THE

CRUSADES
OF

21ST CENTURY

BY RIAZ AMIN
Vol-VIII

CONTENTS
WAR CAME HOME4
ELECTIONS 20086
POST-POLL RIGMAROLE.67
WINNING ELSEWHERE...119
HOPED FOR CHANGE..133
MURREE ACCORD158
TRICKLING TRANSITION..217
CHANGE DEBATED...260
ZARDARI BROTHERHOOD.............................................300
DRAGGING FEET.. 345
SMILING COUNDREL.. 387
CHANGE SHY..................................................................... 435
SIGNS OF FATIGUE.. 460
TO THE FINISH...483
DIVORCED! NOT YET...496
INSTANT JUSTICE.533
POLITICAL PARALYSIS..566
SCARED! NOT SHY596
LONG MARCH NO SIT-IN619
CONFIRMED ENROLLED648
STAGED A COMEBACK673
IN THICK OF IT..693
TOWARDS DIVORCE....733
NEW MERCENARIES758
CONSOLIDATING GAINS....780
IMPEACH HIM....797
BEYOND AFGHANISTAN.822
IMPEACH HIM-II937
THE BOLD BOLTED..859
DIVORCED AT LAST.889
2

DELIVERING AS PER DEAL....918

BEYOND EPICENTER...966
TRUMPED AND TRUMPETED991
BUSH-KARZAI-ASIF AXIS .1016
MORE OR UTMOST.1043
PPP CONSOLIDATING1073
IN-CAMERA WAR1093

WAR CAME HOME

Musharraf joined the Crusades as frontline mercenary in 2001. His
primary aim, which remained unstated for reasons too obvious, was to
perpetuate his rule with the help and connivance of the Crusaders. His
secondary aim was to save Pakistan from direct attack by the Crusaders.
Little more than seven years later, he seemed to have failed in
achieving both the aims. He may have held the February 18 general elections
to expand and strengthen his political support base but he failed to notice the
ground realities promised the end-result to the contrary.
He was pampered and pressured to go for the third phase of his plan
for democracy. It did not occur to him that with the US-sponsored deal in
place the general elections could be instrumental in the regime change in
Pakistan. Musharraf forgot that for Americans every son-of-a-bitch, even
ours, has specific utility and he had out-lived that.
The victory of opposition political parties in the February 18 polls has
more or less confirmed that his days in power are numbered; unless Zardari
decides to abide by the deal. That is quite unlikely. Whenever differences
between Musharraf and Bush surface; Zardari will prefer to go along with
the latter. He is no less ambitious than Musharraf.
The general elections have apparently brought no big change for the
people of Pakistan. None of the political parties that emerged winners in the
polls promote democratic culture within the parties. Therefore, what the
Pakistanis have been blessed with is an apology to democracy.
In the context of the second aim, Musharraf has failed quite miserably.
Despite fighting the war on terror as frontline mercenary he could not save
Pakistan from direct US attacks. Cross-border US attacks in tribal areas have
become a routine.
Pakistani territory has been turned into battlefield and the most
unfortunate part of this has been that Pakistanis are pitched against each
other in this bloodbath. The US, NATO, India and Afghanistan have been
adding fuel to keep the fire ablaze. All of them and some others have been
supporting and funding various groups for this purpose.
The war has finally come home; the place from where the Crusaders
wanted to start it in 2001. Musharraf has failed in his declared mission.
Pakistanis are likely to suffer more and quite badly, because his replacement

in the process of regime change has committed to serve the interests of the
Crusaders better than Musharraf.
24th February 2008

ELECTIONS 2008

After his first coup in October 1999 Musharraf, like other military
dictators in Pakistan, explored the pretexts for perpetuating his rule. Out of
all the pretexts, the promotion of democracy appealed to him the most;
therefore he evolved a plan for introducing the democracy in three phases.
After eight years of his rule, the second phase of his plan culminated
into second coup. On 3rd November 2007, he promulgated the Emergency
Rule; demolished the judiciary; held the Constitution in abeyance and then
mutilated it by issuing arbitrary amendments.
Having undone all that he did in first two phases, he embarked upon
launching the third phase of his plan; the holding general elections on 18 th
February. He still believed that he had successfully fooled the people of
Pakistan as was evident from his statement on the eve of polling day.
Musharraf was quite certain about PML-Q and MQM would secure majority
in new assemblies; but the nation he ruled by bullet was all set to surprise
him through intelligent use of the ballot.

EVENTS
On the eve of polling day, Musharraf talked foul about the deposed
CJP. The spokesman promptly denied Presidents prediction about polls
results. Zardari briefed US team about government plan to rig polls. PML-N
candidate for provincial assembly was shot dead in Lahore; one person was
killed in firing at an election office. MQM candidate and 9 others were hurt
in a blast in Quetta. Policeman killed election official in Thatta. Death toll in
Parachinar blast rose to 49.
On 18th February, Musharraf advised political forces to accept election
results open heartedly; strangely he included himself in addresses of the
advice. As results started pouring in, PPP and PML-N seemed sweeping the
polls. Democracy takes revenge, read The News headline a day after the
polls. Shujaat, Shaikh Rashid, Sher Afgan, Wasi Zafar, Chattha, Ch Amir
Hussain, Rao Sikandar, Kasuri and Fazlur Rahman were some of the swollen
heads that rolled in this democratic revenge-taking.
Ansar Abbasi termed it a silent revolution. Leaders of PML-Q
publicly spoke against President Pervez Musharraf and demanded their party
leadership to distance the party from the Presidency. They held Musharraf
responsible for the humiliating defeat.
At least 25 people were killed in election-related violence; yet holding
of the polls could be termed peaceful keeping in view the security conditions
6

in the country. Rigging attempts were reported and in some cases even
arrests were made. Foreign observers approved the polling process.
Party position as on 19th February: National Assembly; PPPP 87,
PML-N 66, PML-Q 38, Independents 27, MQM 19 and ANP 10 out of 258
results announced. According to a report compiled by Tariq Butt, the
opponents of Musharraf have 2/3rd majority in the National Assembly.
Punjab Assembly; PML-N 101, PPPP 78, PML-Q 66 and Independents 35
out of 285 results. Sindh Assembly out of 125; PPPP 65, MQM 38, PML-Q
9 and PML-F 7. NWFP Assembly; ANP 31, Independents 18, PPPP 17,
MMA 9, PML-Q 6 and PML-N 5 out of 91. Baluchistan Assembly out of 46
results; PML-Q 17, Independents 10, PPPP 7, MMA 6 and BNP-A 5.
PPP, PML-N and lawyers celebrated the victory and the boot-lickers
remained in hiding licking their wounds. Tariq Butt observed that presidency
was taken by surprise by poll results. Mushahid blamed the blunders of 2007
for the humiliating defeat.
Nawaz, Aitzaz and most analysts and even Zardari wanted Musharraf
to go. The spokesman for president dismissed the calls for resignation. In
post-polls talks to media, Nawaz reiterated his resolve for re-instatement of
the deposed CJP. Shujaat Hussain dared Nawaz to get judges restored.
Zardari said his party can form coalition with PML-N and ANP, not with
PML-Q and on the condition that partners would support demand for UN
probe. Altaf Hussain offered coalition talks to PPP and PML-N. US Senators
announced that Zardari was ready to work with Musharraf.
On 20th February, Shujaat, Pervaiz Elahi and Ishrat met Musharraf in
his Camp Office. These four had major responsibility in creating the mess
in which Pakistan finds itself. They must have pondered about setting the
forces of evil to sow the seeds of disunity amongst PPP and PML-N.
Zardari said fate of the President would be decided by the parliament.
Musharraf wanted to stay and help end president-PM tug of war. The
lawyers representing the government urged the Swiss court to prosecute
Zardari. Musharraf camp also warned Zardari that NRO could go. Pagara
predicted that new assemblies would meet worst fate than their predecessors.
Bush expected that new government would be US friendly. He hoped that
forces behind the killing of Benazir would be crushed.
Aitzaz reiterated that deposed judges could be restored through
executive order and they could decide the fate of the Supreme Court. His
house arrest remained in place but some restrictions were lifted. Zardari said
restoration of judges is part of independent judiciary. Musharraf said return
7

of judges was beyond imagination; MQM and PML-Q leadership shared his
viewpoint.
The deposed CJP said: The moment I am free I will march to my
office in the Supreme Court of Pakistan and assume my job. He added that
in future an IG Police would arrest a Chief Justice if I give in today. Lawyers
demanded release and restoration of the deposed CJP.
On 21st February, Zardari and Nawaz agreed to form governments at
the center and Punjab. They also reached general consensus on important
issues, including the restoration of judges, 58-2 (B) and media. PPP and
ANP also reached similar agreement in principle. Lawyers held rallies across
the country. In Islamabad, Nawaz addressed the protesting lawyers and
vowed to take deposed judges to the Supreme Court. The deposed CJP saw
the victory at hand.
US wanted Musharraf to stay as Bush talked to his man on
telephone. Boucher said Washington is hoping to keep working with
President Pervez Musharraf whatever government emerges following
Pakistans election.
On 22nd February, US Senators called on Musharraf and Zardari.
Musharraf said US support is vital for the country (Musharraf considers
himself the country). US ambassador called on Asfandyar. Nawaz vowed not
to bow to US pressure and said the era of foreign interference is over and
now people would govern the country.
Tariq Butt in News Analysis revealed that if Musharraf could do it,
he would isolate and dump PML-N. Musharraf consulted his legal advisers,
including the PCO CJ, to form defence against the challenges likely to be
posed by the newly elected representatives of the people, or in other words,
to defy the will of the people.
Hamid Mir reported that the United States has decided to respect the
wishes of the Pakistani voters and has finally given a go ahead to the two
main winners to resolve all the issues according to the wishes of their voters,
including the issue of deposed Supreme Court judges. Saleh Zaafir, however,
reported that the US formula for formation of Pakistan government was fast
approaching towards accomplishment: PPP supported by ANP and MQM
while PML-Q as stand-bye support.
Altaf and Fazl contacted Zardari on telephone. PPP sorted out the
matters relating to formation of government but decided to postpone the

announcement of the decisions made. IB chief denied reports of rigging and

his resignation. APDM accepted the failure of poll boycott campaign.
Imran Khan called on Aitzaz Ahsan and the two leaders vowed to
continue the struggle fro reinstatement of deposed judges. The
Commonwealth Judicial Education Institute announced Award of Honour for
the CJP and his brother judges.
Lawyers boycotted courts and carried out protest rallies across the
country on 23rd February. Aitzaz warned that if PCO was not repealed it
would be an open invitation to every army chief army chief to topple civil
governments, impose emergency for some time and restore the constitution
with amendments to advance his agenda.
Reportedly, Amin Fahim was nominated as leader of the House, who
said that his party didnt want to rock the boat as yet by resorting to
impeachment of the president. Efforts for PPP-PML-Q alliance continued;
some PPP MPAs opposed the move. Shujaat said party would stay in
opposition.
Former ISI chief, Maj Gen Ehtasham, admitted his guilt of
manipulating the 2002 elections and blamed General Musharraf for ordering
so. APDM offered conditional support to winning parties; these parties must
fulfill their commitment with their voters.

VIEWS
The democratic sense of the people of Pakistan, as expressed through
ballot, was widely commended. Captain Johann wrote: The people of
Pakistan, who are not educated, are poor and working class have shown to
educated Pakistanis that they value freedom and democracy Now it is up
to our leaders, especially Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif, to show that they
are mature and not vindictive. I hope the elected leaders of Pakistan show
the wisdom shown by ordinary Pakistanis.
Sameer Shaharyar observed: Pakistanis want change, and they
have voted for it Things are changing, changing with our will and with
our decisions. There is a light at the end of the tunnel. We have almost
crossed the tunnel and now we have to put things on the right track. This
track may lead us to true progress in every field of life. The future for now
seems bright and clear.

Captain Babur Zahiruddin from Islamabad was of the view that the
people of Pakistan have given their mandate vehemently in favour of
anti-Musharraf forces. As per the demand of the ex-servicemen
association, General Pervez Musharraf should resign as president and join
his former colleagues association after handing over power to the next
government. The nation has rejected his pro-American policies and his false
theory of enlightened moderation.
Tooba Alam from Karachi wrote: I extend my heartiest felicitations
to MPL-N leader Nawaz Sharif for the sweeping victory of his party in the
February 18 general elections. I urge him to form a national government
along with the PPP if the latter agrees to make Barrister Aitzaz Ahsan
prime minister
The embarrassing defeat of the PML-Q and the MMA shows that
votes were cast against those parties which sided with Musharraf in the past
either overtly or covertly. The MQM would also have been routed from
urban Sindh had its hooligans not stormed the polling stations and
harassed its opponents in broad daylight to change the election results in its
favour.
Malik Arif Awan from Sargodha observed: The heavyweights of the
kings party are still shell-shocked as to what went wrong before the
elections. They should now realize that the real power lies with the people
and whenever they are given a fair chance to express their opinion, they will
vote for genuine democratic leaders. The polls results have also shown that
the people of Pakistan have become politically mature; a trait which is a
must for genuine democracy.
Engr S T Hussain from Lahore wrote: The people of Pakistanhave
rejected the forces of extremism and obscurantism. They have rejected the
politicians who supported the autocratic rule of President Musharraf and
failed to live up to their hopes. The mandate of the people is clearly
against President Musharrafs policies and his action against the
judiciary The mainstream parties the PML-N and the PPP have the
responsibility now to save the people from suicide attacks, bring political
stability and harmony in the country, provide security to citizens lives and
property and check inflation and rampant corruption while maintaining the
economic growth.
Dr Tehzeeb Zulfiqar talked of rigging. After having voted in the
general election, I can say that it was not fair and transparent. I personally
witnessed people using Vaseline to remove the voting mark from their
10

thumbs, so that they could cast their vote more than once. I even know a
woman who cast five votes. Workers of certain political parties voted in lieu
of the deceased and those who didnt come to the polling stations To say
that polls were transparent and that rigging didnt take place, will be
unjustified to say the least.
Habib Jan, PPP candidate from Karachi wrote: I was attacked by the
workers of a rival party at the CDGK Eidgah maternity dispensary polling
station on February 18. About 60 MQM workers came to the polling
station and opened fire with automatic weapons. They took over the
whole area and threatened the voters of the PPP with dire consequences. The
partys polling agents were also attacked and forced to leave the polling
station, so that the workers of the rival party could stuff the ballot boxes with
fake votes.
Sitwat Naqvi from Karachi enquired: The MQM coordination
committee has called upon the PPP to respect peoples mandate while
forming the provincial government in Sindh. The statement implies that the
MQM is eager to join the PPP government in the province and therefore it is
reminding the PPP leadership of respecting the peoples verdict. Did the
MQM respect the peoples mandate after the 2002 general elections in
which the PPP emerged as the single largest party in the Sindh Assembly
when it formed a coalition government with the support of the PML-Q,
PML-F and a few PPP turncoats?
Ahmad R Shahid from UK commented on the performance of PML-N
in provinces other than the Punjab. The long exile of Nawaz Sharif and the
existence of PML-Q was the main reason behind the little electoral presence
of the PML-N in the other three provinces as compared to the more
organized PPP which got seats from every part of the country. Now that
Nawaz Sharif is back in the country, he must concentrate on organizing
his party in the smaller provinces so that the PML-N can regain its status
of a national party.
Raja Nusrat Ali from Gujrat said: I want to congratulate Mian Nawaz
Sharif and his party members for winning a large number of seats in the
general election As for the acceptance of the poll results by the
president, Mian Sahib should keep in mind that Mr Musharraf had also
welcomed the Supreme Court verdict regarding the restoration of Chief
Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry only to overthrow 60 superior court
judges, including Justice Chaudhry, later.

11

Tooba Alam from Karachi focused on the Bhand of Pindi. I dont

know why Shaikh Rashid takes himself too seriously He said there
wouldnt be any role of Nawaz Sharif and Shahbaz Sharif in the next
assemblies. However, he didnt enlighten us about the future role of Javed
Hashmi and Hanif Abbasi in parliament, who have been voted into the
assembly against Shaikh Sahib. His prediction about Sharif brothers role in
the assemblies is a continuation of his unfulfilled prophesies. Every
prediction he made in the past turned out to be otherwise later.
For instance, he said in 2003 that the Kashmir issue would be
resolved within a year. He said Nawaz Sharif would never come back to
Pakistan before 2012 and if he came he would be sent back to London.. He
said the PML-N would not even find candidates to field in the general
elections. He said the PML-Q would get two/thirds majority in the polls. He
said his opponents Hanif Abbasi and Javed Hashmi would lose their
deposit money in the election; however, he himself lost the security sum and
made himself a laughing stock in the eyes of the people. We have had
enough of him and his nonsensical predictions. He needs some time off.
While commenting on the result of polls, no one could help avoiding
the mention of Musharraf. Engr S T Hussain from Lahore wrote: The
legacy of the self-appointed saviour of the country, General Pervez
Musharraf, will include the following things: suicide bombings, mass killing
of innocent citizens at the hands of the state security forces, centre-province
confrontation, bad law and order, house arrests of judges and lawyers, extraconstitutional acts to secure personal interests, over 80 over seas visits at
the taxpayers expense, worst power and gas shortages, non-availability of
flour, sky-rocketing prices of daily-use items, curbs on the judiciary and
media, rampant corruption and a total collapse of the civil bureaucracy.
Bashir H Azad from Chitral observed: Addressing a recent
conference organized by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting,
President Musharraf said he was the greatest believer in democracy. The
statement does not comply with his past actions which include the
derailment of the entire democratic process twice and the removal of the
superior judiciary. Had he been true believer in democracy, he would
never have headed a dictatorial regime for so long.
Sitwat Naqvi from Karachi wrote: Musharraf has called for the
formation of a harmonious coalition government, stressing that the
people should avoid confrontation and move to reconciliatory politics. It

12

sounds strange because Mr Musharraf constantly confronted his opponents

during the last eight years.
He confronted the heads of the two major political parties of the
country, the independent judges, protesting lawyers, dissenting journalists,
human rights activists, independent media outlets, religious as well as liberal
segments of society, NGO workers, peace activists, nationalist parties, rape
victims and even innocent and helpless population of the tribal areas. By the
way, who called the deposed chief justice scum of the earth and a
third-rate person just a couple of days before the general elections.
Fawad Ali Shah from Rawalpindi disapproved the use of foul
language by Musharraf for the CJP. In one of his recent interviews with
foreign journalists, President Musharraf once again used foul language
against deposed chief justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry. Mr Musharraf
should know that according to all the unbiased surveys conducted by reputed
international organizations, the deposed chief justice is much more popular
and acceptable than Musharraf amongst masses.
It is ironical that he talks about the legal provision in the
constitution to proceed against a chief justice because being an army chief
he dismissed no less than 60 judges of the superior judiciary
unconstitutionally and even put many of them under illegal house arrest.
A H Qazilbash from Peshawar wrote: The derogatory remarks
made by President Pervez Musharraf against Justice Iftikhar Mohammad
Chaudhry in an interview published in a foreign newspaper are not only in
poor taste, but also unbecoming of the president. It was extremely
inappropriate and indecent on the part of the president to use such shameful
language against the sacked chief justice. The comment did not certainly do
any harm to Justice Chaudhry but surely exposed the real character of
President Musharraf.
Kamran Kiani from Rawalpindi advised: In view of the PML-Qs
humiliating defeat, its time Mr Musharraf left the presidency because the
party followed his policies for five years. He must now read the writing on
the wall. He said in an interview with a foreign newspaper recently that he
would quit if the election results showed his unpopularity. He should now
leave the office according to his commitment.
Mahmood Latif Malik from Rawalpindi opined: The people have
spoken against President Musharraf and their message is loud and clear.
They have rejected the policies of President Musharraf. The people are
fed up with the corrupt leadership of the PML-Q. They do not want to see
13

their representatives making false promises; they want peace and justice in
society. They want to see the pre-November 3 judiciary restored, they want
the release of the imprisoned lawyers and an end to the ongoing military
operation in the tribal areas.
Najeebullah from Swat expressed similar views. The election was in
fact a referendum on President Musharrafs policies. The nation gave a
clear cut message to the establishment that its subservient to the elected
representatives of the people. The forces which have supported dictatorship
in the past were badly defeated in the polls. if the incoming government
wants to stay for the next five years it will have to reinstate the honourable
judges of the superior judiciary who were illegally sacked on November 3. It
will also have to hold Mr Musharraf accountable for suspending the
Constitution twice.
Sheeba Ajmal from Peshawar said: The defeat of the kings party is
the success of the whole Pakistani nation. The silent majority, about which
Musharraf always talked about, has also given its verdict against the proMusharraf party. It was not an election, but a referendum against the
Musharraf regime
Engr S T Hussain from Lahore wrote: Musharraf wants everyone to
show humility and grace by accepting the poll results. Instead of advising
others, the president should show grace and honour himself by resigning
as president. He has no reason to stay on in power. He declared emergency
on November 3 unconstitutionally to get rid of the superior judiciary. The
peoples verdict on February 18 is clearly against his November 3 step. He
should accept this verdict and hand over the power to the elected
representatives of the people.
Dr Jaffer Kapadia from USA said the same but his assessment was
based on an opinion poll. Recent surveys conducted by a number of
international organizations claim that 75 per cent people want General
Musharraf to resign as president. I wonder if the remainingreally wish
Musharraf to carry on as president. The president has surely overstayed his
welcome. President Musharraf will be abandoned by his allies soon. I
suggest that after retirement he should settle in Crawford, Texas next to his
friend President Bushs house. They will have a nice time together there.
Dr Irfan Zafar from Islamabad reminded Musharraf one of his own
statements. All the kings men have gone as the PML-Q suffered a major
defeat in the February 18 elections, President Pervez Musharraf recently said
in a foreign interview that the day he believed the majority of the people
14

didnt want him anymore; he would not hesitate for a second and leave the
presidency. I am sure that the honourable president will keep his word
after witnessing the defeat of the kings party in the polls.
Farooq Zaman from Lahore opined: The president has said he is
ready to work with anyone who forms the government. After the defeat of
the PML-Q and the success of the PPP and the PML-N in the February 18
elections, the question is whether the next government will hold out an olive
branch to the president or not. It will be wise for President Pervez
Musharraf to resign gracefully now. Better to do this than to be impeached
by the incoming parliament.
Naveed Abdul Bari from Islamabad saw some silver lining for
Musharraf the manipulator. I am taken aback by the views of the political
commentators regarding the election results which, according to them, are a
severe blow to the Musharraf regime. Many of them have even termed the
elections referendum on his policies. These assumptions are simply incorrect
and reflect short sightedness. If one closely analyses the situation emerging
after the polls, one realizes that these are the results that can possibly pull
Musharrafs boat out of the troubled waters. Imagine if the Chaudhrys
had a clean sweep in the elections; it would have invited scathing criticism
from all quarters nationally and internationally and would have dealt a
severe blow to Musharrafs credibility In fact President Musharraf has
successfully manoeuvred his way out of the prevailing turmoil.
Observers, analysts and experts were quite apprehensive on the eve
of polling day. Kamal Siddiqi visualized the likely polling pattern. While
our arm-chair liberals are quick to find fault with our politicians, it is not
they who go out and exercise their right of franchise.
Millions of Pakistanis from lower and middle income backgrounds
line up at polling stations in the hope that the person they elect to power
actually makes it to parliament. Voting patterns will confirm that despite the
fact that some self-proclaimed intellectuals say that Pakistanis must be
educated before they vote, most Pakistanis vote responsibly and sensibly
despite the fact that they are largely poor and illiterate.
The games with the people continue; this time round will be no
different. The stage has been set. However, we will all hope that the electoral
process is conducted in a peaceful manner. The military will be supervising
the elections. In the past weeks, we have seen the military carefully
distancing itself from the polls process. Army officers have been withdrawn
from public sector positions and have also been disallowed from interacting
15

with politicians. If things go wrong in the electoral process, we will not

blame them but in fact look at them for intermediation. The more things
change in Pakistan the more they stay the same.
Asif Ezdi talked about possibilities of Musharraf quitting voluntarily
or his impeachment. General Musharraf recently told a Singapore
newspaper that if he faced impeachment by the new National Assembly,
he would resign. Musharraf was asked about threats to impeach him. If that
(impeachment) happens, Musharraf said. Let me assure you that Id be
leaving office before they would be doing anything. If they won and they
formed a government that had the intention of doing this, I wouldnt like to
stick around. I would like to quit the scene.
The prospect of the ex-General resigning will have delighted many
who see him as the main obstacle to the return of political stability and
constitutional rule in the country. However, the correct reading of
Musharrafs statement is that he is confident he cannot be impeached.
For anyone to expect that he would quit if the election results went against
him would mean a triumph of hope over experience.
There are good reasons for the ex-generals confidence. In the
forthcoming elections, the cards are heavily stacked in favour of parties
loyal to him. Moreover, the impeachment procedure in the Constitution is
heavily tilted in favour of the incumbent The decisive question would be
whether such a proposal, if made in the National Assembly, would be able to
muster the two-thirds majority in a joint session.
At the very least, the PPP and PML-N, which are expected to emerge
as two largest opposition parties, will have to agree on impeachment. The
stance that the PPP will adopt is still an open question. Once the elections
are over, there will be a scramble for the formation of the new
government. The PPP will be faced with the choice of either entering into a
power-sharing arrangement with Musharraf (as Washingtons plan
envisages) and taking over the government, probably in coalition with PMLQ and the MQM or joining hands with the other opposition parties
PPP leaders and spokesmen have been careful not to exclude
cooperation with Musharraf. PPP co-chairman Zardari has refused to rule
out impeachment, or to rule it in. The answer to this question must await
the outcome of the elections. One thing is clear: the votes of the PPP and
PML-N will not suffice for an impeachment.
Clearly, Musharraf has no reason to fear that he will be removed
from office by impeachment. That is why he has been declaring that he will
16

quit if he faces impeachment. Despite this, he is highly vulnerable. For one

thing, he is no longer the army chief and cannot be certain how far the army
will go in backing a former chief whose popularity has plummeted to record
lows.
More important he knows that despite all the constitutional chicanery
by his advisers, his election in October and his second coup in
November were in breach of the Constitution. He said himself in the
interview with the BBC on Nov 16 that declaring a state of emergency and
promulgating the PCO on Nov 3 were unconstitutional and illegal.
Despite this admission, the PCO judges have held these steps to
be valid. This means that in the opinion of these learned judges, the army
chief has an extra-constitutional (or supra-constitutional) power, under
circumstances which he himself is free to determine, to put the Constitution
in abeyance, remove the judges of the superior judiciary and, if need be,
amend the Constitution as he sees fit. In this particular case, the
circumstances that prompted the intervention of the army chief were that his
eligibility to be a candidate for election as president
To accept the ruling of the PCO judges that the steps taken by
Musharraf on Nov 3 are valid means that the countrys army chief is a law
unto himself and that the Constitution is little better than a scrap of paper
that he is free to tear up at will. That is the central point that Musharrafs
actions and the pronouncement of the PCO judges raise. The new
government to be formed after the elections will have to come to grips as
the first order of business with three fundamental constitutional issues
even before taking the oath of office: the validity of the November coup, the
validity of the constitutional amendments made by Musharraf and the
validity of the dismissal of the chief justice and other judges
All these three issues are inter-related. If the dismissal of the
judges is accepted, then the government will also have to accept that the
November coup and Musharrafs constitutional amendments are valid.
Similarly, if the government does not accept the validity of the coup and of
the amendments, it will also have to reject the dismissal of the judges by
Musharraf.
The question of reinstatement of the judges is not an isolated issue
but clearly lies at the core of the struggle launched by the civil society for
democracy. Without their reinstatement, there will be no rule of law in
the country. The new government does not need any parliamentary
approval or legislative act for their restoration. They have been restrained
17

from performing their functions by the detention orders issued at

Musharrafs behest. Their reinstatement requires only an executive decision
canceling the detention orders so that they may return to their posts and
resume their duties.
Farzana Ispahani, a PPP candidate, predicted the possible results
despite prospects of rigging. Polls can go wrong by a few points and they
often include a margin of error. In case of recent political polls even after
providing for the margin of error it is clear that General Musharraf is
highly unpopular and his Kings Party, the PML-Q, is headed for an electoral
disaster. The Pakistan Peoples Party will most likely win a huge margin
and along with opposition parties, especially the PML-N and the ANP,
could end up with two-thirds support. The governments problem is not with
the methodology of the opinion polls. It is with their outcome, which makes
rigging of the election somewhat difficult.
Instead of denying the reality of public opinion, the general and
his ruling team have another choice. They could bow to public opinion
and allow Pakistan to move into the twenty-first century as a democracy.
Pakistan will benefit if it is ruled according to the will of its people, by those
chosen by the people. The rulers could save what ever is left of their dignity
by allowing a free election and then accepting its consequences.
Ahmed Sadik talked of caretakers. But as against the past practice of
making limited caretaker appointments, it appears that caution was thrown
to the winds in favour of favourtism in the form of liberal distribution of
ministries and advisory positions at centre and in the provinces. Most of
those appointed to caretaker positions happen to be either scions of the wellto-do or representatives of business houses and pressure groups and with an
addition of a few spent-up individuals who even in their heyday never had
the credentials for the positions they have been given.
Even the caretaker chief ministers seem to be more interested in
having one last fling at public office rather than holding fair and transparent
elections. When I saw some of the pictures of the new caretaker cabinets in
the press it appeared as if they were the products of an open house that was
wide open for all and sundry both young as well as the old for helping
themselves rather nicely to a ninety days state-expense joy-ride.
The situation at the centre is mercifully somewhat less disorderly
But even there one finds that the recruitment of caretaker ministers has
been substantially below par and tilted heavily in favour of old school ties
plus the dictates of our everlasting biradri system so as to be in vantage
18

positions and thus scrap through into the parliament that is in the offing. This
indeed the overriding factor and is prevalent irrespective of party or even
party manifesto, and is thus meant to be a sort of passport to continued
success to state largesse. The name of the game is one of personal
perpetuation for as long as possible and no matter what it takes to fit into the
candidatess CV fits into the scheme of things in performance terms. It
indeed reminds me of a class-room that is packed with fishermen having all
the trappings of being a captive audience abjectly swallowing the advice of;
you will do exactly as you are told.
In the province of Sindh there is need for a broad-based coalition
particularly between the PPP and the MQM. That is why the present
caretaker setup in the province of Sindh is far from satisfactory. Mr
Halepoto the caretaker chief minister is indeed like the Punjab caretaker
chief, a good law-knowing gentleman. But what the country needed in those
two vital positions was outstanding and skilful politicians who could keep
the country and the provinces united.
The future of our country is delicately poised as of now not only
on the outcome of the coming general elections but also on the quality of the
election proceedings, whether they will be indeed fair and transparent
elections and above board to the extent that there is a moral content to all of
its proceedings that is acceptable to people of Pakistan and also to the world
opinion at large.
Anjum Niaz observed: Pakistanis are an island unto themselves.
Look at the lawyers movement. It is a stand-alone struggle. Zardari has
distanced himself from them because his sights are now appropriated for the
PM House. Why would he endanger himself and get the 60 judges
reinstated? Imran Khan tells Sir David Frost in a TV interview: When these
same judges may reopen the corruption cases pending against Zardari.
Makes a lot of sense, what Imran Khan is saying. His ex-wife
however disregarded his advice and went ahead to interview Musharraf at
the Army House recently Jemima tells Musharraf in the 30-minute
interview that he has given life-long immunity to the corrupt politicians
like BB and her husband. He asks if he is being recorded. I say yes. He
hesitates, then answers tellingly, Yes, I agree with you. But then Benazir has
good contacts abroad in your country, who thought she was the future of the
country. Conveniently then, Musharraf now wants us to know that the
shots are being called by the US and UK. How pathetic is that? Countries
and leaders then work for themselves and not the masses.

