13. Consumption, Agency, and Cultural Entanglement: Theoretical Implications of a Mediterranean Colonial Encounter Michael Dietler “Abstract: A new interpretive perspective is proposed for exploring the early colonial encounter between the indigenous societies of Early Iron ‘Age France and Etruscan and Greek states, and the wider implications for “culture contact” studies are discussed. Both currently popular “world system” and traditional “Hellenization” approaches are shown to be inadequate because they are structurally overdetermined, teleological- ly reductionist, and incapable of accommodating local agency. Moreover, they risk anachronistically misconstruing power relations by assuming that the dominance, extraction, and dependency that characterized later periods were necessarily a feature of the first stages of the encounter rather than a product of subsequent interaction. A focus on consumption during the inital phase of the encounter highlights the specific processes that resulted in the entanglement of indigenous and colonial societies ‘and how the early experience established the conditions for other unan- ticipated kinds of colonial relationships to develop. This approach re- quires that colonial interaction be locally contextualized and viewed from the standpoint of the social and cultural logic of indigenous soct- lies with their proper institutions, cosmologies, and complex histories. The Archaeology of Colonial Encounters ‘The archaeological investigation of colonial encounters is an en- deavor of major significance to anthropology as a whole. The forms of “culture contact” subsumed under the rubric of colon sm have, after all, been implicated frequently as the dominant catalyst for social and cultural ‘Studies in Culture Contact: Interaction, Culture Change, and Archaeology, edited by James G. Cusick. Center for Archacological Investigations, Occasional Paper No. 25. © 1998 by the Board of Trustees, Southern llinois University. Al rights reserved. ISBN 0-8B104-082-7. 288‘A Mediterranean Colonial Encounter | 289 change in the modern world. Indeed, following the demise of the ahistorical structural-functionalist conception of “traditional” societies, the past few dec- ades have witnessed a transformation of the research goals of sociocultural anthropology into a preoccupation with the history of the expansion of the uro-American capitalist world system and its myriad forms of entanglement with indigenous societies around the globe in both colonial and postcolonial ‘manifestations. “Archaeology has a significant, if as yet underacknowledged, role to play in arriving at an understanding of this process for several reasons. In the first place, as sociocultural anthropologists scramble to reconstruct the history of “the people without history” (Wolf 1982), archaeology can furnish kinds of in- formation about colonial encounters that are qualitatively different from, and independent of, the alien colonial texts that have tended to form the primary basis for such endeavors. When working in collaboration, historical anthropol- ogists and archaeologists can develop synergistic research strategies and con- struct particularly rich and insightful interpretations of the history of recent colonial situations (e.g., see Kirch and Sahlins 1992). Moreover, the long-term archaeological perspective and its elucidation of a record of continual change ‘can help to correct an occasional tendency toward historical myopia in some anthropological analyses of recent colonial encounters in which, echoing prob- lems with the earlier program of acculturation studies, models of “traditional” societies lacking internal dynamism and agency sometimes reappear as the baseline for dramatic changes introduced by the engulfing capitalist system (Comaroff and Comaroff 1991:10). Archaeology can help to demolish this sur- prisingly resilient static/dynamic perceptual dichotomy by demonstrating that all societies before this relatively recent episode already had their own long, complex, dynamic histories that were very much in motion at the mo- ment of contact. ‘An equally important role for archaeology stems from the fact that an un- derstanding of recent colonial encounters as sociohistorical phenomena re- quires that they be set in comparative perspective through examination of the Nistorical dynamics of such processes in as many different contexts as possi- ble. It is especially necessary to examine cases that predate the development and expansion of Euro-American colonialism in order to ascertain both the singular and more general aspects of this recent phenomenon that has gener- ‘ated most of our anthropological. theory on colonial interaction. Archaeology is the primary conduit to the bulk of such cases. Indeed, it is evident that re- ‘cent debates in this realm between those who see the modern world system as a fundamentally new phenomenon that developed in Europe during the six- teenth century (eg,, Braudel 1992; Wallerstein 1974, 1991) and those who see it as the inexorable result of a continuous expansionary process of a system that ‘began over four millennia ago (e¢,, Frank 1993; Gills and Frank 1991) can only bbe resolved through recourse to archaeological data. ‘As a final comment on the importance of archaeology in this domain, I ‘would add that the millennium of ancient colonial history in the region under consideration in this essay (and that of Peter Wells, Chapter 14, this volume) is particularly relevant for understanding the development of the ideological290 | M. Dieter foundations of modern European colonialism. Consequently, it has an espe- cially prominent need for critical scrutiny. This is because sentiments similar in spirit to those expressed by ancient Greek and Roman authors about the ivilizing benefits of “Hellenization” and “Romanization” for populations of indigenous "barbarians" are deeply ingrained in European culture, and they have served as an implicit (or often explicit) support for the ideological justifi- cation of modern European colonial activity (Dieter 1994, 1995b; Morris 1994). It is not by accident that the symbols of empire associated with European colonialism, as well as the institutions and language of domination, have often resembled those of the ancient Mediterranean civilizations: the latter served as models for modern practice and as reservoirs of symbolic raw material mani- pulated in the invention of traditions of cultural ancestry and national his- torical mission. Among many possible examples (eg,, see Briant 1979), one may cite cases such as Napoleon III, who explicitly used the defeat of Ver- cingetorix and the Gauls by Caesar to stress the benefits of forcing “barbar- ians” to submit to the civilizing mission of French colonialism (Napoleon Il 1866:397), or an oration by Dutch colonists in 1666 that invoked the conquests of Alexander, Augustus, and Caesar to symbolically situate Dutch enterprises in Capetown firmly within a tradition stemming from ancient Greece and Rome (Hall 1993:198). ‘The ideological resonance of these anterior colonial models stems in large ppart from the invention of cultural links to the ancient Graeco-Roman world during the Renaissance, the period during which European expansion took off. This historical moment was marked by the development of a philosophy of humanism characterized by the cultivation of a new idolatry of classical societies among the bourgevisie that grew to a crescendo during the Victorian era and has persisted, in somewhat diminished form, into the late twentieth century (enkyns 1980; Morris 1994; Turner 1981; Wohlleben 1992). At the time that archaeology was developing as a discipline, political philosophy, art, ar- chitecture, and education were permeated by appeals to these ancient societies and their heritage of colonialism, Not surprisingly, this cultural phenomenon hhas had a profound impact on the development of archaeological interpreta- tion of these ancient colonial encounters (Dietler 1995b); hence, an especially vigilant self-consciousness of the sociohistorical context of interpretive models is required of archaeologists working in this domain. More will be said about this later. Of course, the realization of the potential contribution of archaeology to the study of colonial encounters noted above depends upon the application of appropriate theoretical tools. The intent of this essay is to use the empirical ‘case of the colonial encounter in Early Iron Age western Europe to contribute toward the development of such tools in two ways. First, it will serve as a caveat in demonstrating why one framework for such analysis that has become increasingly popular in archaeology during the past decade, that is, “world systems/center-periphery” theory (cf. Champion 1989; Chase-Dunn and Hall 1991; Rowlands et al. 1987; Santiey and Alexander 1992), is severely limited as an approach to archaeological cases and is particularly inadequate for addressing issues of cultural change that lie at the heart of this volume.