HOME: THE HEART OF CHANGE

According to Peter Read, in his book Returning to nothing, "Home" can be a city, a suburb, a
house, a room in a house, or a single plant in a garden (Read, 1996). Home is not only a
physical place, but a mental, psychological construction that means different things to
different groups of people and perhaps even something different to every individual.
In this essay I will explore the meanings of home for three different groups of Australian
people: The average white Australian, the Australian migrants, and the indigenous
Australians. I will approach this 'meanings' from very different points of view in each case,
and place them within the historical context of the twentieth century, paying particular
attention to how these meanings have changed over the last decades.
The essay is therefore divided into three parts and each has a very different character. In the
first part, I will look at the concept of home in terms of the "Great Australian dream" of home
ownership inherent, as it seems, in most Australians. In the second part, I will approach
"Home" in relation to the concept of "home-country" for the Australian Migrants of non
British background; and will be very much concerned with individual experiences of
migrants. This part is not altogether objective since I will place within this context my own
experience of "home" as a first generation migrant. In the last part I will attempt to examine
the concept of "home-land" for aboriginal Australians and compare their experiences to those
of migrants.

PART 1:

HOME OWNERSHIP IN AUSTRALIA: THE GREAT AUSTRALIAN

DREAM

A house as "home" has profound human significance in the physical, economic and
psychological security it represents for its occupants in an often threatening "outside
world" (Baird, 1984).
The original idea of the"Great Australian dream" as owning a quarter of an acre of land and
your own house in the suburbs where to dwell with your family has seen many changes
throughout this century and especially in the last two generations. Is this dream becoming
something of the past?

Background to 'The Dream"

Australians since the time of colonialism had an overwhelming preference for home
ownership. The ideal of having a detached house with a quarter acre block is an invention of
the twentieth century (Ashton, 1998) that started to take shape in the 1800s.
Many British colonists arrived to Australia escaping from the poor and overcrowded
conditions of the cities in Britain; land and spacious homes were no longer available or
affordable. Naturally, they wanted to improve their situation. Back in the 1880s the English
writer R. Twopeny said: "the colonist is very fond of living in his own house and on his own
bit of ground". He went on to say "Terraces and attached houses are universally disliked, and

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almost every class of suburban house is detached and stands in its own garden". (Twopeny,
1973)
However, most of them arrived into the cities in Australia and tended to crowd together in
'small ill-ventilated and filthy domiciles which were not homes', sharing small yards with
their cows, fowls and dogs, and paying high rents (Grimshaw et al on Chisholm, 1996). The
opening of selection of land for smallholdings therefore attracted many colonists to the
"Agrarian myth": being able to own a cottage home, on land of their own in the country,
where their independent, nuclear family and children could have "fresh air, plenty of room...
and plenty of fresh milk"(Grimshaw et al, 1996).
The first half of the twentieth century saw the failure of the agrarian myth, for a number of
ecological, bureaucratic, economic and international reasons; and as people left the land to
move back into the cities, they transported with them the "rural Arcadia" ideal to establish it
in the suburbs (Ashton, 1998), where they could still own a free-standing house and quarter
acre of land; the "great Australian dream" that had already started to take shape decades
before as described above by Twopeny. A family house in the suburbs, a house with a
verandah, representing "an Australian icon of rural childhood and family life" (Duruz, 1994)
became the epitome of the Great Australian Dream.
Suburban development in the Twentieth century
Suburban living was already becoming a prominent feature and symbol of Australian identity
in the early 1900s. According to Ian Hoskins in Constructing Time and Space in the Garden
Suburb (1994), through the 1920s and even the period before the first world war, "the
'model or 'garden' suburb became the idealised material spatial form". Hoskins proposes that
Australia was seen as a spacious land in contrast with the 'old world'. The suburb was linked
to that spatial potential and therefore to the national identity. He refers to the report of the
1909 Royal Commission for improvement of Sydney and its suburbs which concluded that
The tenement or flat system of housing would not meet the requirements of Australian
workmen and we recommend that on social and hygienic grounds, workmen should be
encouraged to live in separate houses in the suburbs (Hoskins, 1994)
Ian Irvine, one of Australia's foremost urban reformers stressed in a parliamentary report in
1913 that "decent family life could not exist in a domestic environment where there were no
front gardens and [only] small backyards" (Hoskins, 1994). The rural Arcadia ideal of fresh
air, plenty of room and milk for the children was replaced by a suburban ideal of the
labouring man's "little home in the suburbs of the great city...where he has his garden, and he,
his wife and children benefit by direct contact with nature" (Hoskins, 1994)
The pursuit of "the dream": growth of owner occupation
The second half of the century, after the second world war, saw the unprecedented growth of
owner occupation in Australia and the expansion of the suburbs; the 'urban sprawl'. Australia
become one of the nations with the highest rate of home ownership by the 1960s. Many
theorists explained this growth as a natural progression of social modernisation and post-war
affluence (Greig, 1995). It was in fact a confluence of factors that contributed to this growth
of owner occupation, apart from a favourable economic climate, full employment and
relatively cheap finance; among them migration, changing demographic patterns, shortage of