19

The initiated that I mention above are poor working stiff hungry,
sick, shelter-starved, ignorant and unskilled that come forward to vote on the
basis of promises made by their local leaders This underbelly of Pakistan
constitutes the bulk of the voters who cast their votes who cast their votes
and decide which party should win. But, sadly, this portrait of poverty and
deprivation is also an island unto itself. While they carry the grand title of
party workers of various political parties, yet their value and worth is
fragmentary and limited to just one day of glory the day of the polls. Once
the elections are over and elected individuals move in playing Snakes and
Ladders, squabbling over ministerial posts and parliamentary secretary-ships
or just about anything they can grab, the party worker is forgotten and
pushed back to nothingness.
The intelligentsia is another island unto itself. It likes to pontificate
from a safe distance, away from the hoi polloi. It likes to be invited to talk
shows or pen its views in the newspaper columns exhorting in a vacuum
how the country can go forward and democracy and democracy alone can
save the nation
The cabal of wealthy industrialists and feudal too live in their own
splendid isolation from the rest of the country. Having invested their
resources and pumped in millions in this election, all they shout for is show
me the money. These selfish creatures give a damn for the well being of
their country or the suicide bombers straddling Pakistan. These guys pay
money to stay safe and as far away from bombings as they can. They are an
island to themselves.
And in case youre wondering why I have left out the armed forces,
which are not an island unto themselves but a monster, let me cite a
retired defence officer: The Pakistan Army is now reaping what the earlier
senior officers had selfishly sown. Today its a race between the mediocre
and the average. The more cunning one is, the further he goes. Most lack
officer-like qualities like strength of character and loyalties to his juniors
particularly soldiers that make our outstanding officers. A true staff officer is
admired but has little place in decision making circles.
Finally we have the religious right. These guys have sights for
paradise; not this world. They have no interest in helping fellow beings; all
they care about is to indoctrinate everyone to the point of dragging Pakistan
back to the mediaeval ages
Once the results of the polls were known, the majority of the
observers were pleasantly surprised and it was rejoicing all over except
20

dictators camp. Kamila Hyat heard it as a voice for change. The results
indicate that the doubts expressed over the democratic system as it exists in
the country are largely invalid.
When armed with ballot papers and small rubber stamps, people
are well able to make their feelings known, and to do so, they are ready to
vote across lines of clan and tradition. It is also clear that it is no longer easy
to decisively rig an election, particularly when the army opts to maintain
total neutrality; that the distribution of cash or pay orders a tactic widely
used by certain PML-Q candidates as a desperate act of attempted bribery in
parts of Lahore cannot influence voters
The MMA, which seized hold of NWFP in 2002, has been delivered
blow and the vote raises grave doubts about claims made by federal and
provincial leaders over the past five years that the religious sentiments of
the people in the area meant underhand deals of accommodation needed to
be made with frenzied clerics and their demands met from time to time
The same, over-powering voice for change has in fact been heard across
the country.
The period after the polls will prove crucial. For the present, the
man at the centre of the crisis in Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf
remains firmly in place. He has offered no indication that he is ready to
step aside in respect of the people who, by voting so decisively against his
allies, have demonstrated a complete lack of faith in him too. Many lesser
men would have been swayed by the strength of the wind that has swirled
across the nation acting in effect as a referendum against Musharraf as well
as those faces from the past who have already fallen.
The major political parties, now locked in negotiations on their next
steps, carry with them an immense responsibility The degree of maturity
and responsibility with which the new setup handles this challenge will
determine a great deal about what lies ahead. Naturally, all the problems
cannot be resolved instantly. There are sadly no magic wands to be waved,
no fairy dust to be sprinkled. But in the real world too, solutions are
impossible
They must realize that failing to do so would be a betrayal of the
trust placed in them by the people and may mean that five years from
now, their fate would be no different than that of the PML-Q, whose shellshocked leaders are still coming to terms with the turn in their fortunes and
whose electoral banners and posters now lie tattered on streets, torn

21

ruthlessly down from the tall hoardings and billboards they dominated only
a few days ago.
Ikram Sehgal was surprised by the large turnout of voters. The short
60-day election campaign was meant to ensure that the aura of power would
not wear off, every day out of power loosened the PML-Qs grip on the
bureaucracy and meant losing more and more seats. After Benazirs
assassination on Dec 27 the Pervaiz Elahi rigging machine started
unraveling.
The first setback was the postponement of general elections from
Jan 8 to Feb 18. their second major setback was the recall to the Army of all
serving officers seconded to the civil administration, further accentuated by
the third setback, the COAS directing in writing that no army personnel,
meaning mainly intelligence personnel, would have any contact with
politicians this knocked the prop out of electoral rigging, as elucidated quite
eloquently on prime-time TV by the master manipulator (then ISI) Maj Gen
Ihtesham Zamir
Four, sugar and oil shortages meant long queues and growing
disenchantment, the misery being force-multiplied by electricity and gas
shortages. Programmed to roll over and play deal, in the face of the
governments ineptitude, inefficiency and just plain corruption, a large
turnout of voters shocked themselves, friends and foes alike by voting
incumbents out of office.
Zardaris cosy relationship presently with Mian Nawaz Sharif
notwithstanding, ideologically the PPP and the PML-N will remain the main
contenders for power in Pakistan. If not today, tomorrow there will be
political confrontation Or will a deal be done so that the restored judges
compromise their conscience and allow the black law to stay because of the
doctrine of necessity?
The PPP is in a position to cobble together a national alliance at
the Centre with a very willing MQM, the ANP, Baluchistan nationalist
parties and some independents. The PML-Q supporting the PPP in Punjab
can make a coalition government, keeping the PML-N, the largest party in
the province, out in the cold. While the PPP can form a government of its
own in Sindh, it will do so with the MQM. With a coalition also in
Balochistan, the PPP can be part of the ANPs forming the government
NWFP. Inclusion of the PML-Q will give the PPP the government in Punjab
(and also additional comfort for staying at power in the Centre).

22

The PML-N could also be in a position to form the government at

the Centre with the elected PML-Q representatives joining an all-PML
coalition. With the PML-Q hierarchy ousted, Mian Nawaz Sharif is already
attempting to enlarge the PML-N. Can the PML-N reconcile with the stated
ANP demands? I also do not see the MQM supporting the PML-N in making
the federal government. It could well be 1988 all over again, with PML-N
electing to remain confined to Punjab more or less as a regional party.
Dr Farrukh Saleem observed: Pakistani voters have spoken in favour
of three things: democracy, rule of law and moderation. The first two are of
great value to us America couldnt care less. The third, moderation, is
where Americas interests and the interests of Pakistani voter overlap. The
White House is distressed because its one-window-operation into every
aspect of Pakistani life is about to shut. Democracy may slow down
Americas war on terror but a suicide attack every week and Shaheed
Bhuttos assassination has turned the tide against extremism. I am sure that
Americas attempt to wrest victory away from Pakistani voters will backfire.
Pakistani voters have done what they could. Its now up to the PPP and the
PML-N to reverse our march towards chaos, discord and lawlessness. Asif
Zardari and Nawaz Sharif must respect democracys verdict or
remember her revenge.
Shafqat Mahmoud opined: This election has removed some of the
aberrations created in our political system by nine years of military rule
but it has yet to reach its logical conclusion of Musharrafs resignation. He
was the main issue in this election and the electoral verdict is a devastating
referendum against him personally. But, in the glorious tradition of military
rulers who will cling to power until they are forced out or meet their maker,
he has no such intention.
In the process, he will further damage the country. The problems that
the nation faces are such that we do not have the luxury of continuing
political stability. But, with Musharraf still clinging to office, the country
will not settle down. He has already started to play political games to
undermine the result of the election. Asif Zardari is being threatened with
Swiss cases and removal of the National Reconciliation Ordinance. The
spectre of constitutional Article 58-2 (B), through which the president can
dissolve the National Assembly, is being dangled as a sword over the
legislators heads. He is determined to use every lever left in his declining
arsenal to force a result of his choosing.

23

Musharrafs friends in the White House and their local

representatives have also joined the fray. According to credible reports,
the Americans are pushing Pakistan Peoples Party to work with Musharraf
and his proxies, the Q League. They are in particular telling Mr Zardari not
to join hands with Nawaz Sharifs PML-N. I do not think this will happen
but if the PPP succumbs to American pressure or to threats and intimidation
of Musharraf, it will be digging its political grave.
The Q League and Musharraf are symbols of hatred. By voting
against them, the people have expressed their wishes in no uncertain terms.
This is the mandate of the election and any party ignoring it would do so at
its peril. It is all very well to be mature and responsible and justify it under
the rubric of national reconciliation but it cannot be against popular
sentiment. Already there is some comment that the PPP did not do as well as
it could have because of its position on Musharraf and on the question of
real judiciarys revival. If it ignores the popular verdict now, there will be an
enormous political cost.
An alliance between the PPP and the PML-N is a natural
outcome of this election. Both parties occupy the central core of our
political spectrum with one slightly on the left and the other a bit to the
right Even in political terms, an alliance between the two with the
addition of the ANP makes eminent sense. As the largest party in the centre,
the PPP has every right to lead the governments and with the PML-N and the
ANP standing behind it, would have a comfortable majority to have a stable
government
All in all, the contours of the new political arrangement are clear; the
only fly in the ointment being what Mr Musharraf and his American
friends can get up to. There are apprehensions that dreaded agencies have
already created a group within the PPP legislators who are in cohoots with
them cannot be more short-sighted or wrong. This is not 2002
The Americans also need to wake up and if they have any desire for
stability in this country, they should butt out of the post-election political
manoeuvrings. They are just making a difficult situation more
complicated. In particular their apprehensions about Mr Nawaz Sharif are
muddying the field The Americans need to stop being a hinderance in a
possible PPP/PML-N alliance.
There is of course a real stumbling block to this eventuality in the
shape of divergent positions on the question of pre-November 3 judiciarys
restoration but these problems can be overcome. I dont think that the PPP
24

has in principle any problem with the restoration but it may have different
perception about the manner of doing it. Through positive intents these can
be narrowed down.
Nasim Zehra observed: There are some interesting and significant
facts that flow from the election outcome. Eleven are noteworthy:
One: The election was an anti-Musharraf and anti-PML-Q
referendum.
Two: The PPP has emerged as the only national party, bagging
national and provincial assembly seats in all the four provinces.
Three: The PML-N, the second-largest party, went into election with
its leadership back in the country after six years, but was still able to
get its traditional vote.
Four: The ANP has managed a historic comeback in NWFP and
national politics.
Five: The religious parties have been pushed back to their 70s
electoral support.
Six: the PML-Q support has drastically whittled down and many of its
winners may even walk over the PML-N camp.
Seven: In Baluchistan all the regional parties opted to boycott, and so
there is no representation of these parties in the national or provincial
assemblies.
Eight: The vote against establishment-manipulated politics is likely to
further wizen the military against dabbling in the arena of politics,
which is not their constitutional domain.
Nine: while remaining engaged in dialogue with political forces on all
sides the ISI seemed to have finally stayed away from directly
manipulating the voting-day process.
Ten: the government did take steps to remove some of the glitches, to
reduce the possibility of rigging.
Eleven: the APDMs decision to boycott was wrong Boycott denied
the opposition parties additional support they could have gained from
APDM supporters.

25

Pakistans politics has come full circle. The election results are
reminiscent of the 1970 election when genuine political forces won the
day. Pakistans media and the lawyers community deserve a pat on the back
for raising political awareness in the country and for exposing the reality of
those who have been in power. Given that only a coalition government will
be the way forward, the ball is in the court of the politicians. Its time for
them to deliver on their tall promises of working together to promote the
interest of the people and the country.
Dr Masooda Bano wrote: To begin with the complete failure of the
PML-Q and the embarrassing defeat of all its so-called electoral giants has
proven the anger and the frustration against the previous government and its
configurator; Musharraf. No longer can the latter claim public support
because the people have had their say and the verdict is clear: self-serving
authoritarian rule must give way to more principled and democratic
norms of governance. The elections also challenge the current western
perceptions which view Pakistan to be unfit for democracy.
Looking at the election results it is clear that national policy issues
have been critical to the decisions of the voters. The PPP got its expected
share of votes and so did the PML-N If the party leadership on the two
sides is wise, it should cash the moment to build a workable alliance to work
together to strengthen the democratic process.
What is difficult to figure out with PPP is its zeal to stick to the
US. Even after Benazirs assassination, PPPs leadership especially Mr
Zardari is supposedly in close consultation with the US Embassy. There is
no harm in cultivating good relations with the US and the other western
governments but it becomes a problem when the party policies start to
reflect the influence of those western friends. Thus, it is problematic to see
that the PPP has still not entirely ruled out working with Musharraf, a
position that it would have been very clear about if it were to stick to its
original party spirit. Similarly, its continued refusal to support the
reinstatement of the disposed judges reflects a lack of commitment to true
transitional reforms.
When Mr Zardari argues in a press conference that what would
reinstatement of judges achieve he is belittling the whole lawyers
movement, which has been critical to the fall of the previous government. If
Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry had not been defiant, is resisting Musharraf and
had not stood up for the independence of judiciary we wouldnt have seen
any of the public optimism in this country as we see today. The resistance by

26

the judges who refused to take oath under the PCO was of historic
significance, apart from marking the personal credibility of these judges, and
PPP shows lack of commitment to true institutional reforms by refusing
to support the instatement of these judges.
The fact is that Pakistan today stands at a historic movement. If the
political parties rise to the moment and move beyond shortsighted
interests then much can be achieved in the coming year. Much will rest on
the PPP as this is the party, which despite its liberal credentials seems
willing to engage with the establishment. The PML-N stands very clear, at
least for now, in sticking to very principled position on key issues. One can
only hope that it would continue to do so in coming months.
Prior to the announcement of results the analyst had written: The
image of Pakistan has deteriorated to a point where it is so difficult to
present a positive picture that the best strategy is to simply say yes to what
others say and not argue back. True, Pakistan is going through problems but
there is also a concerted effort internationally to present it as a failed
state and question is why. Evidence of this concerted effort is visible in the
official statements from the US officials.
There is no chance that Pakistan will collapse. It is not a failed
state. It is actually the artificial nature of the current system imposed from
outside that is the cause of this sense of chaos. Who in Pakistan sees the
Taliban running all around us? Yet that is exactly the image that people
abroad have.
The question is that if Taliban and al-Qaeda are so strategic that they
are responsible for all the current chaos in Pakistan, then how come they
have not been able to successfully target General Musharraf or other senior
military generals? After all it is the military that has been undertaking
operations against them and not the political parties like the ANP. There is a
deliberate strategy on the part of the sitting government as well as its
primary backer, the US, to create an image of the Talibanization of
Pakistan.
This impression is in turn used to argue that the public is not fit
to choose its own leaders and the future of the country along with the
direction it is moving in, instead they need a military general operating
under US designed structure to make this country intact.
Who are the Taliban anyway? Is anyone with a religious mindset to
be labeled Taliban? To say that the Taliban have a chance of coming into
power through the assemblies, a claim that has been made by some, is
27

indicative of a mindset, which labels anything to do with Islam as

problematic because clearly the Islamic parties are not represented by the
Taliban. If MMA forms a government, of which there is no chance, it does
not mean that it will be a government of the Taliban.
The fact is that left to its own devices Pakistan is a very normal
country. The chaos that we see today is actually the result of the artificial
manoeuvrings to keep General Musharraf in place and to advance the
so-called war on terror. General Musharraf faces public resistances from
almost all quarters.
The elections held under the sitting government are also going to
enjoy little credibility and are most likely to result in a hung parliament. The
public resentment is at all-time high and thus anti-state protests will
continue. However, the cause of this continued chaos will not be the
Pakistani public but a concerted effort by the US to deny the Pakistani public
the freedom to choose its own path.
Kamila Hyat noted that the results placed immense responsibility on
the new leadership. Sometimes, the power of the people can quite
literally shift mountains. This has happened this time round, with the
February 2008 polls giving people an opportunity to voice their feelings,
indeed to shout out their verdict.
Mercifully, no large-scale effort to muffle this crescendo has been
made. As a consequence, immense pillars holding up the edifice of the
PML-Q have been toppled, bringing the structure, constructed in the years
leading up to the 2002 polls by President Pervez Musharraf, tumbling down.
Giants within the party, led on the road to disaster by its chairman Chaudhry
Shujaat Hussain who lost from his home constituency of Gujrat, have
fallen.
The verdict as such represents nothing short of a revolutionary
wave. Perhaps nowhere is this more visible than in NWFP, the province at
the forefront of much concern due to the spate of suicide bombings and
terrorist attacks here, coupled with Talibanization in key regions The
careful, well-planned campaign by the ANP has as such paid off.
The fact that Pakistan, when its people are allowed a free say in its
affairs, is no extreme state, is also shown by the success of at least 12
women candidates on National Assembly seats. This number may increase
as all the results come in. But if seems obvious that people want change, an
escape from a past that has over the past five years brought a wave of
violence and also inflation and other crises. In other words, people seek the
28

creation of a brave new world and a break with all that went wrong in
the past.
This also places immense responsibility on the new leadership.
Once the celebrations are over and the dancing dies down, the politicians
leading these parties must sit down and plan a decisive, mature course of
action for the future. In the centre, and most likely in Sindh and Punjab,
coalition governments will need to be formed. In many ways, sitting on the
government benches requires far greater acumen and maturity than sitting on
opposition seats. And the extent to which the parties assigned the role of
leadership entrusted to them by the voters rise up to meet the challenge
successfully will determine a greater deal about the future of Pakistan and its
people.
Alizeh Haider commented: Undoubtedly, the elections of 2008 have
been historic. Today, we are witnessing what till a few months back many
considered a dream, never to be realized. In an astounding display of unity,
democratic forces be they political parties, lawyers and judges, or the
civil society, have collectively succeeded in steering the country towards
democracy and to banish elements who lacked legitimacy from the people.
And that too in the face of systematically orchestrated rigging.
Instances of pre-poll rigging to benefit the Kings party are documented with
the evidence not only by opposition parties but also by various rights
organizations. In many instances the Election Commission played the role
of a silent spectator and was callously indifferent to violations of law and
the code of ethics. The caretaker government explicitly partial towards its
own party and made its machinery, its resources and its finances available to
the partys electioneering.
Undoubtedly, had it not been for this rigging the leading opposition
parties would have walked away with about 50 per cent more seats to their
name and the PML-Qs vote count would have been negligible. While the
rigging may not have been enough to bring substantial power to the Q
League, it certainly did enough to allow for its existence to linger.
Despite all odds, the result of Election 2008 not only ushered back
the long-awaited democracy, it also succeeded in highlighting the real
character of Pakistans people. Perhaps one of the most celebrated outcomes
of these elections is the outright rejection of religious parties from the
political arena.
By rejecting politics entrenched in religion, the Pakhtuns, along with
the rest of the nation, have defied the way the world perceives Pakistan.
29

They have opted for representatives who can further the progressive and
secular ideology of the great thinkers, philosophers, poets and leaders of our
country. For, it is these values of moderation and tolerance that embody the
dream of a prosperous Pakistan.
Raza Rumi was of the view that the decision of election boycott was
flawed. The classic failure of the Pakistani urban educated will not go
unnoticed. Led by the rhetoric Imran Khan, the delusions of the lawyers
movement and the rake opportunism of Qazi Hussain Ahmed and General
Hameed Gul, the boycott chanting individuals and groups should reexamine their standpoint and ultimately their politics.
Unwittingly, they took the risky path of de-legitimizing the main
political parties that have had the roughest time during the Musharraf years.
This was also the time, which the electorate vividly remembers, that Qazi
and his allies were feasting on the fruits of power in two provinces and were
de facto beneficiaries of the establishment. Not to mention that Imran Khan
was campaigning for the general during his referendum. The urban classes
term the mainstream politics as feudal and the participants
uneducated. This has to change, lest the opinion leaders are relegated to
the dustbin of history.
In a country of 160 million people with strong traditions of
democratic yearning, the process of change cannot be articulated outside the
mainstream electoral politics, however faulty the political parties. This is the
biggest lesson we have learned. Mian Nawaz Sharif who was lambasted
for his pragmatism now stands vindicated. And, above all, the vision of
Benazir Bhutto, who was attacked left right and centre for insistence on the
electoral route, stands validated. There could not have been a better tribute
to her legacy.
In the final analysis, the people and ousted political parties are the
biggest winners, while the Musharraf paradigm has been trashed. Sadly,
Pakistans nave intelligentsia has also received a jolt as its boycott
mantra will rest in peace along with the true democracy project and the
rent-seeking devolution plan. The electoral defeat of Daniyal Aziz says it
all.
The lawyers movement and its ardent supporters in Pakistani urban
bourgeoisie may consider reflecting on and devising ways whereby the
incoming parliament is not de-legitimized or unduly pressured. The much
abused rule of law is meaningless as a concept without political struggles
and parties; lest we would like it to be reduced to debating clubs and internet
30

groups or worse to letterhead parties, a phrase that our maverick Maulana

of the MMA has added to our political lexicon. If the forthcoming
parliament is painted as a sell-out in case it does not deliver on the
shopping list of the boycotters, this would be tragic.
Ultimately, the causes espoused by the urban groups and lawyers
movement could only be negotiated and articulated by a sovereign
parliament and a responsible executive that is answerable to the electorate.
Mercurial benches at the Supreme Court or overzealous TV talk-show hosts,
important as they are, cannot replace this imperative.
But the boycott was not without an impact, observed Sibtain Raza
Khan. All Parties Democratic Movement stuck to this stance. Though these
parties were not poised to win a lot of seats in the elections, their boycott
call did have at least an indirect impact on the results. By not taking part
in the elections, these parties basically favoured not themselves but other
political parties.
They could have achieved their political goals and furthered their
political agendas by participating in the elections, and by getting a mandate
from the public. The new parliament would not have any representation
from these regional or nationalist parties, and they are left with no platform
to voice their opinions and representations. Hence, by denouncing the
democratic process, these parties have clouded their own political
career.
Neither can boycotting elections serve democratic interests nor
can it favour the parties pursuing it. The policy adopted by other major
political parties the PPP and the PML-N of voicing their concerns
regarding government intentions and yet participating in the elections has
proved to be more successful. Their participation has not only brought about
a change, but has also helped these parties to achieve their goals.
Rahimullah Yusufzai talked of resurgence of nationalists. The
outcome of the elections reflected the urge of the electorate for a change.
The MMA after five years in power lost its popularity because it had
failed to deliver on its promises. Its religious-minded supporters were
unhappy due to the MMAs inability to enforce Shariah in the province. The
common people were dissatisfied due to insecurity and on account of the
MMAs failure to bring improvements in their socio-economic conditions.
There was also disappointment among many people due to the
chronic disunity in MMA ranks. As the voters wanted to punish all allies
of President General Pervez Musharraf, the MMA also received drubbing at
31

the polls for having facilitated constitutional amendments that bailed out the
military dictator and indemnified all his actions.
Defeat for the MMA in both NWFP and Balochistan had
increasingly become evident in the run-up to the elections. One of the
main components, JI had boycotted the polls. It hadnt formally quit the
MMA even after formally joining the rival pro-boycott alliance, APDM
As it turned out, the MMA that contested the polls comprised the JUI-F only
as the remaining four small Islamic parties didnt have any real support in
NWFP, Balochistan and Punjab.
The MMA, or JUI-F to be precise, also lost its electoral
dominance in FATA. In 2002, it won seven out of the 12 National
Assembly seats from FATA. Six of those seats were won by JUI-F
candidates and the seventh by JIs Haroon Rasheed from Bajaur Agency.
This time the JUI-F won only one seat through Maulana Abdul Malik in
South Waziristan out of the 10 for which elections were held
The MMAs downfall brought a windfall for the ANP and to a
lesser extent for the PPP. The ANP won 10 seats in the National Assembly
compared to none in the 2002 polls. It grabbed 32 seats in the provincial
assembly and the tally would move above 40 once the reserved seats for
women and minorities are filled up.
An ideal combination to rule the province would be a coalition
between the ANP and PPP even though the two parties didnt go along well
when the jointly ruled NWFP for some months after the 1988 elections. The
ANP is keen to reach an understanding with the PPP on issues such as
renaming the province and provincial autonomy before making a coalition in
the NWFP and at the Centre. The PML-N too may be offered share in
NWFP government once Nawaz Sharif is able to sort out the matters
concerning the restoration of the pre-emergency judiciary and President
Musharrafs fate.
Nadeem Iqbal commented on the rigging. There is no doubt that the
elections were rigged and the results manipulated. But the magnitude of
rigging was limited; therefore, it could not affect the outcome of the
elections with the opposition parties securing their win.
The factor that contributed towards keeping a possible misuse in
control include media presence across the country; civil society activism
that motivated the people to vote; the interest of the international community
in these elections and the clear instructions of the political parties to their

32

polling agents that they should not leave the polling stations until they get
the results.
Hamid Mir wrote: Rigging had started long before the election
campaign, when Musharraf announced a caretaker government last
November, which was headed by a prime minister who is member of the
PML-Q and also happened to be the chairman of the Senate. Close relatives
of the caretaker prime minister and the information minister are contesting
the election
In spite of fears of rigging, all surveys had suggested that
opposition parties like PPP and PML-N will manage to get a majority in
the elections. A considerably large turnout of voters could have destroyed all
rigging plans. However, a low turnout will definitely help the pro-Musharraf
PML-Q and MQM.
It is the first time that a majority of top police officials and civil
servants dont want to become part of the rigging plans. According to
them, if the Pakistan Army high command is staying away from politics this
time, then why should the civil bureaucracy get involved in it? Many civil
servants applied for medical leave on election day.
Mushtaq Yusufzai reported on the role of Taliban projected as antidemocracy devil during the polls in Waziristan. A senior militant
commander on condition of anonymity said that the peace truce was signed
in the grand jirga where the militant commanders, tribal elders as well as
government officials were present. He said that it was almost the same
agreement which had been signed on Sep 5, 2006, between them and the
government.
Tribes people from parts of North Waziristan told TNS that not a
single security personnel was sighted in almost all the 10 sub-divisions
of the volatile tribal regionon the Election Day. Residents in Miranshah,
North Waziristans regional headquarters, said that militants were the ones
who conducted the polls and provided security to the voters. People felt it
was primarily that reason, the presence of Taliban, which encouraged the
already terrified tribesmen to come out of their homes and cast their votes.
During the polling, witnesses said, heavily armed militants were
seen patrolling the streets and thoroughly searching voters before
entering the polling stations. In some of the polling stations, militants, even
briefly detained people for allegedly violating the Talibans code of conduct
which they had set for the election, said Mohammad Rahman in Mirali.

33

Interestingly, when the polls finished, militants informed the local

political authorities that their job was finished and that they should
collect their ballot boxes. The ballot boxes were then taken in armoured
personnel carriers to Miranshah and the name of the successful candidate
was announced, said a government official, but wished not to be named.
Most analysts termed the results of polls a verdict against
Musharraf. Shaheen Sehbai noted it was writing on the wall for
Musharraf. All the collaborators and their henchmen, barring a few in urban
protected political pockets, have been wiped out in a historic sweep of the
nation against General Pervez Musharraf and his obstinate rule.
In less than 12 months since the fateful day of March 9 last year,
when the then General had invaded the countrys apex court and attacked its
Chief Justice, ever concerned patriot watched him slide down the tube, one
step after another. People were vainly hoping that he would wake up to
the reality. But every time, he refused
The Americans tried to forge a workable alliance between Musharraf
and Benazir but again in a major error of judgment, he could not decide
whether to work with her and protect her, or to stay the course with the
discredited Chaudhries of Gujrat. And as a final coup de grace before she
died, Benazir also pushed him into shedding his uniform, which he
described as his second skin. The president was the most vulnerable
now, but again he refused to wake up to reality.
In her death, Benazir wreaked even greater havoc on Musharraf
and company. On Monday, from her grave, she beat all cronies and flunkies
of Mr Musharraf into oblivion. Her murder and the vow by the PPP to take
revenge through democracy have now been fulfilled. Nawaz Sharif stayed
the course for an independent judiciary and won countrywide accolades,
ending in the process, the free run of the PML-Q in Punjab. His defiance and
determination has paid off.
Both the PPP and PML-N now own the field and are going to call the
shots. Mr Musharraf had, in one of his many foreign interviews, pledged that
he would quit if the results in the elections were against him. He should now
seriously think about the massive mandate of the people given to his
opponents. The graceful way would be to quit after handing over power
in a peaceful transition to the new elected representatives. Any resistance
or manipulation now would only spell greater disaster.

34

The News wrote: Musharraf and the leaders of successful political

parties, Asif Ali Zardari and Mian Nawaz Sharif, now have new ground
realities and new challenges to face after the people of Pakistan have spoken
in a resounding manner. They have spoken in favour of democracy, of peace,
of law and order the voters have very wisely and peacefully, almost in
silent revolution, comprehensively rejected the old power structure with
all its perversities and this is the new reality which a bruised and shattered
presidency will have to accept.
Prior to the election, and on the day of polling as well, the president
had said that he would accept the results and work with whoever emerged as
the winner. The onus is now on him to ensure that he carries out his pledge
of course assuming that the PPP and the PML-N would be willing to work
with him The mandate of the people, of course, is against the
president, and with all his men and horses beaten and more or less
humiliated it will amount to massive change of course for him to eat humble
pie and work in accordance with the wishes of all those who were until
yesterday the target of his scorn and contempt.
It is quite likely that most of the PML-Q winners will disappear into
the fold of the PML-N or any other party in power under the garb of
becoming the new patriots. This means that the president will find
himself without any political party clearly supporting him. His old
constituency, the Pakistan Army, had already distanced itself from the
electoral process and a tactful handling of the situation by General Ashfaq
Pervez Kayani contributed immensely to the holding of a free and fair
election.
Now an isolated President Musharraf has to act like a real father
figure to carry the process forward and take it to its logical end. This is his
new challenge. If he can rise to the occasion, he may still be able to earn
some respect and then exit with dignity and grace. As for the winners,
particularly Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif, the challenges are more
daunting. Firstly the PPP and PML-N have to develop a working relationship
quickly, based on the new realities.
They have been discussing joint strategies and options under various
scenarios, including the one in which massive rigging may have deprived
them of their genuine victories. That has, luckily not happened. Now they
are confronted with the Hydras of extremism, terrorism, a terrible law and
order situation, inflation, corruption and so on.

