spread a new anti-seismic culture which was put into
action through different strategies which changed the previous systems. First of all, different ra-
tios between the width of the roads and the height of the buildings were decided upon and then,
among other devices, often large squares were planned which, besides their scenic appearance,
could be intended as possible escape routes.
As far as the churches in Ragusa are concerned, and as elsewhere in this district, during the
reconstruction traditional structures were preferred; in this sense only five churches have been
identified (Madonna & Trigilia, 1992) which show a planimetric structure different from the
classical Aula or Basilican plan preferably lengthened octagonal or central plan that is the
churches of S. Maria dei Miracoli, S. Giuseppe, S. Maria di Valleverde, S. Petronilla and S.
Maria Addolorata.
Ibla was rebuilt after 1730 and had as its main architect Rosario Gagliardi (1682-1762), the
author of the synthesis between medieval and Baroque structures. Indeed, Gagliardi In Ragusa
and in Modica would have dug up to the root of the fifteenth century culture and would have re-
ferred to it both for the decorative particulars and for the whole architectonic context (Gian-
siracusa, 1984) managing to create a single urban system which unites Piazza del Duomo and
Piazza Pola, San Giorgio Cathedral (1744-1775) completed in 1820 with the Neoclassical
Dome by Carmelo Cutrano and the Church of San Giuseppe (Fig 2). Moreover, he created a
new church architectonical pattern, the faade-tower which would have represented an alterna-
tive to the traditional two side towers.
Piazza della Repubblica, where the Church of Purgatorio is placed, acts as a hinge between
Ibla and Upper Ragusa , via Corso Mazzini which winds down the isthmus which joins the two
centres and which can likewise be connected by a very long flight of steps. In the neighbour-
hood, on the Salita Commendatore, there is one of the most interesting architectonic settings of
Ibla, made up of the Church of Santa Maria dellItria (1626), the Palace della Cancelleria
(1760) and by Cosentini Palace, perhaps the first noble palace built after the earthquake and also
one of the most remarkable from the architectonical point of view. In Ibla, which among its
heritage counts the Hyblean Garden, close to the excavations of the ancient Hybla, as well as
Battaglia Palace ascribable to Gagliardi it is also possible to find the remains of the old San
Giorgio Cathedral (XV century) with its Gothic-Catalan portal portraying St. George killing the
dragon, the Church of the Cappuccini and the Via Orfanotrofio, that is the old Jewish Ghetto.
Even Upper Ragusa boasts remarkable Baroque buildings such as the Cathedral of San Gio-
vanni Battista, Lupis Palace and Zacco Palace. Also situated here is the Hyblean Archaeological
Museum consisting of six sections.
Heritage 2012

Figure 2. The Church of San Giuseppe in Ibla

Meanwhile, in the nineteenth century the disputes between the two centres of Ragusa became
more acute till in 1865 they decided to become two autonomous townships which were to unite
again in 1926. As regards its economic and industrial development, the then predominant agri-
cultural activities, together with the discovery of the asphalt mines in 1838 were to become an
important factor in local growth. Indeed, this economic and demographic increase allowed Ra-
gusa to become the capital of the province in 1927.
3 CONTEMPORARY PLANNING POLICIES IN RAGUSA
During the fifties the economy of Ragusa, which had depended on agriculture for centuries,
prospected an opening towards the industrial sector thanks to the start of the oil mining industry
which joined the preexisting asphalt mines industry. But apart from these two sectors, the city
was substantially concerned by a lack of industrial take-off a theme which, even if in different
conditions, would have concerned the economy of the whole of Sicily which paradoxically
become a further advantage, as eventually it contributed towards preserving this urban and envi-
ronmental context, allowing agriculture to remain until today one of the driving forces of its
economy.
Considered the cereal production capital of the south-east and the animal husbandry capital
since the Unity of Italy until today, Ragusa has maintained active the breeding sector but has
considerably updated its agriculture, focusing on greenhouse cultivations and dairy produce,
aiming at a specialist production in the territory; thus allowing Ragusa to produce some quality
goods of primary importance for the re-launch of its local production to that of an international
scale.
But besides agriculture, tourism and culture are the other sectors where planning has been
concentrated on in recent years, in consideration of the fact that, owing to the whole of its cul-
tural heritage a city such as Ragusa presents a landscape almost out of time and space, described
by the writer Leonardo Sciascia like a border within Sicily itself, and that for this same rea-
son it needs more than ever an enhancement which provides for a sustainable use of its re-
sources to avoid its own ruin. To this end, also the enhancement of the coastal strip where Mari-
na di Ragusa is has assumed some importance, as it integrates like a fundamental wedge to the
urban and agrarian landscape outline of the city.
Therefore, if the natural landscape around the city has been maintained intact, not completely
the same has occurred to the traditional agrarian landscape of the province which, because of
some cultivation innovations, has undergone some changes. As far as the history of the urban
landscape is concerned, the concerns about the safeguarding of the historical centre of Ibla al-
ready in 1901 resulted in the Building Code of lower Ragusa which in 1931 was substituted
by a new Single Code, which besides providing for a Building Commission, laid down the rules
and limits of demolition, restoration and change, which however werent always followed.
Instead, it dates back to the 1975 General Town Planning Scheme (P.R.G.C.) approved
with Council Decree n. 183/74 del 2/12/1975 which provides for the zoning of the city in two
parts: Area A, of historical, artistic and environmental importance, and Area B1, a residential
one.
Then in 1995 there was an attempt to approve the Executive Detailed Plan (P.P.E) referring to
the historical centres of Ragusa and Ibla, whose carrying out has yet had long vicissitudes which
have been protracted up to the present day. The plan, which as accomplishment tool of the
P.R.G.C. is directed at town planning reclamation which, over time, has suggested among other
things also some planning hypotheses to avoid the ghettoization of the numerous migrants from
different countries living in the district of San Giovanni.
In order to reach some development objectives comparable to its resources, Ragusa needs an
effective strategic territorial planning whose realization would yet again require large funds. To
such end and having had great importance over the years the L.R. 61/81 (Regional Law 11
April 1981, n. 61) called Law about Ibla, directed above all towards the reutilization of the
building heritage of the historic centre of Ibla, to which the majority of the fund has been allot-
ted. At the moment the planning policies aim at obtaining refunding by the Regione from this
special law so as to continue the course of revitalization now in progress. Still in 2011, indeed,
thanks to some funds drawn from this Law interventions on four Ragusa churches have been
carried out.
In 2002, following the concerns about the deterioration of the South-east cultural heritage and
an increasing revaluation of the artistic meaning of the Sicilian Baroque, in the past referred to
as a secondary one, the towns of the Val di Noto were included in the UNESCO World Heritage
List which provided for a management plan of the site, whose strategic plan aimed at reaching
the objectives of knowledge, conservation, participation and development to be realized
through four axes: system, culture, culture/nature and the axis of culture/sea.
As a matter of fact, in the last years, right in the cultural sector closely connected to the tou-
ristic one, the largest sums have been invested in an attempt to give a considerable drive to the
towns development. The enhancement of the cultural sector has made use of different strate-
gies, among which the creation of the university and more recently in 2010, the opening of the
Student House which represents another shift of such an attempt towards the transformation of
Ragusa into a university town.
Moreover, it wouldnt be by chance if Ibla has become a much sought after location in the
last decades. Indeed, such is its landscape and scenic beauty that has very often attracted the at-
tention of the visual arts, for which image production holds a key role, as happens in the pho-
tography and cinema sectors. Therefore this city, besides the fact that it has become the fictional
town of Vigata in the famous TV series of Commissario Montalbano, drawn from the novels of
the Sicilian writer Andrea Camilleri, has also been chosen, for example, by directors such as
Giuseppe Tornatore in LUomo delle Stelle (1995) e by Fratelli Taviani.
4 SUSTAINABLE URBAN ECOSYSTEM
One of the most persistent problems of the Ragusa urban context consists of the conflict be-
tween the two historical centres of Ragusa and Ibla which, unfortunately, hasnt yet been elimi-
Heritage 2012
nated as the concentration of investment on Ibla has sometimes overshadowed the upper histori-
cal centre which has undergone a certain decline owing, not only to its role of secondary impor-
tance from the heritage point of view in comparison to Ibla, but also to a trade crisis which has
affected the whole urban system.
Therefore, the historical centre of upper Ragusa also needs to be revitalized through the crea-
tion of some infrastructure as, unlike Ibla, it suffers from the effects of heavy traffic. In order to
reduce this disparity, the Piazza of San Giovanni has recently been redeveloped, the planning of
underground parking has been started and through demolition-rebuilding work, the auditorium
of San Vincenzo Ferreri has been opened, as well as a call having been made for an internation-
al competition to transform the Ina palace eco-monster into a hotel.
However, although very different from each other, both Ragusa towns require to be enhanced
for this reason, as the decline of one should imply that of the other city. Indeed, if Ibla, the rich-
est in cultural heritage, represents above all the economic spin-off of the city from a touristic
point of view, it is also true that the road and town planning structures of upper Ragusa are the
ones with the most suitable spatial size to allow the city to carry out its daily life as well as to
expand more freely its urban and trade functions.
Moreover, in recent years one of the most important cruxes of this town enhancement has al-
ways called for the theme of sustainable restoration and conservation of its Baroque containers
into question. The reuse and economically profitable fruition, even from a touristic point of
view, of these buildings practically widespread on the whole territory, can be considered a start-
ing point and offers such favourable outlooks that it cant be disregarded by the economic and
territorial planning of Ragusa. Indeed this is the direction the town planning undertakings have
been taking for a long time.
To such end, the ex monastery of the Capuchin friars in Ibla, having survived the earthquake
of 1693, has been transformed into the first Centre of Oenogastronomy of the Mediterranean
aimed at enhancing Sicilian culinary traditions in relation to other countries of the Mediterra-
nean.
Moreover, in October 2010, the restoration works of the aristocratic Cosentini Palace, for a
long time property of the local council, have been completed. The works, lasting six years,
commenced with a first intervention in 2004. Instead, a second intervention, given out by con-
tract in 2006, had a longer duration and an expense of about two million euros. Built between
1762 and 1767, the palace consists of a ground floor, a first floor and noble floor for a total area
of about one thousand five hundreds square metres. At present the palace is intended to be a
Diagnostics Laboratory for Monuments and Centre of Byzantine Culture in the Mediterranean
Area, which should profit from collaboration with the University of Calabria in some research
projects.
With the aim of a proper reuse of the historical centre, a Plan of alternative urban mobility,
for which the Inter-ministerial Committee for Economical Planning (CIPE) has allowed thirty
million euros, has been provided for; this represents another strength for the creation of an urban
sustainable ecosystem based on the principles of the smart city and oriented to favour ideas
concerning energy saving.
Therefore, in this dual and very peculiar urban context, the unifying factors of so many re-
sources are represented by landscape beauty and by the environmental sustainability which the
Baroque has been able to create within an area with a very rooted feudal as well as agrarian tra-
dition. Indeed The ascensional element of the Baroque architecture finds itself at its own centre
of application and development in the Hyblean territorial context, characterized by a rather
complex orographic situation (Giansiracusa, 1984), so that in this soft-lined and hilly land-
scape the scenic character another main feature of the Baroque architecture perfectly un-
folds. Moreover, this agrarian landscape, in which only the greenhouses disturb the traditional

Figure 3. A street view in Ibla

harmony made up of carobs, drywalls and masserie, has some simplified shapes which almost
compensate for the curves of the urban Baroque thus creating a kind of balance which softens
the emphatic Baroque tones.
Certainly a city with such features like that of Ibla, intact in its medieval and Baroque layout
(Fig. 3), needs the preservation of this timeless atmosphere, but at the same time it also needs
greater attention to be paid to a larger touristic fruition which could enhance its urban system
Heritage 2012
and allow it to become a kind of eco-museum, without remaining entrapped in a museum-type
context which would dampen its vitality and future outlooks of economic development and de-
mographic increase. Therefore, it also requires a reclaiming plan able to prevent its enchanted
timelessness from becoming immobility and later on decay but allows Ragusa to be revived and
changed into a culturally viable green city. Such a city, as an artistic city, would be able to fit in-
to a global circuit, shortening the distances which tend to isolate it, in order to have the possibil-
ity to take advantage of the new geography of the borders and of the centres that globalization
has involved.
In conclusion, therefore, a possible sustainable development for a town like Ragusa is not on-
ly directed towards eco-museum and diffuse museum patterns, as well as towards the smart city
and sustainable mobility strategies, but it already intends to propose itself as a pattern of sustai-
nability also considering that it has been indicated as the first among Sicilian cities in the 2010
Urban Ecosystem classification.
REFERENCES
Barone, G. 1996. Elites urbane e gerarchie spaziali nella contea di Modica. Un caso di ricostruzione
policentrica. In Giuseppe Giarrizzo (ed.), La Sicilia dei terremoti. Lunga durata e dinamiche sciali:
305-313. Catania: Giusepp Maimone
Boscarino, S. 1986. Sicilia barocca. Architettura e citt 1610-1760. Roma: Officina Edizioni
Burgaretta, S. (ed). 1993. Ragusa e la sua provincia. Kals 4
Gangi, G. 1982. Ragusa barocca. Palermo: Sellerio
Giansiracusa, P. 1984. Il barocco siciliano architettura, urbanistica, scenografia. Roma: Lo Faro
Giarrizzo, G. (ed.). 1996. La Sicilia dei terremoti. Lunga durata e dinamiche sociali. Catania:
GiuseppeMaimone
Giuffr, M. 2006. Barocco in Sicilia. San Giovanni Lupatoto: Arsenale
Lazzaro Danzuso, G. 1998. Hybla. Catania: D. Sanfilippo
Madonna, M.L. & Trigilia, L. (eds) 1992. Barocco mediterraneo Sicilia, Lecce, Sardegna, Spagna.
Roma: Istituto poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, Libreria dello Stato
Mignosa, A. & Rizzo, I. 2005. Tutela e valorizzazione dei beni culturali in Sicilia. Milano: Franco
Angeli
Trigilia, L. 2002. La valle del barocco le citt siciliane della Val di Noto Patrimonio dellumanit.
Catania: D. Sanfilippo
Trigilia, L. 2007. Un viaggio nella Valle del barocco Pantalica, Siracusa e le citt della Val di Noto
Patrimonio dellumanit. Catania: D. Sanfilippo
Valentino, P.A. 2003. Le trame del territorio. Politiche di sviluppo dei sistemi territoriali e distretti
culturali. Milano: Sperling & Kupfer

Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
Albanian cultural heritage cannot be fully understood without a proper knowledge and consider-
ation of the history which, marked by various socio-economic changes and political upheavals,
has shaped this country and its people (Fig. 1). The so-called "land of the eagles" is one of the
oldest states in the Balkan peninsula. Most historians believe that Albanians descend from a
non-Slavic, non-Turkish group of tribes, known as Illyrians, which occupied the western area of
the Balkans, from modern Slovenia to approximately halfway through modern Greece. The cap-
ital was Shkoder (now the most important city of northern Albania) and remained as such until
the Roman conquest in 168 BC. As well as the Illyrian origin theory, Dacian or Thracian roots
are also hypothesized, due to a number of linguistic factors. In any case, mystery shrouds the
exact beginning of today's Albanians and their origins still remain a matter of dispute among
specialists (Zickel & Iwaskiw, 1994).
The Albanians first appear in the historical record in Byzantine sources of the late 11
th

century. At that time, commerce and economy prospered and many Albanian merchants were
active in countries outside Albania itself. However, as the ruling Byzantine Empire weakened,
Albania was attacked by several foreign powers: Bulgarians, Norman crusaders, the Angevins
of southern Italy, Serbs and Venetians, which all caused disorder and destruction until the
conquest by Turks in 1388. After 1443, the legendary Albanian hero Gjergj Kastrioti (also
known as Sknderbej, Skanderbeg or Skenderbeg) succeeded in driving the occupiers out
(Vickers, 2006).
After his death, Albanian resistance gradually collapsed, enabling the Turks to reoccupy the
country by 1506. During the Ottoman Empire, Albania was cut off from contact and exchanges
with Western Europe and this situation persisted until 1912, when the first independent
Discovering and preserving Albanian's heritage to build the future
A. Versaci
University of Enna - Faculty of Engineering, Architecture and Motor Sciences, Italy
A. Cardaci
University of Bergamo - Faculty of Engineering, Italy
ABSTRACT: Albania has a rich and varied cultural heritage; valuable traces of a millennia-
long-history that remains relatively undiscovered. Surrounded by a landscape of outstanding
natural beauty, exceptional symbols of its peoples tradition, identity and memory stand
unknown, very often not properly managed or protected. In recent years, great efforts have been
made by international organizations, in close cooperation with Albanian administrations, to
remove these precious remnants of the past from oblivion, bringing their historical and
architectural qualities to light. A number of initiatives designed to create favourable conditions
to transform them into catalysts for cultural and socio-economic development have been
implemented, not always without difficulties. Based on a direct experience in the field, the
authors of this paper, conscious of the importance of understanding and respecting the past in
building the future, take stock of the current situation and analyze the lesson learned from these
activities.
Albanian nation was declared, following the short occupation by Kingdom of Serbia. The
construction of an Albanian national consciousness dates from the late 19
th
century and is part
of the larger phenomenon of the rise of nationalism under the Ottoman Empire. During this
period, a national culture was defined for the first time. With a renaissance of language,
literature, music, religion and a reconsideration of the history of its people, Albania established
a clear cultural identity. A short-lived monarchy (19141925) was succeeded by an even
shorter-lived first Albanian Republic (19251928), to be replaced by another monarchy (1928
1939), which was conquered by Italian Fascism during the Second World War.
After the collapse of the Axis alliance, Albania became a communist state - the Socialist
People's Republic of Albania - which for most of its duration was dominated by Enver Hoxha,
the "supreme companion" who forced the small country into a total isolation for more than forty
years. In 1967, Hoxha proclaimed Albania as the first atheist country in the world (a principle
also stated in the Constitution of 1976), profoundly affecting the rich religious heritage of the
country and leading to the confiscation of more than 2000 mosques, churches, monasteries and
synagogues; many of these were immediately looted or destroyed, the survivors transformed
into cinemas, stores, garages or barns.
Concentrating primarily on maintaining his grip on power, Hoxha reorganized the country's
economy along strict Stalinist lines, turning first to Yugoslavia, then to the Soviet Union and
finally to China for support. In pursuit of their objectives, the communists strongly repressed
Albanian people, subjecting them to propaganda and brutal police measures. When China
opened up to the West in the 1970s, Albania's leaders turned away from Beijing and
implemented a policy of strict autarchy or self-sufficiency that caused a national economic
collapse. The political isolation also made the regime paranoid: between 1974 and 1986, around
750,000 bunkers were built (Fig. 2), to protect Albanian citizens from what Tirana perceived as
a hostile international environment (Dujisin, 2007). Moreover the dictatorship sought to
redefine Albanian culture to serve its own goals. The troubles that the country has had to face
since the fall of dictatorship became additional challenges both to keeping existing culture alive,
and to recognizing its value.
Following the collapse of communism, Albania made great efforts to establish democratic
institutions, including its 1998 Constitution. Through the signing of the Stabilization and
Association Agreement (SAA) with the European Union (EU) on 12 June 2006, the Government
has set EU accession as its highest national priority. Its ultimate ambition is to make Albania "a
Country to love and a Country that loves" (Albanian Government & United Nations, 2005) and
to this end, as well as in order to meet Albanias objectives for the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs), the Government has decided to enhance the role of culture in its national
development strategies and local and regional action plans (United Nations in Albania, 2007).

Figure1. Skanderberg square inTirana
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Figure 2. Example of Enver Hoxhas bunkers.

Albanian rulers are convinced that harnessing the potential of the national cultural heritage
will offer opportunities for Albania to strengthen its identity, create economic opportunities for
poor and rural communities, improve investment and position itself positively in Europe and the
rest of the world. Albanias rich, unique, and storied culture does indeed seem to offer many
opportunities to transform the country positively by weaving culture into the fabric of society;
from economic development, to diplomacy, to education and the everyday life of its citizens.
In this framework, thanks to the determination of numerous international organizations and
donors, especially UNESCO, several activities have been put in place in order to fill the gap in
the knowledge, protection and management of cultural heritage of this country, whose general
condition was severely weakened by the progressive destabilization processes and the destruc-
tive acts that took place in the years 1991-1997. In particular, when, in April 2002, the Director-
General of UNESCO convened a High-level conference on strengthening cooperation in South-
East Europe, the participants were unanimous in feeling that it was a unique opportunity to act
rather than react, to construct rather than reconstruct, to build rather than make peace and to opt
for vision rather than revision. This gave new impetus to UNESCOs ambition of actively co-
ordinating international cooperation in all fields of its competence in this area. One of the main
important and first programmes planned in the region concerned Albania and its cultural treas-
ures.
2 UNKNOWN ALBANIA: VALUES AND PARADOXES IN A CHANGING COUNTRY
Albania has been described as the last secret of Europe. Almost unknown internationally, its
rich and diverse heritage is undervalued. A report prepared by a UNESCO expert mission in
2004 emphasized the extent and variety of Albanian cultural heritage: unique assets of a country
(Shqipria for its inhabitants) whose image remained, however, poorly defined (UNESCO,
2004). Millennia of history and civilization, numerous invasions and attacks by neighbouring
peoples, repeated domination attempts, have moulded the character of this small state, leaving
an indelible mark in its material and immaterial culture that results today in the originality of its
many expressions.
Two current UNESCO World Heritage Sites (Butrint, 1992 and the historic centres of Berat
and Gjirokastra, 2005), Ottoman mosques, Muslim districts, Orthodox and Catholic churches,
monasteries, Bektashi tekkes, Byzantine walls, Roman and other ancient vestiges stand in a
symbiotic relationship with a priceless intangible cultural heritage, e.g. iso-polyphonic singing
traditions, distinctive textile designs and exemplary inter-religious relations (Fig. 3).
If the construction of the modern nation that today is Albania has been long and painful, it is
now reaching the end of transition period that followed the fall of the regime and the country
has reached a certain stability. Nevertheless, much remains to be done: the lack of infrastructure
makes journeys tiring and still subject to unforeseen and unplanned events and, despite the val-
uable work done by the national safeguarding institutions (Instituti I Monumenteve t Kulturs-
IMK) to improve cultural heritage and environmental awareness among the population, there is
still a large distance between these initiatives and reality. This is due to a scarcity of funding, in-
sufficient communications, absence of informational materials and professional preparation of
the staff. Plans for the future also remain undefined or incomplete, the registry of monuments
requires updating with more sophisticated technology and, last but not least, the looting of cul-
tural property due to the lack of site protection and the indifference of the residents persists.
Neglect and abandonment, combined with little overall consideration for the signs of ancient
history (Albanians have, in general, a negative memory of the past because of the poverty and
oppression caused by communist governments) have made almost no perceptible and evident,
treasures of great value. The cultural heritage, now burdened by a chaotic building industry, is
often unfortunately disfigured by terracing work and new complexes built without any coher-
ence and in infringement of all regulations. Albeit in an extraordinary landscape, these im-
portant testaments to the past, frequently not properly managed and unprotected, remain unde-
servedly unknown, and only with difficulty visible to those who choose to visit Albania.
Following the isolationist policies, it is only in the most recent years that Albania has devel-
oped the tourism sector, not without negative effects, especially in coastal areas that are becom-
ing more and more degraded. Nevertheless, even if in scenarios dominated by urban sprawl,
very fascinating objects are hidden: ecclesiastic buildings and structures belonging to different
religions. In this regard, it is important to emphasize the fact that Albania is an interesting coun-
try also from a religious point of view, having almost always been characterized by a perfect
coexistence between Muslims, Catholics and Orthodox Christians. Albania may, actually, be
considered as one of the few countries in the world where there is great religious tolerance. The
three major religions probably favoured the safeguarding of a common national identity, pre-
serving it from the assimilation processes that foreign peoples and neighbours tried to imple-
ment. It can indeed be affirmed that the spread of Catholicism protected Albania from the pres-
sure exerted by the Byzantine Empire; or, rather, that later, the spread of Islam (often brutally
imposed) curbed the expansionist intentions of the Slavs.
A substantial fragment of South-East Europe, thanks to its strategic geographical position in
the heart of the Mediterranean Sea, a privileged trait d'union between West and Easy, Albania
could become one of the most appealing places in the world. In order to support this process,
both UN agencies and the European Union have, especially in the last decade, promoted and
Figure 3. The rich Albanian material and immaterial cultural heritage.

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implemented policies aiming at re-appropriating and reorganizing the cultural heritage system in
Albania (from which this study begins)*.
3 INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION IN THE FIELD OF CULTURE: SOME EXAMPLES
The cooperation activities in the field of culture developed in Albania in the last decade have
been focused both on the general aspect of cataloguing the immense cultural heritage of the na-
tion and on timely restoration works, as well as on strengthening the capacity of national and lo-
cal government agencies responsible for restoration and protection. The Strategy and Action
Plan for the Development of Tourism based on Cultural and Environmental Tourism approved
by the Albanian government in 2005 aimed at rediscovering Albania's cultural and historical
identity and at taking action to improve the protection, management and promotion of its na-
tional heritage. This programme was based upon the UNESCO report on Cultural Heritage in
South - Eastern Europe: Albania that contained a series of recommendations to the national and
local authorities on the measures to be taken to improve the legal framework of the protection of
Albanian heritage sites (UNESCO, 2004).
This strategy has been accompanied by other actions driven by agencies in Albania such as
UNDP's Support to Eco and Cultural Tourism Development Programme (2006-2009). The pri-
mary objective of this programme was to help the Government of Albania in achieving its de-
velopment objectives through its efforts to build a successful tourism sector based on its cultural
and environmental assets. In this framework, self-audio guide tours were made available in the
Museum-City of Berat (even if the monuments concerned by this project are not unfortunately
always accessible by tourists), an important historical place which has existed for approximately
2400 years.
In another action, UNESCO, thanks to substantial financial support provided by the Italian
Government, created a Centre for Restoration of Monuments in Tirana (June 2005 -November
2009) (Fig. 4). This important initiative focused primarily on the reinforcement of the Institute
for Cultural Monuments in Albania (IMK) and was intended to face very urgent needs of Alba-
nian administration, concerned with the protection of monuments and mobile artefacts, assisting
a number of experts and staff in the digitalization of the collections, the management of pro-
jects, database compilation, and preventive conservation. In cooperation with the Italian Istituto
Centrale per il Restauro (ICR), the Centre for restoration and conservation of monuments has
provided two 18 month-long training courses: restoration in architecture and restoration of fres-
cos, mosaics, stucco, stone and wooden artefacts. Twenty technicians/specialists, already em-
ployed within the Albanian Ministry of Culture and its specialized Institutions, attended the first
session that started in spring 2007. The results have been impressive: the Centre is a modern,
Figure 4. The Centre for Restoration of Monuments in Tirana before and during restoration works.
multifunctional, technically advanced equipped structure and, thanks to internationally re-
nowned specialist teachers, the professional skills and the technical preparation of the course
participants improved immensely (Fiorani, 2011). However, the project has not yet fully
reached the required or hoped-for knowledge transfer and model replication: lack of trust and
time, communication difficulties, etc. have limited its enormous potentialities, a unique experi-
ence in the Region. Moreover, this project has unfortunately collided with sustainability prob-
lems. At the end of the funding period, the Centre has not been able to set up a second full
course of study by itself. Only very recently, thanks to new funding provided by UNESCO, a
basic training on restoration of stone materials has been organized. The training consisted of
two sessions made of theoretical introduction to the materials and a laboratory workshop on real
pieces made available by Durres Museum. In line with this experience a new course focused on
the conservation of archaeological glass and metal is taking place.
Other important interventions in the field of culture concern the World Heritage site of
Gjirokastra (Gjirokastr), a picturesque historical city in Southern Albania also known as "city
of stone", because most of its old houses roofs are covered with stones. The birthplace of Enver
Hoxha and world-renowned writer Ismail Kadare began to grow under the Ottomans and its ar-
chitectonical evolution boasts some unique 17
th
and 19
th
century styles. National recognition of
its cultural value came in 1961, when authorities declared it a museum-city. Enver Hoxha was
actually very attached to his hometown (an important political feud); many of his political sup-
porters worked in the field of conservation, considered useful for a town where tourism was the
major ambition. However, good looks have not sufficed to make Gjirokaster, the wealthy and
successful tourist destination it aspires to be (Dujisin, 2007). Public management problems,
lack of staff of the local restoration and protection agencies, non-compliance with the legal
building and decorum regulations, have partly marred the cityscape. In 2006, thanks to an
agreement between the Government of Albania and UNESCO, a Funds-in-Trust was estab-
lished, aimed at assisting the authorities in their efforts to safeguard the historic centre of the
town. Management plans and conservation of historic monument projects were prepared by
IMK with the assistance of UNESCO staff and experts. Restoration works were carried out on
six traditional houses by local construction enterprises, not always with the complete under-
standing and support of inhabitants Ffig. 5).
After Gjirokastras inscription on the UNESCO's List of World Heritage, there was a public
debate on whether Gjirokastra deserved to qualify ahead of Berati (or Berat), another ancient
city. In fact, Berati, a witness of the turbulent history of Southern Balkans, is one of the most
important and interesting cities in Albania. Due to its strategic position in one of the few
passages connecting the Adriatic coast to the interior of the Balkans, on the banks of the Osum
River, the town quickly became a commercial and cultural centre. The magnificent cultural
heritage of the city illustrates its long history: a castle, locally known as the Kala, most of which
Figure 5. Before (above) and after (below) the restoration works carried out in Gjirokastra.
Heritage 2012
was built in the 13
th
century (although its origins date back to the 4
th
century BC), many Islamic
and Orthodox religious buildings built between the 16
th
and the 19
th
century and, in particular, a
several hundred typical traditional houses, part of an architectural complex with significant
cultural and historic importance. Particularly impressive because of its density, richness and
diversity, Berati was declared a national historic centre and museum-town in 1961, the order of
2
nd
June (n. 172). The list of 1
st
category monuments in the town was increased to 50 properties,
including many private residential properties. Monuments and houses were later added to this
list: two in 1963 and one each in 1973, 1977 and 1983.
In 1965, the creation of IMK led to the setting up of an annual programme for the mainte-
nance and restoration of 1
st
category monuments, supervised by architects and based on compli-
ance with the Venice Charter directives. Under this scheme, many monuments at Berati have
been consolidated and restored, including the castle and the religious monuments, and frescoes
have been conserved. However the preservation and conservation of the monuments in Berati
was greatly neglected during the 1990s as a result of the political transition. The political crisis
and ensuing financial difficulties have impacted on the lives of Berati. Poverty and lack of gov-
ernment control led to the rapid deterioration of the old town, thereby posing a threat to what it
could be considered as its most important potential source of income. In 2008, after a long de-
bate, the WH Committee decided to add the city centre of Berati to that of Gjirokastra, inscrib-
ing them together on the WH list.
In these last years, the Government, by improving control and compiling an inventory that
categorizes the constructions in both cities, has succeeded in minimizing illegal buildings. In
addition, projects have also been prepared to integrate any modern facades with the traditional
homes. Nevertheless, there is still a great concern about the lack of control regarding illegal
constructions and regret that a long term plan has not been established to rectify the violations
that have already occurred, in order to improve the value and integrity of the property. In addi-
tion, the intention to carry out a massive restoration of the project at Berat Castle (fig. 6) is the
cause of considerable worry. Finally, though great efforts have been made to develop a tourism
plan in Berat which aims to support the needs of the local community within the framework of
the management plan, no such plan has been developed for Gjirokastra.
Since 2006, UNESCO has supported another interesting project related to the Study, Restora-
tion and Revitalisation of Byzantine and Ottoman Monuments in Southern Albania. This pro-
gramme, carried out by a multidisciplinary team led by the Interdepartmental Centre of Balkan
and International Studies (CISBI) of the University Ca Foscari, in cooperation with the Poly-
technic of Milan and the University of Bari is focused on two important monuments (Fig. 7) lo-
cated in the Delvin District (Boriani & Macchiarella, 2009).
Of one of them, the fortified Byzantine monastery of Mesopotam, today nothing remains but
the katholikon: the church of St. Nicholas (in Albanian: Kisha e Manastirit t Shn Kollit). Its
Figure 6. Berat: view of the old Mangalem district (left) and the Kala (right, above and below).

domes and decoration are reminiscent of Greek churches (Meksi, 1972). The interior is divided
into three main areas: the central nas covered by four domes (two pairs of coaxial domes)
resting on four pillars leaning against the walls and a massive pillar in the centre and two areas
separated from the central one by two coloured diaphragms: "a scheme not rare but unique in
Byzantine architecture" (Macchiarella, 2011). The four domes are set over irregular octagonal
drums, each having eight windows, today mostly occluded.
A few kilometers from Mesopotam monastery, not far from the village of Delvin (or
Delvina) and surrounded by ancient trees, is the 17
th
century Islamic complex composed of the
Gjin Aleksi Mosque (in Albanian: Xhamia and Gjin Aleksit), the four funerary monuments
(trbe) and the fountain for ablutions. The mosque has a small square prayer room, covered by a
tiled dome. The qibla (prayer niche) is framed by brick and covered by stucco. A columned por-
tico is formed by a short nave with two small coaxial domes and two small side windows also
surmounted by domes. The four funerary monuments that surround the mosque are all based on
an octagonal plan surmounted by very simple traditional Ottoman domes.
After a long period of disregard, over the last few years, local community has showed a re-
newed interest in the complex: new maintenance actions have taken place, the mosque and the
tombs have been cleaned of debris and mud, the weeds removed. Unfortunately, this was a very
brief period of revival. Immediately after, restoration work which was not really conscious of
the historic, morphological and physical properties of the monuments was carried out.
Figure 7. St. Nicholas Church in Mesopotam (above) and the Gjin Aleksi's Mosque in Rusan (below).