‘A Mediterranean Colonial Encounter | 291 More important, however, the essay also offers an alternative approach for the archaeological investigation of colonial encounters grounded in theoretical developments in the anthropology of consumption and culturally informed versions of historical political economy and historical anthropology. This ap- proach enhances the possibilities for understanding the process of cultural entanglement that resulted from and propelled this encounter by offering a ‘means of recovering glimpses of the dynamic relationship between agency and structure, and if has wider implications for archaeological interpretation of other culture contact situations of the types explored in this book. The Early Iron Age Colonial Encounter [A brief preliminary word is necessary to introduce the theater in which the encounter unfolded during the first millennium B.C. and the pri- mary dramatis personae. The discussion will involve two main colonial ‘agents: (1) Etruscans who inhabited a number of independent city-states in the ‘modern region of Tuscany, in western Italy, and (2) Phocaean Greeks who left the coast of Asia Minor to found the colonial city of Massalia (modern Mar- seille) on the coast of southern France. The discussion will also be restricted in focus to the indigenous societies of two different regions in western Europe (Figure 13-1): (1) the lower Rhone basin along the eastern coast of Mediterra- nean France, where the first colonial contact occurred, and (2) a delimited aren of northeastern France, southwestern Germany, and western Switzerland call- ed the Firstensitze zone of the western Hallstatt region (hereafter abbreviated simply to “Hallstatt region”) that lies north of the Rhéne valley. It should be emphasized that interpretations of the colonial situation are specific to the re- gions discussed here and are not intended to be extrapolated uncritically to other areas with contemporary evidence of colonial interaction (such as West- em Languedoc, Roussillon, and Bourges). Moreover, space precludes more than a highly condensed synopsis of the complex cases under consideration here, and those seeking greater detail are referred to other publications (Dietier 1989, 1990a, 1990b, 1995a, 1997, 1998). ‘The two regions considered here are connected by the Rhéne River valley, which forms a major natural corridor between the two imposing mountain ranges, the Alps and the Massif Central, that separate Mediterranean Europe from temperate Europe. During the Early Iron Age, that is, from about the mid-eighth to the mid-fifth century B.C, the two regions were occupied by societies with quite distinctive patterns of material culture and, from all indi- cations (including settlement and funerary evidence), with very different forms of social and political organization (Dietler 1990b, 1995a). ‘The first archaeological traces of colonial contact between the Mediterra- nean states and the indigenous peoples of France center around wine trade and date to the last third of the seventh century B.C., occurring along the coast of southern France. Most scholars now concur that Etruscan merchants were the first agents of trade in this area (Bouloumié 1981; Dietler 1990b; Morel 1981; Py 1985, 1990). Ceramics used for the transport and drinking of wine292 | M. Dietler Figure 15-1, Lower Ritine basin and Hallstatt region.A Mediterranean Colonial Encounter | 293 constitute the overwhelming bulk of the evidence for this trade. These im- ported items are predominantly Etruscan wine amphorae (Py 1985) but also indude a smaller amount of Etruscan bucchero nero pottery (Lagrand 1979; Py 1990). The latter consists exclusively of forms related to wine drinking: the pitcher (oinochaai) and especially the kantharos drinking cup. In addition, a much smaller amount of Greek pottery from the Eastern Mediterranean was imported and consisted almost exclusively of wine-drinking cups (Bouloumié 1987; Dieter 1990b; Py 1990). A few small bronze basins of Etruscan origin ‘were also imported (Bouloumié and Lagrand 1977; Dedet 1995:293-294). That this represents a trade predominantly in wine seems highly probable in view of the several shipwrecks loaded with Etruscan amphorae found off the Provengal coast of southern France (Pomey and Long 1992). The trade is also attested by the plenitude of indigenous settlements with such ceramics ‘the coastal zone of the lower Rhone basin and their abundance in collections from surface survey. ‘About 600 B.C, Ionian Greeks from the city of Phocaea founded Massalia (modern Marseille), the first permanent colonial settlement in southern France, The history of Massalia illustrates the spread of the wine trade in the lower Rhdne basin and the cultural borrowing telated to the wine trade. The early settlement, which is still poorly known, apparently was confined to an area of about 12 hectares, but by the end of the sixth century B.C. the city had expanded to about 40 hectares and had a defensive rampart (Tréziny 1995). It ‘was situated on the north shore of one of the best natural ports on the coast (the current Vieux Port, or ancient Lacydon). As recent excavations have shown, the Massaliotes who settled here first drank Etruscan and other imported wines (Gants 1992). However, about two generations after the founding of the colony, they began to produce their own wine and to trade it to the sur- rounding natives in their own distinctive type of amphora with a heavily mi- caceous fabric (Bertuechi 1992). They also imported fine pottery from Athens and traded some of that to the natives as well. While a wide range of different forms of Attic pottery is found at Marseille (Villard 1960), drinking cups con- stitute the overwhelming bulk of such imports found on indigenous sites of the region (Dietler 1990b; Py 1990). Within 25 years after the founding of Mas- salia, the colonists had also begun to produce their own fine pottery in two wares, called Pseudo-lonian and Grey-Monochrome. Again, despite a much wider range of forms in use at Massalia, the natives of the lower Rhéne basin appear to have been interested in only two Greek forms: the drinking-cup and the wine pitcher (Arcelin-Pradelle 1984; Dietler 1990b; Py 1979-80, 1990). By the late sixth century B.C., Massaliotes appear to have displaced Etruscan merchants as the main agents of trade with the indigenous peoples of the lower Rhéne basin along the entire coast. Moreover, by the last third of the sixth century, objects that probably first reached France through Massalia were also finding their way several hundred kilometers up the Rhdne valley to a few sites of the so-called Hallstatt culture in Burgundy, southern Ger- many, and Switzerland. They are found in contexts with contemporaneous evidence of marked political centralization and social stratification (Brun 1987; Hirke 1979; Kimmig 1983; Pare 1991; Wells 1980), The arrival of these objects294 | M. Dieter has traditionally been