35

The issue of restoration of the superior judiciary may well have

the potential of leading to a rocky relationship, but then that is precisely
what politics is all about the art of the possible, of reaching a compromise
and a middle ground where none may exist. Mr Zardari has said that the new
parliament should decide on this whereas Mr Sharif has said that it should be
done immediately. So this is one matter that they will have to, sooner rather
than later, find a workable resolution.
The transition towards a stable and effective administration thus
has to be smooth and quick, and if the president does not create hurdles he
could possibly succeed in remaining as a kind of a father figure. Such a
transition would also create a healthy precedent and reassure many of our
western allies, some of whom must be quite nervous, about Pakistans role in
the war against terrorism.
The next day the paper added: Both the main political
heavyweightsdid not wait for a day before making the demand that
President Pervez Musharraf should quit as the people of Pakistan have
given their overwhelming mandate against him. An equally belligerent
presidency firmly rejected this demand within hours stating that the
president had been elected for five years, and that he was here to stay and
would work with whoever formed the government.
As for the demand that the president step down, there is immense
weight in it for the simple reason that the election was in fact a referendum
on the president and his policies. However, fulfilling the demand may be
easier said than done. Furthermore, it is unlikely that the president will go
down, so to speak, without a fight, though in most democratic and/or
civilized countries by now this would have happened.
The first task of the winners should be to see that the president
immediately summons parliament and that the issue of the formation of
the government and the leader of the house is decided in a timely fashion.
The PPP and the PML-N have to work together not to rock the boat before it
starts sailing. They should set all the contentious issues aside, including, for
the moment, that the restoration of the judges, to get to the next step of the
political process. There should now be no hesitation and embarrassment for
Mr Zardari and Mr Sharif to meet the president and discuss with him the
next step of course this will be from a position of great strength and as the
voice of the people of Pakistan.
Mr Musharraf should accept the reality and realize that if he fights
it out and stays, it could be as a lame duck president. He should undo all that
36

he has done in the past and this means freeing all political prisoners, deposed
judges and lawyers and undoing the curbs imposed on the media including
unwarranted bans on certain television anchors. The managements
themselves should have acted since PEMRA has no authority or reason not
to listen to the voice of the two main party leaders, one of whom said on Feb
19 that he would even consider disbanding it altogether. By not listening to
these popular demands Mr Musharraf is not making the transition to
democracy smooth.
Shafqat Mahmood observed: The people have spoken. Given the
slightest space they made their preferences known in no uncertain terms. It is
2 am and the results so far show that people and parties standing with Mr
Musharraf have been given a decisive electoral thrashing.
Sheikh Rashid, the self-proclaimed political astrologer from
Rawalpindi, was nor even second in the two seats he contested. Ch Shujaat
Hussain, Q League chief has lost in Gujrat and is trailing in Sialkot. Pervaiz
Elahi, the prime minister in waiting, is also likely to get his come-uppance
although he might win one seat. Even fellow travelers of Mr Musharraf
like Hamid Nasir Chattha have bitten the proverbial dust.
This election has already been referendum against Mr Musharraf
and whatever he stood for and the beneficiaries have been forces opposed to
him. The PML-N and its leader Mr Nawaz Sharif has made a comeback with
a bang. His party is poised to win a large number of seats, perhaps a clear
majority, in Punjab, and it has reasserted its strength The PPP has
demonstrated once again that it is a truly national party.
This election has also been a denunciation of agency sponsored
politics. It was based on the political strategy of corralling local influential,
with their clan politics and tribal alliances, into a winning alliance. This was
hawked by Musharraf operators in intelligence agencies who thought that
good candidates were... They presumed that a national poll was just an
extension of local-body elections. They could not have been more wrong or
more short-sighted.
They never understood the dynamics of voter behaviour in
national elections or the power of the electronic media, which, in the last
five years, had penetrated into every town and hamlet in the country.
National issues which were earlier remote in far away Islamabad are now
accessible to every one with a TV and a cable connection.
The blunders made by Musharraf during the judicial crisis or the
imposition of a mini martial law and the mistreatment of judiciary and
37

lawyers were seen and understood by everyone. Once a chance was given
to express an opinion through the ballot box the people spoke decisively.
Another casualty is the cynical politics of Fazlur Rehman and his
overt and covert support for Musharraf. The people clearly understood
what was happening and punished the Fazal-led JUI by rejecting it in the
polls. The positive outcome it has created is that liberal parties, like the ANP,
have reasserted their electoral strength in the NWFP.
The nation faces innumerable problems, and the road ahead is not
easy but our journey forward would become much easier if Mr Musharraf
sees the writing on the walls and leaves. If he tries to fight a losing battle by
manipulating political parties or tries to create factions within them, he will
just prolong the nations agony. He must do the decent thing and quit.
Babar Sattar opined: People cut through the establishments
propaganda and voted for democracy, for politics of morality, principles and
issues, and most of all for change. They spoke loud and clear: this tortured
nation doesnt deserve to suffer General Musharraf anymore. It that
the General isnt one to take subtle hints or even loud noises filer through.
The elected representatives of the people will need to take affirmative steps
to rid Pakistan of the General.
The fundamental arguments against the retired generals reelection as president were that (a) he did not qualify as a candidate for the
required two-year cooling-off period since retirement from military service
had not elapsed, and (b) a dying assembly having lost its own mandate could
not endorse and impose him on the country for another term. For a while the
general has been emphasizing the 57 percent vote he received from the last
parliament and provincial assemblies to justify his stay in power.
General Musharraf is meddlesome and has no history of
respecting the boundaries set down by law or the Constitution. He
usurped authority as army chief and has enjoyed absolute power in this
country since October 12, 1999. Even if he was granted amnesty for the
grievous injuries he has caused the constitution, vital state institutions and
political processes and retained in office, he will not restrict himself to the
ceremonial role of president or abide by the philosophy of live-and-let-live.
He seems to have an unshakable conviction that he is always right, coupled
with mistaken belief that he knows more about anything and everything
there is to know about.
He still doesnt comprehend that people of Pakistan have voted
overwhelmingly for change and tries to counter this by insisting that he
38

needs to stay for purposes of continuity. His continuation as president will

not only cause intrigues within the echelons of power and disrupt the day to
day functioning of the elected government, but also the likelihood of his
exercising the powers given to the president by the dictatorial Article 58 (2)
(b) will grow with each passing day.
It is a well-established principle of law that an illegal order is void
and any infrastructure built on the basis of such order comes down with
it like a house of cards. The deposed judges could only be removed
pursuant to Article 209 of the Constitution and not otherwise. The General
has publicly acknowledged the unconstitutionality of the removal of judges
and his attempted constitutional amendments. A two-thirds parliamentary
majority is required to bring about a constitutional amendment or impeach a
president, but not to overturn extra-constitutional actions.
Thus there is little reason to torture ourselves by mulling over
intricate legal mechanics to undo illegal actions of the General After
all the judges were not removed by the parliament through a constitutional
amendment overriding the binding requirements of Article 209, but by an
illegal executive decree. A full-bench of the Supreme Court headed by CJ
Chaudhry had struck down that decree on the eve of November 3 for being
unconstitutional.
There are lessons here for PPP and all the other major parties that
have been voted into parliament. Restoration of judges is an issue that
has grasped public consciousness and has informed the conscience of this
nation. It was this conscience that influenced voter choice in the elections
and will remain a gauge for the bonafides of our new government in
respecting public opinion.
It is still not too late for the PPP to learn lessons from the
outcome of the polls. By digging its heels on the issue of restoring judges
the PPP simply doesnt need to inherit a volatile crisis that is not of its
making But let us not confuse appointment of new judges with restoration
of the constitutionally appointed and illegally removed judges. These are
separate issues and must be treated as such.
The new executive should restore the judges, but removal of the
General should be handled by the duly elected parliament and a deliberate
effort must be made not to drag the court yet again into the political thicket
once it is rightfully restored. In order to move forward, strengthen
democracy and the federation, Pakistan needs a constitutional package
that, to start with, (a) fixes the balance of power between the prime minister
39

and the president by repealing Article 58 (2) (b); (b) redistributes authority
between the centre and provinces by abolishing the concurrent legislative
list, and (c) removes an illegitimate president imposed on the country by an
unrepresentative parliament.
Ayesha T Haq was of the view that the message has been very
clear, a sweep for the PPP in Sindh who hold General Musharraf and the
establishment responsible for the murder of Mohtrama Benazir Bhutto
Shaheed. A huge mandate for the PML-N in Punjab voting for the restoration
of judiciary and the rule of law
The 18th was only six days ago but there is already concern that the
vox populi may go unheard. In Rawalpindi and other urban centres where the
PPP lost, otherwise good candidates to the PML-Ns pro-judiciary powered
wave, the sentiment is strong. They are watching the political parties as
they negotiate themselves in to parliament and are waiting to see if they
deliver on the promises made.
The elections concluded and the results accepted by the political
parties the role of the caretaker government is now over, they need to start
packing up to leave in the next few days. It does not behoove them, in
particular the caretaker interior minister, to demand that the judges vacate
their official residences. The people of Pakistan have, through their vote
and not down the barrel of a gun, demanded that General Musharraf
and his allies in government vacate their official residences.
Contrary to conventional wisdom prevailing in some western capitals
it would be in the interest of Pakistan that the will of the people be
respected. Pakistanis have shown that they are aware, thinking,
completely capable of understanding and voting on important issues and
most importantly they are a liberal nation seeking peace, stability. That they
want the rule of law and a Pakistan with a better and brighter future for their
children. Surely, all this sounds reasonable enough or is more required
before we are allowed to realize the dream we have been carrying in our
eyes for the past year.
Rahimullah Yusufzai wrote: Whenever afforded a reasonable
opportunity, our people have given a wise and pragmatic verdict in
elections. It is another matter that those entrusted with the task of ruling
Pakistan have been betrayed the trust and provided a chance to politically
ambitious army generals to capture power. Once more on Feb 18, 2008, the
electorate overwhelmingly voted for democratic forces opposed to
authoritarian rule and committed to empowering the masses.
40

The message sent by the voters is loud and clear. It is against

President General Pervez Musharraf and his political allies. It is also
against parties like the disunited Islamic alliance MMA, which was judged
as a collaborator after bailing out the General through its support for
controversial constitutional amendments indemnifying the presidents illegal
and unconstitutional actions. The voters rejected all those overtly and
covertly supporting the president and voted for their rivals, irrespective of
the fact that they belonged to this or that party
It is obvious that the majority of the people through the decisive use
of their ballot have voted for change in Pakistan. By rejecting most of the
lawmakers who voted for Musharraf in the flawed presidential election
last year, they have delivered judgment on the illegality of that poll. The
new MNAs chosen by them would not vote for him if given an opportunity.
In fact, the parliament should demand restoration of its right to elect the new
president
If the president hasnt realized it yet, he ought to be reminded
that he alone is now a hurdle in restoring rule of law and true democracy
in Pakistan. Almost every step that he took in these past eight and half years
was illegal and unconstitutional in view of the controversial nature of his
status and rule. The ad hoc arrangement that he put in place in the country
damaged the countrys institutions, including the armed forces and the
judiciary, and polarized the society. The political parties and politicians who
have won the recent elections cannot operate freely as he is president. His
decision to impose emergency rule on Nov 3 last year and sack 60
independent-minded judges of the superior courts in a bid to save his job as
president was highly unpopular and needs to be undone if Pakistan is to
return to the rule of law.
Ghazi Salahuddin observed: Even President Pervez Musharraf had to
call it a milestone on the road to democracy. This, incidentally, is the title
of the op-ed piece that The Washington Post published on Friday with
Musharrafs byline. A milestone it is no doubt, but the write-up did not
reflect on its significance in terms of its rejection of the presidents
determined deviations from democratic norms.
We must accept that the verdict that has been delivered in the
supreme court of the people of Pakistan has overturned all the diktats of a
dictator. But while nobody is anxious to quarrel with the results of the
February 18 elections, in spite of the flawed process and selective rigging,
their message has not hit home. Musharraf is not only unwilling to

41

accept his moral obligation to resign, the Americans are openly striving to
find him a role in the expected setup.
While the two major parties that have emerged victorious the PPP
and the PML-N are involved in hectic consultations mutually and within
their own ranks to chart out their course in the immediate future, western
envoys in Islamabad are in constant contact with their leaders; why? Reports
tell us that they, the western governments, are concerned about
Musharrafs political future. Hence, an attempt to persuade Asif Ali
Zardari and Nawaz Sharif to work with Musharraf.
One only wishes that they do not have as much influence on the
democratic leaders who need to respond to the will of the people as they
had on Musharraf. Or did they really have any influence on Musharraf?
Come to think of it, Musharraf was able to get away with all the sinister acts
of defiance of constitutional and democratic standards since March 9
Remember how Musharraf had shown a great disapproval of the
public opinion polls that found the president and his party going down and
down in approval ratings? Less than a week before the elections, he had
maintained that his supporters would gain a majority. Let us go into factors
that allowed a relatively free and fair pollinghow the army played a role in
this exercise. What matters now is the verdict of the people.
Musharrafs name was not on the ballot. Nor was Iftikhar Chaudhry a
candidate in any constituency. But we know who has won. Now this victory
has to be translated into action. Nawazs party has done so well mainly
because of its unambiguous stance on the restoration of judiciary
The tasks ahead are daunting. One realization that cannot be set
aside is the poverty of our affluence the fact that a statistically high rate of
economic growth has still left our masses in a state of deprivation. We had
evidence, in the immediate aftermath of the Benazir Bhuttos assassination,
that the poor and the dispossessed have no stake in this system and the
potential for disorder is quite alarming.
This is also a question of justice social; justice. What we recognize
as an overwhelming rejection of Musharraf was initiated with the lawyers
movement and the medias resistance to authoritarian rule. Almost for the
first time in the country, the civil society became involved in a
movement for social change. This involvement must be fostered in a
hopefully more democratic environment

42

Mir Jamilur Rahman opined: It was a bloodless coup but a very

effective one People did not brandish any Kalashnikovs. They did not
protest on the streets to force the government out. They did not strike work
or blocked highways. They did not pose physical threat to anybody. They did
not put to torch private or public property. They just waited patiently for
February 18. On that day they showed the power of the vote. They showed
how people-unfriendly government could be booted out lock, stock and
barrel.
At the same time people have ensured that no single party gets an
absolute majority. The result is that no political party is in a position to
form government on its own. By distributing their votes among different
parties, people have compelled the political leaders to sit together and form
coalitions to run the government with mutual consent
Voices have been raised by major political parties that as the people
have staged a successful coup against President Musharraf therefore he
should resign. Such a possibility appears remote considering that US has
wished full speed ahead to him. In the circumstances, it would be better that
political parties abandoned this demand and instead concentrate on more
important issues, like government-making and fighting inflation.
Aasim Sajjad Akhtar was of the view that it signaled the time to go.
Some even argue that Musharraf deserves continued support as a civilian
president, given that he has gracefully accepted the election result. One
wonders where those who are taking such positions have been over the past
few months. Are our collective memories so fleeting that we cannot recall
the brutal terror that was unleashed by Musharraf and his
government?
The problem with democracy for individuals like Pervez
Musharraf is that it produces results that do not suit them. There should
be no mistaking that the people of Pakistan went to the polls on February 18
to say no to Pervez Musharraf. If the small dose of optimism that was
infused into the country when the election results started trickling in is not to
turn very quickly into yet more disillusionment and alienation, all political
forces worth their name must recognize the huge symbolism associated with
Musharrafs departure.
Of course the only reason the man is still around is because Uncle
Sam has not demanded he leave yet. Indeed without Washingtons support
Musharraf would have been history a long time ago. In the aftermath of
the election disaster, the only card that Musharraf and Washington have left,
43

indeed the one that has kept them together, will once again be played,
namely that Musharraf is the Americans most steadfast partner in the socalled war on terror and that he will continue to enjoy the support of the free
world.
Just as terrorism is the bogey that the Bush Administration invokes
in the United States to explain and justify just about everything, it appears
that the Musharraf regime is also still relying on terrorism to keep itself
in power. The problem for both Musharraf and Bush is that on February 18
people rejected the terrorism bogey quite emphatically.
Now the question arises whether the election victors have it in them
to articulate a position vis--vis the so-called terrorists that reflects the
peoples desires rather than that of the Bush White House. This,
undoubtedly, is going to be difficult. But the best way to start is to respond
to the peoples demands to get rid of Musharraf.
In any case, the vote was not just against Musharraf, but also against
American imperialistic interventions in Pakistan. Political forces that have
been so weak for so long now admittedly have a lot on their plate, but
they must display maturity and courage that befits the situation.
Unless they undermine themselves, political forces will have the
support of society in the coming phase of the struggle for democracy. Their
best bet is to be honest by admitting what is beyond them and urging the
greatest possible participation of ordinary Pakistanis in the political process,
so as to make it untenable for the military to start its machinations. And we
will all be ever more willing to participate in this process if Musharraf goes,
because this will prove that our collective efforts since March 9 last year
have borne fruit.
Adnan Rehmat felt that by not quitting he was insulting a whole
nations wishes. Real democracy means rejecting peoples popular
mandate. Thats how Pervez Musharraf, who also happens to be a former
army chief and controversially elected current head of state, defines it
When Musharraf says he sees no reason to resign as president in deference
to a two-thirds majority vote of no-confidence against his fanoured party, the
Pakistan Muslim League-Q led by the one-in-million Shujaat Hussain, and
their allies, he probably sees the latest national exercise in parliamentary
elections, to borrow a phrase from the Musharafian lexicon, as sham
democracy.
The Feb 18 election was clearly a referendum on Musharraf as a
leader of Pakistan, a position he has, for better or worse and whether
44

Pakistanis have liked it or not, exercised for nine years. And if he had his
way, he would be around at least until 2012 if not beyond. By insisting that
the national mandate emerging from the Feb 18 vote does not amount to a
popular appeal for him to let a new leadership emerge, he can be perceived
as insulting a whole nations wishes.
Elections are an exercise in national renewal. They facilitate
course corrections and offer opportunities to end stalemates and stagnancy
and carve a way forward. The Feb 18 vote proves that in stark terms The
new popular mandate is against Musharrafs policy of hunting with the
hounds and running with the hares.
The referendum that last weeks general elections, represents is
an indictment of Pakistan under Musharrafs watch in the past 12
months. What transpired during this period were blunders as PML-Q
secretary Mushahid Hussain terms them, mistakes as PML-Q chief Shujaat
Hussain calls them and unwarranted as PML-Q senior leader Shaikh
Rashid Ahmed concedes them to be. And yet Musharraf wants people to
understand that the polls were not about his policies but that of the
government of PML-Q.
As calls grew for his resignation in respect of the referendum against
his policies after the Feb 18 elections, Musharraf reiterated that he had been
elected for five years. But then so have been the National Assembly and the
four provincial assemblies, all of which have a new five-year mandate
themselves to restore the independence of the judiciary, something that
Musharraf has expressly told the Wall Street Journal, cannot happen
because the law disallows it. Musharraf fails to reconcile the irony of
this to his statement on record that the debilitating state of emergency be
imposed on Nov 3, 2007 was unconstitutional.
The nation had to decide if Musharrafs will amounts to national
interest or that of an overwhelming majority of 35 million voters. A
nation is not one person but millions. And they have spoken clearly by not
bringing his proxy party back to power for more of the same that
Musharrafs person represents. His adamant stance on the judicial issue,
insistence on the primary of the presidential over the parliament and over the
supremacy of the establishment over the state is precisely why the political
partieswere insisting before the elections that only a new parliament
should elect a president, not a dying one.
The problem is that Musharraf wants his judges and his verdict too.
However, the solution is already upon us the rule of law must prevail. The
45

peoples court has triumphed over PCO justice and the verdict has
arrived: Musharraf must go.
Salman Akram Raja in an interview to Shahzada Irfan Ahmed said
that all the actions of Nov 3 required validation by the parliament. What
the Attorney General is saying is without any legal justification. The
Constitution is a document that has a procedure laid out for its own
amendment. Thats the only way that Constitution can be amended. If
somebody stands up and says I have amended the Constitution; its
nonsense. Its just words spoken in the air. The Constitution cannot be
amended by saying that Ive amended it.
What happened on the 3rd of Nov was that the army chief declared a
martial law. Now what is a declaration of martial law? Its simply the
declaration of intent not to obey the Constitution. Its not a
constitutionally or legally recognized event. All it means is that you are
saying that I will not obey and then you proceed to disobey. When the army
chief embarks upon this period of disobedience, the term given to it is
martial law but it is simply a period of disobedience.
During this period of disobedience whatever he does he
proceeds to run the country in violation of the Constitution is his act of
disobedience or if you like, treason. When a court is called upon to
validate this act of disobedience or treason what is the court basing its act of
validation on? A court that functions in terms of the Constitution, can only
apply the constitution itself or some other law that is available to it to apply.
So when a court says we have validated or we hereby declare that this act of
disobedience or treason is in some sense lawful it is not basing this
assertion on any recognized standard of legality. It is again a statement made
by a bunch of people who are sitting in a room and describe themselves as a
court, especially when they have been appointed in a manner not recognized
by the Constitution.
So you declare disobedience, then you carry out that disobedience by
restraining the lawfully appointed judges from performing their functions.
You declare somebody a judge and say here is a judge who will grant my act
a validation. Validation or legitimacy is always according to a preexisting legal standard. In the case of the so-called validation of the acts of
Nov 3, no pre-existing standard was relied upon. So disobedience took place
and in carrying out that act of disobedience a bunch of judges was appointed
and declared to be the Supreme Court of Pakistan.

46

Each time a martial law has been declared in Pakistan, the martial
law dictator has had the good grace and the shame to acknowledge that what
he had done was illegal and needed the validation of parliament. Gen Zia did
that in 1985 Never before has any dictator even dared to suggest that
what they did in a period of constitutional deviation or disobedience could
become its own justification.
So it is only through recognition by the parliament of those actions
and the passage of an amendment act which incorporates those actions into
the Constitution by way of an amendment that those actions acquire
constitutional validity. To say that this time around we will not place
these actions before the parliament is completely shameless. It reflects
the degradation of the morality of martial laws, if there is such a thing.
As far as the legality of the issue is concerned nothing happened on
the 3 of November that deserves legal recognition. All that happened was
constitutional disobedience affected through physical not legal force.
Once disobedience ceases the normal legal process should take its course
and those responsible for the constitutional disobedience should be punished
unless they have placed themselves before parliament and it has ratified their
actions. That is the only way for them to be absolved of their act of
constitutional disobedience.
rd

All actions that have been taken purportedly on the basis of the
PCO of Nov 3 require validation and they should be placed before
parliament. Now what should happen, to my mind, is that once the new
government has taken over and that is critical, the new government must
take over and once there is a law minister, a parliamentary affairs minister,
a law secretary and a new attorney general and so on, they should move a
bill before the National Assembly, asking it to either validate through a
constitutional amendment the actions of Nov 3, the PCO and the actions
pursuant thereto or to reject these actions to my mind, they should present
a bill and reject it.
They already are judges. They just have to be placed in their
chambers because, remember, they were physically removed. They were
not legally removed. Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry and others were caught hold
of by their arms, thrown into vehicles, and locked up in their houses. So they
just need to be unlocked, brought back to the courts and made to sit in the
court rooms and carry on.
Once the National Assembly says that it recognizes them as the
lawful judges, one pillar of the state would have made a clear declaration of
47

where it stands. So if you think of the state in terms of its three pillars, the
judiciary, the executive and the legislature, this will be clear announcement
by the legislature of which Supreme Court the legislature is going to obey
and recognize as the lawful Supreme Court. Once that happens, the
executive may then proceed, through a cabinet resolution, to recognize
the Supreme Court and the Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry as
the lawful incumbent. So you will then have two pillars of the state
recognizing the third pillar, but only that part of the third pillar that existed
before Nov 3. There will be satisfying consistency, the three pillars
recognizing each other as legitimate.
The natural consequences should follow. Or maybe the coup-maker
can seek mercy or some kind of reprieve separately. The coup-makers own
liability and the consequences that should attend the actions of the coupmaker can possibly be separated. One could say that we do not legitimize
your actions, but one could theoretically forgive the coup-maker.
Replying to a question about possibility of resistance by Musharraf,
he said: He cannot unless the army chief was to aid him. The president has
no executive authority. The only rival coercive force to the police force is
the force that the army chief controls. So will the army chief send troops
to stop the police force from taking the chief justice to the Supreme Court
premises? I hope not.
Aitzaz expressed his views in an interview to TNS. I would simply
say that by rejecting PML-Q and voting for democratic forces, the people of
Pakistan have rejected Musharraf and his arbitrary system of
governance. They have voted for institutions like the judiciary. And its a
resounding judgment. I think people today have become more aware of their
rights.
In supporting Musharraf now, the West is pursuing a counterproductive strategy or policy. The apparent offer by the Americans that
they will increase the aid is a slight upon the people of Pakistan. It disproves
the notion that the people as a whole are purchasable. We want our rights
No judge can be thrown out or detained by a military dictator.
I have been telling the West and especially the Americans and the
British for a very long time but they arent listening. They ignored the
lawyers movement completely, even though it was a movement which was
liberal, progressive, moderate and plural. It was a movement for due process,
for the rule of law, but they ignored it completely.

48

I have bespeeched senior dignitaries that Ive met from the United
States and Britain two parties that have tried to hook up PPP with
Musharraf, causing at least two casualties so far, one of Benazir Bhutto and
the other of Musharraf. Whenever I met them or they met me, I would say
you can go and meet the president on the hill. But if you meet the president
on the hill, please go and meet or inquire about the prisoner on the other side
of the hill, the Chief Justice of Pakistan. You cant be an ostrich. But they
did not say a world about the detained chief justice.
Answering a question about his boycott of polls, he said: I think
Ive been vindicated. If Id not withdrawn, the lawyers movement would
have petered out. It would have met with confusion and suffered a great
setback. Besides, the issue of the judges would also not have become the
focal point of the elections; it would have been diluted and the spotlight
would have been off it.
Just look at the way PML-N pushed for judges and PPP didnt. I
think that for this very reason Nawaz Sharif enjoyed an edge over other
parties, including the PPP. It is right that PPP also wants an independent
judiciary. But I think if PPP had had a clear-cut stance on the restoration
of judges like Nawaz Sharif did, it would have won 20 to 30 more seats
in NA and would have a simple majority.
Im a PPP man I hope there will be a prime minister from my party.
Second, I hope that the PPP and the other major political party, the PML-N,
will see eye to eye and work as coalition partners. The third thing I wish to
see is the restoration of the judges illegally thrown out by a military
commander. I also foresee that Musharraf is on his way out.
While rejoicing over the results, the analysts did not ignore the need
to focus on the future. The News wrote: President Pervez Musharraf has
categorically stated that the deposed judges cannot be restored. It is
impossible, he told the Wall Street Journal Deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar
Chaudhry has announced he will go and resume his work in his office the
moment he is set free.
It would thus be in the fitness of things that the main political leaders,
Mian Nawaz Sharif and Asif Ali Zardari, quickly decide their joint strategy
before the issue becomes a major obstacle to the democratic process. The
president still has the important card of delaying the first session of
parliament and both the political leaders should first force him to start the
transfer of power. The judges issue will ultimately be resolved but the
process of power transfer must not be delayed or derailed because of it.
49

Shireen M Mazari commended it was the job well done and urged
keeping it up. Perhaps the only pre-poll prediction that proved correct was
that no party would show an overwhelming majority at the national level,
thereby necessitating some form of a coalition government. However, the
assumption, especially western pollsters that the PPP would lead by a clear
margin
The debate has already begun as to why primarily the PML-N gained
at the expense of the PML-Q in Punjab, rather than the PPP. Many reasons
are being cited, including the traditional explanation that the PML-N
basically got back its old vote bank which was the traditional PPP anti-PPP
voter divide in Punjab. Yet that is too simplistic just as it tends to insinuate a
static polity which is certainly not the case anymore. One should also
focus on the fact that the PML-N was the only major party which took a
strong and unequivocal stance on the judicial issue; and in the urban
areas of Punjab that stance found resonance in the voters of these
constituencies including in Islamabad.
Whatever the final tally, the anti-Q vote was as such a vote against
President Musharraf as it was against the Q League; but there had
always been a mutuality of interest and support between the president and
the Q League, so it makes no sense for the latter to lay the blame of their
electoral wipe out solely on the shoulders of the president. Also, in many
constituencies, including this writers, it was not simply the macro level
national issues like freedom of the media and judiciary that worked against
the Q League candidate. Instead, it was the micro level subsistence issues
and the corruption and harassment by the district nazim and his setup that
led the voters to the opponent.
Moving on, now that the elections are over, there is need to focus on
the issues the new political dispensation will have to face. Perhaps the
most pressing issue is the judiciary issue and here it will be interesting to see
how the PPP and the PML-N resolve their differing approaches. But it must
be evident to all the elected politicians that civil society expects the
restoration of an independent judiciary from the new political leaders.
As central an issue to the well being of the nation is the scourge of
extremism and terrorism that is afflicting us Linked to this issue is the
issue of the US-led war on terrorism. Will we continue to expend our
energies in fighting this war according to the USs failed military-centric
strategy or would we push forward a more holistic and indigenous strategy

50

for fighting the terrorist threat within our midst? All this leads up to an even
more central issue for the country: our relations with the US.
When our new political dispensation is considering Pakistan-US
relations it must recall the insidious moves within the US to suggest
balkanization of Pakistan. Although the suggestions have come from US
analysts, we would do well to remember that these analysts work closely
with the US establishment. Even more dangerous for Pakistan have been
suggestions from members of the US Congress that have targeted our
nuclear assets and their safety
Finally, the nation has suffered much turmoil and heartache, not to
mention abuse from within and outside. That is why there is a need for
national reconciliation through acceptance of national diversity and the
other; and for a friendly but resolute stance in the face of external power.
The strength of the state arises from within the nation
Perhaps it is time we learnt the first lesson the elections have taught
us: the people know what they want and, given a fair chance, will ensure
that their will is asserted. Those who have ignored this basic fact have had
but a brief period of triumph, only to be brought down and humiliated by the
collectivity of the people. Our chequered history has shown this time after
time. It is time the state imbibed this basic lesson from its history.
The News wrote: Several polls completed before the election have
indicated a clear lead for the PPP and the PML-N, two former rivals seen to
be working closely together on polling day, even where their candidates
were pitched against each other. Indeed, the support for the former ruling
party, the PML-Q, was said to have slumped sharply over the past few
months according to opinion surveys conducted both locally and by
international agencies. But the findings of these surveys seem to have
greatly angered PML-Q patron President Pervez Musharraf, who has
lashed out against those who have conducted the polls.
The possibility of an un-wieldy situation emerging in the aftermath of
the polls remains high. In this situation, it can only be hoped that all leaders
will recognize the need to display high levels of statesmanship and maturity,
so that the stability and the security the country so badly needs, and which
has been largely absent during the last few months, can be re-established.
Surveys by media channels indicate people are largely hopeful of a positive
change. One must urge all political parties to ensure this optimism is not
allowed to crumble in the coming days, weeks and months.

