Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Robin Baugus
Introduction
The nation of Japan has long boasted it's ethnic and linguistic homogeneity. However,
this view has been challenged by scholars the world over, forcing Japanese citizens to recognize
that Japan is home to a variety of ethnic minorities with unique circumstances and needs which
can no longer be ignored. The World Factbook (maintained by the Central Intelligence Agency,
hereafter referred to as the CIA) indicates that of Japan's estimated 127,253,075 citizens,
approximately 1.5% are members of an ethnic minority (CIA, 2013).1 All sources agree that
Koreans in Japan make up the largest minority, though the size of this group of citizens is
uncertain. The World Factbook places the percentage to 0.5% of the total population, while
others claim it may be as high as 1% (Fukuoka, 1993 as cited in Ahn, 2012).2 If Fukuoka's
predictions are correct, this boosts the numbers provided by the Factbook of Japan's minority
population significantly.
There are several reasons an accurate number of Koreans in Japan is difficult to attain.
This ethnic group, like others in Japan, has faced varying degrees of segregation, discrimination,
and socioeconomic difficulty. However, they have the unique ability of being able to easily
pass as a Japanese native by assuming a Japanese name (known as tsumei), Japanese cultural
practices, and the Japanese language. As a result, Koreans in Japan have, in some ways, become
an invisible minority at times indistinguishable from their Japanese counterparts who they
act to emulate.
While many may choose to pass as Japanese natives, other Korean families actively
attempt to maintain their Korean heritage. One way of doing this is to send their children Korean
ethnic schools. This paper will examine those ethnic schools run by the North Korean affiliated
1 Central Intelligence Agency. (n.d.). The World Factbook. Retrieved November 27, 2013, from
https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ja.html
2 Ahn, R. (2012). Korean student's minority schooling experience in Japan. Intercultural Education, 23:3, 249263.
Chongryun system. It will attempt to present the situation surrounding these Chongryun schools
by examining a brief history of the Chongryun system and ethnic schools in Japan, the general
curriculum assumed by Chongryun schools, relations between Chongryun schools and the
Japanese government, the end results of Chongryun education, and the growing decline in
Chongryun attendance.
extracurricular course. (Tai, 2007)4 These restrictions prompted social protests by Koreans in
Japan and eventually culminated in the closure of Korean ethnic schools as well as the forced
disbandment of the League of Koreans by the Japanese government. Following their closure,
Korean students attending ethnic schools generally matriculated into standard Japanese public
schools.
At the time of it was dissolved, the League of Koreans publicly supported the regime of
Pyongyang. (Okano, 2006) As such, some view it as the predecessor for the emergence of the
Chongryun system (or, the Association of North Koreans in Japan) in 1955. Chongryun was
largely supported by both North and South Koreans in Japan who viewed the new northern
regime under Kim Il Sung with a greater degree of validity than that of the south under Syngman
Rhee for a variety of reasons. First, Kim Il Sung had participated in the fight against Japanese
imperialism (Ryang, 1993)5, furthermore the financial support provided for educational purposes
by the North Korean government indicated proof of the powerful growth of the North Korean
economy. (Ryang, 2000)6 Schools established by the Chongryun system were more aligned to
the ethnic schools established years earlier by the League of Koreans which taught subjects in
Korean. Schools established by the South Korean Mindan system taught courses in Japanese
with Korean as an additional class only a few hours a week. (Okano, 2006)
The newly formed Chongryun schools were not, and fail to this day to be, accredited by
the Japanese government. Rather they are established as miscellaneous schools the results of
this classification will be discussed later.
4 Tai, E. (2007). Korean ethnic education In Japanese public schools. Asian Ethnicity, 8(1), 5-23.
5 Ryang, S. (1993). Poverty of language and the reproduction of ideology: Korean language for Chongryun.
Journal of Asian and African Studies, 28(3-4), 230-242.
6 Ryang, S. (2000). Koreans in Japan: critical voices from the margin. London: Routledge.
can recite their lessons in Korean but lack the knowledge to discuss emotions or the vocabulary
of daily life outside of school. For many students, the language of the home and the language
their parents speak is Japanese, and despite the Chongryun school's 100% Our Language
policy (which requires students to speak only Korean at all times during the school day and while
on the school campus, including lunch and break times) Korean, for them, is simply not an
accessible language. (Ryang, 1993)
Included in the recited language of the Chongryun classroom are memorized titles for
Kim Il Sung (our Father Marshal or the Respected and Beloved Leader) and his family
including his mother (Mother of Korea), father (the revolutionary and patriot of iron will),
former wife (mother of the revolution) and son Kim Jong Il (our Dear Leader). The use of
which affects the children's grade when answering questions and responding in classes. (Ryang,
1997)
These specialized titles are taught with the help of textbooks specifically designed by and
for the Chongryun system which sends teachers to North Korea for this purpose. These
textbooks are published by Chongryun's own publication company for use and their content,
because of Chongryun schools' classification as miscellaneous schools, are not subject to
approval by the Japanese government. (Ryang, 1993) It is through these textbooks and the
education of teachers who are products of the Chongryun system that, in addition to standard
school subjects, North Korean dogma can be taught.