interpreted as the result of direct long-distance Greek trade up the Rhone valley into the interior of the Hallstatt region (although cf. Morel 1992; Rolley 1992). For a variety of reasons that cannot be discussed in detail here, this idea seems decidedly implausible to me, and I have argued instead that indigenous exchange networks and interests offer a far more likely explanation of the movement of these goods from southern France ot northern Italy to the Hallstatt region (Dietler 1989). For the present discussion, suffice it to say that while the precise agents, mechanism, and volume of the trade that was responsible for the arrival of these items in the Hallstatt area are open to debate, objects associated in the Greek world with wine-drinking form the bulk of the material. I will return to this important feature later. Aside from these imported objects, the only other major form of cultural borrowing that occurred during the Early Tron Age was the adoption of Greek pottery production techniques (the wheel and the controlled-draft kiln), These techniques were used in the lower Rhone basin for the manufacture of two hybrid ceramic wares combining Greek and indigenous-derived forms and decoration in various permutations. The ceramics are native versions of the Pseudo-Ionian and Grey-Monochrome wares produced at Massalia (Arcelin- Pradelle 1984; Dietler 1990b:229-294; Lagrand 1963; Lagrand and Thalmann 1973; Py 1979-1980, 1990). What is again noteworthy about these ceramics is that, among the range of forms produced at these indigenous workshops, only a very limited range of Greek forms was imitated. Paralleling trends in the imported wares, these locally made wares emulated almost exclusively wine- drinking and service ceramics: that is, drinking cups and pitchers. Although the majority of objects imported into both the lower Rhone basin and the Hallstatt area are clearly related to the practice of drinking wine, there are important differences between the two regions in terms of the nature and contexts of the objects found. In the Hallstatt area, the finds are numerically insignificant in comparison both with contemporaneous finds in southern France (Dietler 1990b) and with the massive evidence for a Roman wine trade ‘extending into the former Hallstatt area several centuries later, when perhaps 55 to 60 million Dressel 1 amphorae flooded Gaul over a period of about a century (Tchernia 1986). However, although few in number, the imports found in the Hallstatt area include several objects of a spectacular nature, such as the 1.6-m-tall bronze crater from the Vix tumulus in Burgundy (Joffroy 1979), the 500-liter bronze cauldron omamented with cast bronze lions from. the Hochdorf tumulus near Stuttgart (Biel 1985), and the cauldron and tripod capped with griffin heads from the tumulus of La Garenne in Burgundy (offroy 1979). All of these objects are luxurious versions of vessels that were used in the Greek world for mixing wine and water for consumption in drink- ing parties, called symposia. Other wine-related material found in the Fall- statt area includes Attic black-figure pottery (mostly drinking cups and wine- mixing craters) and a very few sherds of Massaliote and other Greek am- phorae (Liischer 1966; Villard 1988). Furthermore, these objects (particularly the bronze vessels) tend to be concentrated in a small set of ostentatious tumu- lus burials already richly endowed with indigenous prestige objects. These impressive tumuli range from about 50 m to 100 m in diameter, with a central‘A Mediterranean Colonial Encounter | 295 wooden chamber, and extremely elaborate furnishings (including fancy four- wheeled wagons, gold jewelry, and indigenous feasting gear; see Pare 1992). ‘The Attic pottery and Massaliote amphorae are also found on a few fortified seltlemenis around which the tumuli are concentrated and which, according {to most scholars, are interpreted as regional fod of political power (see Brun 1987; Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978; Harke 1979; Kimmig, 1983; Pare 1991; Wells 1980). They are usually referred to by the German term Firstensitze, ot “princely seats,” although this terminology has recently come under increas- ingly critical scrutiny (Eggert 1989). ‘The pattern in the lower Rhone basin is very different. Mediterranean im- ports were vastly more numerous and have been found on a wide variety of settlements of all types and sizes. In fact, by the late sixth century they were ‘consumed at virtually every settlement in the lower Rhéne basin, and they have been found in particularly large quantities at sites near the coast (Dietler 1990b:564-700). A very small number of items also have come from a few scattered unostentatious graves (generally small tumuli of a few meters di- ameter, and some flat graves), and they represent a tiny portion of the total funerary repertoire (Dedet 1992; Dietler 1990b:295-360, 1995a; Gasco 1984). Although more numerous, the imports in this region are also much less spec- tacular than those in the Hallstatt area, consisting mostly of wine amphorae (Etruscan, Massaliote, and a scattering of other types) and wine-drinking ceramics (Etruscan, Attic, Ionian, Massaliote, and other Greek types). The regional contrast is well illustrated by a site such as Le Pegue on the northem periphery of the lower Rhéne basin (Lagrand and Thalmarin 1973). Itis a typi- cal small agrarian village at which both Massaliote amphorae and Pseudo- Ionian and Grey-Monochrome ceramics are found in domestic debris all over the site and in all excavated structures on the site. Moreover, more imported wine amphora sherds have been recovered from each of a number of stich small settlements than have been found in the entire Hallstatt region com- bined. However, no site in the lower Rhone basin has yielded anything com- parable to the spectacular bronze wine-mixing vessels found in the Hallstatt area (nor, for that matter, to the elaborately furnished tumuli in which they ‘were found). Critique of the World System Approach ‘The idea that the encounter with Mediterranean societies had im- portant cultural and sociopolitical consequences for the indigenous societies of ‘western Europe has been firmly entrenched in the archaeological literature for avery long time. However, there are differences of opinion concerning the precise nature of and explanation for those consequences. In general, two ‘major interpretive perspectives have tended to dominate the analysis of the patterns I have just outlined rather briefly above. The first, which I will call the “Hellenization perspective,” has been an enduring theme since the first discoveries of Greek imports more than a century ago and is still a powerful influence among some French and German archaeologists in particular (e.g.,296 | M. Diller Benoit 1965; Bouloumié 1981; Jacobsthal and Neutfer 1933; Kimmnig 1983), The second approach, which has become increasingly popular in recent years a- ‘mong Anglo-American and some French scholars, consists of various versions of world system models (cf. Brun 1987, 1992; Cunliffe 1988; Frankenstein and ‘Rowlands 1978; Sherratt 1993). Tneed not dwell at length on the increasingly obvious inadequacies of the Hellenization perspective (see Dietler 1989, 1990a; Morel 1983, 1995; Whitehouse and Wilkins 1989). Suffice it to say that this rather nebulous con- ‘cept was used both to describe and to explain what was seen as the absorption or imitation of Greek culture (or that of other Mediterranean civilizations) by indigenous societies. This process was accepted axiomatically as an inevitable ‘outcome of mere contact between “barbarians” and “civilized” Greeks and ‘was considered to need no explanation. It was assumed to be as inevitable and natural as gravity: like water, high culture flows downhill. For scholars steeped in the tradition of what Woblleben (1992:175) has aptly called “Graecolatry” (that is, the adulation of the ancient Greeks and the “cultural