Au For Ny

AU
African Union
Background Guide
NHSMUN
National High School Model United Nations

New York City | March 04-07, 2015
IMUNA
International Model United Nations Association
N ATIONAL H IGH S CHOOL M ODEL U NITED N ATIONS

The 41st Annual Conference March 4 March 7, 2015
November 2014
Shirley Wu
Dear Delegates,
Secretary-General
Princeton University
Lily OConnell
Director-General
University of Pennsylvania
Brody Duncan
Conference Director
McGill University
Alec Guertin
Director of Security
University of California,
Berkeley
Jason Toney
Chief of External Relations
Bard College
Laura Beltran-Rubio
Chief of Staff
Parsons The New School for
Design
Jinny Jung
Under-Secretary General of
Administrative Affairs
University of Michigan
Helen Robertson
Under-Secretary General
University of Virginia
Joe Sherlock
Bowdoin College
Erin Corcoran
Harvard University
Costanza Cicero
University of Bologna
Alyssa Greenhouse
Duke University
Paula Kates
Tufts University
NHSMUN is a project of the International Model

United Nations Association, Incorporated
(IMUNA). IMUNA, a not-for-profit, all
volunteer organization, is dedicated to furthering
global issues education at the secondary school level.
Welcome to NHSMUN 2015! My name is Alyssa Greenhouse and I am thrilled to be your

Under-Secretary-General for the Regional Bodies Organ. I am currently a junior at Duke
University, majoring in public policy with a pre-med track. Despite the multitude of classes
needed for my major, I was lucky enough to have to opportunity to study abroad this fall
semester in Madrid, Spain. While my focus was on language immersion, the endless tapas and
international cultures did not hurt one bit. When I am not studying or traveling, I enjoy
cooking and trying out new gluten free recipes after recently being diagnosed with Celiac
Disease, which definitely made things interesting abroad.
I cannot express how excited I am to welcome you to the first year of RBO Committees, and I
hope you are all as excited as I am to take part in these incredibly unique simulations. Each
committee will have the opportunity to explore a new dimension of its topics, with the
national and regional perspectives playing a much more pressing role in the regional bodies as
opposed to a typical UN committee. From topics discussing the energy crisis in Europe to
blood diamonds in Africa, each has been tailored to its specific regional body and the
organizations mandate. I encourage you to embrace the important role you each will play, as
your countrys voice is crucial.
Please invest in reading through the background guide that your Director has carefully crafted
for your committee. A significant amount of time and hard work went into developing these,
and they will prove critical in allowing you to engage in debate come March. I also recommend
visiting your committees twitter page in order to stay updated on the current events of your
topics. I will be working alongside your Director to ensure you have a memorable and
meaningful experience at NHSMUN, especially within the very first RBO committees. If you
have any questions or concerns regarding the conference, please do not hesitate to contact me.
There are countless resources provided for you, and I am happy to offer any additional help as
well!
Good luck and Ill see you all in March!
Best,
Alyssa Greenhouse
Under-Secretary General, Regional Bodies Organ
regional.nhsmun@imuna.org
N ATIONAL H IGH S CHOOL M ODEL U NITED N ATIONS

The 41st Annual Conference March 4 March 7, 2015
November 2014
Shirley Wu
Secretary-General
Princeton University
Lily OConnell
Director-General
University of Pennsylvania
Brody Duncan
Conference Director
McGill University
Alec Guertin
Director of Security
University of California,
Berkeley
Jason Toney
Chief of External Relations
Bard College
Laura Beltran-Rubio
Chief of Staff
Parsons The New School for
Design
Jinny Jung
Under-Secretary General of
Administrative Affairs
University of Michigan
Helen Robertson
University of Virginia
Joe Sherlock
Bowdoin College
Erin Corcoran
Harvard University
Costanza Cicero
Dear Delegates,
Welcome to NHSMUN 2015! My name is Elizabeth Pouya and I am thrilled to be the director
of the first African Union (AU) Committee at NHSMUN! I am currently a sophomore at the
University of Connecticut, majoring in Biochemistry while also enduring the premedical track.
I hope to attend medical school in the coming years to specialize in emergency medicine. In
addition to my keen academic interests, I enjoy Sudoku puzzles, running, and trying new
foods.
Im more than excited to be coming back to NHSMUN for my 4th year. This conference holds
a very special place in my heart as its take on global issues has inspired a lot of my long-term
goals. Last year I was an Assistant Director for the Legal Committee, which has a mandate
entirely different than that of the AU so Im very much looking forward to the change in
committee dynamic. The great thing about the AU is that the scope of its impact is not limited
to certain issues, but rather, any matter that is central to the countries of Africa. This year we
will focus on two captivating yet diverse topics. The first, Chinese Investment in Africa, is
mainly focused around the economic factors of Chinas heavy influence over Africas
development and the second, The Conflict Introduced By The Blood Diamond Supply Chain,
is more focused towards the social and developmental aspects of a legalized diamond trade.
Both of these topics are present-day issues in Africa that are frequently introduced in the news
as an international concern. In the upcoming conference, the AU will have the authority to
deal with these matters entirely through the engagement of its member states who hope to
build a better Africa.
In order to maximize your experience as a delegate of the AU, it will be crucial to thoroughly
read through this background guide and gain a general understanding of your countrys stance
on the position and what is being asked of you as a delegate. In order to represent your
country to the best of your ability, you should heavily consider doing outside research on your
country specifically, as this background guide does not serve as a holistic preparation tool for
committee. Should you need any additional help in research, please do not hesitate to contact
me at au.nhsmun@imuna.org. Be sure to also follow the committee twitter account
@NHSMUN_AU to stay up to date on the topics as we get closer to the conference.
Best of luck and see you in March!
University of Bologna
Alyssa Greenhouse
Duke University
Paula Kates
Tufts University
NHSMUN is a project of the International Model

United Nations Association, Incorporated
(IMUNA). IMUNA, a not-for-profit, all
volunteer organization, is dedicated to furthering
global issues education at the secondary school level.
Sincerely,
Elizabeth Pouya
Director, African Union
@NHSMUN_AU
au.nhsmun@imuna.org
National High School Model United Nations 2015

AU
TABLE OF CONTENTS
A Note on the NHSMUN Difference .................................................................................................... 1!
A Note on Research and Preparation ..................................................................................................... 3!
Committee History ................................................................................................................................. 4!
Members...................................................................................................................................................................... 5!
Mandate ....................................................................................................................................................................... 5!
Present Projects.......................................................................................................................................................... 6!
Simulation ............................................................................................................................................... 8!
Topic A: Chinese Investment in Africas Development ....................................................................... 10!
Introduction .................................................................................................................................................................. 10!
History and Description of the Issue ........................................................................................................................ 10!
The Threat of Neocolonialism .............................................................................................................................. 13!
Impact of Chinese Immigration ............................................................................................................................ 14!
Anti-China Political Sentiments ............................................................................................................................ 16!
Chinas Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Africa .......................................................................................... 18!
Threats to Development and Cooperation.......................................................................................................... 20!
Sino-African Cooperation Initiatives .................................................................................................................... 21!
Current Status ............................................................................................................................................................... 22!
Urbanizing Kenya .................................................................................................................................................... 22!
Chinas Slowing Economy ..................................................................................................................................... 23!
The U.S. Influence ................................................................................................................................................... 24!
Bloc Analysis ................................................................................................................................................................. 24!
East Africa ................................................................................................................................................................ 25!
Central Africa ........................................................................................................................................................... 26!
West Africa ............................................................................................................................................................... 26!
Southern Africa ........................................................................................................................................................ 27!
Committee Mission ...................................................................................................................................................... 28!
Topic B: Conflict Introduced By The Blood Diamond Supply Chain................................................. 29!
Introduction .................................................................................................................................................................. 29!
History and Description of the Issue ........................................................................................................................ 30!
Diamond Certification ............................................................................................................................................ 31!

AU
Government Involvement and Management ...................................................................................................... 35!

The African Unions Response.............................................................................................................................. 38!
Benefit of Law-Regulated Diamond Trade ......................................................................................................... 39!
Current Status ............................................................................................................................................................... 40!
Case Study: The Central African Republic .......................................................................................................... 41!
The Diamond Development Initiative International (DDII) ........................................................................... 41!
Bloc Analysis ................................................................................................................................................................. 43!
Top Conflict Diamond-Mining Countries ........................................................................................................... 43!
Countries Passively Abetting Diamond Smuggling ............................................................................................ 45!
Countries Post-Conflict .......................................................................................................................................... 45!
Committee Mission ...................................................................................................................................................... 46!
Research and Preparation Questions ................................................................................................... 48!
Topic A .......................................................................................................................................................................... 48!
Topic B .......................................................................................................................................................................... 48!
Important Documents .......................................................................................................................... 49!
Topic A .......................................................................................................................................................................... 49!
Topic B .......................................................................................................................................................................... 49!
Bibliography ......................................................................................................................................... 51!
Committee History and Simulation ........................................................................................................................... 51!
Topic A .......................................................................................................................................................................... 51!
Topic B .......................................................................................................................................................................... 55!

AU
A NOTE ON THE NHSMUN DIFFERENCE

Esteemed Faculty and Delegates,
Hello and welcome to NHSMUN 2015! My name is Lily OConnell, and I am this years DirectorGeneral. I hope you are as excited as I am to experience the conference. Our staff has been working
all year to ensure that you have an engaging, educational, and rewarding experience in committee.
NHSMUN strives to assure that the quality of our debate and in-committee interaction is
unmatched. NHSMUN focuses on the educational value of Model UN. We believe that the
experiences in our committee rooms extend skills originally developed in the classroom, and prepare
students to become future leaders. NHSMUN thrives on well-researched, realistic, and diplomatic
debate. We are thrilled with the substantive program for NHSMUN 2015 and look forward to
vibrant discussion and cooperation.
NHSMUN Practices
In order to fulfill our mission, our conference has adopted practices that are key to the continued
tradition of excellence in our committees and the NHSMUN difference.
NHSMUN prohibits the usage of personal electronics during committee in order to ensure that
delegates do not gain an unfair advantage in debate. We feel strongly that the interpersonal
connections made during debate are enhanced by face-to-face communication. Enforcing a strict no
laptops policy also helps us to ensure that all our delegates have an equal opportunity to succeed in
committee.
The Dais is permitted a laptop for the purposes of communicating with respective Under-SecretaryGenerals and other Senior Staff Members as well as attending to administrative needs. The Dais will
only be limited to using their laptops for NHSMUN purposes, and the majority of their focus will be
on the needs of the committee. In addition, we staff a dedicated team in our office to assist in typing
and formatting draft resolutions and working papers so that committee time can be focused on
discussion and compromise.
An additional difference that delegates may notice about NHSMUN is the committee pacing. While
each BG contains two topic selections, NHSMUN committees will strive to have a fruitful
discussion on and produce resolutions on a single topic; prioritizing the quality of discussion over
quantity of topics addressed. In order to respect the gravity of the issues being discussed at our
conference as well as the intellect of our delegates, NHSMUN committees will focus on addressing
one topic in-depth. BGs contain two topics in order to allow delegates to decide what problem
ought to be prioritized, a valuable discussion in and of itself, and to safeguard against the possibility
that an issue will be independently resolved before conference.
NHSMUN uses a set of the Rules of Procedure that is standardized across all IMUNA-brand
conferences. These rules provide a standardized system of operation that is easily translated across
committee or conference lines. While the general structure and flow of committee will be familiar to
any delegate who has previously participated in Model UN, there may be slight procedural
differences from other conferences. All delegates are encouraged to review the Rules of Procedure
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before attending the conference in the Delegate Preparation Guide and are welcome to direct
questions to any member of NHSMUN Staff.
While NHSMUN does distribute awards, we feel that it is crucial to de-emphasize their importance
in comparison to the educational value of Model UN as an activity. NHSMUN seeks to reward
delegations that excel in the arts of compromise and diplomacy. We always prioritize a dedication to
teamwork over solitary achievement. Directors will judge delegates on their ability and willingness to
cooperate with their peers while always maintaining an accurate representation of country policy.
At the core of the NHSMUN philosophy is an emphasis on education and compromise. As such,
we do not distribute awards to individual delegates, with the exception of committees where
students represent their own separate delegation (ICJ and UNSC, for example). Instead, awards will
be distributed to delegations that exhibit excellence across all committees. The awards system is
standardized so as to give equal weight to delegations of all sizes. Awards will also be offered for
schools that demonstrate excellence in research and preparation based on the position papers
submitted by their delegates. Detailed information on the determination of awards at NHSMUN will
be available in the Faculty Preparation Guide and online in November.
As always, I welcome any questions or concerns about the substantive program at NHSMUN 2015
and would be happy to discuss NHSMUN pedagogy with faculty or delegates. It is my sincerest
hope that your experience at NHSMUN 2015 will be challenging and thought provoking.
Best,
Lily OConnell
Director-General, NHSMUN 2015
dg.nhsmun@imuna.org
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A NOTE ON RESEARCH AND PREPARATION

Delegate preparation is paramount to a successful and exciting National High School Model United
Nations 2015 Conference. We have provided this Background Guide to introduce the topics that
will be discussed in your committee. These papers are designed to give you a description of the
topics and the committee. This Guide is not intended to represent exhaustive research on every
facet of the topics. We encourage and expect each delegate to fully explore the topics and be able to
identify and analyze the intricacies of the issues. Delegates must be prepared to intelligently utilize
their knowledge and apply it to their own countrys policy. You will find that your state has a unique
position on the topics that cannot be substituted by the opinions of another state.
The task of preparing and researching for the conference is challenging, but it can be interesting and
rewarding. We have provided each school with a copy of the Delegation Preparation Guide. The
Guide contains detailed instructions on how to write a position paper and how to effectively
participate in committee sessions. The Guide also gives a synopsis of the types of research materials
and resources available to you and where they can be found.
An essential part of representing a state in an international body is the ability to articulate that states
views in writing. Accordingly, it is the policy of NHSMUN to require each delegate (or doubledelegation team) to write position papers. The position papers should clearly outline the countrys
policies on the topic areas to be discussed and what factors contribute to these policies. In addition,
each paper must address the Research and Preparation questions at the end of the committee
Background Guide. Most importantly, the paper must be written from the point of view of the
country you are representing at NHSMUN 2015 and should articulate the policies you will
espouse at the conference. All papers should be typed and double-spaced. The papers will be read by
the director of each committee and returned at the start of the conference with brief comments and
constructive advice.
Each delegation is responsible for sending a copy of their papers to the Director-General via email
on or before January 22, 2015. Please email the entire delegations papers at one time to
papers.nhsmun@imuna.org. Complete instructions for online submissions may be found in the
Delegate Preparation Guide and the Faculty Preparation Guide. If delegations are unable to submit
an online version of their position papers, they should contact the Director-General
(dg.nhsmun@imuna.org) as soon as possible to find an alternative form of submission.
Delegations that do not submit position papers to directors or summary statements to the
Director-General will be ineligible for awards.
!
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COMMITTEE HISTORY
Prior to the formation of the African Union (AU), the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and
the African Economic Community (AEC) were working in conjunction to build a better Africa. The
OAU Charter was adopted on 25 May 1963 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia with 32 signatory
governments, its first two official members being South Africa and Libya.1 Following its
establishment, the OAU gained 21 more member states, resulting in 53 members total.2 It had
become evident shortly after the formation of the OAU in 1979 that the Assembly was not
adequately geared to manage challenges of a transforming world. There was a growing realization of
the need for greater efficiency and effectiveness by the OAU. The OAU was largely divided between
the independent countries and those still depend on France. There was also a further split in
ideology between support for the United States of America (USA) and the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics (USSR) during the Cold War. The leader of Ghana at the time, Kwame Nkrumah was the
predominant voice of socialist philosophy while Felix Boigny of the Ivory Coast led the procapitalist faction. These divisions ultimately made it difficult for the OAU to take unified action on
internal conflicts.3
Thus, the Abuja Treaty establishing the AEC was adopted on 3 June 1991 and entered into force on
12 May 1994.4 Prior to its formation, the OAU was primarily concerned with the continents
political matters, leaving economic and developmental issues unaddressed. The formation of the
AEC sought to foster economic, social, and cultural integration of the continent concerns which
the OAU lacked to address. On 9 September 1999 an OAU/AEC summit held in Sirte, Libya called
for the establishment of the AU in compliance with the ultimate objectives of the OAU Charter and
AEC Treaty.5 However, despite numerous meetings, the OAU Charter Review Committee was
unable to formulate the necessary amendments in order to alter its mandate to effectively address
the new purview of the committee, including, the yearly surge of internal conflicts, playing a more
active role in addressing the needs of the people, and maximizing the export potential of the
continents natural resources to improve living conditions. The OAU Charter Review Committee
foresaw the need for a body that could jointly meet the demands of both the OAU and AEC. The
OAU was officially disbanded in 2000 and immediately replaced by the AU, which entered into
force on 27 February 2001.6 The formation of the AU finally allowed for the regional conflicts of
member states to be overseen and dealt with by a partisan body that could resourcefully address its
concerns.
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
1 Organization of African Unity (OAU)/African Union (AU), International Relations & Cooperation, last modified 12 Feb.
2014, http://www.dfa.gov.za/foreign/Multilateral/africa/oau.htm.
2 Ibid.
3 Organisation of African Unity, South African History, last modified May 2009,
http://www.sahistory.org.za/topic/organisation-african-unity-oau.
4 Ibid.
5 Ibid.
6 Ibid.
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To ensure a smooth shift from the OAU/EUC into the AU, The Constitutive Act was created to
outline a transitional period between the two bodies.7 The Constitutive Act entered into force with
two-thirds of the 53 Member States of the OAU, replacing the OAU Charter of 1963.8 However, the
Charter remained operative for one year prior to the ratification of the AU for the purpose of
allowing the OAU/AEC to undertake necessary measures that would submit its current
responsibilities at the time and other relative matters to the AU.9
Members
The AU assumed all 53 members of the OAU, and covers the entirety of the African continent with
the exception of Morocco who withdrew its membership in May of 1982.10 Morocco withdrew
membership over the admission of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) in the AU in
1982.11 This was due to a civil conflict between SADR and Morocco concerning the ownership of
the Western Sahara territory. Morocco refuses to become a member unless SADR withdraws
membership. The Central African Republic was suspended from the AU after rebels seized power of
the country and Egypt was temporarily suspended after the rebel leader Al-Sissi ousted President
Mohammed Morsi in 2013. Guinea Bissau also temporarily lost membership in 2012 due to rebeltakeover. South Sudan, which seceded from Sudan on 9 July 2011, was the last country to join the
AU on 27 August 2011 and makes up its 54th member state.12 As of October, 2014, Central African
Republic is the only member state which is still currently under suspension from the Union.
Mandate
The Assembly is the AUs primary decision-making body, meeting at least once a year and adopting
decisions by two-third majority vote.13 The powers established in the OAU Charter were translated
into the AU Constitutive Act Article 9 during the transition period.14 The AU has many specific,
smaller goals that support its primary vision: An integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa, driven
by its own citizens and representing a dynamic force in global arena.15 The AU is the worlds only
regional or international organization that explicitly recognizes the right to intervene in a member
state on humanitarian and human rights grounds. The AU drew this guideline among with many
others based on the recommendations of a 2001 report from the International Commission on
Intervention and State Sovereignty titled The Responsibility to Protect. The report asserts that
Sovereign states have a responsibility to protect their own citizens from unavoidable catastrophefrom mass murder and rape, from starvation-but that when they are unwilling or unable to do so,
that responsibility must be borne by the broader community states.16 However, the Assembly of the
AU is only able to decide on intervention in or sanctions against Member States according to
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Transition From the OAU to the African Union, African Union Summit, last modified May 2002,
http://www.au2002.gov.za/docs/background/oau_to_au.htm.
8 Ibid.
9 Ibid.
10 Ibid.
11 Ibid.
12 Ibid.
13 The African Union, Council On Foreign Relations, last modified 1 Sep. 2009, http://www.cfr.org/africa-subsaharan/african-union/p11616.
14 Ibid.
15 Ibid.
16 Ibid.
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specific circumstances provided for in the AU Constitutive Act. The AU has displayed this
commitment to peacekeeping with its involvement in the AU/UN joint peacekeeping force in
Darfur since 2003 when it helped mediate a cease-fire between the government of Sudan and rebel
groups.17 The AU has also had semi-successful peacekeeping interventions in Burundi and Uganda.
Given the AUs limited experience with peacekeeping on the continent relative to other UN bodies,
the Assembly requires extensive political and material support from the international community to
deliver on its own regional commitments to peace and security.
The Commission of the AU is the Secretariat entrusted with executive functions. The Commission
accompanies the Assembly as a key organ that plays a central role in managing the AU, it is guided
by principles to ensure it acts transparently, accountably, and unbiasedly. Assembly members elect a
Chairperson each year that holds office for a one year term.18 The Commission in its entirety
consists of the Chairperson, deputy Chairperson, 9 Commissioners, and staff members.19 In
concurrence with other, smaller organs, the Commission drafts and prepares strategic plans for the
Executive Council, designed to prepare Assembly sessions and make decisions on policies in areas
of common interest to the member states. The Commission involves eight common subdivisions,
including: peace and security, political affairs, infrastructure and energy, social affairs, human
resources science and technology, trade and industry, rural economy and agriculture, and
economic affairs.20 With all of its internal bodies and subdivisions, the AU is concerned with all
prevalent matters of the continent that hinder its welfare.
Present Projects
In July 2001 the New Partnership for Africas Development (NEPAD) was adopted by Algeria,
Egypt, Nigeria, Senegal, and South Africa. NEPADs primary objectives are property eradication,
sustainable development, and integrating Africa into the global economy.21 It focuses on establishing
partnerships with industrial countries for increased aid, foreign investment, and market access. In
2002, NEPAD was placed under the purview of the AU.22 In March of 2007, NEPAD leaders
decided the partnership should be integrated into the regular structures and processes of the AU.23
The AUs Peace and Security Council (PSC) was formed in 2004.24 This body has the ability to
intervene in conflicts to protect the security of the continent. It has fifteen member states, elected
for two or three terms, with equal voting rights.25 The PSC also oversees the establishment of a
permanent African security force, the AU Standby Force (AUSF). The AUSF Headquarters are
currently in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. It had planned to have five or six brigades of 3,000 to 5,000
troops stationed around Africa by 2010. The goals for 2010 were not fully met and have therefore
been extended until 2015 when the AUSF hopes to reach Full Operational Capability (FOC).26
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Ibid.
Organization of African Unity (OAU)/African Union (AU), International Relations & Cooperation.
19 Ibid.
20 Ibid.
21 The African Union, Council On Foreign Relations.
22 Ibid.
23 Ibid.
24 Ibid.
25 Ibid.
26 Ibid.
17
18
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The AU is also aiming to eliminate all remaining civil conflicts within the continent that have
continued to hinder achieving the AUs goals. The conflict in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo has concerned many of its bordering states, particularly over the unremitting battle for
control of its basic natural resources including valuable rich minerals. This conflict is also similar to
that between SADR and Morocco, who invaded and occupied Western Sahara in 1976 through the
present.27 Talks between Morocco and SADR resumed in 2008 for the possibility of integrated rule
of the West Sahara but no progress was made in this effort to compromise.
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
27 AU In A Nutshell, African Union A United and Strong Africa, last modified June 2014,
http://www.au.int/en/about/nutshell.
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SIMULATION
Simulation of the African Union (AU) Assembly will be carried out primarily in accordance with
official NHSMUN Rules of Procedure. One notable difference is that the AU is a regional body and
thus, membership is limited to countries geographically located in Africa. This is different from most
other NHSMUN committees that are specialized to deal with topics within a certain scope that grant
membership based on a variety of factors other than location. Delegates should also remember that
the AU is the only international organization that explicitly recognizes the right for another AU
member state to intervene for the purpose of protecting that countrys civilians and human rights.
However, delegates should also be aware that the Assembly of the AU is only able to decide on
intervention in or sanctions against Member States according to specific circumstances provided for
in the AU Constitutive Act. As unlawful crimes and practices are commonly witnessed in Africa, it is
the duty of each member state to ensure that its neighboring countries are incessantly aiming to
fulfill the objectives of the AU. With that being said, upon achieving a two-thirds majority vote, the
AU has the authority to impose economic and political sanctions, execute military interventions, and
take initiatives and action it deems appropriate to ensure the well being of Africa. An emphasis
should be placed on being diplomatic with bordering countries, as the prosperity of this continent is
dependent on the communal aid and support of one another.
Both topics included in the background guide are prevalent, current-day issues that the continent of
Africa has been trying to overcome for years. Each delegation should thoroughly consider its
position within each topic prior to entering committee because it is not likely both topics will be
discussed during the duration of the conference. Upon the first committee session, delegates will
debate setting the agenda and vote to determine which topic the committee will discuss first. The
expectation is that the chosen topic will be discussed comprehensively in all aspects according to the
committees stated rules of parliamentary procedure.
As each committee session progresses, debate should become more focused in dealing with the
nuances of resolving the chosen topic. Debate will start off with the Speakers List and then quickly
move to other forms of caucusing including moderated and unmoderated caucuses. The Speakers
List and moderated caucus are considered to be formal debate. Formal debate entails speaking to
the rest of the committee on a position with a set time limit. When delegates are recognized to
speak, they should state their country and concretely discuss their countrys position in the allotted
time period. Informal debate is conducted through unmoderated caucuses, which are commonly
used to discuss country positions in a manner that does not require a delegate to obtain permission
from the Dais. As formal debate gives each delegation the opportunity to share their position with
the rest of committee, it is considered to be the most effective form of debate and the majority of
the committee sessions will be spent this way.
During the first committee session, delegates will be introduced to the two members of the Dais: the
Director, and the Assistant Director. The Dais will ultimately serve as the regulating body of debate
during each committee session. Each member of the Dais is notably an expert on both committee
topics and thus, should be used as a resource for any and all questions regarding the AU, committee
topics, and rules of procedure.
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As the head of the committee, the Dais holds all right to temporarily suspend the rules if necessary
and ensure that decorum is kept. While the committee is partaking in formal debate and voting
procedure, delegates should be mindful of those speaking to the committee and thus remain silent
unless recognized by the Dais to speak. The Dais will be mindful of each countrys membership in
the committee and their right to speak, and the committee will recognize all those wishing to
participate in formal debate.
Since all member states of the AU geographically share land, resources, and in some cases militaries,
it is essential to be considerate of other states as potential resources and allies. The main objective of
the AU cannot be reiterated enough, it is to unite the continent in all aspects to ensure a better
future for its people. For this reason, it is imperative that delegates remember to remain diplomatic
at all times and stay true to their countrys position on the matter. Delegates should never deviate
from their countrys stance on an issue, as they are there to represent their states government and its
opinions alone. The end goal of the NHSMUN conference for this committee is to join all member
states in creating a comprehensive and realistic resolution that puts the AU one step closer to
addressing the continuing problems hindering the full development of the region as a whole and its
individual member states.
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TOPIC A: CHINESE INVESTMENT IN AFRICAS