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rental housing and high rent control policies which discouraged landlords and forced many
people into buying a house since they had no other option (Greig, 1995).
All these circumstances, together with the increase of the size of the city, the advent of
technology, and the sophistication of advertising, contributed to the fact that the "great
Australian dream" now incorporated a family car (or two) and a collection of domestic
appliances. The social consequences of this dream: young families committed to debts for
most of their working life, growth of inequality between those who could afford the dream
and those who could not, the disproportioned development of suburbia and a culture of home
centredness.
The changing meanings of home in the last decades
In the last decades there have been significant changes in this concept of what the "Great
Australian dream" is: this detached house in the suburbs, with a garden for the children, a
family car and domestic appliances is designed for "parents with three children who never
grow up". (Baird, 1984) However, the size and composition of the average Australian
household has changed dramatically over the last years: there are increasing numbers of
single parents, people living alone, gay couples, married couples with no children, elderly,
and youth living home early. The average Australian household size has fallen from 3.2
persons in 1971 to 2.8 in 1991 and 'traditional nuclear families' are now a declining minority
(Forster, 1995).
The image of "home" of the post war generation as the house in the suburbs where "the
women are in the kitchen, the men saw and hammer timber and swill beer" (Lucas,1994),
highlighting the Australian ideology of the 1950s of gendered division of labour, the local
community, and the heterosexual family unit, where the woman is the 'home maker' that
"converted the home into a place of rest and refreshment form the cares of the outside world"
(Evans & Saunders, 1992) seems to be slowly disappearing.
Since the 60s, as women became more independent and educated, they often choose to have a
working career instead of attending to full time household duties, postpone marriage and
child bearing or avoid having children altogether. In consequence, the suburban home might
no longer meet the needs of the new generation.
Flat living - the antithesis of the "Great Australian dream"?
Earlier in this essay it became evident that the idea of living in a flat as not being adequate for
"decent families" goes back to the beginning of this century or earlier. Indeed there is an
overwhelming perception from most Australians that an apartment is not really a "home":
Kim Dovey on her essay Dreams on display, suburban ideology in the model home says:
The image of the owner-occupied detached house is a powerful symbol of status and
identity which embodies an entrenched opposition to medium density housing. It is
used by conservative political forces to signify 'family' and 'stability' conceptually
opposed to a 'flat' or 'unit' where only the young, the elderly and the lower classes live.
(Dovey, 1994).
However, a combination of factors including the skyrocketing of housing prices, the changing
dynamics in the family unit, and the greater distances between the workplace and home due

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to the expansion of the cities, meant that the new generation are opting or having to opt to
live in flats located closer to the city.
There are those that can't afford anything else, but others that choose to rent so they can
afford the new 'lifestyle' associated with modern flat living: there has been a explosion in the
last few years of luxury apartment buildings in the heart of the city and the inner suburbs,
which provide full security, internal gymnasium, swimming pool, function rooms, barbecue
areas and other amenities at the same time as offering the convenience of central location.
"Meriton apartments" promote their Buildings in Sydney CBD by saying that "the trend
toward this style of living is no passing trend... Sydney residents have much catching up to do
in the inner city living stakes" (Meriton Advertisement, Sydney Morning Herald, 1997). Two
bedroom luxury apartments are available from the "affordable" price of $440,000. The
changing structure of the family is reflected in the structure of these apartments, which have
two entrances allowing for options such as luxury home/office or a "shared home
arrangement, which would allow older children or elderly parents to remain in a family
environment but still have complete privacy."
The dream remains
Although the younger generation has a busier lifestyle and career concerns, are postponing or
avoiding having children altogether, and don't have the time to care for a house or a garden,
the results of surveys including those carried out as part of the National Housing Strategy
(Forster, 1995) show that the overwhelming majority of Australians still prefer to have a
detached house and a bit of land.
It would appear that the great Australian dream is also shared by most Australian migrants ;
as John Baird points out in his book By Design, changing Australian Housing, "The
Australian Way is nowhere better demonstrated than by the detached house in its own garden.
This is not only the housing preferred by most Australians, but would also seem to be that of
most newly arrived migrants. "(Baird, 1984). It seems that "the Great Australian dream"
prevails in these times of change.

