How are Asian Americans represented in American television in

the 21st century?

Asian Americans have long been subjects to racial stereotypes and

prejudice, which are reinforced by television. From mid-19th-century to the
1980s, Yellow Peril, the belief that East Asians would destroy white America,
led to the demonization of Asians in the popular culture (Shim 385). In the
1960s, the model minority stereotype, a misconception that Asian Americans
are more socioeconomically successful than the rest of the U.S. population,
was created to justify African Americans economic failure (Shim 385). In
contrast to the model minority myth, which suggests that Asian Americans
have overcome prejudice and racism, Asian Americans are still discriminated
against in television: only a small portions of shows feature Asian characters,
sitcoms exclude Asian Americans, and most roles available to them are
stereotypically professional.

The racial tokenism of Asian Americans in prime-time television is a

symptom of producers' discrimination. In 2004, only 7 out of 75 prime-time
television shows featured APIA (Asian/Pacific Islander American) characters;
8 of the 84 shows did so in 2005 (Deo et al. 145). Moreover, no programs
other than ER, Hawaii, and Lost, featured more than one APIA characters
(Deo et al. 145). In the 1999-2000 prime-time television season, APIAs made
up 2% of all characters, although they comprised of 4% of U.S. population
(Heintz-Knowles and Chen). In 2004, merely 1.3% of the lead roles in
American movies and television belonged to APIA actors (Deo et al. 145).

Even in communities where APIAs were a majority of the population, they

were still underrepresented in shows that took place in these areas (Deo et al.
145). The low screen time of Asian characters also suggested that they were
of little relevance to the show. In 2004 and 2005, the highest screen times for
APIAs were only 20% to 40% of characters from other racial groups (Deo et
al. 145). Even when APIA characters did appear, only 11% of them played a
starring role, while the percentage of African American, white, and Latino were
25%, 23%, and 20% respectively (Heintz-Knowles and Henderson). The
percentage of APIA characters that were integral to the plot was a mere 14%,
but that of African American, white, and Latino was 33%, 34%, and 38%
(Heintz-Knowles and Henderson). The likelihood of APIA actors taking on
tertiary roles (those who spoke but were not regulars in the show) was 39%,
however, the chance for them to play opening credits roles was 11% (HeintzKnowles and Henderson). From 2001 to 2004, Asian/Pacific Islander
represented 3% of total prime time characters and merely 1% of opening
credits characters (integral characters whose names were in the opening
credits sequence), while whites represented 73% and 74% of them (HeintzKnowles and Henderson). Because of their low screen, APIA characters were
often under-developed and were thus minions of other characters (Deo et al.
145). Only a small percentage of prime-time television shows feature Asian
characters, most of them being nonessentials; thus, the viewers are
influenced to think that, like the characters on television, Asian Americans are
not important in the American society.

Asian American actors do not have the opportunity to appear in sitcoms,

which leads to their exclusion from American society. In 1999 and 2000, 6
APIA recurring characters were featured in situation comedies, while the
numbers for whites and African Americans were 274 and 63 (Heintz-Knowles
and Chen). In 2004, no APIA characters appeared in any prime-time sitcoms,
and only one, Adam Benet from Half and Half, did in 2005 (Deo et al. 145).
However, even though Adam was a regular in the show, his screen time was
one third of other main characters, which explained why the producers did not
bother to film scenes that depicted Adams background and personal life (Deo
et al. 145). Expanded upon domestic matters, sitcoms described the American
sense of family to their viewers; thus, Asian Americans ommision from
sitcoms suggested that they were excluded from that idea (Deo et al. 145).
Furthermore, their absence restricts characters from embodying a broader
spectrum of class, occupational, and ethnic/cultural roles (Deo et al. 145). To
be more specific, unlike dramas, sitcoms offer the public insights of the lives
of ordinary Americans and their relationships with family members, neighbors,
colleagues, and other people they encounter on a daily basis; unfortunately,
the lack of these roles that Asian American actors could take led to the
restriction of Asian Americans social roles in the viewers eyes (Deo et al.
145). In dramas that Asian Americans typically appear in, which have set
themes, such as legal and medical, the professions are largely limited: the
main characters could only have careers related to the theme (Deo et al. 145).
To change this status quo, an Asian American producer, Margaret Cho,
produced and starred in her show All-American Girl. It was the first American
television show that had an all-Asian cast or featured an Asian American

family (Cassinelli 132). This show revolved around the mother-daughter

conflict, which was ultimately the representation of the conflict between Asian
and American cultures and values, in an Asian immigrant family (Cassinelli
132). Sadly, All-American Girl received harsh criticism from audiences
because it did not feature an "authentic" Asian American family and was thus
racist (Cassinelli 132). However, the real racism was the audience's
expectation of "authenticity", which could be interpreted as racial stereotype,
of Asian American families (Cassinelli 132). After the failure of All-American
Girl, no other producers had attempted to produce another all Asian situation
comedy so far; thus, Asian American actors lost their opportunity to star in
sitcoms again. Since Asian actors do not have chance to appear in all genres
of television shows, the viewers are likely to conclude that these were the only
professional choices most Asian Americans take in the real world, while it is
not the whole picture.

Besides the underrepresentation, the Model Minority stereotype is also

present in television. According to Ines Galiano Torres, Asian stereotypes
coded were model minority, hard-working, business oriented, nerdy and
sexualized women (285). Most of these most prominent stereotypes
emphasize how successful Asian Americans are, both academically and
professionally, many of which are reinforced in television. Asians were more
often portrayed as professionals than any other racial groups: 37% of APIA
characters had well-respected jobs, for example, government official, lawyer,
judge, and physician, while the percentage of white and African American
characters was 32% and 26% respectively (Heintz-Knowles and Henderson).