capital” [Bourdieu 1984] accruing from a knowledge of the classics within academe), the superiority and attractiveness of Greek culture were self- evident. Although the hegemonic grip of the classics has gradually dimin- ished somewhat since the First World War, it is small wonder that archaeolo- gists formed in that tradition have tended fo approach the colonial encounter ‘with a heavy baggage of Hellenocentric preconceptions or that scholars who were themselves s0 actively striving to become Hellenized would have diffi- culty understanding a lack of similar enthusiasm on the part of the “bar- barians” they were studying. Clearly, from an anthropological perspective, Hellenization is not an expla- nation at all but merely a descriptive concept laden with a host of implicit ‘ethnocentric assumptions. Moreover, there are empirical difficulties with this ‘concept: the archaeological evidence shows something very different from a blanket emulation of Greek culture. Rather, one sees a regionally distinctive, highly selective, and consistent demand for wine and drinking-gear (and very little else) for a period of several centuries. Its striking, for example, that in the lower Rhone basin, despite the immediate and avid thirst for wine, such fundamental Greek cultural practices and goods as writing, coinage, and olive oil were ignored or rejected for hundreds of years (Bats 1988; Dietler 1997). Moreover, patterns of demand for imported Mediterranean goods and theit historical paths of consumption differ considerably from region to region along the coast of Mediterranean France (Dietler 1997). World system perspectives of the situation have recently become very popular, as exemplified in the widely cited article of Frankenstein and Rowlands (1978) and the more recent works of Brun (1987, 1992) and others (eg, Cunliffe 1988; Sherratt 1993). These approaches employ macroscale models of structural dependency that emphasize counterflows of raw mat als and manufactured prestige goods articulating a regional division of labor. They situate Hallstatt political relations within a broad Mediterraneat centered world system in which Hallstatt chiefs expanded their power by ‘monopolizing a role as intermediaries in a huge Mediterranean-oriented sys-‘A Mediterranean Colonial Encounter | 297 tem geared toward draining raw materials (primarily tin and slaves) from temperate Europe. The apparent collapse of the Hallstatt political structure in the mid-fifth century B.C. is held to be the result of shifts in this system re- sulting in changes in control of access to Mediterranean prestige goods. ‘Unfortunately, as will be discussed in more detail later, side from the issue of anachronism, these models tend to suffer from a magnification of all the problems associated with world system theory in general, problems such as a tendency to favor mechanistically reductionist, structurally overdetermined ‘explanations and to emphasize the core’s role in determining processes on the periphery (Comaroff and Comaroff 1992; Roseberry 1988, 1989; Sahlins 1985, 1994; Thomas 1991; Wolf 1982). Moreover, their archaeological application poses some serious dangers (Dietler 1995b; Stein, Chapter 11, this volume). In ‘general, the effect of world systems models in archaeology has been less heu- Tistic than hallucinogenic: they have caused otherwise sensible scholars to see things that are not there and lo ignore crucial developments in some areas in an effort fo impose structures that, in their uniformity, deny the fundamental historicity of colonialism. For example, despite the predilection that this approach seems to stimulate for arrows indicating flows of trade goods across Europe, a critical look at the archaeological evidence indicates good reason to doubt the plausibility of significant trade between Massalia and the Hallstatt zone, the existence of relations of dependency and regional division of labor at this early date, and the meaning and function attributed to imports in native contexts (Bintliff 1984; Dietler 1989, 1990b, 1995b; Gosden 1985; Pare 1991). Te must be remembered that the quantity of Mediterranean imports found in the Hallstatt area is very small in comparison with the imports in southern France. Furthermore, the items, several of which show evidence of long use and repair, are tightly concentrated in a very few high-status burials and asso- Gated settlements. There is little to indicate that such imports flowed steadily into the region or that their redistribution played a systemic role in sustaining the Hallstatt political structure, as the world system models assume. Indeed, there i little to indicate that they were redistributed at all. As for the assump- tions about a trade in wine from Massalia to the Hallstatt chiefdoms, the only site north of the Rhéne valley with a significant quantity of amphorae is Bragny-sur-Saone (Flouest 1990), and recent evidence shows that amphorae at this site are confined to Early La Tene rather than Late Hallstatt contexts. This is, to say the least, rather inconvenient for the mechanics of the world system model, which sees the collapse of the Hallstatt political system being caused by the demise of the “trade route” to Massalia. Additionally, the invocation of counterflows of tin and slaves to the Mediterranean is based not on any evi- dence but rather on anachronistic extrapolations from much later periods when the structure of colonial relations had changed dramatically. A final problem is that advocates of these models have consistently ignored the role Of the indigenous societies of southern France in the colonial network because they do not show the kind of developments expected of a “semiperiphery” under the model. Yet they are the societies in the zone of direct contact, This is the colonial space that forms what Dening (1980) metaphorically calls “the beach,” where cultural differences are experienced and worked out through298 | M. Dieter daily practice. Moreover, these societies constituted a formidable active hu- man presence between the Mediterranean and the deep interior of the Hall- statt region, and they must form an essential integrated part of any meaning- fal model of the regional political economy (Dietler 1989). ‘What is more, this easy invocation of world system mechanisms for the Early Iron Age threatens to impede historical understanding of the develop- ‘ment of the colonial situation and to preclude perception of indigenous agen- ‘¢y and experience of the process. As Nicholas Thomas has warned for recent historical colonial contexts, “Although the ultimately exploitative character of the global economy can hardly be overlooked, an analysis which makes domi- nance and extraction central to intersocietal exchange from its beginnings will frequently misconstrue power relations which did not, in fact, initially entail the subordination of native people” (1991:84). As with many other colonial situations, in the case of Iron Age France it is a serious analytical error to assume that asymmetrical relations or structures of power that ultimately appeared in later periods were necessarily a feature of the first stages of the encounter rather than a product of a subsequent complex history of inter- action and entanglement. From Initial to Later Stages of Contact Examination of the initial phase of the colonial encounter in Iron ‘Age France is important precisely because it holds the promise of revealing the specific historical processes that resulted in the entanglement of indige- nous and colonial societies and how the early experience of interaction estab- lished the cultural and social conditions from which other, often unantici- ated, kinds of colonial relationships developed. As Dirks has argued for modern colonialism, “It is tempting but wrong to ascribe either intentionality or systematicity to a congeries of activities and a conjunction of outcomes that, though related and at times coordinated, were usually diffuse, disorganized, and