ALTORIENTALISCHE FORSCHUNGEN inh alae Sonderdruck Herausgeber: VOLKERT HAAS in Verbindung mit MANFRED BIETAK HELMUT FREYDANK KARL JANSEN-WINKELN HORST KLENGEL JORG KLINGER JOHANNES RENGER WERNER SUNDERMANN Akademie VerlagAltorientalische Forschungen | 27 [2000 2 | an-2a Louis DanigL NEBELSICK Drinking against Death Drinking Sets in Ostentatious Tombs in the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages in the western Carpathian Basin’ Georg Kossack’s? imposing survey of the European ostentatious grave pheno- menon has left a deep imprint on subsequent research. He argued that funeral luxury is a symptomatic reaction of the elites of simply structured societies thrust into crisis through the confrontation with civilisation. Analysts of Hallstatt Europe’s “princely tombs” have reached a similar conclusion. They see the luxurious and often imported grave goods as elements of status display employ- ed by elites involved in hierarchical power concentration galvanised by inter- action with the Mediterranean sphere.’ In this survey I will try augment this historical approach by interpreting these exceptional graves as an integral part of indigenous patterns of symbolic communication. Vessel sets, the hallmark of Late Bronze and Early Iron Age graves in eastern Central Europe, will stand in the centre of this essay. Their use and structure will be seen as facets of a far larger world of ritual practice and religious ideology. Monumental Early Urnfield Period tumuli from the rolling hill country in cen- tral Slovakia will stand at the beginning of this survey. Three great barrows near the neighbouring villages of Caka, Dedinka and Kolta form the greatest concentration of sepulchral extravagance in 13th century Central and Eastern This article combines the results of two papers first published in German (Nebelsick 1994b and 1997a). 1 would like to thank Emily Schalk for the many necessary cor- rections and, of course, Mirko Novak for the kind invitation to hold this talk in Ber- lin and offer this venue for publication, The nomenclature for the Late Bronze Age (ca 1300-800 BC) is adapted from the PBF system (Miiller-Karpe 1974) and encom- passes the Earliest Urnfield Period = Brz. D, the Early Umfield Period = Ha. Al, the Middle Urnfield Period Ha. A2, the Younger Urnfield Period = Ha, B1, Late Umfield Period = Ha, B(2)/3, ‘The terminology for the Early Iron Age (ca 800-500 BC) follows Terzan 1990 and includes the Inceptive and Early Hallstatt Period = Ha. C 1, Middle and Younger Hallstatt Period = Ha C2/D1 and Late Hallstatt Period = Ha. D2/3. ® Kossack 1974 and 1998. * Kimmig 1983, Pare 1991.212 Louis Daniel Nebelsiek Europe.‘ A narrow valley separates each from an adjacent small and apparent- ly unfortified settlement.5 The degree of ceremonial complexity involved in the furnishing of the buri- als which lie under these mounds, can best be understood with reference to a 13th century tumulus near the present village of Caka (fig. 1). The barrow had a diameter of 25m. Its centre was thoroughly robbed, perhaps desecrated, in antiquity, a fate it shares with all its contemporaries. Scanty remains found on the scorched ancient surface point to the existence of a central sepulchre. Pe- ripheral graves, however, remained intact and include the spectacular corselet grave TI/IIL.* The casual nature of this inventories deposition is surprising. An unstructur- ed mass of burnt residues, cremated bones, small sherds and bronze fragments filled the 6 mx 5 m roughly oval grave pit. The few systematic elements in this deposition include upended secondarily fired pottery, two cups a tongued bowl and a pot, a clutch of cremated bone and a loaf shaped heap of molten bronze fragments. A globular headed pin, razor, sword, twinned spears, two axes, chisel, corselet, shield and horse gear that were found among these bronzes point to a cremated male. There is however evidence for a female costume component in this inventory which includes a fibula, nail headed pin, beaten bronze belt and/or head-dress as well as metal sheaves and spirals.” Like every sepulchre, Caka grave II/III is the trace fossil of a funerary ritual. An attempt to reconstruct the ceremonies involved will follow the argument summarised in table 1 which is admittedly grossly over simplified attempt to dissect and compartmentalise the activities between death, cremation and burial into archaeologically relevant phases and transitions (fig. 2).° The living indi- vidual, structurally and emotionally integrated in her or his social environment, stands at the beginning of this sequence. Death, an external onslaught on the For Caka: Totik — Paulik 1960, Paulik 1963, 1968 and 1988. Dedinka: Paulik 1975, 1983-86; and Kolta: Paulik 1966. ° Paulik 1983. © The excavators grave II and Ill are the upper and lower fill of the same pit, and will be seen as one context: Nebelsick 1997a. The excavators opinion that this grave post- dates the central tomb is stratigraphically unproven, compare the contemporary Luzany barrow where the central and peripheral features shared fragments of the same grave goods (Paulik 1969). Compare with the inventory of grave Il (Fig. 2), the burial of a young girl, from the Dedinka mound (Paulik 1986 fig. 9) belong For an alternative reconstruction of the diadem see Feger - Nadler — Voss 1985, Simon 1987). ‘The following analysis is indebted to the pioneering works of Hertz 1907, and v. Gen- nep 1909. See also Parker-Pearson 1982. For the ritual process see Turner 1989 and Gebauer ~ Wulf 1998, 114ff. For an attempt to see burial ritual in a larger context of ritual communication see: Bloch ~ Parry 1982. The social and ideological function of funeral rites in antiquity are summarised in: Gladigow 1980. The following aspects of European Late Bronze Age funerary ritual are derived from Nebelsick 1995 and 1997b.Drinking against Death 213 fabric of society is its trigger. It converts a functioning member of society into a lifeless thing, the corpse. This drastic event changes the emotional and func- tional bonds of the living to the deceased and to each other, It disturbs the structure of society, impairing its usual functions to varying degrees depending on the deceased's role and status. Death not only causes social chaos but is seen in the European tradition as a challenge to the ideology and blow to the personal identity of those connected to the deceased. It thrusts the commu ty into a dysfunctional limnal state, demanding solution. However an attempt to see funeral ceremonies exclusively in the context of solving social crisis and healing personal traumata would ignore the subjective intention of their initiators. Care and succour for the dead are the avowed