51

Hamid Mir commented: Now the question is that what will happen
to Musharraf if the PPP and the PML-N secure a majority? Both Asif
Zardari and Nawaz Sharif have confirmed to me that they have decided to
form coalition governments at the centre and in Punjab. A close associate of
Musharraf is still in contact with the PPP leadership. He is trying to convince
the PPP to forge an alliance with the PML-Q
Why cant Musharraf remain president with a coalition
government comprising the PPP and the PML-N? The PPP already has
differences with the president over the murder of their leader. Musharraf
claimed last month that tribal militant leader Baitullah Mehsud is
responsible for Bhuttos death. But Mr Zardari is not ready to accept that
claim and has repeatedly said that he suspects that some people within the
establishment were involved in his wifes assassination.
A majority of Pakistanis want the restoration of all the 60 judges,
including Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry. In that case, all the
judges appointed after November 3, 2007 will be removed. If the PPP and
the PML-N are ready to tolerate an independent judiciary and free media
then parliament will also be strengthened. And that is important because
only a strong and sovereign parliament can give stability to the country.
It will be this new parliament which will decide the future strategy of
the war against terror in Pakistan. Both Mr Zardari and Mr Sharif are
convinced that they must redefine their relationship with the United
States on the reasoning that the war must be fought but for the sake of
Pakistan and not America. In that regard, the Feb 18 election could also
herald the downfall of the policies of President George W Bush in Pakistan.
M B Naqvi drew attention of the new government to challenges
ahead. The government is being formed amidst a badly fractured
politics. Take three major parties and three or four quasi-major parties, each
important in a particular region. Common solutions to common problems
that are galore are sure to elude. While some are temporary, other problems
are of longstanding nature. Fundamental ones have never been resolved. All
demand attention and major political parties differ on solutions.
There is the immediate question of what to do with detained
judges and lawyers. Reforms to undo what Gen Musharraf did on Nov 3
are urgent. Surviving constitutional distortions need to be amended away.
Gagging measures for the electronic media and the press need immediate
withdrawal. Innumerable disappearances and the two insurgencies call for
immediate corrective action. In this context, former Gen Pervez Musharrafs
52

accountability for his illegal actions and constitutional deviations is required.

The choice of doing the right thing or settling for continuing with President
Musharraf in order to oblige America and the NATO powers and the Army is
a false one.
Islamist extremism of the Taliban and al-Qaeda kind, now making
waves in Pakistans northwest and major urban centres, is an urgent
problem. A national strategy has to be evolved. Bound up with it is the
need to review Pakistans Afghan policy, involving reassessment of
relations with America. Extremism is basically a problem for Pakistanis to
sort out.
The second big question, never resolved, is about regional
nationalisms. In theory, its resolution is known, easy and there: accept the
federal principle. But the federation has been highly centralized and
provincial governments are scarcely more than municipalities. Real power
rests with the centre in terms of who actually makes important decisions and
exercises taxation powers.
The solution for feudal mentality is untrammeled working of
democratic dispensation over a time. Actual enjoyment of fundamental
human rights is the precondition. But it is not the only one. The rich-poor
divide and social insecurity of the majority needs to be drastically reduced.
As for the rich poor divide, the first thing to do is to change the decades-old
economic paradigm that originated in Washington Consensus.
Aasim Sajjad Akhtar opined that it was now the turn of political
leaders to act. Pakistan has not had many elections in its 60 year history,
and those that have taken place have typically been mired by various
regularities. Arguably this election has been most dubious of all; for
almost a year the sitting regime has attempted to coerce, co-opt and
manipulate its way to an outcome of its liking. On Election Day, it became
apparent just how elaborate pre-poll rigging was many who went to vote
found that they were among the approximately 15 million registered voters
who were arbitrarily removed from official rolls; meanwhile 7 million
enjoyed duplicate votes. Then there was the relatively low turnout. Whether
because of fear or disillusionment
But when all was said and done, regardless of whether they feel that
their voices will be heeded in the long run, the people of Pakistan spoke loud
and clear. Quite remarkably, every major political figure associated with
the Musharraf regime was roundly defeated, but for the major exception
of the MQM in urban Sindh and some stand-alone victories for PML-Q and
53

MMA incumbents. The PML-N enjoyed a quite astonishing revival while the
PPP and ANP also emerged as big winners.
When the results started trickling in, there was a sense amongst
most ordinary people that some semblance of justice had been done. A
message had been conveyed to a deeply unpopular regime most of all to its
figurehead Pervez Musharraf that it did not have a mandate to rule, that it
had failed miserably to meet peoples basic needs, and that it is time for
change.
The present election proves that Pakistanis do want to have a say,
and that given a chance to speak, they make their case in a devastatingly
effective yet simple way. The election process was deeply flawed, and many
believe that a more radical change is necessary than that which elections can
possibly produce, but in any case, the elections have proven that the peoples
mandate is essential for the running of a modern state.
The election result then should be thought of as the culmination
of a year-long struggle to dislodge the incumbent regime. In fact some
might argue that this struggle has not targeted only Musharraf & co but the
prevailing political system itself. In the recent past election results have
partially reflected the manipulations of the state but also a cynical patronagebased logic of politics in which votes are effectively repayment for favours
that candidates have done for their constituents. If this had been the pattern
again in this election, the PML-Q and MMA would have won handsomely.
But they were thrashed. In other words, to some extent, this was a vote for
an idea, however, vague, of change.
Of course in most cases, voters reinstated many who have been in
power before. This reflects the fact that in most cases the only alternative to
a pro-Musharraf candidate was not a fresh face, or a new party, but those
who have been outsiders over the past 8 years, namely the PML-N, the PPP
and the ANP. This is why it is important not to be carried away with what the
election results mean. Indeed, ordinary Pakistanis are probably very
realistic about their rejection of the current status quo; they do not
expect radical changes, but they wanted to punish Musharraf and his allies in
any case.
They must know that the election result is, in many ways, a
mandate for them to really take on the military. If instead, they buckle to
the demands of GHQ and arguably just as importantly the United States
the many possible gains from the politicization that has taken place over the
past year will be lost. On the other hand, they must accept that serious policy
54

changes are necessary if they want to avoid being swept away by a tidal
wave of anti-government sentiment in the way that the Musharraf regime has
in the not too distant future.
In the complex negotiations that will take place in the days to come,
the PML-N and PPP must make sure not to lose the goodwill they have
regained by virtue of their stance against a deeply unpopular military
regime. The initial period will be crucial, and they would do well to worry
about the Pakistani people first and the international community later.
It would not be wrong to suggest that this is their last chance for
redemption.
Shaan Akbar stressed upon the need for consensus. Pakistans
democratically elected governments have taught us that democracy alone is
not the answer. Democracy with serious, detailed and substantive policy is.
There needs to be an infusion of policy expertise and a serious commitment
towards enacting policy, bridging the gap that has divided military and
democratic regimes. This highlights the major need for consensus among
all the Pakistans ruling elite. Good policy cannot be applied without
everyone on board that includes political parties and the establishment.
Many die-hard democrats cringe at the mention of the latter, but the cold
truth is that for the near to medium term, the military is guarantor of the
Pakistani state, as it has been for the last 60-plus years.
Muzaffar Iqbal wrote: This may be the last, absolutely the last time
that politicians have a chance in Pakistan. The feared bloodbath has been
averted, but the danger of total breakdown of Pakistani society through
uncontrollable anarchy and violence still looms large. This time around,
politicians not only need to leave behind their greed and corruption, but also
their grandiose, Mughal pretensions. They need to rebuild hope through
actual ground work.
Ayaz Amir commented: Pervez Musharraf (what had we done to
deserve him?) has been the biggest disaster to hit Pakistan since that other
great saviour who in his time best rode the national scene, Gen Yahya Khan.
To Yahya at least goes the credit of doing his demolition job in two and a
half years. Musharraf has been at it for 3-4 times that period, his extended
demolition job shaking the country to its foundations.
But is he listening? The people of Pakistan have given him and his
army of flunkeys the order of the boot but he wants to soldier on. Yahya
wanted to continue as president even after the loss of East Pakistan.

55

Musharraf wants to cling to the presidency no matter how comprehensive

his humiliation on Feb 18.
Bleeding hearts and assorted do-gooders, of whom there is no
shortage in this country, are pleading with him to do the decent thing and
quit. They might as well be pleading to the mountains. Hell go, thats for
sure, but hell have to be taken to the exit door kicking and screaming.
Pakistans self-declared strongmen, cardboard affairs most of them, washed
their hands off a sense of dignity a long time ago.
But lets not bother ourselves too much about someone who is
already yesterdays person. The country has to step into the future
because past is no option at all. The call to restore the deposed justices is
getting stronger. The Black Coats will not rest until that is achieved. That is
the best medicine Musharraf can get. Meanwhile if he chooses to twist in the
wind, let him.
But whats with our politicos? Havent they learned their lessons?
Why did Asif Zardari have to go calling on the American ambassador? Its
easy to say Musharraf should cultivate a sense of dignity. How about our
leading political lights cultivating a sense of propriety?
So what should happen? No need to invoke the higher gods of
mathematics to arrive at the conclusion that the PPP and the PML-N
should come to a broad understanding about how jointly to shoulder the
burden of restoring democracy and erecting a stable political order. Being
the largest party the PPP should form the government at the centre, even if it
doesnt have a majority. The PML-N should support this government but not
sit in it. The PPP should rely on PML-N support rather than on the support
of dubious allies.
The PML-N should form the government in Punjab and the PPP
should support this government but without demanding any ministries. We
can thus have unity of command (remember the phrase?) both at the centre
and in the largest province, Punjab. The PML-Ns natural choice for Punjab
CM will be Shahbaz Sharif, although I hope this time round he relies less on
the Punjab bureaucracy (one of the surest roads to hell) and more on his own
party.
The PPP having won a majority in Sindh should form the government
in that province, with or without drinking from the poisoned chalice of the
MQM. Although I suspect it will continue with the time-tested tradition of
choosing the most pliable yes-men (another Abdullah Shah) as chief

56

minister. The ANP plus whichever party it can get on board should call the
shots in the Frontier.
We need the politics of peace, not the politics of confrontation,
best achieved by the two parties working in tandem rather than at crosspurposes. As for Musharraf, he is best ignored. If he hasnt the sense to plan
his own exit, he leaves himself no choice except to endure a form of Chinese
water torture. If he is so inclined, who is to stop him?
Zardari and Sharif should concentrate on essential tasks of
governance, but without getting into each others hair. A national
government (which means both parties sharing cabinet positions) will be a
disaster because there will be too many horses galloping in different
directions So a minority PPP government at the centre sustained by PMLN support is the next best alternative.
What if our American friends have their way and prevail upon
Zardari to keep his distance from Nawaz Sharif? The PML-N should still
play it cool, forming the provincial government in Lahore and giving voice
to popular aspirations at the centre, becoming the great champion of the rule
of law and the restoration of judges but without injecting any acrimony into
national discourse.
We must learn to think for ourselves. The Americans are in a mess
themselves and their great agenda for Pakistan is that we should remain part
of their mess, which is their idea of how best to conduct the war on terror.
Pakistans political leadership is on trial and the next few days will show
whether it has learned from its experiences and mistakes at all or, as a
nation, we are destined to keep repeating the follies of the past.
Four days after the polls, The News saw Zardari and Sharif united on
rightful role of parliament. The contours of the new government in the
centre are now more or less clear. The spirit of cooperation seen before the
polls, with Mian Nawaz Sharif visiting Benazir Bhuttos grave at Naudero
and joining the PPP in its decision to contest elections is, for the present,
continuing. Indeed, Mian Sahib must be thanking Mr Zardari and his team
for persuading him to take part in a poll.
The establishment of a broad-based government, given the scale of
the multiple crises Pakistan faces, in undoubtedly a good omen. While some
issues, including how precisely the judicial issue is to be resolved are to be
settled, the need to ensure the institution is autonomous has been agreed on
by all the three partners in the new set-up. Zardari and Sharif also seem

57

united on the need for parliament to play its rightful role in the choice of
President.
The fact that the problems are so acute also means it would be
grossly unfair to expect instant solutions or improvements. In this
respect, former Punjab chief minister Pervaiz Elahis cynical demands that
the new government deliver or his insistence that they will fail to do so
strike the same negative tone that brought his downfall in the first place. Mr
Elahi would be well advised to withdraw from the limelight for a while,
given the obvious anger he inspires among many people.
But all this having been said the new setup must approach its
Herculean task with wisdom, sagacity and a genuine will to deliver on
the ambitious promises made by parties. Whereas change cannot happen
overnight, policies that can gradually achieve it can be devised and put in
place. People will, undoubtedly be able to recognize well-intentioned,
carefully planned measures but they will also see to dishonesty
The political players voted to power must be given a fair opportunity.
The mandate of people must be respected. This is a message that needs to
filter through both to the presidency and to Washington for any attempt to
subvert the new government, to deliberately impede its efforts, would plunge
Pakistan into greater chaos and the kind of anarchy that can only encourage
terrorism, violence and the crippling instability that comes with it.
M P Bhandara wrote: Fair is foul and foul is fair in the murky
politics of Pakistan. Its a cruel destiny that the previous chief justice of the
Supreme Court is under detention, that sixty judges of our superior courts
have either been sacked or have resigned since the constitutional tsunami
November 3 and in the process the much mauled Constitution of 1973,
savaged again.
Its a cruel destiny that our leading contenders for power, habitually
promise roti, kapra aur makan to the masses and have acquired sumptuous
palaces and Millionaire Row flats in England, Pakistan and other parts of the
world, carefully hidden behind clever legal shelters
Its a cruel destiny that vital decisions concerning our sovereignty are
taken in the corridors of Washington (including the notorious NRO). It is
also a cruel destiny that the state has been under direct military or a military
guided political rule for the major part of our existence. A sad commentary
that, our democracy-loving politicians once in office have often proved
to be worse dictators than military rulers.

58

At the start of a fresh round of political rule, let the newcomers

focus on national priorities and not on pelf and power. In my view, our
highest priority is to arrest the erosion of our sovereignty. Our sovereignty
has been eroded by a porous border with Afghanistan for years. There is a
free-for-all traffic of people, guns, narcotics and extremist ideas. Local
terrorism is an outgrowth of the US occupation of Afghanistan
The answer to the terrorism in Pakistan is to cut our services to
the US occupation of Afghanistan. This will almost certainly dry the roots
of the civil war/terrorism, besides restoring our faded sovereignty. Our role
in our backyard should be of an interlocutor.
I A Rehman explored the prospects of change. Beauty of the polling
lay in the happy convergence of the following factors. While the QLeague heavy weights, who had carpeted the streets in their constituencies
with crisp currency notes, could not even become runners-up to winners, the
smaller fry had little problem in attracting more supporters than ever. The
crowds of voters, suggested by heavier than 50 percent turnout, were not
visible to poll-watchers who stayed at their post throughout the day. Heavy
vote-fall was possible at polling stations where the lunch interval was
extended beyond a couple of hours. Finally, kind-hearted presiding officers
mad little fuss about identity cards and won kids hearts by allowing them to
stamp the ballots, and nobody was surprised when the butchers cat, who
was quite a normal vote-eating rig till the eve of polling suddenly became
vegetarian on the day of balloting.
Leaving the happy ending of the play aside one may try to see as to
how real the prospects of change are. The most significant change in the
balance of power has been reported from the Frontier province. The clerics
have paid for becoming too big for their boots and for forgetting the factors
of their 2002 triumph
In Balochistan, on the other hand, the nationalists obliged the status
quo camp by not boarding the bus on time The political landscape of
Sindh pleases the establishment as well as the challengers. Both the PPP and
the MQM have nibbled at the cake surrendered by the kings kitchen.
The decisive battle for change had to be fought in Punjab and the
voters here have been at their calculating best. Without challenging the
PPPs claim to be the largest single group at the national level they have
entrusted the levers of power the PML as it stood before October 12, 1999
the voters stood for change.

59

The game the establishment loves most has now begun. The PPP
will make a push for power and those advising it to strengthen democracy by
allowing the lion Punjab to take the reins of authority are likely to fare no
better than they had in 1988. A similar dilemma may be haunting the PMLN. The lure of power is stronger than the love of democracy. It is likely to
continue like this for many more years.
The joyous crowd had barely dispersed when the demand was made
for President Musharraf to quit and it was dismissed as brusquely as ever.
Did anyone talk of admission of defeat; restoration of judges? Thats not on,
comes the rejoinder. The President remembers his powers and all and sundry
must know the National Security Council is still around. We hear of 58 (2)
(b) before the legislature has its first meeting, hopes center on a long-term
PPP-PML-N understanding. The answer is that the two parties do not see
eye-to-eye on the restoration of judges, on the fate of Abdul Qadeer, on
militancy, and then PML-N is not clear about the PPPs distance from the
United States and General Musharraf. Thus, quite a stack of cinder is
available to the permanent establishment to prevent the new frontpersons from gunning for it.
The News also asked the US to keep its hands off. Apparently
desperate to save its ally, President Pervez Musharraf, western envoys led
by the US, have been urging PPP and PML-N leaders to work with
Musharraf as they form the new government. It has been reported that a
similar suggestion has been made to Asfandyar Wali, whose party will
govern NWFP a province crucial to any victory in the so-called war on
terror.
Richard Boucher has indicated his government believes
Musharraf can play a useful role in the new setup. Abandoning the line
he adopted in the weeks after the declaration of emergency on November 3,
when he asked the US to let Pakistan resolve its own problems, President
Musharraf appears to have had yet another schizophrenic mood awing and
now says democracy in Pakistan cannot survive without US support.
Washington, which so often adopts a high moral ground on the issue
of democracy, has to realize that this right must be granted to the Pakistani
people in principle, as well as in theory. The people have delivered an
emphatic vote against President Musharraf and his allies. It was, at least in
part, the US-dictated policy that played a role in the downfall of a man
who, five years ago, enjoyed some genuine popularity.

60

As for the president, the widely-held perception that he was largely a

US puppet went against him at the ballot. If they have even a modicum of
commitment to Pakistan and to the need to end terror within it, the US must
realize that the first step is to respect the mandate of the people.
The US then has to understand no further efforts must be made to
intervene in the democratic process in Pakistan. It is also a fact that the man
who the US continues to back has in many ways become a central part of
Pakistans problems rather than a possible contributor to their solution.
President Musharraf today inspires so much distrust that it seems
impossible to work towards an answer to key dilemmas in his
presence
The people who make decisions in Washington must then learn from
the past. Over the last five years they have made many new enemies in the
country. They must now understand the need to keep their hands off
Pakistan, if they are to avoid creating within it more turmoil and more of
the chaos that can only fuel militancy.
At the end excerpts from Masood Hasans column are reproduced.
This has not been a good election at all. The outgoing government was so
kind that they didnt even rig the results and thus cast asunder a truly
hallowed tradition. This is not a good sign. You cant expect the public to
continue to repose its faith in people who cant even rig an election. No
wonder, broken hearted and betrayed they went and voted elsewhere. It
wasnt that the previous government did not know how to rig elections
anyone with an IQ of 3 in Pakistan can rig any election thats on the menu. It
was just that the decent thing to do was to stand by the people.
Idpidsiddidwidkid, said Chaudhry Shujaat. Let the winds of democracy
blow and wash all the sins of the land away. In fact he showed the way and
went out and promptly lost the elections from all the four constituencies he
was representing. Not like that great democrat, Shaukat Aziz who won
elections from an area he couldnt even find on the map, but that is another
story and has nothing to do with a dream house in Kensington.
There were any amount of expert riggers around but maybe in line
with the thinking thats been prevailing here the khakis wanted the whole
thing for themselves. Let the wretched civilians do the rigging, someone
suggested to a group of khakis seated in a tank with the blazing slogan
painted on the side that said Think Tank. No way Jose, they yelled
back. We can do anything we like. So, a bored nation, watched the
proceedings largely from the sidelines and hoped that better sense would

61

prevail, the elections would be nearly rigged and all the boys who have been
having a jolly good time would be back in the swing of things. It wasnt to
be. Life can be cruel when you least expect it.
Thats not all. Some of the most respected folks have lost their
security deposits. This is simply outrageous. It is only proper that their
security deposits are reimbursed forthwith preferably with compound
interest. A nation which has 14 planes just dedicated to ferrying the
considerable bulk of VIPs all over the world, can surely fork out the
confiscated securities and ensure that the noble souls which parted with their
hard-earned, lily-white Quaid-e-Azams are not deprived of their savings
However there is always a silver lining to such dark things and in
this case, rather a golden lining. The prayers of many Lahoris were
answered when Moonis Elahi the rising star of Punjab and winner of the
New Talent Deserving Greater Recognition was returned in great triumph
with an astounding victory against all odds versus a cunning and diabolical
foe who spared no effort to bribe the electorate with things like bubble gum
and lollypops
I fear that the little bit of comic relief and black humour that was
provided by the likes of Farzand-e-Rawalpindi, the fastest train in the
country, Sh Rasheed may have to be consigned to the archives of the past.
Personally the country would be much the poorer for it. The man was a
magician not only with words but deeds. He managed to create six new
trains out of the existing pile by simply canceling six trains and
renaming them thereby letting the country know that while they were all
snoring, he was busy as a beaver. Now making six trains disappear and
reappear in a trice is no easy feat but the good Sheikh did it and even
traveled in the new trains.
Wasi a personal favourite would be sorely missed and we dont see
a successor to his resounding legacy appearing soon on the national
rubbish heap. With Shaikh already away and Mr Kasuri floating into the
shadows, sartorial elegance is bound to take a plunge which is not good for
our image, but these are small prices to pay and thats the way we should see
it.

REVIEW
The results of polls revealed and also confirmed some truths. First
truth confirmed is that there is no bigger fool than a ruler, military or

62

civilian, who remains under illusion that masses ruled by him are fools. The
results have proved that it is always other way around.
It was generally believed by the politicians and the analysts that
public opinion in urban areas is different from that of the countryside. This
difference had existed till recent past but that has been considerably bridged
mainly because of the electronic media, particularly private television
channels.
People have given no importance to petty politics on sewerage drains
and provision of potable water. They certainly ignored such feats
accomplished by their representatives during last months of their tenure,
because they had expected them to rise above the level of plumbers and
contribute on issues at national and international level.
Musharraf has succeeded in keeping both Benazir and Nawaz Sharif
out of Pakistani politics. Nawaz along with his brother has been disqualified
and Benazir has been eliminated courtesy terrorists. Despite that,
Musharraf would be haunted by their ghosts; living or the dead.
Another truth pertains to the large number of independent candidates
winning the seats in various assemblies. Some candidates had preferred to
contest polls as independents even after having been given the party tickets.
This showed not only the mistrust in political parties, but also politicians
lust to be with the ruling party under all circumstances.
A unique feature would be the absence of party leaders from the
National Assembly. Zardari did not contest elections for lack of academic
qualification; Nawaz Sharif was disqualified being a convict in a corruption
case; Shujaat Hussain lost on all the seats he contested; and Altaf Hussain
has developed liking for his London hideout.
A quite disgusting reality that has been confirmed soon after the polls
pertained to the intriguing nature of Musharraf and his allies. Musharraf,
instead of meeting the majority party leader for formation of the new
government, preferred interaction with the leaders of PML-Q and MQM so
that they could conspire against the future government.
And an equally deplorable reality was Pakistani politicians fondness
for showing unreserved subservience to the foreign masters. The cochairman of the PPP rushed to call on US Ambassador. Such actions do not
promise for Pakistanis any change for better in future.
Observers and analysts, inadvertently or deliberately, have created
some myths and misperceptions by drawing wrong inferences from the
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results of the polls. First, the elections have been projected as free and fair. It
is not so. There is no denying the fact that pre-poll rigging had been
widespread in various forms. The complaints from two major political
parties had been in thousands. Even on polling day, many people were
caught trying to cast fake votes.
The PML-Q resorted to Gujrati-style rigging and was caught red
handed at many places while stealing the votes. On the other hand MQM
did not need the help of any agency to commit an unlawful act. This party
has developed indigenous structure and mechanism to accomplish such
ordinary criminal acts quite effectively.
The inference of elections fairness has been drawn from the results of
the polls in which the Kings Party put up very poor performance. This is not
the right yardstick to measure the fairness. In fact, voters dejection about
the ruling party was so widespread and deep that the means of rigging
applied by the Kings Party were not enough to neutralize the honest opinion
of the people. Had there been fair polls, the routing of the PML-Q would
have been quite comprehensive.
Another aspect of the hyped fairness of polls relates to the West who
still wants Musharraf at the helm. They want to credit Musharraf for the socalled fairness, despite him violating all the norms about fairness of
electioneering. He literally acted as megaphone of the Kings Party and did
all that he could to put his party at advantageous place. But he could not
undo the damage he himself had caused to his allies.
If anyone who deserved the credit of pre-empting the Election Day
rigging that has been the media. Its cameramen and reporters contributed a
lot to eliminate the chances of rigging that takes place during counting of
votes and compiling of the results.
Another misperception related to the ousting of the religious parties
and nationalists making a come back in NWFP. The intellectuals, who
always look forward to finding an opportunity to please the West, say the
people have rejected the extremist and religious political parties.
Two things have to kept in mind; most of the religious parties had
boycotted the polls and secondly, the one party that contested the elections
has been rejected not because of its religious appearance but because it
leader connived with the ruling elite and helped in promoting its secular
agenda. They have been rejected not for their religious identity but for their
hypocrasy. Moreover, the polls in Swat were held when more that half of the
population had migrated due to the military operation.
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The polling day broke the myth about militant Islamic forces which
are projected as enemies of democracy. On 18 th February, there was not a
single incident of violence for which the Islamic militants could be blamed.
All the acts were committed by the moderate democratic forces, and not by
those who are usually accused of sabotaging the democratic process.
Moreover, in Waziristan it happened to be the terrorist who ensured
peaceful conduct of the polls.
Some parties and individuals had preferred to boycott the elections.
Their decision was widely criticized by the analysts being devoid of political
prudence and foresight. The boycotters have certainly lost their
representation in the National Assembly but they remain in position to exert
pressure on the new government, due to which the PPP and PML-N cannot
ignore them.
Another misperception lies in terming the election results a setback to
the designs of Musharraf. It does not seem so. Musharraf, like all dictators,
had longed for a hung parliament. It was said that his plan was that one-third
of the total seats would be secured by PPP, PML-N and PML-Q/MQM
combine. The results were almost according to the plan; though not exactly
the same. This would provide ample space to the intriguers and the leading
parties have to be watchful.
It is also wrong to infer from the poll results that there has been any
major shift in public opinion and party loyalties or support. People have
normally stuck to their political positions/loyalties. Then, why the results
have been different from the past, despite the rigging?
It has been said in one of the articles that the elections outcome
couldnt be different unless the silent majority, which stays away from polls,
is mobilized. This time a small percentage of that inactive majority was
mobilized; the credit for that goes to the electronic media. One should not
find it difficult to visualize the difference it would make when bulk of the
inactive majority is politically activated.
There is yet another misperception which relates to the acceptance of
election results by Musharraf and his team of intriguers. This demonstration
of large-heartedness is quite similar to the one shown after the verdict of the
Supreme Court in July last. The subsequent events had proved that the
spirit behind the acceptance of the verdict was starkly evil; it wont be
different about the peoples verdict of February 18. After July, Musharraf
ultimately knocked out the judiciary, now; he might punish the entire nation
by clinging on to presidency.
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Election results have a very clear message for the king and his party.
Musharraf had shamelessly campaigned, as president in COASs uniform,
for mustering public support for the bunch of political robots he had
invented. The people of Pakistan have kicked each one of them out of the
window. They have bluntly rejected Musharrafs call for their preservation.
Musharraf had said more than once that when he loses popularity
among his people he would quit. The people cried loud and clear that they
disliked him and his robots. If Musharraf doesnt listen, then there some
thing seriously wrong with him. It does not reflect his arrogance, but
something seriously wrong with his mental health.
In all fairness, he should have resigned before anybody had demanded
that. But this could be expected from a man who respected the will of his
countrymen and who cared for self-respect. The events of last one year
amply prove that he has no liking for any these values/considerations.
He, instead of quitting, met his old team of Masheers to find ways and
means to save the nation from committing collective suicide. He was still
in a frame of mind in which he would resort to collective murder
pretending that he was saving them from committing suicide. The people,
however, did not commit suicide and they would also refuse to be murdered,
but while doing that they have assassinated him politically and morally.
The buffoons assembled in Kings Party, at last realized their mistake
of going too far in obeying the commands of a military dictator. Shujaat
Hussain accepted some of the mistakes committed by him and his party.
Alas! He took too long to regret.
He also tried to undo the damage caused in Lal Masjid case by
meeting Maulana Abdul Aziz Ghazi. Having met the Maulana, Shujaat tried
to blame Nawaz Sharif for Lal Masjid massacre. He alleged that this
bloodshed took place because Nawaz Sharif dodged passing a resolution
against the operation during ARD meeting in London. This showed the
fondness of Gujrati Chaudhries for committing follies.
The leaders of Q League proved to be a bunch of political idiots. They
obeyed every command of the military dictator at the cost of their political
future. Their biggest blunder was reelecting the military dictator without
any assurance about their own re-election.
24th February 2008

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POST-POLL RIGMAROLE
The split-mandate set the stage for intense post-poll politicking. A
divided house was to the liking of the intriguer lodged in the presidency,
except that the division was tilted against his loyalists of PML-Q more than
what he would have liked.
Nevertheless, kings men rushed to the camp office; not likes bees as
they cease their activities at sunset, but like nocturnal scavengers. There they
consoled each other while licking their wounds and made their contributions
to the conspiracies being hatched by their mentor.
The two leading winners, Zardari and Nawaz were faced with the
challenge of preempting the creation of situation like 2002. The only way to
do this was to join hands with each other. Both the parties seemed to have
grasped that and were acting accordingly.
Despite the hectic politicking, the real issue was not forgotten by the
lawyers, the media and other elements of the civil society. They urged the
winning political forces to restore the deposed judges on priority. The spindoctors, however, continued muddying the waters by mixing the non-issues.

EVENTS
On 24th February, the US and UK print media said Musharraf was
considering quitting; Musharrafs spokesman denied the reports. Peaceful
transition is the first priority, said Musharraf. Musharraf has no role in
politics now, said Hashmi. Imran opposed taking of oath under PCO by new
MPAs. Qazi promised no protest rallies against new government as yet.
Aitzaz condemned the efforts to create rift between PPP and PML-N.
Lawyers and civil society activists continued their protest across the country.
Next day, Pervaiz Elahi threatened the possible defectors saying they
would face disqualification reference. Zardari was ready to get along with

67

Musharraf. Nawaz urged Musharraf to resign but did not talk of

impeachment. Justice Wajihuddin urged that new parliament should
reinstate judges.
On 26th February, Nawaz Sharif said that agreement with PPP has
been reached on judges restoration; Amin Fahim showed ignorance about
such agreement. Zardari and Nawaz planned to meet Fakhruddin G Ebrahim
to formulate the strategy for restoration of judges which, according to the
legal guru, is quite simple.
Majority of independent MPAs in Punjab, 24 in all, decided to join
PML-N. Six Senators, including Nilofar Bakhtiar, formed a forward bloc in
the Senate. Shujaat urged the new government to work with Musharraf. Ch
Nisar said PML-N wont be part of federal cabinet. PPP leader of Kurram
Agency was among four people wounded in roadside bombing on 26 th
February. Justice Tariq Mahmood was set free. Aitzaz hinted at delaying
long march in his letter to bar councils.
Washington acknowledged that Musharraf did all that he was asked to
do and urged the new government-to-be to do its bidding. US Ambassador
said her country was ready to work with the new government. Biden,
Chairman Senate Foreign Relations Committee, urged full support to new
government in Pakistan.
Newly elected members of National Assembly gathered over a
luncheon hosted by Zardari on 27th February to show their strength. Zardari,
Nawaz and Asfandyar demanded early convening of the NA session. It
happened only a couple of days after the camp office became hub of
nocturnal activities. Musharraf said majority party was free to form
government. Rauf Klasra reported that Amin Fahim might not be the prime
minister. Zulfiqar Magsi was appointed as governor of Baluchistan.
The PCO Supreme Court quashed the stay order against the NRO
which had been issued by the deposed CJP. Attorney General claimed that
the verdict on NRO was not timed with politics. The leaders of PPP, PML-N
and ANP reached an agreement to finalize modalities for restoration of the
judiciary. Fakhruddin G Ibrahim gave detailed briefing to three leaders.
On 28th February, NAB dropped all the cases against Zardari. Zardari
and Fazl met to explore possibility of forming national government. PPP and
MQM leaders also met for similar purpose. Musharraf would stay, declared
Chaudhrys. Negroponte said the US was distancing itself from Musharraf
and supporting the people of Pakistan in forming the new government.