Included in this dogma is the leader/Kim Il Sung worship which characterizes the North
Korean nation. In addition to the specific titles mentioned above for him and his family, this
leader worship also includes the hanging of portraits of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jung Il in
classrooms accompanied by statements of or relating to Kim Il Sung's ideology, known as Juche.
(Ryang, 1997)
However, in addition to the Juche of Kim Il Sung, students are taught to follow Japanese
laws and societal conventions. (Ryang, 1993) This is one of Chongryun's initial founding
principles, established by its founders, which states that they will not interfere in Japanese
internal affairs. This relationship between the Chongryun system and the Japanese government
will be discussed in the next section.
in large sums from the North Korean government. As mentioned above, the provision of aid
from North Korea served as a legitimizing factor for Chongryun and the Pyongyang regime.
However, the money from North Korea has ceased to arrive, slowing first to intervals and then
ceasing all together as economic strain has prevented the North Korean government from
providing monetary support. (Ryang, 1993)
Lastly, the Chongryun system's miscellaneous classification allows the government to
place another restriction on Chongryun (and other students of miscellaneous schools) students.
As non-accredited institutions, high school diplomas awarded by the Chongryun system do not
permit graduates to apply to Japanese universities and sit for their entrance exams. Rather,
students must take an extra set of exams which qualify them, in the eyes of the Japanese
government, to be considered on the same level as Japanese high school graduates. (Ryang,
1997)
less likely.
In fact, as the generations progress it seems that the effectiveness of Chongryun teaching
is declining. Many students may attend the school and adhere to its policies (such as the use of
Korean at all times), but when school is let out for the day they exchange their uniforms for
street clothes and may be indistinguishable from their Japanese counterparts on the streets.
Repatriation is no longer a goal and many students, as well as their families, recognize and admit
that they know they will never leave their Japanese homes or even speak the Korean language.
It is true that the education provided by the Chongryun system may instill a support and
love for North Korea, but many Chongryun students confess that they wouldn't want to live there
and are thankful for their home in Japan (McBride, 2008)9 knowledgeable of the poverty and
economic strain rampant in North Korea. Some even admit that they do not approve of North
Korea as a country, as one student of the Chongryun system (given the fake name Kwang in
McBride's article) says, Anybody can tell that North Korea is a bad place. Those who support
Kim Jong Il look like the odd men out now. (McBride, 2008)
The Koreans that the Chongryun system seeks to attract seem to be of the older
generation whose ideals are dying out as new students grow up in a Japanese world without the
desire or the inclination to repatriate to North Korea. An article published in the Economist by
an anonymous author indicates that many dislike the regime in Pyongyang, but remain loyal out
of respect for their parents or their desire to preserve their heritage. (Anonymous, 2013)10 It is
clear that Chongryun is in decline.
9 McBride, B. (2008, December 16). Young 'Zainichi' Koreans look beyond Chongryon ideology. The Japan
Times. Retrieved November 20, 2013, from http://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2008/12/16/issues/youngzainichi-koreans-look-beyond-chongryon-ideology/#.Uox6c-Kd6So
10 Anonymous, (2013, Jun 15). Class action; North Korean schools in Japan. The Economist, 407, 38. Retrieved
November 10, 2013, from http://search.proquest.com/docview/1368124440?accountid=14784
Conclusion
This paper has sought to illustrate the Chongryun school system as well as the way it
interacts with its members and the Japanese nation in which it operates. It has done its best to
examine this unique educational system from its founding to the present day as well as a look at
what might be in store for the system in its future.
While initially well supported by most Koreans, North and South, in Japan at the time of
its establishment, Chongryun has since been in decline. The ethnic education it offers no longer
appeals or speaks to many of its students who are looking elsewhere some deciding to live as
Japanese citizens. The number of Chongryun schools has declined, and continues to do so as it
becomes irrelevant to the Koreans in Japan.
11 Tai, E. (2006). Korean activism and ethnicity in the changing ethnic landscape of urban Japan. Asian Studies
Review, 30(1), 41-58.
Bibliography
Central Intelligence Agency. (n.d.). The World Factbook. Retrieved November 27, 2013,
from https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ja.html
Tai, E. (2007). Korean ethnic education In Japanese public schools. Asian Ethnicity, 8(1),
5-23.
Ryang, S. (2000). Koreans in Japan: critical voices from the margin. London: Routledge.
Ryang, S. (1997). North Koreans in Japan: language, ideology, and identity. Boulder,
Colo.: Westview Press.
Suzuki, T. (2007). Exodus to North Korea: shadows from Japan's cold war. Lanham,
Md.: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
McBride, B. (2008, December 16). Young 'Zainichi' Koreans look beyond Chongryon
ideology. The Japan Times. Retrieved November 20, 2013, from
http://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2008/12/16/issues/young-zainichi-koreans-lookbeyond-chongryon-ideology/#.Uox6c-Kd6So
Anonymous, (2013, Jun 15). Class action; North Korean schools in Japan. The
Economist, 407, 38. Retrieved November 10, 2013, from
http://search.proquest.com/docview/1368124440?accountid=14784
Tai, E. (2006). Korean activism and ethnicity in the changing ethnic landscape of urban
Japan. Asian Studies Review, 30(1), 41-58.