inten- tion of European sepulchral ceremonies, The implementation of standardised funeral rites betrays the existence of common concepts about appropriate measures to aid the deceased over death’s threshold. Thus it is advisable not only to study the social effect of sepulchral ceremony but also attempt to re- construct the beliefs they express. The blazing pyre divides cremation rites into two stages. The first is the hardest to grasp archacologically. In this phase the corpse is arranged in the manner appropriate for its presentation on the bier and pyre. This step marks the begin of the community’s attempt to restore order to death’s chaotic legacy. The selection and composition of the clothing and artefacts that accompany the body on the pyre allow the mourners to display and thus emphasise and/or exclude specific characteristics of the deceased. At the same time these attri- butes provide a visual framework for the ensuing rites of transformation. The embalmed and clothed corpse is an artefact functioning as a visual metaphor Its integration into the spatial arrangement on the pyre is a significant deci- pherable composition. It bears witness to the sepulchral status of the deceased and the funerary ideology of her or his community. The complex iconographic structure of the tableau on the pyre is, of course, just one aspect of an intri- cate ritual choreography. It is, however, most likely that the objects that mould- ed the last coherent picture of the dead before catharsis, its final evaporation in the flames, will mirror the symbolic essence of the ceremony. The ferocious explosion of the flaming pyre is at once the pinnacle and end of ritual struc- ture. It marks a fresh outburst of destruction, yet this time initiated and direc- ted by the community. The fire eradicates all physical traces of the individual, flinging all but a small heap of indestructible bones into the heavens. Separa- ting the body from the earth seems to lie at the heart of the ritual process up to this point, laying him out on a bier, hearse and pyre culminating in the fire's upward blast. The celestial goal of this ethereal half of the funeral stands in diametrical contrast to the following chthonic phase. Its downward thrust begins with the sinking pyre and ends in the pit. The totally anonymised bleached bone splinters which stand at the centre of the following ceremonies epitomise the aesthetic chaos brought on by the fire. In a unified cremation214 Louis Daniel Nebelsick rite a continuum of unstructured ambiguity is accepted and perhaps desired By contrast dualistic ritual once again integrates this physical essence of hum: nity in an optical system of reference provided by the grave goods, their sp: tial distribution and architectural setting. Both artefacts the embalmed corpse and the deposited cremation are inter- pretations of an individual undergoing a drastic process of physical reduction and abstraction. The chosen motor of this process, the transformer, is fire (fig. 2). Its role as a link between the human and the supernatural world mir- rors the metamorphosis of raw natural products to cultivated food and burnt offerings into the godly sphere.” In the case of the Caka grave the deformed and fragmented grave goods are the key to understanding the tableau on the pyre. Enough survives of this attri bute ensemble in order to reconstruct a coherent picture of the original assemblage and relate it to contemporary ostentatious graves. Their common. denominator is the presence of complex armament which always embraces an axe and usually includes horse gear but never a wagon, Whether the female jewellery, as one might sadly suspect, once adorned a consort, or whether this, suttee was purely symbolic remains a moot point as anthropological analyses of the bones are still outstanding. ‘This typically east Central European grave good composition reoccurs in the inventory of Late Urnfield hoards. It is re- vived in the grave good repertoire of early Hallstatt tumuli and is reflected in the iconography of the local Early Iron Age figurative art.!° This attribute assemblage stands in marked contrast to the typically west Central European Late Bronze and Early Iron Age sepulchral iconography of ostentatious graves. On the one hand the composition of West European ostentatious graves gener- ally shuns the axe and female jewellery and on the other it includes four wheeled wagons that are so rare in the east."" ‘The basic structure of the Caka grave’s artefact iconography is the combina- tion man/warrior-horse-woman a triplistic symbol of sovereignty that remained current in the iconography of royal legitimacy in the Celtic west into the Midd- le Ages." Complex weaponry awakens a further powerful association, that is to the world of the hunter. This vital aspect of the iconography of power por trays the deceased as a virile protector of his subjects against their animal ene- ° Bachelard 1949, Edsmann 1940, 1949, Lévy-Straus ® Nebelsick 1992. " For complex artifact assemblages:. TerZan 1986 and 1990, Nebelsick 1994, For wagon graves Pare 1987a For the connection between legitimate sovrignity and women and horses in the Cel- tic tradition: Draak 1959: 663; Green 1995, 47ff., 73ff; a particularly graphic account of the ceremonial mating of a future sovrigen with a mare during a crowning cere- mony in mediaeval Ulster reflecting the Indian Ashvamedha ceremonies see Giraldus Cambrensis (Topographia Hibernica III, 25. In : Zwicker 1936: 276f.). For the connec- tion between horse, sovrigen and hero: Benot 1954. s 1971.Drinking against Death 215 mies and implicitly shows him as the defender of the domesticated world he controls against the engulfing wilderness."’ This aspect of the of the sovereign as a culture hero may help to explain the puzzling presence of tools in this case a chisel in the Caka inventory and in other ostentatious graves." This con- cept is reflected in the mythology of the Thebian hero Kadmos, inventor of writing, who was metallurgist and dynastic patriarch.'* The inclusion of two or more axes can also be seen in the context of butchery and blood sacrifice, por- traying the ruler in his sacred role as mediator between his subjects and the otherworld.'