PART 2: HOME-COUNTRY: MIGRANT'S EXPERIENCES AND PERCEPTIONS

OF HOME IN AUSTRALIA.
I will limit this section to the experience of migrants from non British background that
arrived in Australia after the second world war and left their homelands unwillingly, having
been displaced or exiled from their countries. I refer to this group because I believe that their
sense of belonging and feeling at home would be very different than that of British migrants,
who, at least before the 1960s, felt that they could "move 12,000 miles and still feel somehow
at home" (Sherington, 1990).
Because the experience of migration is a very individual experience, I include various
personal accounts to illustrate the different perceptions of Home that migrants have. In
particular I would like to look at the different perceptions between first generation migrants
and the next generation.

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Background
The pattern of immigration in Australia changed a lot in the twentieth century, specially in its
second half. During the second world war, millions of people in Europe were displaced from
their homes and forced to leave. 200,000 Displaced persons came from Europe to Australia
between 1947 and 1953 (Read, 1996) looking for a new home; they came from a great variety
of nationalities and backgrounds, with only one thing in common: their "lack of familiarity
with anything Australian"(Sherington, 1990). Most of them had no family connections in
their new home and were forced to serve a two year compulsory contract in employment
selected by the government, often completely unrelated to their skills and training.
In consequence, this migrants did not adapt very well to the Australian society neither they
felt part of it, and tended to reproduce their home countries inside their homes. Turning to
their own groups, they attempted to re-create a small version of their home communities in
the new land. Being able to work in their chosen professions was also crucial for their
adaptation. Those who were unable to work in their professions often thought of themselves
as dead and reincarnated; as Italian-Australian writer Rosa Cappiello illustrates:
in the act of migration we had ordered ourselves a fine funeral for our identities, to be
reincarnated in sewers, as factory workers, in machinery, in knots, as tender morsels for
despotic men... (Sluga, 1994)
As the White Australia policy slowly and somewhat reluctantly gave way into a more
Multicultural policy in the recent decades, providing more assistance and tolerance towards
the non-British migrants, their experiences of arrival and adaptation to the country they had
chosen as a second home improved. New waves of refugees arrived after the Europeans;
middle eastern, Latin Americans and Asians among them.
Two generations
Do first generation migrants ever belong in the new country, especially when they come from
a completely different culture, language and background? What about the next generation?
From the point of view of the country 'making them at home", in the Essay Bonegilla and
migrant dreaming, Glenda Sluga (1994) writes that "Even after they were settled into jobs,
bought houses in communities, and sent their children to school, the post-war arrivals
remained 'migrants' and their children 'second-generation migrants'". Sluga believes that
Immigrants, as the subjects of immigration history have become closely defined objects
of study, research and writing... but historiographical attempts to incorporate migrants
as political and social actors into the mainstream of Australian History, as citizens
reshaping the redefining Australian history as well as its society have, even after the
bicentennial, been few. (Sluga, 1994)
From the point of view of their own sense of belonging, most migrants relating their personal
experience admit that they can never completely belong to the new country and for different
circumstances no longer belong to the old one.
Some of them are sure about where is home: "Australia is a good place but Vietnam is home"
says Do Thi Anh, one of Peter Read's (1996) interviewees in his essay Vanished Homelands.