Heritage 2012
culture carried out in Albania; it has tried to analyze the more significant previous and ongoing
experiences that were designed to regain this consciousness. Certainly, much else can be done in
order to help Albania in this difficult process.
Very recent news has suggested that Illyrian and medieval castles in Albania could soon be
turned into bars and restaurants on the basis of a government will to rent cultural monuments to
local businessmen. According to this plan, some 40 monuments would be leased for a period of
up to 100 years, mainly because the government is unable to preserve them. The proposal has
drawn a fierce response from historians, archaeologists and architects. They point to the fact that
two castles privatized under the previous Socialist government have not been preserved
properly, and they argue that other monuments could suffer the same fate if the latest
government proposal is finalized. Albanias cultural heritage is still under threat.
ENDNOTES
* The first author of this paper was a UNESCO project officer from 2004 to 2008. She worked on the
drafting, negotiation and implementation of all UNESCO's activities mentioned in this work. Both au-
thors are members of the CISBI-POLIMI Mission for the Study, Restoration and Revitalisation of
Byzantine and Ottoman Monuments in Southern Albania.
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2006-2010 Albania. Tirana: United Nations.
Boriani, M. & Macchiarella, G. (eds) 2009. Albania e Adriatico meridionale. Studi per la conservazione
del patrimonio culturale (2006-2008). Firenze: Alinea.
Dujisin, Z. 2007. Forget Communism...Or Sell It. In Inter Press Service (ed), Unknown Albania. A Case
Study Cultural and Environmental Tourism: 13-14. Berlin: IPS-Inter Press Service Europa gGmbH.
Dujisin, Z. 2007. UNESCO Not A Life Saver. In Inter Press Service (ed), Unknown Albania. A Case
Study Cultural and Environmental Tourism: 15-16. Berlin: IPS-Inter Press Service Europa gGmbH.
Fiorani, D. & Compostella, C. (eds). 2011. Heritage in Albania. Centre for Restoration of Monuments in
Tirana. Citta di Castello: Editoriale Artemide.
Macchiarella, G. 2011. Un caso a s: San Nicola di Mesopotam (Albania). In Derosa, L. & Gelao, C.
(eds). Tempi e forme dell'arte. Miscellanea di Studi offerti a Pina Belli D'Elia. 123- 136. Foggia:
Claudio Grenzi Editore.
Macchiarella, G. 2012. Delvina. A mystic architectural enclave. In Proceedings of: Uluslararasi Katilimli
XV. Ortaag ve Trk Dnemi Kazilari ve Sanat Tarihi Arastirmalari Sempozyumu, held Oct. 19-21,
2011 in Eskisehir, Turkey.
Meksi, A. 1972. Arkitektura e kishs s Mesopotamit. In Monumentet. vol. 3: 75-94. Tiran: Ministria e
Arsimit dhe Kulturs.
UNESCO. 2004. Le patrimoine cultural dans le Sud-Est europen Albanie, Srie Le patrimoine cultural
dans le Sud-Est europen. Paris : UNESCO.
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Nations in Albania.
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country study. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govt. Print. Off.
Heritage 2012

1 INTRODUCTION
Before we start to dissect the binomial sustainable heritage, we need to establish some kind of
mechanism that will enable us to understand why it works successfully despite being an appar-
ently unintelligible combination. We should look first at the conceptual aspect. In our opinion,
the terms cultural heritage (heritage) and sustainable development (sustainability), looked
at separately, share certain characteristics that make them difficult to analyze. Both are defined
with complex and indefinite adjectives. Cultural and sustainable are, in actual fact,
polysemous terms. Or, put another way, both constructs can be interpreted from different per-
spectives according to the logic that we apply (institutional, academic, market, etc.). They even
lend themselves to conflicting versions or interpretations. Owing to this feature, both terms are
widely accepted and lead to a consensus that facilitates their discursive circulation. Moreover,
both act as prescribers when they are presenting a reality, they are reified concepts, i.e. they are
self-evident, they are self-referential in nature: there is no need to explain them because they are
presented just the way they are. This feature can endow them with authority and lead us to take
ABSTRACT: There is no doubt that the patrimonialization of nature has gone hand in hand with
the construction of the sustainable development discourse as a political formula to curb
environmental degradation. The World Commission on Environment and Development in 1987
defined it as "development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability
of future generations to meet their own needs". After that, the Rio Earth Summit in 1992 took
the proposal almost in the same terms, as set out in principle number 3. Since then, the discourse
of sustainable development has become the official flag and paradigm of environmental policy.
Its success was so overwhelming that sustainable development has come to be understood as
part of cultural patrimony. The Council of Europe applied their formulation in its 1995
recommendation on the integrated conservation of cultural landscapes as part of landscape
policies. But it was only at the Helsinki Conference (1996) that the model of sustainable
development appeared in relation to cultural heritage in an explicit way: "Use of the cultural
heritages as a resource must be made part of the planning process of sustainable development
determining the constraints which apply to the use of non-renewable assets.. Thus sustainable
development begins to be applied to cultural heritage as the backbone of heritage policy. From
this context arise important questions: what is the meaning of the sustainability of heritage or
sustainable heritage? How and where can we use this binomial? In this paper we present the
case of the Historic Quarter of the City of Colonia del Sacramento, a World Heritage Site, as an
example of the troubled relationship between heritage and sustainability, and its deep
connection with tourism.
Heritage and sustainability, a binomial complex. The case of the
historic quarter of the city of Colonia del Sacramento
T. Vicente
University of Valencia
J. Rey
B. Santamarina
for granted a content that constructs reality, effects of truth, in Foucaults terms. So, its partner-
ship or forced marriage turns the construct "Sustainable Heritage" into a reality status in itself,
one that requires no definition.
An example: UNESCO recognizes that sustainability is an indispensable part of its politics
and, consequently, in its declarations. UNESCO attaches so much importance to sustainability
that it considers it a priority (although, interestingly, in the tab "priorities" of the institution's
website, the content on sustainable development is not available). UNESCO, however, offers
no explanations for the term sustainable good, or how one comes about; nor does it provide
mechanisms to ensure sustainability (a set of indicators and evaluation methodologies). And yet
this international institution proposes sustainable development as an ethical aspiration and
stipulates that it must be present in a transversal way in UNESCOs entire range of implementa-
tion policies. We can analyze how sustainable development is presented in the Convention for
the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (Paris, October 2003). This expression
appears on two occasions. Firstly in the Prior Considerations, which states: Considering the
importance of intangible cultural heritage as a mainspring of cultural diversity and a guarantee
of sustainable development (...) (Preamble). This statement is paradoxical, and even dangerous.
In our opinion, it is reckless to link sustainability to intangible heritage and intangible heritage
to developing countries, the way UNESCOs discourse does, both explicitly and implicitly (see
Koichiro Matsuuras address in the first Proclamation of Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangi-
ble Heritage of Humanity). So, we find this typically western image: the "Noble savage" as a
guarantor of sustainable development, and we know that this representation, idealized and ideo-
logical, responds to the very foundations of the constitution of Modernity.
"Sustainable development" appears next in General Provisions: For the purposes of this
Convention, consideration will be given solely to such intangible cultural heritage as is compat-
ible with existing international human rights instruments, as well as with the requirements of
mutual respect among communities, groups and individuals, and of sustainable development.
(Article 2). This time the wording is conceptualized in the so-called timeless ethical aspira-
tions, alongside other values that can be considered universal and global (human rights, peace,
justice). This way, sustainable development is presented more as a desired value than as a
strategy that has a set of measures to implement. UNESCO presents sustainability as a mor-
al/ethical force or basis that needs to be taken into account along with other values. This leaves
behind sustainabilitys role as a necessary program for action.
This way, UNESCO applies a normative and performative formula to its cultural politics and
world heritage declarations, which fit into the hegemonic strategy first undertaken two decades
ago when sustainable development emerged as the new paradigm of development. A discursive
union between heritage and sustainable development made its first appearance when the
latter began to appear on the public agenda as a formula to solve the worldwide environmental
crisis. In fact, we can say that sustainable development was enshrined as a paradigm after the
Earth Summit II (Ro de Janeiro, 1992). The concept was not entirely new, but for the first time
it had an enormous impact, at least at the discursive level. Since then, all policies, including her-
itage-related ones, have attempted to label themselves as sustainable. In actual fact, only three
years after this concept began to circulate, the European Councils discourse was linking sus-
tainability and heritage (Conservation of Cultural Sites integrated in Landscape Policies,
1995; Helsinki Conference, 1996).
Leaving aside complex ideological issues, it seems evident, even surprising, that not a single
document includes an explicit definition of sustainable heritage. Instead we find that every
reference to this label of heritage reduces it to a litany of good intentions, reminding us of the
problematic nature of the concept of development itself. In this way, the formula of sustainable
heritage responds to the same rhetoric of the politically correct. In others words, as mentioned
previously, getting heritage to become sustainable is an ethical wish. However, we do not know
what is sustainable is or for whom, or for what or whom it should be sustained.
Moving away from this debate, we wish to begin to analyze the discursive and practical com-
plexities of "sustainable heritage" in a specific case study: the process that took place in the
historical town of Colonia del Sacramento (Uruguay), declared World Cultural Heritage by
UNESCO in 1995. It's important to note that UNESCO designated Colonia as a part of the
World List invoking criteria number four, stressing Colonias monumental characteristics,
namely its architecture and Hispanic-Portuguese colonial urban layout. The emphasis on mon-
Heritage 2012
umental, material and historic criteria not only describe to the hegemonic categories but also
help us to understand what happened in this old popular quarter.
Undoubtedly, the relationship between heritage and sustainability is extraordinarily complex
in this case. We are sure that this kind of connection is brand new; in fact nothing similar has
been recorded in the past. Three reasons lead us to this conclusion: Firstly, declaring Colonia a
World Heritage Site involved the radicalization or the final consolidation of the expulsion of its
residents (a gentrification process that began in the 1970s). The substitution of the original name
(South Quarter) for the latest designation Historical Quarter (more in fitting with is status as
a National Heritage and World Heritage site) is proof of this expropriation. Secondly, becoming
a World Heritage Site drew greater numbers of visitors eager to consume cultural heritage, giv-
ing rise to increase pressure on the protected Site. Of course, the case of Colonia is in no way
exceptional; the same thing occurred in most cases of declarations of Word Heritage Sites, and
more often than not the pressure on the Site and on the environment make them unsustainable,
leading to the opposite effect from the intended on (protection/conservation). Thirdly, it is diffi-
cult to implement a sustainable heritage entangled in so many vested interests (commodification
and marketing of the declared cultural asset). Tourism has become one of the most important
drivers of local economy and Colonias Historic Quarter contains a large number of restaurants,
hotels and shops which are basically there for tourists, especially tourists from abroad.
To delve deeper into this problematic, there now follows a contextualization of the process of
patrimonial appropriation of the Old Town of Colonia del Sacramento and the declaration pro-
cess as World Heritage of his Historical Quarter. Finally, we present some conclusions on the
complexity involved in connecting two complex concepts, heritage and sustainability, in perma-
nent tension with a third factor: tourism. But first, we need to state that that we have analyzed
23 interviews with a variety of agents involved (neighbors, representatives, associations, ex-
perts, etc.) between March and May 2010. We have also studied the process of reconstruc-
tion/reinvention of the neighborhood analyzing documentary sources (Historical Archive of Co-
lonia del Sacramento, press and statistical analysis, etc.).
2 FROM OLD CITY TO HISTORIC QUARTER
Throughout the twentieth century, the ancient city of Colonia del Sacramento experienced an
intense process of patrimonialization which has been important for the citys social identity and
urban space. The Old City, known locally South Quarter for its geographical location (it
stretches from the southwest part of the city to Ituzaing Street) underwent a process of re-
valorization (restoration/recreation) which will be stepped-up in coming years. Heritage activa-
tion triggered a series of transformations (physical, fiscal and social) that have reconfigured the
neighborhood. These are reflected in the changes in its names, each one linked to a particular
way to understanding heritage. We think the different designations refer to different visions of
heritage and the range of actions carried out in the Site. Thus, the popular name South Quarter
became Old City and later, it acquired the definitive denomination of "Historic Quarter", a
name that appears to cover all the principles that govern a hegemonic and reductionist vision
(the supremacy of the essentialist values of Western culture).

Table 1. Hotel Capacity in Colonia del Sacramento
_____________________________________________________________________________
Year 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
_____________________________________________________________________________
Population Census 1971 2071 2136 2259 2334
_____________________________________________________________________________
Source: Cmara Hotelera y Turstica de Colonia. Authors

From our point of view, the name "Historic Quarter" fits into the institutionalized heritage
model which, in many cases, leads to expropriation and re-appropriation processes that give rise
to inequalities. In other words, this model leads to situations that could be called "non-
sustainable" because they do not guarantee the sustainability of the environment (beyond the
cultural asset).

In general terms, in the heritage activation process of the historic center of Colonia del Sac-
ramento we can distinguish three phases. The first is located in the first decades of the 20
th
cen-
tury. It brought the first attempts to reassess the South Quarter. To understand what happened
it is necessary to contextualize the Colonia of those years. On the one hand, the demolition of
the city walls (in the late 19
th
century) allowed urban expansion eastward and relocated the city
center, a transformation that was applauded by the citys upper classes. In addition, Colonia de-
veloped economically in the early 20
th
century giving rise to a number of important business
projects. The Real de San Carlos Tourist Complex (1909-1910) mirrors this change (the pro-
ject comprised a Hotel-Casino, a pelota court, a racecourse, a spa and even its own bullring).
This project became the citys very first tourist attraction and helped to strengthen and consoli-
date the process of urban expansion begun in previous decades. These processes underlined the
differences between the South Quarter and the so-called New Town. In fact, the South
came to stand for decadence in the face of progress as embodied by the new urban projects. A
pejorative and reviled view of the old city grew up, establishing a contrast between the South
and the Center and nurturing the idea of two Colonias. And it was precisely the ensuing state
of neglect that gave rise to an interest in their recovery. Thus began the process of revaluation of
the South Quarter and the first regulations designed to protect it in tune with the times.
In this first period two aspects stand out in particular:
The first has to do with the 19
th
centurys classic heritage activation mechanisms: the con-
struction of Colonias heritage as a vehicle for Uruguays national identity. In fact, thanks to the
Sates nascent heritage legislation, in line with events in Europe, the old city of Colonia was
declared a National Historic Monument (1938), a term referring to the remains of the original
city of Colonia. This re-qualification process led to the creation/reinvention of a number of
identity elements such as the citys official coat-of-arms (previously inexistent), the opening of
the citys first historical museum or the reconstruction of architectural and urban elements in-
voking a mythical past (defenses, city walls or batteries that had been done away with).
The second aspect has to do with the controversy caused by opposing views or models of
conservation/restoration (the position that advocates for the recovery of a cultural asset as op-
posed to the destruction of neglected buildings and replacing them with new ones). Moreover, it
is remarkable that in this first stage a number of discourses appeared warning about the possible
depopulation of the neighborhood, suggesting that to do so would kill off its unique essence and
way of life (which should be preserved as with occurs with material assets). The second stage
began in the late 1960s with the setting-up of the Honorary Executive Council (CEH) and the
Foundation for the Works of Preservation and Reconstruction of the Old City of Colonia del
Sacramento (1968). As the leading advocate for greater recovery/cultural reinvention of the old
city, this Council is destined to play a prominent role in the transformation of the neighborhood.
Its ambitious work program culminated in 1980 with the inauguration of a remodeled Historic
Quarter, coinciding, not surprisingly, with the Tercentenary celebrations of the founding of the
city. In just over two decades, the CEH completed its work on the Historic Quarter and laid
the foundations for the subsequent declaration of the neighborhood as a World Heritage Site.
During this period, according to documentary sources, three interrelated phenomena emerged
that transformed the neighborhood substantially. Firstly, the biggest intervention on the site took
place, restoring a considerable amount of heritage assets (urban and architectural), the clearest
example of which is the reconstruction of the Gate of the Citadel.
In this period, the CEH starred the biggest process of excavation and restoration carried out
so far, fulfilling the long awaited restoration project or heritage transformation (this also
prompted historical and documentary work). It is significant that this nostalgic effort to recover
the past advance erasing the present, is a process that begins with the expropriation of the places
name and the re-christening of its streets (Fig. 1).

Heritage 2012

Figure 2. Shopping tour. Tourist interest. Photo: authors

The request to UNESCO and subsequent decision, allow to see the many economic interests
that came into play (the company Buquebs, for example, promoted the nomination at the pro-
spect of a succulent increase of business) and the desired international projection led to reifying
the site as a mere commercial product. The recommendations of the General Director of
UNESCO were not paid attention to, who requested not only to take care of the historicist di-
mension but also the social. In practice there was made a systematic space-time erased with a
deep social significance. This provoked an acceleration of gentrification process and, conse-
quently, an elitization of the social fabric. This trend began decades ago with acquisitions, ex-
propriations and house sales, but just in this period, gentrification and elitization process
touched the furthest limit: the phenomena extended and crossed heritage containers, the eco-
nomic speculation overflowed the limit of South Quarter and arrived at different areas of the
city, like Real de San Carloss zone. From the 90s, Colonia del Sacramento received a big
number of foreign investors looking for its tempting market. This can explain how the prices of
propierties and sales shot up. Political authorities and a large part of public opinion applauded
this cultural and financial neighborhoods revalorization but the other side of the coin was an
increased feeling of expulsion: old dwellers began to be aware that their forced exodus resulted
as a loss of identity and history of the neighborhood (for them, the true one). A good example of
this fast transformationof the neighborhood is the case of "Club Barrio Sur". The property
where the club was situated was sold and this popular institution was relocated outside of the
quarter. South Quarter was losing one of the most important identity emblems with this physical
and symbolic displacement. At the same time, like a domino effect, the neighborhood was los-
ing other spaces (theaters, shops, etc.) and a large number of local social practices were disap-
pearing (street bands and `comparsas...) (Pos Dalms, 2004). The decline in residential space
became even more evident with the tertiarization and change of usage of the place (proliferation
of shops and facilities aimed to be tourist attractions) (Table1).
In sum, the inclusion of Historic Quarter of Colonia del Sacramento in the World Heritage
List was the final step in the process of patrimonialization that advanced along all twentieth cen-
tury. As occurred in other protected places, transformations in Colonia del Sacramento were not
accompanied by a management plan (this appears only in February 2012) or a regulatory legis-
lation (Uruguay has no General Heritage Law). This fact may explain part of the singular pro-
cess that South Quarter suffered: a reconversion articulated in a mythical reinvention and reap-
propriation of urban spaces. Therefore, since the 90s the concept of neighborhood as tourism
scene consolidates, making this space into a real theme park (Fig. 3).

Heritage 2012
there is a considerable overcrowding at weekends and holidays. On the other hand, we can say
that centralization led to the neglect and degradation of other areas such as the coastal area.
Thirdly, the neighborhood has suffered a marked environmental degradation by increased
pollution, noise and visual contamination (an invasion of advertising), caused by strong compe-
tition. Rapid changes in land use and the increasing pressure of tourism enterprises give rise to a
dangerous mono-functionality, since it would turn the protected site into a single commercial
product subject to the law of supply and demand. Moreover, all this is exacerbated by the ab-
sence of a legal framework and conflict between different institutions and agencies that have
favored uncontrolled actions or abusive architectural interventions.
In brief, social and ecological degradation of this historic site, the lack of regulation and
mismanagement have placed it on the verge of exclusion from World Heritage List for its un-
sustainability. In Budapest (2002), the World Heritage Committee asked Uruguay to draw up a
Management Plan, as part of compliance with UNESCO guidelines. It should include the practi-
cal guidelines for heritage management to ensure appropriate conservation and sustainable de-
velopment. Ten years later (February 2012) the first report on the Management Plan was pre-
sented, aimed at development in the neighborhood (Troitio & Vias, 2012). We wish to under-
line one aspect of this report, which is at least paradoxical and fundamental from our point of
view: although on numerous occasions it has been indicated that there is a need to integrate the
community in decisions aimed at ensuring the sustainability of heritage management, the report
itself was drafted without involving the population. The willingness to end with the top down
management model is still far away. In this sense, reductionist views of the site (at times histor-
icist, at times mercantilist) must give space to an inclusive and participatory heritage perspective
where sustainability is defined and pursued by its actors. Sustainable management of the site
can only occur when the local community can identify, participate, enjoy and engage with its
heritage, that is, with its space and time. Community empowerment in heritage governance
should not remain a Utopian dreamit should form a part of a political program to achieve
fairness and sustainability in the present and future.
ENDNOTES
The context of this research is within a larger Project: Title of the Project: Funcin social del muralismo
uruguayo del siglo XX como vehculo y modelo de activacin patrimonial sustentable del sitio Colo-
nia del Sacramento. Financing Firm/administration: Secretara de Estado para la Cooperacin
Internacional y para Iberoamrica (Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores). Number of the project: CAP:
10-CAP1-0306. Main researcher: Virginia Santamarina Campos.
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1 INTRODUCTION
On the small island of Nias in western Indonesia, a unique and impressive architecture tradition
has developed over centuries and its testimonies have survived until today. However, a strong
earthquake of Mw 8.7 on the Richter scale in March 2005, which followed the tsunami at the
end of 2004 that had caught world-wide attention, destabilized not only the islands geological
formations but also its human-made constructions. Although at a general scale, the traditional
houses proved to be more earthquake resistant than modern houses, many of them needed major
repairs or rebuilding. Under these circumstances, not only the local government and aid organi-
zations, but also many private house owners, had to make choices regarding the materials, di-
mensions, building techniques and styles of the new, rebuilt or repaired houses. Consequently,
many of the traditional houses have disappeared during the past years and given way to modern
constructions.
In the interdisciplinary research project ASSIP, which started in early 2011, we study the me-
dium-term effects of post-disaster reconstruction on Nias society with a focus on the built envi-
Vernacular architecture in post-disaster contexts of reconstruction
in Indonesia
G. Weichart
University of Vienna, Department of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vienna, Austria
U. Herbig
Vienna University of Technology, Institute for the History of Art, Building Archaeology and Restoration,
Vienna, Austria
F. Zamolyi
Vienna University of Technology, Institute for the History of Art, Building Archaeology and Restoration,
Vienna, Austria
ABSTRACT: The paper will explore the relation between post-disaster reconstruction, sustain-
able development and cultural heritage. It will draw on data collected during recent empirical
fieldwork on the small island of Nias in Western Sumatra, Indonesia, where in 2005 a strong
earthquake caused many victims and severe destruction. In the research project, which started in
early 2011, an interdisciplinary team of architects and anthropologists investigates the processes
and results of rehabilitation and reconstruction of the built environment in various settlements
that have been affected to different degrees by the disasters and rebuilding activities.
The vernacular architecture generally proved to be more earthquake-resistant than the, often
more fragile, so-called modern constructions and the impressive traditional houses are the
most visible testimonies of cultural heritage and objects of local pride. However, a growing
number of residents choose to live in a modern house, despite its often rather poor quality, and
only very few houses are built in traditional ways today. This change from old to new and the
abandonment of vernacular architecture and houses made of wood in favor of modern-style
brick and concrete buildings cannot be explained by a single factor but are the results of com-
plex interactions of changing environmental, political, economical and social conditions.
ronment.For this, we have to investigate the quantity and quality of vernacular architecture that
has survived or been rebuilt. Relevant research questions deal with the significance of vernacu-
lar architecture for the local population and its efforts to preserve and maintain these traditions,
but we also look at alternatives in building and lifestyle that have been adopted out of need or
desire.
In order to satisfactorily undertake this holistic approach, the team is composed of researchers
from the disciplines of architecture and urban planning, geodesy and geo-information, as well as
social and cultural anthropology. Hence, a wide range of methods are used in the gathering, pro-
cessing and evaluation of data. A detailed survey of the layout of settlements and buildings in
selected field sites provides the basic material. A specialGIS (Geographic Information System)
is being designed in which maps, GIS data as satellite and areal images, GPS (Global Position-
ing System) data as well as other collected data will be included and visualized. For the building
survey, the architects apply conventional techniques of measuring with laser distant meter and
measuring tapes to then draw plans that provide enough accuracy for a comparative analysis.
The social anthropologists main task is communicating with the local population. Question-
naires, structured and narrative interviews as well as open conversations are the primary meth-
ods to learn about and understand the usage of the buildings, their positions in the settlement
context as well as their value and meanings for the owners, residents and other villagers. Further
information is collected through participant observation.
As case studies, we have chosen two research areas on Nias, one in the north (the villages of
Tumri and Dahana Tabaloho) and the other in the south (the villages of Hiliamaetaniha and
Sondregeasi) of the island a choice that corresponds to the remarkable cultural and architec-
tural differences between both regions. In both field sites, we have investigated three different
categories of buildings: traditional houses and modern houses, both built by the owners or
their predecessors themselves and being located in the main parts of the old villages; as a third
category, we have included sets of houses erected by a government organization and financed
by international donorsin the process of post-disaster reconstruction. Comparison within and be-
tween the various settlements and regions is a main task in the evaluation processes.
In this paper, the main focus will be on the region of South Nias and, there, on the two first
mentioned categories, namely the traditional and modern houses which can often be found side
by side in the village core areas. We will thus present and compare the main characteristics
ofthe two building styles, as well as their advantages and disadvantages from different perspec-
tives: the experts and the local perspective.As vernacular architecture is the most prominent el-
ement of cultural heritage in Nias (like in many other areas worldwide), we will further ask how
this has influenced the various stakeholders in the reconstruction process. Finally, we will re-
flect upon local peoples understanding, interpretationand value of culture and cultural
heritagein relation to the built environment.
2 CULTURAL HERITAGE, ARCHITECTURE AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
The notion of cultural heritage, as it is defined in the UNESCOConvention Concerning the
Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage of 1972, has its origin in Western notions
of and attitudes towards culture and heritage. However, it has claimed worldwide validity and,
subsequently, its application has not been restricted by national or cultural borders. On the con-
trary, many governments and NGOs in the South have also adopted the concept and guidelines
in their attempt to preserve selected cultural objects or phenomena on the national, regional or
local level.
In the present paper, we limit our focus on the so-called tangible heritage, which deals with
the material culture, and specifically with the built heritage. The regulations and guidelines for
the built heritage were first formulated in the Venice Charter in 1964 and, consequently, led to
the creation of the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS). In October 1999,
the Charter on the Built Vernacular Heritage was ratifiedby the ICOMOS 12
th
General Assem-
bly in Guadalajara, Mexico,which defines vernacular heritage as the fundamental expression of
the culture of a community, of its relationship with its territory and, at the same time, the ex-
pression of the worlds cultural diversity (ICOMOS, 1999:1). Furthermore, the Principles of
conservation of the Charter stipulate the following:
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- The vernacular is only seldom represented by single structures, and it is best conserved
by maintaining and preserving groups and settlements of a representative character, re-
gion by region.
- The built vernacular heritage is an integral part of the cultural landscape and this relation-
ship must be taken into consideration in the development of conservation approaches.
- The vernacular embraces not only the physical form and fabric of buildings, structures
and spaces, but the ways in which they are used and understood, and the traditions and
the intangible associations which attach to them(ICOMOS, 1999:2).
The Guidelines in Practice in the same Charter recognize the need to preserve the craft
skills necessary for the building and repairing of the vernacular architecture which should lead
to a continuity of traditional building systems (ICOMOS, 1999:2). Despite its emphasis on con-
tinuity and conservation, it also admits that [c]hanges over time should be appreciated and un-
derstood as important aspects of vernacular architecture. Conformity of all parts of a building to
a single period, will not normally be the goal of work on vernacular structures (ICOMOS,
1999:3).
While in the Convention of 1972, the objects were singularized as valuable items disassociat-
ed from its creators and their descendants (Cowherd, 1999:2), a more holistic understanding of
preservation has developed over the years and includeshuman agency and the broader cultural
and environmental development(Adishakti, 1997:23). Anotherimportant step was the change of
terminology from cultural property(UNESCO,1954) to cultural heritage (UNESCO, 1972).
This switch not only allowed a shift from the economic to the symbolic arena. By abandoning
the term property whichsuggested the owners unrestricted rights of alienation and exploita-
tion, a new problem arose with the concept of heritage. The rights of access and preservation
are no longer exclusively individual rights but have been extended to a larger public with the
owners being turned into custodians(Weigelt, 2007).Over the past few years, a growing body
of publications on cultural heritage has appeared, including many critical voices who have ques-
tioned the validity of such a concept and its benefits for the different stakeholders(cf AlSayyad,
2001; Fairclough, 2008; Hemme et al., 2007; Smith et al., 2010; Tunbridge, 1996).
In Nias, like in many other parts of the world, the conservation of cultural heritage goes hand
in hand with (post-earthquake) reconstruction and development. Sustainability is the keyword
that promises success(cf Clark, 2008). In the UNEP & SKATs report, sustainable reconstruc-
tion is described as an integrated approach to reconstruction. Environmental, technical, eco-
nomic, social and institutional concerns are considered in each stage and activity of reconstruc-
tion to ensure the best long-term result, not only in housing design and construction activities,
but also in the provision of related infrastructure such as water supply and sanitation sys-
tems(UNEP SBCI & SKAT, 2007:9).Sustainable reconstruction is linked to the notion of sus-
tainable development. As the WCED set it out in 1987 already: In essence, sustainable devel-
opment is a process of change in which the exploitation of resources, the direction of
investments, the orientation of technological development, and institutional change are all in
harmony and enhance both current and future potential to meet human needs and aspirations
(WCED,1987).Building back better is a key concept in sustainable reconstruction which
adopts a dualistic approach. It faces the challenges of a disaster response in the present and
promotes a culture of prevention for the future (Guarnacci, 2012:3-4).In chapter 3, we will
addressthe question if and how these requirements regarding sustainability and cultural heritage
have been met in the reconstruction context in Nias.
3 HISTORY, CULTURE AND HERITAGE IN NIAS
Nias is situated at the western brim of Indonesia, 125 km off the west coast of Sumatra in the
Indian Ocean, in the highest seismic risk zone in Indonesia where earthquakes occur regularly
and frequently (Sieh, 2007).It is the largest of a group of 131 islands covering an area of approx.
5.000 km2with a population of approx. 757.000 (Census 2010). Besides the indigenous inhabi-
tants the Ono Niha the majority of the present population is of Malay, Batak and Chinese
descent. The island of Nias is integrated into the Province of North Sumatra and, since 2003, di-
vided into four administrative regencies (kabupaten).
Despite its remoteness, seafarers and traders have visited the island for more than a thousand
years and left their traces. The first written sources mentioning Nias are Arabic texts dating back
to the 9
th
and 10
th
century (Mittersakschmller, 1998).Economic and cultural exchange has been
active over centuries and the local resources, such as copra, pigs and slaveswere bartered for
foreign goods, like gold and textiles. Gold was especially desirable and manufactured into jew-
ellery and other prestigious objects which indicated and raised a persons social status. Tradi-
tional Niha society was hierarchically structured with an aristocratic class, called siulu in
South Nias, free commoners and slaves. Although slavery was officially abolished during the
Dutch colonial rule already, the basic idea and practice of stratification have survived and still
influence individual peoples position, role and opportunities in the community. In the past, be-
lieves and religion were very much related to the ancestors and the nobles claimed special ties
with the ancestors and the world of the supernatural deities, associated with height, magnifi-
cence and the central spaces of the villages (Rodgers, 1985). The wealth of a village was con-
centrated in the hands of the nobility and their privileges and responsibilities were mirrored in
the finest clothing, ornaments, monuments and houses.The biggest houses were situated in the
centre of the village. In exchange for their rights they had to organize village life and work, such
as the irrigation and cultivation of the fields, control external relations and distribute their
wealth in feasts. Warfare between villages, family rivalry and social class tensions were com-
mon. Headhunting was frequently practicedwith the heads of the besieged enemies playing
acrucialroleina number of rituals, including those related to the erection of megaliths and
houses. The megaliths which were erected in front of individual houses as well as in the central
square of the village, signified the status of the owners, reminded ofdeceased persons and were
part of the obligatory feasts of merit.Beyond the territory of the village and the surrounding gar-
dens, which was called banua (= village, land, world), the land was believed to be inhabited
by evil spirits and humans (e.g. Scarduelli, 1990; Viaro & Ziegler, 1998; Ziegler, 1986).
Due to the islands isolated position, major interference by the colonial administration started
only in the 19
th
century.In cooperation withProtestant missionaries from Germany (RMG -
RhenishMissionary Society)and the Netherlands (DLM - Dutch Lutheran Missionary Society)
they finally achieved their goals of pacifying Niha society and opening it to the outside
world.Thisledtomajor social and cultural ruptures and significant permanent changes in the so-
cial organization, religious beliefs and everyday life of theOno Niha, the people of Nias
(Hummel 2009).Many traditional rituals were banned and cult objects destroyed. The systematic
devaluation of Niha traditional culture sought to convert the old warriors into docile subjects, as
well as into faithful and caring Christians. Around 1915, a series of conversion movements
swept across the island, a movement that has become known as The Great Repentance(Beatty
1992). Today,about70% of Niha people are members of the Protestant Church BNKP (Banua
Niha Keriso Protestan). While in former time, all settlements were builtin the hilly interior of
the island, despite or perhaps because ofthe rough terrain, the new immigrants founded villages
along the coast, starting with the port of Gunung Sitoli which became soon the capital of the re-
gion. They also introduced another major religion, Islam, which is still largely restricted to the
coastal regions.
Nonetheless, traditional beliefs, rites, customs,values and laws, subsumed under the Malay
term adat, have neither been completely abandoned nor undermined but still have a place in
modern society and life. Today, adat comprises almost anything that is linked to the so-called
traditional culture which has its origin in an undefined, preferably pre-colonial, past. It is con-
sidered still being strong in traditional villages of South Nias where its presence is manifested in
the traditional-style houses, ideally headed by the chiefs house (omo sebua; also called omo
hada) as a highly visible marker. Among the intangible heritage, it is mainly songs and dances,
often associated with warfare and headhunting, as well as themanhood ritual of stone jumping
that have been preserved and are demonstrated to visitors who are willing to pay for the per-
formances (Viaro, 2000).
4 VERNACULAR ARCHITECTURE AND MODERN HOUSES IN NIAS
Much research already has been carried out on traditional building types in Nias (Gruber &
Herbig, 2009, Hmmerle & Lehner 2010; Viaro 2008; Viaro & Ziegler, 1993) and also on their
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resistance to earthquakes (Gruber, 2009). In this chapter we will give anoverview of the main
types and characteristics of individual houses that today are prevalent in the rural areas of of
South Nias. For reasons of comparison we will also add some information on traditional houses
in North Nias.
The island of Nias has a unique architectural tradition that manifests itself in two distinct
styles, the oval house in the north and the rectangular version in the south of the island. Some
characteristic features such as the approximate shape of the houses, the highly dominating pro-
portions of the pitched roofs and the wooden "box" containing the living area beneath it, but
also the slit windows and the large piles on which the whole construction rests can be found all
over the island. Yet, the overall form of the houses and the detailing of the construction vary to
a great extent when comparing the houses found in the north with those being built in the south-
ern part of the island:
4.1 Village Structures
In the north houses are solitary buildings with rounded, apsidial endings scattered along a path
or road and thus forming a very loose village structure.
In the south, however, the settlements generally consist of two densely packed rows of houses
that leave no gap in between each other except for a small wooden stairway to access each
house. Typically, these two lines of houses face each other, thereby creating a long and linear
space between them. This space is usually completely paved with large stones and framed by
drainage channels that run parallel to these two rows of houses. Important houses within these
rows, such as for example, the chiefs house (omo sebua), are then marked by stone seats and
monuments that are erected in front of them. A separate open structure, the so-called balai
desa, designated to large gatherings of the whole village can often be found in the centre of
these paved areas. This, of course, means that the lines of houses often do not run parallel to
each other, but instead converge at the ends of the village while going further apart in the mid-
dle and thus forming a larger space in its center around the gathering hall. There are also some
villages that have a T-shaped or cross shaped ground plan because a second "road" in the middle
of the village runs perpendicular to the main street.Because southern villages are mostly situ-
ated on hilltops, the inhabited area can only be accessed by comparably steep stone stairways.
These clearly define the beginning and the end of each village core. Along the road or path lead-
ing up to these stairs old graves can often be found as indicators of a nearby village.