® Lastly the gold glinting corselet that was to shine furiously in the pyre’s inferno, is a palpable sign of his invulnerability. This manifold metaphoric mesh provides a context in which the potential sig- nificance of complex sepulchral weaponry can be appreciated. The communica- tive context of this attribute ensemble can not simply be explained through a wish to aid the deceased in his or her journey or in the framework of a symbolic sta- tus display. Its complexity and quality, indeed its sheer value, go beyond anything yet recovered from contemporary Carpathian burial contexts. The exclusivity of the grave goods and the monumentality of the tumulus can be most easily under- stood in the context of the veneration of the deceased in the framework of an ancestor/hero cult These emblematic grave goods are at once grave good and the epitome of sovereignty. They bear visual witness to the apotheosis of the dead and thus legitimating of his successors claim to power. In contrast to the to the splendid metal attributes of grave II/III the pottery grave goods make a rudimentary impression. The small ensemble is made up of open, mainly handled forms making it a typical representative of ceramic deposits in contemporary graves of Caka and west Hungarian Bakény Type” irrespective of their metal inventory Paulik’s suggestion that they can be seen together with small contemporary vessel hoards such as Sarovice in the con- text of libations is compelling." The presence of this small vessel set on the pyre and the libation which they stand for seem to have played a canonical role in the funeral sacrifice. It reflects the concern for welfare of the deceased yet seems to have played no discernible role in his or her ostentatious pre- sentation and furnishing. 18 Marinatos 1990, Taylor 1987. 4 Terzan 1994, Nebelsick 1994. 5 Latte 1919: 1459ff; Kerenyi 1959: 35ff. For axes and celts in ostentatious graves as butchers and sacrificial tools: Pauli 1989; Krausse 1996, 299ff. For the sacrificial implications of slaughter in antiquity Burkert 1983. For the ritual importance of bronze axes in early Iron Age Italian graves: Caran- cini 1984, 240ff. For a votive axe donated by a 6th century ritual slaughterer from San Sosti in Magna Greca L’Arab 1996, 690. For the sacred sovrigen Frazer 1911, 44-51; Dumézil 1966, 116ff. and Edsman 1959. ” Jankovits 1992a u. b. ® Paulik 1983 40£; 1984, 38; Novotny — Novotna 1981.216 Louis Daniel Nebelsick After it was extinguished the remains of the pyre were shovelled, perhaps thrown into the grave pit in an unstructured fashion. This burial mode, the str- ewn cremation, is characteristic for the earliest and early Urnfield Period in Cen- tral Europe including the western Carpathian Basin.” The haphazard and lar- gely unstructured nature of this type of deposition, which seems to have taken place next to the pyre seems like an extension of violent destructive work of the flames. Yet there are a few more systematic aspects of this burial mode which may be related to other deposition practices. The upturned secondarily fired vessels which lie in the fill of Caka grave I/II, and others like it are also found in contemporary Lusation pottery hoards” and burials” and underscore the role of libation ceremonies in the funerary ritual. In the case of these final libations in the pit the chthonic powers were surely as much the receptor as the ashes of the departed. The compact form of metal deposit in Caka grave LA makes it probable that the burnt artefacts had been originally wrapped or bagged after being gleaned from the pyre. Similar compact depositions of scor- ched metal artefacts have been observed in contemporary Hungarian barrows.”” There are evident links between the exceptional treatment accorded to the metals in these barrows and the “grave hoards” in ostentatious tombs of western Central Europe, ie. metal grave goods deposited separately from cera- mics and the cremated dead. Beyond this similar observations can be made ‘on many earliest and early Urnfield “scrap hoards”, made up of mainly bent, broken, hacked and shredded and occasionally scorched bronze fragments found pressed into ceramic or organic containers’ This is only one of many structural correspondences between unurned cremations and “scrap hoards”.2* In both cases a coherent and systematically composed artefact ensemble is de- stroyed violently whereby the holocaust on the pyre finds its counterpart the ecstatic violence that took place before hoard deposition (fig. 2). There is no trace of aesthetic structuring of the act of chthonic deposition associated with in either ritual. The complementary regional distribution pattern of ostentatious graves with Caka ceramics and scrap hoards supports the hypothesis of a close relationship between the ideological context of both these facets of chthonic material sacrifice. It is thus likely that the seemingly careless mode of de- position chosen for these shattered artefacts was an appropriate and pious mode of offering to the chthonic powers. ® Eibner 1966 * y, Brunn 1952 2 Coblenz. — Nebelsick 1997. ® Hove) (Pair 1885; Hampel 1886 pl. 100-111) and Nyirkérasz (Mozsolics 1960, 1985, Hiinsel 1968, 153f2. 28 Schiitz-Tillmann 1997, 21ff, * Nebelsick 1997 and in press. * Hansen 1994, 205.Drinking against Death 217 The introduction of new burial rites marks the transition to the early Urnfield Period in the western Carpathian Basin. Small unurned and rare simple urned cremations in newly founded flat cemeteries are accompanied by fire scorched artefacts, fragmented and refired pottery and mainly unspectacular costume This is a clear reflection of the canonical Urnfield burial customs which become established over wide parts of Central Europe in Hallstatt A during the 12th century.” Rare exceptions from this egalitarian mode of burial include an ostentatious inventory beneath a barrow near the Slovakian village of Otkov at the foot of the Lesser Carpathian Range. This ostentatious grave lay in a rectangular pit measuring 4,2mx3,6m beneath a massive stone packing and was covered by a mound. The burnt residues and scorched grave goods that filled the pit make an especially unstructured and incomplete impression, Evidence for severe and manifold plundering of this grave will account for much of this.” The undisturbed fill which remains shows a similar pattern to Caka. A layer of burnt residues from the pyre on the pit's floor in- cluded various clumps of cremated bone, molten bronze fragments and sherds. A small stack of damaged vessels which included a four handled bowl, some jugs, a bowl and bronze cup is the only sign for a structured deposition of the vessel set. The rest of the secondarily fired pottery vessels lay totally fragmen- ted in a heap reaching 50cm in height. The metal artefacts that survived pyre and plundering can be assigned to the complex warrior/rider component we have seen above including sword, spear point, knife, tool fragment (), horse bit, and rein knobs. An exceptionally luxurious female spectrum includes gol- den jewellery, bronze buttons, fibula (?) and pearls. A bronze vessel set aug- ments this inventory made up of the aforementioned cup, as well as three others and a bronze ribbed bucket, and relates Otkov to a series of exceptio- nal Central European Late Bronze Age sepulchres.”’ It is however the circa 100 strong pottery assemblage that sets (fig. 3) this grave apart from most of the ostentatious graves of this period. Its structure, a few large pots and many small handled and open forms, can be compared to the smaller vessel sets seen in the Caka graves. Yet the sheer size of the Otkov assemblage is larger than any- thing seen to date and expresses the superlative of this furnishing. Something that is underscored by the presence of a gilded bowl found among the sherds." A close contemporary analogy, Velatice, grave 1°”, shows that this grave while being exceptional was by no means unique ® Nebelsick 1994b. Eibner 1966, Lochner 1991 * Paulik 1962 Paulik 1962, 10ff. Perhaps the so called burial shaft is also a result of later robbing, ® Kytlicova 1991, 102f. " Paulik 1962, nr. 80; ibid. 1992. * Rihovsky 1958. s 8218 Louis Daniel Nebelsick ‘The composition of the O&kov and Velatice vessel sets is similar to the make up of large vessel hoards with a dominant bow! and cup component which were current in the western Carpathian Basin since the Middle Bronze Age.** In the eastern Carpathian Basin the climax of mass vessel deposition lies in the Early Urnfield Period.*' Evidence from a mound near Susani in the Banat is a particularly interesting example.* Of the peripheral vessel hoards the sixth and most elaborate was composed of secondarily fired pottery, including 50 cups, eight kantharoi, eight jugs, and eight small bowls, laid down in groups around a very large bow! heaped with charred wheat.” Comparable finds make it like- ly that the devastated centre of the Susani mound may well have held a grave as a focus of these vessel sacrifices.” This wedding of mass vessel deposition to the ostentatious grave custom as seen in O¢kov and Velatice is an important innovation in funerary ideology that has no parallel in the West and seems to be a product of inner Carpathian consensus in ritual practice’ This surely re- flects an attempt to upgrade the humble role of sepulchral vessel use seen hither to and indicates that funerary libations were being integrated into a con- text of conspicuous extravagance fitting to the world of sepulchral heroisation.* In order to understand the subsequent fundamental changes in the role of vessel deposits in west Carpathian ostentatious graves it is necessary to exami- ne the wider context.” There are major differences in funerary customs employ- ed by the inhabitants of the Carpathian Basin in the early Urnfield Period. The internment of the unurned cremations we have dealt with in the west show an all but complete disregard for the possibilities of aesthetic structuring of the chthonic half of the ritual. By contrast the communities using of Lausatian, Pili- nian, Kyatician and Gavan pottery in the east and particularly north-practic had been practising dualistic cremation rituals since the Middle Bronze Age. This involves them carefully placing small vessel sets in the narrow confines of small burial pits huddled around the urn. % Middle Bronze Age Hoards (MareSova 1965, Eibner 1969, Doneus 1991) are followed by Early (Berg 1952, Petres 1959), Middle (Lochner 1986) and Late Urnfield Period examples (Laue 1987). ** Poroszlai 1984, Sz. Kal 1986, Hellebrand 1990. ® Stratan — Vulpe 1977, Vulpe 1995. % This may he compared to the some what later deposition of a pottery lidded jar fil- led with wheat ash found in Stillfried, a Late Bronze Age fortification in Lower Aus- tria (Eibner 1976). Contemporary tumuli from Lapus in Transylvania (Kase 1975, Boroffka 1994, 112) and a later barrow near Meri in Oltenia (Moscalu 1980), Paulik sees Otkov's vessels in the context of Homeric funerary libations. Compare Jan Bouzek’s and Karel Sklendr's (1987) thesis vessel hoards functioned in the con- text of chthonic libations as an attractive alternative to Fritz Horst’s (1977) attempt to see them as a reflex of solid food sacrifice. » Nebelsick 1994b. sDrinking against Death 219 The Middle Urnfield Period which begins around the 1th century sees svestern Carpathian communities beginning to adopt the custom of structured chthonic funerary depositions. This takes place during a period when increased formal correspondences between poitery styles within the Carpathian Basin point towards am atmosphere of intensive inter regional communication. ‘This is just one facet of a comprehensive and drastic change in ritual behaviour that affected wide parts of contemporary Central and Eastern Europe. Among other things it is which expressed in a radical slump in metal deposition and the all but complete suspension of funerary luxury In the Middle and Younger Urnfield Period urned cremations in western Slo- vakia and Hungary still include secondarily burnt sherds in their fill, demon- strating that pottery still had its place in the rites on the pyre. Small hierarch- ically structured vessel sets which increasingly dominate the funerary spectrum of cemeteries such as Neszmely and Chotin however, reflect the fundamental changes in funerary practice. These compact sets stand in marked contrast to the motley collection of open forms we have seen hither to and although liba- tion and symposium are inexorably linked in the ancient world these sets point towards a shift in emphasis towards the latter. Variations in the composition of these drinking sets show that the sepulchral communities were grasping the opportunities that structured grave deposition provided for differentiated treat- ment and depiction of the dead. Small shallow grave pits that contain closely clustered pottery grave goods are the norm and show scant traces of spatial composition. A clear exception to this pattern has been recovered at the Midd- le and Younger Urnfield Period cemetery of Budapest-Békasmegyer.” Grave forms include large rectangular pits furnished with carefully spaced large ves sel sets. They show that select communities were exploiting the possibilities spatial composition offered for differentiated and complex optical symbolism as early as the 10th century. Radical shifis in funerary ideology’! and a lack of securely dated closed finds make it impossible to coherently describe the devel- opment of the funerary ritual during the wansition to the Hallstatt period in much of the Carpathian Basin. Luckily evidence from cemeteries on its western margins help bridge this gap. In the Lower Austrian cemetery’s of St. Andrii (fig. 4) and Stillfried it is possible to see an increase in the differentiation and complexity of the vessel sets through time. This set has a compact hierarchical structure. The focus