68

Lawyers decided to hoist black flags countrywide on March 9. Zardari

assured the lawyers top leaders that he was fully committed to the
restoration of the pre-November 3 judiciary. Memon admitted that the CJP
has been kept under custody. An official disclosed that Musharraf has sent a
message to Zardari that he would restore judges of higher courts if they
would not hear cases against him.
On 29 February, a rare day in the calendar, Musharraf regime started
delivering the gift packages for the new government. The first packet
contained increase in oil prices and also in power tariff by 9 percent. The
State Bank also released a data revealing that number of loan defaulters
increased by 200 percent.
Yousuf Raza Gilani, Shah Mahmood Qureshi and Ahmed Mukhtar
emerged as new candidates for premiership. Haider Hoti was named new
NWFP chief minister to keep the torch in the family under the pretext of
giving chance to younger generation.
The return of judges was not on the mind of Musharraf, said his
spokesman. He also laughed off reports on resignation of his boss since
Mangla days. Malik Qayyum also denied speculations about his resignation.
Shujaat said he would give date for fresh elections in two months. In
preparation for oath of new members of National Assembly, PCO was
formally incorporated in the Constitution. The US continued to keep mum
over restoration of judges.
On 1st March, Election Commission notified names of election
winners; 258 MNAs and 550 MPAs. Five Q League MPAs formed a forward
bloc in Punjab. Pervaiz Elahi decided to lead Q League in NA and Chattha in
Punjab. Anwer Saifullah joined PPP. Chattha failed to win over Zardari for
forming government in Punjab in coalition with PML-Q. PPP-MQM
coalition in Sindh also seemed in the doldrums.
Musharrafs camp office came out with another lie. His spokesman
said Musharraf would resign if the parliament reinstated the deposed judges
by 2/3rd majority. The other lie was that the spokesman claimed that no
conspiracies were being hatched in presidency; whereas it was quite clear
that the place had been turned into devils workshop.
ATC acquitted Shahbaz Sharif in Sabzazar case after the complainant
withdrew case against Shahbaz. Nawaz agreed to reconcile if PML-Q
admitted its mistakes. Devils workshop extended its sphere of activities
from centre to provinces. Independents in Punjab were being pressurized to
join PML-Q.
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Zardari was apprehensive about Musharrafs retaliation if judges were

restored by the new parliament. The regime decided to give pay and
allowances to all deposed judges till retirement though they wont be
considered judges during the remaining period.
The regime set Aitzaz free on 2nd March after detaining him for four
months. Aitzaz vowed to sue Punjab government for his illegal detention.
Shujaat met MQM leaders and both parties vowed to strengthen friendship.
Shujaat also met veteran politician Jatoi who, however, declined to join hand
with Gujratis. PML-N accused Musharraf of converting the Army House
into hub of conspiracies and demanded its vacation.
Nawaz demanded probe into Kargil operation to determine
Musharrafs role. Maj Gen Rashid Qureshi told the legal experts that
executive order cant reseat the deposed judges. He denied that presidency
has become hub of conspiracies to subvert PPP-PML-N coalition.
On 3rd March, Aitzaz Ahsan vowed to sue Government officials,
including Musharraf, against illegal detention of judges and their family
members. The regime responded by ordering release of family members
and offering the CJP of release with the condition that he wont leave his
residence. As the rumour of release spread the people went to the Judges
Colony where police received them by showering tear gas. Subsequently,
lawyers tried to move police against Musharraf others over detention of
judges and their family members. Secretariat Police Station refused to
register the FIR but had to accept the application in the context.
Gen Kayani and Musharraf met and took stock of security situation.
Musharraf promised meeting financial needs of the army and Kayani vowed
undertaking any task assigned by the nation. Qaim Ali Shah was
nominated as leader of the House in Sindh Assembly and Nisar Khurro as
Speaker. Raisani was nominated PPP parliamentary leader in Baluchistan.
Pro-Musharraf parties had a get-together party in Islamabad on 4 th
March; PPP-S was conspicuous absentee. Musharraf attended PML-Q
Senators party where he had to face criticism from his faithful. PPP still kept
its options open as was indicated by a quiet meeting of Fahim with Chattha.
Six independent MPA joined PPP in Baluchistan. Two MNAs and two MPAs
in Punjab also joined the PPP. Ali Ahmed Kurd was freed; lawyers in Quetta
celebrated his release and vowed to continue their struggle. Aitzaz visited
Benazirs grave and vowed to continue his struggle for reinstatement of
judiciary.

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VIEWS
The people continued speaking about the outcome of polls, the
related issues and above all ought to be done next. Abdul Rauf from Fateh
Jang observed: A totally changed and unforeseen political scenario has
emerged in Pakistan after the February 18 polls.
He continued: The people have expressed their wisdom and left those
in a state of shock who claimed that the masses were not yet ready for
democracy. The PML-Q and the MMA have been wiped off and genuine
political powers have gained peoples trust once again. Against this
background, the reluctance shown by the President to resign is bringing a
bad name to himself.
Prof Syeda Shahr Bano Shah from Abbottabad wrote: There may be
difference of opinion on the transparency of the February 18 elections, but
they have established the fact that the people, even those who are illiterate
and live in rural areas, have political acumen and they voice it if provided
with an opportunity. Though the president has said democracy in Pakistan
cannot be introduced according to the western standards, the people of
Pakistan proved it otherwise by voting prudently in the polls. The people
have given their verdict and I hope that the newly-elected members of the
assemblies will not disappoint affairs.
Dr Abid Rauf from Islamabad opined: After the sliding victory of the
PPP and the PML-N in the general elections, its time these parties moved
forward carefully and cautiously. If someone believes that by voting the
PML-N and the PPP into power he has restored genuine democracy in
Pakistan, then he must be mistaken. I dont think that that the
establishment with a strong grip on the power structure will let these parties
change the system. For that, we will have to restore the independent
judiciary, strengthen parliamentary system, ensure that the media is free and
human rights are well protected. We will also have to say good bye to
ancestral politics.
Ali Imran Iqbal from Lahore wondered: No one seems to remember
that Asif Ali Zardari was released on bail not long ago after allegedly
robbing the nation of its resources. He is reportedly among the richest
Pakistanis despite the fact he is not a businessman and didnt inherit much
wealth. How did he accumulate so much wealth? One doesnt need to be a
genius to know that he amassed the fortune by illegal means. It is difficult
to understand why people want to try an alleged thief again?

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Ahmad R Shahid from UK was of the view: It seems that the noose is
tightening around the Musharraf regime but he is not yet ready to leave. The
lure of power is too difficult to resist for some people The PPP, the PMLN and the ANP have apparently decided to make the president so weak that
he will not withstand the mounting pressure and eventually have to step
down. But such a disgraceful departure will not be good for him obviously.
It is time for him to leave the presidency. The sooner he takes this
decision, the better it will be for him.
Engr S T Hussain from Lahore opined: Instead of showing grace as
a retired army general, he is behaving like a power-seeking politician.
General Musharraf ruled the country against the wishes of the people. He
damaged the integrity of the federation and it will be in the supreme national
interest if he decides to resign as president now.
The kings party and its policies have been rejected by the people in
the elections and now the president should keep his word and leave the
presidency. But it seems that he lacks moral courage to take
responsibility for the damage he has done to the country during the last
nine years. He is yet again trying to arrange a coalition government of his
choice by attempting to create rifts between the PML-N and the PPP.
Dr Abid Rauf Orakzai from Islamabad wrote: One wonders why the
MQM doesnt say goodbye to President Musharraf. The MQM should
change its policy vis--vis the president because during Musharrafs
presidency, thousands of innocent tribesmen and Baloch were killed. If the
MQM wants to play a positive role in countrys politics, it must dissociate
itself from President Musharraf.
Nasir Khan said: All the illegal and unconstitutional steps taken by
President Musharraf have been carried out by senior attorney Sharifuddin
Pirzada. He said recently that he was a lawyer and worked for anyone who
could pay him his fee. Probably he ignored the fact that the fee be charged
did not come from someones own pocket, rather it was indirectly paid by
the poor people of Pakistan in the form of taxes and tariffs. He should be
made accountable for all the illegal acts he has committed. It is people like
Sharifuddin Pirzada who help dictators usurp power; people should
make an example of them.
Most people disapproved of US interference in internal affairs of
Pakistan. Ghulam Omar from Peshawar commented: Bush Administration
is trying to save the sinking ship of President Musharraf despite the fact
he has been rejected by a majority of Pakistanis. I would request the PPP, the
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PML-N and the ANP not to succumb to US pressure and avoid including the
PML-Q and the MQM in their coalition government.
M S Hasan from Karachi observed: With friends like George Bush,
Richard Boucher and the like, President Musharraf does not need
enemies, because every time they give a statement in Musharrafs favour,
his domestic support erodes further.
Aqil Ahmed from Rawalpindi opined: It is now clear that the United
States has no interest in introducing genuine democracy in Pakistan. It is
only interested in individuals who can protect its interests in this region If
President Musharraf remains in power by bringing back the group of yes
men in Islamabad with US support, it will be disastrous for the country.
There is only one trait that is permanent in the person of Pervez
Musharraf: he never does what he says. If President Musharraf has still a
modicum of self-respect, he should resign immediately.
Bashir Hussain Azad from Chitral wrote: The anti-America
sentiment prevailed in the February 18 elections as the people expressed
their disapproval of the US foreign policy with respect to Pakistan by
rejecting the proponents of the so-called war on terror. The voters expressed
their disappointment at President Musharraf and his team of cronies who
ruled the country for more than eight years with US blessing.
In the post-election scenario, we see various foreign powers
pressuring Asif Ali Zardari and Nawaz Sharif into formulating a working
relationship with President Musharraf. The people are fed up with foreign
interference; they need a democratic government which doesnt accept
diktat from international power brokers. The foreign delegations as well as
the leaders of the major political parties who are being called upon by the
former are acting against the sovereignty of the country.
Mahabat Khan Bangash from Peshawar opined: The people of
Pakistan have rejected Pervez Musharrafs allies and their policies in the
general election. However, the US president and other senior American
officials are insisting that Mr Musharraf should remain president. I am
unable to understand their concept of democracy. Why is the champion of
democracy supporting President Musharraf even after the people have
voted against him in great numbers?
Fayyaz Mahmood from Lahore wrote: According to news report
published in your newspaper on February 26, Asif Ali Zardari has said that
he is ready to work with President Musharraf, but will not engage with
militants. This is the official stance of the US administration vis--vis
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Pakistan talk to Musharraf without engaging militants. As a voter, I feel

dismayed because all the electoral process has come to a naught.
The media and analysts devoted maximum time and energies to
analyze the post-polls politicking. The News wrote: The Pakistan
Telecommunications Authority which has over the past few years acquired
growing expertise in blocking unwanted websites, has apparently struck
again. This time its victim is YouTube, a giant, US based website that
allows users to post their own videos online. The reason for blocking of the
website is, according to the PTA, objectionable material but it also coincides
at a time when some of its Pakistan-based users reportedly put up footage of
poll rigging in the recently held election.
In fact, the gagging is not restricted to the internet. One television
channel, which in the past had earned the ire of the government, was
reportedly off air again after two of its hitherto banned anchors came back
on air. In addition to this, renewed threats have been reportedly made to TV
channels, which, in the eyes of President Musharraf and his allies, have restarted programmes by banned hosts or adopted too critical a tone.
Those giving orders seem not to have realized that in an age of
rapidly advancing technology, such measures are futile. Other video clips
and photographs of similar rigging, often captured on mobile phones, are in
circulation. Some footage has been handed over to television channels and
some is being placed on local websites. In one way or the other, people
will always get to the truth.
Kamal Siddiqi commented: It is somewhat of an irony that the man
who was considered to have sold Pakistan several times over is today the
person who seems to be playing a major role in trying to save it. Asif
Zardari, the chairman of the Pakistan Peoples Party is seen to be doing more
for the country in the past week or so than most of other political players put
together, President Musharraf included, have done in a longer time frame.
Most Pakistanis are happy with the results that have emerged.
But if the irregularities were checked, it is very clear that the coalition
partners of President Musharraf, like the PML-Q and the MQM, would have
secured a less number of seats. Take the example what took place on polling
day in Karachi. Almost every voter in Karachi has a tale to tell of
irregularities, cheating and bullying at the polling stations.
Thousands were turned away on the grounds that their votes had
already been cast. Several thousand were told that their names were not on

74

the rolls. Many were simply given a ballot paper and told to vote in full
public view for a particular party. Anyone who resisted was threatened,
harassed or attacked. But all this seems to have escaped the eagle eyes of
the EU election observers who were stationed in Karachi. Now they say all
is well.
Simply because the PPP and the PML-N were able to win more
seats than was expected and the PML-Q fared much worse that we thought,
many contend that the elections were fair. This is not true. First of all, the
electoral rolls were full of holes. In Lahore, one man complained that he had
three votes. Another said he had none despite having a computerized NIC
and also seeing his name on the ECP website. In the same areas, thousands
voted without identity cards
It is obvious that the rigging was done to check the ability of any
one party to form a government. At the same time, such results which
gave the PPP and the PML-N electoral gains would be welcomed in the west
and stop the powers that be from worrying too much about the legitimacy of
the electoral exercise. This is killing two birds with one stone The
president emerges powerful in a coalition agreement. He may have gone into
the background for the moment, but this should not be mistaken for
weakness. His continuity is assured.
Now the question of course is what to do with Asif Zardari and
Mian Nawaz Sharif. The Americans are already jittery. They have
expressed doubts about politics of Mian Nawaz Sharif. Asif Zardari also
poses a problem. Should the Americans love him or leave him? The
American media was the first to blacken the name of Asif Zardari. Now the
US government will have to work with both these leaders. It is a worrisome
proposition for them. President Bush has also indicated that President
Musharraf should stay. If he stays then who goes?
Needless to say the first hundred days will be crucial for the new
government. As things stand, the PPP is talking of including all parties like
the MQM while the PML-N is also looking at the PML-Q. The press
conference of Zardari and Sharif on Thursday evening in Islamabad was a
proud moment for Pakistan. Our two major political figures have decided to
work together in the greater interest of the country and for democracy. But
mere rhetoric will not do.
Shakir Husain was of the view that the polls marked the advent of
another kind of rigging. Ladies and Gentlemen of the Land of the Pure, I
am pleased to announce the commencement of lota season in our fair lands.
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For the uninitiated, lota season comes around every time elections are
held, but it actually begins much before the actual election. For a foreigner
reading this column, who might be thinking that the election is preceded and
followed by a severe bout of diarrhea in Pakistan, he/she is not very off the
mark, but in this context I am referring to a different kind of lota. Lotas are
politicians who change their party allegiances before or after elections for
personal gain, and not the kind you clean yourself with.
Like the Star Wars Trilogy, politics in Pakistan has remained
complex with a cast and plot which would put George Lucas to shame. But
politics and political characters since the early 90s have been dominated
by lotas who have spent a lot of time and money reinventing themselves
shamelessly. Like the six installments of the Star Wars Trilogy which kept
fans on their toes, Pakistani politics has never failed to thrill, entertain, and
bring rise to a multitude of emotions for fans who happen to be the millions
of citizens of this country.
Anjum Naz observed that it was time for politicians to reclaim their
throne of power from Musharraf. Musharraf can well be circulating his
resume abroad as we speak. The country simmers with fires of hate against
him. Forgotten and forgiven are the deeds of Asif Zardari, Mian Nawaz
Sharif and Shabaz Sharif, unanimously declared villains by the media not
too long ago Now, they want to reclaim their throne of power from
Musharraf considered nem con the usurper. Will the heroes succeed?
The signs are not good. While Zardari has gone running to the
American ambassador; Nawaz Sharif has gone to powwow with the French
ambassador. The British High Commissioner, Robert Brinkley, is perhaps
playing the referee since he is friends with both the gentlemen and has been
instructing them about the rules of the game before the elections.
Not only that, but the peripatetic counsel generals of important
missions in Pakistan have moved from one gaudy drawing room to another
of PPP and PML-N high ups in Karachi and Lahore. Pray, what do these
foreigners want?
My second guess is that they are asking for mercy. They want their
arch player, the retired General Musharraf redeemed. They dont want
him impeached. Looks like a Bermuda Triangle to me. With Zardari, Nawaz
Sharif and Musharraf making up the Devils Triangle, another name for
Bermuda Triangle, democracy is bound to disappear just as ships and
airplanes are known to have disappeared without a trace.

76

Enter a solution! If the quartet America, Britain, Saudi Arabia and

the European Union so desire Musharraf to continue fighting the war on
terror, how about picking him away from the presidency and plunking
him in Peshawar as the Quartet Representative? It would mean killing
two birds with one stone: stopping the Zardari and Sharif combo from
impeaching the president by taking him out of their hair and at the same time
sending him after the Taliban and al-Qaeda to smoke them out, as Bush
would famously say.
Tony Blair, commonly called Bushs poodle when he worked as
Britains prime minister left his office with his dignity intact. He became the
Quartet Representative. Look at Tony Blair. How happy he looks as he
shuttles between Tel Aviv and the West Bank
Pervez Musharraf has also proved to the quartet that he is
indispensable. He has convinced the quartet that hes willing to fight
terrorism for another five years he has persuaded the quartet that he is
their man in this terrorism-ravaged region.
Whats the delay? Send Musharraf the offer letter pronto. Give him a
good package too good to refuse. Put a plane, a drone, a Black Hawk, an
armoured vehicle at his disposal. Let the former commando shuttle between
Islamabad and Kabul; between the caves of Tora Bora and Swat to flush out
the militants. He must be given a free hand and a chance to prove that he can
deliver. The civilian government at Islamabad should butt out. And so should
the civil society that screams blue murder each time a militant is bombed in
Waziristan
It can be done if theres will. Tony Blair reports regularly and
consults with the Quartet, appending ten days a month at this job. But Blair
does not get paid. Still, Blair told the Times newspaper a few days ago that
he is absolutely passionate about the Middle East. Nothing is more vital to
world peace
President Musharraf may never dream to be in Blairs league, but
hey, he can earn a lot of money by getting his ghost writer to sharpen his
pens and crank up another memoir, which I am sure the Quartet will help
market abroad. Like Blair, Musharraf can make lot of speeches, since he
seems to love his own voice and has become quite good at oratory.
With Musharraf vacating Army House in Rawalpindi, the
environment will undergo a 180 degree climatic change. People will turn
their guns on the civilian government and the press especially will begin
nitpicking. Already cynics are surfacing: I have worked closely with the two
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gentlemen Zardari and Sharif, says a retired babu. Both suffered from
flaws in the past
Both have unlimited resources and have spent lavishly to return to
power. One is a wadera and the other a businessman. They know the
system well and are in part responsible for hijacking it whenever they
could Now the two men are trying to woo independents and PML-Q men
to their sides to swell up their numbers. Horse trading has begun.
The News saw the politicians showing their strength. The show of
strength had a dual purpose is obvious. It sent a clear message to the
president, s few hundred yards away, that the numbers game in the new
parliament is over and now he has to summon the National Assembly and
invite these parties to form a government as soon as possible. The other
message was more personal. It was to Musharraf to see for himself that his
opponents had outclassed and outsmarted him and if he was true to his word,
he should resign quietly and gracefully exit into history without creating
further turmoil and uncertainty in the country.
Even the numbers in the Senate are rising with the forward blocs
and independents swarming towards the new power centres. One
resolution in the Senate, against caretaker PM Mohammedmian Soomros
principal secretarys appointment, was passed unanimously on Wednesday.
Thus the new political reality is that the anti-Musharraf coalition may soon
be in a position to amend the Constitution and remove all the distortions that
were forced into it after the October 1999 coup. But all this process will
become painful and politically destabilizing if President Musharraf, and the
remnants of his camp, resist the change and create hurdles by virtue of the
powers that he has acquired during the years.
The national mandate is clear and Mr Musharraf would do well to see
the writing on the wall, recognize the new reality and understand that he is
no longer in a position to stop the change. In fact, he would do well to rise to
the occasion and gracefully either let the process take its natural and logical
course or quit and take a safe exit. It will be a calamity if he pulls the nation
into divisive directions and in the process diverts all the energies of the
newly elected politicians from tackling the gigantic issues that confront them
in fighting a useless and needless battle with one person.
The paper also observed: Change, quite evidently, is blowing in with
the wind. The storm brought by the February 18 election has, it appears,
continued to gather momentum and is now developing into what could be
a full-fledged typhoon. Its impact in the Senate means the PPP-PML-N-ANP
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coalition is now tantalizing close to attaining majority in the upper house

and the possibility of an extremely firm grip on national affairs. The
unexpected revolt, with six senators, including four linked to the PML-Q,
setting up a forward bloc, is further evidence of the deep unrest seething
within the former ruling party. Reports suggest up to 12 more PML-Q
members in the Senate, and some independents, may be willing in the days
ahead to part ways with the party.
Other prominent PML-Q figures in the Senate are said to be
planning to follow down the path blazed out by the six-member likeminded group. A severe attack within the Senate has also been directed
towards another key Musharraf ally, caretaker Prime Minister
Mohammedmian Soomro, formerly Senate chairperson. The fierce assault
from opposition members, who were backed by many on the treasury
benches, was directed at two recent, ill-advised moves by Soomro: the
reported appointment of his principal secretary as chairman of NEPRA and
the other, extraordinary even by Pakistani standards, issued by Soomro
awarding a series of lavish privileges and perks to ex-Senate chairpersons.
The developments in the Senate prove how quickly tides change
course in Pakistan. Only a few weeks ago, a scenario in which PML-Q
Senators spoke out openly against the government had seemed impossible.
The opposition parties, with Mian Nawaz Sharif claiming they can cobble
together a two-thirds National Assembly majority, is still some way off from
gaining the 67 seats necessary for this in the Senate. This means
constitutional changes or a presidential impeachment are not immediate
possibilities. But, despite this, the shift raking place is seismic. It leaves
President Musharraf weaker and more isolated than ever before.
In a subsequent editorial the newspaper saw a rainbow coalition. Asif
Ali Zardari is continuing in his task of setting up a truly national
government, make up of members of all shades of opinion. At his meeting
with the JUI-Fs Maulana Fazlur Rehman in Islamabad Thursday, they
agreed to evolve a national consensus, and talk further on forming a
national government. The effort to form a government as broad in base as
possible is, of course, a good one
Mr Zardari, who lacks direct experience in government, must also
keep in mind that keeping together a coalition made up of multiple parties
with so much diversity in their thinking and approach may well require
a feat of extremely high caliber jugglery. There is a risk that the task of
simply holding such a coalition together could take up so much time, effort

79

and energy that not enough is left to tackle the actual problems that stare us
in the face. This is all the more true given the growing impatience of people
and their demand that the parties they have voted in swiftly bring some
improvement in their lives.
Seen through the lens of ideology, it is difficult to see how the ANP
and the JUI-F, standing poles apart on many issues, can co-exist within one
dispensation. The views aired by the two parties on many issues, particularly
those on the militancy issue in NWFP, from where both parties draw their
main base of support, are so different that it is uncertain if even the
considerable diplomatic skills of Mr Zardari and his team can forge the vast
chasm. As such, it is important that the PPP ensure the setup it heads is a
viable one
Any process of dialogue and talk, any attempt to better understand
each other, however needs support. The question of whether to unite all
those spoken to in government must however be carefully thought over. The
success of the PPP and its allies so far in building unity has already had
its impact. There are reports the President Musharraf may be willing to
accept at least a partial restoration of judges and that the US is less certain
about backing him at all costs.
Masooda Bano noted the signs of political maturity. Over the last
year, Nawaz Sharif has won much credibility by standing firm on many
principled issues, including the demand for the reinstatement of the judges
removed under the emergency. He has successfully moved away from being
seen as a protg of the military to a serious politician. Now Asif Ali Zardari
is showing his caliber. People are impressed with the way he is conducting
the affairs of the PPP, there is no doubt about that. There is also a growing
impression that he is being able to resist pressure from western forces more
than Benazir. This maturity of political leadership on the two sides is the
most promising news for the future.
Though the PPP is still trying to tread carefully, especially on the
issue of the Article 58-2 (B) of the Constitution, the reassuring development
is that it is lending much more vocal support to the issue of reinstatement of
the deposed judges than it had done in the past. This is a very wise decision
on the part of the leadership because reinstatement of the judges is going to
be the litmus test of the political credentials of the elected parties.
Even more promising is the fact that both parties have withstood
foreign pressure to work with Musharraf. The efforts afoot by the
American and the British ambassadors to Pakistan to lobby Asif Ali Zardari
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and Nawaz Sharif to work with Musharraf are no secret. Americans have
also been keen to seek the PPP form an alliance with the PML-Q rather than
Nawaz. Good sense has, however, prevailed on the side of the PPP, for any
party forms an alliance with PML-Q will fast lose credibility among the
public.
With a very politically aware public and a highly committed
lawyers community, it has become very difficult for the US to keep
marginalizing the democratic forces within the country without being
publicly blamed for that. Thus, though the future remains uncertain,
especially with the president still retaining the power to dissolve the
assembly, there is hope that the post-election reform spirit cannot be
completely subverted.
What is fascinating about Pakistans journey over the last year is that
it has shown that Pakistanis as a nation have a strong sense of morality. The
issue of the judges rests at the heart of the public discourse today
because the Pakistani public respects the sacrifice the judges made for
national good. It is thus a public which has a strong sense of right and wrong
and wants to see a nation built on just principles; what has been lacking is a
strong leadership to respond to their needs. The good news is that the top
political figures in a Pakistani politics seem to be maturing. This
development holds much promise for the future.
Fasi Zafar, however, observed that PPP was ignoring Aitzaz Ahsan. I
wonder how often Aitzazs name comes up now in the deliberations of
Nawaz and Zardari. In the buoyant mood of the return to democracy it is
only just that Aitzaz become a custodian of the rule of law either as prime
minister or the president. But, I doubt this will happen, even though all
parties now want a national government, the two main parties wont support
a national figure.
Once the judiciary is restored, if the PML-N and the PPP actually do
it, what will become of Aitzaz who made the issue a cause celebre? When
Zardari spoke to Newsweek that he was the PPPs most famous member, he
made the error exiles do who have returned after a long sojourn. He just
wasnt up to date. While Zardari maybe have been the most famous
member of the PPP after his spouse in the 90s, it was for all the wrong
reasons. This decade belongs to Aitzaz. Whether he is allotted an
institutional role or not, it seems the man who came out of the wilderness to
defend a hero (Chaudhry Iftikhar), ended becoming one himself.

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Dr Muzaffar Iqbal was of the view that there would be no change in

changed Pakistan. When he leaves the last of his three self-appointed
positions in a few weeks time either due to finally reading the proverbial
writing on the wall himself, or because someone else reads it for him, retired
General Pervez Musharraf would be most remembered for his failure to
change the political landscape of the country. In this he would share the
fate of other three generals who attempted to remake the political structure
of the country and who failed miserably.
The last attempt to reshape politics in Pakistan saw a military dictator
successfully weeding out all opponents. He sent all politicians who mattered
into exile. This was unprecedented in Pakistani politics. General Musharraf
has done to Pakistan what no other man has before him: his draconian
measures have produced a total breakdown of Pakistans society in a manner
never seen before. It may seem premature to pronounce the final verdict, yet
it is absolutely clear that Musharrafs ruthlessness is responsible for the
emergence of unprecedented violence in Pakistan. He also allowed plunder
of state resources at a level and of an order not seen before. His attempts to
restructure Pakistani politics through exiling political leaders have been an
utter failure. He relied on turn-coats
Musharraf has obviously failed to change Pakistans political scene,
but he has succeeded in changing Pakistans social and cultural
landscape in a manner and on a scale which is qualitatively different from
the changes brought by the two previous generals. He has created
intellectual anarchy, social and cultural schizophrenia, and his politics have
led to the emergence of uncontrollable violence. His draconian laws of
dealing with basic issues have destroyed judiciary, fragmented society at
various levels, and produced a culture of hate and despondency. His
oppressive policies have produced suicide bombers and an economic
disaster, both of which are likely to stay with us for a long time. We are now
certainly living in a changed Pakistan, yet in spite of all the negative
changes, the old political order remains intact.
Within this changed and yet not so-changed scenario, important
questions loom large: with the emergence of the old political players on the
scene, are we going to witness any change in the basic political structure of
the country? Will there be an end to the musical chairs between the generals
and politicians? Will there be new political order in which the dispossessed
and the wretched of the land will finally see some hope? One wants to
remain hopeful even though all signs are pointing in another direction.