Figure 1: Main road in the village of Hiliamaetaniha, South Nias (Photo: F. Zamolyi)
4.2 Characteristics of the house construction
Typically, traditional houses on Nias are entirely made of wood that is large in size and propor-
tion, but also increasingly rare to find. Therefore recent constructions have abandoned the use of
large dimensions in favour of comparably small wooden members that are cheaper and easier to
buy. This has been the case with a lot of traditional architecture all over Indonesia.
What is interesting though is that the building tradition in Nias utilizes diagonal struts and
piles, something that is very rare elsewhere in the archipelago. Presumably, this is a seismic
countermeasure to stabilize the structure in an area prone to frequent and strong earthquakes
(Gruber 2009, 2010). This countermeasure is especially prevalent in northern Nias where a
complicated diagonal strut system can be found between the piles of the round houses. This strut
system is additionally loaded with stone to add mass to the otherwise delicate piles and thus
prevent houses from extreme movements in case of an earthquake. In the south, struts in the
front part of the substructure forming a large "V" are one of the hallmarks of the architecture.
Like in the north, they stabilize the building in case of lateral movements.
Another typical characteristic of traditional houses in Nias are palm-leaf roofs with large
window flaps and slit-like windows in the wall on the whole frontal facade of the house. A large
roof overhang shield the interior from the rain and sun, while the window slits protect against
tropical glare. They are also a useful device that allows people to see and control what is hap-
pening on the outside, while providing some degree of privacy. After all, the person sitting be-
hind the window slits can only be seen from the outside with great difficulty. Much of the social
life still takes place outside which is especially true for South Nias, where at any given time of
the day people sit outside the houses, children play on the paved area or men gather in the
community building.
4.3 Space inside the house
In the north the house is entered from the side of the oval shape through stairways, which lead
into a large guest room. This room is the more public part of the building, guests are entertained
here, and different more private rooms open from this central locality. The hearth and the
kitchen is usually somewhere at the back of the house, sometimes built as a separate addition.
In South Nias in former times the house was divided in a public room on the street side and a
private room in the backside of the building. The public room could be accessed by the stair-
ways from the street. Here the young men of the family slept to protect the master of the house,
who lodged in the back room with the women and children. The back room was separated by a
wall from the front. The hearth was situated at this middle wall. In the front room in-built
benches can be found along the windows, in the back room there is a sleeping platform and
chests for belongings.
Over time the hearth was moved outside the core house to a shed added at the back of the
building proper, the door connecting front and back room moved from the side to the center of
the separation wall. Behind the wall today there are usually two small bedchambers to be found,
and behind them there is the large backroom with its sleeping platform. However, this division
seems not to totallysatisfy social needs, so sheds are frequently added at the back of the house
and the space beneath the house is closed in with walls and as a further living space (see below).
4.4 Changes in traditional villages in the south
The core area of the traditional villages in the south mostly consists of old vernacular buildings,
which are in some way adapted to modern needs, but still keep their traditional form. Adapta-
tions usually consist of the use of a zinc roof - zinc roofs have been in use even before the tsu-
nami and earthquake of 2005 and the closing of space between the piles with new walls. This
space is then used as an extra living area.
New house designs can usually be found at the periphery of the old village core. They are
built of wood, but do not follow the original traditional construction principles. These new
house designs can generally be divided into two different styles. One is very similar to the old
traditional house type. Here, only the piles are smaller and shorter than the original and the di-
mension of the wooden members have decreased in size. However, there is a second type of
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which the piles are smaller, but this time the slit window form has also changed or, even more
prominent, the roof form has changed. Interestingly enough, all new houses still make use of the
traditional floor plan.
Today, the periphery of old settlement cores (and in some exceptional cases also the center) is
dotted with concrete houses, although fortunately these buildings still form a minority.
4.4.1 Adaptation of old traditional houses due to change of social needs
The traditional house appears to be adaptable: The lower part can be used as extra living space
without destroying the structure. All one has to do is remove a few piles and build a new wall.
However, if this adaptation is not done professionally in the correct way, the structure of the
house can be weakened seriously and the building loses its resilience in case of earthquakes.
Climatically, the new rooms downstairs are cooler than the upper, traditional part of the house,
they also ensure more privacy for the members of the family, which is increasingly valued in
Nias society.

Figure 2: Adapted old traditional houses in the village of Hiliamaetanhia, South Nias (Photo: F. Zamolyi)

4.4.2 Wooden houses with a new design in the old part of the village
As undisturbed rainforest areas have vanished or been placed under environmental protection,
timberhas become scarce and expensive; thus instead of the old monumental houses the build-
ings increasingly have smaller dimensions. The tectonics of the new construction are much sim-
pler to handle and such houses are therefore easier and cheaper to erect. Some archaic features
like the slit windows and the projecting facade have been dropped in favor of large glass win-
dows.
The modern vernacular building can roughly be described as a cheap version of the old tradi-
tional buildings. Except for the inner layout of the rooms almost all of the characteristic features
of the old buildings are lost in the process of cost reduction. Hence, many people in Nias have
started to call this new house a "Malay type house". It does resemble the Malay house found
elsewhere in Indonesia and Malaysia mainly because it uses large rectangular windows which
are hallmarks of this "foreign" housetype. However, in many aspects the house still keeps at
least a few "Niha" features: The shape and proportion of the roof, a different construction and
an inner layout whose origins are clearly local.
4.5 Newly built parts of the villages
Outside of the traditional village core most houses are made of modern building materials such
as concrete. Wherever possible, they are built side by side to keep the closed and dense appear-
ance of the original village layout. In the old village layout the roof overhang is comparably
large, and as one house is built beside the other, a roofed street is formed in front of the house
facades. Then a step or small change in elevation of the pavement and a channel follows which
drains the rainwater away from the roofs. In the modern village this layout has often changed.
The roof overhang is usually noticeably smaller and the drain has in some cases been shifted to
the boundary of terrace-street. In these cases the terrace is divided into a higher part below the
roof and a larger, somewhat lower part sloping towards the street. Sometimes the house itself
has simply been put on a concrete plinth. This elevation has the function of the former piles be-
cause it keeps the house dry.
In many cases the layout of the semi-public and public areas does not change, but there is a
tendency towards a separation of the private space from the public space. Although this question
still needs more thoroughinvestigation, the modern village seems to offer more opportunities for
individual creations.
4.6 Modern concrete buildings
Abandoning wooden construction usually results in big changes not only within the structure,
but also in terms of building process. Skilled carpenters are made redundant, and the modular
layout which is typical for wooden constructions and whose size corresponds to common wood
spans can be abandoned. This means that a larger number of variations in the floor plan is pos-
sible. This, unfortunately, also means that the quality of the material used for the construction is
usually not very good. While the steel reinforcement bars are often not applied by an expert and
therefore corrode easily, the structure is further weakened by the use of inadequate concrete.
This may be due to the fact that people build their houses themselves without skilled masons.
Replacing wooden piles with a concrete plinth in order to keep the house dry is also problematic
because the massive walls tend to store heat energy. Hence the ventilation problem is larger than
in traditional houses. Grills and openings above windows and doors made of perforated concrete
blocks have to be integrated into the design.
While a comparably large number of villages in the south still maintain a village core made
of traditional wooden houses, most of them are surrounded by new settlements and extensions
consisting of modern houses. Although the use of space in the modern part of the village and
within the modern houses is similar to the old ones, the material and shape has changed dramat-
ically. As the modern constructions barely use timber as building material, they represent a rup-
ture with the traditional building culture which has been largely based on wooden pile struc-
tures. Care has to be taken that traditional knowledge of carpentry does not disappear with these
dramatic changes in building industry.

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Figure 3: Modern concrete houses in the village of Sondregeasi, South Nias (Photo: F. Zamolyi)
5 POST-DISASTER RECONSTRUCTION, SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT AND
CULTURAL HERITAGE IN NIAS
Although the earthquake resistance of the traditional architecture was extraordinarily high -
there were no reports of people dying in a traditional house - the repair of these houses was not
a main issue in the relief process. One of the explanations given by aid organizations was the
need of accountability towards the donors which required the erection of new houses instead of
repairing the often not heavily damaged old structures (Gruber & Herbig, 2006). The new hous-
es and settlements continued to be built in the same way as before, a development of moderniza-
tion that had started already decades ago. Traditional rules and regulations for spatial structures
were neglected. Even in areas where until recently settlements had been extended more or less
following traditional patterns, the new structures do not show much resemblance to traditional
systems that had been handed down over generations.
While government and non-government organizations involved in the reconstruction phase
cannot deny their responsibility for such development and its effects, we cannot blame them
alone and present the local population as victims only in this process. As mentioned, the move
away from traditional building styles has been a continuous development over many years. Even
such a traumatic impact like the earthquake in 2005 neitherstoppedthis developmentnor led to a
drastic reformulation of its goals or questioned the validity of its approach. By presenting a
range of arguments that support different views, we will show that the subject is more complex
than it might appear at first sight.
As mentioned before, most of the donor funds dedicated to housing were invested in the re-
building of new houses. Apart from the one already presented, other arguments that support this
policy are as follows:
- modern houses can be built by any skilled mason and do not require specific local
knowledge;
- the building of modern houses does not require large amounts of expensive imported
timber;
- the building process of modern houses does not require the organization and financing of
large conspicuous feasts as part of a traditional activity with strong community involve-
ment as traditional house building does;
- the size and shape of a modern house can be adapted more easily to the site on which it
should be erected;
- the modern house type meets better the criteriaof a healthy house (rumah sehat) stipu-
lated by the Indonesian government (Keman, 2005).
Thus, modern houses can be erected faster, cheaper, with less social investment, and at any
location. No lengthy processes of negotiation with potential house owners and subsequent build-
ing coordination are needed. The work is rather simple and simplicity is certainly valued in
times when quick decisions and results are required.
Nonetheless, traditional houses and their owners have not been completely excluded from
any attention and support probably more these days, seven years after the earthquake and after
the closure of the official reconstruction period which lasted until the end of 2009. The Herit-
age Museum (Museum Pusaka) in Gunung Sitoli, for instance, has supported individual families
in their efforts to repair the damages done to their house. It furtherfinanced new roofs of red or
blue metal tiles of a large number of traditional houses in the village of Hiliamaetaniha. This
roof type is seen as a viable alternative to the corrugated iron roof and the thatched roof. The
Museum works also in cooperation with the Nias Islands Rural Access and CapacityBuilding
Project (Nias-RACBP) implemented by ILO in 2009 and which includes the rehabilitation of 80
traditional houses and three megalithic sites on the island (ILO, 2011).
Even more than to individual private houses, the attention of potential donors is drawn to
buildings of public interest, like the omo sebua and the meeting houses (balai) that are usually
erected nearby. However, repairs are time and cost intensive and the funding of regular mainte-
nance in order to preserve those few remaining monumental buildings has not been secured yet.
During the time of our research last year, in one village a completely new omo sebua was being
built for a member of the aristocratic siulu class. Most of the costs were assumed by a donor
but the future owner still had to bear a heavy financial burden due to the successive feasts and
other forms of additional remuneration to the workers and other village people.
The omo sebua are not only important markers and representations of traditional South Nias
culture and society, they are also attractive tourist destinations. Local people have known about
this potential for some time but the appointment of the village of Bawmataluo (which is pre-
sided by an exceptionally large and impressive omo sebua) as a candidate for the UNESCO
World Heritage List has probably re-awakened the interest in cultural tourism (cf AlSayyad,
2001). The local authorities, like village heads (kepala desa) in particular, have recognized the
(perhaps overstated) economic potential of the built vernacular heritage as tourist attraction. In
order to raise the traditional and authentic image of his village, one kepala desa even decid-
ed to have all metal roofs of individual houses replaced with a thatched roof made of sago palm
leaves. While this might indeed attract visitors, the question remains if the owners of all houses
to be affected had been consulted and agreed (Adishakti, 1997)to this measurement. At the time
of the interview in July 2011 it was also still undecided who would pay for that refurbishing.
Even if funding could be secured this time, it is open how the house owners will pay for the
regular replacement that a thatched roof needs because a continuous and generous flow of mon-
ey through tourism is by no means guaranteed and at the moment rather unlikely to happen.
Traditional South Nias houses are not only unique and aesthetic creations but, in their origi-
nal state with thatched roofs and open ground floors, also perfectly adapted to the local climatic
and geological conditions they are cool, airy and safe. Nevertheless, instead of putting all re-
sources and energy into the maintenance of these old buildings, many people choose to move in-
to a new and modern house. The economic advantages have already been laid out above, and
they undoubtedly are a major justification for such a decision. However, they are not the only
reasons and for some perhaps not even the main ones.
Many younger and middle-aged men have acquired skills and experiences in the building in-
dustry during the intensive phase of reconstruction on Nias or in other parts of Indonesia, often
on the main island of Sumatra. They therefore feel confident enough to design and/or build their
own houses (usually with the help of kin and neighbors) and, even if from an experts perspec-
tive they might not be perfect, the builders themselves are proud of their results which, as long
as the houses stability is not challenged by another earthquake, seem to fulfill their own and
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their families needs. Although the layout of most houses largely follow a standard pattern, vari-
ation is possible and, if needed and space is available, the houses can be extended at a later time.
For a passing visitor, the advantages of a traditional house, as stated above, far outweigh
those of a modern concrete building. However, they have one major disadvantage which is the
lack of privacy. The modern houses are provided with small bedrooms for the individual family
members. Especially couples, old people and young girls enjoy that comfort. It also offers more
storing space and is easier to furnish. Similar features can be found in the adapted version of the
traditional house with a closed ground floor. There too, the ground floor has become the center
of sociability with the entrance and living room (ruang tamu) and a couple of bedrooms. If
several generations and families live in one building, then the older people or the house owner
usually lives on the ground and the others on the first floor. The modern or closed traditional
constructions offer privacy not only within the family but also within the village. The houses
possess proper windows that can be shut and then even in the evening, when the room is lit
and the front room in the first floor of the traditional house takes on a stage-like quality (where
its residents become the actors), everybody can choose individually what and how much of their
life to expose to the public.
The sense of liberty attached to these newer constructions became especially noticeable in
one of our research sites where there was a clear divide between the original old village, located
at the top of a hill, with a large number of traditional houses, and the later extension which in
the meantime has become a separate administrative unit. In this new village at the foot of the
hill and closer to the main road, no traditional houses are found. The old order of a public, semi-
private and private space has been maintained in the new constructions, but it has become less
pronounced. Although there are still people sitting at the window and watching the passers-by,
the possibilities of social control and the likelihood of being controlled are reduced. The layout
of the new village does not follow the old pattern anymore, and although a certain hierarchy of
space might still exist, the traditional social order manifested in that space is no longer valid to
the same extent as in the traditional hilltop village.
The building techniques and materials of these modern houses often neither meet the criteria
of sustainability nor of cultural heritage. They are neither environmentally friendly, nor
adapted to the geographic conditions, and many of them might not survive the next major earth-
quake. However, out of need or choice, they constitute the housing reality of the majority of
people living in Nias today. Wooden buildings are safer (even the smaller, non-traditional
constructions), but timber has become scarce and, therefore, more expensive than cement. But,
ironically, only houses built of concrete and brick are classified as permanent houses (rumah
permanen) a term that has become a standard category on the Indonesian house market.The old
vernacular building style, on the contrary, is a perfect example of the regions cultural heritage.
But does it meet the demands of sustainability in reconstruction and development?
6 CONCLUSION
Traditional South Nias houses are remarkable buildings and testimonies of a unique cultural
heritage and an integral part of the cultural landscape. The traditional architecture has been
claimed by the local population as well as by foreign experts as being the most prominent cul-
tural marker of contemporary South Nias society. Besides such a general identification, many
local people also identify with specific individual houses that belong to their fathers or grandfa-
thers or which they have inherited already. These traditional houses in traditional settings (be-
cause South Nias style traditional houses are usually not erected in any other building contexts)
represent a persons belonging, cultural and social identity and heritage. They are markers of
origin even for people who do not live in these houses anymore.
In the past, the traditional wooden houses also met the criteria of sustainability: they were
built of local materials; their construction techniques led to flexible structures of great earth-
quake resistance; with high roofs, good ventilation and an uplifted floor, they were adapted to
the hot and extremely humid climate and kept vermin out. Besides, domestic animals were kept
under the house. The box-like structures built on piles with doors between neighboring houses
met the social needs offering support from kin and protection from enemies.
However, times, conditions and people have changed and the traditional houses have lost
some of their attractions as living spaces and private property. They are expensive to build and
to maintain; many of them have lost their superb qualities of adaptation to the climate (due to
metal roofs which heat up the rooms below) and to the tectonic activities (with ground floors be-
ing closed with concrete walls and piles being removed). The fairly large quantities of high
quality expensive timber that are needed for each house have to be imported from other Indone-
sian islands or abroad. And the lifestyle, demands and needs of the people themselves have
changed over time. Living in a large family, under the constant supervision of parents, in-laws
and neighbors, is no longer an ideal for many young couples (if it ever was?). In Indonesia, too,
the trend towards small households of couples or nuclear families who live in individual houses,
cannot be denied. Under the present circumstances, however, the only option for most young
people when living in a traditional house is to share it with their parents or parents-in-law (who
normally would be the owners of the building) which, for the young couple, inevitably means an
inferior position in the house.
Standardized, modern-style, concrete houses offer this alternative, and even more so when
they are erected outside the traditional core village. However, their lack of adaptability to the
local environmental conditions and their technical imperfection does not qualify them for the
category of sustainability in reconstruction and development. Modern houses are not (yet)
part of Nias cultural heritage, and they probably never will be (not least because similar style
houses can be found all over the archipelago). Due to their doubtful building standard, which
does not promise a long life-span, some of them may never become any kind of heritage at all.
This might be liberating for some people, but unsettling for others. In general, the modern hous-
es are functional objects and material property but they do not offer ties to peoples ancestry,
tradition and identity. When searching for the past, Nias people still turn to the vernacular archi-
tecture. With a growing number of younger people leaving the island and looking for education,
jobs, love and luck somewhere else, this might become less relevant in the future. Immigrants
and their descendants in Nias might also lack that personal affiliation but, nonetheless, they
might continue supporting the maintenance of the local traditional architecture. We may specu-
late that in long term Nias vernacular architecture will lose some of its significance as object of
individual heritage and descent but, at the same time, gain meaning as object of a broader cul-
tural heritage that includes more and larger groups of people living on the island: a development
from cultural property to cultural heritage with owners becoming custodians? What remains is
the question: whose heritage - and heritage for whom?
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Heritage 2012

Chapter 6

Heritage and education for the future

1 INTRODUCTION
Education for sustainable development (ESD) concerns educational processes to help achieve
sustainable development (SD),based on three premises: environmental protection, economic de-
velopment and social development,integrated in an inclusive and equitable manner (UNESCO,
2011b).
Therefore, ESD is important for improving the living conditions of all citizens, promoting SD
and achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), in particular in young countries.
Manyyoung countries that have undergone a post-war political transition present common pat-
terns of development. Such a political transition may include internal conflicts, divergence over
environmental and economic priorities, and a diverse ethno-cultural heritage. While the cultural
heritage (e.g. ecological resources, historical artefacts and archaeological sites) may be rich and
varied, it is likely thatmost of it is not being preserved. In fact, in some cases, cultural expres-
sions and values have beeneroded and destroyed, for instance through urbanization, rural trans-
formation, violent conflicts, and other factors. Thus, the cultural heritage (CH) in young coun-
triesrequires urgent protection (UNESCO, 2005).East Timor is no exception and presents many
problems of resource degradation and deterioration, as well aslocal and regional diversity in the
social, economic, cultural and environmentaldomains, reinforcing the need to respect and pre-
serve national identity (Presidency of the Ministers Office, 2007). All these concerns unders-
core the need to improve education in order to promote respect and a sense of responsibility for
the preservation of CH, which includes tangible and intangible dimensions. In other words, edu-
cational practices (formal, non-formal and informal) shouldbe adjusted to local needs (GC-
UNESCO, 2009) in order to preserve and develop CHand, simultaneously, encourage students
to explore questions, issues and problems,especially in contexts relevant to SD(Heng, 2010).
Thus, in this communication concepts of CH, both tangibleand intangible, are firstly elucidated;
secondly,CH preservation and ESDrelations are clarified; and thirdly, focus questions concern-
ing ESD and the safeguarding of CH in the new East Timor curricula are presented (see sec-
tion3.2). Based on thesequestions, the contribution of new secondary school Biology and Che-
mistryprogrammesfor East Timor is analysed to find out the extent to which ESD and the
safeguarding of CH are addressed.
Sustainable development and cultural heritage in the new East
Timor curricula

A. M. Capelo
CESAM, University of Aveiro; Molecular Chemistry-Physics/FCTR&D 70/94 Unit; PEst-
OE/QUI/UIOO/700/2011, Faculty of Sciences and Technology, University of Coimbra, Portugal

M. C. Santos
CESAM& Biology Department, Biotechnology and Cytomics Laboratory, University of Aveiro, Portugal
M. A. Pedrosa
Molecular Chemistry-Physics/FCTR&D 70/94 Unit; PEst-OE/QUI/UIOO/700/2011; Chemistry
Department, Faculty of Sciences and Technology, University of Coimbra, Portugal
ABSTRACT: Strategies of education for sustainable development must incorporate the need to
preserve the local cultural heritage, along with all other dimensions of sustainable development.
In implementing education for sustainable development, formal education plays a key role.
Therefore, restructuring school curricula is vitally important, in particular in young nations such
as EastTimor that need to reduce the social impact of complex problems (e.g. poverty and dis-
eases), as well as preserve their history and culture. Such restructuring is under way in East Ti-
mor, and the secondary school Biology and Chemistry programmesareanalysedto find out the
extent to which thesafeguarding of cultural heritage is addressed.
Chapter 6 Heritage and education for the future 1573
2 CONCEPTS OF TANGIBLE AND INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGEIN YOUNG
COUNTRIES
2.1Concepts of tangible and intangible cultural heritage
According to the Convention for the Protection of World Natural and Cultural Heritage
(UNESCO, 1972), CH includes monuments (e.g. works of monumental sculpture and painting),
groups of buildings with value from the point of view of history, art or science, and sites, be
they man-made works alone or combined with nature, with value from the historical, aesthetic,
ethnological or anthropological point of view (UNESCO, 1972).In the Convention for the
Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage, CH also includes intangible values such as the
collective memory, language, oral traditions or everyday experiences (Czermak et al., 2003, p.
4), since they are as important as tangible valuesinpromoting a countrys economic and social
development (Blake, 2002).To preserve these values, the establishment of an Intergovernmental
Committee for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage has been suggested,along with
the drawing up of national inventories of cultural property(UNESCO, 2003b). It is also agreed
that safeguarding impliesmeasures aimed at ensuring the viability of intangible cultural
heritage, including identification, documentation, research, preservation, protection, promotion,
enhancement, and transmission, particularly through formal and non-formal education, as well
as the revitalization of the various aspects of such heritage (UNESCO, 2003a, p. 3).
2.2CH and conventions in young countries
The destruction and decline of a nationsCH and its related infrastructures is one of the many
casualties resulting from decades of war and social upheaval in young countries, as in East
Timor. These casualties haveacted as a driving force for countries to reconsider political
strategies and to ratify and adoptthe UNESCO Convention on the Protection of World Cultural
and Natural Heritage (1972), the Convention on Stolen or Illegally Exported Cultural Objects
(1995), the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage (2003), the Protection and Promotion
of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions (2005) and others. Ratification of these conventions is
regarded as indispensable to the affirmation of peoples identity (Blake, 2002).
East Timor was a Portuguese colony for 450 years up to 1975, struggled against Indonesian
occupation for 24years (between 1975 and 1999) and in 2002becameindependent and the 191st
member state of the UN (Secretaria de Estado da Cultura, 2009).While independence was
fought in defence of basic rights and cultural identity, the violence associated with that struggle
had a strong negative impact on the people and their culture. Many problems arose, such as
environmental destruction (Carter et al., 2001; World Bank, 2009), social disruption, material
devastation (Jones, 2010) and lack of attention to culture (e.g. public lack of awareness
regarding intangible culture), resulting in communities less attached to local characteristics
(Antoulas&Baxendale, 2010; Secretaria de Estado da Cultura, 2009; Leach, 2010).East Timors
tangible and intangible cultural wealth is well documented (Antoulas&Baxendale, 2010; Riley,
2009; Sousa, 2007; Taylor-Leech, 2008; Oxfam &Alola Foundation, 2010) and includesa rich
combination of colonial architecture, cultural landscape with physical evidence of
archaeological sites, traditional villages, remarkable vernacular architecture and a variety of
crafts and traditional customs (Secretaria de Estado da Cultura, 2009). Nevertheless, according
to UNESCO (2011a), cultural knowledge is still only transmitted essentially through the
family and community (p. 2).To promote and safeguard CH, the East Timor government
highlights the need to develop culturaland educational initiativesto raise awareness of CH and
contribute to the countrys modernization (Planning Commission, 2002). These initiatives are
part of a strategy for poverty alleviation aiming at promoting the countrysSD by pursuing the
MDG (Secretaria de Estado da Cultura, 2009).
3ESD, CULTURAL HERITAGE PRESERVATION AND CURRICULAR INTEGRATION
3.1ESD and cultural heritage curricular integration
ESD concerns educational processes to help achieve SD, and includes education oriented to-
wards poverty alleviation, human rights implementation, gender equality, cultural diversity and
Heritage 2012
peace (UNESCO, 2011b). By integratingthese educational dimensions in a holistic manner,
ESD enables all individuals to fully develop the knowledge, perspectives, values and skills ne-
cessary for taking part in decisions to improve the quality of life both locally and globally, in
ways which are more relevant to their daily lives (UNESCO, 2005, p.
6).Reorientingcurriculatowards ESD is essential for integrating these issues into formal educa-
tion (UNESCO, 2005) and may mean a step towardstangible and intangible CH preservation,
accordingto prioritiesset upfortheDecadeof Educationfor SD(ACCU-ICH, 2007).In other words,
formal education from an ESD perspective must integrate relevant issues involving CH know-
ledge and values, acknowledging the scientific and ethical dimensions. Therefore,school curri-
culamust be interrelated to facilitate building an interdisciplinary approach,which will mean
paving the way to solving problems and reducing the gap between the two cultures (science of
matter and science of the spirit) according to Snow (Seixas, 2011).
In different countries, some studies have been developed to promote and evaluate theintegra-
tion into formal curriculaof someaspects of CH, including traditional, indigenous or local
knowledge. For example, studies carried out in Asian countries such as Indonesia describe ap-
proaches to CHconservation and protection that emphasize localcommunity participation, and
pay a great deal of attention to indigenous knowledge (IK). They proposed the inclusion of IK
into formal education and recognition of factors that contribute to the loss of IK, such as a lack
of interest in IK (Czemark et al. 2007). Other studies developed in some African countries, in-
volving curriculum development andanalysis of the integration of traditional values into curri-
cula(e.g. Woolman, 2001), state that subject matters are selected through practical activities
based on the local culture, economy and society, such as technology, home economics, practic-
al agriculture, animal husbandry and market gardening (p. 35). This means that school curricu-
la were developed to be adapted to modern life without disrupting traditional and community-
culture, because these are important in the cultivation of self-esteem and the creation of national
identity (Woolman, 2001).However, these curricula are criticized for several reasons:they are
too closely linked to traditional manual work;they encompass too many subjects that overload
students and contribute to their failure; and finallythey use a language that could be a barrier to
cultural understanding and preservation: The language issue in education has a critical bearing
on cultural preservation, intercultural understanding and African nationalism (Woolman, 2001,
p. 38).
According to Cadaval (2007), the difficulties concerningthe curricular integration of CH are
the result of the indifferenceof parents tolocal cultural resources. Thus, it is necessary to demon-
strate to them that it is important to value local CH resources as markers of cultural identity and
diversity, and show that curricula that encourage the depletion of existing resources should be
avoided (Cadaval, 2007).This stresses the central role of education in promoting respect for CH
and for the defense of national identity (Blake, 2002).Therefore, curricular reorientation in line
with an ESD perspective is the best way to promote CH (Rissom, 2007). In fact, such curricular-
restructuring implies an appropriate integration of the understanding, skills and values inherent
in SD and, simultaneously, understanding of, respect for, and dialogue about the tangible and in-
tangible expressions of CH (Rissom, 2007; UNESCO, 2010a).
With the aim of raising awareness about CH to promote its preservation, UNESCO has sug-
gested several initiatives and programmes, including the UNESCO Young People's World Her-
itage Education Programme (WHE Programme). This programmeseeks to encourage and enable
young people to participate in heritage conservation, from local to global levels. Initially, WHE
focused on the production and piloting of a WHE Kit for teachers and the holding of regional
youth forums. Now, in its second phase, the programme seeks to reinforce the involvement of
young people in World Heritage preservation and pursue efforts to integrate WHE into school
curricula (UNESCO-WHE, 2005).These efforts cannot neglect the synergies which might be
established between WHE and ESD in order to develop educational practices that appropriate-
lyand conscientiouslycontribute to SD in all its dimensions(UNESCO, 2010b).
3.2ESD and cultural heritage preservation in the new secondary school programmes of East
Timor - Methodology
3.2.1Why Biology and Chemistry curricula in East Timor
Biology and Chemistry curriculafor East Timor were chosen mainly because these new pro-
grammes aim to integrate ESD, as do the other secondary education level programmes for East
Timor.The second and third authors are involved in their development (as team coordinators),
following a cooperation protocol between the East Timor Government and institutions in Por-
tugal (IPAD,2010) to develop secondary school curricula, student textbooks and teacher guides-
for East Timor. The first author is developing a post-doctoralprogramme concerning newcurri-
cula for secondary school science education in East Timor. According toSeixas (2011), this
study may be considered in the category "The Developmentalistic Implication of Adjustments"
(this is a translation of the original: A Implicao Desenvolvimentista de Ajustes), as it is based
on an analysis of the Biologyand Chemistry programmes for the 10th school year, carried out to
identify evidence of ESD and CH integration.
3.2.2Procedures
An analysis of the new Biologyand Chemistry programmesthathave already been approved
for the 10th school year in East Timor (RDTL, 2011) was carried out to answer the question: Is
thereintegration of ESD and CH in theseschool programmes? The following questions helped to
create a focus for the content analysis: Do the new curricular programmes contribute to the sa-
feguarding of CH in EastTimor? For instance, do they promote field outings or study visits with
an emphasis on CH? Are they likely to raise interest in knowledge and practices concerning na-
ture and the universe?
In particular, fromthe perspective of promoting individual and collective wellbeing and
health, are they likely to raise interest in customs related to nutrition, food preparation (in terms
of disease prevention and health promotion), agricultural practices (e.g. use of fire), manage-
ment or disposal of solid wastes, and water management for human consumption?
In other words, will the new curricular programmesstimulate respect for local practices from
an SD perspective?Are they likely to stimulate knowledge about species or historical sites at
risk?Dotheyprovideopportunitiesto exploreissues related to personal, collective and environ-
mental safety? Do theyfocus on CH?
3.2.3Results and discussion
Analysing the Biology programme for the 10th school year, it is clear that it aims to promo-
tethe safeguarding of CH, albeitimplicitly. In general, each unit of this programme is organized
in such a way that it indirectly relates to natural and local resources [e.g. The natural spaces of
East Timor (and their ecosystems) are taken as a preferred context for further development of
organization and dynamic concepts (translation of the original, Mendes & Santos, in press, p.
9)]. Moreover,the strategies suggested in each unit show an interest in helping students todeve-
lop appropriate skills to become aware of local natural and cultural resources, giving a positive
answer to the questions asked above. For instance, this Biology programme suggests field out-
ings or study visits with an emphasis on CH (p. 17) and shows an interest in traditional know-
ledge and practices concerning nature, such as food preparation and conservation (p. 21, 22):

It is expected that the student may be able to scientifically study the following aspects: (i) health and
human interactions with micro-organisms; and (ii) behaviour and habits of everyday life aimed at the pre-
vention of infectious diseases (Translation of the original, Mendes & Santos, in press, p. 21).