of this set is a closed vessel mainly a bottle like conical necked vessels in some cases they can be substituted by a jug. Small open forms, mainly shallow bowls with inturned rim but also handled cups augment this assemblage. A beverage was probably stored in and poured from the bott- le like small conical necked vessel or the jug directly into the bowls, The mul- tiplication particularly of the “drinking end” of this set becomes increasingly " Kalicz Schreiber 1991, 1997, Nebelsick 1994b, Abb. 8. * Metzner-Nebelsick 1998.220 Louis Daniel Nebels popular in the Late Urnfield Period. This is the result of an increasing inclina- tion to use differentiate the chthonic half of the funeral ceremony. Presumab- ly this elaboration of the drinking set was being used as a metaphor for the symposial status of the dead integrating guests, either real or imagined, into the ritual dramaturgy. There is however evidence that complicated symbolism was being expressed through this vessel set. Although it is difficult to speak of spa- tial composition in the small grave pits Clemens Bibner has made a strong case for gender differentiated orientations of the drinking set in St Andra, It is the choice of the of the primary vessel in contemporary graves in Slovenian Styria for instance in the Pobrezje cemetery that expresses the deceased’s gender, jugs are an exclusively female attribute, a choice which reflects domestic ritual prac tice of the kind more fully expressed in later Hallstatt graves. Yet this increasing elaboration of chthonic deposition towards the close of the Urnfield Period are a faint prelude to the startling and fundamental chan- ges that mark the beginning of the Hallstatt Period during the early eight cen- tury. New vessel forms herald these changes (fig. 5). The most prominent of them is the large conical necked vessel. It can be over a meter high and is often lavishly decorated. Its form is derived from the Late Urnfield Period bottle shaped name sakes, yet it is three times as large towering over the other mem- bers of the drinking set. This size prohibits both transport when filled and effec- tive pouring. The small handled omphalos cups or dippers that are almost always found in the bottom of these vessels underline their static role. Like the crater in the Mediterranean symposium these great vessels will have played a pivotal role in the drinking ceremony. They served as receptacles for the fer- mented beverage, water and other ingredients which when mixed together would be then be ladled out to the guests. The undiluted ferment that formed the basis of this mixed beverage was probably originally stored in the pottery situlas. These pots are modelled closely on sheet bronze buckets current since the Late Bronze Age. Of all members of the vessel set only they are regularly found with lids, made to match. A veneer of pitch or resin is often found on their surface making them impermeable for liquids underscoring their role as receptacles of a precious fluid. The large handled cups and bowls which are usually 30cm in diameter are blown up versions of small cups and jugs are far too large to have played role as dippers. Yet their mimicry of these forms indicates a role in the medium of fluid transport that would play a vital role in filling the great conical necked mixing vessels." The path taken by the mixed beverage to the mouth of the drinker is not entirely clear. It is probable that the liquid was imbibed directly from the hand- " Bibner-Persy 1980, * Kaus 1971 Nebelsick 1994a.Drinking against Death 221 led dippers as is done on the depictions of Situla Art in the south east Alps Yet it the traditional bowls with inverted rims may also have been involved. Animal bones which are often found inside them show that they were used as plates. Yet the occasional presence of an omphalos and the repeated use of graphite decor on their inner surface which is only visible, glistening silvery, when wetted shows their use in conjunction with liquid transport presumably drinking. The invention of these new vessel forms, which also are found in settlements reflect changes in symposial practice involving the introduction or upgrading of the mixing process. The decision to include all the components of this set as grave goods also mirror a crucial shift in the importance of the ceremonial drinking in the funeral ideology of the period. This is all the more evident when this set is multiplied and systematically arranged in the grave chambers which are characteristic for early Hallstatt graves on the North East Alpine fringe. ‘The early Hallstatt period female grave Loretto grave 57 (Fig. 6) is a charac teristic example. Its composition can best be compared to a stage. The back- drop of this ca 2x 2m chamber was made up of 4 great conical necked ves- sels lined up on its western perimeter. Dippers were found in all but one of these vessels and the other members of the drinking set, 2 situlas and 3 large handled cups were pressed against them. The urn was placed against the middle of the northern wall. A miniature pedastalled bowl lay next to it and between the urn and the northernmost conical necked vessel stood a bow! with animal bones. South of the urn a group of vessels lies in the graves northern centre which belong to the so called Kalenderberg trio. This set is made up of a jug, Sia- mese twined juglets and a standing bowl modelled as a hearth with applied miniature firedog. Its members are decorated in the barbitone manner of do- mestic pottery. This sepulchral hearth and domesticoid associates always accompany female grave goods and is best seen in the context of libation sacti- fice exclusively linked to the female ritual sphere. This is underscored by the presence of a lidded situla and two goblets among these vessels. The female theme of this grave good assemblage is continued by a discrete artefact grouping in the southern half which includes a clutch of loom weights miniature vessels a handled cup and two bowls. Finally a row of miniature ves- sels, which are also exclusively linked to woman or children’s graves, was set out running parallel to the chambers eastern periphery. The chambers fill, thick layers of ash with an admixture of cremated bone, fire damaged female grave goods and open pottery forms, are obviously the remains of the pyre. * Lucke - Frey 1962. © Nebelsick 1996,222 Louis Daniel Nebelsick ‘The spatial organisation of this grave shows the characteristic zonal rhyth- misation of Hallstatt decorative art. It reflects a canonical pattern of ritual beha- viour allowing the contemporary observer of this ensemble to read its meaning and reconstruct its ritual genesis. Variability in the size and composition of