even contradictory” (1992:7). This caveat is even more apt in the context of the Archaic Western Mediterranean. In order to understand how structures of colonial dependency and domination were gradually created, often in the absence of coercive instruments of power, we must seck to understand the historical complexities of the “colonization of consciousness” (Comaroff and ‘Comaroff 1992:235-263) and the role of material objects in this process. This ‘means that we must first understand how and why some practices and goods ‘were absorbed into the everyday lives of people, while others were rejected or fumed into arenas of contest, and how those objects or practices triggered ‘Processes of cultural entanglement and transformation. Developing the theoretical tools to accomplish this goal will require coming to grips with the issue of agency in indigenous societies and abandoning teleological assumptions of inevitability that have underlain previous ap- proaches. The Hellenization perspective has treated intercultural borrowing as 4 natural and automatic process of passive assimilation by “barbarians” of “civilized” objects and practices from active Greck donors. Similarly, one ofA Mediterranean Colonial Encounter | 299 the most serious criticisms of world systems theory (which is equally applica- ble to the Althusserian-inspired modes of production Literature of structural Marxism) has been precisely its neglect of agency on the periphery (Comaroff and Comaroff 1992; Roseberry 1989; Sahlins 1985, 1994; Thomas 1991; Wolf 1982). In the effort to construct what Sahlins has aptly lampooned as “a physics of the world-historical forces” (in Kirch and Sahlins 1992(1:2), these models succumb to various degrees of structural overdetermination and re- ductionism in which explanation resides solely at the level of economic mac- rostructures of power and the mechanistic articulation of modes of produc- tion. When considerations of agency are allowed to intrude in such models, they are usually confined to the “core” societies. History is determined at the core, and the peripheries simply react. Consumption, Agency, and Structure Unfortunately, such approaches hold little promise for explaining the variety of specific historical manifestations of colonial interaction on dif- ferent parts of the periphery of a given “world system,” or the variety of “Hlellenizations” that can be observed in the hinterland of different parts of the Mediterranean. Progress in this area, in understanding the colonial experi- ence and its unfolding consequences in specific contexts, requires recognizing that intercultural adoption of objects or practices, the process that instigated the initial entanglement of the colonial encounter, is not a phenomenon that takes place at the level of cultures or abstract structures. It is an active process of creative transformation and manipulation played out by individuals and social groups with a variety of competing interests and strategies of action embedded in local political relations, cultural perceptions, and cosmologies. People use alien contacis for their own political agendas, and they give new meanings to borrowed cultural elements according to their own cosmologies. Foreign objects are of interest not for what they represent in the society of or! gin but for their culturally specific meaning and perceived utility in the con- text of consumption. Hence, the colonial encounter must be contextualized in the conjuncture of the different social and cultural logics involved. It is important to emphasize that Iam not arguing for a romanticized vision of unfettered agency but rather for a balanced consideration of agency and structure as mutually constituting historical forces. Local history and agency ‘must be situated within the larger political economy but in a way that allows for motivated and consequential human action. One of the main points of this study is precisely to understand how indigenous societies, through the s- ially situated desires of their own members, were drawn into larger relations ‘of economic and political power and were transformed in the process. A proper understanding of the colonial encounter can only emerge from a bal- anced consideration of agency and structure at a variety of scales. Such a treatment must pay careful attention to demand, embedded in local sociopoli-300 | M. Dieter tical dynamics and cultural perceptions, and must also situate the historical process of interaction within the wider colonial political economy. ‘Proposing such a program in the abstract is, of course, rather easier than realizing it in analyses of concrete cases. The task is daunting even for ethnog- raphers or historians, but archaeologists have their own peculiar data prob- Jems that make things like grappling with questions of agency all the more difficult. Nevertheless, although we archaeologists are unlikely to ever achieve the enviable precision of resolution possible in historical anthropol- ogy, I believe our analytical lens can be focused in such a way as to yield new insights and significantly improve understanding of the colonial situation. In working toward this goal, I have found that a focus on the process of ‘consumption may provide a particularly useful path for penetrating indige- nous agency and experience in the encounter. The literature of the anthropol- ogy of consumption (e.g., Appadurai 1986; Bourdieu 1984; Douglas and Isherwood 1979; McCracken 1988; Miller 1987) makes it lear that demand is never an automatic response to the availability of goods, and especially not in colonial situations. It must be understood as an aspect of the political econ- ‘omy of societies, which follows the political logic of consumption in specific historical circumstances (Appadurai 1986:29-31), Of course, one must be wary of the danger of replacing one anachronistic model with another, and it is ‘clear that theoretical insights derived from the study of consumption in the modern and postmodern eras of late capitalism are not directly applicable to the prehistoric past. Consumption is always a culturally specific phenomenon, and demand is always socially constructed and historically changing. How- ‘ever, the basic message of such studies concerning the symbolic manipulation of consumption in the construction of identity and the politics of desire within the political economy is certainly relevant to the past Historical accounts of early colonial encounters in various parts of the world during the period of European expansion demonstrate that European ‘goods were by no means inherently irresistible to indigenous societies. Usu- ally these peoples exhibited highly selective preferences in the goods they ‘were willing both to accept and to give in exchanges with colonial agents, and they sometimes refused fo interact at all (see Sahlins 1985, 1992, 1994). Thus, for example, early English attempts to engage the Native American tribes of ‘New England in the fur trade were a failure because those peoples were not interested in the various goods the colonists had to offer; it was only when the English finally discovered the native demand for wampum that they were able to begin an exchange relationship (Shlasko 1992). Similarly, Europeans first attempting to trade for pigs (to provision their ships) in the Marquesas reported great difficulties in persuading the local people to part with them. ‘The Marquesans valued their pigs (which were important for ceremonial feasts) far more than the iron axes and hatchets the Europeans were willing to offer in exchange. They could only be induced to give up pigs in return for sheep (regarded as a special kind of pig) and birds (the feathers of which were used in ceremonial regalia); and the Europeans were unwilling to part with these items (Thomas 1991:95-97; sce also Sahlins 1985). Finally, to cite a more temporally and spatially related example from the European Late Iron Age,‘A Mediterranean Colonial Encounter | 301 Caesar (B.G. IV, 2; Hl, 15) noted that, in contrast to the avid consumption among many of the Celtic tribes, both the Germanic Suebi and the Belgic Nervii forbade the importation of Roman wine into their territories. The dis- tribution pattern of Roman amphorae may indicate that this was a more wide- spread practice among the Germanic peoples (Fitzpatrick 1985:311-312). ‘As has been suggested earlier, indigenous demand in Early Iron Age west- ‘ern Europe was equally specific and selective. In the regions discussed in this chapter, for a period of at least two centuries it was largely confined to a de- sire for wine and drinking paraphernalia, while other objects and practices ‘were rejected. Although an appetite for importing alcohol might appear straightforwardly “natural” and self-evident, closer analysis shows that this is not the case (Dietler 1990a). As Mintz (1985) has demonstrated with his anal- ysis of the apparently equally “natural” craving for sweetness and sugar in modern England, tastes and demand for goods are always an artificial prod- uct of particular sociohistorical circumstances and the meaning of goods arises ‘out of their use in social relationships. Moreover, a probing analytical focus on such a deceptively transparent consumption pattem can prove to be extremely revealing of both local agency and the structure of linkages in the broader colonial political economy. ‘The exploitation of such insights in the archaeological investigation of colo- nial encounters requires careful attention to identifying specific local patterns of consumption and demand in the ways suggested by the previous discus- sion of the Early Iron Age case (see Rogers 1990 for a late North American case study). This involves scrutinizing the consumption contexts and patterns of association of imported goods, as well as their relative quantitative repre- sentation and spatial distribution. An important complementary avenue of inquiry is the investigation of the specific characteristics of the objects import- ed and consumed, rather than treating them as generic exotic imports, or “prestige goods,” as has often been done previously. This requires using a comparative ethnographic and historical perspective to derive plausible mod- ls of their potential social roles, of the significance of demand, and of the social consequences entailed by their consumption. Finally, the analysis must maintain a regionally articulated perspective on the political economy of colo- nial interaction that examines processes of change in both temporal and spa- tial dimensions. Alcohol and the Social Construction of Thirst Given the highly selective focus by the Early Iron Age societies in question on the consumption of wine and drinking paraphernalia within the much larger potential range of imported goods and practices, the approach just outlined above demands an exploration of the social role of drinking in small-scale societies from a cross-cultural ethnographic and historical perspec- tive. Ihave already discussed this research at length in previous publications (Dietler 1990a, 1992, 1996) and can offer only a brief recapitulation here (see also Heath 1976, 1987; Mandelbaum 1965; Washburne 1961). What these302 | M. Dieter investigations suggest is that, as with other types of material culture, the form, use, and meaning of alcchol within a society are culturally defined. However, as a form of food with special psychoactive properties resulting from special techniques of preparation, alcoholic beverages constitute a particular class of material culture that make them very frequently a fundamentally important ritual and social artifact. Alcohol has been in use since at least the sixth mil- Jennium B.C. (McGovern 1996), and it has had a very widespread aboriginal distribution around the world. In nearly all societies where it exists, drinking is primarily a social act. It ‘occurs almost exclusively in the context of personal interaction, and it is gov- cerned by cultural rules and expectations determining aspects such as the types of drink that may be used, the time and setting of drinking events, the ritual accompanying drinking, the sex and age of drinkers, and the gender-specific role behavior appropriate to drinking in different contexts. Perhaps the most widespread social function of drinking is facilitating so- ial interaction and channeling the flow of social relations. Where it is con- sumed at all, alcohol is almost universally an integral part of the etiquette of hospitality. This intimate association with hospitality imbues drinking with a potent social value because it becomes a key element in establishing relations of reciprocal obligation that bind together host and guest. Drinking also has a common function of promoting social solidarity through its institutionalized role in the context of formal community social rituals, such as festivals and religious rites. However, it should not be assumed from this that it serves iply to promote social solidarity. Relations of social inequality, and hence underlying tensions of social conflict, are often expressed and even created in the very patterns of social interaction that promote solidarity. Hospitality, for example, like the exchange of gifts, promotes social cohesion by establishing a relationship between host and guest; but this is a relationship of reciprocal ‘obligation that, ifit cannot be repaid, becomes a debtor's relationship of social superiority and inferiority. It can, in fact, be manipulated competitively for augmentation of social prestige and power. Moreover, institutionalized status and role distinctions (such as gender, age, or class) are often symbolically differentiated through drinking patterns: such as seating arrangements, the order of serving, kinds of drinking apparatus, and expected behavior while drinking (Dietler 1990a). Drinking also frequently has a pronounced economic role in small-scale societies, particularly through its use in labor mobilization in the institution of the work-patty feast. In societies where labor is not a marketable commodity (including most of the societies of prehistory), one of the few means available for pooling labor for a project requiring a larger communal effort is the work- party feast in which people gather for a day to work on a specific project and are treated to a feast at the end. This practice used to be extremely common ‘worldwide and of considerable economic importance in contexts ranging from agriculture to house building. to iron production, to trade expeditions (Dietler 1990a, 1996; Erasmus 1956; Moore 1975). An important, yet little recognized, aspect of this institution is its potential to be employed as a form of labor exploitation, even in the context of ideologically egalitarian societies. This is s0A Mediterranean Colonial Encounter | 303 because, while in such a society, the mechanism is theoretically open to all, in practice effective manipulation of it on a large scale often depends upon dif- ferential capacity for agricultural production (Dietler 1996). Regardless of the formal ideology of the group, any time a situation develops where certain individuals begin to operate predominantly as hosts of the feasts rather than as guest-workers, then the potential for spiraling exploitation and increasing social differentiation exists. Drinking is also a prime tool in what I have elsewhere called “commensal politics”; that is, the manipulation of commensal hospitality as a means of de- fining relations of relative power and status in social contexts (Dietler 1996). In societies with formal political roles, alcohol often has a prominent institution- alized function in the maintenance of political authority through both redis- ‘ributive hospitality and tribute. In societies without political centralization or developed institutionalization of political authority, competition by individu- als or groups for informal power (i., the capacity to influence group deci- sions and actions) is