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And what is home? "The food, her relations, the colours of the paddy fields, her friends, the
language, the skies, Everything." Dutch Born Cornelius Vlekens returned home after thirty
years, to find that he was "more frightened, because I suddenly became aware that I am a
stranger in Australia as well as in my native Holland, that I am no longer able to wholly fit in
anywhere"(Read, 1996).
Elena, an Argentinian immigrant confesses:
From the moment I departed, I felt divided in two: one part of me stayed there, the
other came here; I've fought for an identity similar to the one I lost when I migrated,
I've struggled and am still struggling to create a new home, to find new friends and
many other things. (Cano, 1994)
Some migrants think of home in terms of their children:
"Can Trang Dinhgh, yearning for her homeland, will stay in Australia as long as her
children stay. What should happen to her remains when she dies, they should stay
wherever my children live. (Read, 1995)
Yolanda, a chilean immigrant shares:
Arriving in Australia is like being reborn, being able to walk again, to see again... but
since 1987 we have tried everything to get our children here, and they were refused
entry...my children wouldn't be a burden on this country, they have a profession, but
would work in just anything that came their way; and if this was not possible, we would
support them ourselves. Perhaps we'll soon have to leave this country, that has helped
us so much and where we have worked so, so hard...without realising our dreams. The
beauty of this country cannot be enjoyed with an oppressed heart. (Cano, 1994).
For Australian born children of migrants (or "second generation migrants") belonging is even
more complex, depending on the "degree of anchorage to an specific culture" (Read, 1996)
that their parents instil on them; in many cases they are torn between their loyalty to their
parent's culture and the values they learn at school and in the Australian society. Maria, born
in Sydney in the 50s, in a Orthodox Greek family, relates her experience:
My parents taught us the Greek culture, language and values at home; to this day we
only speak to them in Greek. When I went to school, the first years were very difficult
because other children made fun of me and called me Wog. I guess it was more
difficult because we were living in an area where there were not many Greeks or people
from other countries. Things have changed a lot in recent years, now people are
interested in other cultures, other food, other customs and traditions. In those days,
however, nobody liked what was different; children especially, they can be very cruel.
Although I was born here, I don't quite feel at home. I went to Greece for holidays; my
husband was born in Australia but lived in Greece most of his life so I went there with
him several times; but that wasn't home for me either. (verbal account)
Referring to me, a first generation migrant, Maria said "at least you know where you came
from; you have roots; I have none."

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Peter Read relates the story of Sonia Paseta, born in Australia to Croatian parents, who went
to Croatia as a child and then as a teenager. She felt much more at home in Croatia and
eventually went to live there for nine months after leaving school. She wanted to stay there,
but the civil war made it impossible. By the time she was in her mid twenties, "belonging
anywhere was a matter becoming steadily more complex" (Read, 1996)
Changing meanings of home in this context
In the last decades the face of Australian society has changed a lot in terms of the variety and
diversity of cultures that constitute it. The concept of Multiculturalism, developed over the
last two decades, has meant that migrants arriving more recently will have a better chance of
making this country their home that those that arrived in the 50s when Australian society was
a lot more inflexible. Unlike the experience of Maria, it would mean that their Australian
born children might have a better chance of making this country home.
However, this also means that the concept of Australia feeling "home" for those who were
already living here has also changed. Many British immigrants returned to England in the
sixties because this was no longer the British dominium they were used to (Sherington,
1994). Many white Australians viewed their traditional home as decaying, others embraced
multiculturalism.
Because immigration is a very different experience in each individual, it is difficult to draw
conclusions, however, it seems that the meanings of home for the first generation and the
second generation migrants if anything, become more complex and intricate when passed
from one generation to another. It may only be the third generation that will feel completely
"at home" in Australia.
Where is home? A personal note
A few years ago I mentioned to a friend at work that I was planning to go overseas for a
holiday. She asked me where to, and I answered "back home". She looked at me puzzled
and said "But this is home, isn't it?". I realised after what she said, that I no longer knew
where home was for me.
I arrived to Australia in 1988, ten years ago. My story in Australia, with its successes, failures
and compromises is too long to be told in this essay, however, I would say that a turning
point was when I went back to Bolivia, my home country, in 1992.
It was a big shock for me. I had this image of "home" for ever frozen in my imagination, as
the place where I grew up and had the best years of my life. I didnt' t remember the narrow
streets, the grey landscape, the absence of trees, the muddy roads, the chaotic traffic, the
poverty, the beggars in the streets. I didn't remember not having simple things that we take
for granted in Australia, like having hot water taps. I didn't remember the way the "decent
people" such as the likes of me, treated the indigenous people, "the Indians" - who are now
the majority of the population. I couldn't come into terms with the discrimination, with the
machism of the society, with the corruption and the disorganisation of education and politics.
Had I changed so much?.
Staying in what used to be my house, where I was born and lived for nineteen years, as a
visitor, was also unsettling. My relatives, who had taken over the place, had knocked down

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walls, made additions and changed everything. My house was no longer my house. My
country was no longer my home. My friends, my family, were still there, but living in a
different dimension, a different time line to which I no longer belonged.
I came back to Australia with a new mentality after that trip. My life in Australia is divided
into two: before and after the trip back home. I decided that I could no longer live with one
foot here and one foot there. I decided to finally settle both feet in Australia, my new home.
Here I have my husband, my flat, my life. However, once a migrant, I will always be a
migrant. I look different, I speak different, I think different. Like thousands of other
migrants, "home" for me is a limbo, a place in between.