In 2004 and 2005, more than 50% of APIA characters in prime-time television
had jobs that were considered high in status and many of them had a
requirement for advanced degrees (Deo et al. 145). Five of these APIA
characters practiced medical-related professions: they were Dr. Cristina
Yang on Grey's Anatomy, "Dr. George Huang" on Law &Order: SVU, "Bug"
on Crossing Jordan, and "Dr. Jing-Mei" and "Dr. Neela Rasgotra" on ER (Deo
et al. 145). Academically, many APIAs, including "Lane Kim" on Gilmore Girls
who was given the label brainy by the programs official website, were
depicted as overachievers (Deo et al. 145). According to an interview, Asian
American female actors found themselves especially welcomed to audition for
the role of teachers and business executives, both of which were considered
respected professional occupations (Lee 180). These portrayals of Asian
Americans might seem positive at the first glance; however, they strengthen
the model minority stereotype, further excluding Asian Americans as
newcomers who take jobs away from other racial groups.

The underrepresentation and misrepresentation of Asian Americans were

still prominent in television shows in post-racial America, existing as a new
and less easily detected form of racial prejudice. A large percentage of
television did not feature Asian characters, and even when Asians were
present, they were of little significance. The social roles that Asian Americans
could take in the shows were stereotypically Asian, serving to strengthen the
model minority stereotype. Despite the fact that the entrance of the first major
wave of Asian immigrants could be tracked back to the 1850s, Asian

Americans are still considered others. Is this truly the American idea of a
post-racial society?

Works Cited
Cassinelli, Sarah Moon. "'if We Are Asian, Then Are We Funny?': Margaret Cho's 'allamerican Girl' as the First (and Last?) Asian American Sitcom." Studies in
American Humor 17 (2008): 131-44. JSTOR. Web. 29 Jan. 2016.
<http://www.jstor.org/stable/42573541>.
Deo, Meera E., et al. "Missing in Action: 'Framing' Race on Prime-time Television."
Social Justice: n. pag. Gale's Ready Reference Shelf. Web. 8 Jan. 2016.
<http://go.galegroup.com/ps/retrieve.do?sort=DASORT&docType=Report&tabID=T002&prodId=GPS&searchId=R3&resultLi
stType=RESULT_LIST&searchType=AdvancedSearchForm&contentSegment
=&currentPosition=5&searchResultsType=SingleTab&inPS=true&userGroup
Name=va_p_madeira_sc&docId=GALE
%7CA194427864&contentSet=GALE%7CA194427864>. This journal is

written by mainly authors of Asian descent. It talks about racial ideologies

about Asian Americans in prime-time television. It also gives counter-evidence
about instances in which the media challenges the old stereotypes.
Heintz-Knowles, Katharine E., and Pery Chen. "Fall Colors: How Diverse Is the
1999-2000 TV Season's Prime Time Lineup?" Children Now. Children Now,
n.d. Web. 2 Feb. 2016. <http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?
q=cache:YFiaqBaD7UJ:files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED441559.pdf+&cd=6&hl=en&ct=clnk&
gl=us>.
Heintz-Knowles, Katharine E., Ph.D., and Jennifer H. Henderson, Ph.D. "Fall Colors
2003-04: Prime Time Diversity Report." Children Now. Children Now, n.d.
Web. 12 Jan. 2016. <http://www.bus.iastate.edu/emullen/mgmt472/Prime
%20time%20diversity%20report.pdf>. This is a report that focuses on how
racial minorities were not seen often in prime time TV shows. It gives data
about the roles Asian Americans took in these shows. It supports the claim that
Asian Americans are underrepresented in prime time TV shows.
Lee, Joann. "Asian American Actors in Film, Television and Theater, an Ethnographic
Case Study." Race, Gender & Class 8.4 (2001): 176-84. JSTOR. Web. 29 Jan.
2016. < http://www.jstor.org/stable/41675001 >.
Shim, Doobo. "From Yellow Peril through Model Minority to Renewed Yellow Peril."
Journal of Communication Inquiry: n. pag. General OneFile. Web. 7 Jan.
2016.

<http://go.galegroup.com/ps/i.do?id=GALE

%7CA21171155&v=2.1&u=va_p_madeira_sc&it=r&p=GPS&sw=w&asid=b
84cefd46c41381ad29370bc48cfeb40>. This article is published in Journal of
Communication Inquiry, a reliable source about information about the media.

The article talks about how Asian Americans were depicted as villains in
American mass media. It supports the stand that Asian Americans are
misrepresented and demonized in the media, especially films.
Torres, Ines Galiano. "General Science Collection." European Scientific Journal: 285.
General

Science

Collection.

Web.

Jan.

2016.

<http://go.galegroup.com/ps/retrieve.do?sort=DASORT&docType=Report&tabID=T002&prodId=GPS&searchId=R1&resultLi
stType=RESULT_LIST&searchType=BasicSearchForm&contentSegment=&c
urrentPosition=3&searchResultsType=SingleTab&inPS=true&userGroupNam
e=va_p_madeira_sc&docId=GALE%7CA424568332&contentSet=GALE
%7CA424568332#>. This journal is about the audience's perception about
different racial groups in the media. This journal is about TV in specific. It can
give me information about how Chinese Americans are perceived in TV
shows.

I pledge my word and honor that I have neither received nor given any aid on
this research paper.
Zixuan Zhao