the mighty symposial backdrop to this tableau is independent of the occupants gen- der. The association of the hosts generosity and plenty that is implicit in the multiplication of the drinking vessels will a have set the metaphoric agenda for its interpretation. Rare early Hallstatt graves which include over 20 great coni- cal necked vessels show the extremes to which the multiplication of this ves- sel set was being taken. Lying to the right hand of the urn it dominates the visual impact of the grave. Evidence for the choreography of grave good depo- sition in these burial chambers which can be described as a sequence of infil- ling of the chamber floor accompanied by the withdrawal of the ceremonial performer give the drinking set priority over the other vessel groups which were placed subsequently in front of this backdrop. They reflect the gender of the deceased and their deposition clearly involves libation ritual The decisive role played by the drinking set in the chthonic half of funerary ritual is surely a reflection of a broader ceremonial role involving symposial activity." This is underscored by the fact that the elaborate decor of these ves- sels includes figurative art which shows a canonical compositional structure and includes the earliest narrative scenes recovered from Iron Age Europe.” This highly developed mode of symbolic communication mirrors the ritual intricacy seen in the symposial sepulchral composition. In the western Carpathian basin tumulus ostentatious graves such as that found near Kismez6 at the foot of the central Transdanubian Sag Mountain hill- fort’* show that large vessel sets were also being employed in conjunction with the complex weaponry of the kind last seen in graves 300 years previously. idly there is little or no evidence for the structure of most of the graves which correspond to this pattern. Despite a gap of at least 300 years an identical metal grave good spectrum including complex weaponry and a female component served to characterise the select illustrious dead. The presence of large intact vessel sets composed in the typical eastern Hallstatt manor which accompany these graves is clear evidence of the impact of dual burial rites on ostentatious burial and marks a clear break from the early tradition. A middle Hallstatt tumulus lying near Suits (Fig. 7) is an exception to this rule thanks its scrupulous excavation and publication by Ev Vadasz and Gabor Vékony.” This barrow lies on the edge of a cemetery belonging to a hillfort perched on the steep edge of a loess plateau lording over the Danube's migh- “ Kossack 1964. " Nebelsick 1992, Eibner-Persy 1981 ®S Nebelsick 1994. ® Vadisz 1982, 1983, 1986, Vadisz ~ Vékony 1982, Terzan 1990 166f.Drinking against Death 223 ty flood plain, The mound measured ca 40 m in diameter and covered a large mass of burnt residues, clearly the remains of the pyre. Finds included ca. 17 kg of animal and human bones, mass of secondarily burned sherds and two kilo- grams of burnt bronzes. Most of the identifiable bronzes from this molten mass can be assigned to female costume accessories and jewellery. A whet stone, and horse gear indicate a male including a miniature toggle and three iron bits. Beaten bronze pendants, and punch bossed bronze sheet make it likely that bronze vessels accompanied the dead on the pyre. The many decorative nails possibly decorated furniture, perhaps the bier. It held 5,6mx6,2m_ large wooden chamber which partially overlapped the pyre and rested on a stone rubble foundation and had a tamped earth floor. Remains of three posts re- covered during the excavation are probably the remains of a rectangular sup- port for a roof which may well have been pitched. Like so many chambers in monumental tumuli in the eastern Hallstatt world it opened to a dromos lez ding to the south-east. The pattern of the chamber’s furnishings itself are deter- mined by the opposition between cremations on a raised platform in the North- west and a drinking set stretched from the southern corner along the south west wall. A male cremation was heaped in the northern corner and that of a young person, probably a woman, against the middle of the north western wall Unburned remains of an infant and various animal bones were also recovered near these deposits. The vessel set which was lined up along south west wall of the chamber once stood on a carpet or mat. It is the same drinking set seen in earlier Hall- statt graves. At first sight the collection of eight lids lying directly opposite the male cremation in the southern corner seem to be an exception. Yet they probably covered ribbed wooden buckets.® which like the situlas which occur multiply in other Middle and Younger Hallstatt graves” will have been the primary receptacle of the unmixed alcoholic beverage. The mixing process will have moved the ceremonial focus north where the large handled bowls and conical necked vessels were placed, Small cups don't occur in Transdanubian graves so that if we are not missing wooden examples it seems likely that in the last stage of symposial preparation the beverage was returned to the star- ting point where a set of eight middle sized bowls and a large example was found together with the lids. © for instance Statzendorf, Field B, grave 77 (Bayer 1904), Maissau grave 6 (Berg 1980) and Maiersch grave 31 (Berg 1962). Compare to sets of seven and eight lidded cists from the slightly later princely tombs Pommer — and Krill-Schmied-Kogel from Styria’s Klein-Klein necropolis (Schmid 1933, Dobiat 1979, 1985; TerZan 1990 134ff. Abb. 31) which survived thanks to their beaten metal mantel. Furthermore pottery imitations of such buckets are found occasionally in sets in Hallstatt graves in Lower Austria for instance Loretto grave 4 (5), 52 (5), Fst. 62 (7): Nebelsick 1994a, Donnerskirchen Tum. 1 (5): Pescheck 1942, see. Terzan 1990 168ff. Fig. 41224 Louis Daniel Nebelsick ‘The bones of a dismembered pig lie on a further small bow! directly in front ‘of conical necked vessel. A few bones of this animal were found on the earth platform. A trapezoidal clay bank with slightly raised finals which stands in front of the small apparently female cremation and the drinking set is probab- ly best understood as a clay fire dog A comparison between Siitté and Loretto grave 57, make the similarities and differences between a complexly furnished chambered grave and an ostenta- tious sepulchre clear. Both graves show the same basic structure, The cremati- ‘on was placed against the northwest wall of the chamber the vessel fills the south-west. Animal bones lying in a bowl were found in front of the vessels in both graves as was the clay fire dog which fills the space between