DEVELOPMENT
INTRODUCTION
Trade between China and Africa has been expanding since the mid-90s when total trade reached
approximately USD three billion.28 By 2005, this number had grown to reach an estimated USD 40
billion.29 China hoped to further increase trade to more than USD 100 billion by 2010, surpassing
this goal with USD 200 billion in 2013.30 Such burgeoning trade within a developing country can
have beneficial effects such as enabling progress in development initiatives and nurturing long-term
economic expansion, as evidenced through Africas registered 5.8% economic growth in 2010.31
However, there remain a number of broad-scale disadvantages, including those caused by Chinas
pursuit of access to land, markets, and natural resources, which has directly affected the lives of
many local African communities.
Chinas involvement with Africa, otherwise referred to as Sino-African cooperation, has contributed
to over 20% of Africas economic development, leading China to be Africas single largest investor
and trading partner.32 Chinas booming economic growth and Africas seemingly endless supply of
rich minerals and natural resources has fostered a deep-rooted and mutually beneficial relationship
between the two entities. However, as China continues to fortify its position as Africas primary
economic influence, much controversy has formed regarding its boundaries and more specifically its
right to intervene in Africas internal affairs and development. As China continues to gain control
over Africas natural resources, many governments and citizens have been conflicted over accepting
Chinas external aid for economic growth versus maintaining economic and political independence
to preserve the job market and each African countrys respective culture. While Chinese investment
in Africa has generally been welcomed on a national economic level in the past, the local impact
remains largely ignored, as many locals seem to be suffering with business failure, inadequate pay,
and trade loss due to the increased Chinese influence.33 Delegates should consider the possibility that
African economic systems may, in the future, become so dependent on Chinese investments that
their domestic and foreign policies would in effect be decided by China. If Africas governments
cannot profitably foster this engagement, the continent will face risks of missing an inimitable
opportunity to advance its political, economic, and social development as well as the possibility of
Chinese exploitation.
HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION OF THE ISSUE