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Chris Cork opined that it was not democracy. With democracy, even
Pakistans democracy-lite, you get what you vote for. And what you get is
not necessarily what you want, particularly when the choices on offer are
as unappetizing as those currently writing the menu for the upcoming
political meal. Despite obvious flaws in the process and a tainted political
cohort, Pakistan has made a positive move in a different political direction.
That might not be the direction of democracy in terms of how it is
understood by the developed nations, but it is a direction that is a significant
shift away from the voting behaviours of the past and towards a more
pluralist, less tribal, polity of the future.
The modern labour movement extended enfranchisement and steered
political parties which were hitherto distinctly feudal and mostly moribund,
into political mobilization. People began to feel as if they were part of the
political process and that their votes mattered. It was a time of enormous
social change. Literally, the face and fabric of society was transformed
This was the time before the devaluation of political coinage, and a time
when the difference between the political parties was sufficient to allow
voters to make real choices.
Today, with the aging social-democratic parties in gentle decline
choice is no longer an option in any real sense because the difference in
policies between the parties is so fine as to be almost invisible; in effect by
choosing one you are choosing all. The coats and badges may be different
but they are same underneath. Voting for many in the west have lost both
meaning and value evidenced, by fewer people voting as more and more
reject the union between politics and the market.
Business and politics rub along in an adoring symbiosis politics
feeds on money, business has it. A marriage made in heaven. America is
perhaps the clearest example of the paradigm as millions pour into the
coffers of presidential hopefuls. America is also no longer (indeed it might
be argued that it never really was) a democracy; instead it is what it always
wanted to be a plutocracy only vaguely mediated by democratic process.
Attempts to export democracy in recent years have not always
been successful. Russia was to be an example of the democratic triumph of
the free market over a centralized, archaic and corrupt central control that
stifled growth and development, the movement of goods and people and
capital. The slightly grubby reality today is that the free market never really
happened The post-colonial nations have not all fared well either. Africa is

83

something of a democratic desert and the South Asian states with the
exception of India have decidedly patchy record of democracy.
Amy Chua, writing in World on Fire says: Democracy is far from a
sufficient condition for benign governance in the kind of multi-racial
societies that are common in Africa and Asia. Pakistan is arguably not
multi-racial but it is ethnically diverse and driven by sectarianism, hardly
the best seed-bed for democracy. It is as feudal as when the Tolpuddle
Martyrs first put their toe in the democratic waters and it most decidedly
does not want many of the freedoms that come packaged with western
values. What it wants most of all is to find its own place, its own level, and
its own democracy. It will be untidy, unruly, occasionally teetering on the
brink of disaster and whatever form of democracy eventually evolves and
it could take generations, it did in the west it is probably not going to look
much like that of the EU or even that of India or Bangladesh.
Nasim Zehra talked of power construct and leadership demands. One:
The balance of power in Pakistans power construct has greatly shifted
towards elements that constitute constitutional democracy. The elements
include political legitimacy, popular vote, independent judiciary,
constitutionally granted public and state authority, elected offices and
independent media. The lawyers and citizens resistance marked the
beginning of this shift
Two: As a consequence of this shift in the balance of power three
elements operating supra-constitutionally or with the help of supraconstitutional authorities have either been considerably weakened or have
retracted from the extra-constitutional spaces they occupied. First, the army,
which has institutionally begun to retrace its steps towards its constitutional
role; second, Pervez Musharrafs political authority and his time as the all
authoritative supra-constitutional figure is up; and, third, the PML-Q,
created and patronized by Gen Musharraf and the agencies has been
trounced at the polls.
Three, the presidents vastly diminished or vanished political
authority has incapacitated him administratively to take any step to
challenge the authority of the elected parliament. With the legitimate
political ascendance of the elected parliamentary forces the president cannot
use the constitutional powers he acquired since 1999 through ordinances and
constitutional amendments. With the armys obvious inclination to steer
clear of politics, retired general Musharraf, holding a controversial
presidential position, has no cards with which to begin another round of

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power contest between the popularly elected parliamentary forces and the
vice-regal forces.
Four, the joint movement of Pakistans major parliamentary forces
towards constitutional democracy greatly reduces the ability of the agencies
and the GHQ to puppeteer a new anti-democracy play. At this juncture of
Pakistans political history as genuine political forces work together
according to consensus-based rules of the game no IJI and MMA can be
treated. With the PPP having wisely given a stake to all elected forces in a
new setup and with the PML-N determined only to play the democratic
game, there are no politicians willing to play the B team for the
presidency
Five, the emergence of lawyers-led, organized and determined citizen
groups, which seek accountable exercise of state and government power and
demanding restoration of the pre-Nov 3 judiciary, is significant. It has
contributed to the creation of an effective democratic deterrence against the
unhindered functioning of supra-constitutional forces within Pakistans
political space. The media, popular political forces and overseas Pakistanis
have been a key element in this uniquely evolving Pakistani democratic
deterrence. This democratic deterrence has worked to prevent the
widespread rigging planned for Election Day, as even conceded by
Pakistans attorney-general in his telephone conversation
Six, Pakistans parliamentary forces appear relatively more
capable of resisting external pressure, keen to influence Pakistans
political future and the power scene. For example, Washingtons advice to
the PPP to keep the Islamist Nawaz Sharif out of a future ruling coalition
and to the elected parliamentarians on not insisting upon the restoration of
the pre-Nov 3 judiciary was not adhered to. Similarly Washingtons advise
that the elected parties work with President Musharraf and the US
presidents phone call of support to President Musharraf will not greatly alter
the way various political leaders view President Musharraf.
Seven, the Musharraf era is over, yet his political future and exit
scenario are dependant on his personal decision, on the parliaments
decisions and the street factor. Where the president not to honour his own
promise of respecting the publics verdict on his political future or the
thumping failure of his eight-year-long political experiment and not resign,
then the politicians have the option to use their parliamentary strength to
weaken him

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Eight, the struggle for the restoration of the pre-Nov 3 judiciary

has greatly contributed to strengthening the struggle for rule of law in
Pakistan. Whatever the public articulation of the PPP there is clear
agreement between the PPP and the PML-N that restoration of judiciary is a
priority item for the two. However, with various opinions on how the
restoration can constitutionally take place, an immediate task force on
restoration of the judiciary will have to be immediately set up to give
specific recommendations on what is the quickest and the most effective
way forward on this.
Pakistan is transiting from khaki-led quasi-democracy to a
genuine constitutional democracy. Power realignments are taking place
and we stand at the edge of a new democratic dawn. The democratic forces
are ascendant but not quite rooted yet. The democratic process has begun but
the return of constitutional authority to the elected parliament has yet to
begin.
This is a hopeful yet precarious period. The challenge of Pakistans
parliamentary forces is to convert this shift in Pakistans power construct
into permanent ascendancy of the parliament in accordance with Pakistans
1973 Constitution. It is time for responsible and thoughtful action, not
reactive behaviour All eyes are on the two key parties, the PPP and the
PML-N, and also on important regional parties, including the ANP and the
MQM. Only jointly can they successfully respond to the many challenges
economic, political, internal security, distributive justice and foreign policy
that confront Pakistan.
Shafqat Mahmood observed: Events are inexorably moving
towards his exit, but the message is not getting through to Mr Musharraf.
He still keeps the Chief Justice of Pakistan and his family imprisoned in
their home. This includes a ten-year-old child who constantly needs medical
attention and his college going sister, who is not allowed to step out of the
house. Other rulers have punished the families of their opponents but have
confined their venom to activist adults. This one has taken his fight to the
children.
He also keeps Aitzaz Ahsan and some of his lawyer colleagues
locked up. Mr Musharrafs effective hold on power can now be counted
in days, but this has not made him rethink his actions. Is this inherent
arrogance of office or some kind of selective amnesia? Does he not
understand that the moment a political government is sworn in it will
immediately release detained lawyers and judges? Why is he then stubbornly

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persisting in keeping them in? Either he knows something we dont or, he

has gently wandered into cuckoo land.
Meanwhile, the process of government formulation is moving
forward. Despite the doubts and the devious machinations of the Musharraf
camp, the PPP/PML-N accord appears to be solid. This indicates a clear
understanding on main issues. Both parties have recognized the others right
to form a government where it is in majority, and this extends to the ANP in
the Frontier.
What is heartening is an apparent understanding on the tricky
issue of restoring the real pre-Nov 3 judiciary The most important, of
course, is how the restoration will take place. A number of important jurists
are weighing in on this, so there is no reason to add my two bits, but it will
have to be worked out carefully.
Then, there is the question of what to do with judges who have taken
oath under the PCO. Do they revert to their original position and seniority
or, because they have violated their oath to the Constitution, they leave.
Another problem is the new judges who have been appointed during this
period. Lastly, what is the status of the judgments delivered during the socalled emergency and thereafter?
Since we do not know exactly when the government formation will
take place, it is difficult to predict a timeframe for the restoration. It all
depends on how soon the National Assembly is summoned. The last time in
2002, the General took forty-four days to do this and used this time to
cobble together a majority for his supporters. What is he waiting for this
time? Does he still have some other trick up his sleeve?
One big difference this time around would be the political input that
was missing with Musharraf taking all decisions. This will not only come
from the PPP and PML-N at the centre, but crucially from the ANP in the
Frontier or whatever new name is adopted for it. It is difficult being
confident when the problem is so difficult, but a common decision of
national political and military forces would be a great improvement over the
past.
There are reasons to be quietly optimistic about the future. A
peoples verdict through an election has the amazing ability to cut through a
number of complicated knots. A dictator has been cut down to size and most
probably will fade away if not leave altogether. The judiciary will be
restored with honour and will function independently Considering that
only a short time back despondency was the dominant emotion, we have
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moved very quickly forward. Spring is in the air, and let us pray that this
becomes an important turning point for the country.
Imtiaz Alam opined that nothing precedes the restoration of
sovereignty of the parliament. The mandate not only debars the domestic
forces from hob-knobbing with the remnants of authoritarianism, but also
refrains from giving an absolute mandate to the single largest party at both
national and provincial levels, except in Sindh. Realizing the enormity of
the crises, the electorates dont want the repetition of the failed decade
of 90s and want the major democratic parties to work in cohesion for a
democratic and progressive Pakistan. Its a mandate for a democratic
coalition to consolidate democracy and defeat authoritarianism and religious
extremism/terrorism. What is to be done?
Despite the pre-poll rigging, the February 18 elections have
produced all good elements of a rainbow coalition for democracy and
enlightenment. But what is going to be the alignment of forces? The
question is to be decided by what is the principal contradiction now and
what is the immediate major target?
Be it the most burning issue of the restoration of judges and more
importantly, independence of judiciary, redefining of civil-military relations,
greater provincial autonomy, restoring the writ of the state, controlling
terrorism, containing inflation or reformulating Pakistans relationship with
the international community and the neighbours, they are all important and
cannot be ignored. But they do not precede the principal issue of the
restoration of the sovereignty of the parliament and transfer of power
from the executive-presidency to the elected prime minister with full
executive powers in the collective hands of the cabinet. The first task the
parliament is to ensure its own existence by dispensing with the presidential
power to dissolve the assemblies under Article 58-2 (b) and legislate to
transfer all executive powers to the elected cabinet with the prime minister
as the real chief executive of the establishment.
The current crises carry all symptoms of a failing rogue state
and require tremendous national effort to get out of our current
predicaments. No single party or institution is in a position to overcome it. It
requires all democratic forces to forge national unity on the basis of a
minimum national agenda for renewal and consolidation of democracy and
establishment of broad-based coalitions both at the centre and the provinces
for full five years

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Any diversion from this path of consolidating undiluted

democracy will be fatal for the destiny of our nation. The impatience
being shown by our valiant lawyers community for the restoration of
deposed judges even before the parliament has even met and is also not sure
of its sovereignty and strength shows similar kind of infantilism as exhibited
by the champions of the boycott of elections. A good cause can be
squandered by amateur tactics.
Even if all these issues of constitutional reforms, transfer of power
to the elected representatives of the people, reconstitution of National
Security Council under the prime minister, greater provincial autonomy and
independence of judiciary are amicably settled, the country will still not
be out of crises. It faces a greatest threat of destabilization from the forces
of extremism and terrorism. It is in the throes of fiscal and financial crisis. It
has to rejuvenate its services, industry and agriculture to pick up higher
growth and prosperity for its people.
Kamila Hyat wrote: The list of tasks to be taken on is formidable.
The challenge for the political parties stepping out onto the battlefield is
greater too because of the immense expectations of people. Those who have
voted for change are, understandably, desperate that it materializes all the
more so when at present they struggle to bring into their kitchens even the
very basic necessities of life. Meeting at least some of their needs must then
be a priority for the new government.
But the fact is that, unfortunately, major changes cannot happen
instantly. The series of complications currently in place make it even harder
to bring about any swift transformation. The first of these complications is
the continued presence of President Pervez Musharraf whose spokesman
has denied that he plans to quit. A deeply divisive figure, surrounded now by
bitter controversy and shown by pre-poll surveys to have lost support from
almost all the citizens he still insists he is best qualified to lead
Musharrafs stubborn grip on power makes it harder to set about the task of
finding solutions or making a fresh start.
Even though he is now largely isolated, stripped off support within
parliament and no longer in control of the powerful seat of COAS,
Musharraf still has the potential to create problems. The emphatic US
support for him, while further discrediting him in the eyes of people, adds to
the hurdles confronted by political parties in the immediate future.
The scale of the current problems faced by the country mean that the
new government must be given time to prove its worth, not placed under
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intolerable strain with ultimatums given even before the new parliament has
met. Indeed, it is important for strategy to be carefully weighed and planned.
Decisions taken in haste, without due consultation and consideration, are
often poor ones, in this respect, whereas the restoration of the deposed
judiciary, the issue which stands at the core of the national crisis, is essential
the means to achieve it need to be carefully thought out.
The only way forward is to move one step at a time, hands clasped
with the people across the country so that a strong, united force can be set
up. Racing ahead too quickly, caving in to the enormous surge of pressures,
may result in this line being broken some of its components left behind.
Instead, consensus needs to be built, lines of thought shared with people and
their opinions sought. There is after all no one oracle of wisdom in the
country and decisions taken collective are far more likely to succeed than
those taken alone.
For the present though, all eyes will remain focused on the new
governments is Islamabad and in the provinces. The media much maligned
by President Musharraf for attacking his government, has made it clear its
role as a watchdog will not change. This is of course, how it should be but
at the same time it is wise to remember that change cannot come instantly;
that, sadly, many difficulties will persist and the new government
whatever its final composition will need time to make any kind of mark on
the country it now takes command of.
The News opined: Never before, in the electoral history of Pakistan,
has so much doubt existed as to who the next prime minister will be
There are some reports of friction growing within the PPP on this issue
something that does not augur well given that a government of coalition is to
be formed.
Ironically, the PML-Ns own two central leaders, Nawaz and
Shahbaz Sharif, too have yet to enter the assemblies. However, it has
been clarified that Shahbaz Sharif will resume the role of chief minister in
Punjab, and contest a by-election to reach the assembly, within which his
party commands a majority.
The apex courts decision Wednesday to vacate an order passed by
deposed chief justice Muhammad Iftikhar Chaudhry in October, freezing
parts of the NRO, benefits the leaders of all the major parties, including
those of PPP and PML-N. They are now freer to go about their task of
government formation and to dispel the uncertainties that persist over the
question of how long a coalition between partners with quite radically
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different ideologies can be sustained in a political climate marked by a

tendency towards intrigue, friction and desire to acquire power at all costs.
Ayaz Amir mentioned expectations of the people and challenges for
the government. The bonhomie and goodwill between Nawaz Sharif and
Asif Zardari are for real. Both men realize that they have to get things
right this time if the historic opportunity they have been given by the people
of Pakistan is not to be squandered, Pakistani history after all being a tale of
opportunities lost and turning points wasted. But this bonhomie doesnt quite
paper over the cracks in some of their basic positions.
Asif Zardari doesnt seem very clear about the judges issue and
some of his senior party men almost suggest as if their restoration is not
really amongst their first priorities. Zardari says he wants to strengthen
parliament which is all very fine and edifying. But he has yet to explain how
the restoration of the judges amounts to weakening parliament.
Pakistans basic problem is strengthening the rule of law. How
can anyone even begin to address this problem without undoing the actions
of November 3 (PCO and emergency) and restoring the November 3
judiciary? Asif Zardari and his senior lieutenants dont quite say it but they
give the impression as if talk about restoring the judges amounts to
brinkmanship and to getting on the wrong side of the army. Is that too
early?
Is the army command against the restoration of the deposed judges?
Whence this impression in the PPPs mind? Or have we to thank our
American friends, busy muddying the waters, for spreading this impression?
Since the election the nation is holding its peace because it is expecting
the national leadership to get its act together. But generalities and
sonorous clichs wont do forever. The PPP better be clear on the question of
judges
The PPP and the PML-N have to meet each other halfway. If the
price of trust and unity of the centre is the PML-N participation in the
federal cabinet, under a PPP prime minister, the PML-N should show no
hesitation in paying it. At the time, however, Asif Ali Zardari must get over
the reservations in his mind, some of these impossible to understand, about
the deposed judges. The nations first order of business, after the National
Assembly meets and prime minister and cabinet are sworn in (with PML-N
participation), should be restoration of the judges and the undoing the
actions of November 3.

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As a result of the elections the atmosphere in the country has

changed. But everything else is as it was. There are still lines for atta in
front of utility stores across the country. Inflation is no lower and power
supply is no better The people of Pakistan are patient. But their patience
wont last forever.
The PPP and the PML-N, and also the ANP, therefore confront an
historic challenge. They should concentrate on essentials, not fritter away
their energy and capacity on non-essentials. Leaving questions of
personal ego and personal advancement aside, they should get down to the
task of administration, of giving the sorely-tired people of this country the
semblance if not the complete reality of honest and reasonably efficient
government.
Mir Jamilur Rahman urged that priority should be given to
confronting the challenges. The new government will soon be in place. It
will be faced with many challenges. This would not be easy, but with the
backing of people it would surmount those challenges. In the last few weeks
Zardari has proved by his actions and statements that he understands the
problems and knows how to overcome them by applying statesmanship and
political acumen. In fact, his unjustified long incarceration and his struggle
for democracy have transformed him into a public leader of substance. It
would be his job and of Nawaz Sharifs as well to restrain the coalition from
wasting its energies on fruitless pursuits like revenge. Asif Zardari has
forgiven those who had put him in jail for 11 years without getting a single
conviction against him. The other leaders and party activists, including those
of PML-N who were wronged by the last government, should follow
Zardari and let bygones be bygones. They have been sufficiently avenged
by the comprehensive defeat suffered by their tormentors.
Shakir Husain wrote: The truth is that the new government,
whatever its shape and composition, has one of the most difficult tasks any
government in Pakistan has faced. The financial hole that Shaukat Holein-One Aziz has left before he departed for London and then finally New
York is going to take nothing but financial wizardry to plug. A devastating
deficit, soaring inflation, ridiculously low food reserves, a power crisis
which needs no elaboration, and collapsing institutions thrown in for good
measure.
These elections have raised peoples hopes to unprecedented
levels, and these expectations will need to be fulfilled one way or another,
which makes it clear why the PML-N wants to extend its cooperation but is

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sending out signals that it may not want cabinet-level positions for its
members. With oil having crossed the 100-dollar level, international wheat
prices at their highest levels, and no quick fix for the power crisis given the
time lag it takes to commission a power plant, the new governments
financial managers will have a daunting task ahead of them.
But all is not lost and the new government will need to work on
perceptions as much as policy from day one. I think we all know that new
ministers like new cats, refurbished offices, and love junkets as much as the
old lot but this time there will be unprecedented public scrutiny on how
the PML-N and PPP behave in public office.
Governance is all about transparency, and if the coalition national
government believes that it can hand out political favours in the shape of
contracts and juicy allotments they should be warned that this exactly what
President Musharraf and his allies want this government to do. All so they
can snipe from the sidelines and say, we told you so. If this government
can go on an austerity drive and not get mired in controversy, the odds
of it surviving the first year will be high bookies across the country are
already predicting that the new government will not survive the first year.
The first order of business that the new parliament should undertake
is rescinding legislation and orders which give ex-public figures lifetime
privileges. It is also shameful that caretaker prime minister Soomro has
allotted himself lifetime privileges which will be paid for by Pakistani
taxpayers he is not the first to do so, but I mention this because I didnt
expect him to go this route. Quick fixes dont usually work
Its not possible to overcome the economic crisis which is on the
horizon, but with a mixture of intelligent policy, smart people, and a little bit
of imagination its very possible. Undoing the mess of past five years will
not be easy but possible as long as our new leaders are willing to go the
distance.
Tanvir Ahmad Khan was of the view: It is a vote against over
centralization and it means that Pakistans problems will have to be
addressed through accommodative coalition politics. This has virtually been
the norm in India for some time. It is also a frequent procedure in highly
developed democracies of continental Europe where proportionate
representation is in vogue.
Coalition politics tests the skills of political leaders to the utmost
in the best of scenarios. In Pakistan, many internal and external factors
make the task particularly difficult. The winners are confronted with the
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debris of a system that never gained legitimacy and that finally collapsed in
November 2007. The primary challenge is to restore the rule of law and the
sanctity of the Constitution.
While Pakistans democracy must make a quick shift from transition
to consolidation, the Musharraf factor may delay the process. If he retains
the power available to him under Article 58-2B there would be
apprehensions that he would invoke it as soon as an opportunity presents
itself.
The next stage is getting a grip on the growing economic inequalities.
Huntingdon and others have argued in the past that the goal of
democratization is limited to political freedom. It is a procedural view that
de-links political good from economic good and social peace. In the last
eight years social disparities in Pakistan have become dire and it is necessary
to restore what the social scientist Dahi calls the linkage between democratic
citizenship and socio-economic structures. The new government will have
to take decisive affirmative action to establish political liberty and
distributive justice as the twin pillars of a new democratic order.
This is where the demands of the Pakistani situation and the
priorities of Pakistans Western friends begin to diverge. Led by the
United States, the West has supported the cause of democracy in Pakistan
but it is reluctant to offer to the new government the choice of reordering,
readjusting and reorienting its participation in the war on terror
At a time when they should be working out a minimum common
programme of political and economic reforms the elected leaders of a likely
coalition are obliged to demonstrate their electoral strength to persuade
President Musharraf to convene the National Assembly. Election 2008 has
given the people of Pakistan great clarity of thought. It will be dangerous to
ignore it and revert to what a former ISI general has euphemistically
described as political engineering in the past in a recent interview. The
elected leaders should now be free to make an unfettered move across
the threshold of democracy into effective governance.
Syed Mohibullah Shah opined: Pretty soon, heavy debt service
liabilities would sponge off a big chunk of national income. Between oil,
import bills, ballooning debt-servicing burdens and rising dividend outflows
of privatized units, there would be little left for meeting critical needs of the
people actually living in the country food, medicine, defence, industrial
equipment, raw materials and others. Pressures would mount on the currency

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as well. A difficult legacy from mismanaged economy has been left

behind for the new government to carry.
Like troubles, these economic challenges also come to the new
government along with several other challenges. There are foreign policy
challenges, constitutional and judicial issues, food and energy shortages and
others. But most of all is the challenge of restoring faith and confidence of
people in the governance. The fundamental challenge created in the past
few years is crisis of confidence in the governance of the state And if
the governance persists being partisan, inefficient, wasteful or worse off
national resources can it be held to account?
The consequences of missed opportunities and poor governance over
these years would continue to cast long shadows on the peoples wellbeing
and create increasing pressures on the future government. The new
government would now have to pick up these pieces and work for
restoring confidence of people in governance itself. Along the way, it
would be called upon to address economic and other challenges calling for
urgent solutions.
Despite the peoples verdict Musharraf shamelessly stuck to the
presidency. The News wrote: The presidential camp spokesman has come
out with a categorical and provocative statement that President Pervez
Musharraf will not resign and neither will any of the deposed Supreme Court
judges be restored. This development has taken place after a series of
meetings reported between discarded and humiliated political and legal
associates and collaborators of General Musharraf, who have once again
flocked to him seeking refuge under the presidential umbrella Instead of
accepting the peoples verdict with grace and dignity, President Musharraf
has apparently chosen to deny it and still seems to mistakenly think that he
remains popular with the masses.
All said and done, the president continues to live in a state of
denial and clearly this is not a good sign for the countrys or presidents
future. The tone and tenor of the defeated lot has all of a sudden changed
and become ominously aggressive after meetings at the presidents camp
office. The Chaudhrys, Sharifuddin Pirzada and Malik Qayyum, known for
their anti-people and anti-constitution role, seemed more interested in
perpetuating, by hook or by crook, their illegitimate grip on power. It is clear
that they have not accepted the peoples verdict (though they say every day
without fail that they have) and also lack the decency to quit gracefully. All

95

of them seem to be conspiring to sabotage democracy and they need to be

stopped.
It may be true that President Musharraf still has the powers and the
capacity to rock the system but it is also true that these powers were grabbed
through the barrel of a gun. In any case, the situation now has changed so
much that were he to do something like that again, he would, quite
literally, be dealing his presidency a death blow (assuming of course that
the election has not done this already).
The presidential camp thinks that popular politicians will fail to
reach any working agreement and the camp must use all the discredited
puppets to further divide and smear them. This is no national service. It
could well lead to a needless and destructive confrontation, one which could
get out of hand sooner than anyone can imagine. The will of the people
through the process of democracy cannot be subverted and must be
respected. If this is not done, the people will have no other recourse but to
take to the streets and this is something that Pakistan may not be able to
afford.
Civil society will also have to play a key role in, in mobilizing all
segments of the population to stop this madness before it turns into a frenzy
and sabotages the much-needed march towards a truly representative
democracy where the will of the people is not hijacked by vested interests.
The politicians now trying to cobble together coalitions must first
concentrate and put their heads together to make the conspirators understand
that the game is lost and that they (the conspirators) need to step aside.
Adnan Rehmat wondered: What can be the final outcome of the third
transition the result of this transition being the Constitution and that of
second 58-2 (B) that is the question. Perhaps its a new equation:
persecution (of the political forces) is out and accountability (of the
establishment) is in With the mood of the winning political parties, driven
by popular public expectations, growing buoyant by the day, it seems like
the groundwork is about to be laid for those who called the shots in the
last nine years (it was all a one-man show really!) to be held accountable
through a massive national mandate.
As in the past transitions, now too will the army chief, traditionally
the powerful head figure in the country, revert to professional matters and
leave politics to politicians; even if for the time being. The only difference
this time is that there are two persons in this country who think they are
the army chief. Only one of them is. And its not Musharraf.
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Ghazi Salahuddin saw Musharraf gradually fading away. Musharraf

is unwilling to resign and may stay in his post in the immediate future or
even for a longer period. We know that his allies in the PML-Q have started
a campaign to muster support for their benefactor and a number of meetings
have taken place in the Army House reportedly renamed as the Presidential
Lodge. But there should be no doubt that politics in Pakistan has gone
beyond Musharraf.
Can hope that springs from Wednesdays show of strength survive?
There have been some other political initiatives after that and it is early
to decipher their significance. On Thursday, a PPP delegation went to Nine
Zero in Karachi to have parleys with the MQM, and in Islamabad, Asif
Zardari accompanied by some senior leaders held a meeting with JUP leader
Maulana Fazlur Rehman. More negotiations are in the offing
What all this means is that the way to the formation of government
at the centre and in the provinces is still paved with some uncertainties.
The MQMs participation in the Sindh government is fairly justifiable,
though the political logic of numbers does not make it necessary
Now that we are celebrating the rebirth of a democratic dispensation,
our political leaders should remain mindful of the contribution that the
lawyers have made to this transformation, with active support of the media
and the civil society. Vindication of this struggle is bound to inject a new
sense of validity and optimism into our collective endeavours. At the heart
of all our exertions is the pursuit of justice and of rule of law.
This prospect that the deposed judges will be restored and the
consequences of the state of emergency that was enforced, in defiance of the
Constitution, on Nov 3, 2007, will be effectively erased is another
certification of the end of the Musharraf era, in spite of his continuation in
office. This must be a very tough time for even the fighter that
Musharraf has proved himself to be.
In a report from Islamabad, Declan Walsh of The Guardian presented
a rather touching portrayal of the president, saying that the rout of his party
at the polls has shorn the retired commando of his political base, leaving
him isolated and exposed. He has quoted a senior party official: Hes been
sulking. Hes retreated into a mental bunker, which is not healthy. He thinks
everyone is out to get him and only listens to a small circle. Its a
dangerous mindset to be in at this point of time. He could decide to hit
back. Be that as it may, the arena of action now belongs to other players,
Zardari and Nawaz Sharif being in the lead.
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Could a poor country like Pakistan afford a royal dictator like

Musharraf? Kamal Siddiqi wrote: One is stunned when told that our most
recently retired general, President Musharraf, stayed at a royal suite in a top
London hotel and the Pakistan government ended up by paying 68,000
pounds (17,000 pounds per night) for this. The presidents entourage also
stayed at the same hotel, we are told. This shameless splurging of our money
needs to be accounted for. What makes this more depressing is that this is
neither the first nor the last of such visits.
Ahmed Quraishi was among the odd few who considered Musharraf a
right president for the transitional period. Only two inherent threats to
democracy exist now. The first one stems from disturbing signals coming
from the politicians that indicate a desire to pursue politics of revenge. This
includes the unnecessary digging into the past Asif Zardari demanding an
apology for the judicial trial and hanging of former premier Zulfikar Ali
Bhutto (from whom?) and Mr Nawaz Sharif demanding the return of a
deposed chief justice.
The second inherent threat comes from disturbing secessionist
tendencies that may not reflect party lines but were still expressed in
indirect ways. The ANP, which is projected to rule the NWFP, appears to
have closer ties to the Karzai administration in Kabul than to Islamabad.
When Pakistan was pro-West during the Cold War, the ANP was pro-Soviet.
And in Punjab and Sindh, Pakistanis were aghast to see the PML-Q at one
point try to whip up provincialism to counter the PPPs veiled threats of
separatism in case of election fraud. Nationalist Pakistanis were alarmed by
the conduct of both parties which later reacted under the force of public
opinion the PML-Q publicly apologized and the PPP atoned by calling for
national unity.
While it became fashionable to thrash President Musharraf, it is the
United States that is in the worst position on the Pakistani chessboard.
Its fascinating to see Washington trying again to prop up the president
when, last year, it tried its best to execute a political coup against him by
attempting to replace him with the late Benazir Bhutto. Now with the PPP
falling short of a simple majority by a staggering 86 seats and forced to ally
with a nationalist Nawaz Sharif, the Americans must be regretting the day
they decided to destabilize the Musharraf administration.
With no party capable of single-handedly pushing the US agenda,
the Americans are again falling behind Musharraf as the safest bet. The
one good thing about the new Pakistani parliament is that it is in a position

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to put up the same kind of opposition to the United States that the Turkish
parliament did in the run-up to the Iraqi invasion. Pakistani legislators, like
their Turkish counterparts, are expected to remain sensitive to their voters,
who are generally angry at American blunders in the region.
Although President Musharraf may not say this publicly, he took
a strategic decision to ditch his unfaithful allies in the so-called Kings
Party the day he decided to strike a deal with Benazir Bhutto; and for good
reason. The PML-Q abandoned Musharraf during all the important crises of
the past five years
President Musharraf has no problem with fluctuating popularity
ratings and by becoming a civilian president has spared the military
unnecessary criticism for tough and unpopular political decisions. He
simultaneously understands the concerns of the military and the politicians.
If nothing else, this alone makes him a perfect president for the
transitional period.
If Mr Musharrafs impeachment is a spurious issue, it is not the
only one. The question of the restoration of the anti-Musharraf retired
judges is another secondary issue that threatens to over-shadow the real
problems that the winning parties need to focus on
I feel sorry for the reinvigorated Pakistani civil society because it
wants to support genuine democracy and participation but is confused about
whom to support. Civil society needs to widen its scope of criticism to
include, in addition to the sitting president, the rest of the politicians. And it
needs to ask all hard questions. One question that nobody cared to ask is
this: How are we, as Pakistanis, better off by recycling old tried, tested and
failed faces
There was no respite for Pakistan from the external pressure. Shireen
M Mazari wrote: It is time for the new Pakistani leadership to stand its
ground in terms of asserting a nationalist posture that stops external
powers from feeling they can intrude as they wish into our internal matters.
Already the CIA has claimed that it conducted a successful unilateral attack
against an al-Qaeda commander in Mir Ali on January 29 without the
knowledge/approval of Pakistan. Moreover, the CIA has declared that this
will be the model for the future in terms of attacks by US forces on Pakistani
soil since Pakistan is considered unreliable by the US military.
But the feeling that Pakistan is fair game for intrusion in its
domestic affairs is not limited simply to the US although action in this
regard so far seems to have been the sole preserve of the US. In fact, as one
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observer quipped, since many Pakistanis cannot go to the US to experience

the American way of life, the US is bringing America to Pakistan! One just
has to see the one way student exchanges, the buying of air time on radio
and TV and the wide range of NGOs funded by the US trying to teach
Pakistanis democracy, enlightenment and so on and can understand the
new White Mans burden the US has thrust on itself!
At the declaratory level, of course, we have seen the army chief of
our large neighbours to the east, and now a strategic ally of the US, make a
blatantly political statement relating to Pakistan. Given how the Indian
military leadership never comments even on Indian politics, it was totally
unacceptable to have the Indian army chief commenting on our election,
regardless of the nature of the comment. But what has been more
distressing has been the lack of reaction from the Pakistani side.
Incidentally, despite the positive electoral process and results, it is not
just the US political elite that continue to target Pakistan. The British
government, through its Foreign and Commonwealth Office, is sponsoring a
conference in Wilton Park especially on Pakistan: Sources of Stability and
Instability Of course, there are some Pakistani ministers/officials who
apparently will be invited plus some Pakistani scholars, but the whole
agenda in its formulation is a negative one portraying a picture of
problematic state and civil society. This is the image the US and its allies
continue to seek to promote and they are simply not prepared to accept that
the Pakistani nation is self-confident in its diversity and resilient as reflected
in its assertiveness since March 2007. But such positives are best ignored by
our US and British detractors.
Kamila Hyat observed: Whereas Washington is apparently desperate
efforts to prop up an ally are perhaps in some ways touching, the fact is that
they go against the wishes of the people of Pakistan. These people, on
February 18, have delivered an emphatic vote against Musharraf and his
political partners with a result so clear-cut that there is no room left for
doubt about their opinion. To some extent, the US dictated policy played a
part in the downfall of Musharraf, with the ballot effectively stripping
him of all but a small handful of allies. The primary reasons for this are
undoubtedly linked to the prevailing internal situation.
Many who would once be seen as the natural allies of western
liberalism now fall in the anti-Washington camp. The decline of the Left
in Pakistan means it is the forces of the religious right who are seen as most
boldly waving the anti-US flag, and these realities have built support for