frequently conducted through the manipulation of drink in private hospitality and hosting communal events. In societies with an egalitarian ethos, where an open display of wealth might be negatively sanc- tioned, the very consumability of alcohol makes it an ideal meditun for acquiring prestige and power in this way, as it conceals self-interested manip- ulation in the socially valued and integrated practice of generous hospitality. Indeed, generosity and stinginess are often even defined in tropes centered on the practice of commensal hospitality (Munn 1986:49-73; Netting 1979:358). ‘Asa liquid form of material culture, drink has some distinctive properties. In the forms indigenous to most societies (and certainly in Iron Age Europe), it cannot be stored for long, unlike money or durable valuables, and its function is to be completely consumed. This means that its constituent ingredients ac- quire value through culinary transformation and the process of consumption in the context of a social ritual rather than in accumulation. Alcohol is, in effect, a medium that allows surplus agricultural produce to be converted, through the mechanism of the feast, into labor, prestige, political power, ot even durable valuables; and this is a very useful and versatile mechanism of indirect conversion that can be used to reciprocally transform economic and symbolic capital in multicentric economies (Dietler 1996). Wine and Cultural Entanglement ‘Turning back to the archaeological case of the Early Tron Age colo- nial encounter with these features in mind allows a more nuanced under- standing of the selective nature of indigenous desire for Mediterranean im- ports in both the Hallstatt region and southern France. In the case of Hallstatt importations of Mediterranean goods, given the impressive paucity of amphorae, it appears that there was never a significant influx of Mediterranean wine during the Early Iron Age. Rather, rare, exotic, and spectacular drinking vessels were imported for use by the elite in the context of feasting activities. The vessels were not, as previous scholars have304 | M. Dietler often suggested, generic prestige goods destined for redistribution. Instead, they were goods reserved exclusively for use and burial within the highest stratum of the social scale. Nor does their adoption constitute an attempt to imitate the Greek symposium, as has sometimes been claimed (e¥ Bouloumié 1988); this can be readily seen by their admixture in tombs native drinking horns, buckets, and plates. Rather, it represents the incorpo- ration of appropriately selected exotic items into an established repertoire of feasting equipment in the elaboration of diacritical social rituals of com- mensality that were already well established (Dietler 1996). These items are preeminent “Iuxury goods” in the sense defined by Appadurai (198638): “rhe- torical” signs within the domain of political representation and action. Their value in this context derives from their exotic origin and their perception as spectacular and costly (in the sense of being unattainable except by a very few). They may be recognized as a further ideologically “naturalizing” exten- sion of the emphasis on diacrtical symbolism in feasting gear already noted in this region during the Bronze Age (Dietler 1996, 1998a). This process may be seen as a form of the development of differentiated cuisine and table practices as a symbolic device in hierarchical societies, where ‘commensal circles and marriage networks come to be restricted along class divisions and naturalized through styles of consumption (Bourdieu 1984; Elias, 1978; Goody 1982). In this case, difficulties of transport and communication precluded the incorporation of exotic Mediterranean food ingredients (such as wine) in the elite cuisine on a regular basis; rather, the vessels in which food and drink were served offered a more durable, visible, and inimitable means of differentiating elite consumption at feasts through symbolic “framing” (Miller 1985) of their contents. Interestingly, this iconography of status repre- sentation came to be shared in a very consistent fashion among the wealthiest burials across the Hallstatt area during the final phase of the Early Iron Age, ‘whereas less wealthy burials showed much greater regional heterogeneity (Dietier 1995a, 1998a; Pare 1991), Another feature that offers support for the interpretation presented here is that for virtually the first time in the European archaeological record women were also buried with elaborate sets of feasting. gear, including Mediterranean imports. The Vix tumulus, for example, was a female burial, This indicates that elite men and women were united as a class, in the symbolic use of feasts as a statement of social differentiation. It may indicate a possible shift in the role of wives within the elite class from food preparers and servers to commensal partners. Such a shift would be linked to the development of specialist food preparers that Goody (1982) views as associated with the formation of classes and “cuisine” and with the distinction between what he calls “hierarchical” and “hieratic’ societies. ‘Among the less socially stratified and politically centralized societies of the lower Rhone basin the situation was very different. There, the nature of de- ‘mand was constituted in a quite different way, and the remarkable contrasting influx of Mediterranean wine probably had an effect similar to the colonial introduction of steel axes and shell valuables in New Guinea (Salisbury 1962; ‘Strathern 1982; Young 1971) and money and wage labor in many small-scale acephalous societies (Dalton 1978; Robbins 1973). Specifically, it initiated an‘A Mediterranean Colonial Encounter | 305 escalation of social competition centered, in this case, around the institution of In small-scale societies without specialized or institutionalized political roles, the competitive manipulation of commensal hospitality provides a major avenue for the acquisition of informal political power and economic advantage through feasts—the conduit for the reciprocal conversion of eco- nomic and symbolic capital (Dietler 1996). In principle, this domain is open to all households, and everyone has access to the basic means of producing feasts. In practice, however, there are constraints that often result in some individuals developing privileged access to the benefits of the system. Suc- cessful manipulation on a large scale requires large, ready, surplus stocks of agricultural resources for conversion into food and drink, the control of a large pool of labor for culinary processing, and the establishment and management of a network of social resources to provide additional support. These things do not materialize out of nothing; large feasts are, after all, merely the final event in a long and complex process of management of resources and relationships (Scheffler 1965:216). Constructing the support base necessary to become a major successful operator in this domain normally requires years of skillful “investment” in symbolic capital and social credit (building a reputation for generous hospitality, organizing and sponsoring ‘community festivals, representing the community to outsiders in exchange feasts, helping others in their feasting efforts, etc.) as well as the gradual hamessing of labor resources (eg,, the acquisition of multiple wives and the cyclical expansion and exploitation of work-party feasts). Within different societies there are established paths by which adept managers are able to “build their careers” in the arena of commensal politics. Those paths require time, work, and skill, and they involve managers in complex networks of obligations and alliances. ‘The sudden availability of an alien source of drink (ie, in this case, Medi- terranean wine) in such a system might initially have been viewed by those individuals or groups who already had an established advantage in the sphere ‘of commensal politics as a way to