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
28 Yejoo Kim, Chinese Investment Services In Africa: Contributing to Soling the Unemployment Problem? Centre For
Chinese Studies, 8 Oct 2013, accessed 20 May 2014, accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://www.ccs.org.za/wpcontent/uploads/2012/10/YK-Chinese-Investment-Service-Sector-and-Job-Creation.pdf.
29 Ibid.
30 Ibid.
31 Ibid.
32D.A. Barber, Are Chinas Africa Investments Overblown? AFK Insider, last modified 23 June 2014, accessed 9 Sep
2014, http://afkinsider.com/60875/chinas-africa-investments-overblown/.
33 Ibid.
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AU
Soon after many African countries began to gain independence, Asian and African states met at the
Bandung Conference in Bandung, Indonesia. This conference, held 18-24 April 1955, focused on
promoting Afro-Asian economic cooperation in order to prevent any future neocolonialism
throughout the continent.34 The major consensus of this conference was that colonialism in all
forms was to be condemned. As a result, conference participants unanimously adopted a ten-point
declaration on the promotion of world peace and cooperation to protect against slipping back into
colonialist times.35 During this time, China was also seeking to cultivate relationships with countries
in Africa in order to counterbalance the Soviet Unions outward dominance over the western
hemisphere.36 To China, Africa was an ideal opportunity to gain leadership among the developing
African states and gain allies who compose a prominent voting bloc of the UN. Ultimately, the
positive benefits to investing in Africa were clear and the opportunity was indispensable. China
began to view Africa as a strategic partner and therefore, weightily invested in construction projects,
independence movements, and need-based aid to over thirty African countries.37
In 1996 alone, China funded more than USD 410 million in aid to Africa, which included
concessionary loans, a loan bearing no interest or a very minimal interest rate, in addition to debt
reliefs and infrastructure projects.38 From 2000 to 2011, the Centre for Global Development (CGD)
estimated the total aid to 50 African countries to be valued at USD 75 billion.39 Conversely, Chinas
investment in Africa currently makes up a trivial percentage of Chinas total FDI, about 1%. Chinas
economy is dependent on its trade ties with numerous countries and Africa only comprises a small
percentage of all of its investment relations. After continued investment, Chinas total FDI into
Africa amounted to USD 12 billion in 2011 alone and only continues to increase.40 Chinas leading
role in Africa has essentially paralleled the role alternative institutions play in most other states such
as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank.
Chinas government asserts that aid is exemplified by equality and mutual respect for the
sovereignty of the recipient countries. Loans are unconditional, interest free, and repayment can be
easily scheduled.41 The loans are intended for projects that would generate steady revenue and allow
recipient countries to become self-reliant at some point, as opposed to being perpetually dependent
on Chinas assistance. It is worth noting that Chinas overzealous engagement with Africa has an
abundance of economic advantages for China itself as well. Firstly, China is in need of a stable
supply of resources, particularly oil and energy, to power its growing economy and extensive
industrial base.42 African countries have these resources in excess, as well as valuable metals such as
aluminum, copper, and iron ore, making this a crucial investment incentive for many developed
countries in need of these resources.43 Secondly, Africa is seen as a potential host for marketing
Chinese products. While Chinas economic growth does in fact rely greatly on its manufacturing
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Thompson Ayodele and Olusegun Sotola, China In Africa: An Evaluation of Chinese Investment, (Initiative for
Public Policy Analysis, 2014), accessed 23 June 2014, http://www.ippanigeria.org/china_africa_working.pdf.
35 Ibid.
36 Ibid.
37 Ibid.
38 Ibid.
39 Ibid.
40 Ibid.
41 Ibid.
42 Ibid.
43 Ibid.
34
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sector, its success depends on sustaining ties with a dependable consumer market.44 Africa has
directly benefited from Chinas assistance in developing the overall economy, but the question
remains whether Chinese investment in Africa is ultimately in Africas best interest.45
What sets China apart from other western partners is the countrys willingness to invest where large
western corporations are not. Western investors and aid agencies such as the United States Agency
for International Development (USAID) as well as budgetary NGOs including the World Bank are
not willing to invest in economic sectors in countries that will not have an immediate, positive
turnout such as physical infrastructure, industry, and agriculture: three of the most prominent areas
of Africas development and future self-dependence. The commitment to uproot Africa out of its
developing stages is simply too large of an investment for western countries whose economies are
less successful than Chinas booming markets. With Africa undoubtedly in need of infrastructure of
all types, China has not hesitated to invest in every sector possible, including: hospitals, airports,
highways, stadiums, railroads, energy, mining, transportation, agriculture, and other construction
developments.46 Since the post-1975 era, the USAID has not put forth any significant funding
towards the infrastructure projects in Africa.47 In the 1990s, the World Bank and IMF also both
reduced critical funding for support of Africas infrastructure programs, including agriculture
support by as much as 90%.48 These non-governmental organizations were initially created to
promote steady economic growth and rebuild the infrastructure within countries during the post-war
era through unconditional loans. However, the World Bank and IMF are largely controlled and
owned by the developed countries, which are not limited to: USA, Germany, UK, and Japan. These
countries, which hold majority-voting power, turned their attention away from developing countries
and began leasing loans with strict policies to those more developed that would fund massive
industrial development projects in Asia and Latin America.49 Western states fear that involvement in
more developing regions will be too large an investment risk and will result in inadequate returns,
offsetting the potential benefit for both parties. And thus, China has stepped in to take advantage of
the opportunities that other countries have neglected.
In view of the reluctance of western countries and its agencies to heavily invest in Africas resources,
development, and infrastructure, Chinese investment in Africa thus far has been invaluable to the
continents current economic standing. In 2005 China and Nigeria partnered in an agreement in
which China signed to invest USD 800 million in the countrys crude oil, solidifying the dependency
of this African country on Chinas continued investment in this industry. Thus, China vowed to
purchase 30,000 barrels a day from Nigeria for five years. In addition, China has also begun to take
over the license to operate a share of Nigerias oil refinery. Although initially driven by its vast
demand for energy resources, Chinas involvement in Nigeria has since expanded far beyond oil into
different economic sectors that have increased Sino-Nigerian cooperation. However, Nigerian
citizens have expressed dissatisfaction with the presence of Chinese companies, the quality of their
cheap imported goods, and the impact of those imports on domestic partners. Ultimately, these
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Ibid.
Ibid.
46 Ibid.
47 Ibid.
48 Ibid.
49 The IMF and World Bank Are Major Causes of Poverty In Africa, Global Envision, last modified 23 March 2007,
accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://www.globalenvision.org/library/23/1524.
44
45
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complex problems will have to be addressed if China is to continue aiding Nigeria in reaching its
long-term economic goals.
The Threat of Neocolonialism
The idea of neocolonialism has been used to characterize Chinas active involvement in Africa,
mainly due to the perceived similarities in which England colonized Africa about a century ago. The
term neocolonialism, alternatively referred to as neo-imperialism, is formally known as the
geopolitical practice of using capitalism, business globalization, and cultural imperialism to influence
a country, in lieu of either direct military control or indirect political control.50 The term was
officially coined by former Ghanaian President Kwama Nkrumah (1951-1966) to describe the
domination of powerful countries over those of the developing world.51 Nkrumah saw the effects of
neocolonialism as a threat to the prosperity of Ghanas citizens. Today many view the actions of
China as those of a new colonizing power, as its continued presence may be interfering with Africas
quest for an independent and functional economy.
As seen with Sino-African cooperation, neocolonialism may be exactly the driving force Africa
needs to capitalize its own industries. However, the negative effects of neocolonialism are often
times ignored. These are mostly felt among rural African communities and villages where Chinese
interests have been gradually expanding their boundaries, noticeably by opening businesses that have
forced many African natives out of employment. In essence, the struggle against neocolonialism is
not aimed at excluding the capital of China from operating in Africa, but rather preventing the
financial power of China from exploiting African citizens. China has not occupied any African
country nor appointed any military bases for the potential of doing so; however, there are currently
estimated to be over 1 million Chinese residing in Africa.52
Since the surge of Chinas growing global presence, Chinese immigrants have begun to dominate the
marketplace in Africa. There is not a single country in Africa that is untouched by a growing Chinese
commercial presence. Any opportunities for mass employment such as in new construction projects
and other low-paid, yet necessary, jobs are occupied by equally as many Chinese immigrants as they
are by native Africans. Unfortunately, China and Africas growing partnership has Africans
competing to stay afloat and employed.53 In addition, there are many Chinese firms currently
operating in Africa that pay their local staff, both Chinese and African, far below legal minimum
wages.54 In 2009 a Chinese company was controlling the construction of the new Works and
Transport Ministry headquarters in Namibia, and while doing so, employees were only being paid a
paltry rate of USD 0.55 for every hour, exactly one half the minimum wage for entry-level
construction workers.55 The African Labor Research Network, funded by trade unions across the
continent, acknowledges that many workers of Chinese employees are struggling against
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
50 Michael Curtis, The End of Neo-Colonialism, American Thinker, last modified 31 Jan 2013, accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.americanthinker.com/2013/01/the_end_of_neo-colonialism.html.
51 Ibid.
52 Ibid.
53 Erin Conway-Smith, Report: Chinese Bad Employers In Africa, GlobalPost, last modified 29 July 2009, accessed 9
Sep 2014, http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/africa/090727/chinese-bad-employers-africa?page=0,0.
54 Ibid.
55 Conway-Smith, Report: Chinese Bad Employers In Africa.
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exploitative practices.56 Operating at lower costs, Chinese companies undercut African firms and
push them out of business, meaning even fewer benefits to local, smaller economies. 57
Apart from the criticism stemming chiefly from the western hemisphere and the observed effects of
Sino-African relations on locals, the local governments in Africa and China see the partnership and
Chinese investment as a win-win relationship. Delegates should carefully analyze the positive and
negative aspects of Sino-African affairs keeping in mind that the sole purpose of the African Union
is to create a united and strong Africa.
Impact of Chinese Immigration
Within the last decade, Chinese immigrants have migrated to countries in the southern region of
Africa to start small businesses in local towns and indigenous areas. Consumers of these areas have
thus far been dependent on the low-cost prices of African-run shops and businesses during times of
economic hardship. However, with the recent influx of Chinese immigrants in need of sustainable
sources of income, the presence of low-cost Chinese-based shops have gradually populated the
streets of many African countries, forcing native shop owners out of business. Increased hostility
towards foreign businesses has recently been pressuring governments to consider legal restrictions
for the purpose of preserving Africas native cultures.58
China, however, has been compensating for this burden by creating employment opportunities in
the infrastructure, mining, telecommunications, baking, and tourism sectors. China has implemented
advanced programs that provide training to many African professionals in order to expand Africas
workforce. The downfall of this is that when locals are employed, they are expected to follow
Chinese companies work models: minimal pay, long hours, and poor working conditions.59
Identifying both the positives and negatives of Chinese involvement and migration will prove vital
for the African Union in hopes of securing gaining control over the relationship with China for the
future. Delegates should research their respective countrys laws and general policies on small
businesses operated by immigrants and understand what impact this investment has had for its
citizens.
Case Study: Malawi
Malawi has been particularly in need of Chinas investment in their resources. In 2011 the countrys
trade was recorded to be a record high of USD 100 million, a 400% increase from 2010.60 With
approximately 74% of Malawis population living on less than USD 1.25 a day, it would seem natural
that the population tends to favor the low economic cost of Chinese goods that have been coupled
with the increase in Chinese migration to the country.61 However, the cultural backlash resulting
from an increased presence of Chinese-based shops and restaurants has proliferated since the
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Ibid.
Ibid.
58 Southern Africa: Increasing Hostility Towards Chinese Traders, IRIN, last modified 7 Sept. 2012,
http://www.irinnews.org/report/96266/southern-africa-increasing-hostility-towards-chinese-traders.
59Huang Meibo, A Study on the Employment Effect of Chinese Investment in South Africa, Centre For Chinese Studies,
last modified Oct 2013, accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://www.ccs.org.za/wpcontent/uploads/2013/10/DP_4_2013_Chinese_Employment_South_Africa_Huang_Ren_ONLINE.pdf.
60 Ibid.
61 Ibid.
56
57
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country initially formed diplomatic relations with China in 2007.62 Soon after, the national
government was bombarded with complaints regarding the new neighbors, specifically pressuring
for legislation that would preclude foreign traders from operating outside the borders of urban
cities.63 In May of 2012, groups of Malawian traders joined in effort to protest the presence of
Chinese traders and convince local governments to force them out.64 The protests spread to all 28
districts in the country.65 Shortly after, a new law was enforced on 31 July 2012 which specifically
banned foreigners from conducting business outside of Malawis four major cities: Lilongwe,
Blatyre, Mzuzu, and Zomba. While some people and organizations such as the Centre for
Development of People and Centre for Human Rights Rehabilitation (CHRR) have claimed this law
to be a xenophobic attack on foreigners who run legal businesses, the government of Malawi simply
stated the law is an attempt to protect local small-scale businesses from competition of foreign
traders.66
The new legislation requires Chinese traders to apply for a license to have ownership of business in
one of the four cities. In addition, it also requires investors to secure a payment of at least USD
250,000 in Malawis central bank as startup capital; therefore, not all foreign traders may qualify for
the license.67 While Malawis new restrictions on Chinese businesses have created much controversy,
delegates should place emphasis on the importance of preserving the local culture of African
communities within the Sino-African relationship in order to keep sight of developing each member
state in a fashion that reflects upon each countrys original values.
Case Study: Lesotho
In Lesotho, a small landlocked country of East Africa, the relatively high rates of poverty and
unemployment have spawned similar hostility towards the recent appearance of over 5,000 Chinese
immigrants and Chinese-owned businesses by native African business-owners. However, there has
been very minimal government intervention on behalf of the people. Unlike other African states
such as South Africa, which has frequently dealt with Chinese migration and Chinese-owned
businesses, Lesotho has had a very marginal experience with immigrants. Lesothos national
legislation limits ownership of small businesses by immigrants. However, the weak and unstable
government of Lesotho is inexperienced in dealing with the concerns of immigration, such as the
influx of Chinese migrants that are illegally obtaining trading licenses, and even in some cases, falsely
acquiring citizenship documents.68 Several of Lesothos political candidates explicitly indicated their
intention to expel foreign traders from the country in the June 2012 elections. Since then, the
government has not taken any further action against the Chinese immigrants. While Lesothos
legislation restricting the ownership of small businesses by Chinese immigrants can serve as one of
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Ibid.
Ibid.
64 Claire Ngozo, Malawis New Law Targeting Chinese Traders In Rural Areas Draws Criticism, Guardian, last
modified 9 Aug 2012, accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2012/aug/09/new-lawtargets-chinese-traders-malawi.
65 Ibid.
66 Ibid.
67 Ibid.
68 Investment Policy Review of Zambia, Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, last modified 2011,
accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://www.oecd.org/investment/investmentfordevelopment/48720875.pdf.
62
63
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many solutions to preserving the small countrys culture, it is not an effective solution when the
government lacks the ability to enforce it.
A key realization from the research of the Chinese in Africa/Africans in China (CA/AC)
International Research Working Group is that small, deprived countries are receiving less and less
funding from western companies, and therefore see continued Chinese investment as part of an
economic reinforcement plan.69 Conversely, the Working Group found that the presence of Chinese
businesses in Lesotho and other southern African countries has had very little direct impact on the
local economy because most of their earnings are sent back home to China as opposed to being
reinvested back into the local economy. This concept of sending money back home is typically
known as remittances.70 While most countries, including Lesotho, have remittance laws in place that
require a certain fee or percentage of the money transferred be paid to the local national
government, these have proven ineffective. The AU must recognize that the simple presence of
legislation is not always enough and other creative solutions must be considered to protect the
economy and civilians of the continent.
Case Study: Zambia
Unlike other southern African countries like Lesotho, Zambia has an open investment policy that
allows foreign investors to freely set up businesses in the country, most of which have begun
operating in the past decade. However, the fundamental issue with this policy is that many foreign
investors hire local natives of the area to attract business, and often pay them insufficiently low
wages.71 In July of 2012 the Zambian government made an effort to pass legislation that increased
the monthly minimum wage earnings for all shop and general workers from USD 80 to USD 220.
Regardless of shop-owners now being legally required to increase their employees pay, most are
reluctant to do so, claiming that the significantly higher wages could put their businesses in
jeopardy.72 Unlike other southern African countries, foreign owners run most small businesses in
Zambia. Very few Zambian employers have remained in business, and those who have are less
hesitant to be fiscally conservative with their employees.73 In essence, local employers of tight-knit
communities are more likely to empathize with the value of well-paid employment whereas new
Chinese business-owners are not. This becomes significant when the migrant population grows to
control the economic sector, as is the case in Zambia. Members of the African Union must note the
different circumstances of many member states and work together to develop practices to protect
the economy, while also preserving the human rights of each countrys native citizens.
Anti-China Political Sentiments
Although China has made their willingness to generously aid African countries in reaching total
prosperity well known within the past decade, candidates running for political office have used their
anti-China stance as leverage in gaining the support of native voters. In September of 2011, Michael
Sata won the presidential elections in Zambia with a majority vote following his anti-China based
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Ibid.
Ibid.
71 Ibid.
72 Ibid.
73 Ibid.
69
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campaign that commonly referred to Zambia being a newfound province of China.74 The
presidential elections were considered to be a referendum, or general vote of the people, against
Chinese involvement in Zambian governmental action. China is currently the worlds largest
consumer of copper, and has thus displayed interest in the most prominent copper-producing
country in Africa, Zambia.75 In 2010, Zambia produced over USD 2 billion worth of copper among
all of its mining operations, many of which are run by Chinese managers appointed by Beijings
larger corporations.76 President Sata has made accusations against the Chinese companies in Zambia,
claiming they have been exploiting opportunities for business growth as well as the resources of the
region in an effort to gradually colonize the country.77
Conflicts and disturbances have ensued in many Zambian mines due to the increasing hostility
towards Chinas over-dominating presence in Africa. In the Chambishi Mine, five Zambian workers
were shot during a riot in 2005, displaying the potential threat of hostility within Sino-African
relations.78 More recently in 2010, two Chinese mine managers at the Collum Coal Mine shot and
wounded twelve Zambian miners who were part of a protesting crowd insisting on timely salary
payments.79 Part of Satas platform insisted that Chinese investors must begin to strictly abide to
Zambias labor laws. Immediately after Satas victory in the presidential elections, copper mine
workers received raises from the Chinese mine companies to meet the demands of minimum wage.80
Since the beginning of Zambias collaboration with China, the countrys economic growth upheld a
steady 6% average annual growth rate in the past decade and increased to nearly over 7% in 2012.
Most importantly, Chinas commitment to investing in Zambia has persisted through the 2008
global economic crisis, when western companies did not hesitate to withdraw capital and their
business operations from Zambia. The copper industry in Zambia would have gone into a
depression had it not been for Chinas backing. This dependence proves the controversial nature of
this topic, as Chinese involvement resulted in instability within the mines but economic stability for
the industry. However, the use of anti-China platforms such as Satas focuses solely on one side of
this conflict.
The newly elected President Peter Mutharika of Malawi who was inaugurated on 20 June 2014, has
had alternative views to Chinas presence in the country.81 President Mutharika now holds power
over one of the poorest countries in the world, where more than 40% of Malawis national budget
comes from external aid. As a result, the country is openly ready to accept any support from
influential countries of Asia, in addition to its own continental neighbor, South Africa.82 The views
of each delegate on Chinese investment will be specific to each country. Every state has its own
respective relationship with China. Some states may be in favor of electing presidents who are
impartial towards Chinese investment; however, for others it may be destructive to their relationship
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
74Jessica Belk, The Sino-Zambian Dilemma, Sino-Africa, last modified 28 Oct 2011, accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.sinoafrica.org/en/node/1294.
75 Ibid.
76 Ibid.
77 Ibid.
78 Ibid.
79 Ibid.
80 Ibid.
81 Ibid.
82 Ibid.
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with China to elect a leader whos campaign runs on an anti-China platform. The African Union
should focus on the specific interests of each member state as well as the threat to political stability
that solutions might have for regions heavily against Chinese interference. The creation of guidelines
for Chinese-involvement in Africa that apply regardless of the political member in place, and prove
beneficial to all parties involved will be crucial for the AU to consider when discussing solutions.
The political party controversies over Chinese investment are just one of many challenges to Chinas
deep-rooted presence in the continent. In Burma, the national government recently impeded on a
Chinese initiative to construct a large dam after local environmental and political protests arose. The
construction of the dam was expected to submerge a number of villages and displace more than
10,000 people in addition to the surrounding ecosystems contained within Irrawaddy, the primary
water source that runs from north to south of Burma.83 The 3,600-megawatt project was expected to
supply 90% of its electricity to China, leaving the Burmese government to receive USD 500 million
annually.84 The dam project was suspended in October of 2011, supposedly until 2015; a decision
supported by both the people and the parliament.85 Projects such as the dam that impede on the
functionality of local habitats and water supplies are considered to be extremely controversial topics
based on the people they affect. The government in place will ultimately have the final say in
allowing the project to continue under construction or to cease entirely. Large Chinese-funded
initiatives like the dam can be used to gain Chinese political support, despite the fact that the local
people are strongly opposed. In this case as well as many others, Chinese investors are partial
towards the building of the dam for fiscal purposes while failing to consider the negative
implications it will have for the people of Burma. Whether conflict arises from the politics
accompanying new elections or preexisting governments and contentious infrastructure projects, the
African Union must remain partial to the needs of the citizens during controversial matters such as
these.
Chinas Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Africa
Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) measures the direct investment from a company of one country
into a company of another, which specifically entails: mergers, building new facilities, reinvesting
profits earned from overseas operations, and larger monetary loans.86 Both developing and
developed countries receive FDI inflow, however, developed countries typically account for a
majority of the worlds FDI outflow. Measuring Chinas FDI in Africa has been the primary way of
examining the relationship between the two parties. If done correctly, the ideal turnout of substantial
FDI investment is expected to have a positive, direct impact that generates employment in
expanding industry, adding to net capital. In addition, these employment opportunities pay higher
wages, use up-to-date technology, and are efficiently productive.87 However, FDI investment that
has a negative direct impact may result in extensive job loss within the country, which can possibly
lead to undesirable forms of workplace management and unfair employment standards.88 In
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Rachel Vandenbrink, China Reminds Burma of Obligations, Radio Free Asia, last modified 2 Oct 2011, accessed 9
Sep 2014, http://www.rfa.org/english/news/myanmar/dam-10022011153845.html.
84 Ibid.
85 Ibid.
86 Meibo, A Study on the Employment Effect of Chinese Investment in South Africa.
87 Ibid.
88 Ibid.
83
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examining Chinas relationship with individual African countries, there has been evidence of both
positive and negative FDI investment impact.
In 2003 when China began to heavily send FDI to South Africa alone, it measured at USD 8.9
million, which multiplied considerably to USD 4807.9 million in 2008 and has fluctuated around that
figure ever since.89 Chinese investments in South Africa, as well as most other African countries, are
mainly focused on sectors that create labor-intensive manufacturing opportunities, which opens up
employment for locals. This significant increase in FDI in South Africa has allowed for the
construction of new houses, education centers, hospitals, and even South Africas First Automotive
Works (FAW), a car factory, opened in July of 2014 to engineer popular car models.90 The FAW is
named to be Chinas largest single investment in the country to date.91 Although these
establishments may appear to be basic, they are necessities that developing countries such as South
Africa require in order to keep up with new technology and the supply-demand chain of the
economy.
Although China is the single largest investor in all of Africas business sectors, there is not a distinct
regional composition of FDI inflow to Africa; instead, FDI inflows vary considerably by city,
country, and region. For the two years after 2007, the countries of West Africa on average gained
the fastest surge of FDI inflow with an increase of 63%.92 West Africa continues to receive the
majority FDI inflow out of all of Africas oil industries, however, 43% of the Western Africa region
inflow has been entirely concentrated in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).93 North
Africa, in contrast, was the most diversified in 2009 throughout the continent in terms of FDI
allocation by sector and region.94 Southern Africas FDI inflow is also unique and is predominately
produced by Angola and South Africa, the two most prominent FDI-receiving countries within the
entire continent.
Finally, Eastern African countries were reported to be the lowest recipient of FDI inflow out of
Africas four regions.95 This uneven distribution of FDI has put East Africa significantly behind in
development efforts. East Africas infrastructure is underdeveloped and has been the primary factor
in holding back the regions development. China is currently investing in the necessary areas to
reverse this. Beijing has been supporting the development of a railway through central Ethiopia to
aid Chinese-backed textile manufacturers in exporting their products. When looking at this regions
progress, infrastructure development of all types, including road, rail, ports, power plants, and water
sanitation, are vital to supporting the regions ability to integrate the economic development in the
same capacity as other African countries.96 Until now, East Africa has been unable to finance the
necessary means to invest in infrastructure. As Chinese involvement in East Africa has been
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Ibid.
Olander, New Era of Chinese Manufacturing In South Africa Begins, China Africa Project, last modified 16 July
2014, accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://www.chinaafricaproject.com/new-era-chinese-manufacturing-south-africa-begins/.
91 Ibid.
92 Meibo, A Study on the Employment Effect of Chinese Investment in South Africa.
93 Ibid.
94 Ibid.
95 Ibid.
96 Understanding Chinese Investment In East African Infrastructure, Business Council For Africa, last modified 19 Aug,
2013, accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://www.bcafrica.co.uk/news/828-understanding-chinese-investment-in-east-africaninfrastructure.
89
90Eric
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gradually increasing, this process is reversing, which should enable strong economic growth in the
coming years.
It is important to note that the impacts of FDI are limited if not equally distributed among all
necessary regions needing foreign aid. In order to foster development of the entire continent it is
crucial that FDI is used to focus on development projects of all types in all regions, including road,
rail, power plants, and water sanitation. These basic services are vital to promoting regional
development and attracting investments for larger development projects.
Threats to Development and Cooperation
What has sustained Africas appeal is its surplus of raw and natural resources that are openly
available for export. In 1999 Sudan began to export oil to China through the China National
Petroleum Corporation (CNPC). China soon became the most apparent and significant investor in
Sudanese crude oil and infrastructure for its continued production.97 As a result, Sudan became a net
oil exporter amounting to a total production capacity of 310,000 barrels per day (bpd), nearly twice
the amount China imports from Nigeria.98 With the onset of the conflict in Darfur, Sudan has been
increasingly worrisome to the oil-investing companies of China.99 Chinas continued investment is
risky due to its potential to be caught in conflicts partially driven by control for oil by various rebel
forces of Sudan.100
In 2008, five Chinese oil workers were kidnapped by rebels in Sudans South Kordofan province
and killed during a rescue attempt.101 Similarly, four years later another 29 Chinese construction
workers were abducted in South Kordofan and subsequently released 11 days after forceful
negotiations ensued.102 Both of these abductions were driven by rebel forces that sought to
intimidate China in cutting relations with Sudanese oil strictly for the potential benefit that the rebels
may be able to assume control of Sudans oil. As a result, this high-risk oil strategy that China has
thus far remained engaged in has slowed since January of 2014 when oil production and imports
were dropped by about 20%.103 In addition, more than 300 Chinese workers in Sudan have been
evacuated.104 This instability proves to be a threat for the continued Chinese investment efforts and
could therefore hinder Sino-African trade contracts and agreements. Delegates should keep in mind
the dependency their state may have on Chinese investment and the possible conflicts that could
jeopardize that relationship. It will be vital for the African Union to develop solutions that will foster
economic growth within the Sino-African cooperation, while also considering how their own
stability or lack thereof may jeopardize relations with China.
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Economic Growth and Soft Power: Chinas Africa Strategy, China Brief. 4, No. 24 (1969), accessed 23 June 2013,
accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.jamestown.org/single/?no_cache=1&tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=3699#.U6c9rPldWSp.
98 Ibid.
99 Yuwen Wu, Chinas Oil Fears Over South Sudan Fighting, BBC, last modified 8 Jan 2014, accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-25654155.
100 Ibid.
101 Ibid.
102 Ibid.
103 Ibid.
104 Ibid.
97
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Sino-African Cooperation Initiatives