PART 3:

HOME-LAND: MEANINGS
AUSTRALIANS

OF HOME

FOR

ABORIGINAL

Whilst white Australians that have roots here for generations might think of home as the
place where they live with their family, a refuge from the outside world, finding security in
the ownership of that personal space; and a migrant who had to relocate unwillingly might
think of home as the home country that they left where their families, their roots and
childhood memories stayed behind, indigenous Australians have a very different concept of
home.
This concept is not easy to explain not only because of cultural barriers but because of
language limitations. The word "home" in the English language, with all the complex and
different meanings that it carries, does not easily translate the aboriginal meanings of home.
Perhaps the words of W.H. Stanner might adequately express this language difficulty:
There are no English words good enough to give a sense of the links between and
Aboriginal group and its homeland. Our word 'home', warm and suggestive though it
be, does not match the Aboriginal word that may mean 'camp', 'hearth', 'country',
'everlasting home', 'totem place', 'life source', 'spirit centre' and much else all in one.
Our word 'land' is too sparse and meagre...To put our words 'home' and land together in
'homeland' is a little better but not much. (Cunneen, 1995)
Aboriginals think of land as 'country', which means "place of origin, literally, culturally or
spiritually... it refers to more than just a geographical area: it is a shorthand for all the values,
places, resources, stories, and cultural obligations associated with that geographical area."
(Smyth, 1994). Indigenous people's relationship with the land is not only economical but
spiritual; they feel they belong to the land as much as the land belongs to them and the
dispossession of their land also meant the dispossession of their identity.
A time of change
When we think of 'changing meanings of home' for the aboriginals, It seems to me that
change has great significance considering that for 40,000 years before the colonisation, the
face of their home and their culture saw very little change or we could even say no change at
all. The western ideas of progress and civilisation, of evolution and change had no
significance in their culture. When referring to the recent changes in the land title law-in
relation to the Mabo case-Mussolini Harvey, a Yanyuwa elder said:

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One thing I can tell you though is that our Law is not like the European Law which is
always changing... but our Law cannot change, we did not make it. The Law was made
by the Dreamings many, many years ago and given to our ancestors and they gave it to
us. (Cunneen, 1995)
Since 1788 change came over aboriginal people in a big way. In the twentieth century
aboriginals have had many different experiences of home, ranging from being invisible in
their own homes, to being forcefully removed from their families, having to migrate
involuntarily into the cities and finally, becoming visible in the last twenty years with the
land title debates, which are, according to Noel Pearson, director of Cape York Land council,
"a very important moment in the history of this country"(Cunnen, 1995). However these
debates have also meant that aboriginals are also seen as a threat, the 'enemy within' for the
'ordinary Australian' (Colishlaw, 1995) .
Migrants in their own land
All this different meanings are too complex to be examined in entirety here, however, I
would like to compare some of these experiences to that of the migrants: aboriginals are also
Displaced Persons, strangers and exiles; the difference is that they are experiencing all these
whilst they still are in their own home. They have become imprisoned in their own land,
intruders having to beg for a place to live.
In Vanished Homelands, Peter Read(1996) says that "aboriginal children removed from their
parents are exiles in their own land, and when they return to the sites of haunted memory,
many of them journey to lay the ghosts of childhood cruelty".
The experience of aboriginal families that had to leave the town camps to move to the cities
is also one of forced migration. Up to the 1950s the aboriginals refused to leave the country
even in the most adverse conditions, always trying to remain within reach of their own
traditional country and community. However, in NSW the pressure on Aboriginal people to
leave their communities became acute in the 1950s and 1960s, finally forcing them to leave
the country and move into the cities.
The lack of work, the suffocating racism of the country towns and threats that if they did not
leave their children would be forcefully removed from the camps contributed to this
migration. Furthermore, in 1963 the Aboriginal Welfare Board began to acquire Housing
commission houses in Sydney for Aborigines, which meant that any aboriginal that wanted a
house would have a far greater chance of getting one if they agreed to move to the city.
(Goodall, 1996)
Similarly to overseas migrants, Aboriginal people when they emigrate to the city tend to
"identify themselves with their country of origin, choosing places to live and work where
they can relate to kin and homeplace" (Goodall, 1996); many return to their home country
after decades of living in the city, and others finally identify themselves with their new home,
as in the case of many migrants, only when their children are born in the new land. However,
even in this case, they still think of home in relation to land. Heather Goodall (1996) quotes
Judy, a young mother with a small family who moved to the new suburb of Green Valley in
1967:

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I suppose I didn't really feel connected to it [the land] until I had the kids. You see my
kids were from and reared there and I thought, this it our country, it's where my kids
were born.

NO PLACE LIKE HOME

Because I have approached the meanings of home for these three groups from very different
perspectives, it is not possible to draw one general conclusion, but we can say that "Home" is
a very complex and dynamic concept, akin to "culture", that is constantly developing and
changing. In the twentieth century, and especially in the last four decades, important changes
have come about Australia in terms of what the three different groups analysed here consider
home. Not only the structure of the Australian family and their housing needs are changing,
but also the structure of Australian society and the relationships between the groups that
constitute it have changed enormously. As we move into the next century, it is important to
realise all the different groups within this nation, with our different backgrounds, dreams and
meanings of home, need to work together towards making Australia a place we can all call
home. Mutual respect, tolerance, and understanding are some of the things we need to
embrace.

REFERENCES

Meriton Advertisement, Sydney Morning Herald, June 6, 1997

Ashton, Paul, lecture on Hills Hoists and Humus: Post war suburban expansion, UTS, 1998
Baird, John By Design, Changing Australian Housing, AE Press, Melbourne 1984
Cano, Marisa (Ed.) The Flying Carnation/Clavel del aire - anthology of poems and prose
from Latin American migrants in Australia, Fairfield Community Arts Network, 1994
Cowlishaw, Gillian Did the earth move for you? The anti Mabo debate in The Australian
Journal of Anthropology, August 1994, V6 No 1.
Cunneen, C. and Libesman P. Indigenous people and the Law in Australia, Buttersworths,
Sydney 1995
Dovey, Kim 'Dreams on Display: Suburban Ideology in the Model Home' in Ferber, Healy
and McAiuffe (eds), Beasts of Suburbia, Melbourne University Press, 1994
Duruz, Jean 'Suburban Houses Revisited' in Darian Smith, Kate and Hamilton, Paula (eds)
Memory and History in Twentieth century Australia, Oxford University Press, 1994
Evans, Raymond and Saunders, Kay 'No place like home - The evolution of the Australian
Housewife' in Evans, R. (ed) Gender Relations in Australia: Domination and Negotiation,
Harcourt Brace Jovanovish, Sydney, 1992
Forster, Clive, Australian Cities - Continuity and Change, Meridian, Australia, 1997
Goodall, Heather Invasion to Embassy - Land in Aboriginal Politics in NSW, 1770-1972
Allen & Unwin, 1996
Greig, Alastair The Stuff Dreams Are Made Of - Housing Provision in Australia 1945-1960,
Melbourne University Press, 1995
Grimshaw, Lake, McGrath and Quartly, 'Man's space, woman's place' in Creating a Nation,
Penguin Books, Australia, 1996

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Hoskis, Ian 'Constructing Time and Space in the Garden Suburb', in Ferber, Healy and
McAiuffe (eds), Beasts of Suburbia, Melbourne University Press, 1994
Lucas, Rose 'Round the Block': Back to the Suburb in 'Return Home' in Ferber, Healy and
McAiuffe (eds), Beasts of Suburbia, Melbourne University Press, 1994
Maria V. Verbal account, June 1998
Read, Peter 'Vanished Homelands' and 'Home: the Heart of the Matter' in Returning to
Nothing-The meaning of Lost Places, Cambridge University Press, 1996
Sherington, Geoffrey Australia's Immigrants - 1788-1988, Allen & Unwin, 1990
Sluga, Glenda 'Bonegilla and Migrant Dreaming' in Darian Smith, Kate and Hamilton, Paula
(eds) Memory and History in Twentieth century Australia, Oxford University Press, 1994
Smyth, Dermot, Understanding Country, Australian Government Publishing Service, 1994
Twopeny, R.E.N. Town Life in Australia, Sydney University Press, 1973 (First published in
London, 1883)

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