them. This triangle within the rectangular chamber is flanked by the transformed dead on one shank and the fermented drink on the other. The hearth, the site of metamorphosis from nature to culture and as an altar between this and the other world serves as its hinge. The differences between these burials are equally obvious. The size and of the Siitté grave, its dromos and monumental barrow, but also the evidence for human and animal sacrifice are striking differences to the Lorettan tomb, ‘This sacrificial aspect includes a holocaust on the pyre whose flames devoured an unknown but probably large number of humans and animals. The most pro- minent among them may have been the cremated woman who accompanied the dead in the chamber. Unburned animal bones, including the dismembered pig, and those of an infant indicate that the chthonic half of the ceremony also took its toll. The cremations in the Stit6 dromos may indicate further post fun- erary sacrifices during the sealing of the grave as other contemporary dromoi were also sealed in this manor.” In contrast to the hierarchical compact composition of the Loretto drinking set which seems to reflect symposial practice the Sittd vessels are stretched out in a linear fashion. The and bowls the beginning and end of vessel use lie in the southern corner directly opposite the cremation in the northern cor- ner. Comparisons for this linear dynamic arrangement can be found in a series of middle and late Hallstatt graves in the region including Nové KoSariska tumulus 1 (fig. 8).5 ‘The conical necked vessels were lined up on the west wall of Nové KoSaris- ka tumulus 1 as they were in Siité. Two additional examples, one of which contained a phiale, and two pots with bull protome decoration frame a group of situlas and pedestal bowls in the southern corner, Directly in front of this * For instance the Klein-Klein Kiirbischhans! u. Tschoneggerfranzl tumuli (Radimsky Szombathy 1885, 117-168. TerZan 1990, 135) and Sopron Tum, (new) 215/215a: Patek 1976, 1992). wese sealed in the same manor. ® For Loretto (Grave Fst. 15, 26, 41, 52) and Donnerskirchen (Tumulus ID see above; for Nové KoSariska: Tum 1 Pichlerové 1969, Ambros 1975, Parzinger — Stegmann- Rajtar 1988, TerZan 1990: 174ff., 180f, Tab. 45.Drinking against Death 225 vessel group lay a cremation and the remains of dismembered animals. ‘The pedestal bowls with widely flared rim can hardly have served as drinking goblets. A role as libation vessels is much more likely. This is all the more so for the pottery phiale. This form is inspired by the Mediterranean where it is the blossom chalice from which the gods sip and thus the libation vessel par excellence, The compressed arrangement of the cremation animal bones and libation set in Nové KoSariska grave 1 emphasises its sacrificial character in that the triangular arrangement of graves such Sitté has been snapped together welding together libation and object. This grave is one of the last of its kind in the Carpathian basin as ostentatious burial ceases before the advent of the Late Iron Age During the 13th century at the dawn of the Urnfield Period vessel deposi- tion only plays a marginal role in sepulchral ritual and no recognisable part in the apotheosis of the ostentatiously buried. During the 12th century large sets dominated by open forms show that elaborate libation ceremonies were being integrated into the complex ritual process on the pyre. When ostentatious burial is revived in the 8th century it retains the ceremonial and iconographic struc- ture inherited from the Urnfield period yet adjusted to dual funerary practice. ‘The burnt metal spectrum and scorched vessels show that despite centuries of dormancy ritual procedure and symbolism remained fundamentally unchan- ged in the ethereal half of the funerary ceremony. This indicates that rituals exercised outside the funerary context or preserved in liturgy or mythology bridged this substantial gap. The elaborate spatial composition of unburned grave good assemblages have no antecedents in the earlier ostentatious grave tradition nor does the crucial role played by the drinking set. Yet it must be seen as an aspect of continuity that in ostentatious burial the aspect of sacrifi- ce and libation dominate the ritual process and its symbolism. This surely reflects the ritual metamorphoses from sovereign to ancestral ruler which con- tinued beyond the pyre for the ashes is not only human residue but also the otherworldly stuff of the ancestral sphere. The role played by drinking sets in this transformation process can be ex- plained with reference to Dionysian beliefs of the Mediterranean. ‘This highly complex deity was already being worshipped in Mycenaean times,® Elaborate drinking sets in graves as well as iconographic evidence in graves make it like- ly that Dionysos was playing a role in overcoming death at in Greece during * Luschey 1939; Simon 1953; compare with the nectar which is sometimes gleaned from flowers: Roscher 1883. For clay phialas on the north-east Alpine fringe: Fibner-Persy 1974, * For Dionysos: Otto 1933; Girard 1987; Detienne 1992; Kerényi 1994. * The well known mention of Dionysus on the Linear B Tablet from Pylos (PY Vn 48 u. PY Un 6) is now augmented by a clear reference to his godliness from Khania (KH Gq 5): Hallinger ~ Viasakis — Hallinger 1992226 Louis Daniel Nebelsick the Geometric Period.” In Central Italy drinking sets are common in graves of the Early Iron Age.® Elaborate sumptuous vessel assemblages are part and par- cel of the orientelizing phenomena. By the early sixth century explicit Diony- sisiac images can be found in Etruscan funerary ikonograpy indicating that Fuf- luns, the local bacchic emanation, had his hand in the fate of the deceased.” Textual evidence for Dionysus role in overcoming death goes back to the fifth century thanks to the practice of engraving Dionysian formulae on sheet gold foil, often moulded as an ivy leaf, in the graves of Bacchic initiates on the Greek mainland and Italian colonies. The integration of Dionysos — who incorporates generative raging power — in Mediterranean hopes for post-mortem felicity is founded in his nature and the effect of wine which is his epiphany. He is dismembered, trampled and crushed every autumn. In early spring, during the ancient feast of the Anthe- steria, he gushes out of the wine skin with spuming force sowing ecstasy among his disciples, the revelation of his power, During this feast untrammel- led life force obliterates the boundaries between the living and the dead and eliminates all social barriers. It is the time when boys become men and the king’s wife the wine god’s bride. The degree to which human fate is intertwi- ned with