augment their existing prestige and power. These “big men,” “leaders,” “managers,” lineage elders, or other culturally appropriate types of successful accumulators of political influence (Hayden 1990; Lemonnier 1990; Scheffler 1965) would most likely be the first to orches- ‘trate contact with external agents. Wine would have been viewed simply as an added element in the scale of their hospitality: it would be desirable because of its superior storage and transport qualities over native grain beers and because it would not require direct production (and perhaps also for its ‘enhanced psychoactive effects due to higher alcohol content). This would ‘explain the initial enthusiastic acceptance of wine as a trade item despite the apparent lack of demand for other aspects of Etruscan and Greek culture. ‘However, in the absence of an effective monopoly on access to the sources ‘of wine, it could soon have become a threat to the base of the social power of ‘these informal leaders. It would allow those individuals who had previously been relatively disadvantaged in their ability to engage in commensal politics ‘on a significant scale (e.g., young men, minor managers) to quickly obtain the2306 | M. Dieter means to do so and to mobilize large work-parties. Access to effectively oper- ating in this arena of social competition would no longer be limited by the ‘traditional system of slowly building up the requisite support base. Rather, drink could be obtained by furnishing goods sought by Mediterranean traders or by providing labor services for them in exchange for amphorae of wine, thus circumventing the traditional paths to becoming a significant player in this theater of political competition. This broadening of the recruftment-base for leadership contestants would most likely have resulted in an escalation of ‘competition carried out through the institution of feasting, with demand for both Mediterranean wine and native drinks and food. Competi- tion would have continued fo be particularly focused in the arena of feasting because it was the domain through which the colonial encounter was first articulated and in which challenges to status claims were first made. Support for this scenario may be derived from a consideration of the two new styles of pottery that began production in indigenous territory in southern France during the sixth century B.C: Pseudo-lonian and Grey- ‘Monochrome. Especially relevant is the second major element of cultural bor- rowing of this period: the Greek pottery production techniques used in the manufacture of these wares. In his major synthesis on the colonial encounter, Femand Benoit said of these wares: “Owing nothing, either in forms or decoration to indigenous ceramics of the Early Iron Age, they are revelatory of the depth of Helleniza- tion of the Mediterranean hinterland . . . and of the existence of a ‘Western Greece’ under the influence of the Ionian coast” (1965:175). Closer analysis, however, indicates otherwise. These wares represent a complex hybrid fusion combining imported production techniques (the wheel and conirolled-draft kilns) and imported decorative concepts and forms with various native forms and decorative motifs (Arcelin-Pradelle 1984; Bats 1993; Dietler 1990b:229-294; Lagrand 1963; Lagrand and Thalmann 1973; Py 1979-1980). Moreover, in par- ticular, the suggestion that the adoption of the potter’s wheel stems from a desire to imitate the Greeks misses the mark entiely. The adoption of this technique was not as simple a matter as importing Greek objects or copying Greek forms or decoration; it involved significant material costs. These in- clude both permanent workshop equipment (such as the wheel, closed kilns, clay purification tanks, and storage facilities) as well as new specialized knowledge and completely new motor skills. In brief, it involved a change in the basic organization of part of the ceramic industry from what, in the termi- nology of van der Leeuw (1984) and Peacock (1982), is called a “household industry” to a “workshop industry.” I emphasize that this is a change in part of the industry only because domestic cooking and storage pots continued to be made by the same methods as before. ‘Such a development implies, by its very nature, a significant increase in demand for the specific types of ceramics produced by the new workshops ‘because an increased volume of production is the only advantage that the use of the wheel confers. Considering that the range of forms produced in the new ‘wares is almost entirely confined to Greek-style drinking cups and pitchers and native-derived tableware, it seems highly probable that this increase in‘A Mediterranean Colonial Encounter | 307 demand was tied in with an inflation in the scale of feasting activities, which 4s also indicated by the evidence of the increasing quantities of amphorae found in settlement debris. Graves (1991) has recently reported ethnoarchae- ological documentation of a remarkably similar phenomenon among the Kalinga of the Philippines, where new wealth from wage labor in gold mines ‘was plowed immediately into feasting, causing an increase in ceramic pro- duction to meet the newly inflated demand. In the lower Rhdne basin, this ‘escalation of competition in the arena of feasting and “commensal politics” ‘was further paralleled by a transformation of funerary practices indicating a shift in the relative significance of ritual domains of political action (Dietler 19952) Conclusion In conclusion, my own long-term research program is directed to- ward understanding transformations that indigenous societies of southern France experienced during the extended colonial encounter with the Etrus- cans, Greeks, and Romans in the first millennium B.C. During the initial period of the encounter, itis particularly concerned to understand the processes that Jed to the entanglement of native and colonial societies through the develop- ment of an interpretive strategy exploring processes of consumption at the intersection of local histories with larger “global” structures of power. This has necessarily been a highly streamlined and schematized rendition of what is obviously a complex topic. However, itis hoped that this discussion has at least served to suggest that the approach offers the potential for some fresh. ‘and provocative insights into both local agency and experience in the colonial situation and the sociohistorical structures in which the process unfolded. ‘The incorporation of an alien form of drink into societies of the lower Rhéne basin was far from inert in its long-term consequences. Because of the impor- tance of drinking in the political economy, it served as the catalytic link that ‘eventually drew southern French societies more fully into a colonial economy during the later Iron Age. This increasing entanglement with the Mediterra- nean states eventually resulted in alterations of native patterns of production, ‘exchange, and social relations and led to increasingly asymmetrical economic and political relations with the colonial powers that brought about further subtie but significant changes in both native and colonial cultures. However, these asymmetries were not a feature of the original encounter, and they can- not be used to explain the process of cultural entanglement. Nor was the eventual Roman military conquest of the region in the second century B.C. an inevitable progression of a process that began half a millennium earlier. The history of the colonial situation in the region is a complex contingent mix of ing desires and perceptions, forms of accommodation and resistance, and spaces and structures of power. The challenge is to find ways of rendering the Ristories of such colonial situations understandable without making them. seem ineluctable. History is not made at the center of a world system, nor can. it be reduced to a teleological mechanics of global structures of power. Ar-308 | M. 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