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anti-US forces in the country, including those engaged in warfare in northern

areas. Combating them has become more difficult because the popular view
is that policies in this sphere are dictates by Washington. Certainly, President
Musharraf and his team have failed to persuade citizens that defeating these
forces is far more important to Pakistan and its people, rather than to anyone
else.
If Washington has any commitment at all to Pakistan, its people and
the need to end extremism within it, it must realize that it has to fully respect
the mandate of the people. The political parties and the leaders entrusted
with the task of governing Pakistan by its people can succeed only if they
are able to retain the support of these citizens, take them along with every
decision and indeed engage in a continuous process of exchanging thoughts,
ideas and perspectives with them. Any notion of US involvement with
these parties will only make their task harder and create difficulties
encountered by the regime of the past, under whose rule a huge surge in
terrorism has been encountered.
Pakistan today needs a new start, a fresh beginning. This is what
people have voted for. The basic requirements of the democracy that the
US so often talks about are that this will of the people must be respected; the
voice they have raised must be heard. For all the reasons, Washington must
act as a true friend
They must realize that by continuing it, they are in fact hindering
rather than aiding the quest for future stability in Pakistan and the
efforts by political victors to attain an end to chaos. This chaos can only
promote more violence and terror. For once, the people of Pakistan must be
permitted to play a part in carving out their own destiny and not forced to
follow dictates from other lands. There is every chance that the choices they
make, the roads they follow, will bring better results than those brought
about by plans made in Washington.
Praful Bidwai from across the border expressed the views from Indian
perspective. The voter has severely punished the PML-Qs stalwarts,
including a galaxy of former Ministers and Pakistans most venal and
shrewd politicians. They belong to well-entrenched political families with
strong clan and kinship connections. They know which side of the bread is
buttered and typically win all elections no matter on whose ticket. Their
ignominious defeat clarifies the central meaning of the results.
The message for Mr Musharraf is simple. He asked the people to
vote for his supporters. They resoundingly rejected his appeal. If he has
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any sense, he should quit and roll back his recent decisions, including the
PCO of November last. Or else, instead of becoming the father figure to
the next government, which he boastfully offered to do, he may turn into a
pariah.
The election result totally disproves the doomsayers view that
Pakistan can never develop a democratic ethos. It has far reaching
implications for balances within Pakistans state structures. Nothing should
be allowed to obscure its character as a referendum against the
Establishment, including the army, and for a clean, decisive vote for
democracy.
Even at a distance, one cannot fail to be impressed by the strength
of the anti-army sentiment in Pakistan, probably the most intense since
the Bangladesh War. This is clearly linked to the militarys misrule,
corruption, greed and links with United States agendas This sentiment
coincides with the decision of army chief Ashfaq Pervez Kayani to sever the
militarys overt links with politics, withdraw army personnel from top
civilian jobs, and declare categorically that the army would play no role in
elections
The election results have 5 noteworthy features. First, the people
voted in a rational, discriminating and unsentimental way. They were not
excessively swayed by the sympathy for the Pakistan Peoples Party owing
to Benazir Bhuttos assassination.
Second, the PPP won 88 of the National Assemblys 272 elected
seats. Besides its traditional stronghold, Sindh, it has also done well in the
North West Frontier Province and southern Punjab. The PML-N retained its
base in Punjab and won 66 seats surpassing expectations because of its
strong anti-Musharraf stand. This outcome, like the provincial assembly
results, reaffirms the federal character of Pakistans polity.
Third, the popular mandate favours a PPP-PML-N coalition which
also carries other parties like the Mohajir-dominated MQM, and Asfandyar
Wali Khans Awami National Party. Such a multi-party coalition will have a
broad and diverse base.
Fourth, the results unambiguously point to the publics
disillusionment with the religious extremists. The Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal,
which won 56 NA seats in 2002, suffered a stunning defeat, winning just 5
seats. This vindicates the view that the 2002 election was exceptional
because it followed the US invasion of Afghanistan. Until then, religious
extremists only commanded under 3 percent of the vote.
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And fifth, an alliance led by the PPP and the PML-N offers Pakistan
the best chance to address two urgent tasks: making a decisive break with
military rule, and granting autonomy to the provinces. The first is a
precondition for genuine democratization. And without second, the very
existence of the state may be in jeopardy
Zardari, implicated in corruption cases, is vulnerable to pressure
and manipulation by Musharraf as well as the US. He hasnt asked
Musharraf to step down, nor ruled out cooperation with him. Nor has he
demanded the restoration of the judges dismissed under the November 3
PCO.
There is an outer chance that Zardari will be tempted to try one of
those super-opportunistic cut-and-paste jobs for which Pakistani politicians
have gained notoriety for instance, by stitching together a coalition
between his party and elements from the discredited PML-Q.
That would completely violate the popular mandate, and make a
mockery of the elementary democratic norm that a ruling party defeated in
an election should not be part of the next coalition government. It will
almost certainly split the PPP and discredit and isolate Zardari. He must
desist from that terrible course.
One can only hope that Bhuttos son-in-law doesnt repeat his
blunder by bestowing legitimacy on Musharraf and inviting the army to
play a larger-than-life role just when it is withdrawing from politics. The
immediate priority is to rescind the November PCO, restore Chief Justice
Chaudhry and other dismissed judges, and cancel Musharrafs arbitrary
decrees.
All South Asians must respect Pakistani peoples verdict, and look
beyond Musharraf. Hes nobodys best bet in Pakistan. Indians must
welcome the fact that the peace process now may have a wider constituency
in Pakistan than Musharraf. This is great news for India-Pakistan relations
and for the prospect of a peaceful, prosperous South Asia.
Despite the hectic post-poll politicking the issue of restoration of
judges was not forgotten. Syed Hassan from Rawalpindi wrote: The issue
of the restoration of the sacked judges is quite simple. However, some
people are trying to complicate the matter by taking it into parliament. This
would be acceptable if the intention was merely to allow a general
discussion on this topic. But if these people plan to introduce a constitutional
amendment in this regard then it will be clearly an attempt to wriggle out of

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this issue because there is no chance that such amendment will be passed by
the Senate, which is dominated by the pro-Musharraf PML-Q.
In my view, the issues which need parliaments attention are: one,
whether the state of emergency imposed by the army chief to empower the
president to amend the Constitution was a valid act or not. Two, are the
amendments introduced by the president and other actions taken by him
under the state of emergency valid?
It should also be remembered that immediately after the declaration
of the state of emergency by the army chief, a full bench of the Supreme
Court had taken a brave step by declaring it unconstitutional. By all means,
that was a valid judgment because those judges had not been sacked by that
time.
If some people still want to take the matter into the National
Assembly and a consensus develops over the restitution of the deposed
judiciary, then it should simply set aside the emergency rule notification
of November 3 and nullify all the extra-constitutional measures taken
thereafter by passing a simple resolution. This will automatically restore the
deposed judges.
Ali Mujtaba from Islamabad said: I am feeling dismayed at the PPPs
negative stance on the restoration of the pre-November 3 judiciary.
Having won the 2008 elections, it should immediately restore Justice
Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry as Supreme Court chief justice, instead of
beating about the bush like the members of the past PML-Q government.
Tariq N Syed from Rawalpindi wrote: It was shocking to read
President Pervez Musharrafs statementthat he could not even imagine
how the ousted judges would be reinstated. His imagination needs to be
fired up a little because he has already done the undoable deed he
sacked the whole top judiciary with a single stroke of pen. As for how
these judges will be restored, I believe simple withdrawal of the November 3
order by parliament will reinstate the independent judiciary.
Zahid F Ebrahim was of the view that: The road to restoring the
pre-Nov 3 judiciary requires no legal underpass or any constitutional
flyover. It does not require a two-thirds majority in parliament to amend the
Constitution as the presidents men claim, nor even a simple-majority
resolution by the newly elected representatives. It requires only the will to
perform our constitutional duty.

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On Nov 3, 2007, the Government of Pakistan, starting from its

president and down to the faceless police officers manning the barricades in
the Judicial Colony in Islamabad, has acted in violation of their
constitutional duty. Article 190 of the Constitution says: All executive and
judicial authorities throughout Pakistan shall act in aid of the Supreme Court
of Pakistan. Yet, since November 3, the Government of Pakistan has
refused to act in aid of the Supreme Court. In fact, the executive authority
of the country has acted, in open defiance, to subvert and strangulate
the apex court.
On the road to restoration, the path before the newly elected
government is remarkably simple. After taking oath of office, the new
prime minister must pick up the phone and direct the local administration in
Islamabad and the four provincial capitals to act in aid of the order passed by
the Supreme Court of Pakistan on Nov 3. Consequently, the barricades in the
Judicial Colony Islamabad will be removed and the illegal restraints on the
chief justice and other judges will be lifted. Chief Justice Iftikhar M
Chaudhry and other honourable judges will be driven to the Supreme Court
building and escorted to their chambers and their courts. This simple
directive will be repeated in the four provincial High Courts. Thus, the
judiciary of Pakistan will stand restored.
There are, of course, complex questions of law by lawyers to
mull. What will be the consequences, if any, for those individuals who
violated the order of the Supreme Court dated Nov 3? What will be the
status of those individuals who have taken oath in violation of the Supreme
Courts order? What will be the legal effect, if any, of proceedings taken in
various courts after Nov 3? These questions cannot be answered by the
newly elected parliament. These questions can only be answered by the
restored Supreme Court of Pakistan.
One last question which plagues all discussion on the issue of the
restoration of the judiciary is what will happen to President Musharraf?
Well, the restored Supreme Court will resume its hearing of Justice
Wajihuddins petition. The Supreme Court will decide the fate of Mr
Musharraf in accordance with the law, and not the opinion of Condoleezza
Rice.
Babar Sattar wrote: A return to Nov 3 courts will not automatically
reform or overhaul the system of justice, but will certainly mark a
decisive shift from our decadent status quo that allows rule by force in
violation of the law and provide a legal and psychological foundation for

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reconstructing an independent judiciary. While the PPP, the PML-N and the
ANP thankfully dont seem to disagree over the issue of restoration in
principle (any more), meanderings over the mechanics of restoration
continue to confuse non-lawyers.
The debate actually isnt as complicated as it has been made out
to be. If our gauge of legality is the Constitution of Pakistan, we need to
apply that gauge to the actions of Nov 3 in order to understand how to undo
them. The argument that the judges can be restored by an executive order or
simply executive will is based on the understanding that General
Musharrafs second coup of Nov 3 was unconstitutional and all steps taken
thereafter in pursuance of the powers he usurped that evening have no legal
force.
The alternative view that (i) a constitutional amendment (two-thirds
majority in each house) would be required to restore the judges, and (ii) the
executive or the parliament by simple majority cannot override a judicial
verdict of the Dogar Court legitimizing the ouster of the judges, is based on
the presumption that in restoring the judges we need to undo actions and
laws that enjoy the protection of the Constitution. This view suffers from
fatal flaw: the Constitution recognizes and offers its protection only to such
laws, institutions and acts that are in compliance with the procedures
prescribed by the fundamental law itself.
The two-thirds majority argument would be compelling if the
new parliament or executive wished to reinstate judges removed
constitutionally or overturn judicial interpretation of the meaning of the
Constitution rendered by a court that derived its authority from the
Constitution, and not a PCO. In such event if the parliament didnt agree
with the Dogar Courts interpretation of the Constitution, it would need a
two-thirds majority to amend the judicial appointment mechanism in order
to restore the judges. And until such amendment the executive and the
parliament would be bound by the prevailing judicial verdict
As a matter of law, the General cannot get a new Constitution typed
up with his desired amendment under the watchful barrel of a gun, get it
declared kosher by a court also installed by use of force and then challenge a
constitutionally elected parliament to undo such illegalities by meeting the
two-thirds majority threshold required to amend the Constitution. In the
eyes of the Constitution the removal of the judges and changes in the
Constitution simply do not exist.

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What will be that dramatic moment that will be the tipping

point? It could be a formal act of recognition by the executive that the
Supreme Court order of Nov 3 passed by the seven-member bench headed
by Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry is still a binding legal judgment. The
prime minister could accordingly instruct the relevant ministries to rescind
the notifications issued by the Musharraf regime
The option of restoring the judges through an act of the
parliament has also been proposed. But such solution almost falls into the
trap set by the attorney general and other cronies of the general i.e. that
a presumption of legality is attached to the actions taken and legal changes
introduced by the general since Nov 3.
This presumption of legality constitutes a slippery slope that leads
one to the two-thirds requirement to restore the judges and rid the
Constitution of the anomalies inserted by the general through his latest PCO,
and must be rejected. The mechanics for restoring the judges must reflect the
principle that the Constitution and its mandatory procedures can under no
circumstances be shunned in the name of necessity. And this is the argument
Aitzaz Ahsan makes
An analyst whose name was withheld by The News on his request
dealt with the issue comprehensively. The following questions appear to be
of critical importance in the context of the prevalent judicial crisis and clear
and categorical answers to them may lead to a satisfactory end to the
constitutional impasse in that regard:
1) What is the constitutional and legal status of the legislative
measures and steps taken by the then Chief of the Army Staff and the
incumbent President of Pakistan on November 3, 2007?
2) What is the validity of the pronouncements made by the postNovember 3, 2007 Supreme Court on the relevant issues?
3) What is the status of the serving judges of the Supreme Court and
the serving chief justices and judges of the high courts who had taken
oath under the PCO of 2007?
4) What is the status of the chief justices and judges appointed during
the subsistence of the Proclamation of Emergency and the PCO of
2007?

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 5) What is the status of the Judges of the Supreme Court and the chief
justices and judges of the high courts who had been appointed after
lifting of the Proclamation of Emergency and the PCO of 2007?
6) What is the status of the chief justices and judges of the Supreme
Court and the high courts who did not take oath under the PCO of
2007?
7) How can the affected Chief Justices and judges of the Supreme
Court and high courts recommence performance of their duties and
functions?
Keeping in view the provisions of the Constitution of the Islamic
Republic of Pakistan, 1973 and considered in the light of the established
norms of constitutional and legal interpretation and dispensation the abovementioned questions may be answered as follows.
Question (1): What is the constitutional and legal status of the
legislative measures and steps taken by the then Chief of the Army Staff
and the incumbent President of Pakistan on November 3, 2007?
(a) The legislative measures and steps taken by the then Chief of the
Army Staff and the incumbent President of Pakistan on November 3, 2007
were not countenanced or authorized by any provision of the Constitution or
any other law existing or in force on that day and, thus, the said measures
and steps were absolutely unconstitutional. The spirit of clause (1) of Article
8 of the Constitution manifests that a legislative measure introduced in
violation is void and it is settled law that something which is void is to be
ignored as a nullity and the same does not ever require its setting aside
through any judicial or legislative process.
(b) The purported legislative measure taken by the then Chief of the
Army Staff and the incumbent President of Pakistan on November 3, 2007
did not even qualify as law under the Constitution and, thus, by virtue of
clause (2) of Article 4 of the Constitution no serving chief justice or judge
could be prevented from or be hindered in performance of his duties and
functions or be compelled or required to take a fresh oath of his office on the
basis of such self-styled legislative measures. A chief justice or a judge of
the superior judiciary can be removed from his office only through the
process provided for by Article 209 of the Constitution and any other
method adopted for the purpose is to be treated as unconstitutional, invalid
and ineffective.

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(c) It is an undeniable fact that soon after issuance of the

Proclamation of Emergency, promulgation of the PCO and introduction of
the Oath of Office (judges) Order on November 3, 2007 a seven-member
bench of the serving and constitutionally appointed judges of the Supreme
Court, headed by the Chief Justice of Pakistan, had passed a restraining
order against the said purported legislative measures and, thus, the said
measures could not legitimately take any legal effect. Any superstructure
subsequently built upon or any step taken on the basis of such illegitimate
and unlawful measures was, therefore, non-existent in the eyes of the law.
(d) Every extra-constitutional measure or step necessarily requires
validation of the same by the citizens of the country represented through
parliament. A social contract between the people and the state cannot
unilaterally be amended or modified by a ruler without the consent or
approval of the people. This is why in the past every amendment of the
Constitution by an unrepresentative government had to be put up before
parliament at the earliest opportunity for the purpose of its validation by the
representatives of the people. The legislative measures introduced and the
steps taken on November 3, 2007 as well as the amendments made in the
Constitution on the basis of the same have, thus, no legitimacy or validation
till they are validated by parliament
Question No (ii): What is the validity of the pronouncements
made by the post-November 3, 2007 Supreme Court on the relevant
issues?
(a) The post-November 3, 2007 Supreme Court pronouncing upon
validity of the purported legislative measures of November 3, 2007 was an
unconstitutionally constituted body. Upholding of some void legislative
measures by an unconstitutionally constituted body compounds the void
nature of the whole exercise. Like the void nature of the purported
legislative measures the pronouncements upholding and validating them
were also void and, thus, liable to be ignored as nullity.
(b) The eight member Bench of the post-November 3, 2007 Supreme
Court upholding and validating the purported legislative measures of
November 3, 2007, was presided over by a chief justice and was manned
by seven other judges who had assumed those offices as a direct
consequence of the legislative measures which were under challenge before
them. Apart from that all eight of them had already made an oath to
preserve, protect and defend the Proclamation of Emergency and the
Provisional Constitutional Order of 2007 and, thus, on account of their

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undeniable personal interest and apparent bias they all stood disqualified to
hear and decide challenges made against the said purported legislative
measures. It goes without saying that pronouncement of such Judges on
issues they were inherently disqualified to adjudicate upon hardly commend
themselves for acceptance or favourable reception. Subsequent dismissal of
some review applications against such pronouncements by even larger
benches of the same Court were equally denuded of any legitimacy or
validity as all the Judges deciding such review applications had been
appointed to the Supreme Court without the mandatory constitution with the
validly and constitutionally appointed Chief Justice of Pakistan.
(c) Even if, for the sake of argument, the relevant pronouncements by
the post-November 3 Supreme Court are accepted as valid and lawful still it
is established law that the Parliament can declared a judicial pronouncement
to be ineffective and inoperative through a simple majority.
Through a judicial pronouncement regarding an extra-constitutional
measure or step the judiciary can only acknowledge the de facto nature of
the measure or step for the purposes of continuity of the business of the state
but it cannot arrogate to itself the power of conferring validity upon the
measure or step which power rests only with the Parliament. A court can
never claim to be a representative of the people who only have the choice of
accepting or rejecting a change in or a deviation from the social contract, i.e.
the Constitution.
Question No (iii): What is the status of the serving judges of the
Supreme Court and the serving chief justices and judges of the high
courts who had taken oath under the Provisional Constitution Order of
2007?
(a) The judges of the Supreme Court and the chief justices and judges
of the high courts who were already in service on November 3, 2007 and
who had taken oath under the Provisional Constitutional Order of 2007 had
already and deliberately violated their original oath under the Constitution
whereby they had sworn before Almighty Allah that they would preserve,
protect and defend the Constitution. By taking oath under the Provisional
Constitutional Order of 2007 they had demonstrated that instead of
preserving and defending the Constitution they were more interested in
protecting their own jobs. It is the primary duty of a judge of the superior
judiciary to protect the citizens rights but by taking oath under the
Provisional Constitutional Order of 2007 such judges had chosen to become

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partners of those who were out to abridge the constitutional rights of

citizens.
(b) In their zeal to cling on to their jobs such judges did not hesitate
to stab their own judiciary in the back. They not only ignored their own oath
and commitment made before Almighty Allah but they also, trampling the
mandate of Article 189 of the Constitution, violated the order passed by a
seven-member bench of the Supreme Court on November 3, 2007
restraining all the judges of the superior judiciary from taking oath under the
Provisional Constitutional Order of 2007
(c) It is about time that the judiciary should be cleansed of those
judges who had demonstrated by their conduct that their jobs and the perks
and privileges carried by their jobs were closer to their hearts than the
Constitution and the peoples rights there under, such judges are no more
than pretenders and are inherently unfit and unsuited for the onerous duties
they are required to perform.
Question No (iv): What is the status of the chief justices and
judges appointed during the subsistence of the Proclamation of
Emergency and the PCO of 2007?
(a) The chief justices of the High Courts and the judges of the
Supreme Court and High Courts appointed during the subsistence of the
Proclamation of Emergency and the Provisional Constitutional Order of
2007 had been appointed without the mandatory consultation with the
validly and constitutionally appointed Chief Justice of Pakistan and validly
and constitutionally appointed chief justices of high courts in terms of
Articles 177(1) and 193 (1) (c) of the Constitution. In the eyes of the
Constitution the chief justices consulted for appointment of such chief
justices and judges were no more than pretenders. All such appointments
were, therefore, void and nullity and can be ignored, needing no formal
setting aside.
(b) Restraining such chief justices and judges from performance of
the duties and functions of the relevant offices does not involve any action
by the Supreme Judicial Council under Article 209 of the Constitution
because Article 209 is attracted to a case of removal of a validly appointed
chief justice and judge. All such chief justices and judges can simply be
denotified.
Question (v): What is the status of the Judges of the Supreme
Court and the chief justices and judges of the high courts who had been

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appointed after lifting of the Proclamation of Emergency and the PCO

of 2007?
(a) The judges of the Supreme Court and the chief justices and judges
of the High Courts who had been appointed after lifting of the Proclamation
of Emergency and the Provisional Constitutional Order of 2007 had also
been appointed without the mandatory consultation with the validly and
constitutionally appointed Chief Justice of Pakistan and validly and
constitutionally appointed Chief Justices of High Courts in terms of Articles
177(1) and 193 (1) (c) of the Constitution. Their appointments after
consultations with pretenders were equally unconstitutional and void,
needing no formal setting aside.
(b) Again, restraining such Chief Justices and judges from
performance of the duties and functions of the relevant offices does not
involve any action by the Supreme Judicial Council under Article 209 of the
Constitution because Article 209 is attracted to a case of removal of a
validly appointed Chief Justice and Judge and not to the case of restraining a
pretender from performing the duties and functions of the office. All such
chief justices and judges can simply be denotified.
Question (vi): What is the status of the chief justices and judges of
the Supreme Court and the high courts who did not take oath under the
PCO of 2007?
(a) The purported legislative measures taken by the then Chief of the
Army Staff and the incumbent President of Pakistan on November 3, 2007
did not qualify as law under the Constitution and, thus, by virtue of clause
(2) of Article 4 of the Constitution no serving Chief Justice or Judge could
be prevented from or be hindered in performance of his duties and functions
or be compelled or required to take a fresh oath of his office on the basis of
such self-styled legislative measures.
(b) The affected chief justices and judges could have been removed
from their offices only in accordance with the provisions of Article 209 of
the Constitution and, thus, n the eyes of the Constitution the Chief Justices
and Judges of the Supreme Court and high courts who did not take oath
under the Provisional Constitution Order of 2007 are still chief justices and
judges and restraining them from performing the duties and functions of
their offices was and continues to be unconstitutional, void, nullity and
ineffective.

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Question No (vii): How can the affected Chief Justices and judges
of the Supreme Court and high courts recommence performance of
their duties and functions?
(a) The legislative measures and steps taken by the then Chief of the
Army Staff and the president on November 3, 2007, were unconstitutional. It
is trite that something which is void is to be ignored as a nullity and the
same does not even require its formal setting aside through any judicial or
legislative process. Given the political will supported by the popular
aspiration, the affected chief justices and judges can be encouraged and
supported to recommence performance their duties and functions without
future ado.
(b) The purported legislative measures of November 3, 2007, did not
qualify as a law under the Constitution and, thus, by virtue of clause (2) of
Article 4 of the Constitution no serving chief justice or judge could be
prevented from or be hindered in performance of his duties and functions on
the basis of such self-styled legislative measures.
(c) Treating the purported legislative measures of November 3, 2007,
as void does not attract the provisions of Article 264 of the Constitution
providing for the Effects of repeal of a law does not revive the earlier
position. It goes without saying that no repealing is involved in the process
of identifying and recognizing a nullity. Revival and restoration of the
original positions of the affected chief justices and judges merely require a
symbolic recognition and acceptance of their continuance in service and not
repealing of the void offending measures of November 3. If needed, such
recognition and acceptance of their continuance in service can be
demonstrated simply by withdrawing the notification through which the
affected chief justices and judges and purportedly been denotified.
(d) Even if the purported legislative measures of November 3, 2007
are assumed to be valid still they can, at best, be equated with legislation by
the Federal Executive under Article 89 of the Constitution and the spirit of
clause (2) of Article 89 of the Constitution makes it evident that the
operation and effect of a legislative instrument introduced by Federal
Executive can be terminated or neutralized by the National Assembly
through a simple resolution disapproving it.
(e) The affected chief justices and judges had been restrained from
performance of their duties and functions through use of brute force sans any
constitutionality or legality and subsequent vanishing of the coercive
apparatus has automatically removed the earlier restraints and inhibitions.
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The affected chief justices and judges can, therefore, recommence

performance of their duties and functions with assistance from the executive
which can facilitate them in physical reoccupation of their chambers,
courtrooms, court offices and court premises.
Sunbul Raza wrote: I am the daughter of Justice Sardar Muhammad
Raza Khan presently under house arrest in the judges enclave in Islamabad.
Recently, I watched the PPPs Shah Mahmood Qureshi on television. I
must say that I was bewildered and shocked and could not stop myself
from breaking my silence.
I am the proud daughter of a judge whose life has always been a
struggle for providing Justice to the underdog. He has always stood for the
rule of law and has buried the doctrine of necessity by deciding against
President Musharraf and his illegal rule
We, his children, have supported him fully and stood behind him in
these testing times, as have families of all other honourable colleagues of my
father. What we have all gone through and are still undergoing is something
I dont need to mention because it will belittle their sacrifice and besides,
when change and revolution come, sacrifices have to be made. We believe
we are not alone and no matter how long the night is it will eventually
give way to bright day.
With respect to Mr Qureshi, I have to say that his words made us
believe that our struggle for the supremacy of rule of law is still not
over. He was of the opinion that individuals cannot be more important than
the institutions they serve in. however, I would like to point out to the
seasoned politician that surely he will not disagree with the view that it is
individuals who make institutions.
My father and his brave colleagues had the vision and desire for a
free judiciary and had the heart to stand up for their principles. They did not
hesitate for a moment and sacrificed their today for our tomorrow. The 65
judges who have been deposed have shaken the ground from under the iron
boots of the dictator and it was their courage which put the institution of
judiciary on the road to independence. I would also like to remind the PPP
leader that shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was an individual whose vision and
courage kept him alive.
In the show, Mr Qureshi asked what could become of the newly
inducted judges to the Supreme Court and high courts in the pre-November
3 judiciary were restored by saying Un ka kya qasur. To that I would say

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what was the fault of the judges who were deposed, except that they
chose (not) to side with a dictator.
I would like to end by asking one simple question. Under what law or
provision of the Constitution were these honourable judges sacked? Was it
right or constitutional in any way to remove a judge in the manner adopted
by the president? If the answer to this all is no, then why have parliaments
approval to restore them it certainly wasnt the will of parliament that got
them sacked in the first place. In response to suggestions that a two-thirds
majority will be needed in parliament to undo the steps of November 3, I
would say that this is a ploy to deliberately confuse and sabotage the
lawyers movement.
Those victorious in the election should realize that they have been
given a mandate by the people precisely because they chose to stand against
a dictator. So now, the last thing they (the victors) need to do is to stand
by the dictator or share power with him. If the deposed judges are
betrayed now no one in another hundred years will stand up for justice.
PPPs Qureshi was not alone in having views closer to that of
Musharraf. Abid Hasan opined: There is absolutely no doubt that ousting of
these judges will go down as one of the gravest violations of the
Constitution in Pakistans history, with no parallel any where else in the
civilized world. Consequently, reversing this disgraceful act is required to
respond to the peoples wishes and to right a major wrong. However a
simple restoration would only have a symbolic value with limited, if any
impact, on what really matters to the large majority of the citizens a
balanced, swift, affordable and fair justice system that ensures equal
protection of the law to all citizens, especially the poor, and where there is
transparency and accountability in the performance of the judiciary.
Research shows that a weak judiciary contributes to lower per capita
income, higher poverty rates, lower private economic activity, poor public
services, pervasive corruption, and higher crime rates. All Transparency
International corruption perception surveys show that the general public
continues to view key public institutions, including the judiciary which is
central to the government as compromised and corrupt.
Like all other state institutions, the judiciary has also let down
Pakistanis especially those less fortunate Over the years with increasing
polarization of judicial appointments, declining ethical standards, poor
judicial training and eroding salaries, Pakistans formal court system has
become less and less responsive to the needs of the citizenry and the
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economy. The judicial system suffers from weak governance and

administration
In deciding about restoration, the coalition of political parties
need to seriously consider the following: Does Pakistan need pliable
judges that too willingly acceded to appointment under the PCO? Does
Pakistan need judges that spent more time on whether marriage functions
should include one or two meals or whether kites should be flown at Basant,
when in fact there were so many more pressing and fundamental
constitutional cases before them? Does Pakistan need judges whose ethical
behaviour is far below the standards expected of judges? Does Pakistan need
judges whose judgments are of very poor quality? Does Pakistan need
judges that have made no serious effort to improve efficiency of lower
judiciary? Without the best human resources, the judiciary will severely
under-perform as in the past, and Pakistans institutional foundations will
remain weak and democracy will not flourish.
Key elements of the superior judiciary reform package must
comprise the following. First, a judicial appointment mechanism that is
outside the influence of the executive, is depoliticized, and enables selection
of judges who meet the highest possible professional and ethical standards.
One mechanism for selection would be to establish an independent
constitutional or legal entity Judicial Commission (JC) staffed by
untainted and unimpeachable retired judges and jurists
The JC members would be appointed by the parliament and its
function would be to identify persons (including those judges to be restored)
who are suitable for appointment as superior court judges. The JCs
recommendations would be sent to government for appointment, and the
latter would have very limited ability to reject the nominees The second
best option is to restore all judges to reinforce the principle that no judge can
be removed by executive decision
All Pakistanis are yearning for real change in the judiciary. Simple
restoration, while important and symbolic, would be tinkering on margin.
An out of the box program is needed to break the chequered past
The benefits of a world class judiciary are huge for democracy, for
development, for accountability and for Pakistans stability and most of all
for establishing an independent judiciary.