this deity is illustrated in Orphic myth, In a clear reflection of sacri- ficial practice the child Dionysos is dismembered by Titans, cooked in a caul- dron and eaten. Divine intervention secures Dionysus’ resurrection and the Titans immolation, It is from their ashes that the first man is moulded combi- ning the remains of the ingested god with the bones of his sacrificial killers in human makeup. His ties to sovereignty are epitomised by his place in the dynastic succession of Kadmeans in Thebes but also the foundation mytholo- gy of the Chalkidike. The Athenian basileas annual hieros gamos seems to be a re-enactment of a similar foundation myth. Indeed the introduction of the Dionysisa by Peisistratos and the onomastic reference of the Corinthian Bacchae to this god show that Dionysus could still be used as a prop to sovereignty long after the disappearance of kings. © For drinking sets in graves of the Geometric and Archaic Period: Kurz ~ Boardman 1971, 49-90; for Dancers with branches which are probably menades on late Geo- metric funerary vessels. Coldstream 1968, 140f., pl. 11d & 30a. For the symposium of the deceased: ‘Thénges-Stringaris 1965, Effenberger 1972. ®* Bietti Sestieri 1992. The iconography of the 6th century tomb from Veii, Monte Michele, Tomba Campa- na (Montelius 1910, pl. 353-354) has clear Dionysiac references. For Fufluns: Pfiffig 1975, 178, 193ff,; for the depiction of a Komos on the bier from the late 6th century on the walls of Tarquinia, Tomba del Morto Gbid, 183 Fig. 75). Later evidence for a connection between Dionisiac beliefs and immortality is shown on a the lid of a sar- cophagus from Tarquinia, Tomba del Triclino (Banti 1960, 296, pl. 103) or. thyrsos and vintner's knife wielding infernal demons (Pfiffig 1975. Fig. 73 u. 97). ® Burkert 1990: 46ff.; Burkert 1985; 293; Graf 1993.Drinking against Death 227 A link between the Dionysiac world of the Mediterranean and Central Europe can either be made through Fufluns or Sabazios, a Thracian emanation of Dionysos. The Thrako-Phrygian god Sabazios is first embraced by rustic Auic cults as late as the 5th century yet his roots are far older.“' If the equation be- tween his name and the Pannonian/Dalmatian/Ilyrian word sabajam = “beer” is correct this minimises the barriers between the beer and mead drinkers of Central Europe and Dionysiac cult which is so irrevocably intertwined with wine. The ritual use of beer is recorded in Germanic cult’, Furthermore Cel- tic and Germanic mythology has cauldrons brewing liquids that bestowed supernatural powers and immortality." Germanic graves in which cauldrons served as the urn may be a sepulchral reflection of these concepts and it is interesting to note that this rite may have Mediterranean antecedents. Yet despite these tantalising hints that the Dionysiac world may have reached into Central Europe, it is not the primary purpose of this paper to suggest a direct relationship between Dionysus and the Carpathian funeral ritual we have been dealing with so far. It is rather intended as an attempt to propose a ceremoni- al and religious context in which the deposition of drinking sets and the ai ciated symposial and libation ceremonies can be linked metaphorically to the cremation ritual. Having said this, it is however my contention that the rituals performed in what later became Pannonia betray Dionysiac traits. While the names and sha- pes of the deities with which the Bronze and Iron Age performers of these rites were using remain obscure there is clear evidence for interaction with the Medi- terranean world in funerary iconography which suggests we may have to reckon with the adoption and adaptation of pertinent myths and ceremonies. The grave good assemblage of the aforementioned sepulchte Nové KoSariska, tumulus 1 is a case in point. The phiale as well as the flower bud shaped knob of the situla lids are clear reflections of the vegitatative iconography of the Mediterranean and are completely foreign to Central Europe. Moreover the bovine protome decor of the vessels which obviously imitate Mediterranean For Sabazios: Schaefer 1920; Fauth 1972; Lane 19% simon 1953: 79ff. His earliest representation is on an Attic volute crater from Spina valle Trebbe, grave 128: Auri- gemma 1960: 46ff ® Olek 1897, esp. 461. Jane Harrison's (1903, 414-425) interpretation of the archaic Dionysos as a beer god is not convincing. For intermingling between drinking and sacrifice in Germanic ritual compare the story about Postumus’ gilded skullcap from which Boiian priests libated and drank (Livy XIII 24, 12). For beer ceremonies: Gronbech 1939, 116ff.; Sverdrup 1941. 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In: B, Schmid-Sikimi¢ P. Della Casa (Hrsg), Trans Europam. Festschr. Margarita Primas, 81-87. Bonn. Zwicker, J. 1936: Fontes Historiae Religiones Celticae 3. Bonn ‘hes Worterbuch 23. Berlin. ithallstattzeit von Fischerdorf, Kr. Saalfeld. Zeit- sz,234 Louis Daniel Nebelsick 1 Sm =e Fig. 1. Caka, Slovakia, Inventory of grave I/II (ca 13th century BC, after Totik — Paulik 1960, and Paulik 1963).Drinking against Death 2 preparation [Ce burial a> [ chaos [>>> |. order | >>> | chaos | >>> pee | object [>>> aifact [>>> [object | >>> ee >>> | ashes: >>> >>> | void/ >>> essene | socially directed and ritually attended death ‘ethereal half [aa ar fire (violence) cremation violence Violence breakage/fire frenzy/ breakage/ fire Tire/roasting Tire! cremation frenzy frenzy? stomping/ ji ecstasy! fermentation symposium cheme for the description of the Fig. 2. Summery of the Interpretative s remation rite.236 Louis Daniel Nebelsick ECC CCC CC 400000 Ceeeae 2 Fig. 3. A reconstruction of the pottery inventory from Ozkov, Slovakia (ca 12th century BC after Paulie 1962).Drinking against Death 237 S20 A 26604) do a0 |Z 2 |@.. 221s Eee 6a(28) @ we |e wo asb | P. ste... _| (o.15.10.28-4) \@e. 5 lwe lB. 24| @ on_ 36a17,33,39)| @ ge | 20| @ a. nol@e | 2913700.) @ @ew Fig. 4, Development of vessel sets in the cemetery of St. Andri, Austria (10th to 9th century BO), dot = phase 1, triangle ~ phase 2, square = phase 3, Star = isolated Early Iron Age grave, stipp- led area presumed site of cremation (after Eibner 1974)238 Louis Daniel Nebelsick Fig. 5. ‘The proposed route of the beverage through a Hallstatt Period drinking set (caricature after H. Hankey from the frontispiece of Astrom 1987)Drinking against Death 239 miniature Kalenerbere sg se vessels ‘urn with cremation animal bones drinking set Fig.6. The vessel set from Loretto, Austria, grave, 59 (ca, 8th century BO).Louis Daniel Nebelsick 1983), (ca 7th century BC after Vadisz animal bones 240Drinking against Death 241 cremated bones @ TTT] a animal bones Fig. 8. tury BC, after