It is expected that the students may be able to mobilise scientific bases by reflecting on aspects of
everyday life, namely:(i) personal and/or communityhabitsofwaterandsalt consumption; and (ii) tradition-
al food preservation processes (e.g. salting,drying,jam making ) (Translation of the original, Mendes &
Santos, in press, p. 22).
Heritage 2012

In addition, this programmesuggests activities of discoveryrelated to agricultural practices,
biodiversity preservation (p.25), and species at risk (p. 16).
Similarly, the Chemistry programme for the 10
th
school year aims at promoting the safe-
guarding of CH, albeit implicitly, and integrating ESD issues. For instance, the first section,
Programme overview for the study course, highlights the interest of using local examples to
understand and explain the interactions between Chemistry, stakeholders and the environment
from an SD perspective (Ferreira et al.,in press):

"Understand and explain the interactions between human beings, the environment and Chemistry,
usingexamples,preferablyperceptiblelocally and withglobalrepercussions; emphasize the importance of
theseinteractions froma sustainable development perspective (translation of the original, p. 3).

Also, in terms of promoting student skill development, this programme refers to the need to
incorporate local personal and/or socially relevant (e.g. cultural) contexts in teaching and learn-
ing approaches to explore chemistry contents. In particular, it refers to contexts such as thosere-
lated to agricultural practices, e.g. burning (p. 35), management or disposal of solid urban
wastes (p.16, 20, 35), foodpreparation with regard to disease prevention and health promo-
tion(p. 20), and water management for human consumption fromthe perspective of promotin-
gindividualand collectivehealth (p. 20). For instance, this programmesuggests having a debate
about burning waste versus solid waste landfills:

The debate on [] Solid wastes: incineration orlandfill? In what circumstances? is suggested,
since dealing with these problems may transmit important ideas about the management of solid urban
wastes, relating them to the relevant knowledge of chemistry, and exposing them to local practices on
the one hand and recommended practices froman SD perspective on the other (translation of the origi-
nal, Ferreira et al.,in press, p. 35)

Thisprogramme also shows concern to help explore issues related to personal, collective and
environmental safety, and indirectly, to CH resources:

The classification of substances and mixtures thereof by how dangerous they are, is particularly
importantin termsof technology and socio-environmental issues, since they have implications for indi-
vidual and collective safety (translation of the original, Ferreira et al., in press, p. 13).

In addition, while focusing on certain areas, such as the concept of the atom and its constitu-
tion,the programme reveals concerns regarding East Timorese local practices:

To explore the material world, the concept of the atom and knowledge of its constitution is essen-
tial []. It is also necessary for understanding daily practices, whichare recommended from an envi-
ronmental protection perspective, for example, hazardous waste management (translation of the origi-
nal, Ferreira et al., in press, p. 16).

In short, based on concepts of tangibleandintangible CH, CH preservation and ESD, ques-
tions were presented to guide the analyses of the Biology and Chemistry secondary school pro-
grammes for East Timor. These analyses resulted in positive answers to the majority of the
questions. Therefore, the new Biology and Chemistry secondary school programmes for East
Timor appear to appropriately integrate understanding, skills and values inherent inESD into the
courses and, simultaneously, have an understanding of, and respect for, the safeguarding of CH.
As the understanding, skills and values inherent inESD relate to daily lives, they are useful and
important for all students, as for all citizens
4. CONCLUSIONS
East Timor,like other young nations, needs to improve the quality of life of all its citizens. To
doso,it is importanttoreorientschoolcurriculatowards ESD and develop appropriate educational
resources, particularly by using local personally and socially relevant contexts. The new Biolo-
gy and Chemistry 10
th
school year programmes appear suitable for raising awareness about ESD
issues and thesafeguarding of the local CH. The Biologyprogrammeshows an interest in natural
resources (e.g. species at risk) and customs related to food preparation and preservation, agricul-
turalpracticesand watermanagement. Meanwhile the Chemistry programmeshows an interest
inmaterial resources from a perspective of human survival and quality of life, integrating thesa-
feguarding of the local CH, namely respect for appropriate agricultural practices, management
or disposal of solid wastes, food preparation and water management.Therefore, the implementa-
tion of theseprogrammesmay help the younger generationtobecomemoreaware oftheirCH and
bemore ableto managelocalresources according to SD requirements.
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Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
The end of the last century has seen a dramatic change in the industry face around the world.
Due to cheap labour costs, globalization has moved what the bastions of progress were once
considered the pillars of the economy, i.e. the poles of manufacture, from the western world to
faraway countries. Therefore, vacant areas were left abandoned and asleep waiting for what the
future might bring.
In the Netherlands, like everywhere, this process of de-centralization has made large urban
areas available. As a result, a debate concerning the future of these dismissed sites was opened
concerning the unrivalled opportunities that these areas might represent in re-launching and ac-
quiring strategic areas for future development. In fact, in the past industrial terrains were located
in the outskirts of the city or in a self-isolating location; nowadays, the urban growth has ab-
sorbed them, determining a new strategic position in the settled city for these sites.
In our case, dismissed terrains are the B5 canal zones, namely the five Dutch cities of Eind-
hoven, Helmond, s Hertogenbosch, Tilburg and Breda, located in the southern region of the
country named Brabant, from which B5 derives (B5-Ruimtelijk Ordening, 2007). A former in-
dustrial canal area characterizes each city and is waiting to be transformed. These canals, dug at
the end of 1800 and highly active until 1960s, are connected to each other by a large system of
navigable canals (Willelhminakanaal, Zuid-Willemsvaartkanaal, Eindhovenkanaal). (Fig.1)
They physically connect the 5 cities and small towns and cross unique urban agglomerations
and man-made landscapes, thus forming a transport circuit with a high potential.
Industrial Heritage: awareness and sustainable design in
architectural education. The former industrial canal zones of B5,
The Netherlands
I. Curulli
TU/e Eindhoven University of Technology, Architecture Department, Eindhoven, The Netherlands
ABSTRACT: The main goal of this article is to illustrate an educational learning process based
on sensing the site, and aiming at the awareness of the historical and heritage values in the trans-
formation of former industrial canal zones. This paper will address the three-year experience of
parallel architectural design studios, workshops and seminars developed by the Faculty of Ar-
chitecture at Eindhoven University of Technology on the specific case of B5 canal zones, in The
Netherlands. The courses were intended to increase the students sensitivity in revealing the
characteristics and values of industrial buildings/areas as well as the environmental awareness
about their role as a source of local identity. The courses showed that the students had acquired
a new mentality on this topic which led them to more attentive design explorations. Represen-
tatives of the five Municipalities, from the local heritage institution and also from the Province,
were actively involved in the learning process. The author will illustrate the educational process
undertaken during the courses, pointing out successes, failures and adjustments occurred while
striving to achieve the above-mentioned goals.
Figure1. The network of the five canals of Brabant
1.1 The need of action
In terms of urban sustainability, the rehabilitation of dismissed industrial areas fulfils two
needs: necessity and resource.
Necessity refers to the reclamation of polluted lands, which represent a contamination threat
against the surrounding areas. The threat is often due to the central location of these sites and
their vicinity to densely inhabited areas. This is basically an engineering approach to the site.
Resource is referred to the potential benefit, both environmental and social, that a well-
advised reuse of such large portions of territory can be for the macro and micro scale of the city.
It refers to design strategies able to suggest a different idea of urbanity that will arise from an
unexpected and complex network of old and new with a mixture of large and small scale. See
the case of Bovisa area in Milan, Italy or the Finlayson project in Tampere, Finland.
In other words, these sites can be sources of wealth for their very cities.
What about the heritage value of abandoned industrial sites?
They are usually considered empty areas, smelly, valueless and ordinary locations: terrein
vagues(I.de Sola-Morales, 1996)

outside of the urban dynamics and forgotten in the mental
map of a city. The change of this negative perception is the first step to undertake when starting
a project of transformation.
On the contrary and according to the definition of industrial heritage by The Nizhny Tagil
Charter of 2003(TICCIH, July 17, 2003), dismissed industrial sites are the evidence of activi-
ties which had and continue to have profound historical consequences; their remains record
historical and social events, technological and architectural experimentation, whose investiga-
tion would contribute to the understanding of our industrial past and present.
This definition is true and applies easily to those historic ruins that embody the deep state of
dereliction. But how can people (in our case students) be made aware of the heritage values of
these more contemporary ruins/sites if these sites have not yet officially declared locations to
safeguard?
This is the case of the canal zones of B5, that are in-between a state of decay and whose dis-
missed industrial buildings are less than 100 years old (therefore, they are not listed monu-
ments).
In the past, Brabant was the main industrial area of the country and economically able to pro-
vide one of the main sources of income. The industrial activity was mainly related to textile
manufactures and the production of peat; goods were transported out through the large net of
canals present in the area. Therefore, the water was the main infrastructure of transportation.
Valuable buildings of different scale and architectural styles stand along the canals and they are
witnesses of the industrial past and expression of the local identity.
After the abandonment, none of the five municipalities has a defined strategy on how to
tackle this issue and there is a general tendency of fragmenting these vast areas into smaller
pieces, in order to maximize profit due to market demand.
Heritage 2012
Nonetheless, all of them have the means to undertake a sustainable approach to the citys
growth: providing room for expansion inside the city itself. Furthermore, the transformation of
these waterfronts can have a huge impact on their urban image.
This paper will firstly present the educational method and process on the above topic under-
taken by the author together with the students of the Architecture department at Eindhoven Uni-
versity of Technology and in collaboration with the local authorities; secondly, the author will
show the acquired awareness by the students on industrial heritage through design proposals of
transformation of the former industrial canal areas.
2 THE FRAMEWORK FOR TEACHING, LEARNING AND RESEARCHING
2.1 Theme
The approaches and questions concerning the enhancement of the historical value of the canal
zones are very important in the transformation of these dismissed sites.
In this respect, the initiatives I have undertaken with the students made it as a target.
In educational terms, the goal was to increase the students sensitivity in revealing the charac-
teristics and values of industrial buildings/areas as well as the environmental awareness about
their role as a source of local identity.
In practical terms, the active involvement in the learning process by local authorities and heri-
tage institutions aimed at strengthening students design proposals through professional experts
criticism, while disseminating the knowledge of sustainable design in the students professional
field.
The activities developed in these three years experience consisted of parallel architectural de-
sign studios, workshops and seminars. The theme they embraced is part of a long-term research
program I am developing at TU/e and that regards the transformation of former industrial water-
fronts. The research involves several European partner universities.
How can we assess the value of industrial heritage on canal waterfronts? Beside the standard
rules of evaluation, can other aspects influence the choice of keeping them? Memory and iden-
tity is attached to these industrial sites: how can the past be revealed rather than covered? what
should we keep of the existing heritage? Today the spectacular size of the factories has been
glorified: how can we detect and present to others those innovative construction details? For
years industrial sites have been forbidden terrains: how to disclose them to the public? And
what about appropriateness of program?
These were some of the questions and themes discussed during the various courses. Cer-
tainly, they appear difficult and complex questions. Nevertheless, students acquired a relevant
knowledge on industrial heritage and searched for the fine line between the too little-too
much design intervention when transforming a dismissed industrial site/building.
2.2 Methodology
Sensing is the quality of perceiving, conceiving and understanding an existing environment.
From this perspective making sense is based on the engagement of a dialogue within the con-
text. Design is the direct result of it (Vassilis, 2011).
When transforming dismissed industrial sites into new uses the notions of sensitivity and
creativity play a key role in both interpretation and intervention.
Both sensing a particular historical context and projecting an appropriate intervention in it
should be equally considered as deliberate actions. The former is expressed through the particu-
lar setting of the context of intervention (analysis); the latter is done by fitting our design inter-
vention into that context (synthesis).
This is the research method I followed with the students of the International design Studios
that focused on the transformation of the five canal areas of Brabant and of which I will illu-
strate the learning process. The courses consisted of one-semester project each, and involved lo-
cal master students that worked together with foreign ones (Erasmus students), both in terms of
nationality and to the Dutch context.
In this respect even if foreigners seemed to be privileged for not being affected by any pre-
vious knowledge, team-working with local students created the ideal conditions to sensing the
existing context in the most appropriate way. Moreover, the higher the number of students na-
tionalities and cultural background, the wider was the spectrum of perception and understand-
ing. Thus, broadening and enriching the designs both in term of quality and creativity.
2.3 Structure
Each course was organised in four interrelated phases and I adopted this structure for all five
canals, introducing additions and adjustment during the process so as to comply with the needs
and differences among the canals.
The first phase was a research work, or better the first point of entry to the understanding of
industrial heritage; then it followed the sensing of the specific canal zone through impression
analysis of the area that stimulated open-end questions while addressing problems on the exist-
ing heritage; thirdly, it was making sense through a design strategy for the canal area that couch
the values of the heritage they detected. Lastly, it was testing the design strategy through the
development of a selected portion of it at the architectural level; students could therefore ex-
press their personal design attitude towards industrial heritage via details and use of materials
and their way of communicating its value to others.
Between stages three and four, students were always involved in public activities related to
industrial heritage
1
that took place outside the university (Fig.2). Two goals motivated these
participations: the first was to let students express their knowledge on industrial heritage to the
public and show how they can take responsibility for the future; the second was to make people
aware of the need of safeguarding our past and give appropriate feedback to them through ques-
tions and answers to students.
The investigation of the industrial heritage of the canal zones of B5 definitely included the
canal in itself. Its role and meaning was explored beyond its current function of dismissed infra-
structure: students analysed and interpreted the canals as a carrier of collective memories but
also of innovative ideas that attempt to give a new, integral sense to water into the urban land-
scape.

Figure 2. Students presenting at Herfgoed Brabant, Biennale Industrial Heritage, December 2010

As for the industrial heritage along the canals, students studied the notable variety from city
to city: it regarded the architectural footprints of former industries, length of the canals, their re-
lationship with the urban and landscape context and the amount of cultural resources still exist-
ing on site.
In order to state the four stages more clearly, I will address the learning process occurred dur-
ing the investigation on the canal zone of Breda, which was the last one to be explored by the
students.
Heritage 2012
3 INDUSTRIAL HERITAGE IN BREDA CANAL ZONE. FOUR STAGES FOR
LEARNING AND ACTING
Named Havenkwartier (harbour district) the current canal zone of Breda was a polder area until
1918 and only in 1924 the digging of the canal started. The Belcrum housing district, in 1930s
style, was the first and most representative urban development close to the canal area and was
structured around a historical alle (Speelhuislaan) that was leading to a royal park, outside of
the city centre of Breda.
Lately, this street was extended to the canal area and became the main axis along which nota-
ble industrial buildings in bricks and steel structure were realized. The main activity of these
factories was related to the processing and auction of fruit and vegetables; but also trading com-
panies of hardware or iron-products and producer of large boilers and steam engines.
Compared to the other canals of Brabant, the Bredas one is relatively outside of the city cen-
tre, but the presence of the railway line between centre and canal, makes it mentally very distant
(mental gap) and almost unknown to many citizens. Furthermore, the spectacular size of the
existing factories is a perceptive limit for their appropriation by many alternative users and
functions. Last but not least, there is a strong discrepancy between the minute and refined urban
pattern of the neighbourhood and the large footprints of the industrial buildings Ffig.3). None-
theless, strong memories of the workers activities and exceptional architectural details of facto-
ries are vivid and call for enhancement to the public.
Therefore, students had to deal with several questions prior to the start of their architectural
intervention: how to overcome the mental gap of citizens about the canal? How to reveal the
value of the obsolete? Is there a program that appropriately fits the area? How to preserve the
characters of the existing buildings on their space qualities? Can the canal be linked with the
network of waterways around it?
Figure 3. Havenkwartier nowadays.
3.1 Stage 1. Point of entry
Firstly students carried out literature research on the state of the art in industrial heritage, then
researched into listed topics related to transformation of former industrial sites.
For each research theme, students were provided with reading material and listed projects.
The topics of research were selected according to practical and theoretical issues concerning the
meaning of industrial heritage and their inherent or external components that influence the
transformation of dismissed industrial areas into new uses. Students investigated the relation-
ship between industrial architecture and water; the edge of industrial terrains, namely their foot-
prints vs. city grain; the pioneering technologies and construction details of industrial buildings;
the different approaches in relating old to new; the invisible layer of memory, through facts and
stories; the paradox of public space into industrial terrain which have always been considered
forbidden cities to ordinary citizens.
The goal was to understand characteristics and problems connected to the transformation of
industrial areas. Therefore, sensitivity and criticism were the main elements of this activity.
3.1.1 Evaluation
As result of the first assignment students made a how and why diagram of the ways to deal
with industrial heritage and showed the reasons standing behind them. Furthermore, they learnt
on sustainable topics and cultural heritage criteria (reversibility, minimal intervention, appropri-
ate use, adapted comfort, etc)
Since the students were from different nationalities and they were free to choose the projects
of analysis for the second assignment, the result brought to a large range of worldwide cases and
the learning was double. Firstly, students became aware of the variety of approaches to their
specific theme and how they affect the understanding of the existing heritage; secondly, students
understood how cultural differences influence such approaches, determining various interpreta-
tions of the subject they investigated.
3.2 Stage 2. Sensing Havenkwartier
Students visited the canal area of Breda and were received by a representative of the Municipal-
ity, who gave an insight into the problems of the canal and the expectations from it. Afterwards,
each student was required to express his/her impression of Breda canal zone through one model.
The models did not relate to any scale of design, or to a specific material: students could de-
fine these characteristics according to their personal impressions.
The objective of this assignment was to sense the potentials of the canal zone and recognize
the multiple layers of the site through the reading of the perceived aspects that each individual
experiences. Furthermore, students learned to synthesize these sensorial perceptions into useful
elements to be put forward in the process of design.
Figure 4. Impression models and follow up discussion on the heritage of B5 canals.

3.2.1 Evaluation
Students learned to observe the site, experience it, instead of simply looking at it. They detected
and valued those personal elements of the canal area, starting to define key aspects of discus-
sion within their own team.
Sensing the site made a shift in point of view for the students. They were used to assessing
values in the built-up environment only through historical archive material, analysis of its geo-
metric features, typological and morphological characteristics and other conventional parame-
ters.
Therefore, the result of this inquiry was of great surprise to them: there was a wide range of
models, topics and unexpected subtle readings of the context that were displayed at the class
presentation. During it, open-ended questions arose as well as open-ended answers: different
problems were addressed and criticism towards the meaning and the essence of the industrial
heritage of the Breda canal zone developed an intense discussion (Fig.4).
Heritage 2012
As a conclusion, all students together organised the varied models into different categories
and topics, and selected and assigned to each group a specific theme for further investigation of
the design context.
Explanatory of this phase is the sensing by one group
2
that focused on the limits of the ca-
nal area and thoroughly investigated their meaning, variety, intensity, location as well as the
threatening and striking qualities. Later on, such investigation led to their architectural proposal
aiming at traversing the limits so as to highlight characteristics of the industrial buildings and
bridge over the conflicts among the different zones of the canal.
3.3 Stage 3. Making Sense of Havenkwartier
It concerned the elaboration of the design strategy for the canal area, aiming at the enhancement of
those fragments of historical memory and architectural qualities existing on the place and sensed in
the previous step.
Students engaged a dialogue with the site: he/she made use of the personal interpretation of the
canal zone acquired in the previous phase and began the critical analysis of demands from Munici-
pality.
Representatives of the Bredas municipality participated in the course with individual review of
students or group presentations during the design development.
Illustrative of this stage is the project Opposites in dialogue
3
whose departure point was the
difference of perception and architectural qualities of the two sides of the canal. Through the
placement of a new and specific architectural elements on both sides of the canal, the proposal did
not deny the differences but it started a subtle process of reminders from one to the other side of
the banks. As a result, the water was no longer a divider but a connector and the canal was per-
ceived as a whole (one entity). In a definite manner, the careful reading of the existing context and
the back-and-forth process of adaptation of the new architectural elements (size, location and or-
ganization) to the site determined such result that deeply traced and highly valued the existing heri-
tage (Fig.5).
Figure 5. Differences become Opposite in dialogue through reminders
3.3.1 Evaluation
This was a difficult stage of the course, because students believed on a linear process of making
design. On the contrary, the dialogue with the site requires (as a such) a back and forward process
of architectural action (proposal) and context reaction.
Thus, students needed to adjust and refine the proposal until it made sense into the site. Students
had difficulty to understand that was not a closed cyclic process but it was inventive and effective.
To this aim was relevant the contribute given by external experts: they helped students to over-
come scepticism and to ground in practical components into students proposals.
It became really visible the change in attitude by the students: from the initial design proposal,
almost anew, students progressed towards an appropriate design, which disclosed the meanings of
the context and incorporated students creativity and skills in assessing values of the existing heri-
tage.
3.4 Stage 4. Testing the water in Havenkwartier
This phase followed the mid-term review and there were representatives of the municipalities of
both Breda and of the local Heritage institution (Erfgoed Brabant). They attended the meeting and
gave feedback on the students proposals. Taking these criticisms into consideration, firstly stu-
dents revised their work; then, they individually selected a specific area/building to be further de-
veloped at an architectural level.
Special attention was given to the use of on-site materials (or the appropriate use of materials),
construction of the architectural spaces and relationship of industrial buildings with the water.
Therefore, the contribution of experts with lectures on the knowledge of materials, techniques of
reuse and engineers instruments had a strong effect on the success of this stage of the course.
The goal was to test the consistency of design of the selected area with the general strategy
proposed for the canal zone; and vice-versa, to test the validity of the urban approach at different
design scales. Enhancement of industrial heritage was crucial.
In my opinion, the following project shows how students can learn from the continuous inter-
weaving of design scales, so as to enhance industrial heritage and enrich the architectural devel-
opment. It was also an expression of perfect tuning among team members.
Consistently with their urban strategy called Traversing the limits
4
the students focused on the
built border towards the canal, which is formed by the turbine factory and several additional vol-
umes (Fig.6).
Figure 6. Traversing the limits.

They were built in different time periods and the space in-between is nowadays an unpleasant
passage toward the water of the canal. The design proposed an inner street. On the one hand, it
bound the built-up volumes, on the other hand it evoked the working chain of the factory. This
street was similar to a topography work varying in width, depth and materials according to the
spaces that it traversed and according to the new spaces that it aimed to create. This inner street
did not compete with the main one that structured the canal area but engaged it through several
points and forms of connection. In fact, by carefully placed additions, selected removals and
new functions, the inner street became a permeable layer between old street and water, generat-
ing points of discovery, new public and private space or framed and activated some of the old
ones. The water of the canal was not the ultimate destination for the visitor but its presence was
visible here and there from the inner street.
The heritage value of the existing buildings was exposed to the public: through well-thought
places for moments of contemplation of their spatial and constructive qualities; and through suc-
cession of events that conjure up the past dynamic spirit of the factory in the visitor.
Heritage 2012
The existing built border, initially unpleasant to cross, turned into a desirable limit to traverse.
3.4.1 Evaluation
This fourth and last phase of the course was the most hectic one: students perceived the sedimenta-
tion of their previous learning and they were highly motivated in testing the acquired knowledge.
The awareness of heritage values dialogued with inventiveness and self-initiative of the students.
The initial resistance to the work method turned into a challenging opportunity to learn on sustain-
able topics such as materials, energy, interior climates, etc, benefiting from the experts interven-
tions who had participated in the courses. Students had become conscious of the multidisciplinary
approach in transforming the industrial heritage.
Certainly, at this stage students had learned about the complexity of the given site, the con-
sciousness of the individual skills to recognize and enhance the past and that along with buildings,
artefacts and site, there is also a cultural memory and meaning to be sustained.
Last but not least, students became aware that in reusing industrial heritage often the interpreta-
tion and narrative of the area have to negotiate with different parties and problems that might occur
in the process of transformation.
4 CONCLUSION
The intention of these three years experience with the students was to make them aware that it is
not enough to observe and analyze historic buildings but that students can play an active role,
rather than being spectators in the interpretation, use and the safeguard of our heritage.
During this period, students acquired a personal awareness of the existing heritage and learnt
how to work with others so as to develop and disseminate awareness.
The results achieved are based on the firm belief of a co-existence with the past and with the
need to adopt sustainable solutions. Students learnt that there are not standard solutions, but only
appropriated ones, which relate to the specificity of the context. Students learnt how to detect
these characteristics and to work with them so as to enhance heritage values.
And finally, students realized that understanding, interpreting and intervening are unified mo-
ments, which belong to the same process of cognition and are in dialogue with the site.
Sensing a specific context and making sense of an architectural intervention into it is a working
method that goes beyond personal empathy and individual analytical skills.
It is not my intention to enter the endless debate on the scientific consideration of this method,
but I would like to remind that the notion of sensitivity is the key element in both interpreting the
historic urban landscape and in intervening in it. This is clearly stated in the Vienna Memorandum
(2005). This document calls for () a culturally and sensitive approach to the historic urban
landscape, that () should avoid all forms of pseudo-historical design and demand for high-
quality design and execution, sensitive to the cultural context ().
Therefore, sensitivity binds analysis to creative design.
As an educator in the field of architecture, I am left with the unsolved issue on how to systemat-
ically communicate this theoretical knowledge to our students. I think that the experience devel-
oped in these three years has been a successful attempt to achieve it by adopting this theory.
The selected topic of industrial heritage is not exclusive of this work method, although the issues
related to former industrial areas add to the work one more pregnant question: the need of extra
sensitivity so as to overcome the negative perception, which is generally associated to abandoned
industrial sites.
From the dialogue with the students the Members of municipalities, province and guest advisors
found a challenging exploration on the heritage value of the five canal zones, which brought a new
and fresh perspective of the matter. Through the inventiveness of young designers and the experi-
ence of professionals and academics, theory and practice found their invaluable combination.
Although the collaboration with local authorities was not concerted from the beginning, it turned
out to be an original outcome for both students and professionals. Results of the work became raw
material to synthesize in guidelines for a design brief addressed to professional designers. And last
but not least, representatives of the five municipalities have requested to hold a canal zone semi-
nar as a platform to compare and discuss those strategies that enhance industrial heritage in the
five canals.
The enthusiasm fired by the collaboration between University and official Institutions has in-
spired it. This action is to come and will be the conclusion of the work on the industrial heritage of
the canal zones of Brabant.
I would like to conclude with a quote from a student of mine when he () entered for the first
time the unknown world of architectural heritage in the industrial landscape. () through the dif-
ficulties of our project, I learned that sensitivity is not an abstract term but an instrument to assess
values of a particular context; and they are not bad ideas but the lack of architectural dialogue
5
.
This proves to me that our most important objective is to encourage young people (like students
of architecture, as in my case) to take conceptual and creative ownership of cultural resources.
Such active approach will evolve from knowledge into responsibility, which is needed to safeguard
our heritage.
ENDNOTES
1
The beauty of decay was a 5-day program that involved students and professionals. Through projects
and lectures was discussed the aesthetic of decay (see http://ddw-workshop-tue.blogspot.com/). The
activities were open to the public and related to the yearly event of the Dutch Design Week, which at-
tracts a huge amount of visitors to the city of Eindhoven, where our university is located.
Inspiratiedag industrieel erfgoed Brabant (Inspiration day on industrial Heritage Brabant) was a public
seminar organized as conclusion of a-one year activities focused on industrial heritage and undertaken
by Herfgoed Brabant. Students presented their research on industrial heritage to the public. (see
http://www.erfgoedbrabant.nl/nc/nl/wat-doen-wij/projecten/beb/inspiratiedag)
2
Research by the students R. Naudy, M. Notten, L. Leeftink
3
Opposites in dialogue project by S.Inghels, A. Kerkuku, G. Litjen
4
Traversing the limits, project by the students R. Naudy, M. Notten, L. Leeftink
5
J. R. Arjona, student canal zone Eindhoven.
REFERENCES
B5-Ruimtelijk Ordening (ed) 2007. BrabantStad Mozaiek metropool, Eindhoven: NPN drukkers
Sol-Morales, I.de, 1996. Terrein Vagues. Quaderns 212: 34-43
TICCIH. 2003, July 17. The Nizhny Tagil Charter for the Industrial Heritage. Moscow: The
International Committee For The Conservation of the Industrial Heritage (TICCIH).
Available online http://www.mnactec.cat/ticcih/industrial_heritage.htm[accessed on10/08/ 2008]
Vassilis, G. 2011. From Sensing the Context to Making sense of architectural interventions: a working
theory. Chronocity. Sensitive interventions in historic environment.: pp.7-10
UNESCO 2005. Vienna Memorandum on World Heritage and contemporary architecture. Managing the
historic urban landscape. Available online http://whc.unesco.org/archive/2005/whc05-15ga-inf7e.pdf

Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
In the past century, formal education, as a system and a phenomenon, has seen drastic expansion
and development all over the world, from the tribal village in Africa to the urban city of millions
in China, from the mountains of South America to the shores of India. The basic education at
the elementary level is a common component of children worldwide. According to the World
Bank 2012 World Development Report, the percentage of relevant age reached 100% in 2009 in
the world for both genders overall. For secondary education, the percentage of participation for
the relevant age group is 69% for male and 67% for female students. Junior or middle school, is
a mandatory requirement in the overwhelming majority of nations (The World Bank, 2012).
Higher education has provided access to students from a wide spectrum of ethnic, social, eco-
nomic, and cultural backgrounds that would not have the privilege to enter the ivory tower as
previously operated and perceived. Formal and systematic education has become a right and an
integral part of peoples lives and existence. The participation rate of the relevant age group in
2009 is 26% for male and 28% for female students, (The World Bank, 2012, p. 409). The total
college and university student enrollment was 150.7 million in 2009 and the increase since 1990
was 22% in North America to 216% in Africa (Chronicle of Higher Education, 2009).
While the expansion of education at all levels has reached a historic height, the content of ed-
ucation has also changed drastically from the oral tradition and faith or ritual based heritage and
values, to general learning of basic reading, writing, and arithmetic, and then again to many
specialized fields that focus on knowledge, professional careers, and financial benefits. The
purposes of education has shifted from the shaping and developing the philosophical king of
Platos era, to the enlightened gentlemen during and after the Renaissance, then the scien-
tists of the modern age, and now the good citizens and working force of the masses (Ozman
& Craver, 2012, Windolf, 1997). With these significant changes in education as well as the sep-
aration of religion and public education in the majority of the nations worldwide, the traditional
teaching and practices of cultural and spiritual heritages have faded or been overcrowded and
Spiritual heritage & education today
X. Di
University of Hawaii-Manoa, Honolulu, USA
ABSTRACT: This paper defines and synthesizes the basic and profound spiritual heritages from
both the East and West to illustrate what is missing in education today. The discussion focuses
on health and happiness, the essential elements for human existence and its quality. It examines
both religious and non-religious holistic practices in our traditions that nourish, enhance, and
develop quality, knowledge, and sustainability of humanity in connection with the universe and
cosmos as ONE. This paper discusses the considerations and the means for integrating such
spiritual heritages and practices in education classrooms today and shows the necessity, urgen-
cy, and significance for the survival of humanity and Mother Earth.
overtaken by practical and professional subject matters such as law, business, finance, and new-
er teaching methods and tools including computer, website, and iPad.
Interestingly, as we gain tremendous external knowledge, skills, and financial wealth, and
open and create new frontiers with sciences, technology, and medicine, our education systems
seem to become inclusive, comprehensive, and powerful. Yet, at the core, there is a growing
lack of spirituality, human values, and quality. Health and happiness, the basics of human life
and existence are noticeably missing throughout our educational systems. While the world is
becoming smaller with airplanes and high-speed internet, the human race has never before so
fragmented and separated from the family and community physically, psychologically, and in-
ternally.
The questions can be asked Is the traditional spirituality obsolete in the education of mod-
ern society? What is the relationship between spirituality and education? What role does spiritu-
al heritage play in this day and age? How does it impact education and the welfare of humanity
and why? This paper will examine the definition of spiritual heritage, synthesize and explore the
basic and profound commonality in the Eastern and Western traditions, and discuss and analyze
their implications for educational practices today.
2 SPIRITUAL HERITAGE DEFINED
What is spiritual heritage? Philosophically, the initial step of any scholarly endeavor is to exam-
ine and define the focal concept and establish the foundation of intellectual discourse. The con-
sensus of definition perhaps is easier to reach for heritage which is the knowledge, property,
and wisdom that is obtained, acquired, and passed down from ones biological and cultural line-
ages. Heritage lays down the common foundations for a human being, an ethnic group, a nation
or the entire humanity as the essence of the existence is maintained and developed. However,
when it comes to define spiritual or spirituality, the challenge is paramount. There can be
many different definitions or perspectives based on ones views, roots, and cultural contexts.
In English, the word of spiritual has multi-layers of meaning, including relating to sacred
matter, ecclesiastic or religious values, or of supernatural phenomenon (Websters Uni-
versal Encyclopedia Dictionary, 2002). While the historic context and development in western
history often connects and equates the spiritual matters with religions and churches, the scope of
spirituality extends far beyond the ritual and religious practices. Being spiritual or spirituali-
ty is embedded in social, cultural, and historic contexts, and different perspectives on the term
of spiritual or spirituality, result in a rich mosaic of human understanding of the properties
of this term.
At the heart of spirituality, despite of the differences, it is a human endeavor to fully grasp and
develop the consciousness to connect with the higher realms of the universe and the cosmos,
whether it is with or through an omnipotent God, or powerful natural and supernatural forces.
Such effort or practice opens to and integrates with all elements in all forms, dimensions, and
times, with a clear focus to better the self as well as all beings. This pursuit comes through a va-
riety of pathways, which may be religious worship, meditation, yoga, martial arts, or contempla-
tion. As a form of self-realization, spirituality is not only a subjective, abstract, and mental inner
process, as many would perceive. Actually it is a holistic process that employs the entire being,
physical, mental, psychological, and metaphysical, as well as the entire environment in which
the human being resides.
Spiritual heritage, therefore, focuses on the wellbeing of a person as well as humanity that
fosters cultivation, enlightenment, and state of the highest consciousness of Oneness. It consists
of beliefs, values, rituals, and daily practices, all inclusively. While it is largely inherited, it is
also transmitted through the continuous choices of each individual or group. The role and func-
tion of spiritual heritage is to sustain human beings, or cultural group, and humanity through
time tested knowledge, wisdom, and insights.
Spiritual heritage consists of multiple layers or aspects based on an individual or collective
consciousness along their spiritual journey. It starts with basic belief in and respect for a higher
power or powers. Some embark on this learning path with a simple desire and practice to devel-
op good health and longevity through the spiritual connections. Some seek an inward self-
awareness and development through spiritual connection and guidance for deeper understanding
Heritage 2012
of higher self. For others it is an altruist commitment to serve all humanity with spirituality.
Some are simply being One with all there is, possess no personal motives and desires, and reach
complete Oneness and peace. Regardless, which layer and for what purpose one engages in spir-
itual learning and growth, or whether one wants to be partake in the process, the reality is that
each and all are inevitably on this journey and bear the full impact, consequences, and outcomes
knowingly or unknowingly.
3 BASICS OF THE SPIRITUALITY
Based on the above definition of spiritual heritage, it is simply beyond the scope of this paper to
discuss our spiritual heritage in its entirety. This paper intends to synthesize three basic concepts
and related practices across all spiritual processes that impact significantly on health and happi-
ness.
3.1 Spiritual Connection
The primary and significant hallmark of spirituality, whether through religion, science, or other
metaphysical pathways is the recognition and integration of spiritual connectedness with higher
beings or forces beyond human and physical realms. Such connections may come through either
God, Goddess (or Gods and Goddesses), Buddha and Bodhisattvas, and deities such as Christi-
anity, Judaism, Buddhism, Hinduism, and Islam (Smith, 1991). Or the connections relate to nat-
ural and cosmic forces including the sun, the moon, earth, wind, stars, galaxies, and light. The
native American profound link with Mother Earth (Allen, 1992, MacFardden 2005), the Hawai-
ian worship of volcanic force and power through Pele (Lee & Willis, 1990), and the straditional
Chinese five elements of water, fire, wood, metal, and earth (Wing, 1979) illustrate the power
and impact of natural forces and phenomena on humanity.
The highest respect and honor for these connections manifest the human understanding and
consciousness that humanity is one of the links in the totality of the universe and is part of the
creation of the entire cosmos. In honoring and making these spiritual connections, humanity sit-
uates itself in the context of the macro or mega-reality of all species and elements and the com-
plete environment This realization and view are reached partially through the persistent and on-
going of human efforts of searching for truth and knowledge within and without. Contrary to the
focus primarily on the human alone, an approach that is ego-centric and closed and that isolates
humanity unrealistically, the spiritual focus on the human in relation with the universe and forc-
es around on all planes and in all realms presents a fluid and interdependent integration with the
reality seen or unseen beyond the physical. Thus it renders a comprehensive and inclusive uni-
verse and cosmos.
Such consciousness and understanding point out and explain human imperfection, miscon-
ceptions, and limitations on the one hand, and on the other hand, they provide the possibility
and pathways to perfection, truth, and freedom through the chosen spiritual connections. The re-
alization of such extensive relation and connection with all makes the seemingly chaotic chal-
lenges and twists and turns in life endurable and explainable experiences. More importantly,
such events and occurrence become meaningful lessons and potential growth for human being.
At the same time, they provide obtainable goals and inspiration for human beings to work to-
gether toward enlightenment, deliverance, and empowerment.
The actual ways of spiritual connections may vary from teaching to teaching, practice to prac-
tice, or religion to religion. The first common spiritual connection is for humans to follow the
spiritual teaching and principles and disciples or believers. Often such connection is formed
regularly through organized institutions and rituals as well as individual practices. The spiritual
power, may it be God or the Earth, provides all the guidance entirely. Another way of spiritual
connection is to make the connection as a channel or medium, seeking guidance and sharing that
with fellow men and women. The channel or medium often will become masters, gurus, or lead-
ers that serve a constituency of their followers. Yet, some will integrate through the spiritual
connections with the spiritual entity, thus becoming prophets, God, or Oneness with the spiritual
power. While certain practices are restricted to one approach only, in the course of historic prac-
tices, some integrate all three means and it is a combination, which utilizes one approach or an-
other as spiritually guided and as appropriate. For some spiritual practitioners, it is a gradual
evolution from one stage to another with progressive growth and approaches as illustrated
through Taniguchis work, Truth of Life (2006), till the final destination of void.
Regardless which pathway each believes and chooses to pursue, the spiritual connection of-
fers a deeper understanding of ones true self and nature as well as the vast and unknown uni-
verse. The process is very much captured in Platos allegory of the Cave in his The Republic
(Plato, 1960). At the same time, it provides a new sense of higher purposes and goals such as
self-cultivation, betterment, and social and cultural transformation and harmonization. While
many who start with personal cultivation and individual focus soon find through the spiritual
connection that they are very much connected and related with all, the destiny of all humanity
and universe. For instance, in Buddhism, while there is a difference at the beginning between
Theravada, which focuses on ones own cultivation and enlightenment, and Mahayana, which
teaches and shares the personal journey with all humanity (Harvey, 1990), as the cultivation
continues and elevates, the seemingly varied approaches merge as one during the process and at
their destination selfless, formless, emptiness.
The spiritual connection for an individual who seeks, embraces, practices, and understands is
not only a philosophical, abstract, and mental process. It manifests and integrates at all levels,
physical, emotional, environmental, and spiritual. Of the many impacts, first those who seek and
practice spiritual connections create a reality that offers meaning and rationale for their exist-
ence. The practice offers one the understanding of life and reasons of various aspects of chal-
lenges, and human efforts to make meaning and sense through the spiritual connection provide
an acceptance of life as is as well as an uplifting purpose or goal. While the actual life of the
spiritual practitioner may not be easier, the life and all the challenges, more often than not, are
more endurable for the practitioner due to his or her spiritual belief and practice. The fear, inse-
curity, and uncertainty that is associates with individual loneliness and isolation, and negatively
impact on human physical and emotional wellbeing can be kept at bay. For instance, for Bud-
dhist believers, the physical life is viewed as full of suffering. The spiritual scriptures teach an
understanding and commitment to go through such suffering so that one can be delivered and
reach nirvana (Bodhi, 2012; Jing Gang Sutra,1980). This awareness and knowledge bring mean-
ing and purpose into the current state and make the physical life livable. Moreover, those who
form a spiritual community also provide important social and human support and offer compas-
sion and assistance at times of need.
The spiritual connection requires spiritual principles such as honesty, altruism, respect, love,
compassion, peace, and honorable conduct. They form the moral guidelines for the practitioners
in their spiritual practice as well as daily life. As a result, such consciousness and awareness in-
fluence their interactions with other human beings and environments. When the spiritual princi-
ples are followed in real life, they assist the individual in creating a harmonious relationship
with all the people and elements around them. Consequently, the individual has a higher proba-
bility of good health and happiness, especially according to the natural and spiritual cause and
effect laws, with the condition that the individual follows the spiritual principles.
In addition, the practices that develop spiritual connection such as meditation, chanting, and
spiritually guided movements have tremendous physical, emotional, and mental benefits as well
as spiritual ones (Zhong, 2007). The research has documented the impact of these practices on
reducing human stress, hypertension, blood pressure, emotional imbalance, pain, and unhealthy
weight etc. (Northrup, 2010). While the actual ways to develop, maintain, and expand spiritual
connection can be numerous, the primary effectiveness resulted from the focus on the positivity
within and without the human body at all levels, the tranquility and calmness that enhance the
immune system and the emotional and mental body, and the spiritual connection allows the ful-
ly engagement with the energy, vibration, and spiritual field of a higher level. The ultimate goal
for the spiritual practitioner is to transcend the physical and mental reality to a higher plane.
Therefore, the impact of spiritual connection on the human being is a holistic one, and it
composites the entire spectrum from physical body to spiritual being. It contributes to the well-
being of an individual and humanity in health and happiness inclusively.
Heritage 2012
3.2 Spiritual Centers
Historically various methods have been developed in support of the spiritual cultivation and
transformation of the human being. While the spiritual path is a holistic one, there are particular
areas in the human physical body that are the focal points of development in particular. These
areas are the foundations and pathways for spiritual connection and development. At the same
time, they are the cores of human physical and emotional health. Based on the spiritual tradi-
tions, the focus and names of these centers vary some focus on one, or three, five, seven, nine
or more. The most commonly known is based on the Buddhist system of seven centers (Selby&
Selig,1992). They are called Chakras, Fields of Essence, Soul Houses, and Spiritual
Points, and many other terms in different cultures, languages, and practices. This paper will
highlight the most basic and important two:
3.2.1 Lower Dan Tian (LDT)
LDT is also called the Second Soul House in some spiritual and energy practices, the Sacred
Chakra in Buddhist zen and yoga meditation, Mana in Hawaiian spiritual hula and practice,
and Golden Urn in Daoist tradition. It refers to the post-natal energy center built inside our
physical body, which is approximately one and half body inches (the width of the knuckle of
our right thumb) and two body inches inside. This area also is between acupuncture points Qi
Hai and Qi Xue (means Ocean of Qi and Opening Place of Qi in Chinese).
Much of the spiritual practice is to balance and center all the physical and emotional energy
to this area for the focus and foundation of spiritual development (Myss, 1996). In other words
it is the physical base of spiritual purification, alignment, and transformation. At the same time,
it also serves as the headquarters and the root of spiritual connection and manifestation. The un-
derstanding of the importance and impact of this spiritual center and the persistent and deliber-
ate practice of its development affect the physical, emotional, and mental health of an individual
and determine the path and outcome of his or her spiritual journey.
The importance and impact of this center are well understood in medicine and many other
fields of human professions and activities. As early as 5,000 years ago, the Chinese ancient
medicine text Yellow Emperors Cannon (Yellow Emperor, 2002) already described the Qi
life force and energy flows and Dan the essence of Qi and their concentrated locations in the
human body and their impact on health and treatment of illnesses. In contemporary time, re-
search has indicated the effective impact of building the strength and centered focus and energy
in LDT on blood pressure, anxiety, hypertension, and many other physical conditions. For other
fields, especially kinetic fields such as martial arts, dance, and sports, the foundation of all train-
ing is exactly this area, for physical, emotional, and mental balance, flexibility, focus, grounded-
ness, and many other benefits. At the same time the focus on this area ensures safety and sound-
ness of movement and decision-making.
The actual practices for enhancing and building the LDT are numerous, the goal is the same
to make the inner connection with the center of ones core in order to live and connect with all
movement, tasks, and connections socially, culturally, and spiritually. It is not an exaggeration
to say this is the foundation of human life, intelligence, wisdom, and spirituality.
3.2.2 Message Center (MC)
The MC is between the two nipples, in the center of the chest. For acupuncture, the point is
called Shan Zhong (Ma, 2007). It is also called the Forth Chakra or Heart Chakra. This spir-
itual center is in charge of all information or messages within our human physical, emotional,
mental and spiritual body. Whether one has positive energy openness in this area affects the per-
sons attitude, disposition, kindness, love, and compassion. More importantly for spiritual prac-
titioners, it impacts on the quality and ability of spiritual connection.
A closed MC can result in the shutdown of information flow in all aspects, thus creates seri-
ous challenges in a persons physical, emotional, mental, and spiritual being. Depression is a
common result of a closed MC in connection with other factors. A closed MC affects a persons
social, professional, and personal interactions adversely. An opened Message Center, on the
other hand, gathers positive information and messages through all elements within and around
the person. It leads to an open heart and open-mindedness as well as to positivity, generosity,
kindness, and compassion among many beneficial qualities. It enhances immune systems and all
aspects of a persons development, may it be professional or spiritual. In Chinese there is a say-
ing describing a person with an open MC as a heart as vast and open as a valley. When a per-
son is happy, it is Kai Xin open hearted. While for a closed MC, it is small hearted or
when a person has sad emotions, it is described as wounded heart. These illustrate the rela-
tionship between MC and good health and happiness.
4 SPIRITUAL VIBRATIONS & FREQUENCIES
Another key practice in spirituality across humanity is through spiritual vibrations and frequen-
cies. Such practice comes in the form of chanting, mantras, singing hymns, spiritual dances,
spiritual instruments such as singing bowls for Tibetan Buddhism, church organs for Christiani-
ty, wooden fish for Buddhist scripture recitation (Lee, 1985; Zhong, 2007). Sciences and phys-
ics indicate that all sounds and movements create and transfer vibrations and frequencies of en-
ergy. Such energy vibration and frequencies have their own property and have various impacts
on human physical, emotional, mental, and spiritual body based on each persons specific condi-
tions and needs. Spiritual vibrations and frequencies differ from regular sounds, movements,
and their vibrations in the sense that they come from the following venues:
1) The spiritual songs, dances, and instruments are used exclusively for spiritual rituals,
ceremonies and activities. They carry special spiritual teaching, message, and mean-
ing.
2) Mantras and spiritual chanting mostly come directly from spiritual connection and
thus carry higher and specific spiritual vibrations and frequencies, higher than regular
human ones.
3) The spontaneous spiritual vibrations and frequencies in the form of songs, move-
ments, poems, etc. are created through direct spiritual connection, independent of
human mind. They carry spiritual messages, teaching, energy, and power.
Their usage during the spiritual practices aim at building the focus and concentration, making
the spiritual connection, creating a strong spiritual field and community, and promoting cleans-
ing, purification, healing, awakening, and enlightenment. For instance, Sufisms spiritual dance
creates a trance for them to make a pure connection bewteen themselves and spiritual world.
Native Americans powwow is a scared gathering to connect with their ancestors, Mother Earth,
nature, and spiritual lineages. Daoist chant teachers the essence of their spiritual practices and
principles. Da Bei Zhou (the Great Compassion Mantra) of Avalokiteshvara (Guan Yin, God or
Goddess of Compassion) in Buddhist practice is used for centering ones attention fully on spir-
itual practice, purifying, teaching, learning, and healing.
Although people are generally familiar with various religious practices, most may not be fully
aware the deeper reasons and profound impact behind such practices, even among those firm
believers. It is also important to point out those who practice and serve with spiritual vibrations
and frequencies are not limited to religious believers, and they include many who are doctors,
scientists, professionals, and ordinary human beings who have been seeking truth and learning
consistently through a variety of pathways in their lives.
Spiritual vibrations and frequencies are the means as well as a manifestation of spirituality
(Saso, 1995). They are holistically connected and integrated with spiritual centers (all vibration
and frequencies must come and go through such centers) and direct spiritual connections. To-
gether, they form the basic triad of all spiritual paths that lead to spiritual fulfillment as well as
physical and emotional health and happiness.
5 RELEVANCE FOR EDUCAITON TODAY
While thiss paper has focused on spiritual heritage, its definition, and three of its main compo-
nents up to this point, the question can be asked, what is the relationships with education today
or if there is any? Or why do we even need to connect these two seemingly separate elements?
In shuman modern history, the separation of church and state as well as that of religion and pub-
lic education has been the norm in many nations. This has continuously created heated debates
Heritage 2012
and conflicts among the different belief systems. Why, then, is it necessary to confuse the matter
by introducing spiritual heritage to education or mixing the two for further complication?
5.1 Needs for integrating spiritual heritage
In order to address the above question, we will examine the issues in the following aspects:
First, education is seeking knowledge and truth for human survival and development. Spiritual
heritage has played a significant role throughout history for just those purposes. It encompasses
collective insight, practices, and wisdom of all human races, cultures, and history at all times.
More importantly, spiritual heritage is not a narrow or abstract subject. It integrates and impacts
on every aspects of human life, personal or collective, physical or mental, and beyond. Actually
spiritual heritage itself is the content, process, result, and outcome of education to a large extent.
As spiritual heritage focuses on the human relationship and connection with all components,
heaven and earth, in all universes, at all times and the very source and destiny of human exist-
ence, to leave out spiritual heritage in education is to educate incompletely, teaching the shell
without the substance.
Secondly, the spiritual centers and connections are the foundations of human holistic health,
including physical, emotional, mental elements and beyond. Currently, the formal education
systems focus on many subject matters, however, health is not really addressed besides the min-
imal PE classes and extra curricular sports. Actually the latters sports perhaps are the major
sources of broken bones and sprains among youngsters, which may impact their entire life-time.
Due to the change of life styles, todays youth have many health challenges. In affluent nations,
obesity, ADHD, drug addictions, diabetes, and mental confusion become prevalent. While in the
developing countries, AIDS, malnutrition, TB, and hepatitis continue to harm their health and
threaten their lives. Certainly with the advancement in medicine and technology, new drugs and
treatments have prolonged human lifespan in the entire world. However, at the same time, med-
ical expenses have skyrocketed and have become daunting even for some of the wealthy na-
tions. The World Health Report (2005) showed that in 11 million children under 5 years die
worldwide from preventable illnesses and half million women die during or soon after childbirth
in that year. The basic and proven spiritual practices on human health are very much needed in
the current education system. The development of science and technology has made the world
much smaller and highly interactive. All this has brought a unique opportunity to teaching and
sharing the effective spiritual practices in this regard. What used to be highly guarded spiritual
secrets now are openly shared and taught worldwide by spiritual leaders. The shared teaching
and knowledge promote important synthesis and new development that have not been done in
previous history. The internet enables the teaching and sharing of spiritual practices to spread.
However, the commercial and opportunist spiritual teaching have also become prevalent. For-
malizing the quality spiritual teaching for good health in established educational schools will
prevent the danger of misuse of spiritual teaching.
Spiritual centers and practices impact greatly on human intelligence, creativity, knowledge,
and decision-making. In this regard, they are powerful venues and tools for education. The inte-
gration of such practices will connect human learning from individual centered, mind dominated
and human focused to natural guided, cosmos focused, spiritually connected learning and
growth. It takes on a much more inclusive, relational, and comprehensive approach and opens
the horizon infinitely and unlimitedly. The benefits are simply unfathomable.
More importantly, the spiritual heritage encompasses the natural and spiritual principles, and
provides human moral and ethical guidance. Such principles and guidelines not only apply to
human to human interaction but also consists of interrelations with all species, all elements, and
all forms (or no forms), at all times, in all realms or dimensions. To understand such principles
and live by them is the key of human survival. In education today, the purpose is to educat
learners with knowledge, morality, and abilities so that they will be productive and good citi-
zens of democracy. However, the greed, ego, and selfishness in a highly competitive world
driven by capitalism and technology, educational systems worldwide have produced more grad-
uates yet the moral decay and corruption are rampant. Few are at peace from within and there is
definitely no peace in this world. Few are genuinely happy, while all seem to be richer (or poor-
er). The core of spiritual heritage provides exactly what human beings need the most in order to
live in good health, peace, and happiness.
Based on the reasons discussed here, the question is not whether to integrate spiritual heritage
into education, it is how to do so with deliberation and effectiveness.
5.2 Considerations for integrating spiritual heritage
In order to integrate spiritual heritages with education today, the recommendations and consid-
erations are as follows:
Due to the nature of spiritual heritage, the integration needs to be infused into all levels and
subject matters of education. It needs to be learned not simply as book knowledge, but as ways
of living and learning. Spiritual heritage is to be lived and practiced through out ones education
and life. As Dewey points out, Education is not a preparation of life. Education is life itself.
At the same time, it does take systematic planning, development, and implementation. For edu-
cation today is very much subject oriented, the interdisciplinary teaching often is marginalized
at best or completely left to the wayside of the curriculum. Curriculum development for spiritual
heritage can be structured in a module format that can be flexibly integrated with literature,
math, history, physical education, music, arts etc. at different levels at all times.
The spiritual heritage honors all pathways to enlightenment and positive cultivation that are
good for the individual, humanity, and the universe. The open-hearted approach can focus on
the similarities of all the spiritual principles, practices, their impacts and benefits, instead of the
past practice of rivalry and competition among various religions and traditions. It is a celebra-
tion of our rainbow heritage and a respect of individual choice without judgment or condemna-
tion of traditions and teachings other than our personal paths. Such teaching promotes under-
standing and unity of humanity, and all elements in the cosmos, not an egocentric superiority or
racial or gender domination. The current multicultural education has provided theories and
models for diversity and they are yet to be expanded to an inclusion of spiritual heritage.
The principles of spiritual heritage have provided deep insight regarding knowledge of hu-
manity and the universes around us we are all profoundly related with ALL elements around
us throughout time and beyond. The consciousness and understanding of such connectedness is
very much the foundation of individual and human learning, growth, knowledge, life, society,
and destiny. At present, most of the teaching in formal education is subject matter oriented, field
specific, external, and knowledge is compartmentalized, materialized, and profit oriented. The
integration of spiritual heritage in education will bring a balance with an inward journey, inter-
related approach, and scientific principles that work beyond the mechanical and physical world
including all spheres of existence and non-existence. More importantly, it brings the knowledge
regarding who we are, truly are and becoming, and our personal chosen purposes and meaning
to the forefront of our otherwise drifting or conformed existence. The spiritual cultivation and
enlightenment develop love, compassion, freedom, creativity, and peace that bringss joy and in-
spiration to our education.
Certainly, health and happiness are the foundations and goals of effective education for the
individual, humanity, and society. Spiritual heritage, in all traditions, offers a vast range of test-
ed and proven practices through thousands of years of human history or even longer. Contrary
to the common perception that it is extremely difficult to learn and grasp, and that it can only
happen when one commits seriously to one particular religion, the most profound and powerful
spiritual practice is the most simple and easy to learn and practice and anyone can learn and
practice. For instance, here are two examples of practices that develop spiritual centers:
LDT Stand upright and relaxed, feet apart shoulder-wide, and close eyes for better concen-
tration. Send and gather all your energy from head to toes to your LDT. Allow the energy to
flow naturally there and form an energy pool or ball. Connect with the energy inside your LDT
with all the positive energy and light around you from heaven and earth.
Enjoy the connection for 1 minute, 5 minute, or as long or short as you want. Your energy is
balanced and charged instantly. This will benefit your health and everything you do. The spir-
itual connection will gradually enhance your holistic being.
MC In the same position above, open your arms to the fullest and open your heart at the
same time. Again connect with the positive compassion, love, joy, light, and peace within your
MC. When you are done gather all the new openness and love and light and pack them into your
LDT.
Heritage 2012
The challenge for the effectiveness is all in the persistent practice. Here is where education
comes in. Through integrated and ongoing spiritual heritage at all levels, spiritual heritage can
be shared, sustained, and developed at all levels. Thus it can become a part of ones life instead
of book knowledge. For the successful integration of spiritual heritage in education today, it
takes a whole village or the world, of spiritual leaders and practitioners, teachers, students, par-
ents, curriculum developers, administrators, policy makers.
6 CONCLUSION
Spiritual heritage is indeed all encompassing, omnipresent, and omnipotent. While it is vast and
infinite across all cultures and times, the essence of spiritual heritage has profound themes that
transcend time and places. The richness and diversity of its manifestation provide infinite possi-
bility and venues for education to integrate it into educational process holistically. This paper
advocates strongly for such integration, which actually can start with very basic and simple ap-
proaches by teaching spiritual connection, building and practicing to balance and focus energy
in LDT and open MC. Seemingly easy and insignificant, such teaching and practice when it is
continued persistently have the great potential to affect human health and happiness positively
and can enhance the quality and depth of education. Education without integration and devel-
opment of our spiritual heritage destruct the world and humanness while true education imbed-
ded with the essence of spiritual heritage enable us to center, focus, and live with good health
and happiness in peace.
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ciety. Retrieved 2012-02-29.
Gethin, R. 1998. The Foundations of Buddhism. New York: Oxford University Press.
Grove, A.T. 1980. Geomorphic evolution of the Sahara and the Nile. In M.A.J. Williams & H. Faure
(eds), The Sahara and the Nile: 21-35. Rotterdam: Balkema.
Dalai Lama. 2012. My spiritual journey. New York: HarperCollins Publishers.
Dewey, J. 1916. Democracy and esducation. New York: Macmillan.
Harvey, P. 1990. Introduction to Buddhism. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press.
Keown. 1996. Buddhism. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press.
Lee, P. J. & Willis, K. 1990. Tales from the Night rainbow. Honolulu: Night Rainbow Publishing Co.
Lee, S. O. 1985. Meditation in movement I&II. North Clarendon, VT:Tuttle Publishing Co.
Ma, R. L. 2007. The wisdom of good health. Jiang Su, China: Jiangsu Literature & Art Publishing House.
MacFardden, S. 2005. Legend of the Rainbow Warriors.New York: The Harlem Writers Guild Press.
More college student around the world. 2009. Chronicle of Higher Education, September 18, 2009, 1.
Myss, C. 1996. The Anatomy of the spirit. New York: Three Rivers Presss.
Northrup, C. 2010. Womens bodies, womens wisdom. Random House
Saso, M. 1995. The Gold Pavilion: Taoist ways to peace, healing, and long life. Boston: Charles Tuttle
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Growth, New York: Random House
Smith, H. 1991. Worlds religions. New York: HarperCollins Publishers.
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The World Bank 2012 Development Report. 2012. Washington DC: The World Bank.
The World Health Report. 2005. New York: The World Health Organization.
Websters Universal Encyclopedia Dictionary. (2002). New York: Barnes & Nobles Books, 1777.
Windolf, P. 1997. Expansion and structural change higher education in Germany, the United States and
Japan, 1870-1990. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
Wing, R. L. 1979. The I Ching workbook. Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc.
Yellow Emperor. 2012. The Yellow emperors Classics of internal medicine. Trans. by Ilza Veith. Los
Angelus, CA: The Uniersity of California Press.

Heritage 2012

1 INTRODUCTION: SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT THROUGH HERITAGE AND
EDUCATION
It is generally accepted that the term heritage is complex and multifaceted, including both tangi-
ble and intangible aspects in the form of material culture and in human behaviours and practices
(UMASS, 2012 and ICOM, 2012). The academic debate surrounding what heritage actually
comprises in terms of the tangible and intangible began in the 1980s and is therefore well estab-
lished and extensive; with explanations agreeing that it can include anything from historic build-
ings and parks and gardens to ideas, memories and language (Howard, 2003 and UMASS,
2012). Its relationship with individual, local, regional and national identity has also been ex-
Sustainable development through heritage and education: the new
Peterborough effect.
Hunt, A.
Peterborough Regional College/University Centre Peterborough and Opportunity Peterborough
Kershaw, A.
Peterborough Regional College/University Centre Peterborough and Opportunity Peterborough

ABSTRACT: This paper argues that engagement with heritage by educational organisa-
tions is an effective tool in transforming the lives of young people and developing sus-
tainable futures for Englands urban areas (UNESCO 2011). The Peterborough Effect
was a slogan employed by the Peterborough Development Corporation in the 1970s and
1980s to promote one of the most successful New Town developments in post war Brit-
ain and to encourage economic investment in the city from external businesses
(Bendixson, 1988). Nearly 40 years later the Development Corporation has been super-
seded by Opportunity Peterborough, an urban regeneration company that recognises the
role of heritage and education in the sustainable development of the city (Opportunity
Peterborough 2011). Since 2009 Opportunity Peterborough and Peterborough Regional
College have worked in partnership to deliver a project initially funded by the Big Lot-
tery which seeks to build the confidence and practical skills of young people who are:
de-motivated, vulnerable, disengaged or likely to disengage(Peterborough Regional
College, 2010). In 2010 a group of young people successfully completed a dry stone
walling course, and subsequent groups have engaged in similar activities including re-
storing a dry stone wall at John Clares Cottage, a regionally significant heritage site.
The project has also grown to include a hedge laying course; a nearly extinct traditional
rural skill in England. This paper is presented in three parts; the first part considers the
wider academic, social, and political landscape, context within which this project is de-
livered. The second part of the paper is an evaluative case study demonstrating how the
heritage skills project has impacted positively on the lives of young people from the
city, and on the local historic environment. The final element of the paper consists of a
reflective summary of the project by several of the young people that are currently part
of the project. It is intended that this innovative approach offers three perspectives (that
of the academic, the practioner, and the participant) on the role of heritage education
projects in sustainable development.

plored in depth by several academics (Brisbane and Wood, 1996, Lowenthal, 1985 and 1998,
Howard, 2003) and the impact of nostalgia on heritage is also a well-covered topic (Hewison,
1987, Lowenthal 189, Walsh, 1992, Bennett, 1995). In the last decade the discourse surrounding
the nature of heritage has become more abstract, with further consideration given to its non fis-
cal value, to whom it belongs, and its relationship to the past, present and future (Brisbane and
Wood, 1996, UMASS, 2012, and ICOM, 2012). Current debates on heritage focus on it being a
contemporary activity or topic for public debate, a tool for urban and regional planning, and its
role in the social development of individuals, communities, and even nations (UMASS, 2012
and Harrison, 2012). Heritage-led regeneration and its social impact has also become an impor-
tant debate. In 2003 the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister published the report Sustainable
Communities: Building for the Future which identified the opportunities sustainable communi-
ties can offer groups, families, and individuals (ODPM, 2003). This concept has led to discus-
sions about how heritage can play a leading role in the creation of sustainable communities, so-
cial and economic regeneration, and indeed to debates about the role of young people in this
development (Ela Palmer Heritage, 2008).
Although broad scale heritage regeneration programmes such as Newcastles Grainger Town
development and Nottinghams Lace Market project had transformed the social and economic
performance of areas and their population, (English Heritage, unknown) the power of heritage
to transform individual lives was first recognised within the museum sector. When New Labour
came to power in 1997 under the leadership of Blair the role of museums was redefined as they
changed from repositories of objects to agents of social inclusion (Sandell, 1998, p1). From
the late 1990s onwards many museums began to focus on attracting new audiences and previ-
ously excluded groups, to become active partners in the communities within which they were
situated, and to develop their education provision in the widest sense (Hunt, 2012). It is clear
from public information and academic research that the social inclusion agenda bought new au-
diences into museums during this period and encouraged their growth into sustainable entities;
for example in 2002 Ipsos MORI conducted a survey into the impact of free entry to national
museums which stated that in that year the DCMS announced a 62% increase in visitor num-
bers in the seven months since entry charges were scrapped and that there had also been a rise
in museum visiting among those in DE social classes (Ipsos Mori, 2002). Young people were
quickly identified as an excluded, or hard to reach, group by government departments, advisory
bodies, and institutions themselves. There was also rapid recognition of the potential to use mu-
seums as a tool for developing a sense of place, belonging and identity with this group (MLA,
2012). Good practice in audience development and becoming socially inclusive for the benefit
of individuals and communities was primarily informed by ground breaking research by aca-
demics such as Hooper Greenhill, Dodd, and Sandell, based at Leicester Universitys Re-
search Centre for Museums and Galleries. Academics from the Centre authored several reports
which changed the face of museum practice, such as the GLLAM Report in 2000 (which was
part funded by several large urban museums), the report Perspectives on Museums, Galleries
and Social Inclusion in 2001, and the evaluative report on The Impact of the DFES Museums
and Galleries Education Programme in 2002. These reports critically evaluated traditional mu-
seum practice, forcing practioners to re-evaluate the role of museums and to explore ways of
developing a more active role within society that was focused on empowerment and engage-
ment for a variety of people rather than formal education. In the February 2012 edition of the
Museums Journal the transformation of museums into community hubs, and the positive eco-
nomic and social impact of this shift was explored in the context of volunteer run museums and
Camerons Conservative Partys Big Society. The article demonstrates that in just fifteen years
the social inclusion agenda has grown to encompass economic regeneration (Weinstein, 2012).
The Museum of East Anglian Life in Stowmarket, Suffolk, is an example of how social inclu-
sion has evolved in this way. Often highlighted as leading institution in terms of current good
practice, the museum runs a museum based work learning programme for people who are in
long term unemployment, and a successful social enterprise business which supplies floral dis-
plays for the town. The museum also disseminates this good practice and informs current aca-
demic debates on the role of museums by producing evaluative reports on its work (Museum of
East Anglian Life 2012). The approach to community engagement and social and economic de-
velopment that is well established in museums has recently cascaded out to the wider heritage
sector. Recent work by academics based at Newcastle Universitys Centre for Urban and Re-
Heritage 2012

gional Development Studies has sought to explore how young people feel towards, and engage
with, their local historic environment. This research is also groundbreaking as in 2009 when a
literature review was carried out for the Sense of Place Social Capital and the Historic Envi-
ronment project it was discovered that there was virtually no earlier work on the views of
young people on their local environment (Bradley et al, 2011). Their 2011 report, Assessing
the Importance and Value of Historic Buildings to Young People, produced for English Herit-
age, states that their research has identified that the historic environment is important to young
people, and has the power to instill a sense of pride and attachment to their local environment.
However, it also makes an important correlation between poverty and reduced levels of en-
gagement with the historic built environment in groups of young people (Bradley et al, 2011).
The debate around heritage skills and their use as a tool in sustainability is far less developed
than that surrounding museums, and projects such as Care and Repair appear to be rare at this
point in time. Discussions around the need for the reinvigoration of traditional heritage skills
and building crafts rose to prominence with the 2004 report, Crafts in English Countryside:
Towards a Future, edited by E.J.T Collins. This report is very much set in the rural context, as
its title suggests, with little appreciation for the impact that the crafts and skills assessed in the
report could have on young people living in urban areas. However, the report does acknowledge
that whilst the skills are rural by tradition, servicing agriculture and the farming community,
they can also be found located mainly in villages, market towns and suburban hinterlands,
which relates well to Peterborough (Collins, 2004). The report assessed a range of heritage
crafts and skills in danger of disappearing including heritage building crafts such as dry stone
walling, along with the profiles of the types of people working in the sector. In 2004 people
working in this sector were primarily from a middle class background and were previously em-
ployed in a relatively higher status occupation (Collins, 2004). The report does not discuss any
schemes involving disengaged young people at this point in time. In 2002 the National Training
Heritage Group was formed as a reaction to a recognized shortage of craftspeople specialising in
heritage building skills. In 2005 the group commissioned a report entitled The Skills Needs
Analysis of the Built Heritage Sector to inform its practice and training agenda (NHTG, 2005).
In 2008 this report was reviewed and updated and the report commented on the perception of
people that there was a lack of interest in traditional building skills by young people, that
stockholders are sceptical both of the skills levels of younger recruits and of their willingness
to work at the salaries that can be offered for this kind of employment, and that they were often
unwilling to let young people work on their properties (NHTG, 2008). These findings informed
the forward plan of the organisation positively, with them agreeing to encourage engagement
with the historic environment by young people by increasing interactive demonstrations by
contractors and craftspeople within schools, at skills events or as part of historic environment
and construction sector education and outreach programmes, and by developing more links
with formal education programmes, and vocational training such as apprenticeships, to meet
employer needs through the NVQ level 3 Heritage Skills qualification and the NVQ Level 4
Senior Craftsperson qualification (NHTG, 2008). However, there is no clear provision in this
report for using heritage as a tool for social and economic development, and whilst this might be
considered as beyond the organisations remit, it could also be argued that this is an area that
should have been considered as the organisation discusses Further Education at length in its re-
port, and inclusion has been on the FE agenda for some time. Arguably, this exclusion may re-
flect the demographic of those involved in heritage crafts and skills as identified by the Crafts
in the English Countryside Report (Collins, 2004).
It is clear from the limited material available exploring traditional crafts and building tech-
niques that organisations do not fully appreciate the extent to which heritage skills might be
used to engage and inspire young people and build sustainable communities, in the way in
which heritage has been used in the museum context for the last decade or so. It is likely that
this is because the industry is responding to a crisis linked to the survival of skills and economic
stress at the moment and needs to move beyond this to be able to develop a more inclusive and
innovative approach to education and engagement. It is also apparent that there is a need for ap-
propriately qualified young people to move into the heritage building and craft skills sector, to
replace an aging workforce (Collins, 2004), and whilst there is currently a focus on traditional
and formal educational routes in acquiring this workforce, there is an opportunity for the Further