While controversy surrounding cultural and legislative concerns has flooded Chinese and African
relations thus far, much collaborative work has been done to address the issues and work towards
future improvement. In 2000, the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) was established as
an agreement to hold frequent summits where Chinese and African leaders could peacefully discuss
economic, political, and social ties between the two parties.105 There have currently been five
summits, with the most recent in 2012 in Beijing.106 The summits are held every three years, with the
location alternating between African countries and Beijing. With the constant claims and unsettling
resentments of African people towards the Chinese regarding the invasiveness within their countries,
it is necessary that the two parties are able to allocate time to discuss these concerns and possible
solutions.107
Each conference has aimed to set and accomplish new goals between the continent and China.
During the first conference of 2000, China and the participating African countries made the
commitment to promote political cooperation, create a favorable environment in Africa for direct
Chinese business and affiliation, generally provide support to African countries, and give preference
to import African products. Additionally, the conference introduced the ideas of beginning nongovernmental work in Africa such as sending extra medical teams, and granting more educational
scholarships to African students interested in receiving an education in China.108 Most of these goals
have been tackled, and others are currently in progress. The four succeeding FOCAC ministerial
conferences began to discuss more specific issues such as building forms of infrastructure in African
countries, urbanizing states with stadiums and hospitals, and investing in the tourism sector. In the
third summit, of 2006, the agenda set the goal of building 30 hospitals and 30 malaria prevention
and treatment centers all throughout the continent.109 While many other UN and non-profit
organizations do substantial medical clinic work in Africa, most do not have the immediate funding
to finance permanent health and wellness centers. This initiative in particular highlights the necessity
of Chinas help in some aspects of African development.
In addition, the New Partnership for Africas Development (NEPAD) initiative was adopted in the
37th session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government in July of 2001 with China as an
overseeing member.110 NEPAD works in harmony with the African Union to specifically attend to
ways in which country leaders can strategize developing Africas framework, with a specific
emphasis on development and eradicating poverty.111 Chinas involvement in NEPAD focuses on
playing an influential role in strategizing Africas development.112 The AU currently lacks the
financial and resource capacity to fully meet the objectives of NEPAD, and thus, the Union is
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Li Anshan, Lui Haifang, Pan Huaqiong, Zeng Aiping, He Wenping, FOCAC Twelve Years Later: Achievements,
Challenges, and the Way Forward, (Peking: Nordiska Afrikainstitute, 2012), accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.safpi.org/sites/default/files/publications/FOCAC74.pdf.
106 Ibid.
107 Ibid.
108 Ibid.
109 Ibid.
110 New Partnerships for Africas Development, Office of the Special Adviser on Africa United Nations, last modified 11
Oct 2010, accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://www.un.org/africa/osaa/nepad.html.
111 Ibid.
112 Ibid.
105
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AU
making substantial efforts to conduct joint research in cooperation with China to help meet its
goals.113 Delegates should consider how the AU could collaborate with NEPAD and other
development initiatives in working towards sustainable development with a focus on ensuring
security, sound governance, and regional-cooperation.
CURRENT STATUS
While many challenges have been disputed between China and African countries, particularly in the
21st century, the two parties have made substantial progress in Sino-African relations that have
evidently held a net, positive impact for both countries. However, current obstacles including
Africas fast annual population growth and nonexistent taxation systems have hindered the
continents recent economic success and have resulted in yet another decline.114 Chinese companies
that have geographically invested all over Africa have long-term contracts they are expected to
uphold, implying that regardless of the circumstances, Chinas appearances in African development
are by no means, short term. Delegates should note recent contingencies in Chinas involvement
with Africa and how it may impact African countries within the near future. Thus, the primary focus
of debate should not be whether China should be allowed to significantly invest in African countries,
but rather, how African countries can manage their relationship with China constructively.
Urbanizing Kenya
Kenyan leaders have proposed two plans under its Vision 2030 development plan that aims to
reconstruct Kenya into the thriving urban potential it has to offer. These plans include transforming
Kenya into an innovative and middle-income environment through infrastructural development and
new science and technology implementation.115 Additionally, in April of 2014 a union of 100
Chinese investors publicized their plans to build a Chinese-controlled economic zone in Kenya,
which would entail about 20 new skyscrapers and luxury residences.116 The plans for this new city
would progressively expand to each end of the Kenyan borders, with the end objective to match
the glamour of Dubai.117
While Chinese investment continues to dominate East Africa, investors are looking to construct a
pseudo-urban locale in which they can directly control their investments from within the
continent.118 The city is planned to feature a shopping destination that prioritizes Chinese products
among other global imports.119 In 2013 Kenyan officials signed a USD5 billion agreement that will
allow China to build roads, railways, and more infrastructures within the country.120 While Kenya
intends to singlehandedly accomplish its own goals, it has become apparent that it will be difficult to
do without the direct aid from China. For this reason, China may be readily willing to put forward
the funds necessary to begin developing their vision of Kenya, where Kenya independently lacks
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Ibid.
Ibid.
115 Ibid.
116 Why Do Chinese Investors Want to Build A Dubai-Style City In Kenya, Gizmodo, last modified 8 April 2014,
accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://gizmodo.com/why-do-chinese-investors-want-to-build-a-dubai-style-ci-1560823771.
117 Ibid.
118 Ibid.
119 Ibid.
120 Ibid.
113
114
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AU
sufficient funding to do so. Principally, Kenya may be left with very little choice in regards to its
development. Long-term projects such as the plan to urbanize Kenya lead countries in similar
positions to believe that Sino-African relations are in their national interest.
Members of the African Union should be aware of the dependency and potential consequences that
may result from allowing China to fulfill its future vision of Kenya. Essentially, delegates must
consider whether issues such as these should be carefully constructed in the absence of any
international influence such as China, or whether Chinas investment and economic support is worth
the disadvantages it may bring to Kenyas people and society.
Chinas Slowing Economy
For the first time in history, China is struggling to maintain a Growth Domestic Product (GDP)
growth rate over 7%.121 In 2012, Chinas economy had grown at more than 8% annually.122 In 2013,
China achieved a 7.6% economic growth rate.123 However, in 2014, growth has yet to surpass that
figure. Many of Chinas manufacturers are having difficulty maintaining their adapted high levels of
output within the country and to global partners. China is not the only investor of African goods;
Africa does export its natural resources, oil, and timber to Europe, America, Japan, and India, along
with China.124 However, given the current position of their own economies, neither Europe nor the
U.S. will be capable of meeting Africas increasing export rates, resulting from a Chinese
slowdown.125 Many African states, particularly the smaller countries, are highly dependent on Chinas
continued investment in their products. Given that China might no longer meet the needs of
African countries that require Chinese aid, some countries economies are destined to suffer.126
Liberia depends on Chinese purchases of oil and iron ore, and Sudan and South Sudan send a
majority of their oil exports to China. If China begins importing less oil from Sudan and South
Sudan, or if their petroleum prices are dropped at the per barrel level, the impact will be notably
harsh on both of their already-fragile economies.127 Similarly, Zambia and the DRC are frequently
exporting copper to China. However, if Chinas copper demands lessen, then the two countries will
be constrained in their resource mining and by default, be compelled to ship less, resulting in
economic decline.128
In essence, any margin of Chinas economic decline will not have a good bearing on Africa. A
considerable amount of Africas economic progress and prosperity has been dependent on Chinas
own economic growth and success, and thus it is crucial that the two parties as well as other minor
parties involved such as the United States and Europe maintain an engine of growth.129 African
countries that have made recent development contracts with China, or are reliable on Chinas
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
121 Robert Rotberg, China Slows, Africa Suffers, China US Focus, last modified 4 Apr 2014, accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.chinausfocus.com/finance-economy/china-slows-africa-suffers/.
122 Ibid.
123 Ibid.
124 Ibid.
125 Ibid.
126 Ibid.
127 Ibid.
128 Ibid.
129 Ibid.
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AU
continued investment should consider and make decisions based on their ability to assume their own
weight given the possibility that Chinese investment may decline in the near future.
The U.S. Influence
In January of 2014, U.S. President Barack Obama invited all African countries currently in good
standing with the African Union to discuss countering Chinese activity within the continent and
replacing it with U.S. trade, development, and security ties.130 A White House statement said the trip
would advance the administrations focus on trade and investment in Africa, and highlight
Americas commitment to Africas security, its democratic development, and its people.131 Obama
had verbally admitted his concern that a new, proxy cold war with China could potentially take place
over Africa.132 Although the U.S. could never be fiscally capable of taking over a commitment to
Africa in the same capacity as China, many believe the U.S. has potential to better serve the people
of Africa and their interests.133 In addition to Obamas civil efforts to gain more attention from
African countries, America has subtly begun to expand its military presence throughout Africa in the
past decade in order to counter the emerging Chinese influence, while securing control over
resources and strategic trade routes.134 In early 2013, the U.S. issued an initiative to gradually increase
troops in Africa by creating an Army Brigade to send in teams of 35 soldiers with a plan to increase
the US presence by 15-fold by the end of 2014.135 The U.S. has long maintained influence and
indirect control in Africa, significantly before China, through global financial institutions such as the
World Bank, the IMF, and the African Development Bank.136 It has also exerted slight political
influence over the continent using non-profit aid organizations such as USAID among other
NGOs.137 While the U.S. has made discrete efforts to gain standing within Africa, delegates should
consider the interests of each country, and how the U.S. might possibly be advantageous to the
continents needs and/or impede on the progress China is aiming to achieve in Africa.
BLOC ANALYSIS
This topic affects every country in Africa whether it is through the subtly growing immigration
patterns of Chinese presence or long-term infrastructure projects that might hold an impact on
neighboring countries. The following bloc positions were divided based on the four main geographic
regions of Africa. Each bloc holds a different status of wealth, resources, and interest concerning
Chinas main investing corporations. The analysis of these bloc positions should be carefully used to
understand what interests China holds in a specific country and its region as well as what positive
and negative influences are present. Each region views Chinese involvement in Africa differently, so
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
US to Host Africa Summit Amid Concern Over Chinas Influence, South China Morning Post, last modified 23 Jan
2014, accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://www.scmp.com/news/world/article/1411327/us-host-africa-summit-amid-concernover-chinas-influence.
131 Ibid.
132 Ibid.
133 Ibid.
134 Eric Draitser, US Expands Military Net Over Africa, Checking Chinas Influence, Washington Post, last modified 21
Feb 2014, accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://rt.com/op-edge/us-expands-military-net-africa-081/.
135 Ibid.
136 Ibid.
137 Ibid.
130
- 24 -

AU
it will be inherently important to the simulation of this committee that delegates can accurately
assess each countrys position in regards to this topic.
East Africa
East Africa requires infrastructure and trade to survive. This region has the cheapest labor among
the whole continent, however; it critically lacks an attractable investment climate.138 Together, the
countries of East Africa are believed to foster one of the biggest oil deposits in the world.139 In 2009,
investments in East Africas oil deposits were at their prime.140 However, civil conflicts and political
instability caused oil investments to decline.141 East Africa is now one of the more hazardous regions
of Africa that local and foreign investors typically avoid.142 The main trouble zones in the region
include the Sudan Region of Darfur, where a majority of East Africas wealthiest natural resources
are embedded.143 Land ownership is the prominent means of making a living in Darfur, however;
population growth, droughts, and outdated laws and policies have become stressors in gaining legal
access to land and its resources. Somalia is also claimed to be one of the most under-explored
regions for oil and rich minerals. However, the country has been functioning without a government
since 1991 and thus is too politically unstable for foreign investment involvement. Additionally,
Kenya has no known oil reserves, hindering its investment appeal, despite its reserves of other
valuable energy sources such as wood fuel, coal, solar, and wind power.144
The only known project in East Africa is currently pending: the USD 3.8 billion dollar railroad line
that will connect major Kenya cities, Mombasa and Nairobi, and later expand to connect all 5 of
East Africas countries.145 Chinas Eximbank is expected to cover 90% of the costs, and Kenya will
cover the remaining 10%.146 However, Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta said it will be the biggest
infrastructure project in post-colonial Kenya. There is no way that we could fund this kind of
project without outside investment.147 With similar economic environments and the lack of foreign
direct investments, many countries in this region are in similar situations as Kenya, and would be
unable to fund future endeavors without the aid of more developed countries like China.
Countries in this bloc will focus on improving relations with China. China has been cautious of
investing in regions where political instability may harm the potential investment benefit or where
land ownership of certain natural resources is unclear and conflict may arise. When Chinese demand
is increased and therefore FDI, these countries generate a sharp increase of revenue that can
immediately be used to towards economic progress and making provisions for social assistance,
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
138Thembi Mutch, China In East Africa: Win-Win? Think Africa Press, last modified 8 May 2012, accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://thinkafricapress.com/development/china-africa-balance-sheet-skewed.
139 Olad Hassan, A Glimpse Into East Africas Natural Resources, Ogaden, last modified 14 Dec 2009, accessed 9 Sep
2014, http://www.ogaden.com/opinion/556-a-glimpse-into-east-africas-natural-resources.html.
140 Ibid.
141 Ibid.
142 Mutch, China In East Africa: Win-Win?
143 Ibid.
144 Ibid.
145 Nigel Wilson, East Africa Railway Good News for Kenya and Africa But Whats I It for China? International Business
Times, last modified 12 May 2014, accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://www.ibtimes.co.uk/east-africa-railway-good-news-kenyaafrica-whats-it-china-1448279.
146 Ibid.
147 Ibid.
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AU
particularly in the health care sector and for the unemployed. The appearance of stability and a
better-functioning economy will further attract Chinas willingness to distribute FDI to the countries
within this bloc, a necessity for most of these states hoping to strengthen their development.
Central Africa
Central Africa is highly concentrated with rural, developing communities and political conflicts.
Chinese involvement with this particular region is predominantly focused on the countries of
Cameroon, the DRC, and Gabon.148 Central Africa mainly offers metals, minimal sources of energy,
and timber, and is not quite as attractive in terms of resources as Western or Southern Africa.149
China has been heavily invested in Gabons infrastructure by constructing buildings for social
services such as hospitals and an obstetrics/gynecology center recently finished in 2013.150
Central Africa as a whole could generally benefit from increased Chinese investment in the area, as
approximately 20% of the region is strictly used for agriculture. This is partially because many of
Central Africas countries are landlocked, which makes them ideal countries for agricultural
success.151 Central Africa suffers from poor infrastructure, partly because there have been a number
of difficulties in potential development opportunities. Land degradation is the primary threat to
sustaining land resources, mainly caused by commercial logging and vegetation removal for timber
exports and domestic fuel. Additionally, many of Central Africas resource-rich land is currently
unclaimed and under rebel army control or untouched due to lack of exploration funding. The
Central Africa Republic (CAR) has yet to see a time of peace since early 2013 due to rebels, who
have thus far, left thousands dead and approximately 4.5 million displaced.152 In particular, there is a
dire need to establish customary laws pertaining to land resources and management that will shift the
country towards avoiding conflicts and disputes regarding control over these resources. Delegates
among these states should consider their internal stability and to what degree they would benefit
from Chinese influence, which could also lead to more unrest. Additionally, the importance of
preserving Africas environment throughout the discussion of the Sino-African relations is crucial
for these countries that rely on the product of the land. It is crucial that FDI is used to its maximum
benefit, as it is not often that countries are willing to invest as generously as China. Potential threats
to Sino-African relations including political instability and rebel upheavals will only further the chaos
these countries will need to resolve. Although Central Africa is currently a hotspot for conflict,
members of the AU will need to collaborate with other member-states in order to reestablish each
states government and stature among the international community.
West Africa
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
148Johanna Jansson, Patterns of Chinese Investment, Aid and Trade in Central Africa (Cameroon, The DRC, and
Gabon), Centre For Chinese Studies, last modified Aug 2009, accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://www.ccs.org.za/wpcontent/uploads/2009/11/CCS-Central-Africa-Briefing-Paper-August-2009.pdf.
149 Louis Charbonneau and Michelle Nichols, Russia, China Block Central African Republic Blacklist at U.N., United
Nations, last modified 23 Apr 2014, accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://www.reuters.com/article/2014/04/23/us-centralafricaun-sanctions-idUSBREA3M1GA20140423.
150 Ibid.
151 Central Africa and Land Resources, United Nations Environment Programme, last modified 23 Aug 2008, accessed 9
Sep 2014, http://www.eoearth.org/view/article/150992/.
152 Ibid.
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AU
West Africa is an ideal target for China, predominantly in gold, and energy-source investments, such
as oil and uranium. Aside from the May 2014 Ebola outbreak in West Africa that has temporarily
halted Chinas plan to further expand in the region, the primary conflict was negotiating mining
standards and contracts. Infrastructure in West Africa is notably poor, land exploration is
insufficient, and land ownership has in recent years instigated civil wars and dictatorships,
particularly in Sierra Leone and Liberia. Many larger companies, such as those in Beijing, are hesitant
to invest further in the region until basic infrastructure improvements are in place, including more
concrete legal framework for mines.153
Improvements within this bloc have been made to address the current status. For example, The
Revenue Watch Institute (RWI), a New York-based lobbying organization targets underdeveloped
countries for the purpose of setting out to help them better manage their natural resources.154 In
2013, RWI helped the Guinean government in drafting a new mining code, which currently calls for
the government to hold at least 15% of the equity in new mines to ensure rebel groups do not
overthrow them.155 Mali, Liberia, and Ghana are also following in Guineas footsteps, as solidifying
the regions legal standards, regardless of the cost, has proven to be of benefit to the entire region so
it can again attract the attention of foreign investors.156 The impact of other organizations, aside
from the aid of China, must be considered within discussions as well, as some states might benefit
greatly from aid, but not from China.
Countries in this bloc generally attract a varied level of interest by China and have a lot to offer in
terms of natural resources and renewable energy sources. However, states in this region continue to
face concerns including poor mining codes and internal conflicts that deter investment. Mining
codes are a step towards better working conditions, but more significant efforts towards ensuring
the social and population stability of the entire region are crucial as well.
Southern Africa
Southern Africa is Africas most thriving region, as a large amount of Chinas investment in
development has been sent to South Africa and other southern African countries. In addition, a
majority of the Chinese immigrants in Africa have fanned themselves through the region due to its
relatively settled communities. Chinas primary focus in terms of revenue-generating potential for
both itself and South Africa is developing infrastructure that will continue to attract Chinese citizens
who will sell Chinese-made goods, and provide opportunities for employment, teaching, and
management of Chinese immigrants. Most recently, China revealed its plans to begin training with
South Africa in the renewable energy sector, which includes expanding South Africas capacity to
build its own nuclear energy sector. South Africa is currently home to Africas only commercial
nuclear power plant, in the Western Cape. Up to 95% of South Africas electricity is currently
generated by coal power stations, making the country one of the worlds top 25 producers of
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Conakry, Mining In West Africa: Wheres Our Cut? Economist, last modified 7 Dec 2013, accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.economist.com/news/middle-east-and-africa/21591215-regional-governments-look-better-deals-foreignmining-firms-wheres-our.
154 Ibid.
155 Ibid.
156 Ibid.
153
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AU
greenhouse gases.157 The country is currently looking to invest in new facilities in order to diversify
its energy sources, and others in this area would benefit from doing so as well.
In November of 2013, South Africa was rated as the 12th most appealing investment destination for
renewable energy, and had just approved 17 renewable energy projects.158 These projects are
estimated to total USD 3.3 billion, an investment by China that will add up to 1,460 megawatts of
generation capacity to South Africas energy grid.159 Delegates within this bloc are typically proChinese investment. Southern Africa, one of Africas most stable regions, is considered to be one of
the more touristy regions within the continent and thus has welcomed any additional funding that
has allowed its economy to expand on its capitol, such as investment projects pertaining to shopping
malls, sports arenas, and national zoos. In addition, South Africas ruling political party, the African
National Congress (ANC) even received additional funding for its 2009 election campaigns from
China. South Africa also has the largest known Chinese immigrant population among the whole
continent. Delegates within this bloc will generally favor Sino-Southern Africa relations, however the
level and capacity of trade varies among each state.
COMMITTEE MISSION
The African Union is a committee specifically designed and geared to address topics that concern
the countries of Africa. The AU is the only committee that is capable of intrinsically addressing the
matter within Africa, as no third parties are concerned here. It should be noted that Chinas
presence during the simulation of this committee is not necessary, particularly because it is up to the
52 member states of the African Union to fundamentally discuss their chief concerns over Chinas
involvement without the pressure or influence of the developed world which has the potential to
inefficiently disrupt debate.
Delegates are encouraged to research the nuances of their countrys particular relationship with
China. There is not a direct benefit to supporting Chinese investment in Africa, just as there is no
direct benefit to opposing Chinas involvement either. There are well-supported reasons for both.
Thus, it should be noted that comprehensive, intense debate will result from arguments that are
both appealing and accurate. The beauty of the African Union is that all member countries have one
common goal: to guide Africa towards prosperity. Delegates should take advantage of participating
in such a unique committee because other delegations will not be your enemies, but rather, a
counterpart sharing the same end goal. Chinas presence in Africa has not gone unnoticed; however,
this is not an issue that can be handled by the intervention of other U.N. states. This committee
should focus on the common theme of investing versus exploiting; where each country holds a
different relationship with China and thus will have different perspectives and ideas on the topic.
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
157 China Competes to Boost Energy Investment In South Africa, Out-Law, last modified 18 Mar. 2014, accessed 9 Sep
2014, http://www.out-law.com/en/articles/2014/march/china-competes-to-boost-energy-investment-in-south-africa/.
158 Ibid.
159 Ibid.
- 28 -