Education Sector to develop their provision in this area, particularly considering non tradition-
al learners.
It is within the framework of using heritage to engage disaffected young people that in 2009
the Care and Repair project was developed by Alice Kershaw (Opportunity Peterborough) and
Jane Hodges (Peterborough Regional College). The project also aimed to respond to the needs
of the historic local environment in Peterborough and a local shortage in appropriately skilled
craftspeople, whilst recognising the opportunity for innovation within the British heritage skills
sector.
2 PETERBOROUGH
Peterborough is a unitary authority area located in the East of England, with a compact urban
centre in a predominantly rural area. 173,000 people are currently estimated to live in the city,
with 66% of the population of working age and 40% of the population under the age of
29(Opportunity Peterborough, 2011).
The city has a history of human habitation stretching back over 5000 years, due to its location
on a clay island surrounded by resourcerich fenland. There are over 1,000 listed buildings in
the city, with a quarter of the 67 Grade I list entries located within the medieval cathedral pre-
cincts in the city centre. Peterborough is not a homogenous city, and the villages and settlements
that surround it vary greatly in character. The city has 29 conservation areas, predominantly lo-
cated in rural areas with the exception of the city centre, a conservation area designated as at
risk by English Heritage, the Central Park conservation area, and the Victorian New England
railway cottages in the north of the city centre (English Heritage, 2011).
Despite its long history and important Medieval and Victorian buildings Peterborough is syn-
onymous with the British governments post war New Town rebuilding programme. The city
was designated a New Town in 1968 and the Peterborough Development Corporation was es-
tablished which built new townships, attracted business and industry to area, and increased the
size of the city (Bendixon, 1988). Rather than traditional models of growth with gradual expan-
sion from a historic core, the city experienced forced development across a wider area, creating
a dispersed population of incomers without a flagship city centre. The New Town development
transformed Peterborough from an urban centre that functioned more like a market town into a
bustling modern city only fifty minutes away from London, but it has left the city with problems
of both an abstract and practical nature (Opportunity Peterborough, 2011).
The citys identity is unclear from both geographical and historical perspectives, with aca-
demics asking if it is a Medieval cathedral city, a Victorian railway city, a twentieth-century
New Town, or indeed all three (Hunt 2011)? Although Peterborough has a diverse business
economy and has been relatively resilient to the effects of the macro-economic crisis, the city
does face social and economic challenges, and it is currently the 90th most deprived local au-
thority in the country out of a total of 354 authorities, with some areas within the top 5% most
deprived wards in the country. These areas are located in the central urban areas of the city and
are affected by high rates of health deprivation, with life expectancy below the national average
for men and women. There are also high levels of deficiency measured on the income and em-
ployment scales, whereas the least disadvantaged areas are largely in the rural areas which fall
within the unitary authority area. Peterborough is also a designated dispersal area and home to a
significant number of asylum seeking children and families. Until recently, Peterboroughs
Gross Value Added indicator was relatively strong and above regional and national averages,
however it has recently dipped (Opportunity Peterborough, 2011).
The skill levels of people living in Peterborough are rising, however levels in the city are still
below national and regional averages. Although the city has a higher than average claimant
count for Job Seekers Allowance which highlights a higher degree of unemployment, this has
fallen as the economy has moved into recovery, bucking the national trend. More severe, per-
haps, is the impact of the NEET (young people not in education, employment or training) phe-
nomenon. Whilst NEET levels are in line with regional and national averages, there are now
clusters of vulnerable young people concentrated in the more deprived areas of the city such as
Dogsthorpe, Paston, Ravensthorpe, and Orton Longueville. These young people, particularly
Heritage 2012

those aged 16 18, face real challenges in accessing educational and training opportunities and
entering the citys workforce (NHS, 2007).
It is within this complex geographical and social landscape that the Care and Repair project
was conceived, with the aim to develop the skills of young people designated as NEET in the
area as part of a programme to conserve and preserve Peterboroughs built historic environment.
The project began in 2009 with Alice Kershaw (Opportunity Peterborough) and Jane Hodges
(Peterborough Regional College) working in partnership to bid for Big Lottery Awards for All
funding in order to train young people in heritage building crafts whilst restoring and improving
the environment in the Greater Peterborough Area. The original brief from Opportunity Peter-
borough anticipated four key outcomes; the use of heritage as a driver for traditional skills de-
velopment, the conservation of derelict dry stone walls within conservation areas, raising
awareness of the value of heritage within the local population, and breaking down identity bar-
riers between urban and rural (Opportunity Peterborough, 2011).
This paper seeks to demonstrate that in just three years this project has transformed the lives
of local young people and has contributed to the protection of the historic environment. This is
achieved through an evaluative case study of the project, demonstrating how the project has
contributed to the citys sustainability to date by transforming the lives of those involved and
contributing to the restoration and preservation of Peterboroughs historic environment. Finally,
reflections by the current cohort involved in the project are provided to reaffirm the success of
the project to date. They are not interwoven into the text as they provide far more powerful tes-
timonies when read individually, and have had little editorial intervention apart from spelling
and some grammar which is denoted by the used of brackets. The paper concludes with the ar-
gument that heritage can be a powerful tool in transforming the lives and prospects of young
people, and can contribute to the sustainability of urban environments in Britain.
3 CASE STUDY: THE CARE AND REPAIR DRY STONE WALLING PROJECT IN
PETERBOROUGH
As part of the heritage regeneration programme established by Opportunity Peterborough, Eng-
lish Heritage and Peterborough City Council, a pilot dry stone walling project, called Care and
Repair was devised by Alice Kershaw and Jane Hodges in 2009. It was planned that this pro-
ject would be delivered through a partnership between local education provider Peterborough
Regional College and not-for-profit economic development company Opportunity Peterbor-
ough, with initial funding from the Big Lottery Awards for All programme. The project aimed
to provide on-site practical training in heritage skills from experts in the field, in primarily rural
conservation area locations within the Peterborough Unitary Authority Area, targeting young
people designated as NEET. It also aimed to create a sustainable future for the heritage sector in
Peterborough by increasing the local skills base. This project also aimed to bring young people
from the urban centre of Peterborough into contact with those living in the rural hinterland of
the city (Opportunity Peterborough, 2009).
The need to focus on dry stone walling as a rural skill for development was informed by an
important aspect of the areas built historic environment; the use of oolithic limestone as an ur-
ban and rural building material. There was also an existing survey from 2009 (The Ufford Wall
Survey) that identified the need for extensive repairs to traditional limestone stone boundary
walls within the unitary authority area (Ufford Parish Council, 2009). As Ufford sits in one of
the 29 conservation areas within the authority Ufford Parish Council identified the need to work
in partnership with Peterborough City Council, English Heritage, and other bodies to assist in
the repair of the walls using local, traditional, methods (Peterborough City Council, 2009). The
target group for the project was determined by a number of city wide strategies and issues. Pe-
terborough City Councils 2008 Sustainable Community Strategy had cited creating opportuni-
ties tackling inequalities as one of its key priority areas, along with improving skills and edu-
cation in the city. Other objectives in the report included providing people with the skills needed
to secure jobs locally, to foster a sense of pride in the citys diverse and distinctive culture, and
to pioneer a balance between rural and urban usage acknowledging that each shares issues
which differ in scale and scope (Peterborough City Council, 2008). Objectives identified for
the city in the Local Area Action Plan also contributed to the decision to work with young peo-

ple as it identified the need to provide this group of people with the skills needed to work in the
locality and contribute to continued economic growth in the city (Peterborough City Council,
2008). The National Heritage Training Group report also identified a lack of traditional building
skills in the East of England region (NHTG, 2008) and contemporary unemployment figures
available from the Office of National Statistics stated that 6.8 % of the total population in the
Peterborough aged 16- 65 were unemployed, and 17.1 % were economically inactive in October
2009, demonstrating a need for training to help them enter employment (ONS, 2009 and Peter-
borough City Council, 2008) The project bid was therefore developed to address this need, as
well as the social and educational needs of a large number of young people living in and around
Peterborough.
It was decided that the project would work with young people between the ages of 16 and
19 designated NEET. The programme would use heritage and traditional building skills to en-
gage the young people in learning which may lead to them progressing on to college level
courses in bricklaying, engineering, carpentry and other vocational qualifications. It was also
decided it would aim to give these people the opportunity to undertake work experience in the
rural hinterland that surrounds the urban city centre, which would enable them to build an emo-
tional connection to areas of the city they might not live in or normally associate with. It was
felt that the project should aim to instill a sense of pride in the young people involved and in
city itself, and that they would be empowered by engaging in community work. Essentially the
rural skills would be a conduit for personal growth and individual wellbeing as well as allowing
young people to maximise their potential and increase their life chances. But the project would
also aim to ensure the conservation and preservation of both traditional skills and Peterbor-
oughs historic environment for the future (Opportunity Peterborough 2011).
Once the project had been approved by partners and awarded funding in February 2010 the
first 15 trainees were recruited through NACROS, Connexions, and Peterborough Regional Col-
leges existing links with external organisations such as the councils Youth Offending Services
Team. In March 2010 the first cohort started the initial round of delivery. The project was deliv-
ered through a combination of practical skills-based training and academic classes in literacy.
The training took place in or around Peterborough, including the village of Ufford and historical
monument Wothorpe Hall. Alongside this, work was undertaken on the campus of Peterborough
Regional College, in the precincts of Peterborough Cathedral and at Bedford Purlieus Nature
Reserve in Rockingham Forest. This gave trainees the opportunity to develop an awareness of
the different types of landscape character areas found within the Unitary Authority Area bound-
aries and gave them experience of a real working environment. During this part of the project
they spent two days a week over an eight week period learning how to repair walls with experi-
enced dry stone walling trainers. During this period the trainees also attended literacy classes at
Peterborough Regional College on a regular basis. The group also participated in a range of oth-
er activities such as a traditional Willow weaving workshop, a capacity building training day at
Ufford for Peterborough Regional College employees and partners to learn the basic aspects of
dry stone walling, working with school groups visiting Bedford Purlieus Woods on the western
outskirts of Peterborough, and demonstrating their skills at the 2010 Peterborough Heritage Fes-
tival; an event that attracted 10,000 visitors to the city centre (Vivacity, 2010).
The trainees competency and skills development were assessed in a range of ways, both in-
formally and formally. Informal assessment took place through the production of a display
about their work, a presentation to the partners in the scheme (including the Opportunity Peter-
borough Board of Directors), a project record book, and a learning diary. Whilst these assess-
ments were very different in nature they aimed to develop the trainees ability to engage in self
reflection, their sense of responsibility, and their communication skills. In terms of formal as-
sessment 7 of the 9 trainees took the LANTRA Level 1 Dry Stone Walling Test on 28 May
2010 and all 7 passed. The following week all 9 trainees undertook and passed their CSCS card
test; a necessity for those wanting to work in the British construction industry. The two students
who did not take the LANTRA test did complete the traditional skills course and were awarded
a college certificate for achieving this (Opportunity Peterborough, 2011). One tangible assess-
ment of performance, was of course, the reconstructed dry stone walls.
The original March 2010 cohort has been followed by a further 4 groups undertaking similar
programmes of training. Recruitment has continued through the routes described earlier in the
paper, but short courses in dry stone walling have also attracted young people to the project. The
Heritage 2012

second group started the project in June 2010 with 12 trainees. Of these 12 trainees 10 complet-
ed the course and received a qualification. There were 2 students that did not complete the
course, but rather than this being due to disengagement it can be attributed to external factors;
one found full time work halfway through the course and the other left the area (Peterborough
Regional College, 2010). By March 2011 8 of the trainees who had completed the course had
progressed onto other courses at Peterborough Regional College on courses including Uni-
formed Services, Bricklaying, Construction, Carpentry and Joinery. One student progressed on
to a full time Princes Trust Diploma and at this time is waiting to see if his application for an
apprenticeship has been successful. The third cohort started in June 2011, whilst this group was
not supported by Big Lottery Funding the good practice in terms of teaching, learning, and as-
sessment developed during the pilot was applied to this group. Of the 6 trainees that started this
round of the project, 5 successfully completed it, and in September 2011 these 5 young people
were engaged in full time education at Peterborough Regional College on construction or car-
pentry courses. One student did not complete the course, having left Peterborough because of
family, drug and alcohol problems (Peterborough Regional College, 2011).
The retention levels of 80% and above and the high achievement and progression rates clear-
ly demonstrate that the project was successful in terms of empowering the trainees to further
develop skills and achieve qualifications needed to work in the local construction industry, and
thus contributing to economic recovery in Peterborough, and a sustainable future for the city.
The project has also resulted in the restoration and conservation of a key characteristic of the
historic fabric of the city, with over 20 metres of wall repaired. However, this project had sever-
al aims that could not be measured through statistical analysis. The project had sought to aid
participants in feeling a sense of pride in themselves and their city, had aimed to help them to
develop personally, and had said it would contribute to the preservation of an important part of
Peterboroughs heritage by increasing an interest in it by young people. In order to capture this
information, the trainees needed to be asked about their feelings, attitudes, experiences and per-
sonal growth, and the comments examined. This was undertaken in February 2012 with the cur-
rent cohort; several of whom also took part in shorter dry stone walling courses offered in 2011.
4 A TRUE MEASUREMENT OF SUCCESS? REFLECTION BY PARTICPANTS
The following reflections by the current cohort were captured on 22
rd
February 2012 at Peter-
borough Regional College during the level 1 literacy class which forms part of the Care and Re-
pair project. The current cohort comprises a mixed range of ability in terms of English language,
from English as a second language to the achievement of a grade B at G.C.S.E. English Lan-
guage (Forde, 2012). The group knew that someone was coming to find out about their experi-
ences on the course for a paper, but they were not prepared for task in advance in order to cap-
ture their honest opinions. A brief discussion about the task was held and the paper was
explained to students, along with the type of narrative that we were trying capture, and the po-
tential outcomes such as the opportunity to contribute to academic discourse on heritage and ed-
ucation and the chance to share their experiences with a range of people. All the students in the
class agreed to write down how they had come to be on the course, what they have learnt, how it
has changed them, and how it has informed their career choices.
The extracts provided are presented in the students own words; the only editing that has tak-
en place is the spelling and some grammatical corrections contained in brackets. They provide
compelling evidence that whilst most of the students started the course with little understanding
of what dry stone walling was and how it related to Peterboroughs local heritage, they have
quickly learnt how to build dry stone walls and have found a new appreciation for the built envi-
ronment. There is a great sense of pride in their work, themselves, and their local area, which is
clear in all the contributions. This was also evident in the classroom discussion with Tom saying
that he would do this for the rest of my life if I could, Richard telling everyone that his screen-
saver on his mobile telephone is of one of the walls the group have worked on, and Phil having
to be actively encouraged to put down his dry stone walling handbook to contribute to the re-
flective exercise. The extracts suggest a brighter future for these young people, the potential
continuation of a traditional craft, and the opportunity for economic growth and social develop-
ment in Peterborough. What is also clear from the reflections that these young people, labeled as

NEET by the British Government and described as a problem to be tackled in policy documents
(University of London, 2009), possess potential and enthusiasm that was not unlocked during
their formative education, but has been awakened through their engagement with heritage.
Phil: [I] started the course because a friend recommended it. At the start of the course [I] was
not sure that I would enjoy it but when I started it turned out I found it interesting. [I] learnt a lot
of things about the dry stone walling craft itself but also learnt things about heritage in general,
its benefits and also how it impacts the environment and eco-system. [I] also learnt about other
heritage skills. [I] have gained experience at working on site and the craft. [It] has also taken me
to places that I would not have been for example John Clare[s] Cottage. [I] have a better attitude
to heritage and the environment and my career plans have grown from just walling to other
skills. [I] feel as though have more chance of getting a job in the art and also a better under-
standing of heritage. In the future I plan to work in areas such as heritage and the environment.
Jamie and Tom: Tom and myself both joined the rural skills course for the same reason: to
advance our skills in dry stone walling. To gain knowledge and experience and achieve our lev-
el 1 and to and to put in our first steps towards our future careers.
Tom: Jane came to a group of us at John Mansfield and explained what the course was about
and its a national heritage. I was interested in keeping it going because it is a rare and existing
[interesting] thing to learn and know.
Jamie: I got told about this course by a friend and my previous tutor Kirsty Stone. The course
appealed to me as it is physical and I want to help revive a dying trade.
Tom: I find being out In the country and being around different parts of history very interest-
ing and exciting because it is an opportunity that dont always come around. Once you get into
it, it really makes you feel different. When Im home all you can think about is limestone which
is what you use to build the wall, and all you want to do is build, build, build.
Jamie: I enjoy dry stone walling. It gives me a great sense of achievement and I truly feel
proud of what Im doing. I find building the wall quite relaxing and [it] eases my mind. I would
really like the opportunity to renovate broken walls in the countryside to help rebuild parts of
our British History. I want to further and widen my skills next year if there is a more advanced
course.
Jamie and Tom: We both now feel this course has changed our way of thinking. Compared to
school days both our lives have improved. We have also had a chance to meet a lot of interest-
ing people and being out in the country all day reall[y] gives you the chance to talk.
Richard: Because I enjoy building walls and it is carrying on with a very old skills that helps
farmers and the environment. I was at another college and didnt know what it was. Jane told
me and I signed up. I felt like I wasnt going to like it but I stuck with it and now I do. Practical
work, team work, pride.
Luke: Im on this course because I went to Peterborough College one night and found out
about this course. I enjoy this course because I get to do dry stone walling and I get to fix bikes
and do bike maintenance. Im coming here so that I can get my level one certificate and I can go
on to get a job in the future. I get a sense of achievement when I know that the work is done.
5 CONCLUSION
This short paper has attempted to demonstrate that engagement with heritage by educational or-
ganisations is an effective tool in transforming the lives of young people and developing sus-
tainable futures for Englands urban areas. Whilst using heritage to engage excluded groups, in-
cluding young people, for the benefit of local communities and environments is well established
within the museums sector in Britain, it is clear that the heritage craft and building sector has
not yet fully realised the potential of heritage to empower and educate. The Care and Repair
project was clearly an innovation in the positive engagement of young people not in education,
employment or training, in Peterborough, and in the preservation of an important part of local
heritage. It is overwhelmingly clear that in this case the young people have developed specialist
skills which they have been able to use to improve the local environment, and transferrable
skills they can use in the workplace. But perhaps more importantly they have discovered a sense
of pride in themselves and their city, the confidence to progress onto other courses, and they
have found something that they are passionate about. The empathy, understanding, and ambition
Heritage 2012

stimulated in these young people through their local heritage means that Peterborough has a
brighter, more sustainable future.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This paper could not have been written without the contributions made by students on the Ru-
ral Skills course at Peterborough Regional College, both in terms of the discussions we have
had and their written reflections; thank you Phil, Tom, Jamie, Richard, Luke, Aurelijus, and
Kyle. We would also like to thank our employers Peterborough Regional College, Opportunity
Peterborough, and English Heritage for supporting us in the production of this paper. We are
particularly grateful to Liz Knight (Director University Centre Peterborough) Kirsty Stone,
(Curriculum Team Manager 14 19 Peterborough Regional College), Jane Hodges (Curriculum
Director 14 19 Peterborough Regional College) and Steve Bowyer (Heritage Regeneration
Programme Director Opportunity Peterborough) for encouraging us to contribute to the Heritage
2012 conference and for engaging with the paper, offering their expertise and advice. Our sin-
cere thanks also go to Dr Kate Hill of the University of Lincoln for advising us in editing and
strengthening the paper following recommendations from the scientific review committee. Fi-
nally we would like to thank the Big Lottery for funding the Care and Repair project.
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Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
The paper explores how World Heritage Sites (WHSs) in Japan have been involved in Japanese
school trips and its implications for the future. WHSs are inscribed by UNESCO and their num-
ber has increased every year. As of October 2011, 936 properties (725 cultural, 183 natural and
28 mixed properties) are designated as WHSs in the world (UNESCO World Heritage Centre,
2011a). WHSs have been examined in heritage and tourism studies since the 1990s. For in-
stance, Shackley (1998) examines the visitor management at WHSs and the case studies from
diverse cultural and mixed WHSs (e.g. Cracows Historic Centre in Poland and Kakadu Na-
tional Park in Australia) are included in the book she edited. Leask and Fyall (2006) cover
broader issues which are related to any issues in the management of WHSs (e.g. marketing,
generation of income, and policy issues) and the case studies of cultural and natural WHSs from
different regions of the world (e.g. Old Town of Lijiang in China and Gondwana Rainforests
of Australia) are also contained. The WHSs in several State Parties (SPs); however, have not
been studied well in the previous research and Japan can be seen as one of such SPs. In fact,
there are a few heritage and tourism research which investigate WHSs in Japan and are also
written in English (e.g. Jimura, 2011), though Japan has 16 WHSs as of October 2011 (UNES-
CO World Heritage Centre, 2011a) and this number is not small compared to the number of
WHSs many SPs have. This is the first point the research aims to make contribution to know-
ledge.
UNESCO is the abbreviated form of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organisation. Therefore, it is natural that the issues in education are one of key tasks UNESCO
has been tackling with. UNESCO is also responsible for the designation of WHSs. Hence, edu-
cation and WHSs need to be closely related to each other, guided and supported by UNESCO.
Moreover, education and the conservation of WHSs should be encouraged and promoted further
for the future generations. In fact, Article 27 of the World Heritage Convention states that The
The relationship between World Heritage Sites and school trips in
Japan
T. Jimura
York St John University, York, North Yorkshire, United Kingdom
ABSTRACT: This paper investigates the involvement of WHSs in school trips in Japan. Japan
has 16 WHSs and some of them have been visited well by school trips. Shuugaku ryokou is a
unique concept to Japanese school trips. It aims to learn something significant as human beings
and contains at least one night stay. The research was conducted by the review of the past re-
lated studies, examination of the websites of WHSs and their related agencies, and the visits to
WHSs. The research shows that several cultural WHSs have been established as school trip des-
tinations and the information about their history and value are available at their websites and/or
on site. Most of them; however, are not especially for school trips and shuugaku ryokou. More-
over, not WHSs but tourist association, prefectural government or judicial foundation takes a
leading role in the provision of the resources and activities especially for shuugaku ryokou.
States Parties to this Convention shall endeavor by all appropriate means, and in particular by
educational and information programmes, to strengthen appreciation and respect by their
peoples of the cultural and natural heritage defined in Articles 1 and 2 of the Convention (UN-
ESCO World Heritage Centre, 2011b). In heritage studies; however, the relationships between
education and WHSs have not been well examined in the past. This could also imply that educa-
tional tourism at WHSs has not been explored enough in tourism studies. This is the second rea-
son why this research is worth conducting. In other words, this research aims to make contribu-
tion to two study areas which have not been studied enough, WHSs in Japan and educational
tourism at WHSs, and also tries to bridge a gap exists in these two research fields by examining
the involvement of Japanese WHSs in school trips and its meanings for the future.
2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
2.1 World Heritage Sites in Japan as tourist destinations
This section looks at the first study area of this research, WHSs in Japan. Japan has 16 WHSs as
of October 2011 (UNESCO World Heritage Centre, 2011a) (see Table 1). Of these, 12 are cul-
tural and four are natural sites. Hiraizumi and Ogasawara Islands have been newly inscribed
as WHSs in 2011. As Shackley (1998) and Smith (2002) argue, a WHS status can bring the high
visibility to the designated sites and attract more visitors to the sites. Although this impact is not
common to all WHSs, many WHSs have shown an increase in the number of visitors at least
temporarily (Asakura, 2008; Hall & Piggin, 2003; Jimura, 2007, 2011). According to Jimura
(2010), the impact of WHS designation on an increase in the number of the visitors to WHSs are
likely to be very limited, if a WHS was already famous amongst tourists and established as a
tourist destination. Of 16 WHSs in Japan, the following two cultural WHSs can be seen as such
a site. Most of Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines inscribed as Historic Monuments of An-
cient Kyoto (Kyoto, Uji and Otsu Cities) have attracted overseas tourists as well as domestic
tourists for a long time before these properties were listed as cultural WHSs in 1994 (Jimura,
2010). Historic Monuments of Ancient Nara would also apply to this case with the same rea-
sons to Historic Monuments of Ancient Kyoto (Jimura, 2010). One of the common grounds to
these two cultural WHSs is that both Kyoto and Nara are recognised well at least by domestic
tourists as old capitals of Japan and the tourists are fully aware that they have rich cultural and
historic resources. Other cultural WHSs which have also been established as popular tourist des-
tinations include Hiroshima Peace Memorial (Genbaku Dome) and Itsukushima Shinto
Shrine in Hiroshima Prefecture, and Shrines and Temples of Nikko in Tochigi Prefecture.