AU
TOPIC B: CONFLICT INTRODUCED BY THE BLOOD

DIAMOND SUPPLY CHAIN
INTRODUCTION
The primary objective of the African Union (AU) is to create a united and strong Africa.
However, this goal has been perpetually inhibited by the high-revenue sales of conflict diamonds.
These diamonds are mined under the control of rebel groups and then sold to fund their
antigovernment military action. Historically, these rebel groups are responsible for a mass number of
deaths, rapes, and unlawful acts, and thus, the diamonds mined under their control are linked to
their actions. The UN defines conflict diamonds as diamonds that originated from areas
controlled by forces or factions opposed to legitimate and internationally recognized governments,
and are used to fund military action in opposition to those governments, or in contravention of the
decisions of the Security Council.160 For this reason, diamonds have developed a stigma that links
them to ongoing war and famine within African countries. Conflict diamonds are seen to be one of
the major obstacles preventing the continent from progressing towards economic, social, and
political success.
Very few natural resources have appealed to and impacted the international community as much as
these conflict diamonds that continue to fuel civil wars today. 1991 marked the beginning of an
eleven-year war between a Sierra Leonean rebel group, the Revolutionary United Front (RUF), and
the National Patriotic Front of Liberia.161 While conflict diamonds did not instigate this war, they
were crucial to funding it. Rebel leader, and later Liberian president, Charles Taylor of the RUF
monopolized the diamond industry in both Liberia and Sierra Leone to trade them for weapons.
The rebel group acquired approximately USD 125 million in profit from the illicit diamond trade.
This funding resulted in the loss of 200,000 Sierra Leonean lives and the displacement 2 million
more.162
Due to the inherent global impact of trade, the concerns resulting from blood diamonds are far
reaching. All member states, whether a host to blood diamonds or not, are impacted at some level
by the prominence of this illicit trade in the region. From the human rights abuses against diamond
miners, to the cycle of governmental instability, this topic expands beyond the principle economic
viewpoint. As diamonds hold high value to the African states as well as the consumer market, it is
imperative that delegates take action to modify and enhance the continents general practices
towards diamond trade.
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
World Diamond Council, Conflict Diamonds and the Kimberley Process Fact Sheet, Diamond Facts, last modified 7
July 2014, accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.worlddiamondcouncil.org/download/resources/documents/Fact%20Sheet%20(Conflict%20Diamonds%2
0and%20the%20Kimberley%20Process).pdf.
161 History of the Conflict, Global Witness, last modified 5 May 2014, accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.globalwitness.org/campaigns/conflict/post-conflict/liberia/liberia-sierra-leone-and-charles-taylor.
162 Ibid.
160
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AU
HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION OF THE ISSUE

In 1988 non-profit organizations such as Global Witness and Amnesty International were among
the first to bring global attention to the issue of conflict diamonds, alternatively referred to as blood
diamonds.163 As their name implies, these rough, uncut diamonds have played a role in fueling rebel
groups who are responsible for mass amounts of civilian death, displacement, and torture. The idea
to use one of Africas most abundant and valuable natural resources for rebel groups to fund their
artillery needs and in some cases, to overthrow the government, was initially introduced in Angola
circa 1990.164 After Angolas independence from Portugal in 1975, conflict within the country only
escalated once the colonists of The National Union for the Total Independence of Angola
(UNITA), who had fought against colonial rule since 1961, began to fight for total control of the
region.165 In opposition to UNITA, but also fighting for control over Angola, was the Popular
Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MPLA). From 1992 to the early 2000s, UNITA
maintained control over 70% of the country and the civil war thus far had amounted to the loss of
182,000 lives as well as a majority of the countrys urban infrastructure, including: roads, railways,
and bridges.166 While UNITA was at its peak, the group funded the civil war with the countrys two
major natural resources: oil and diamonds.167 The exporters of these resources to the rest of the
international community, whether knowingly or not, were aiding UNITA in generating revenue
towards an unfavorable war effort. Although the issue is not as large scale as it was 20 years ago due
to increased control over the diamond trade and certification, approximately 65% of rough
diamonds produced today are mined in Africa. With the continued prominence of blood diamonds
and the majority of all diamonds exported from this region the AU must work together to finally
address the concerns of the international community pertaining to the safety of the diamond
trade.168
Throughout history many other countries in Africa have also lost control of their mines to rebel
groups who continue to jeopardize their countrys economy through the illegal mining and exporting
of natural resources to fund their war-efforts. On 20 December 2005 the UN General Assembly
(UNGA) adopted A/RES/60/223, a resolution with a primary aim of breaking the linkage between
the blood diamond trade and armed conflict.169 A key pre-ambulatory clause of this resolution
specifically states that the UN is recognizing the positive benefits of the legitimate diamond trade
to producing countries, and underlining the need for continued international action to prevent the
problem of conflict diamonds from negatively affecting the in legitimate diamonds, which makes a
critical contribution to the economies of many of the producing, exporting, and importing States,
especially developing states.170 Thus, the issue here is not diamonds, but rather the way in which
they are mined and sold. As noted by the UN, diamonds are valuable assets to a country, and have
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Conflict Diamonds, Global Witness, last modified 7 July 2014, accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.globalwitness.org/campaigns/conflict/conflict-diamonds.
164 A Rough Trade: The Role of Companies and Governments In the Angolan Conflict, Global Witness, last modified
2007, Accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://www.globalwitness.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/A_Rough_Trade.pdf.
165 Ibid.
166 Ibid.
167 Ibid.
168 World Diamond Council, Conflict Diamonds and the Kimberley Process Fact Sheet.
169 A/RES/60/182,Resolution Adopted by the General Assembly On 20 December 2005, 22 March 2006, accessed 7
July 2014. http://www.worldlii.org/int/other/UNGARsn/2005/228.pdf.
170 Ibid.
163
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the potential to uplift even the poorest states out of debt and poverty and into economic expansion.
However, despite their large economic influence, diamonds that are mined outside of a legally
approved framework continue to stimulate greed, corruption, and a lack of focus or impact on
national development. Diamonds must be processed through a legally approved framework to
ensure they are used solely to benefit economic development and legitimate governments, and to
maximize their revenue-generating capabilities for many of these lesser-developed countries.
Diamond Certification
The UN Security Council (SC) first became involved in diamond conflicts during the attempted
peace process of Angola in 1993 following the aforementioned conflict.171 The SC established a
sanction committee, which then proceeded to impose trade embargoes on diamond exports and
arms imports. Similarly, in Sierra Leone an embargo on imports of artillery was placed in 1998 along
with an embargo on diamond exports.172 Although the sanctions were mostly effective in inhibiting
conflict countries from acquiring weaponry or profiting from conflict diamonds, they did not
present a long-term solution to the issue. Sanctions were lifted from Angola in 2002 soon after
UNITA disbanded and the short term problem was addressed; however, the emergence of diamondmine exploration began to spark other country-wide conflicts that the UN left untouched such as
the civil war in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).173
After a growing international response and increased pressure from numerous NGOs regarding the
blood diamond concern, the major countries and companies that were representative of the
diamond industry met in Kimberley, South Africa in 2000 to develop a tangible plan to gradually
cease the production of blood diamonds. Following the first summit regarding blood diamonds, a
three-year negotiating process succeeded which concluded with the establishment of an international
diamond certification scheme. In January of 2003 the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme (KP)
was launched as an international governmental cooperation initiative and was unanimously voted infavor of by all 191 member states of the UNGA and supported by the SC.174 Following the launch,
52 participants, with members of the European Union counting as a single participant, adopted the
KP as national law.175 Since the KPs ratification, it has been drafted into the legislation of its 74
participating governments. Currently, the KP is overseen and regulated by its Chair, China, who is
annually selected on a rotating basis from the KP participants.176
Prior to the KP, the national police inefficiently oversaw the diamond trade. Local law-enforcement
were evidently underperforming in their efforts to regulate a safe and conflict-free diamond trade. In
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Louis Goreux, Conflict Diamonds: Africa Region Working Paper Series No. 13, World Bank, last modified March
2001, http://www.worldbank.org/afr/wps/wp13.pdf.
172 Ibid.
173 United Nations Lifts Diamond Sanctions on Angola But Keeps Sanctions on Sierra Leone Diamonds, Meanwhile
Congo Still Has No Sanctions. Does the UN Have A Coordinated Conflict Diamond Policy? Global Witness, last
modified 10 Dec 2002, accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://www.globalwitness.org/library/united-nations-lifts-diamondsanctions-angola-keeps-sanctions-sierra-leone-diamonds.
174 Ibid.
175 The Kimberley Process, Global Witness, last modified 5 Dec 2011, accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.globalwitness.org/campaigns/conflict/conflict-diamonds/kimberley-process.
176 Countries Participating In The Kimberley Process, Diamond Facts, last modified Sep 2006, accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.diamondfacts.org/pdfs/conflict/Kimberley_Process_Participants.pdf.
171
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addition, the police often did not have the capacity to monitor all of the incoming and outgoing
diamond shipments to ensure that they were truly conflict-free. The intent of the KP was not to
legally require governments to adopt a strict mining code, but rather, reform the process in which
diamonds are imported and exported. The general benefit to countries in managing legal and strict
control over their diamond mines is that the government can regulate the revenue produced within
the country and therefore assess how funds can be used to the states benefit. The KP ensures that
diamond revenue is documented at each transaction level so that the government can assess how to
allocate the funds accordingly. When the government is removed from the diamond industry very
little revenue is generated toward the countrys Gross Domestic Income (GDI) and instead, the
potential wealth of the diamonds benefits rebel group individuals, opposed to whole communities.
The KP requires the participating governments to certify the origin of rough diamonds as well as
implement regulatory practices on the import and export of non-blood diamonds. The KP
specifically requires that each shipment of rough diamonds crossing an international border must:
1. Be transported in a tamper-resistant container and accompanied by a government-validated
Kimberley Process Certificate
2. Contain a certificate resistant to forgery, with a unique serial number and description of the
shipments contents
3. Be only exported to another Kimberley Process participant country
4. Be inspected by the importing countrys customs.177
In addition, failure to comply with these procedures can lead to confiscation or rejection of
parcels and/or criminal sanctions.178 Participating countries must individually ratify legislation to
implement the KP, and must also agree to only trade rough diamonds with other members of the
KP or otherwise be temporarily suspended by the UN. Simply put, the KP is carried out and
planned by individual governments who are entirely responsible for checking and verifying all
Kimberley Process certificates.179
Soon after the KP went into effect, the UNGA passed a resolution on 20 December 2005
encouraging international support for the KP and specifically mentioning the notable contributions
of the KP to the settlement of conflicts in Angola, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Liberia,
and Sierra Leone, and the ongoing value of the Certification Scheme as a mechanism for the
prevention of future conflicts180 The support for the KP has been widespread among the
diamond industry, including most jewelers who market diamonds to their consumers and have
adopted the KP certificate as a standard to ensuring that a diamond is conflict-free. Thus, without a
certificate, most jewelers will not market the product. In the U.S.A particularly, diamond merchants
will not accept diamonds that lack a KP certificate. As a result, approximately 99% of rough
diamonds today are legitimately certified to have originated from conflict-free sources; this is in part
due to the zero-tolerance policy towards blood diamonds that has been made clear by the majority
of the international diamond industry.181 While the U.S.A. has a higher level of infrastructure than
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
World Diamond Council, Conflict Diamonds and The Kimberley Process Fact Sheet.
Ibid.
179 Ibid.
180 A/RES/60/182, Resolution Adopted by the General Assembly On 20 December 2005, 22 March 2006, accessed 7
July 2014, http://www.worldlii.org/int/other/UNGARsn/2005/228.pdf.
181 World Diamond Council, Conflict Diamonds and The Kimberley Process Fact Sheet.
177
178
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most African states, this proves the possible effectiveness of this legislation. For this reason, it is
necessary to ensure that the KP in itself or in conjunction with other preventive measures is failsafe
within the African region specifically in preventing blood diamonds from leaking through the
legitimate trade.
Following the KP, the percentage of conflict diamonds that have reached the international market
and helped rebel groups advance in their efforts has dwindled from 4% to merely 1%.182 As a result
of this increased legislative surveillance, very few African diamond mines have been seized by rebel
groups, solidifying national trust and support to the state government, thus making it more difficult
for a coup to occur in the future. Since the implementation of the KP and subsequently increased
restrictions and regulation surrounding the diamond trade process, the KP has undoubtedly allowed
governments to achieve higher annual revenue totals. Angola and Sierra Leone were two of the most
notable countries in trading blood diamonds, suggesting that the new legislation might increase
diamond profits. In 2004, only a year after the KP went into effect, Angola exported a total of
USD788 million in diamonds.183 In 2012, however, Angola exported a significant increase to USD1.1
billion.184 Similarly, Sierra Leone had increased diamond production from USD1.2 million in 1999 to
USD140 million by 2005.185 While the KP is not the only factor responsible for these figures, it has
played a primary role in this economic expansion, proving the numerous benefits possible in
restricting the exploitation of the regions main natural resources.
Countries who are participants of the KP are encouraged to frequently submit their diamond trading
data and reports to the current Chair member of the KP. Any discrepancies in the data are crossreferenced with other KP-participants mining import-export figures and are then further
investigated by the Chair. If a country fails to meet or abide to the minimum requirements of the
KP, they will be temporarily suspended until they have done so. This data also includes the presence
of trade between KP-participants and non-KP participants, which is prohibited under the official
initiative. Between 2004 and 2005, the total value of illicit and/or blood rough diamond trade that
took place between KP-participants and non-KP participants was valued at USD 10.2 million.186
This figure is estimated to be significantly lower than the actual number, as not all countries have the
capacity to observe and record data from within their diamond trading industry.187 Currently, of the
74 member countries of the KP, 15 still do not report their data to the United Nations.188 As a
result, the UN and KP cannot accurately account for the diamond trade that is occurring with nonKP participants, and therefore, the international community remains unable to fully identify or
eliminate the trade of conflict diamonds.
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
182 World Diamond Council, Diamond Facts, Diamond Facts, last modified 7 July 2014, accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://diamondfacts.org/facts/.
183 Public Statistics Area, Kimberley Process, last modified Dec 2012, accessed 9 Sep 2014,
https://kimberleyprocessstatistics.org/public_statistics.
184 Ibid.
185 Ibid.
186 Ibid.
187 Ibid.
188 Loopholes In The Kimberley Process, Global Witness, last modified Oct 2007, accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.globalwitness.org/sites/default/files/import/loopholes_in_the_kimberley_process.pdf.
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Apart from the noted successes, the KP has not been entirely effective in its mandate to eradicate
blood diamonds. In fact, many NGOs, have withdrawn support from the KP after claiming that the
process was outdated and losing efficacy. Global Witness, an NGO dedicated to shedding light on
economic corruption and exploitation conflicts, announced its departure as an observer of the KP in
2011 after investigations and publishing a report addressing the known loopholes of the Process.189
The primary concern of Global Witness was the incontestable evidence of worldwide illicit diamond
trades that were occurring under the KP. The concerns of illicit diamonds specifically regard
diamonds that are used for money laundering, financial terrorism, and other criminal activities. Illicit
diamonds have the potential to also be blood diamonds if they were sold from a conflict zone;
however, the KP does not address illicit diamonds. Once a conflict diamond is polished, it enters the
legal, KP-certified trade and has the potential of being bought by a consumer. Thus, once a blood
diamond is successfully smuggled into a factory from the exporting country it no longer falls under
the control of the KP. As the KP does not cover this major factor in the diamond industry, the
possibility that diamonds may be regularly and unknowingly smuggled into the KP-certified trade
has received much concern. This is only amplified by the lack of data reported regarding trade with
Non-KP states.
From 2004 to 2006 a UN-led investigation inspected the diamond-export process of the Congo,
Uganda, and Zambia, as suspicious activity led the UN to believe that these three countries were
trading conflict diamonds after being notified that an impressive USD4.7 million worth of polished
diamonds had been imported and exported by way of the KP-certified trade, a figure in
disagreement with the volume of diamonds these three countries have been monitored to output.
There are a number of plausible circumstances that would result in these statistics. Firstly, these
three non-KP countries were possibly illegally importing rough, conflict diamonds from KP
participants or importing rough, conflict diamonds from other non-KP participant countries and
were then selling them as polished diamonds to international markets. Secondly, the diamonds may
have been imported into these countries after having been deliberately misclassified as polished
diamonds, rather than rough diamonds, in which they would not fall under the jurisdiction of the
KP and thus not be checked for a KP certificate. Both of these possibilities are ways by which
diamond smuggling and blood diamonds continue to flow among the international diamond market.
As the KP does not address these loopholes, it is imperative that delegates attend to these gaps
when discussing ways by which the diamond trade can be more securely monitored.
A possible solution discussed among many including Global Witness has been to require KPparticipating countries to adopt requirements for polishing factories to increase their record-keeping
efforts through periodic audits of diamond stock and company records. Regularly scheduled audits
would allow companies to compare the expected volume of diamonds based off of the companys
polishing jurisdiction with the true total flowing through and being polished.190 Trading and
manufacturing oversight are essential; however, currently KP governments are not responsible for
adopting these recommendations. Delegates should discuss the effectiveness of the KP thus far
within their state and address these primary concerns that are not covered by the KP as this margin
of error between the rough diamond trade and the polished diamond trade is the central cause in the
uncertainty surrounding the conflict diamond market.
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
189
190
The Kimberley Process.

Loopholes In The Kimberley Process.
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Government Involvement and Management