Table 1. List of World Heritage Sites in Japan (Source: UNESCO World Heritage Centre, 2011a)
______________________________________________________________________________________________________
No Name Type Year of
Inscription
______________________________________________________________________________________________________
1 Buddhist Monuments in the Horyu-ji Area Cultural 1993
2 Himeji-jo Cultural 1993
3 Shirakami-Sanchi Natural 1993
4 Yakushima Natural 1993
5 Historic Monuments of Ancient Kyoto (Kyoto, Uji and Otsu Cities) Cultural 1994
6 Historic Villages of Shirakawa-go and Gokayama Cultural 1995
7 Hiroshima Peace Memorial (Genbaku Dome) Cultural 1996
8 Itsukushima Shinto Shrine Cultural 1996
9 Historic Monuments of Ancient Nara Cultural 1998
10 Shrines and Temples of Nikko Cultural 1999
11 Gusuku Sites and Related Properties of the Kingdom of Ryukyu Cultural 2000
12 Sacred Sites and Pilgrimage Routes in the Kii Mountain Range Cultural 2004
13 Shiretoko Natural 2005
14 Iwami Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape Cultural 2007
15 Hiraizumi Temples, Gardens and Archaeological Sites Representing Cultural 2011
the Buddhist Pure Land
16 Ogasawara Islands Natural 2011
______________________________________________________________________________________________________
Heritage 2012
Compared to cultural WHSs in Japan, the number of visitors to four natural WHSs in Japan is
limited mainly due to their locations. Of these, Shirakami-Sanchi which extends across Ao-
mori Prefecture and Akita Prefecture is easiest to access for most Japanese and international
tourists as it is located in northwest of the Honshu Island (the main island of Japan), though the
site is still difficult to access only by public transport and requires tourists a long journey to get
to the site (Tohoku Nature Conservation Network, n.d.). Shiretoko is situated at the east end
of the Hokkaido Island, and Yakushima is an island which is located around 60km south of
the Kyushu Island. These two are also difficult to access and takes a lot of time for tourists to
visit the sites. Ogasawara Islands is the most difficult WHS in Japan to access as its main isl-
and is located around 800km south of Tokyo. As discussed above, the issues in access have
been a main obstacle for tourists who want to visit four natural WHSs in Japan. Furthermore,
the size of each natural WHS is very extensive and it is almost impossible for tourists to fully
explore the site within the period of short holiday which is common to many Japanese workers.
In this sense; therefore, it is no surprises that the four natural WHSs in Japan have not been ex-
plored enough by tourists. On the other hand, overall 12 cultural WHSs in Japan can be seen as
traditional tourist destinations as most of them are well-known to Japanese tourists, easy to
access by public transport except Historic Villages of Shirakawa-go and Gokayama in Gifu
Prefecture and Toyama Prefecture (Jimura, 2007, 2011), Iwami Ginzan Silver Mine and its
Cultural Landscape in Shimane Prefecture, and Gusuku Sites and Related Properties of the
Kingdom of Ryukyu in Okinawa Prefecture.
2.2 Educational tourism and school trips to WHSs
This section examines the second study area of this research, educational tourism at WHSs.
WHSs can be regarded as destination of educational (or education) tourism, because each WHS
has historic, cultural and/or natural significance which is peculiar to each. According to Smith &
Jenner (1997), the concept of travel for education and learning is a broad and complicated field.
This would be a main reason why this study area has not been investigated well in previous
tourism research. Educational tourism can be defined as travelling to learn and it is not a
modern invention (Swarbrooke & Horner, 1999). For example, affluent members of the Greek
and Roman elites in the classical period travelled to enhance their understanding of the world.
Swarbrooke & Horner (1999) also suggest that there are two types of educational tourism. One
is students exchanges where young students travel to overseas countries in order to learn
about and experience the culture, society and language of others. The other is special interest
holidays where tourists make a trip to learn something new for them (Swarbrooke & Horner,
1999). Considering this typology and definition of each type of educational tourism, it can be
said that WHSs can be destinations of both types of educational tourism and in general the con-
cept of school trip seems to have some elements from both types of educational tourism.
As discussed above, the school trip can be seen as part of educational tourism and it is not
unique to Japan. When school trips in Japan are examined; however, the concept of shuugaku
ryokou, which is unique to Japan, should be taken into account. Shuugaku ryokou is carried out
as part of school events at primary (six grades: 7-12 years old), junior high (three grades: 13-15
years old) and high (three grades: 16-18 years old) schools in Japan. In many cases, shuugaku
ryokou includes at least one overnight stay at a tourist destination; and older students become,
longer the length of stay becomes. Basically, it is held in the final grade of each school and
jointly led by school teachers and tour operators. As what shuugaku means in Japanese means,
the original and primary purpose of shuugaku ryokou is to give students an opportunity for
learning something essential as human being and Japanese, typically significant aspects of histo-
ry, culture and/or nature of Japan.
In light of the nature of school trip, including shuugaku ryokou, examined above, overall
WHSs in Japan seem to be appropriate destinations for these school trips. As mentioned in 2.1;
however, the issues in access have been a main obstacle for tourists who want to visit four natu-
ral WHSs in Japan: Shirakami-Sanchi, Yakushima, Shiretoko and Ogasawara Islands.
Furthermore, the size of each natural WHS in Japan is very extensive (2.2) and it is almost im-
possible for tourists, especially for school children, to fully explore the site in just one or two
days. In this sense; therefore, it is natural that the four natural WHSs in Japan have not been es-
tablished well as destinations of school trips, though each natural WHSs is full of rich natural
resources which deserve a WHS status, are unique to each site, and are useful for school trips.
On the other hand, overall 13 cultural WHSs in Japan can be seen as traditional tourist destina-
tions and have been visited well by students on school trip. Especially Historic Monuments of
Ancient Kyoto, Historic Monuments of Ancient Nara together with Buddhist Moments in
the Horyu-ji Area in Nara Prefecture, Hiroshima Peace Memorial together with Itsukushima
Shinto Shrine, and Shrines and Temples of Nikko have a large number of school trips every
year thanks to their location, size, rich cultural resources and links with Japanese history.
3 METHODOLOGY
There are a wide range of alternative approaches in the research in social sciences and manage-
ment studies. Of these, the difference between positivist and interpretive approaches is a prima-
ry dichotomy (Clark et al, 1998; Veal, 2006) and this also applies to the research in tourism and
hospitality studies (Clark et al, 1998). The positivist approach aims to follow the principles of
natural scientific research and proceeds by the formulation and testing of hypotheses with a
view to making inferences about the causal connections between two or more social phenomena
or facts (Jupp & Norris, 1993), whilst the interpretive approach puts more trust on the people
who are studied to provide their own explanation of their situation or behaviour (Veal, 2006). In
addition to positivism and interpretivism, the differences between deductive and inductive ap-
proaches are also needed to be addressed. In general, deduction can be regarded as the process
which starts with theory and proceeds through hypothesis, data collection, and testing of the hy-
pothesis to deduce explanations of the behaviours of particular phenomena (Clark et al, 1998).
On the other hand, Induction can be seen as the process which aims to explore and analyse re-
lated observations, and this could lead to the development and establishment of theory which is
systematically linked with such observations in a meaningful manner (Clark et al, 1998). In light
of the points discussed above, it could be said that this research stems from interpretivism and
adopts an inductive approach as the main research approach. This means; therefore, this re-
search investigates mainly qualitative data rather than quantitative data. The research also deals
with both primary and secondary data; however, the latter is the main data source. In conclu-
sion, the research is conducted by the review of the previous research about WHSs and educa-
tional tourism, including school trips; examination of the information, resources and/or data
available from the websites of the WHSs and the agencies related to school trips; and the au-
thors visits to and observations of various Japanese WHSs and visitors to the WHSs.
The research; however, has various limitations. First of all, the researcher has not been able to
visit all of the four natural WHSs and two cultural WHSs: Sacred Sites and Pilgrimage Routes
in the Kii Mountain Range in Wakayama Prefecture, Nara Prefecture and Mie Prefecture; and
Iwami Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape. Moreover, some of other cultural
WHSs have not been visited in recent years. This is mainly due to the fact that the researcher is
currently based in the UK and there are the constraints of time, budget and labour. Another limi-
tation is a lack of collection of primary data from key stakeholders of each WHS. This is also
mainly due to the lack of time, budget and labour available for this particular research project.
4 STUDY RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
4.1 WHSs in Nara Prefecture
Buddhist Monuments in the Horyu-ji Area has two Buddhist temples, Horyu-ji and Hoki-ji,
and each has its own website. The useful information about the temple is available from the
websites; however, no information, resources and data particularly for school trips are available
at the websites. The researcher visited both temples in March 2004 and July 2011. At both
times, groups of students, wearing school uniform and exploring the site by group, were ob-
served at Horyu-ji. Eight cultural properties, including five Buddhist temples and one Shinto
shrine, are included in Historic Monuments of Ancient Nara. Like Horyu-ji and Hoki-ji, each
of these eight properties has its own website and beneficial information for visitors are available
Heritage 2012
from the websites. Of these, six out of eight properties do not provide any information, re-
sources and data directed at school trips. On the other hand, the website of Yakushi-ji offers the
information about the activities available for school trips, especially shuugaku ryokou (Yakushi-
ji, n.d.), though the resources for and data about such activities are not available at their website.
Todai-ji is somewhat different from other properties included in this WHS and their approach is
very unique. They have a website for children and it is called Todai-ji Kids (Todai-ji, 2011).
This website offers the basic information about Todai-ji and easy to understand for Japanese
children. Although this is not the resources aimed at school trips and shuugaku ryokou, school
teachers can use these resources for their history class and preparation for the school trip to To-
dai-ji. The researcher visited most of these cultural properties on his school trip when he was a
student of a primary school. As a researcher, he has been to there in July 2011 and observed
many student groups there, especially at Todai-ji.
Sacred Sites and Pilgrimage Routes in the Kii Mountain Range spreads across three Prefec-
tures, including Nara. Six cultural properties in Nara are contained in this WHS. The resources
and data geared towards school trips cannot be found their websites. This is probably because
they have not had many school trips compared to other two WHSs in Nara due to the size and
location of each property. In addition to this, most of these properties are linked with shugen-
do, a spiritual and mysterious Japanese religion which requires demanding ascetic training in
mountains, and this would make these properties less approachable than other properties related
to Buddhism and Shintoism. There is evidence which could show that Nara Prefecture is very
keen to promote itself as a destination of shuugaku ryokou. The tourism promotion section of
Nara prefectural government established the website entitled Nara Shuugaku Ryokou Guide,
and one of the sections on the website is about three WHSs in Nara Prefecture (Tourism Promo-
tion Section of Nara Prefectural Government, n.d.). The detailed information about each of the
three WHSs is available there, mainly focusing on its historic aspect and cultural value. The re-
searcher has not been able to visit this WHS.
4.2 WHSs in Kyoto Prefecture and Shiga Prefecture
17 cultural properties inscribed as Historic Monuments of Ancient Kyoto are located in Kyo-
to-city, Uji-city in Kyoto Prefecture and Otsu-city in Shiga Prefecture; however, 15 out of 17
properties are located in Kyoto-city. Each of these properties has its own website; however, no
information and resources beamed to school trips are available there. Kyoto City Tourism Asso-
ciation; however, fully recognises the popularity of Kyoto-city as a destination of shuugaku ryo-
kou, and makes Kyoto Shuugaku Ryokou Passport available at their website. Groups of stu-
dents who are going to visit Kyoto-city and its surrounding areas on shuugaku ryokou can
download the Passport from the website. The passport enables the students to enter many Budd-
hist temples and Shinto shrines with a concession price, enjoy a discount price at many shops
and restaurants and tea houses, and join various programmes which offer diverse experiences
peculiar to Kyoto. Except Ujigami Shrine, Kosan-ji, Saiho-ji, Tenryu-ji, Ryoan-ji, Nishi-
Honganji, Nijo-jo Castle, other 10 cultural properties included in this WHS join this scheme.
The researcher has been to all of 17 cultural properties on school trips and/or as a researcher. It
can be said that Kyoto is always the most popular shuugaku ryokou destination in Japan, espe-
cially in spring and autumn.
4.3 WHSs in Hiroshima Prefecture
Hiroshima Prefecture has two cultural WHSs: Hiroshima Peace Memorial in Hiroshima-city
and Itsukushima Shinto Shrine in Hatsukaichi-city. These two are closely located and can be
visited on the same day. In fact, as discussed in 2.2, many school trips tend to visit both sites.
Itsukushima Shinto Shrine has its own website, but there are no resources and information de-
signed for school trips. The website of Hiroshima Peace Memorial is administered by the City
of Hiroshima Council. There are no resources and information aimed at school trips; however,
the website has a section for peace learning and shuugaku ryokou, and the weblinks with the
websites of Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum and Hiroshima Shuugaku Ryokou Guide
are available there (Hiroshima City, n.d.). A wide range of resources and the information about
activities are available at the website of Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum for students who
visit there on shuugaku ryokou. School teachers can also ask the Museum to send them the
learning materials which can be used for the classes for peace-learning at their school (Hiroshi-
ma Peace Memorial Museum, 2011).
The website of Hiroshima Shuugaku Ryokou Guide is administrated by Hiroshima Con-
vention and Visitors Bureau, a judicial foundation. The content of this website is basically simi-
lar to that of Nara Shuugaku Ryokou Guide (4.1): the detailed information about the two
WHSs is available. However, there is a notable difference in the content between the two web-
sites: Nara Shuugaku Ryokou Guide focuses mainly on the historic aspect and cultural value
of their three WHSs; whilst, Hiroshima Shuugaku Ryokou Guide put their primary focus on
peace-learning though the visit to Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park, including Hiroshima
Peace Memorial Museum, and Hiroshima Peace Memorial rather than the historic aspect and
cultural value of these two WHSs in Hiroshima Prefecture. The researcher visited Itsukushima
Shinto Shrine in 2011; however, only some student groups were seen in 2011 and it was not
sure whether they came to the site on school trip or not. When the researcher was a student of a
primary school, originally the destination of his shuugaku ryokou was Hiroshima, including
both Itsukushima Shinto Shrine and Hiroshima Peace Memorial, but it was changed due to
a long distance from the city where his primary school is situated. The researcher visited the
Memorial, Park and Museum in August 2009 and July 2011. At both times, there were a lot of
groups of students as well as school teachers and a tour conductor. In 2011, it was also observed
that students from a private primary school based in Tokyo had a lecture about Hiroshimas
atomic bomb experience at a hall in Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum.
4.4 WHSs in Tochigi Prefecture
The website of Shrines and Temples of Nikko is managed by the City of Nikko Council. In
addition to the information about its history and cultural value, the conservation activities are al-
so presented well at the website. No resources and information aimed at school trips are availa-
ble from this website; however, another website about tourism and the WHS entitled Nikko
Kyouiku Ryokou, which means educational trips to Nikko-city in English, is administered by
Nikko Tourist Association. The website has a list of quizzes about each cultural property in-
cluded in the WHS. If people answer the quizzes online and send their answers via the website
with their email address, the website will send them the correct answers by email (Nikko Tourist
Association, n.d.). This seems to work as a good gateway for people, especially for children
who are going to learn about Shrines and Temples of Nikko. The researcher has been to the
WHS in July 2009. There were a lot of visitors; however, no groups of students were observed
at that time.
4.5 Other cultural WHSs
Historic Villages of Shirakawa-go and Gokayama consists of the Ogimachi district in Shira-
kawa-go, Gifu Prefecture and the Ainokura and Suganuma districts (the Gokayama area) in
Nanto-city, Toyama Prefecture. Each of the three districts is fallen into the group of buildings
categories of cultural WHS and located in a mountainous area (Jimura, 2007). The websites of
the tourist associations of Shirakawa-go and Nanto-city seem to be most visited ones by tourists.
A lot of information about their visitor attractions, accommodation facilities, local restaurants
and access to the sites are available at the websites. The history of the sites and unique local cul-
ture, especially their historic gassho-style houses, are also explained well. However, no re-
sources and information directed at school trips are available at the websites. The website of
Shirakawa-go Tourist Association offers the information about various experiences peculiar to
Shirakawa-go visitors can join. For example, visitors can enjoy making local crafts and cooking
Japanese soba noodle (Shirakawa-go Tourist Association, n.d.). Hence, students who visit there
on school trip may also be able to have such experiences in order to be familiar with local cul-
ture. The researcher stayed in Shirakawa-go for three months in 2004 for fieldwork and at that
time also visited Gokayama. Most visitors were not students but middle-aged people and came
to the sites on coach trip.

Heritage 2012
Himeji-jo is the only WHS situated in Hyogo Prefecture and an excellent example of Japa-
nese-style castle. Its website is administered by the City of Himeji Council and the information
about its history, restoration work in recent years and cultural value is presented well at the
website. The information for visitors to other visitor attractions in Himeji-city as well as those to
Himeji-jo is available at the website of the City Council; however, these resources are not di-
rected at school trips. The researcher has been to the site in July 2011; however, no groups of
students were observed. Gusuku Sites and Related Properties of the Kingdom of Ryukyu is
located in Okinawa Prefecture. The site does not seem to have its own website and the website
of Agency for Cultural Affairs seems to be the only website about the site administrated by an
official agency. The researchers visit to the WHS was held in 2001 and no groups of students
were observed at that time. Hiraizumi is located in Iwate Prefecture and has its own website
administered by Iwate prefectural government. A wide variety of resources about the WHS is
available at the website; however, it is not especially for school trips. The researcher has been to
the site in April 2008 before the site was inscribed as a WHS. There were not many tourists and
no groups of students were confirmed.
Iwami Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape is located in Shimane Prefecture.
The researcher has never been to the WHS. The website of the WHS is run by Iwami Ginzan
Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape World Heritage Centre. The WHS is happy to receive
school trips and this policy is clearly noticed at the website. The WHS asks each school, which
wants to visit the WHS on school trip, to prepare and submit a plan of the educational pro-
gramme and/or activity they want to have at the WHS before their visit to the WHS (Iwami
Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape World Heritage Centre, n.d.). This could also be
used as part of shuugaku ryokou. As discussed in 2.2, what shuugaku means is to learn some-
thing essential as human being, typically significant aspects of Japanese history, culture and/or
nature. As Benesse (2003) implies; however, such an original aim was weakened and shuugaku
ryokou often turned into just a long school trip for sightseeing in many schools. Hence, the
meaning of shuugaku ryokou has been reviewed by schools, teachers and researchers (Benesse,
2003). In other words, the main focus of such reviews has been to consider what to learn and
how to learn through shuugaku ryokou. The above-mentioned approach towards educational
programmes and activities taken by Iwami Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape
might be seen as a somewhat demanding task for each school. In light of the above arguments
about the meaning of shuugaku ryokou stated by Benesse (2003); however, this approach should
be understood as a good opportunity for students as well as schools to carefully think about
what they want to learn and how they want to learn through shuugaku ryokou.
4.6 Natural WHSs
Japan has four natural WHSs. As discussed in 2.1 and 2.2; however, the number of visitors to
the natural WHSs is much smaller than the number of visitors to cultural WHSs. This tendency
also applies to the number of school trips, including shuugaku ryokou. The main obstacles for
the natural WHSs are their location far from the metropolitan areas such as Greater Tokyo or
Greater Osaka, the difficulty in access by public transport, and their extensive size which would
not allow visitors to fully explore the sites in only two or three days which are the typical length
of shuugaku ryokou. Shiretoko has its own website and it is managed by Shiretoko Nature
Foundation. They run a one-week educational outdoor programme for children every summer
since 1980 and in total around 1600 children joined this programme (Shiretoko Nature Founda-
tion, 2011). Although the programme does not seem to be run for each school, it could be used
as a main activity of shuugaku ryokou if the length of the programme, one week, permits. As for
Shirakami-Sanchi, the website of its visitor centre can be seen as the official website at least
in terms of tourism. No information and resources aimed at school trips are available at the
website; however, they provide visitors with three kinds of educational programmes entitled
interpretation programmes. These three types are categorised by the venue where and how the
programme is held and delivered: indoor at the visitor centre, outdoor, enjoying trekking in Shi-
rakami-Sanchi; and outdoor at field of Shirakami-Sanchi (Shirakami-Sanchi Visitor Centre,
n.d.). These educational programmes are open to the public older than 6 years old, 8 years old or
10 years old, depending on the content of each programme (Shirakami-Sanchi Visitor Centre,
n.d.). Like the programmes offered at Shiretoko, these programmes are not geared towards
school trips, but the interpretation programmes available at Shirakami-Sanchi seem to match
well the purpose of school trips and shuugaku ryokou.
Regarding Ogasawara Islands, the website of Ogasawara Village Tourist Association can
be regarded as the official website in terms of tourism. No resources and data for school trips or
any other educational tourism are available at the website, mainly because the WHS is too far
from the Honshu Island. The information about conservation of natural heritage of Ogasawara
Islands is available at the above-mentioned and other websites. At the moment; however, such
calls for awareness-raising do not seem to be linked well with educational tourism, especially
with school trips. The website of Yakushima Tourism Association seems to be a main gateway
to the island for visitors to Yakushima. The level of current provision of the information and
resources for school trips available at their website and websites of related agencies are very
similar to Ogasawara Islands. In short, the information to raise visitors awareness of conser-
vation of natural heritage of Yakushima does not seem to be integrated enough in school trips
and shuugaku ryokou. Any of these four natural WHSs has not been visited by the researcher.
5 CONCLUSION
5.1 Conclusion
The research tells that several cultural WHSs have been established as the destinations for
school trip, including shuugaku ryokou and the information, resources and data about their his-
tory and value are available at their websites and/or on site. Most of such information, resources
and data; however, are not aimed at school trips and shuugaku ryokou. Yakushi-ji and Todai-ji,
which are part of Historic Monuments of Ancient Nara (4.1), and Hiroshima Peace Memori-
al together with Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum and Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park
(4.3) are a few examples of the case that WHSs themselves arrange some information and re-
sources geared mainly towards school trips. As a whole, not WHSs but tourist association, pre-
fectural government or judicial foundation takes a leading role in the provision of the resources
and activities aimed at shuugaku ryokou. In case of the WHSs in Kyoto Prefecture and Tochigi
Prefecture, the local tourist association plays a key role in offering of such resources and activi-
ties: Kyoto City Tourism Association prepares a unique scheme aimed at shuugaku ryokou (4.2)
and Nikko Tourist Association administers a website beamed to shuugaku ryokou (4.4). In Nara
Prefecture, Nara prefectural government developed the website called Nara Shuugaku Ryokou
Guide (4.1) and in Hiroshima Prefecture, the website of Hiroshima Shuugaku Ryokou Guide
is managed by Hiroshima Convention and Visitors Bureau.
Of the school trips to Japanese WHSs, those to Hiroshima Peace Memorial together with
Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park and Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum would have some-
what different focus from those to other WHSs. The school trips to these sites would focus
much more on learning about Japans atomic bomb experience and various activities to realise
world peace rather than learning about the historic and cultural importance of the sites. This
would be especially true to shuugaku ryokou. All the agencies related to Hiroshima Peace
Memorial are very keen to offer the resources and opportunities useful for peace-learning and,
in fact, arrange a wide variety of activities for school trips, especially for shuugaku ryokou
which aims to learn about world peace (4.3). Iwami Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Land-
scape (4.5), Shirakami-Sanchi (4.6) and Shiretoko (4.6) are very eager to provide educa-
tional programmes and activities with students, though these programmes do not focus primarily
on shuugaku ryokou but visits of general public and students as a whole. Of these, the approach
adopted at Iwami Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape is especially noteworthy as
they require schools which want to visit the WHS to develop and submit a plan about what to
and how to learn at the WHS before their visit to the WHS. In light of the discussions in recent
years about the meaning of shuugaku ryokou (Benesse, 2003), the approach taken at Iwami
Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape seems to be an appropriate and effective meas-
ure which gives an opportunity to schools and their students to consider the purpose of school
trips and shuugaku ryokou. Hence this type of approach should also be adopted by other WHSs
in Japan.
Heritage 2012
In light of the above-mentioned key findings of the research, three key points which should
be essential for the effective and meaningful involvement of Japanese WHSs in school trips are
identified through this research. They are:
(1) Comprehensive and cooperative approach to school trips and shuugaku ryokou
amongst a WHS, regional and/or local government, and local tourist association
(2) Further development of a wide variety of educational resources and activities availa-
ble at the website and on site
(3) More voluntary and positive contribution of schools to the development and im-
provement of educational programmes they want to have at a WHS
In conclusion, the combination or integration of the above-mentioned three key points could
lead to the more effective and meaningful involvement of the Japanese WHSs in school trips,
especially in shuugaku ryokou.
5.2 Recommendations for the further research in the future
As discussed in 3, the different limitations are involved in this research and most of them are re-
lated to the volume of the research and the fact the researcher is based in the UK since it looked
at all of 16 WHSs in Japan. In the further research in the future; therefore, the number of the
WHSs studied needs to be limited based on the results of this research. In other words, only the
WHSs which are linked with key findings from this research should be examined further.
Another issue needs to be overcome is a lack of primary data. For instance, the collection of
primary data from key stakeholders who are in charge of education, tourism and WHS man-
agement at selected WHSs could make the study about this theme more meaningful and in-
sightful.
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Heritage 2012
1 CONTEXT
The Matanza-Riachuelo River, called Riachuelo at its mouth and Matanza in most of its, forms
the southern boundary of Buenos Aires City and empties into Rio de la Plata. The basin has a
length of about 60 km southwest-northeast direction, an average width of 35 m, covers an area
of 2200 km , living there about 3,500,000 people. The watershed includes Buenos Aires City
and municipalities: A. Brown, Avellaneda, Cauelas, E. Echeverra, G.l L. Heras, La Matanza,
Lans, Lomas de Zamora, M. Paz, Merlo and S.Vicente. Its course receives numerous industrial
wastes, being one of the most polluted rivers in the world, with terrible pollution consequences
to the population. Main pollutants: heavy metals, waste water from the saturated groundwater
basin-wide and urban solid waste as pet bottles and packaging. Basin functions as a wound that
separates the city, having brutal significance for the entire metropolitan area of Buenos Aires.

Eco-efficiency eco centre network in school system
C.H.Levinton
Universidad de Buenos Aire; Buenos Aires; Argentina
M.E.Yajnes
M.Weksler
R.Tartaglia
L.Amielli
S.Rossi
F.Breyter
Arca Grup ONG
ABSTRACT: The Program consists on the Implementation and self-construction of eco centres
in schools in poor neighborhoods within the Cuenca of Matanza Riachuelo, province of Buenos
Aires, with proximity to the creek, addressing pollution reduction methods. Transfer of a com-
prehensive program of Pan American Health Organization. Each Eco centre includes construc-
tion of a teaching module eco innovation techniques conducted by our center, transferring ap-
propriate low cost technologies for sanitation and environmental improvement of homes in the
neighborhood near the school. The training model for sustainability, begun in 1986, believes
that the youth of the country is calling "entrepreneurial" in international assessments verified
that put Argentina in the 7th place in the world, we look forward a model of several compo-
nents: banks of materials and technologies for eco entrepreneurs, circuits and sorting recycling,
facilitating the formation of entrepreneurial cultures and installation of the "social economy.

Figure 1. Dangerous pollution at Matanza- Riachuelo

Figure 2. Matanza- Riachuelo 2200 km area
2 ECO TECHNOLOGIES
The low cost investment of CEP eco industrial technologies make them available for all: a mi-
cro industrial culture in the service of the Millennium Development Goals and climate change.
Each Eco Centre spread in each region Ecolab technologies and generate local youth organiza-
tion that supports the project. The Centre maintains the headed and oversees the sustainability of
organizations over time, self-management processes accompanying the growth of organizations.
The eco technologies provide the installation of PAHO healthy schools.
The students develop the Eco-technologies to eliminate cesspools by dry toilets, provide solar
hot water for hygiene, waste sorting and recovery, transformation of rubble masonry, re-use of
tires for walls, digester to demonstrate alternative energy applications in various applications,
composites ecotechnologies plastics made from polyethylene bags to recycle waste and com-
bined with vegetable fibers. This program is a network with 4 universities in USA, Canada,
Australia and Buenos Aires with the CEP. The composites are then applied to a wide range of
eco products such as sanitary liners bathrooms, floors, resulting in generation of jobs.
In poor neighborhoods a significant proportion of truancy is motivated by the frequency of
environmental illnesses and housing insecurity as contamination of the environment causes:
Cesspools contamination of ground water, pollution of land, also garbage, lack of thermal insu-
lation, lack of hot water for hygiene. The environmental problems are compounded each year
under the pressures of global climate change will tend to generate more complex and increasing
vulnerability. In general, the houses inhabited by students and others belonging to residents of
Heritage 2012
the community served by the school, have problems with leaks, lack of thermal insulation,
cracks, need for expansion, questionable drinking water conditions in conjunction with use irra-
tional and lack of this resource or saturation of the sewers. The black holes and clogging ex-
cesses are pumped and dumped secretly via public to pollute. Inefficient garbage collection ge-
nerates exposure to dengue and in some cases vinchuca. Together with the data observed in
terms of housing and environment and exposed, there is a clear lack of information and re-
sources to enable the inhabitants of this district improve its concrete conditions of existence in
this regard.
Viewing the growing complexity of environmental problems poses we create an integrated
system linking university research with schools of all types and nurture the popularization of
science and appropriate technology on large scales and territories. At the same time, as students
develop this project, get specific training in sustainable architecture for housing. Both issues,
general environmental pollution and lack of housing for the most vulnerable classes, thematic
nuclei are important in the formation, which are included in nascent form the curricular content.
Figure 3. Pet packaging water solar collector made by elementary students
Figure 4. Hydroponic bio tower, storm water treatment Figure 5. Bio gas production and earthworm

3 THE PROGRAM AT EMAJEA: DEVELOPMENT OF TAKS
We will show the work done at Emajea the Municipal School of Arboriculture, Gardening and
Applied Ecology, Lomas de Zamora. As a first step, architects Silvia Rossi and Liliana Amielli
from CEP and ecologist Florencia Breyter from ONG Arca conducted during 2010, with-
in Emajea facilities, workshops recycling materials from solid urban waste and its transforma-
tion into elements suitable for use in buildings, as membrane and solar collec-
tors from PET bottles, boards from tetra pack containers. CEP Director Architect Carlos Levin-
ton and Architect Martin Weksler trained a group of teachers and students in the use of disused
tires for building walls and arming of geodesic structures. Within this context both institutes
proposed having an ecology classroom space built with sustainable concepts. In April
2011 began the process for the design of the classroom, being the premises of design and con-
struction the respect for the environment and reuse of recycled elements whose life cycle is
complete in its original use to minimize carbon emissions typically generated in the construc-
tion. CEP architects had already developed a prototype for the post-earthquake reconstruction of
Haiti in operation at present. Design is tailored to the specific needs at every location.

Heritage 2012
4 METHODOLOGY OF WORK
CEP architect Marta E. Yajnes explains the construction project to teachers and students show-
ing the layout of the classroom, in conjunction with architect Yolanda Gotta, professor at Tech-
nical School 27 also in the municipality (who had attend EMAJEA as a student), within the
watershed. They will be addressed in turn transfer education in this instance and the fu-
ture action of CEP antenna in 2012. The action moves to the field and begins with the execution
of foundations and wall. Emajea distributes the students per course and rotating them every Sat-
urday, the contribution of students varies from week to week and their capacities for the
task because the universe is very broad in previous training in technical and in physical. The
number of school students dedicated to the task time varies from 8 to 16 people.
Figure 6. Cep architects transfer tire construction technologies

The tasks are held only on Saturdays with good weather in the morning within the class sche-
dule. We have contribution from Introduction to Construction Types Levintons students de-
gree, who performs practical tasks and documentation of activities as a replacement
to traditional exams, and professionals from development courses performed at CEP on reuse
of solid urban waste and solid construction waste in the construction and equipment. Architect
Richard Tartaglia incorporates into training. For tasks such as excavation for foundations and
completion of the perimeter wall, it has the support of appropriate staff of local cooperative at
reduced fee because the school does not have funds beyond the minimum ones provided by co-
operative and CEP has voluntary program funds that pay travels, basic tools and materials
complementary to those from urban solid waste and construction and demolition waste.
5 CONSTRUCTION SYSTEM APPLIED TO THE CLASSROOM
It is composed by a low wall of a meter height and perimeter foundation built with used tires
from cars and trucks with no possibility of reuse in their original purpose due to wear. The
tires were provided mostly as leftover donations for Haiti module tests made at the Universidad
Kennedy of Buenos Aires, as every CEP program provides its surpluses to the following pro-
grams and other local donations. They are filled with a soil slightly stabilized with cement
and crushed rubble resulting from demolition works adjacent to the property that was do-
nated. The soil would come from a clearing in the same place for the formation of a lagoon but
due to City bureaucratic difficulties to get the right equipment to do so in time, we chose to
manage the purchase of the soil at local supplier at a lower price to normal market with
a short transfer distance to control carbon emissions also in transfers. As the top we opt for
a concrete beam to ensure affirm and level base for the attachment of the geodesic structure.
The result material of the clearance will be used for the embankments of the green roof.

Figure 7. Wall tires construction
Figure 8. Wall and beam ready
6 GEODESIC STRUCTURE
This geo structure has fully teaching features and assemble allows learning geometry, physics,
construction, dimensions, weights and other concepts, we opt for a black iron structure
pipe 1, 1/4 "diameter and 1.5 mm wall thickness, these pipes are provided in the market at a
length of 6 meters, depending on this data we study the classroom measures to comply with the
requirements of use and simultaneously minimize material waste. The pipes were purchased
from a local factory and shipped directly from origin to the workshop where the crush and holes
Heritage 2012
of all bars took place for subsequent binding. To select the workshop we decided on a reclaimed
factory which although is located further away from mobility from Emajea than others gives
us a good service at low cost in the case of a worker cooperative. The Cooperative is
named December 19th and the technician in charge of quality control in it and who gives their
time and expertise to the project is the student of Industrial Design degrees at Fadu, Salva-
dor Marino. At factory we test mobility systems of the dome top vent assembly.
In the geometric model we chose 3 different bars to have a good balance between form and
amount of resulting different pieces, they are joined with bolts and nuts, with a person qualified
at Fadu CEP architect Martin Weksler, is possible to achieve the assembly of all basic geo in
two hours with the participation of 10 people who never before had built a structure of these
features personally. To facilitate assembly and the didactic aspect of the exercise bars were
painted in 3 different colors according to their lengths.

Figure 9. Assembly sequence of the geodesic structure
Figure 10. Detail of the nodes of the geodesic

Figure 11. Cell mounting dome

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7 GEODESIC STRUCTURE COVERAGE
To covers the geodesic structure we chose a material to reduce the light of the geo triangles, a
low-cost technology used on the roofs consisting of a mesh tighten to the pipes by stan-
dard plastic seals. Following this first loop and in the sectors of greatest inclination lies one of
greater strength in the market known as a mesh hail donated by a local company dedicated to
manufacturing both fabrics and machines to partial shade fumigation work and are related
to the environment through gardening magazine.
We immediately place blankets used commercially as packaging of air shipments acting
as waterproof and thermal insulation, they have one side with aluminum foil, blankets were do-
nated to the school thanks to Agricultural Engineering Regent M. Florencia Silva efforts. The
assembly is completed with cells calls flowers of tires sets section of tires joined together with
pet threads and different green roof systems up to area, inclination and solar radiation reception:
Soil black sausage wrapped in shading fabrics and discarded item for commercial use or smaller
fractions of origin. Seeds are incorporated in the form of creeping plants to have green roofs in
the short term and modules pet containers triangles and grass rise from the embankment.
Figure 12. Green roof testing different solutions

Figure 13. Blankets and systems of 7section of tires
8 PARTICIPATION OF TEACHERS AND STUDENTS OF TECHNICAL SCHOOL
Architect Yolanda Gotta transfers the experience to students. She select 5th year courses to have
them formed for next year as they will be enrolled in the 6th year. The technical school
is specialized on environmental issues, they have been successfully presenting academic compe-
titions. Teachers Cristian Borseti and Gustavo Rojas join us with a group of ten students.
Teachers and students work in the reassembly of parts for testing links and other construction
details while other members of that group paint pipes of the mobile dome.
Then the same group with ITC students Eduardo Barbieri, Leandro Romone, Carla Sicardi,
Mili Santamarina, Fabrizio Monti, Marile Oviedo and Ramiro Miotto and CEP architects
Yajnes and Tartaglia, with collaboration of CEP voluntary assistants architect Telma Galera
and industrial designer Pilar G. Olano assembled the dome mobile system, designed to regulate
the heating vent in the summer, as the top center is the point where the heat is concen-
trated while being closed in winter to prevent leakage of heated air inside. Dome shall have
transparent cover for natural light and overhang structure to protect the dome from rain.
The dome has a central drive with a 5-axis displacement to facilitate movement and ad-
justs with a string taken from the geo nodes, that are the points of greatest strength and blocks in
order to simplify the manually operated from the same floor of the classroom. Ema-
jea teachers are Gardening Robert Jordan, Ecology Sebastian Staltari, Assistant Ecolo-
gy: Tec Nancy Cardozo, Applied Ecology Claudio Godio. Field Coordinator Sergio Fouce. In-
terns Cep extension courses Camila Salvoni, Emi Di Tomaso, Roy C Mora and Adrian Uema.