Conflict diamonds have been a prolonged issue primarily due to the lack of proper governance.
Although the concept of good governance is subjective, the idea generally refers to the ability of a
countrys governing body to fully respect its citizens rights, laws and ethics, transparency, alongside
a plethora of many other values that construct effective leadership.191 Good governance includes
collaborative efforts to achieve better management and marketing of natural resources within the
African Union. In contrast, poor governance in regards to diamond mining includes lack of proper
revenue allocation, weak taxation systems, and minimal government transparency. Diamond mining
is a not a crime; it simply depends on what is done with them. The exploitation of diamonds is
particularly concentrated in Africa. When considering the prominence of conflict within the
continent and those countries that have been involved in the wars and instigated competition over
natural wealth, the center of the problem has fundamentally been governance. Although some
African governments are willing to enhance supervision on their diamond trade and make efforts to
improve their countries resource management, they are often incapable of executing these plans
efficiently or at all, particularly countries that have recently suffered from conflict or war.192
There is a general trend among African governments in being incapable of effectively monitoring
the widespread lands that contain a wealth of natural resources.193 Several mineral and diamond
mines are located near inaptly controlled borders, such as the diamond mines between Sierra Leone
and Liberia, as well as the mining districts in close proximity to eastern DRC.194 This evident lack of
border security increases the potential of mine conflicts between neighboring countries as well as
diamond smuggling. The UNs Under-Secretary-General and Special Adviser on Africa proposed
that the African Union (AU) strengthen efforts to achieve better national managements of natural
resources in part by incorporating specific standards into the African Peer Review Mechanism
(APRM), through which African countries assess each others governance practices.195 The
primary expectations are that African governments will focus their efforts in transforming diamonds
from a source of conflict to a foundation of growth and development.
The APRM process looks at four focus areas that have been adopted by the member states of the
African Union in order to assess progress towards achieving mutually agreed goals. The first area of
focus under the APRM is democracy and good political governance; an area largely marked by the
understanding and need for member state constitutions to provide accountable, democratic
governance. Unobserved in many conflicted AU member-states, focus area one directs the goals of
the government towards creating a fair political environment that all citizens can take part in.
Secondly, the APRM looks to certify that governments are grasping onto good economic
governance practices predominantly pertaining to transparency in financial management. As a
supplement to the second area of focus, the third area promotes ethical principles that are in line
with larger social and economic goals to guarantee that the government is dedicated to benefitting all
citizens. Lastly, focus area four is centered on socio-economic development, with the purpose of
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Good Governance and Human Rights, United Nations Human Rights, last modified 2014, accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.ohchr.org/en/Issues/Development/GoodGovernance/Pages/GoodGovernanceIndex.aspx.
192 Africa Renewal, United Nations Department of Public Information 20, no. 4 (2007): 20, accessed 7 July 2014,
http://www.un.org/africarenewal/sites/dr7.un.org.africarenewal/files/ar-20no4-english-web.pdf.
193 Ibid.
194 Ibid.
195 Ibid.
191
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tackling poverty-reduction and increasing general peace, security, and basic human necessities. The
main areas of focus highlighted by the APRM set the precedent for the weaknesses within state
governments that diamond mining has either contributed to or continues to foster. Many of the
abovementioned focus areas are innately tied to the issue of conflict diamonds and thus delegates
should keep in mind how diamonds can be used to achieve the goals of the APRM.
As mentioned in focus area two of the APRM, the importance of transparency in diamond-mining
companies and operations to the public lies in the fact that doing so will reduce the potential for
corruption or public suspicion. In countries where mining is not completely controlled by rebels and
the legitimate government is involved in most trade operations, there often remains a lack of
transparency. Transparency specifically refers to a governments ability to be open to the press and
public about its laws, decisions, and budget allocations. The aim to improve government
transparency in all sectors comes from the common suspicion that governments are often
embezzling national revenue as opposed to being forthright about where the funds are being
allocated. Lack of transparency in mining operations is often the source of corruption that creates
political tensions between governments, politicians, rebel groups, and the countrys citizens.
According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), certain government officials of Angola had
appropriated nearly $4 billion in oil and diamond revenues into private off-shore accounts between
1990 and 2002.196 This resulted in taxation concerns, as well as questionable uses of funding. The
government of Angola as a result requested assistance from the World Bank in helping it improve
transparency in these sectors. In an effort to provide such assistance, the United Kingdom
government launched the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), a World Bankendorsed plan that seeks to increase transparency through the management of revenues from oil,
gas, and mining by encouraging governments of participating states to release all transactions
pertaining to diamonds and other natural resource mining to the public.197 Soon after the initiation
of the EITI, over 20 countries, 14 of them in Africa, officially joined the initiative.198 Since the
creation of the EITI, the World Bank has recently identified the initiative as a component of its
Governance and Anti-Corruption Strategy, a list of several objectives taken on by the World Bank in
order to lessen government corruption. However, it should be noted that the success of the EITI
naturally depends on the preparedness of multinational and government-owned corporations to
expose themselves to the public. Some large-scale companies have openly pledged to be more
transparent, but many others continue to remain hesitant in publicizing their transactions, suggesting
they may currently be partaking in financial relations that are inconsistent with legitimate
government laws and policies.
Sierra Leone is one of the first countries to make a significant effort in increasing their transparency
of trade transactions. Until January 2012, this information was either poorly documented on paper
and insecurely kept at the mines, or not recorded at all. On 19 January 2012 the Sierra Leone Online
Repository System (ORS) launched its first online mining database, a collaborative initiative between
the World Bank, United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the German Society for
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Ibid.
Ibid.
198 Ibid.
196
197
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International Cooperation (GIZ), and the Revenue Development Foundation.199 This was a colossal
step for Sierra Leone, given the importance blood diamonds played in fueling its 11-year civil war.
The main objective of the system is to obtain all information regarding the countrys extractive
industry. More specifically, the website disperses the knowledge of which mines are legally
authorized to operate in Sierra Leone and publicizes all payments made for trade and licenses.
Unfortunately, the old records were so poorly kept that the ORS was only able to upload
information recorded after 2010.200 National approaches such as these allow for a system of trust
between the citizens and the government, which can ensure that the mining industry is not abusing
the revenue it acquires from trade.
Proper management of natural resources combined with increased transparency of sales are two
minor yet important goals governments should aim to achieve. However, these objectives will have
limited impacts if these gains are not evenly shared amongst the country; many countries with
concentrated oil, diamond, and other mineral-based mines are located in some of the most indigent
areas. Mbuji-Mayi, a region located in the DRC is often referred to as the worlds diamond
capital.201 However, the city lacks electricity entirely, has very scarce access to food, and sees many
newborn children suffering prior to reaching the age of five due to malnutrition.202 Meanwhile,
foreign diamond merchants and high-status Congolese have reached inconceivable levels of wealth
from illegal diamond trading.203 Past efforts to address this inequality have led states into peace
agreements, but the problem still persists. All 36 states of Nigeria were under agreement to equally
allocate national oil revenues. This proved a viable solution until the agreement was compromised in
2000 when the share of the Niger Delta states was increased to 13% more than its counterpart states
in an effort to relieve the local poverty concerns.204 This scheme was referred to as the 13%
Derivation Principle. Amongst these states the funding set aside by the 13% Derivation Principle
was unjustifiably spent in the development of state capitals and other urban centers, as opposed to
obeying the principle behind the excess funding, and attending to the poverty-stricken rustic areas.205
As a result of the controversy over the extra 13% funding received by the Niger Delta States, other
parts of Nigerias oil-producing states have begun expecting higher shares in oil revenue. Thus far,
the efforts of the 13% Derivation Rule for the Niger Delta states has not helped the regions poverty
or infrastructure needs. Delegates should analyze the effective and ineffective measures of the 13%
Derivation Rule and other similar initiatives to devise solutions to ensure strong regional governance
through transparency and the fair distribution of wealth and resources from diamond mining that
each state relies on to exist.
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Dumbuya Mustapha and Damon Van de Linde, Sierra Leone Launches Online Mining Database To Increase
Transparency, Guardian, last modified 1 Feb 2012, accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://www.theguardian.com/globaldevelopment/2012/feb/01/sierra-leone-online-mining-data-transparency.
200 Ibid.
201 Natural Resources and Conflict In Africa: Transforming A Peace Liability Into A Peace Asset, United Nations, last
modified 19 June 2006, accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.un.org/africa/osaa/reports/Natural%20Resources%20and%20Conflict%20in%20Africa_%20Cairo%20Co
nference%20ReportwAnnexes%20Nov%2017.pdf.
202 Ibid.
203 Ibid.
204 Ibid.
205 Ibid.
199
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The African Unions Response

Currently the AU has yet to take definitive action regarding conflict diamonds. Apart from the
previously discussed Peer Review Mechanism, this body has not utilized regional solutions to
combat this ongoing issue. The AUs shortcomings in its ability to address the concerns of the
conflict diamond trade as a whole have come from differences within each government or lack of
cross-continental communication in regards to the issue. The AU should look to the
accomplishments of the international community such as the EU who is recognized as a united
economic and political partnership between 28 member states. These countries act as a single
participant of the KP and therefore reference the same legislation to implement the KP minimum
requirements. Although countries of the AU are more engrained with unique positions within the
diamond industry and may not be able to implement joint legislation to represent the continents
solutions towards conflict diamonds, delegates should consider the impact of regional action as the
concerns with blood diamonds remain and this type of solution has yet to be utilized.
The African Union currently lacks unity under membership of the KP. As most of Africas countries
have dealt with diamond-related conflict in the past, many members of the AU today are either
under suspension of the KP or lacking the minimum requirements to be accepted as a member, with
only some being members of good-standing. KP member state Namibia, with an economy heavily
dependent on extracting minerals and diamonds since their discovery in 1908, has never been
reported to use diamonds to fund conflict.206 Conversely, The Central African Republic (CAR) was
promptly placed under suspension of the KP after the Seleka rebels overthrew former CAR
President, Franois Bozize.207 Other states such as DRC have experienced the benefits of abiding by
the KP. The DRC was a primary hotspot of conflict about a decade ago and was forced to cease
trading under UN sanctions. Today, the DRC is a conflict-free zone and a KP participant that is no
longer reported to use diamonds to fund conflict.208 Others in the AU continue to work on the issue,
such as Cte dIvoire who remains to be one of the top priorities of the international community in
securing the diamond trade.
Case Study: Cte dIvoire
Cte dIvoire was initially labeled as an economic powerhouse of West Africa, an established and
prosperous country that had well avoided descent into a civil war that most of its neighbors
outwardly fell into. After mining activities began to surge in the 90s, Cte dIvoire became a key
thoroughfare for the neighboring diamond-caused conflicts in Sierra Leone and Liberia. A failed
military coup by the dominant rebel forces in Cte dIvoire, the Forces Nouvelles (FN), prompted
the country to divide into a rebel-led north and government-controlled south. Consequently, the
abundance of the countrys wealthy minerals in the north and central region fell into control of the
rebels. In response, the government temporarily suspended all diamond exploration and trade.
Although Cte dIvoire was one of the founding members of the KP and had ratified a law for
regulating the trade of its diamonds according to KP standards in May 2003, alerts caused suspicion
in the diamond mining in the north soon after adopting the KP.209 Further investigation by the UN
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Ibid.
Ibid.
208 Ibid.
209 Ibid.
206
207
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and Global Witness provided valid ground to these suspicions, as evidence of FN illegally smuggling
diamonds into Mali and Guinea was discovered.210
By November 2005, at a plenary meeting in Moscow, the international community was pressured by
the UN to undertake all possible efforts to ensure that illicit Cte dIvoirian diamonds cannot be
introduced into the legitimate trade.211 Soon after, in December, the SC issued a resolution that all
States shall take the necessary measures to prevent the import of all rough diamonds from Cte
dIvoire into their territory212 This diamond embargo was valid until 31 October 2008 and
renewed each year thereafter.213 In April of 2014, the SC decided to lift the sanctions after Cte
dIvoire fulfilled its minimum requirements of the KP.214 The primary objective of the diamond
embargo was intended to further prevent an escalation of the crisis between by the FN rebels. The
embargo ultimately compelled the FN rebels to minimize their finances and thus, their rebel
activities, as the exploitation of diamonds were intrinsically linked to the proliferation of weaponry.
Delegates must note that although economic sanctions can be an effective short-term solution in
most cases, as diamond embargoes were also placed on Angola, Sierra Leone, and Liberia, they are
not always enforced and monitored according to UN ideals, and should not be mistaken for long
term aims.215 While this case study highlights the concerns facing one state, this is not a multilateral
concern, and all member states must realize the regional impact of this topic. It must be this bodys
primary objective to unite and bring about the necessary short and long term solutions to rid the
continued exploitation of one of the regions greatest resources.
Benefit of Law-Regulated Diamond Trade
Diamonds present a wealth that is extremely advantageous to each developing country that owns
them. They offer an opportunity for expansive development that no other monetary loan or foreign
investment could. Well-known and accomplished leaders in Africa verbally confirmed how valuable
diamonds are to the continent itself. Botswanas previous leader, President Mogae stated in 2006
that For our people, every diamond purchase represents food on the table; better living conditions;
better healthcare; safe drinking water; more roads to connect our remote communities, and much
more.216 Nelson Mandela also commented in 1999, The diamond industry is vital to the southern
African economy.217 In 2007, the recorded regional diamond trade, amounting to 65% of the entire
world diamond production, was said to contribute about USD8.5 billion per year to Africa.218
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
210
211
Ibid.
Ibid.
Sangwon Yoon, Diamond Embargo On Ivory Coast Lifted By UN As Sanctions Eased, Bloomberg Businessweek, last
modified 29 Apr 2014, accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://www.businessweek.com/news/2014-04-29/diamond-embargo-onivory-coast-lifted-by-un-as-sanctions-eased.
214 Ibid.
215 Conflict Diamonds and Peace Process in Cote dIvoire, Bonn-Bonn International Center for Conversion, last modified
June 2008, accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://www.bicc.de/uploads/tx_bicctools/focus_8_ivory_coast.pdf .
216 Diamonds and Their Benefits to Africa Fact Sheet, Diamond Facts, last modified 2007, Accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.diamondfacts.org/pdfs/media/media_resources/fact_sheets/Diamonds_and_Their_Benefits_to_Africa_F
act_Sheet.pdf.
217 Ibid.
218 Ibid.
213
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There are many countries that were fortunate to discover significant diamond deposits that did not
lead to brutal, country-wide civil war. Botswana in particular has directly benefited from its discovery
of diamonds in 1967.219 The gems account for over 80% of the countrys export revenue, 45% of the
governments revenue, and approximately USD3.3 billion of Botswanas Gross Domestic Product
(GDP).220 Over the past 25 years, Botswana had one of the fastest growing economies in the world,
with an average annual growth rate of 7%.221 Prior to the discovery of diamonds in Botswana, there
had only been three secondary schools country-wide.222 Currently, there are more than 300 due to
diamond export revenues.223 As a result, every child in Botswana is entitled to a free education until
the age of 13.224 Education beyond primary school is 95% funded by the government; the remaining
5% is funded by Debswana, a mining corporation in Botswana that has taken the responsibility of
paying the salaries of teachers.225
Other countries are now realizing the constructive impact diamonds can have on infrastructure, the
development of social programs, and economic stability following highly destructive civil wars. In
June of 2006, Liberias democratically elected president, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf called on delegates at
a national conference to tend to the idea of how the diamond trade could be positively used within
Liberia to decrease its national poverty, stimulate economic growth, and promote national peace
within its own borders and its neighboring countries.226 The ability for diamonds to generate such a
vast source of revenue for so many African countries thus far proves the importance of this topic
and the need for delegates to consider how diamond revenue can be maximized to the benefit of
their country and its people.
CURRENT STATUS
Notable progress has been achieved in securing the certified trade of rough diamonds into
international markets.227 However, the civil conflicts that remain are still largely an issue and concern
to the international community. Progress that has been made on conflict diamonds thus far is mainly
owed to two factors which have led to the decrease in the conflict diamond trade: the peace
agreements ending the wars in Angola and Sierra Leone, which had been leading sources of conflict
diamonds; and the establishment of the KP certification scheme. Despite the significant progress
that has been accomplished regarding the issue, The African Union should focus on the
shortcomings and weaknesses of the KP as well as the governmental programs and actions that have
prohibited the achievement of a worldwide conflict-free diamond trade.
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Ibid.
Ibid.
221 Ibid.
222 Ibid.
223 Ibid.
224 Ibid.
225 Ibid.
226 Economic Impact: Generative Revenues, Diamond Facts, last modified 7 June 2006, accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.diamondfacts.org/index.php%3Foption%3Dcom_content%26view%3Darticle%26id%3D132%26Itemid%
3D169%26lang%3Den.
227 Shantanu Guha, Africa Cleans Up Its Act On Blood Diamonds, Gulf Times, last modified 11 Feb 2014, accessed 9
Sep 2014, http://www.gulf-times.com/opinion/189/details/380850/africa-cleans-up-its-act-on-blood-diamonds.
219
220
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Case Study: The Central African Republic

In March of 2014 President Francois Bozize was overthrown from his administration in the Central
African Republic (CAR) by a coalition of Muslim rebels after the rebels had already began to
gradually increase their influence throughout the country, including the takeover of some diamond
mines.228 Known as the Seleka rebels, this coalition has gradually solidified their control over the
countrys productive diamond industry. The situation in CAR has affected over one million people
who have been displaced or voluntarily fled the country, and at least 2,000 who have been killed
since December 2013 according to the UN.229 Since the Seleka rebels gained control over the mines,
they have forcibly used the local population to extract diamonds, which are then sold to third parties
in neighboring countries, mainly South Darfur, Cameroon, and the DRC. Although the CAR was
removed from the KP in May 2013, the diamond trade has continued and many of the diamonds are
likely entering the certified international diamond trade.230 Since the presence of the CARs new
government, diamond trade operation at any level is forbidden to take place in the country. The
Seleka rebels, who now are in control of the CARs government, will be the only party assuming the
proceeds from diamonds. Possible international action to inhibit the violence and stem the influence
of the Seleka rebels began with investigations by the International Criminal Court (ICC).231 The
investigations are presently focused on prosecuting the Seleka rebels and sanctioning the probable
source of their funding.
The African Union in tandem with the UN has also begun to lead negotiations between the CAR
and Chad to craft an agreement that would allow diamond field exploration along the CAR borders.
Diamond field exploration introduces an alternative measure to increasing border security. The CAR
may not have the capacity to increase law enforcement on its borders, but a collective effort by
neighboring regions to search for other possible sources of diamonds along the alluvial lands on its
borders may be a possible short-term solution to cease diamond smuggling.232 However, the root of
the issue in the CAR remains to be the Seleka rebels. As many internal civil war conflicts have begun
after legitimate governments have been ousted, delegates should consider previous and current
incentives that have led to peace agreements between governments and rebel groups to avoid this
conflict. In addition, delegates should strongly consider how a government can maintain legitimacy
and protection from rebels, thus focusing not just on reactionary solutions but also preventative
ones.
The Diamond Development Initiative International (DDII)
In 2005, representatives of the UN, several KP participating governments, as well as the United
Millennium Development Goals, World Bank, World Diamond Council, and International Labor
Organization (ILO), combined efforts to form the Diamond Development Initiative International
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Ibid.
Ibid.
230 Ibid.
231 Sarah McGregor, Diamonds, Ivory Fund War In Central Africa Republic: U.S. Group, Bloomberg, last modified 1
May 2014, accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2014-05-01/diamonds-ivory-fund-war-in-centralafrican-republic-u-s-group.html.
232 Ibid.
228
229
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(DDII).233 The DDIIs objective was to work in conjunction with the KP to reduce the potential of
blood-diamonds reaching the market by addressing the conflicts taking place at the mines
themselves, otherwise known as the informal aspects of mining. One of the major flaws of the KP is
that it does not directly address mine security to minimize rebel takeovers. DDII solutions focus on
improving mining conditions for diggers, securing mines from external invasions, and gearing the
focus of diamond mining to being an asset for countrywide development. These solutions are to be
enacted through civilian education, policy dialogue, and community projects. In 2013, DDII began
establishing the Development Diamonds Standards (DDS) certification scheme, a vision with an
end-goal of producing diamonds with the certainty of safety and responsibility at the respect of
human rights.234 Essentially, the DDII addresses informal mining concerns outside of the importexport factor of diamond mining, focusing mainly on the diggers, deeply characterized by poverty
and social issues. Currently, the issues at hand include formalizing diamond mining, maximizing
economic value and benefit, maintaining and restoring environmental practices, and most
importantly complying with the rights of the miners and all other civilians involved in the process.235
Almost all alluvial diamond miners are an aspect of the formal sector, the part of the diamond
industry that concerns the large, overpowering corporations. Nearly all miners are unregistered and
unregulated and thus pose as a liability to the government.236 The mining profession typically does
not amount to more than a few hundred each year in revenue, leaving workers significantly below
the poverty line.237 Given that miners work in unimaginably dangerous and health-threatening
conditions, miners often take some of the diamonds and other gems they may find in the fields at
their own risk. With pressure from the DDII and assistance from international aid agencies, many
governments have taken approaches towards improving the lives of miners. The government of
Sierra Leone created a Diamond Area Community Development Fund (DACDF) introduced in
2001, which allows a percentage of the diamond export tax to be returned to the communities where
diamonds are mined.238 The intention is to give back to the diamond communities by encouraging
local commitment to its recently legal operations. Since 2013, more than USD500,000 has been
returned to diamond mining communities through the DACDF.239
Other pilot initiatives have been discussed including monetary loans to miners, mining training to
increase their productivity, as well as conditional benefits and social services for licensed miners,
providing incentives to encourage many to obtain a license.240 With national success in some
countries regarding mining improvement, it is crucial that member states work together to help the
region as a whole achieves greater protection for its citizens. Delegates must be aware that each state
has room for improvements within their mining protocols and should focus on the issues
encompassing mines and mine workers analogously with the identified concerns at the governmental
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
233 Diamond Development Initiative International, Resolv, last modified April 2010, accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.resolv.org/site-eiscm/files/2012/11/Diamond-Development-Initiative-International.pdf.
234 Ibid.
235 Ibid.
236 Ian Smillie, Background Paper On Micro Development Issues, Diamond Development Initiative, last modified Aug
2005, accessed 9 September 2014, http://www.ddiglobal.org/contentDocuments/ddi-micro%20paper%202005-08.pdf.
237 Ibid.
238 Ibid.
239 Ibid.
240 Ibid.
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level in order to comprehensively resolve the ambiguities currently present in each individual
countrys diamond trade industry.
BLOC ANALYSIS
Countries within these blocs were arranged based on their past and present dealings with their
diamond sector. These blocs are not meant to be entirely concrete, as research may show that some
countries can be placed into more than one bloc. However, these bloc positions demonstrate the
three prominent roles in which African diamond-trading countries can be divided into. Delegates
should not limit their research and possible solutions to working strictly within these blocs, but
rather harness the cooperative powers of the AU in order to provide insight on other countries in
order to discuss the issue comprehensively.
Top Conflict Diamond-Mining Countries
Most countries in Africa, if they have had the funding to invest in diamond exploration, contain
some form of diamond deposits. A handful of member states hold Africas wealthiest diamond
mines and are responsible for being the primary global sources of diamond output. Currently,
Botswana, South Africa, Angola, Namibia, DRC, Lesotho, Sierra Leone, Cote dIvoire, CAR, and
Zimbabwe are Africas largest diamond producing nations.241 Botswana is the largest diamondproducing country in the world by monetary value, and as a loyal member of the KP has never used
diamonds to fund conflict. However, Zimbabwe is expected to own the largest diamond deposit in
the world, hosting an entire diamond-filled region over 300-miles in its border.242 In contrast, the
vast majority of the diamonds in Zimbabwe are not benefitting the country itself, but rather the
countrys top 1% of wealthy officials and politicians.243 Delegates within this bloc should focus on
how the possible wealth hidden in the resources of their countries can be best utilized to benefit all,
not just a portion of the economy.
Case Study: Zimbabwe
By almost any economic measure, Zimbabwe is considered to be one of the most poverty-stricken
countries in the world. With a per capita income of about USD 400 per year, a poverty rate of 63%,
and life expectancy of 51 years, any source of increased wealth within the country could rapidly
resolve many of the pressing issues hindering the countrys development.244 In 2006, the villagers of
the Marange district located in eastern Zimbabwe discovered a massive diamond deposit, the exact
source of wealth that could shift Zimbabwe towards a country of prosperity in a shorter time than
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
World Diamond Council, Diamond Producing Countries In Africa Fact Sheet, Diamond Facts, last modified 2008,
Accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.worlddiamondcouncil.org/download/resources/documents/Fact%20Sheet%20(Diamond%20Mining%20i
n%20Africa).pdf.
242 Paul Zimnisky, Marange May Not Be The Worlds Largest Diamond Producer For Much Longer, Kitco, last
modified 19 Feb 2014, accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://www.kitco.com/ind/Zimnisky/2014-02-10-Marange-May-Not-BeThe-Worlds-Largest-Diamond-Producer-For-Much-Longer.html.
243 Ibid.
244 Beth Gerstein, Mugabe and Friends Loot $2 Billion In Diamonds, Report Says, Brilliant Earth, last modified 24 Nov
2012, accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://www.brilliantearth.com/news/mugabe-and-friends-loot-2-billion-in-diamonds-reportsays/.
241
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AU
ever expected.245 The Marange diamond fields are expected to be the richest ever found, totaling a
value of over USD 800 billion in diamonds and other gems.246 Zimbabwes diamond resources could
have transformed and rapidly boosted its economy. However, such immense diamond wealth
instead inevitably led to large-scale civilian displacement, abuse, and misery.
In 2008, the Zimbabwean army (ZANU-PF) took action to violently seize control of the Marange
diamond fields. In doing so, more than 200 local miners were massacred and the remaining locals
were employed in slave-like conditions to mine for diamonds. ZANU-PF did not hesitate to recruit
child soldiers in their mission in proving their total ownership over the fields. An estimated USD2
billion in diamond wealth disappeared, speculatively by military leaders and Zimbabwes dictator,
President Robert Mugabe.247 The army has since put private companies such as Zimbabwe Mining
Development Corporation (ZMDC) and Mbada Diamonds in charge of mining the fields.248 In
November of 2009, the KP temporarily banned the export of Marange diamonds until Zimbabwe
complied with the KPs request to withdraw its army from the Marange diamond fields, end human
rights abuses, and curb its smuggling activities. In spite of Zimbabwes inability to comply with the
demands, the KP has lessened its political pressure.249 The ban was lifted in 2011 despite evidence
that diamonds from the Marange fields continue to fund repression.250 Although the U.S. has placed
sanctions against the import of rough diamonds from Zimbabwe, other consumers have very little
assurance that their diamonds have not originated under Zimbabwean rebel control. Since 2006,
Zimbabwe has quarried more than USD 1.7 billion in Marange diamonds, many of which are
unknowingly entered into the international diamond supply chain.251 In addition, no one has been
held accountable for the crimes that are taking place in Zimbabwe; although, Mugabe is currently
considered a target for prosecution of crimes against humanity by the International Criminal
Court.252
Zimbabwe sets the precedent of how crucial it is that diamond revenue be funneled properly into a
countrys infrastructure and development. Countries in this bloc typically own Africas largest share
of diamond deposits, and are thus the most affected by the presence of blood diamonds. The
previously explained issues of human rights abuses and poor governance should be of the upmost
concern for these member states, as they hinder the economic growth these diamonds could render.
Delegates representing such states should consider ways in which mining revenue would be
maximized and would allow for their country to grow on a social, political, and economic scale for
all.
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Zimbabwe Blood Diamonds, Brilliant Earth, last modified 2013, accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.brilliantearth.com/Blood-Diamonds-Fact-Sheet-2010/.
246 Ibid.
247 Conflict Diamond Issues, Brilliant Earth, last modified 2013, accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.brilliantearth.com/conflict-diamond-trade/.
248 Zimbabwe, Global Witness, last modified 2013, accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.globalwitness.org/campaigns/conflict/conflict-diamonds/zimbabwe.
249 Hilary Andersson, Soldiers Tell of Zimbabwe Diamond Field Massacre, BBC, last modified 8 Aug 2011, accessed 9
Sep 2014, http://www.bbc.co.uk/panorama/hi/front_page/newsid_9556000/9556242.stm.
250 Conflict Diamond Issues.
251 Andersson, Soldiers Tell of Zimbabwe Diamond Field Massacre.
252 Ibid.
245
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Countries Passively Abetting Diamond Smuggling

While conflict-free themselves, some KP-participant countries are located near states that do take
advantage of smuggling opportunities to fuel the flow of their rough diamonds into the certified
trade. The main countries in this bloc are KP-certified, but due to their location are used as a
smuggling channel. Angola has lost significant amounts of money through diamond smuggling since
1981.253 In 1984, the government of Angola estimated that smuggling had cost approximately USD
140 million in just two years.254
Currently, Cameroon and Chad are implementing initiatives to increase border security to halt the
recent influx of diamond smuggling to support the armed rebel groups in the neighboring CAR.255
As a part of this effort, Cameroons minister has taken measures to deploy more border security that
is responsible for verifying diamond certification in accordance with the KP. The current challenge
Cameroon must overcome is complying with the standards of the KP as a new member, while
controlling the increase in diamond trafficking through its territory, which may lead to its own
suspension from the KP.256 This conflict is characteristically similar to that of Sierra Leone, who
advantageously used Liberia and Angola to smuggle diamonds into the legal trading market.257 The
primary issue with diamond smuggling is that it detracts from the international communities ability
to accurately trace diamonds back to their origin.
Diamond smuggling is commonly an activity done by rebel-supporters or independents that have
illegal reasons for entering their diamonds through the legitimate trade. Countries within this bloc
may not be sourcing the high volumes of diamond smugglers, but may be used as a thoroughfare
based on their countrys KP-certified status. While the conflict and prominence of rebel groups is
not an internal concern, these states are heavily affected by neighboring activity, and must therefore
work in tandem with the entire region to protect all borders. Smuggling should be a primary concern
of the topic as well as an intensive part of debate, as the act jeopardizes many countries ability to
legally trade diamonds.
Countries Post-Conflict
Awareness of blood diamonds and surrounding apprehensions mainly began with Sierra Leone,
Liberia, and Angola. At the peak of the conflict diamond concern in these countries, much of the
infrastructure was damaged in ongoing war. An unimaginable number of citizens had lost their lives
due to rebel-led murders, fleeing or seeking asylum, and other rebel activity instigated over the
possession of diamond mines. Since the onset of the aforementioned civil wars, most of these
countries have made radical advancements in rebuilding infrastructure, reestablishing an
autonomous government, and shifting the diamond wealth towards generating a stable economy.
Countries in this bloc have not been flagged for any blood diamond concerns since the end of the
diamond-caused wars, and will thus provide an important insight to those currently still battling the
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Paula Hanlon, Beggar Your Neighbours: Apartheid Power In Southern Africa, (Indiana University Press: 1986).
Ibid.
255 Moki E. Kindzeka, Cameroon, Chad Tighten Their Border to Stem Flow of Conflict Diamond. Voice of America,
last modified 1 Apr 2014, accessed 9 Sep 2014, http://www.voanews.com/content/cameroon-chad-tighten-theirborders-to-stem-flow-of-conflict-diamonds/1883626.html.
256 Ibid.
257 Ibid.
253
254
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AU
issue. These states also have crucial needs to address themselves, as they are still fairly vulnerable,
and must learn how to utilize their resources under the now legitimate governments. .
Sierra Leone hosted one of the most internationally recognized diamond-fueled conflicts in Africas
history. Since the end of Charles Taylors leadership in the early 2000s, Sierra Leone has been at the
crossroads of peace building and long-term development. Much of the country currently lacks
employment opportunity, basic infrastructure such as roads and electricity, and clean water.258
However, the country is rich in abundance of natural resources including its diamonds, that when
paired with proper governance can eventually transform its economy and social well being.259 Since
the end of the war, Sierra Leone has held three consecutively peaceful and transparent government
elections. In addition, for the first time in the countrys history there has been an anti-corruption
mandate to prosecute government officials who embezzle and betray the work-in-progress justice
system.260 The challenge the country currently faces is maintaining its recovery process to develop
genuine national wealth. As a post-conflict country where natural resources played a significant role
in fuelling the war, states within this bloc now face the challenge of managing their resources in ways
that benefit their citizens and prolongs peace. Successfully overcoming decades of corruption and
breaking entrenched patterns of resource mismanagement will require sustained political leadership
in addition to clear and transparent management of resources in order to drive development that will
allow citizens to benefit from the wealth that is rightfully theirs.
COMMITTEE MISSION
This topic is mainly centered on the primary diamond-producing countries of Africa. However, the
African Union still holds the responsibility of the prominent driving force that develops policies and
initiatives to bring justice to its fellow neighboring countries. The African Union has not held
significant involvement in the issue of blood diamonds in the past, as the primary concerning bodies
were the KP and UNGA. Therefore, it is imperative that delegates work diligently to shed light on
the importance of the topic and approach it at the regional level, a crucial viewpoint that has been
missing in the discussion of blood diamonds.
The opinion of legitimate governments on conflict diamonds does not vary by region, but rather is
entirely unanimous in the sense that becoming a part of the certified-trade is favored. Corrupt
practices and individuals continue to abuse the diamond industry, placing a partial stigma on
diamonds sourced in Africa. It is the AUs mission to ensure good governance is in place so that the
countries of the AU can collectively guarantee that all of Africas diamond exports are conflict-free.
With the economic burden that some countries face as a result of previous civil wars, not all states
have the capacity to economically stabilize themselves or their trading operations. By acknowledging
that certain countries are extremely vulnerable and solidly dependent on the aid of others, delegates
can address the underlying weakness of the issue to create effective and loophole-free solutions.
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Sierra Leone: From Blood Diamonds To Long Last Development, United Nations Development Programme, last
modified 11 Apr 2014, accessed 9 Sep 2014,
http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/ourperspective/ourperspectivearticles/2014/04/11/sierra-leone-fromblood-diamonds-to-long-lasting-development.html.
259 Ibid.
260 Jacob Conteh, Sierra Leone: From Blood Diamonds To A Market Economy, Globalist, last modified 8 Jun. 2014,
accessed 9 September 2014, http://www.theglobalist.com/sierra-leone-from-blood-diamonds-to-a-market-economy/.
258
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In just over a decade, the international community has made significant achievements in addressing
the pressing issues that accompany the concern of conflict diamonds with the establishment of the
Kimberley Process. With unconditional support from the KP, DDII, and UN, the member-states of
Africa should not hesitate to present any and all solutions that have the potential to resolve the issue
that has yet to be fully addressed despite previous efforts. The presence of conflict diamonds in the
global diamond market is an issue that can be significantly reduced by government legislation and
action. In addition, this issue has largely affected local communities who reside close to diamond
mines and diamond exploration sites. In an effort to resolve the conflict diamond trading process it
is imperative that the fundamental rights of the civilians be addressed, including but not limited to,
miners. It is the responsibility of the governments of each AU member state to enact policies and
laws that will curb rebel-takeovers and smuggling. As the only UN related body that owns the ability
to rightfully intervene on another member states territory given that danger is perceived to threaten
the well being of its citizens, this committee must remember to hold the interest of not just their
own country, but their continental neighbors. The beauty of the AU is that it is fully backed by every
member state and thus entirely capable of dealing with the challenges of this issue. The underlying
concern of this topic is to protect the lives of innocent African civilians while legally introducing
each country to their deserved wealth.
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RESEARCH AND PREPARATION QUESTIONS

As mentioned in the Note on Research and Preparation, delegates must answer each of these questions in their position papers.
TOPIC A
1. What is the history of your countrys relationship with China?
2. In what economic sectors does China hold notable interest in your country? Why is it
important for China to maintain economic relations with your country?
3. Have there been any social protests against China-funded projects in your country? If so,
why and what weight does the opposition hold in your governments decision making?
4. Has China disrupted your countrys social and/or political culture in any way? If so, what
impact has it had on the current state of things?
5. What are your countrys immigration laws relative to the Chinese presence?
6. What are your countrys main development goals within the next decade? Is there potential
that China can assist in achieving these goals?
7. Does your country have a greater input of positive or negative FDI from China? What is the
main purpose of FDI in your country?
TOPIC B
1. How has diamond exploration and/or mining helped your country further its development
goals? How has it caused conflict within your country?
2. What has your country done to mitigate the trade of conflict-diamonds?
3. Has the KP been effective in your country? If so, in what ways can it improve?
4. Has your country created any policies in an effort to become more transparent? If so, what
has been effective throughout these initiatives, specifically within the mining sector?
5. What role should the AU play in ensuring that diamonds are conflict free inside Africas
borders?
6. How can the AU implement standards to protect diamond miners?
7. How can the AU break the link between the illicit transactions of rough diamonds as a
contribution to conflict?
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IMPORTANT DOCUMENTS
TOPIC A
Ayodele, Thompson and Olusegun Sotola. China In Africa: An Evaluation of Chinese
Investment. Initiative for Public Policy Analysis (2013). Accessed 23 June 2014.
http://www.ippanigeria.org/china_africa_working.pdf.
This web page discusses the history of Chinas involvement with Africa and how they became the biggest investor in the
continent within the past decade.
Conakry. Mining In West Africa: Wheres Our Cut? Economist. Last Modified 7 Dec 2013.
Accessed 9 Sep 2014. http://www.economist.com/news/middle-east-and-africa/21591215regional-governments-look-better-deals-foreign-mining-firms-wheres-our.
This source discusses current difficulties that West African mines are facing in keeping up with legal work and
running their mines according to legal standards. As a result, there is a decrease in foreign investment in their mines.
Economic Growth and Soft Power: Chinas Africa Strategy. China Brief 4, No. 24 (1969). Accessed
23 June 2013.
http://www.jamestown.org/single/?no_cache=1&tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=3699#.U6c
9rPldWSp.
This report discusses Chinas interest in Africa with regards to aid, diplomacy, and trade.
Kim, Yejoo. Chinese Investment Services In Africa: Contributing To Solving The Unemployment
Problem? Centre For Chinese Studies. Last Modified 8 Oct 2012. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.ccs.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/YK-Chinese-Investment-ServiceSector-and-Job-Creation.pdf.
This article explains how China has been hindering unemployment in Africa faster than it can create opportunities for
employment.
Meibo, Huang. A Study on the Employment Effect of Chinese Investment in South Africa. Centre
For Chinese Studies. Last Modified Oct 2013. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.ccs.org.za/wpcontent/uploads/2013/10/DP_4_2013_Chinese_Employment_
South_Africa_Huang_Ren_ONLINE.pdf.
This source offers a very detailed analysis of how Chinas investment in Africa has affected local unemployment
(specifically focuses on South Africa).
TOPIC B
A/RES/60/182. Resolution Adopted by the General Assembly On 20 December 2005. 22 March
2006. Accessed 7 July 2014. http://www.worldlii.org/int/other/UNGARsn/2005/228.pdf.
UN document of the resolution from 2005 specifically pertaining to the outbreak of the conflict diamond issue.
Goreux, Louis. Conflict Diamonds: Africa Region Working Paper Series No. 13. World Bank. Last
modifed Mar. 2001. Accessed 9 Sep 2014. http://www.worldbank.org/afr/wps/wp13.pdf.
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Discussing the role conflict diamonds play in financing civil wars and international organizations and aiming to
prevent future conflicts over diamond-mine possession.
Natural Resources and Conflict In Africa: Transforming A Peace Liability Into A Peace Asset.
United Nations. Last Modified 19 June 2006. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.un.org/africa/osaa/reports/Natural%20Resources%20and%20Conflict%20in
%20Africa_%20Cairo%20Conference%20ReportwAnnexes%20Nov%2017.pdf.
Discusses how diamonds can be used to aid in peace.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
COMMITTEE HISTORY AND SIMULATION
AU In A Nutshell. African Union a United and Strong Africa. Last modified June 2014.
http://www.au.int/en/about/nutshell.
A webpage dedicated to the history and organization of the African Union.
Organization of African Unity (OAU)/African Union (AU). International Relations &
Cooperation. Last modified 12 Feb. 2014.
http://www.dfa.gov.za/foreign/Multilateral/africa/oau.htm.
Describes the predecessor of the African Union, the Organization of African Unity, and the reasons for the transition.
Organisation of African Unity. South African History. Last modified May 2009.
http://www.sahistory.org.za/topic/organisation-african-unity-oau.
A history of certain African states, including South Africa.
The African Union. Council On Foreign Relations. Last modified 1 Sep. 2009.
http://www.cfr.org/africa-sub-saharan/african-union/p11616.
An in depth description of the African Union and its make up.
Transition From the OAU to the African Union. African Union Summit. Last modified May 2002.
http://www.au2002.gov.za/docs/background/oau_to_au.htm.
An article on the transition from the OAU to the AU.
TOPIC A
AU & UN Sources
Charbonneau, Louis and Michelle Nichols. Russia, China Block Central African Republic Blacklist
at U.N. United Nations, Last Modified 23 Apr 2014. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.reuters.com/article/2014/04/23/us-centralafrica-un-sanctionsidUSBREA3M1GA20140423.
This article discusses the current conflict in the Central African Republic (CAR), and the United States aim to place
economic sanctions on the country until the conflict is resolved. However, China and Russia block this vote as they are
both recipients of CARs resources.
New Partnerships for Africas Development. Office of the Special Adviser on Africa United Nations.
Last Modified 11 Oct 2010. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.un.org/africa/osaa/nepad.html.
This UN website goes over the terms, agreements, and objectives of NEPAD.
Other Sources
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Ayodele, Thompson and Olusegun Sotola. China In Africa: An Evaluation of Chinese