Figure 14. Learning how to join the 7section of tires Figure 15. Students at work with tires

Figure 16. Geodesic is mounted by 15 students on Figure 17. Urban wastes saved from being disposed
the walls and rotate the horizontal bars into the basin per 30 square meter construction
reinforcement
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9 URBAN WASTE SAVED FROM BEING THROWN INTO THE BASIN
30 square meter classroom: we rescued from being discharged: Foundations: 31 truck tires,
1 cubic meters rubble. Walls: 250 car tires, 3 cubic meters of rubble. Windows: 8 truck tires.
Triangle Ceiling: 800 milk sachets, 24 square meters 3mm hardboard industrial packaging. 1350
polyethylene supermarket bags and 1000 pet bottles of soda 1500 cc. Geodesic Covering: 6
thermal blankets big international packaging. Green Roof: 50 square meters discarded original
shading fabric, 1700 bottles of 600 cc pet. Floor: 56 car tires, 1.4 cubic meters rubble,
18 disused wooden beams 3 "x 6" x 3 meters. 30 square meters discarded 25mm phenolic par-
ticle board, 110 used rubber tiles. Embankment: 25 cubic meters earth from the excava-
tion for the pond. Amphitheater: 200 car tires and 2000 pet bottles of soda, one a half li-
ter capacity
10 CONCLUSIONS
Classroom will be equipped with all the technologies mentioned, operation was transferred to
teachers and students. The space will function as a meeting point for dissemination of know-
ledge on ecology as well as a neighborhood center within the municipality cultural circuit. The
system is constantly fed depending on the capabilities of the members of the program and the
characteristics of the waste and grants that are available. The challenges: the characteristics and
availability of program actors while the biggest challenge is working on low budget dealing
with government departments, whose time resolution is slow. We demonstrate that huge
problems could be modified in countless small actions acting in community-based network,
considering eco centers architecture as germ for organization construction and development of
sustainable economic programs, not only as green buildings. The transformation of negative
factors generates opportunity alternative paradigms, as the community can imagine a different
future. The project major success is the waste transformation in building materials with low
intake of new materials and energy while saving the watershed from waste to develop new job
skills in populations with frequent insertion difficulties. This self-management and
social economy are the foundation of new social relations and environmental changes are
linked to social change.
REFERENCES
Ackerman, F. 1997. Why Do We Recycle?: Markets, Values and Public Policy, W DC: Island Press.
Brown, A. Martinez Ortiz, U. Acerbi, M. & Concuera, J. 2006. Situacin Ambiental Argentina 2005.
Buenos Aires: Fundacin Vida Silvestre.
Bueno, M. 1992. El gran libro de la casa sana. Madrid: Ediciones Martinez Roca.
Cesarman, E. 1974. Hombre y entropa. Mexico DF: Pax.
Edmondson, A. C. 2007. A Fuller Explanation: The Synergetic Geometry of R. Buckminster Fuller. Pue-
blo: Emergent World Press.
Etkin, J. 2007. Capital social y valores en la organizacin sustentable. Buenos Aires: Granica.
Friedman, T. 2005 The world is flat. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.
Freire, P. & Faundez, A.1985. Por uma pedagogia da pergunta. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra Educacao.
Gonzalo, G & Nota, V. 2009. Manual de Arquitectura Bioclimatica Sustentable. Tucuman: FAU UNT
Herrero, A.C. & Fernndez, L. 2008. De los ros no me ro. Diagnstico y reflexiones sobre Cuencas
Metropolitanas de Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires: Temas.
Latchinian, A. 2009. Globotomia. Caracas: Ediciones Punto Cero
Maturana, H. 1996. La realidad : objetiva o construida?. Fundamentos biolgicos del conocimiento.
Mexico DF: Anthropos,
Porter, R.C. 2002. The Economics of waste. WDC: Resources for the Future.
Prigogine I. 1993 Las leyes del caos, Barcelona: Critica Grijalbo Mondadori, s.a.
Serra Florensa, R. & Coch Roura, H. 1995. Arquitectura y energa natural. Barcelona. Ediciones UPC.
Sonderguer, P. 2002. La cuenca del Matanza-Riachuelo. Lanus: Universidad de Lans.
Stiglitz, J. 2006. Making globalization work. London: Penguin.
Thom, R. 1979 Thorie des catastrophes. Copenhague: E. Munksgaard.
Thomas, D. 2002. Architecture and the urban environment: a vision for the new age. Oxford: E. Science.
Unesco Etxea. 2009. Manual de Educacion para la sostenibilidad. Bilbao: Fundacion Iberdrola
Van Bohemen, H. 2005. Ecological bridging between ecology and civil engineering. AC Boxtel: Aeneas
Technical Publishers.
Wackernagel, M. & Rees, W. E. 2001. Nuestra huella ecolgica. Santiago de Chile: Lom.
Heritage 2012
1 INTRODUCTION
Nowadays, we live in a world dominated by a crisis values, characterized by breaking relations
between human beings and their natural environment, which is causing social and environmen-
tal problems. For this reason, it is necessary to prevent and minimize the destructive processes
in order to defend and preserve our environmental heritage. In this context, we consider educa-
tion as a tool at the service of sustainability and environmental current problems, since this
makes possible to develop not only knowledge and skills but also critical attitudes towards envi-
ronment. Therefore, from formal education, textbooks take an important role because they are
the main teaching resource from which students learn. In this sense, many studies and research
have been undertaken on the analysis of textbooks from different approaches, concerning use of
knowledge, skills or attitudes contents, use of the images, educational curricula on textbooks,
etc.
This paper presents an analysis of content on the textbook from a new perspective which is
drawn on the attributes of heritage education. So, some of these attributes of heritage education
are: interdisciplinary and systemic perspective of treatment knowledge, active role of society,
promotions values, use of temporal-space scale, multicultural view, sociocritic knowledge, mo-
tivation, preservation and conservation, emphatic, motivation. This perspective makes it possi-
ble a systemic and interdisciplinary perspective since working with different issues, areas, topics
from Social Science and Experimental Science. Therefore, we can understand heritage as a
conceptual hinge since this make it possible to come to contents from different areas and dis-
ciplines (Bennet, Sandore y Pianfetti, 2002; Tani, 2004). Moreover, heritage perspective makes
it possible to work with heritage elements close to students and develop other educative values
as such citizenship scientific literacy. So, heritage is a space for social implication (Garca,
Environmental and Heritage Education as a tool for the
sustainable development: an analysis on experimental science
and social science textbooks in Secondary School
H. Morn
University of Huelva (Spain)
M. C. Morn
A. M. Wamba
J. Estepa
ABSTRACT: Heritage education is understood as a pedagogic tool, in order to create awareness
of our historical heritage (including the environment) and construction of social identity. Then,
society conscious of this heritage will protect it and conserve it. In this way, environmental edu-
cation seeks this same target, the protection and conservation of our environmental heritage.
From this perspective, the treatment of this heritage on the secondary education textbooks in
Spanish school system, have been analysed. To achieve this, we have used some specific criteria
and a check list. The research lets us approach the extent to which the treatment of environmen-
tal heritage which appears in the textbooks help to its conservation and protection and hence the
sustainable development.
2009) where people build their knowledge through near heritage elements which have meaning
for them, have an identity value. In consequence, if the society feels recognized in their heritage
as a belonging, it will want to preserve and keep it. This new perspective, which we have been
using to analyze the textbook, is called Comprehensive Heritage Perspective (CHP). We view
CHP as an ongoing process which builds upon knowledge.
This topic, related to Heritage Education, is one of the lines of work DESYM research group,
which has extensive experience in this field (Wamba and Prez Jimnez, 1996 and 2005, Steppe
et al., 1998; Estepa, Wamba and Jimenez, 2005, Cuenca, 2004; Wamba et al., 2006a and 2006b;
Estepa, Avila and Ferreras, 2008, Jimenez, Cuenca and Ferreras, 2009) and which is currently
developing a project I+D+i
1
on heritage Education entitled "Heritage and teaching. Analysis of
resources and materials for an integrated approach to heritage education" (2008 edition of the
National Research EDU2008 code-01968), within which this work is included. Specifically, one
of the objectives of this project, in relation to teaching and learning of heritage in a formal edu-
cation, is to analyze the materials and resources used commonly by teachers in compulsory edu-
cation classrooms where textbooks are the more widespread use in the Spanish educational sys-
tem.
In this article we focus on the analysis of textbooks Natural Science SSNN (includes all
science subjects: Physics and Chemistry, Biology and Geology and Natural Sciences) and So-
cial Sciences SSCC (covers subjects Geography and History) in compulsory secondary educa-
tion (ESO), where it is analyzed through a validated and reformulated checklist environmental
heritage and its didactic treatment from this new perspective. This we can see more specific in
the next research question: to what extent the environmental heritage which appears in text-
books of ESO lets us develop sustainable attitudes towards the environment and its heritage? I.e.
if these work using CHP as reference. The hypothesis is to depend on the perspective heritage,
which SSCC and SSNN textbooks treat heritage, will encourage awareness of environmental
problems and their heritage. That is why, we focus on the environmental heritage typology,
which is what is directly related to the conservation of the environment and therefore their herit-
age, in addition, this typology is that it works both from the SSCC as of SSNN.
2 CONCEPTUAL AND METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK
2.1 What do we mean by environment and landscape?
The initial meaning of environment was coined in the United Nations Conference on Human
Environment held in Stockholm in 1972: "the environment is the set of physical components,
chemical, biological and social effects likely to cause direct or indirect, in a short or long on liv-
ing beings ". This definition has varied over time and moving towards a more holistic and inter-
disciplinary concept, since it encompassing several issues which must be approached from dif-
ferent disciplines. In this sense, the environment must always be linked to the concept of
system, it understood as a whole make up of different parts which are interconnected. It in-
volves a global behaviour, but not the summation of its parts because of their interactions give
rise to emergent properties, which must be absent if they deal with separately.
Landscape and its diversity are the materialization of the environmental systems as well as
the cultural systems in a particular territory. In this case, concept of landscape has inside an im-
portant anthropic component, due to there arent any pristine landscapes that they stay away
from human actions.
In these lines come up the concept of cultural landscape, Carl Sauer (1925) was pioneer in the
formulation of the term. He understood the landscape like: the cultural landscape is fashioned
out of a natural landscape by a culture group. Culture is the agent; the natural area is the me-
dium, the cultural landscape the result".
In this sense, from some International Organizations also understand the term landscape,
from this point of view that combines action between nature and human being (UNESCO,
1972). More recently the European Landscape Convention (2000)
2
and Spanish Law 42/2007 on
Natural Heritage and Biodiversity, also deals the landscape under this approach.
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2.5 How we have analyzed the environmental heritage in textbooks?
The books selected were of secondary school of the subjects of Natural Science (1 and 2 of the
ESO), Biology, Geology and Physics-Chemistry (3 and 4 ESO) and the Social Sciences: Geo-
graphy and History (from 1 to 4 ESO). Furthermore, we treat different publishers from differ-
ent regions. We designed beforehand a pilot study in order to check collecting and analysing in-
formation tools.
Contented analysis is performed using a checklist according to a system of categories, with
three categories and eight sub-categories (variables) which in turn would be used to analyze the
information. This instrument was designed for a previous project (Heritage teaching and disse-
mination in schools and visitor centres). This project recognizes three levels of development in
participants thinking about conceptual and educational aspects of heritage. These follow a hypo-
thesis of development from reductive to complex in respect of interpretative capability and/or
systematization regarding its components, recognizing increasing degrees of complexity and
depth in the treatment of heritage education. To construct the gradient we considered the differ-
ent levels of teachers' and administrators' reflection regarding professional development.
The initial level of the gradient, which we have called reductionist, was defined by simpler,
more static and a critical conceptualizations of heritage and its teaching- learning, whilst the in-
termediate (applied) and ultimate (integrated) levels were characterized by conceptualizations
of an increasingly investigative, complex, critical and constructivist nature, and we reconsidered
more desirable in that they superseded the limitations of previous levels (Cuenca, 2003).
Category I: Concepts and typology of heritage, this category comprises two variables Pers-
pectives on heritage and Heritage types.
Category II: Model of heritage teaching, this category comprises four variables: Role of her-
itage in Educational programs, role of providers and beneficiaries in heritage education, inte-
gration of contents and aims of heritage education and dissemination (academics, Practical-
conservationist or Critical).
Category III: Heritage and identity, this category comprises two variables; Identity scales
and Heritage typology and identity. So this category is highly relevant, since not all patri-
monial elements compiled into textbooks have this symbolic-identity value that appears to the
number of established relationships / connections between heritage and the different items
and subitems of the above categories.
This checklist not only allows us to know didactic treatment accorded heritage textbooks or
what is the same as promoting heritage perspective, but there are other parameters or indicators
such as the formal aspects of the textbooks and the frequency or the number of times they ap-
pear such elements. In relation to structure of textbooks, we take into account the formal as-
pects, like the use of images, amount and type, contents, sections and supplements expansion,
etc. These features depend on each publisher and the heritage treatment given to the textbooks
by them. Furthermore we take into account other variable, the location of the heritage content in
the textbook. In fact, the meaning of the heritage contents can range from presentation to devel-
opment and additional section.
3 SOME RESULTS
We show the following outstanding results based on the analysis of the categories that make up
the checklist of SSCC books and SSNN:
Category I: we note that the given heritage vision is monumental, exceptional and unidiscip-
linary, which suggests that patrimonial elements that appear in textbooks are valued only by
attributes of stylistic beauty, rareness, singularity and from other attributes more complex and
rich as can be from its richness or diversity or social importance. However, there are differ-
ences in the treatment of environmental aspects for SSNN economic and social sciences, as
these items such as spaces, species and landscapes tend to be valued on the books of SSNN
for its rich biodiversity and supporting the idea of system, while SSCC books dominated by a
static idea of such items valued for their beauty and monumentality and it related to an undif-
ferentiated view of the environment and in this case there is not any interaction with it. In ad-
dition, these environmental elements are mainly liked with geographical topics belong to
SSCC and issues related to Biology and Geology for SSNN, however physical, chemical and
historical topics dont deal with environmental heritage elements
Category II: we can see that these environmental heritage elements are worked by both dis-
ciplines as a teaching resource, in fact, it is can be consider the main trend. They are some-
times treated from a simple educational level, that is anecdotally, compared to other more
comprehensive level. This suggest us that environmental heritage items are assessed from a
more complex and rich point of view.
In this sense, environmental heritage elements are usually treated from an academic ap-
proach which are associated with conceptual contents, but point the difference between the
two areas (SSCC and SSNN) SSNN we note that, from a practical-conservationist, will also
treat jointly with other attitudinal content, valuing the importance of conservation and impor-
tance to humans and the environment. This relationship appears conceptual content-collection
mainly attitudinal: activities they want to find a critical attitude, in topics related to environ-
mental conservation, or when content is linked to cultural and ethnological themes, close to
the students by motivation or geographic proximity. By contrast, in the order book is acade-
micians SSCC, transmitter only of information, which supports a vision of heritage anecdotal
and of little educational value.
Category III: both disciplines match up in heritage and identity relationship that gives text-
books to the elements heritage, for the establishment of links between environmental heritage
elements of a society, a culture or identity is not common. Also, when this happens is social,
is related to ethnological or historical aspects of art. On the other hand, the environmental
heritage elements that are compiled by the books from this perspective symbolic identity are
those heritage elements globally recognized, ie, those figures have legal protection as a
World Heritage Site, Biosphere Reserve, etc. with excellent reputations or mediatic load. Al-
so, these elements are not related to heritage references nearby, moving from the global to lo-
cal scale without establishing links or similar exemplifications in the nearby environment (lo-
cal, regional, etc).
4 CONCLUSIONS AND QUESTIONS FOR DEBATE
One of the primary aim of this paper is to present a new heritage perspective (CHP) from which
we have analyzed the textbooks in order to know in which extent their treatment makes it possi-
ble to foster attitudes sustainable for environment. One of the first observations related to text-
books is; textbooks either SSNN or CCSS have the same heritage treatment, hence their treat-
ment is independent of discipline or area.
In some occasions SSNN textbooks approach a symbolic-identity value of environmental her-
itage (close to our CHP of reference) when draw connections between their environment, for
example appear in a context for a county or region in particular. Likewise, Pluckrose (1993)
suggests heritage provides a social-cultural context, helps to teaching and learning processes. As
a result, geographic proximity or the space context in the textbooks is a crucial element since
fostering symbolic-identity connections with environmental elements. Therefore, if the textbook
omits geographical references, heritage treatment will have a heritage perspective further of our
reference perspective.
Previous findings reinforce our theoretical framework of this research, particularly related to
comprehensive heritage term and their systemic dimension or connection with environment
term. For example, we can regard this coherence conceptual with the results when appear herit-
age in contents related to environment, ecosystems or reservoirs in SSNN textbooks. In these
contents there is a relation between heritage-environment from a systemic perspective which is
related to reference CHP. However, this reference level (CHP) is not usually treating in text-
book as we can regard trough different criteria and analysis check list:
Check list which we use to analyses textbook, suggests that heritage is treating meanly from
a classical heritage perspective. The main attributes of this perspective is; a value exceptional
and temporal heritage, i.e. environmental heritage is value for beauty, grandiosity or excep-
tionalism which is corresponded with recognized worldwide elements. Moreover this heritage
is worked as an object related to knowledge concepts and without any connection with other
areas, kind of contents of cultural or social context close for student. So, this heritage doesnt
Heritage 2012
approach a symbolic-identity value and form educational processes it is fostered an academic
teaching and hence surface learning.
Criteria analyses as such formal aspect and the context, reinforce this classical heritage pers-
pective when environmental heritage doesnt work cross or transversal on the textbook but
from time to time in some unities or expansion section or/and supplements section of text-
books.
As a result, regarding to heritage and its systemic dimension, we regard that heritage is
treated without connections and simply way. This fact, suggests us a simplistic view of envi-
ronment where environment is a medium with elements without any relation between them and
environmental heritage only has exceptionalism, beauty or grandiosity values.
Finally, this previous results suggest us those textbooks doesnt work from a CHP which fos-
tering comprehensive environmental education. So, environmental heritage doesnt have a sym-
bolic-identitary value close to students. As a result, from teaching and learning these know-
ledge have less value and meaning for students and hardly fostering critics attitudes and
sustainable for environment.
In conclusion, this new CHP as reference level, help to enhance teaching and learning from
heritage when we work in our lesson with a close cultural and social contexts which fosters a
symbolic-identity value. Heritage from this perspective provides to whatever content which we
want to teach, two important attributes: a social-cultural contexts and identity value. Last but not
least, this last idea proves a range of possibilities since CHP can be used for other areas not di-
rectly related to SSCC (where there is more tradition to work with heritage) and not only envi-
ronmental education in order to develop sustainable attitudes towards environment.
ENDNOTES
1
These acronyms mean; innovation, develop and research.
2
The European Landscape Convention (ELC) has been ratified by Spain on March 1, 2008.
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Heritage 2012

1 HERITAGE AS A CULTURAL EXPRESSION

The propose of UNESCO convection is "awareness, locally, nationally and internationally, the
importance of intangible cultural heritage and their mutual recognition" and "international co-
operation and assistance as part of a world increasingly globalized, which threatens to stan-
dardize cultures of the world while increasing social inequalities. "(UNESCO, 2003)
At a time when cities are constantly changing, the cultural references have been lost, yielding
a loss of identity and relationship to the place. There is today a set of initiatives, individual and
collective, aimed at preserving heritage, as a response to the phenomenon of cultural globaliza-
tion (Smith, 2000).
It is our duty, as citizens know our cultural heritage. These portray the history, the tradition
and strengthen their sense of belonging. This feeling is developed by perceptual experiences as
feelings and emotions arise that mark that because we only value, preserve and protect what you
know.
It is to retrain the asset is to strengthen the meaning of cultural while develops identity. The
equity can be defined as a cultural asset, tangible or intangible, that awakens the sense of worth
and identity while manifesting their own culture. This is what connects the past and present
while it lets us know the tradition and culture. It is an architectural representation that arouses a
sense of identity and belonging.
The revitalization of heritage must guarantee respect for the culture (including artistic styles)
and ensure its historical significance.
At a time when we rediscover the value of assets as part of cultural identity, it becomes crucial
to their dissemination and projection.

Diffusion of heritage and culture through design in Alcntara
C.S. Rijo
Faculdade de Arquitectura da Universidade Tcnica de Lisboa, Portugal
ABSTRACT : The purpose of this communication is to present a reflection on the importance of
heritage as a cultural expression, in a measure of identity and image associated with a site, and
the contributions of the project-design as a discipline that ensures the development of the visual
identity of a place, as result of an investigation. Discusses the importance of heritage as a diffe-
rential factor, since the cultural diversity takes many forms through time and space. The design-
er should contribute to this diversity is perceived by many people because it is this way to pre-
serve it at a level intangible. This study is under investigation for the doctoral thesis in design in
the FA-UTL, which aims to create a final image that identifies and project the neighborhood as
a place of Alcntara both memory and future in the capital city.
2 DESIGN: IDENTITY AND IMAGE

For a place that is perceived as different, the identity of your brand should be unique.
The resources of a physical location (architecture, urbanism, transport, monuments), its geo-
graphic location and its cultural events contribute to determining their identity, these compo-
nents must be integrated into the essence of brand positioning of the site. For this measure is es-
sential to identify their distinguishing characteristics and build an identity based on their
distinctive cultural resources (Landry & Bianchini, 1995), in order to attract tourists, residents
and or investors.
The culture of a place provides insight into how citizens relate to the past present and future
(Elizagarate, 2006), while giving it a unique individuality, because a culture is not to copy or
imitate (Anholt, 2007). Accordingly, the assets, as an integral element of culture are an essential
element in the representation of places and should be integrated into the construction of their
identity. The use of architectural features has been a prime vehicle in brand building and re-
building of our cities. The representation of cultural heritage involves a set of experiences and
feelings, which seeks to symbolically represent their distinguishing characteristics through the
recognition of a common past (Silva, 2000).
The designer must assess these distinguishing aspects, in order to achieve this identity to de-
velop an emotional relationship with the receiver. Thus the designer fulfills its function, as writ-
ten by Victor Margolin, the designer should seek to investigate new concepts and try to under-
stand how design affects the human action, not forgetting that the design as a culture relates to
disciplines that study human behavior (such as sociology and anthropology) at the same time
linked with studying objects (such as art history and material culture)(2002).
According Buchaman design is often overstated and is seen merely as a commercial applica-
tion area rather than being seen as a source of interdisciplinary collaboration and space that can
give an objective and purpose to the design and planning. (Buchanan & Margolin, 1995).

3 ALCANTARA: TANGIBLE AND INTANGIBLE HERITAGE

In assessing the identity of a culture is the most relevant factors, it is one that provides insight
into how the site relates to citizens in the past present and future, since culture is not to copy or
imitate (Elizagarete, 2003).
By the above, is to analyze the cultural heritage of a city or neighborhood need a multidiscip-
linary approach to the song.
Located in West Lisbon, Alcntara was largely left abandoned as to the protection of their
historical heritage.
This neighborhood portrays the diversity of the city of Lisbon, with the presence of three dis-
tinct architectural components: initially religious and aristocratic (figs 1- 4) that after the indus-
trial revolution assumed a character worker (figs 5- 6), recognized by Angelina Vidal Lisbon in
his book Ancient and Modern, when he writes signs of an aristocratic world-religious, pre-
industrial are gradually being stifled (Vidal, 1900). In the nineteenth century became one of the
most active areas of the city with the development of the capital's main factories.
By understanding to Lisbon as a city, becomes a monument where they perceive the architec-
tural form and allegorical, while it is understood that the city representative of a community is
universal or particular, as a collective monument, monument that is considered as a work of art
that spans the centuries preserving and transmitting their own ideological value (Pereira, 1989).
Alcntara turns out to be so surprised to have a heritage as old and diverse, where you can meet
properties of historic and artistic interest.

Heritage 2012

Figure 1 Alto de Santo Amaro, back of the chapel of
Santo Amaro, a small temple dating from 1549,
photograph by Edward Portugal File photo of the City of
Lisbon

Figure 2 Alto de Santo Amaro, photograph of the
author, 2011

Figure 3 Burnay Palace at the end of the century XIX,
Image Francesco Rocchini, evidence for albumin File
photo of the City of Lisbon

Figure 4 Burnay Palace, photo by the author, 2011

Figure 5 Overview of the Neapolitan factory building,
Archives of General Directorate for National Buildings
and Monuments (DGEMN)

Figure 6 The Neapolitan Building Factory, photo by
the author, 2011

5 CONCLUSION

Increasingly there is awareness that the region should invest in a unique and distinctive identity
in order to design the expressions of identity.
According to the UNESCO Universal Declaration cultural diversity contributes to a life of in-
tellectual, emotional, moral and spiritual satisfaction and constitutes an essential element of the
transformation of urban and social reality. The historical and cultural heritage is the representa-
tive element of a city or place because it is through him that the place is distingue.
The designer should contribute to this diversity is perceived and perceived by a lot of people
in order to preserve it at a level intangible.
The measure of identity and the value attributed to assets is somewhat complex since it is re-
lated socio-economic aspects, geographical, political, and other values like, personal expe-
riences, cultural heritage or symbolic references.
The heritage is a cultural reference that marks an epoch and represents the diversity in that
because it portrays the past and present.
Culture takes diverse forms across time and space, constituting the common heritage of hu-
manity and should be recognized and affirmed for the benefit of present and future generations.

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Heritage 2012

Index of Authors

Aktre, Z. 3
Abidi, L. H. 379
Addo, E. 127, 1017
Aguiar, J. 1961
Albanese, V. 947
Alcorn, A. 379
Almeida, F. 729
Alonso, A. 1659
Alves, S. 387
Alzahrani, D. A. 13
Amielli, L. 1621
Amoda, R. 1357, 1669
Anton Barco, M. 619, 2085
Apicella, A. 23
Arckens, M. 553
Arellano Agudo, A. R. de 581
Arroba, M. 1679
Ashley, K. S. 1031
Atanasio Guisado, A. 1041
Ate, S. 1689
Aversa, B. R. 23
Baeza Herrera, O. 415
Baker, K. 719
Bakker, K. A. 175
Bandyopadhyay, S. 291
Barbosa, M. 1961
Bellamy, M. J. 1051
Benassi, L. 1701
Benigno, A. 1749
Bentez, P. 1679
Birdsall-Jones, C. 1227
Black, N. H. 1061
Boom, S. 553
Boriani, M. 1711
Bourgeois, J. 1379
Bozelli, R. L. 563
Breyter, F. 1621
Briggs, A. 397, 1069
Brostrom, T. 405
Bustamante Gutierrez, I. de. 501
Buzianu, F. I. 777
Cabeza Lainez, J. M. 629
Cagat, K. 787
Caldern Aguilera, C. M. 415
Caliandro, L. P. 1075
Callieri, M. 1701
Caminiti, E. 209
Campbell, J. W. P. 1931
Cang, V. G. 1087
Cannas, L. 423
Cantone, F. 1719
Capelo, A. M. 1573
Carbajo Cruces, E. 581
Cardaci, A. 1537, 2141
Carlos, J. S. 1949
Carman, J. 797
Casa Martin, F. da 501
Cassinelli, G. 433
Casu, P. 423, 1729
Cavallazzi, R. L. 433
Cercleux, A. L. 103, 875
Chen, H.-H. 221
Chilln, M. C. 805
Chinchn Yepes, S. 1347
Claus, K. E. A. 175
Colombo, S. 281
Compn, V. 2017
Cooper, E. 1209
Cordero, M. 1837
Cossu, G. P. 1897
Costa, L. M. S. A. 433
Crecent, R. 1837
Index of authors 1651

Crompton, A. 1435
Csandi, G. 231
Csizmady, A. 231
Curulli, I. 1581
Dal Sasso, P. 1075
Damen, S. G. 31
De Maestri, S. 1093
De Masi, A. 1103
De Medici, S. 41
De Reu, J. 91
Dee, J. 71
Deom, C. 451
Derks, R. 31
Dermitzaki, A. 815
Dettori, M. 2055
Devilat, B. M. 463
Devine, K. 475
Di, X. 1591
Di Pilla, L. 423
Diano, D. 485
Dias, R. A. 57
Dijokien, D. 1113
Dixey, A. E. 1123
Dolin, T. 1219
Domnech Casadevall, G. 1739
Doxanaki, A. 815
Drghici, C. C. 103, 875
Dugulan, D. 1005
Duca, G. 493
ukanovi, D. 825
Echarri Iribarren, V. 1749, 1787
El Amrousi, M. 1133
El Barazi, K. 1143
El Fadl, B. R. A. 1153
Emirolu, M. K. 835
Ennen, E. 845
Eriksson, P. 405
Espinosa Fernndez, A. 1787
Estepa, J. 1633
Falasca, C. C. 855, 1759
Feraboli, M. T. 1161
Fernandez Tapia, E. J. 501
Ferreira, T. 1767
Ferreira, V. 1961
Ferrer, P. 805
Fiorino, D. R. 1777
Firnigl, A. 1171
Galiano Garrigs, A. L. 1787
Galiano Garrigs, V. 1749
Galizia, M. 1445
Garca Alas, E. 1797
Garrote, M. A. 1809
Garzulino, A. 1711
Gharib, R. Y. 53
Gherri, B. 511
Ghini, A. 511
Giambruno, M. C. 63, 1711
Giannakopoulou, S. 865
Giannattasio, C. 1777
Gonalves, M. M. C. S 1181
Gonzlez Avils, A. L. 1749
Gradol Martnez, C. 1847
Gratowski, S. V. von 1971
Gravante, A. 1819
Green, A. R. 245
Green, R. J. 253
Gregg, M. 521
Grillo, S. M. 1729, 1777
Guagnini, A. 1829
Gual Ort, J. 1413
Guimarey, B. 1837
Gl , M. 71
Heritage 2012

Gupta, R. 521
Henyei-Neto, G. 1191
Herbig, U. 1557
Herrero Garca, L. F. 1847
Higuera, J. L. 531
Hill, M. 745
Hughes, N. J. 1919
Hunt, A. 1601
Ianos, I. 875
Isabel, M. 1749
Ivanov, A. 1199
Jackson, S. A. 263
Jacoby, J. 1209
Jimnez Alcal, B. 543
Jimura, T. 1611
Jones, R. 1219
Jones, T. 1227
Kaliampakos, D. 865
Kamara, J. 2077
Karro, K. 339
Katapidi, I. 81
Kershaw, A. 1601
Klagyivik, M. 1171
Krempl, S. 1239
Kumarasuriyar, A. 1857
La Vergata, A. 1249
Lameira, G. 1255
Landorf, C. 883, 1401
Laumain, X. 1267, 1867
Leandro, L. 897
Leandro, L. A. L. 563
Leboreiro Amaro, M. A. 905
Len Casero, J. 1877
Leonardi, M. 1277
Leturia Nabaroa, M. 709
Leus, M. 553
Levinton, C. H. 1621
Limbouri-Kozakou, E. 1995
Lira, S. 1357
Llopis, V. 1659
Lloyd, S. V. 245
Loader, K. 915
Loddo, G. 1897
Longobardi, G. 1281
Lopes, A. F. 563
Lpez, M. I. 925
Lpez Mateu, V. 1887
Lpez Sabater, A. 1267, 1867
Lpez-Gil, A. 805
Lu, Y.-C. 1289
Lubkemann, S. 31
Ludoni, D. 1897
Lufrano, C. 855, 1759
Luis i Ginovart, J. 2067, 2111
Lupo, E. 273
Machado, D. B. P. 433
Macas Gutirrez, V. 1909
Mackay, C. A. 1919
MacKenzie, A. 93, 571
Magliocco, A. 433
Makrodimitri, M. 1931
Maneiro Jurjo, J. M. 939
Manfredi, C. 281
Manso, M. 739
Marchal, S. 1299
Marinova, D. 1239
Mariotti, M. 1309
Marrero, M. 1941
Martnez, A. 1659
Martnez de Dios, J. R. 2027
Martnez-Rocamora, A. 1941
Martnez Sierra, E. 1909

Martins, A. M. T. 1949
Mateus, L. 1961
McCleery, Alison 1317
McCleery, Alistair 1317
Meloni, A. 423
Mencas, D. 1679
Meneses, J. A. 1679
Mercader Moyano, M. P. 581
Merciu, F. C. 103, 875
Merciu, G. L. 103
Meriakri, V. V. 1971
Merino Sanjun, L. 1413
Metgod, T. L. M. 31
Miani, F. 947
Michelson, A. 955
Milln, P. 1749
Miranda, D. 1837
Montero, F. J. 531
Moore, K. J. 965
Morales Conde, M. J. 2027
Moreno, J. 1659
Morn, H. 1633
Morn, M. C. 1633
Mosavi, A. 1983
Moulis, S. 93
Muoz, A. 1809
Mura, C. 423
Navickien, E. 1325
Neffa, E. 897
Nielsen, D. 1857
Nogueira de Moraes, L. 115
Nomeikaite, L. 108
Norton, S. C. 915
Odai, A. 127
Olivares Santiago, M. 581
Oliveira, M. D. 139
Ollero Baturone, A. 2027
Ongsavangchai, N. 975
Palacios, D. 699
Panagiaris, G. 815
Panin, O. 975
Pardo, D. 1335
Parham, S. 245
Parri, A. 1701
Parsons, A. 591
Pasqualini, P. 2121
Passano, M. G. P. da 1341
Pau, B. 423
Pearson, N. 2121
Pedrazzini, N. 273
Pedrosa, M. A. 1573
Pellicer Armiana, T. M. 1887
Peptenatu, D. 103, 875
Prez Cano, M. T. 1181
Petermans, A. 985
Philips, H. F. 597
Philokyprou, M. 1995
Piedecausa Garca, B. 1347
Pingi, P. 1701
Pinheiro, C. 1357
Pintilii, R. D. 103
Pinto, L. 1369
Pittaluga, M. 1897
Plets, G. 1379
Plets, R. 1379
Plevoets, B. 985
Pollastri, S. 1517
Popescu, I. C. 1005
Porr, D. 423
Povilionis, G. 1391
Pozzi, C. 153
Pradhananga, N. 1401
Heritage 2012

Pressnail, K. D. 2121
Pulido Arcas, J. A. 629
Pultrone, G. 995
Puyuelo Cazorla, M. 1413
Quattrone, G. 291
Quesada Arce, A. B. 1423
Radu, D. P. 875
Ramalhete, F. 609
Ramrez Pacheco, G. 1787
Ramos, C. T. 159
Rankin, L. 1435
Rashid, M. S. A. 755
Restuccia, F. 1445
Rey, J. 1547
Ribeiro, J. T. 139
Rickard, V. 1919
Rijo, C. S. 1645
Rinella, T. A. 1457
Ritson, J. S. 2005
Robador, M. D. 1809
Roders, A. R. P. 31, 175
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Rodrguez Romero, E. J. 619
Rodrguez-Mayorga, E. 2017
Rodrguez-Uribe, D. 1469
Rodriguez-Uribe, N. 1469
Rohdin, P. 405
Rossi, S. 1621
Rubio Bellido, C. 629
Rubio de Hita, P. 2027
Rueda, C. 2095
Ruiz Torres, M. . 303
Ruiz-Moreno, S. 805
Rufat Lpez, J. 639
Sez, A. 2017
Salcedo Hernndez, J.-C. 649
Salem, D. S. 939
Salom, C. 2067, 2111
Snchez-Montas Macas, B. 629
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Heritage 2012

Takuya Soma (2012) The Art of Horse-Riding Falconry by Altai-Kazakh Falconers, HERITAGE 2012 (vol.2)- Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference on Heritage and Sustainable Development: pp. 1499-1506.

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Takuya Soma (2012) The Art of Horse-Riding Falconry by Altai-Kazakh Falconers, HERITAGE 2012 (vol.2)- Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference on Heritage and Sustainable Development: pp. 1499-1506.

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HERITAGE 2012

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