Investment. Initiative for Public Policy Analysis, 2014. Accessed 23 June 2014.
http://www.ippanigeria.org/china_africa_working.pdf.
This web page discusses the history of Chinas involvement with Africa and how they became the biggest investor in the
continent within the past decade.
Barber, D.A. Are Chinas Africa Investments Overblown? AFK Insider. Last Modified 23 June
2014. Accessed 9 Sep 2014. http://afkinsider.com/60875/chinas-africa-investmentsoverblown/.
This recently published article gives a good, unbiased overview of Chinas economic investments in Africa.
Belk, Jessica. The Sino-Zambian Dilemma. Sino-Africa. Last Modified 28 Oct 2011. Accessed 9
Sep 2014. http://www.sinoafrica.org/en/node/1294.
This article explains Chinas Role in the Zambian Presidential Elections.
Central Africa and Land Resources. United Nations Environment Programme. Last Modified 23 Aug
2008. Accessed 9 Sep 2014. http://www.eoearth.org/view/article/150992/.
This source provides an overview of the countries within Central Africas land resources, and conflicts slowing
development opportunities.
China-Africa Cooperation Forum Anshan, Li, Lui Haifang, Pan Huaqiong, Zeng Aiping, He
Wenping. FOCAC Twelve Years Later: Achievements, Challenges, and the Way Forward.
Peking University, School of International Studies. UK: Lightning Source. Last Modified 2012.
Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.safpi.org/sites/default/files/publications/FOCAC74.pdf.
This report discusses FOCAC in detail within the past 12 years.
China Competes to Boost Energy Investment In South Africa. Out-Law. Last Modified 18 Mar.
2014. Accessed 9 Sep 2014. http://www.out-law.com/en/articles/2014/march/chinacompetes-to-boost-energy-investment-in-south-africa/.
This source introduces and explains Chinas Involvement in South Africa.
Conakry. Mining In West Africa: Wheres Our Cut? Economist. Last Modified 7 Dec 2013.
Accessed 9 Sep 2014. http://www.economist.com/news/middle-east-and-africa/21591215regional-governments-look-better-deals-foreign-mining-firms-wheres-our.
This source discusses current difficulties that West African mines are facing in keeping up with legal work and
running their mines according to legal standards, and thus, losing interest of foreign investment from their mines.
Curtis, Michael. The End of Neo-Colonialism. American Thinker. Last Modified 31 Jan 2013.
Accessed 9 Sep 2014. http://www.americanthinker.com/2013/01/the_end_of_neocolonialism.html.
This source discusses the fundamentals of neo-colonialism, in addition to providing a definition and the history of the
term.
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Draitser, Eric. US Expands Military Net Over Africa, Checking Chinas Influence. Washington Post.
Last Modified 21 Feb 2014. Accessed 9 Sep 2014. http://rt.com/op-edge/us-expandsmilitary-net-africa-081/.
This article discusses how the U.S. has been covertly planting military in Africa to intervene with Africas trade
relationship with China.
Economic Growth and Soft Power: Chinas Africa Strategy. China Brief 4, no. 24 (1969). Accessed
23 June 2013.
http://www.jamestown.org/single/?no_cache=1&tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=3699#.U6c
9rPldWSp.
This report discusses Chinas interest in Africa with regards to aid, diplomacy, and trade.
Conway-Smith, Erin. Report: Chinese Bad Employers In Africa. GlobalPost, Last Modified 29 July
2009. Accessed 9 Sep 2014. http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/africa/090727/chinesebad-employers-africa?page=0,0.
Article discussing harsh labor conditions and wages faced by employees of Chinese employers operating in Africa.
Hassan, Olad. A Glimpse Into East Africas Natural Resources. Ogaden. Last Modified 14 Dec
2009. Accessed 9 Sep 2014. http://www.ogaden.com/opinion/556-a-glimpse-into-eastafricas-natural-resources.html.
This report breaks down the countries of East Africa by what they have to offer in terms of natural resources.
Investment Policy Review of Zambia. Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. Last
Modified 2011. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.oecd.org/investment/investmentfordevelopment/48720875.pdf.
This source comprehensively discusses how Zambia allocates investment funding along with its past and current
projects.
Jansson, Johanna. Patterns of Chinese Investment, Aid and Trade in Central Africa (Cameroon,
The DRC, and Gabon). Centre For Chinese Studies. Last Modified Aug 2009. Accessed 9 Sep
2014. http://www.ccs.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2009/11/CCS-Central-Africa-BriefingPaper-August-2009.pdf.
This website delves into Chinas involvement in Central Africa.
Kim, Yejoo. Chinese Investment Services In Africa: Contributing To Solving The Unemployment
Problem? Centre For Chinese Studies. Last Modified 8 Oct 2012. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.ccs.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/YK-Chinese-Investment-ServiceSector-and-Job-Creation.pdf.
This article explains how China has been hindering unemployment in Africa faster than it can create opportunities for
employment.
Meibo, Huang. A Study on the Employment Effect of Chinese Investment in South Africa. Centre
For Chinese Studies. Last Modified Oct 2013. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.ccs.org.za/wpcontent/uploads/2013/10/DP_4_2013_Chinese_Employment_South_Africa_Huang_Ren_
ONLINE.pdf.
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AU
This source offers a very detailed analysis of how Chinas investment in Africa has affected local unemployment
(specifically focuses on South Africa).
Mutch, Thembi. China In East Africa: Win-Win? Think Africa Press. Last Modified 8 May 2012.
Accessed 9 Sep 2014. http://thinkafricapress.com/development/china-africa-balance-sheetskewed.
This website addresses Chinas involvement in East Africa.
Ngozo, Claire. Malawis New Law Targeting Chinese Traders In Rural Areas Draws Criticism.
Guardian. Last Modified 9 Aug 2012. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2012/aug/09/new-law-targets-chinesetraders-malawi.
This article discusses how the government and people of Malawi are targeting Chinese small businesses in the rural
parts of Malawi.
Olander, Eric. New Era of Chinese Manufacturing In South Africa Begins. China Africa Project.
Last modified 16 July 2014. Accessed 9 Sep 2014. http://www.chinaafricaproject.com/newera-chinese-manufacturing-south-africa-begins/.
This article discusses the new developmental projects taking place in Southern Africa.
Rotberg, Robert. China Slows, Africa Suffers. China US Focus. Last Modified 4 Apr 2014.
Accessed 9 Sep 2014. http://www.chinausfocus.com/finance-economy/china-slows-africasuffers/.
This article discusses the slowing economy of China, which will undoubtedly have unfavorable, and obviously noticeable,
impacts on African countries who are heavily dependent on Chinas investment in their goods.
Southern Africa: Increasing Hostility Towards Chinese Traders. IRIN. Last Modified 7 Sept.
2012. Accessed 9 Sep 2014. http://www.irinnews.org/report/96266/southern-africaincreasing-hostility-towards-chinese-traders.
This site discusses the relationship between China and Africa growing stronger on a political level and less so on a
community level.
The IMF and World Bank Are Major Causes of Poverty In Africa. Global Envision. Last Modified
23 March 2007. Accessed 9 Sep 2014. http://www.globalenvision.org/library/23/1524.
This article discusses the efficacy of IMF and World Bank policies, particularly in Africa, and briefly discusses how
the U.S. might be indirectly hindering development progress in Africa.
Understanding Chinese Investment In East African Infrastructure. Business Council For Africa. Last
Modified 19 Aug 2013. Accessed 9 Sep 2014. http://www.bcafrica.co.uk/news/828understanding-chinese-investment-in-east-african-infrastructure.
This article focuses on Chinas involvement in Eastern Africa.
US to Host Africa Summit Amid Concern Over Chinas Influence. South China Morning Post. Last
Modified 23 Jan 2014. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.scmp.com/news/world/article/1411327/us-host-africa-summit-amid-concernover-chinas-influence.
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This article explains how Obama has invited the African Union member countries to a summit in August of 2014 to
discuss the U.S. interest in helping the continent towards achieve development. Obama has also disclosed that it is in
their best interest to be less dependent on China.
Vandenbrink, Rachel. China Reminds Burma of Obligations. Radio Free Asia. Last Modified 2 Oct
2011. Accessed 9 Sep 2014. http://www.rfa.org/english/news/myanmar/dam10022011153845.html.
This source explains how Burma recently put construction of USD3.6 billion dam that was made possible by a
particularly large Chinese investment. However, it is currently on hold due protests within the country. This article
discusses the perspective of the Burmese people, and the frustration of the Chinese who are investing in the dam.
Why Do Chinese Investors Want to Build A Dubai-Style City In Kenya. Gizmodo. Last Modified 8
April 2014. Accessed 9 Sep 2014. http://gizmodo.com/why-do-chinese-investors-want-tobuild-a-dubai-style-ci-1560823771.
This article discusses Chinas growing influence in Kenya and the rest of West Africa.
Wilson, Nigel. East Africa Railway Good News for Kenya and Africa But Whats In It for China?
International Business Times. Last Modified 12 May 2014. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.ibtimes.co.uk/east-africa-railway-good-news-kenya-africa-whats-it-china1448279.
This source explains the plans to build a railway system in East Africa have been recently announce by China, this
article discusses China and Africas gain from the potential project.
Wu, Yuwen. Chinas Oil Fears Over South Sudan Fighting. BBC. Last modified 8 Jan 2014.
Accessed 9 Sep 2014. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-25654155.
This article talks about the conflict in Sudan influencing Chinas oil interests.
TOPIC B
AU & UN Sources
Africa Renewal. United Nations Department of Public Information 20, No. 4 (2007): 17-21. Accessed 7
July 2014. http://www.un.org/africarenewal/sites/dr7.un.org.africarenewal/files/ar-20no4english-web.pdf.
Journal article discussing all aspects of blood diamonds and their potential to play a peacekeeping role in civil conflicts.
A/RES/60/182. Resolution Adopted by the General Assembly On 20 December 2005. 22 March
2006. Accessed 7 July 2014.
UN document of the resolution from 2005 specifically pertaining to the outbreak of the conflict diamond issue.
Goreux, Louis. Conflict Diamonds: Africa Region Working Paper Series No. 13. World Bank. Last
modifed March 2001. Accessed9 Sep 2014. http://www.worldbank.org/afr/wps/wp13.pdf.
Discussing the role conflict diamonds play in financing civil wars and international organizations and aiming to
prevent future conflicts over diamond-mine possession.
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AU
Natural Resources and Conflict In Africa: Transforming A Peace Liability Into A Peace Asset.
United Nations. Last Modified 19 June 2006. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.un.org/africa/osaa/reports/Natural%20Resources%20and%20Conflict%20in
%20Africa_%20Cairo%20Conference%20ReportwAnnexes%20Nov%2017.pdf.
Discusses how diamonds can be used to aid in peace.
Sierra Leone: From Blood Diamonds To Long Last Development. United Nations Development
Programme. last modified 11 Apr. 2014. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/ourperspective/ourperspectivearticles/201
4/04/11/sierra-leone-from-blood-diamonds-to-long-lasting-development.html.
UNDP article discussing how Sierra Leone was able to gradually shift the use of its diamond mines towards largescale economic and social development. The country has been out of conflict for over a decade.
Other Sources
Andersson, Hilary. Soldiers Tell of Zimbabwe Diamond Field Massacre. BBC. Last Modified 8
Aug. 2011. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.bbc.co.uk/panorama/hi/front_page/newsid_9556000/9556242.stm.
Overview of the Zimbabwe diamond field massacre of 2011.
A Rough Trade: The Role of Companies and Governments In the Angolan Conflict. Global
Witness. Last Modified 2007. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.globalwitness.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/A_Rough_Trade.pdf.
Global Witnesses report that exposed the first ever role of blood diamonds, particularly in fueling the war in Angola.
Conflict Diamonds. Global Witness. Last Modified 7 July 2014. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.globalwitness.org/campaigns/conflict/conflict-diamonds.
A background to Global Witnesses report titled A Rough Trade, where the off-budget expenses of Angolan and
Sierra Leonean rebel groups are discussed.
Conflict Diamonds and Peace Process in Cote dIvoire. Bonn-Bonn International Center for Conversion.
Last modified June 2008. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.bicc.de/uploads/tx_bicctools/focus_8_ivory_coast.pdf.
Report discussing how conflict diamonds fueled the war in the Ivory Coast and its current peace process to recover from
the war.
Conflict Diamond Issues. Brilliant Earth. Last Modified 2013. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.brilliantearth.com/conflict-diamond-trade/.
Overview of worker exploitation and general human suffering in Zimbabwes diamond mines.
Conteh, Jacob. Sierra Leone: From Blood Diamonds To A Market Economy. Globalist. Last
modified 8 June 2014. Accessed 9 Sep 2014. http://www.theglobalist.com/sierra-leonefrom-blood-diamonds-to-a-market-economy/.
Another overview of Sierra Leones current stability compared to its 11-year civil war with Liberia.
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Countries Participating In The Kimberley Process. Diamond Facts. Last Modified Sep 2006.
Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.diamondfacts.org/pdfs/conflict/Kimberley_Process_Participants.pdf.
Simple document recognizing every legal member of the Kimberley Process.
Diamond Development Initiative International. Resolv. Last Modified April 2010. Accessed 9 Sep
2014. http://www.resolv.org/site-eiscm/files/2012/11/Diamond-Development-InitiativeInternational.pdf.
Project description of the Diamond Development Initiative International soon after being created and implemented
alongside the Kimberley Process.
Diamonds and Their Benefits to Africa Fact Sheet. Diamond Facts. Last Modified 2007. Accessed 9
Sep 2014.
http://www.diamondfacts.org/pdfs/media/media_resources/fact_sheets/Diamonds_and_
Their_Benefits_to_Africa_Fact_Sheet.pdf.
Comprehensive statistics on the positive and negative impact of diamonds up to 2012.
Economic Impact: Generative Revenues. Diamond Facts. Last Modified 7 June 2006. Accessed Sep
2014.http://www.diamondfacts.org/index.php%3Foption%3Dcom_content%26view%3Da
rticle%26id%3D132%26Itemid%3D169%26lang%3Den.
A look into how countries that avoided internal conflict were able to use diamond revenues for national development.
Gerstein, Beth. Mugabe and Friends Loot $2 Billion In Diamonds, Report Says. Brilliant Earth.
Last modified 24 Nov. 2012. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.brilliantearth.com/news/mugabe-and-friends-loot-2-billion-in-diamondsreport-says/.
Overview of the issue of excessive diamond smuggling in Zimbabwe.
Guha, Shantanu. Africa Cleans Up Its Act On Blood Diamonds. Gulf Times. Last Modified 11 Feb.
2014. Accessed 9 Sep 2014. http://www.gulftimes.com/opinion/189/details/380850/africa-cleans-up-its-act-on-blood-diamonds.
Article discussing the progress Africa has made in the past twenty years with regards to blood diamonds in
international trade. Essentially, there are very few troubled nations left in Africa.
Good Governance and Human Rights. United Nations Human Rights. Last modified 2014. Accessed
9 Sep 2014.
http://www.ohchr.org/en/Issues/Development/GoodGovernance/Pages/GoodGovernan
ceIndex.aspx.
Overview of the idea of good governance.
Hanlon, Paula. Beggar Your Neighbours: Apartheid Power In Southern Africa. Indian University Press:
1986.
Book discussing how De Beers diamond mining company hired their own miners to curb diamond smuggling.
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AU
History of the Conflict. Global Witness. Last Modified 5 May 2014. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.globalwitness.org/campaigns/conflict/post-conflict/liberia/liberia-sierra-leoneand-charles-taylor.
Global Witness document on the primary causes of the first incidents where diamonds were used to fund rebel arms
and war efforts.
Kindzeka, Moki E. Cameroon, Chad Tighten Their Border to Stem Flow of Conflict Diamond.
Voice of America. Last Modified 1 Apr.2014. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.voanews.com/content/cameroon-chad-tighten-their-borders-to-stem-flow-ofconflict-diamonds/1883626.html.
Increased conflict in the CAR has caused its neighboring countries, Chad and Cameroon, to tighten border security
after having recently become a member of the KP. Countries such as the CAR are taking advantage of at-risk KPcertified countries by using them as channels to smuggle their diamonds. Unless Chad and Cameroon can effectively
increase border security, they will be temporarily excluded from the KP.
Loopholes In The Kimberley Process. Global Witness. last modified Oct. 2007. The Kimberley
Process. Global Witness. Last Modified 5 Dec. 2011. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
History of the Kimberley Process and Global Witnesses reasoning for departing from the only ever certification scheme.
Mustapha, Dumbuya and Damon Van de Linde. Sierra Leone Launches Online Mining Database
To Increase Transparency. Guardian. Last Modified 1 Feb. 2012. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2012/feb/01/sierra-leone-onlinemining-data-transparency.
Article discussing Sierra Leones newfound online mining database which automatically records all transactions
pertaining to diamonds and other mining industries in order to increase government transparency.
McGregor, Sarah. Diamonds, Ivory Fund War In Central Africa Republic: U.S. Group. Bloomberg.
Last modified 1 May 2014. Accessed 9 Sep 2014. http://www.bloomberg.com/news/201405-01/diamonds-ivory-fund-war-in-central-african-republic-u-s-group.html.
In-depth overview of rebel activity in CAR to present.
Public Statistics Area. Kimberley Process. Last Modified Dec. 2012. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
https://kimberleyprocessstatistics.org/public_statistics.
Government annual reports on all African Countries diamond revenue from 2004 to 2012.
Smillie, Ian. Background Paper On Micro Development Issues. Diamond Development Initiative. Last
modified Aug. 2005. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.ddiglobal.org/contentDocuments/ddi-micro%20paper%202005-08.pdf.
Report on how governments are trying to focus on the formal diamond industry as well as improving mining conditions
and digger terms.
The Kimberley Process. Global Witness. Last Modified 5 Dec. 2011. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
Document on going over the nuances of the Kimberley Processes creation and achievements.
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United Nations Lifts Diamond Sanctions on Angola But Keeps Sanctions on Sierra Leone
Diamonds, Meanwhile Congo Still Has No Sanctions. Does the UN Have A Coordinated
Conflict Diamond Policy? Global Witness. Last Modified 10 Dec 2002. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.globalwitness.org/library/united-nations-lifts-diamond-sanctions-angola-keepssanctions-sierra-leone-diamonds.
Article discussing the UNs inconsistency in sanctioning diamond embargoes with the Congo, Sierra Leone, and
Angola.
World Diamond Council. Conflict Diamonds and the Kimberley Process Fact Sheet. Diamond
Facts. Last Modified 7 July 2014. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.worlddiamondcouncil.org/download/resources/documents/Fact%20Sheet%2
0(Conflict%20Diamonds%20and%20the%20Kimberley%20Process).pdf.
Statistics regarding the positive and negative impact of diamond mining and exporting in Africa.
World Diamond Council. Diamond Facts. Diamond Facts. Last modified 7 July 2014. Accessed 9
Sep 2014. http://diamondfacts.org/facts/.
This source will provide delegates with important information about diamonds.
World Diamond Council. Diamond Producing Countries In Africa Fact Sheet. Diamond Facts. Last
Modified 2008. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.worlddiamondcouncil.org/download/resources/documents/Fact%20Sheet%2
0(Diamond%20Mining%20in%20Africa).pdf.
Current status on top-diamond mining countries.
Yoon, Sangwon. Diamond Embargo On Ivory Coast Lifted By UN As Sanctions Eased. Bloomberg
Businessweek. Last Modified 29 Apr. 2014. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.businessweek.com/news/2014-04-29/diamond-embargo-on-ivory-coast-liftedby-un-as-sanctions-eased.
Article explaining the UNs motive behind lifting the diamond embargo off the Ivory Coast despite the fact that the
conflict continues.
Zimbabwe Blood Diamonds. Brilliant Earth. Last Modified 2013. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.brilliantearth.com/Blood-Diamonds-Fact-Sheet-2010/.
Discussion of role played by blood diamonds in fueling the Mugabes dictatorship.
Zimbabwe. Global Witness. Last Modified 2013. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.globalwitness.org/campaigns/conflict/conflict-diamonds/zimbabwe.
A detailed report on the activity of the ZANU-PF rebels of Zimbabwe who have used majority of the mined
diamonds to generate revenue for their own war effort and luxury.
Zimnisky, Paul. Marange May Not Be The Worlds Largest Diamond Producer For Much Longer.
Kitco. Last Modified 19 Feb. 2014. Accessed 9 Sep 2014.
http://www.kitco.com/ind/Zimnisky/2014-02-10-Marange-May-Not-Be-The-WorldsLargest-Diamond-Producer-For-Much-Longer.html.
Report of Zimbabwes large diamond field, Marange, and how due to over-exploitation it may not be the worlds
leading diamond mine within a couple years.
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National High School Model United Nations

N ATIONAL H IGH S CHOOL M ODEL U NITED N ATIONS

NHSMUN is a project of the International Model

Welcome to NHSMUN 2015! My name is Alyssa Greenhouse and I am thrilled to be your

N ATIONAL H IGH S CHOOL M ODEL U NITED N ATIONS

NHSMUN is a project of the International Model

National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

Government Involvement and Management ...................................................................................................... 35!

National High School Model United Nations 2015

A NOTE ON THE NHSMUN DIFFERENCE

National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

A NOTE ON RESEARCH AND PREPARATION

National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

TOPIC A: CHINESE INVESTMENT IN AFRICAS

HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION OF THE ISSUE

National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

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National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

Sino-African Cooperation Initiatives

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National High School Model United Nations 2015

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National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

TOPIC B: CONFLICT INTRODUCED BY THE BLOOD

National High School Model United Nations 2015

HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION OF THE ISSUE

National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

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The Kimberley Process.

National High School Model United Nations 2015

Government Involvement and Management

National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

The African Unions Response

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National High School Model United Nations 2015

National High School Model United Nations 2015

Case Study: The Central African Republic