REVIEW

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PPP-PML-N coalition cannot be termed as natural. It has been the

outcome of the need of the hour. Both the political parties had to save
themselves from being treated and exploited by the dictator as he had done
after the 2002 elections. This could only be avoided by joining hands by the
two parties and they did.
The two major coalition partners could not afford to be complacent
about old rivals; they had to guard their interests from any harm from them.
The PPP leader had returned to Pakistan under a deal with Musharraf which
was facilitated by the US. Zardari could not back out from the deal.
The only threat to Zardaris commitment to the deal could come from
Nawaz-League which is quite sentimental about restoration of deposed
judges. It could be best neutralized, at least for the time being, by carving a
partnership and dragging feet on this issue. Reportedly, Musharraf was in
communication with Zardari on the issue of judges.
It was quite clear to Nawaz Sharif that his party on its own could do
nothing about the restoration of the judges. He had to give in maximum
ground to Zardari hoping against the hope that the PPP would meet his only
demand; the restoration of judges.
The PML-N while deciding to join the coalition, however, declined to
accept cabinet posts on flimsy pretext of avoiding the oath-taking by
Musharraf. The oath-taking should in fact be more embarrassing for the man
administering the oath.
Musharrafs team of intriguers suffered major shock due to poll
results, but it recovered fairly quickly. The secret of this speedy recovery
was frequent visits to presidential clinic established in the Army House.
Doctor Musharraf made them fit to take on the opponents and they seemed
quite confident to knock out PPP-PML-N duo in couple of rounds.
They must have evolved a strategy during the intensive discussions
held in camp office. Some of the aspects of the strategy so evolved, have
become quite evident from the statements of the members of Musharrafs
evil squad comprising like Saifullah, Manzoor Wattoo, Faisal Saleh Hayat
and others.
It has been frequently said that PML-Q secured the largest number out
of the total votes cast. The coalition wont last more that three months
primarily due to the uncompromising attitude of Nawaz Sharif. The Devils
workshop established in London has discovered that by talking about
independence of judiciary, Nawaz has violated the Charter of Democracy.

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The goals aimed at were: one, to create an impression that the Kings
party has not been routed and instead it is still very popular political force.
Two, create a split in the coalition of two largest parties; PPP and PML-N.
Three, focus on Nawaz League in blaming it for all the failings and ridicule
its leaders to regain the lost ground.
Musharraf met General Kayani which was quite meaningful, despite
the fact that both had to compare the notes before the arrival of American
General in Islamabad in connection with the war on terror. It was meant to
show to his adversaries that the army still stood behind him. Kayanis
statement that army would perform any task assigned to it by the nation
was quite meaningful despite being a simple statement of the facts.
It would be height of optimism to expect that Musharraf would restore
the judiciary which he had knocked out after having openly threatening to
do so. It would be important to keep in mind the psyche of the bully named
Musharraf. His actions during his rule amply prove that he cares very little
for law and morality. If one still wants to have more proof, one must refer to
two events in this context.
During his visit to Switzerland, he had summoned the daughter of
Aitzaz Ahsan and resorted to intimidating her. What he said to the young
lady was almost the same a ghonda would say while committing a crime of
kidnapping for ransom. The second is the rumour about Danish blasphemous
cartoons. The rumour claimed that Musharraf had planned the reappearance
of these cartoons after the general elections if the results were not to his
liking with a view to diverting the focus away from the critical issues likely
to be raised.
He has also left no stones unturned to break the unity and solidarity of
the lawyers community. So far very few wise lawyers have succumbed to
the temptations and made fortunes. Majority of the lawyers, however,
remained steadfast.
5th March 2008

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WINNING ELSEWHERE
While the Crusaders were still waiting for an outright victory in major
battles fought on the soils of Islamic countries, they successfully crushed
Islamic militancy perpetrated by the Muslim minorities in non-Muslim
world with complete disregard to their just demands. Resultantly, there has
been calm all over except the region from Pakistan to Palestine.
Turkey was a unique exception because it fought against the Kurdish
terrorists funded and supported by the United States which claims to be
fighting global was on terror. In Africa, Somalia has been forgotten by the
Crusaders after toppling the Islamic groups, but Sudan has been kept on the
leash which could be tightened when so desired.
The United States remained exemplary peaceful during the period. On
11th February, Pentagon sought death penalty for six for planning 9/11
attacks. Europe remained vigilant against Islamic militancy, but far, far
away, sixteen civilized Europeans were charged on 30 th October over
kidnapping of 103 children in Chad. New Zealanders followed the
precedence set in their ancestral lands and arrested 14 suspects during antiterror drive on 15th October.

AFRO-ASIA
Far East remained generally peaceful during the last six months. In
Philippines there was only one major incidence of violence in the form of a
bomb blast in Manila killed eight people on 19 th October and wounded 89
others. Thailand established peace camps for moderating Muslim
students. However, five persons were killed in rebels attacks in the south in
mid December. Eight people were shot dead by gunmen on 2 nd March. Six
days later, militants shot dead a Muslim couple for spying. In Malaysia, an
ethnic Indian was accused of terror link.

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Central Asia remained the calmest. Only two incidents were

reported from Chechnya and both were of state terrorism perpetrated in the
name of counter-terrorism. Russian troops entered a house in Dagestan on
12th November and killed six people. Four rebels were killed by Russian
troops in Dagestan on 10th January.
The countries of Middle East, being located around the two major
battlefields in the region could not escape from the fallout of war. In Saudi
Arabia security forces captured dozens of terror suspects in a raid on 29 th
November. Saudi Arabia arrested 872 smugglers between July and October
and recovered weapons and explosives. On 23rd December, police nabbed alQaeda militants who were planning attacks during Haj.
In Egypt, police and Muslim Brotherhood men clashed over Eid
prayer. One person was arrested as tons of explosives were recovered on 26 th
December. Two people were killed in a clash between troops and opposition
activists in Yemen in October. On 10th January 2008, 30 people were killed
in troop-rebel clashes in the north.
During second week of October, Turkey mulled sending troops to
Northern Iraq and its army sought parliaments approval. The puppet regime
in Baghdad warned against cross border attacks. On 10th October, one person
was killed in a blast in Kurdish area of Turkey. Next day, Turkish forces
started massing near Iraqi border. On 12th October, Tayyab Erdogan said
Turkey would act against Kurd rebels inside Iraq in its interests even at the
cost of its relations with the US; Washington urged restraint. Two days later,
Turkey shelled Iraqi border areas.
With tensions mounting along Turkish-Kurdish border in third week
of the month. On 17th October, Turkish Parliament permitted military
operation against Kurds in Northern Iraq. Syria supported Turkish plan.
Bush urged Turkey not to attack and also asked the Congress not to pass the
bill accusing Turkey of committing war crimes in Armenia.
On 19th October, Iraqi Kurds vowed to fight back. Next day, Turkey
urged US to take action against Kurds in Iraq. Turkish ground forces clashed
with Kurd rebels near Iraq border on 21st October; 32 rebels and 12 soldiers
were killed and ten soldiers were missing. Turkey vowed to crush Kurd
rebels. Talabani told Kurd rebels to lay down arms or leave Iraq. Iran wanted
Turkey and Iraq to hold talks.
Kurd rebels offered conditional truce on 22 nd October. Next day, Iraqi
government ordered closure of PKK offices. Foreign ministers of two

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countries met and Turkey agreed to diplomatic solution but refused to talk to
Kurd rebels. Anti-Kurd rallies were held across the country demanding
military crackdown against the militants.
Turkish F-16 jet-fighters bombed Kurds positions in northern Iraq on
24 October. Two days later, Turkey moved more troops close to Iraqi
border. On 27th October, Turkey warned Iraq of incursion as talks failed.
Turkey also demanded extradition of 153 Kurds. Next day, at least fifteen
Kurds were killed in an operation. Turkey pounded Kurd rebels positions on
30th October and warned US over ties. Next day, 15 Kurd rebels were killed
in air strike by Turkish forces.
th

After a lull of about six weeks, Turkish war-planes bombed Kurd

targets in Iraqi villages on 16th December. Two days later, Turkish
government backed army action. On 24th December, Bush promised Turkey
help to fight Kurds. Next day, it was reported that 150 to 175 Kurds were
killed on air strike on 16th December.
Four people were killed and 35 wounded in a car bomb blast in
Diyarbakir, Turkey on 3rd January, 2008. Eight days later, Turkish forces
shelled Kurdish area in Iraq and jet-fighters bombed Kurds hideouts on 15 th
January. Nine days later, five persons were killed in raids on al-Qaeda cells
inside Turkey.
On 4th February, Turkish planes bombed Kurd targets in Iraq. Nearly
three weeks later, Turkish troops launched offensive against Kurd rebels in
northern Iraq and penetrated 10 kilometers into the Kurdish area on 22 nd
February. Next day, at least 35 Kurds and two Turkish soldiers were killed in
the ongoing operation. On 24th February, the US cautioned Turkey over its
operation inside Iraq.
On 25th February, 41 Kurds and two Turkish soldiers were killed. Two
days later, Turkish forces killed 77 Kurdish rebels; five Turkish soldiers
were also killed. Kurds vowed to fight back. On 29 th February, Turkish
forces ended operation against Kurds; but next day Turkey denied that its
troops had pulled out of Iraq under US pressure. On 8th March, Talabani
agreed to cooperate with Turkey against Kurd rebels.
When Turkey initiated military action against Iraqi Kurds in mid
October, The Dawn wrote: As expected Turkeys parliament has given its
approval to possible incursions by government troops into northern Iraq
where Kurdish separatists who have lately stepped up attacks on the Turkish
military, are based. Animosities between the Turkish establishment and a
large section of the Kurdish population among them the rebels of PKK
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 in the southeast run deep. With disintegration threatening Iraq, there is

consternation in Turkish political circles that statehood for the Kurds of that
country could have spill-over effects in areas where this ethnic group is
concentrated.
Military forays by Turkey into Iraqs Kurdish north might
boomerang. Instead of subduing the PKK, its actions might increase support
for the rebel group among Kurds in both Turkey and Iraq. Already, there
have been angry demonstrations by Iraqi Kurds against the Turkish
parliaments authorization of strikes. Such strikes could undo all efforts to
preserve Iraqs unity.
Turkey should be drawing a few lessons from the Iraq debacle
where thousands of American-led troops have failed to contain the mounting
insurgency, making their withdrawal a distant dream. An exit strategy may
similarly elude Turkey, if it gets embroiled in northern Iraq a scenario that
will only exacerbate regional tensions as local Kurdish populations get
restive.
The economic development of the southeast which stands out in
sharp contrast to other, far more developed, areas of the country should be
a priority with the government and form part of a genuine attempt towards
winning the goodwill of ordinary Kurds who have been estranged for
decades. It is equally important for the US and the Iraqi government to
prevail upon the Kurdish government in northern Iraq to rein in rebel
elements, as clearly not enough has been done to ensure this.
Jay Deshmukh observed: A high-level delegation from Baghdad on
Friday held talks with Turkish leaders to prevent a military incursion into
Iraq, but analysts said an active role was needed from Iraqi Kurdish
leaders Iraqi Kurdish leaders with their own former guerrilla fighters, the
peshmerga, and their ethnic links with the rebels stand a better chance to
remove the PKK fighters from their hideouts, analysts deputies said.
Ankara has to understand that it is the Kurdish parties who can
influence the PKK, said Kurdish lawmaker Mahmud Othman An amnesty
would help these inhabitants to return to their countries, he said, adding that
Ankaras refusal to talk directly with the Iraqi Kurds was aggravating
the crisis.
The Iraqi constitution stipulates that a referendum on Kirkuk must be
held before the end of the year but seems unlikely to go ahead due to the
overall security situation in Iraq Ankara is also against oil-rich Kirkuk

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being incorporated into the Kurdish region of Iraq as it fears such a move
would further boost the rebellion against Turkey.
When Turkey acted against the West-sponsored Kurd terrorists,
genocide file against Turkey was reopened. K Murad Bay from Karachi
wrote: The US House of Representatives Foreign Affairs Committee has
approved a resolution branding killing of a few thousand Armenians in
1915 as genocide. Turkey very rightly reacted strongly threatening serious
repercussions, which might include denying the US the use of air base
Incirlik in Anatolia from where major US supplies are airlifted for Iraq and
Afghanistan, because Turkey has the second largest army in NATO.
Even US Defence Secretary Robert Gates has admitted that 70
percent of air cargo, 30 percent of fuel shipment and 95 percent of new
mine-resistant vehicles destined for US forces in Iraq and Afghanistan go
through Incirlik. The Turks have been quite clear about some of the
measures they would have to take if this resolution passes; Mr Gates
said citing the example of Turkish military sanctions against France.
Here as a native Turk I would like to narrate the story of Armenians
revolt which our ancestors used to tell us during our childhood days. During
the last days of the Ottoman Empire almost every able-bodied male
Turk had gone to the border to fight, leaving behind mostly women and
children.
During this period the Armenians revolted mainly in the city of
Tarabzon, bordering my native city Rize. They massacred Turkish women
and children. Then an army led by Gen Kazim Karabkir was sent to crush
this rebellion. As a result a few thousand Armenians were killed. This was a
war against the Ottoman Empire in which even several thousand Turk
soldiers were killed.
Even if we concede that the Armenians were massacred, was it
justified that the present-day nation be punished for the wrongdoings of the
past? This is not merely a case of punishment; it is part of the plan to
demonize the Muslim Ummah as a whole, without discrimination of race,
cast and the creed.
The Turk government, as well as the nation, is rightly reacting to
defend its prestige and honour. The present German government then should
also be censured for the massacres of six million Jews by the German army
led by Hitler.

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In fact, Armenians are playing the game of some European

countries which want to keep Turkey out of the European Union. Armenians
settled in France first launched their campaign from there. These Armenians
have also been behind the killing of Turkish diplomats in the 1970s. Now
they have succeeded in misguiding the US House of Representatives. This
is not the case of misguiding; it is part of the well-thought out plan as said
earlier.
Simon Tisdall urged US-Turkey consensus on Kurds issue. Turkeys
tumultuous year is coming to a fitting end in the desolate Qandil Mountains
straddling its border with Iraq and Iran. Weekend air raids aimed at Kurdish
PKK separatists were the biggest Turkish incursion since the US seized
Baghdad in 2003. But their significance is more political than military.
They mark the moment when Washington and Ankara kissed and made up.
Tensions with the US over PKK camps in northern Iraq, used to
launch attacks in south-eastern Turkey, have been building all year
Turkish officials privately attribute US reluctance to crackdown on the
PKK to its covert support for its so-called sister organization; the Pejak,
or Free Life Party of Kurdistan, which is battling over Kurdish areas of
north-western Iran. This is seen as part of a broader US effort to counter
Iranian meddling in Iraq, and destabilize hardliners in Tehran.
Divisive presidential and general election victories by Turkeys
moderate Islamist Justice and Development Party (AKP), and record level of
public anti-Americanism, plus resentment about continuing human rights
criticisms, further exacerbated strains with the US this year. But it was an
attempt by Congress to pass a bill blaming Turkey for genocide against
Armenians during the First World War that nearly brought outright rupture
with Washingtons NATO ally.
Top US generals, including General David Petraeus, senior
commander in Iraq, were dispatched to Ankara this autumn. A series of highlevel meetings discussed the PKK problem. And the Turks detected a
sudden, significant falling off of PKK attacks. One official said it was as if
the US had put the word around to Barzani and Talabani, Iraqs senior
Kurdish leaders.
The rapprochement culminated last month in a White House summit
with Recep Tayyib Erdogan, Turkeys prime minister. In return for Turkish
restraint on large-scale ground operations (deemed unnecessary by the Iraqi
government), the US promised to cooperate more actively with Ankara to
curtail PKK activities.
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General Yasar Buyukanit, chief of the Turkish general staff, was less
coy. America gave intelligence. But more importantly, America opened
Iraqi air space to us. By opening Iraqi air space, America gave its approval
to this operation. Condemning the raids, the KRO leader, Barzani, also
noted they would have been impossible without indirect US approval.
The deals longevity may depend on Turkey simultaneously pursuing
economic and legal means, such as limited amnesty to end the PKK
insurgency. If Turkey overplays its hand militarily, the delicate new
understanding with the US could falter. But after the weekends events,
Ankara and Washington are in closer alignment than at any time since the
Iraq crisis began.
Muslim countries in Africa kept smoldering with occasional flare-ups
here and there. In Algeria, troops claimed killing 14 al-Qaeda men and
capturing 7 others on 27th October. At least 62 people were killed in two
bomb blasts in Algiers on 11th December. Four people were killed in suicide
attack on police station on 2 nd January, 2008. Gunmen kidnapped seven
oilfield workers, including three foreigners, in Nigeria on 21st October. At
least 40 Nigerians were killed in oil pipeline fire in Lagos on 26th December.
In Sudan, at least 45 people were killed in attack on the town of
Muhajiriya in Darfur region by government forces on 9 th October. Twelve
days later, fifty people were killed in tribal clash in Kordofan region. On 27 th
October, Sudan announced ceasefire as talks were being held in Libya.
Rebels boycotted the talks.
On 29th November, a British teacher was arrested on charges of
blasphemy in Sudan. She had asked her students to call a bear doll by the
name of Muhammad. US diplomat was shot dead on 1st January, 2008. UN
refugee agency withdrew from Chad-Darfur border amid fresh bombings on
19th February. Bush urged other nations to help end genocide in Darfur.
Dr Mujahid Kamran commented: Recent pressure from AngloAmerican interests led Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania to
question the old Nile treaties with Egypt, which has extensive interests in
Sudan. The discovery this year of a mega-lake under northern Darfur has
made the Darfur region even more valuable. A 1000 well initiative was
recently agreed upon between President al-Bashir and Egyptian born remote
sensing expert Farouk El-Bazwho works in Boston University. However it
remains to be seen how this project develops, if at all and how the US will
exploit this find.

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Oil was discovered in Sudan in 1978. In 1983 rebellion in Southern

Sudan broke out. The rebellion was led by John Garang who, to quote Jay
Janson, received military training at the famous Fort Benning, Georgia,
also known as School of Assassins. According to the Federation of
American Scientists, the US government decided, in 1996, to send nearly
20 million dollars of military equipment through the front-line states of
Ethiopia, Eritrea and Uganda to help the Sudanese opposition overthrow the
Khartoum regime. John Garang led a so-called Sudanese Peoples Liberation
Army (SPLA) and while the US continuously decried the abuse of human
rights by the Khartoum regime, it kept mum about the abuses committed by
John Garang in the areas that he controlled.
In June 2006 Sarah Flounders wrote: US imperialism is heavily
involved in the entire region. Chad, which is directly west of Darfur, last
year participated in a US-organized military exercise that, according to US
Defence Department, was the largest in Africa since World War II. Chad is a
former French colony and both French and US forces are heavily involved in
funding, training and equipping the army of its military ruler, Idriss Deby,
who has supported rebel groups in Darfur.
According to a Jerusalem Post report of April 27, 2006 US Jews are
actively involved in planning rallies on the Darfur issue. A host of other
organizations allied with Zionists, particularly those related to Evangelical
Christians, are also involved.
The US establishment is mobilizing public opinion against the
Khartoum regime. In fact in November 1999 President Clinton signed a
Bill authorizing funds to John Garangs army. Israels Mossad has also been
involved in supplying arms to rebels. Apart from oil Israel has an interest in
using the waters of Nile to quench its thirst, of course at the expense of
Africans and Muslims. Sudan stands in the way.
In 2005, hemmed in from three sides by proxies encouraged,
trained and funded by US, the Khartoum regime signed a peace deal
with the South allowing the US proxy John Garang to become first Vice
President of Sudan. Garang died soon afterwards in a plane crash.
Currently China has agreements with Sudan and is the major
importer of Sudanese oil. The US companies are essentially unable to do
oil business with Sudan due to sanctions imposed by the US government.
The US has been relentlessly pressuring Sudan for accepting a UN will just
be a cover for landing US and British troops on Sudanese soil with the
object of overthrowing the Khartoum regime.
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The relocation of US and NATO forces has occurred in regions

which are rich in oil and gas or which lie along routes from where oil and
gas has to pass to reach the West. By capturing all major oil and gas fields in
the world the US will not only fulfill its energy requirements, it will, by
denying these to its imagined enemies, cripple them completely. Therein lies
the significance of the Darfur problem, the Afghan and Iraq wars and the
expected Iran war.
Somalia has been left to bleed internally. Two persons were killed
as a suicide bomber drove into a military camp in Mogadishu on 11th
October. Sixteen days later, fierce fighting erupted in the capital in which
Ethiopian forces used tanks and artillery killing at least 17 Somalis and
arresting 11 others. Clash between Ethiopian troops and Islamists in
Mogadishu continued on second day.
Somali Islamists seized the town of Blue Burte from government
troops on 8th December. Five days later, militants attacked a market in
Mogadishu killing at least ten persons. Five Somalis were killed in rocket
attack on 22nd December. At least 15 people were killed in clashes south of
Mogadishu on 8th January 2008.
Five people were killed in clashes in the capital on 21 st February. Two
days later, three persons were killed in bomb blast. On 1 st March, at least 11
people were killed in clashes in the capital. Five days later, five more people
were killed in attack on a post near Mogadishu.
Spiegel Online interviewed Sheikh Sharif Sheik Ahmed who said:
The popular uprising against the hated Ethiopian occupation troops which
every Somali patriot must see as his enemies cant be stopped The
resistance against the Ethiopians and their stooges in Somalia keeps
spreading and will sooner or later topple the regime.
In reply to a question that some of his coalition partners had declared
open sympathy with the mujahideen in Afghanistan, he replied: That was
an evil slander. Even if a few of our comrades favored a strict interpretation
of Islamic law, it was up to the citizens to orient themselves toward
Islamic custom according to their own discretion
The government troops are fighting with their backs to the wall. They
control only 5 percent of the countrys territory. When the last Ethiopian
armoured car leaves Somalia, the regime will collapse like a house of
cards. We are gaining territory every day its only a matter of time.

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If the international community simply opens its eyes to the

continuing violation of human rights in Somalia, and if were ready to make a
fresh start here, we would of course welcome a UN intervention. But that
doesnt seem likely, unfortunately. Nevertheless, I stick to my position that
if, instead of trigger-happy Ethiopian occupiers, we had neutral blue helmets
here in our oppressed country, who could make free elections possible and
secure a transition to a future of peace and reconstruction, we would
welcome them.

AMERICA
The war on terror waged around the globe certainly boosted the
homeland security. This has been one the aims of the Bush Administration to
keep the bloodshed away from the United States by waging war on the soils
of selected Islamic states.
Some analysts were of the view that the ongoing war was, in fact
clash of civilizations. Dr Mansur Umar is one of them. He was interviewed
by Raza Khan. About the inevitability of the Clash of Civilizations, Dr
Mansur said: Keep it in mind that the US has a big military-industrial
complex and ever since the Second World War economists have been saying
that it cannot sustain itself without this huge military-industrial complex.
Such an establishment was doing fine as long as the arms race with
the Soviets continued, as its perpetrators had a genuine reason for getting
sanctioned huge amount of funds almost to the tune of $400 billion every
year. When the Soviet Union dismembered, many quarters said there
was no justification any longer for such a big military-industrial
complex and it was time to get the peace dividend This debate was raging
and before it could lead to any conclusion, suddenly on August 2, 1990,
Saddam Hussein attacked Kuwait and all of a sudden everything reversed,
especially in the US.
The people of business community and the military industrial
complex started saying that they had told all along that you never know
where the next threat would come from we are living in a dangerous
world. So we have to increase the defence spending or at least maintain the
Cold War defence allocation levels
The Clash of Civilizations theory was promoted intentionally. I
have done some research on issue and I believe that there was some active
plan to replace the threat of Soviet Communist with the new bogey of

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international terrorism, with Muslim countries being presented as it main

perpetrators. I think that a country like the US needs a permanent enemy, so
that there always remains a need for its military-industrial complex that
requires an enormous amount of funding. It also demands that that the image
of common enemy be kept alive. The Salman Rushdie episode, in which he
was encouraged to write The Satanic Verses, was a part of this plan. I mean
the ground was well prepared for this Clash of Civilizations theory. I read in
one book that Allan Dallas, a former head of CIA, approached Huntington to
write such a book in the 1980s
When the 9/11 incident happened, the American economy was
experiencing a recession. It is interesting to note that whenever there is a
recession or depression in the US, it usually resort to an arms build up and
war to bring the economy out of the woods. In a nutshell, there is a coterie or
clique within the US that is interested in keeping alive the Clash of
Civilizations theory and keeping the image of a common threat alive. A
major reason for this is to keep the attention diverted from the domestic
problems in which the US abounds drug abuse, teenage pregnancies, use
of fire arms in public, decline in general morality and economic recession to
name a few.
In reply to a question about an end to the Bush-initiated war on terror,
he said: It was Dick Cheney, believed to be the secret prime minister of
the US who had even more control than Bush, who said after the 9/11
incidents that it was going to be a very long war it may not end in our
generation and might take two more generations to be completed
When asked as to why there has not been a strong response from the
rest of the world to policies of the neoconservatives, he said: It is difficult
for the world to respond in a strong manner, due to the fact that the US is
still a super power and has a military might that no other nation can rival,
probably except Russia. Also, the US has by far the biggest economy
But there must be an end to the war on terror. We are having a
constellation of powers coming up with changes in power configuration
globally. For instance, China is fast emerging as the next economic power
house Also, if Germany and France do form a real European community
they would move away from NATO. The only problem is that the European
Union does not have a single foreign policy. Latin America currently is also
witnessing a very interesting phenomenon
Answering the question about the foreseeable repercussions for
Pakistan, he said: The consequences of the war on terror can be
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witnessed on an almost daily basis, like bombing in Waziristan under the

American pressure. This is dangerous pressure. This is dangerous situation
for Pakistan. The war on terror is going to radicalize the whole situation,
because we would only get more extremists and this would polarize the
society. The best way obviously would be to stop the war on terror
immediately. The problems for Pakistan, of course, are compounded by the
fact that it does have nuclear weapons.

EUROPE
The European countries did not lower their guard against Islamic
militancy. Following incidents were reported during the period:
On 31 October, Spanish court sentenced suspects of Madrid bombing;
five Muslims were among those sentenced.
A former deputy minister in Italy arranged parading a pig at the site of
a mosque on 11th November.
On 22nd November, a Pakistani got six years imprisonment in Britain
on terror related charges.
Fourteen terror suspects were arrested in Barcelona, Spain on 19 th
January, 2008. Five days later, Spanish authorities said the suspected
terrorists lacked bombs.
Five persons were convicted in London on 4th February in failed
suicide bombing case.
On 13th February, Danish paper republished one of the 12 sacrilege
cartoons for the pleasure of the Muslims.
Next day, Iran summoned Danish envoy and Pakistan slammed
reprinting of a blasphemous cartoon. A Danish court jailed two
Tunisians over cartoon row.
Dutch Prime Minister warned of attacks over screening of anti-Islam
film.
Zulfi Khan from UK wrote on Europes suffering from Islamophobia.
I am being harassed by the police and others. They have approached people
at my work place and told them that I am a threat to society and that I am

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about to cause harm. The harassment is due I refused to become a paid

and registered informer for the people in 1992.
Since Member of Parliament John Reid stated that Muslim parents
should inform on their children, my mother has been called to the police
station and has been asked by the bank to make statements against me
for credit card fraud?
When police informers are committing the crimes against my mother
to harass her, why is she being asked to use my name? As my own member
of parliament has refused to respond to any of my emails, can these matters
now be looked into as my life is in danger?

CONCLUSION
The fires of Islamic terrorism have been beaten in lands away from
the main theatre of the war on terror. However, sparks remain under heaps of
ashes. As long as sparks of the desire for justice and shrubs of injustice exist
in close proximity to each other, the fires will keep flaring up here and there.
The battle for and against evil forces, in words of Bush, but quite contrary to
his perception, will keep raging in lands from where the sun rises to the
lands where it sets.
9th March 2008

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HOPED FOR CHANGE

The people of Pakistan went to the polling stations to vote against the
Musharraf regimes policies. Having done that they hoped that the
democratically elected politicians would bring respite from the curse of the
Crusades in which Musharraf has been fighting as a front line mercenary.
The Pakistani Taliban demonized Islamic militants, or obscurantist as
Enlightened Musharraf would like to call them, continued their attacks.
On the eastern front, Zardari indicated the first sign of the policy of
maintaining the status quo just as Musharraf had been doing without
declaring as such. Zardari wanted fear-free ties with India and said the
Kashmir issue could be set aside to be decided by next generation.
Meanwhile, caretaker minister for human rights convinced Musharraf
that if he couldnt get Kashmir freed, at least free Kashmir Singh; the Indian
spy who had been sentenced to death on espionage charges. This was the
only feat performed by Ansar Burney who was shrewd enough to exploit
Musharrafs weakness for soft image.

WESTERN FRONT
Following incidents of fighting during the period were reported. On
10 February, security forces arrested 26 suspected militants. Admiral
Mullen lauded Pakistans fight against militancy. Retired civil and military
officers demanded peace in Waziristan. Next day, Mulla Mansoor Dadullah
and seven others were arrested in an encounter near Qala Saifullah; Taliban
said Dadullah was killed in a joint operation. Pakistans Ambassador to
th

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Kabul went missing along with his driver and guards near Ali Masjid while
on his way to Landi Kotal.
On 12th February, the newly hired mercenary urged national effort
against terrorism. The government remained clueless about its missing
ambassador as some Taliban claimed kidnapping him. Next day, security
forces arrested 11 suspected militants in Swat, whereas six more surrendered
to authorities. Blast damaged hospital in Landi Kotal. FC fort was subjected
to rocket attack in Bajaur. Pakistani Taliban denied kidnapping the envoy.
A major and two soldiers were killed in roadside bombing in Bajaur
Agency on 14th February. Two suspected militants were arrested and 20
surrendered in Swat. The envoy remained untraced. Rockets were fired at
Darra town.
One FC soldier was killed and another wounded in attack on a post in
Mattani area on 15th February. Six suspects were arrested and 13 surrendered
in Swat. Karachi police disclosed arrest of ten militants linked to banned
groups. Next day, two persons were killed in a suicide attack on army camp
in Mingora. General Kayani visited Waziristan and dished out awards to
deserving soldiers.
Two senior police officials escaped attempts on their lives in Swat on
17 February; while over 135 militants surrendered. Ten bombs were
defused in Bajaur. Two days later, five people were wounded as 28 artillery
shells fired from across the border landed in North Waziristan. One
suspected militant was killed in Darra Adamkhel.
th

On 20th February, security forces arrested 75 suspected militants in

Swat. Three soldiers were hurt in grenade attack in Kohat. Shops were
damaged in a blast in Peshawar. Terrorists have been routed, clamed Interior
Minister Lt Gen Hamid.
General Kayani visited South Waziristan on 21st February. Four
militants surrendered in Swat. Next day, 16 people were killed and 12
wounded in remote-controlled bombing in Swat. Rocket was fired at army
base camp in Lakki Marwat.
On 23rd February, two persons including a soldier were killed in Swat
and eight suspects were arrested by police. Four security personnel were
killed in attack on a post at Mattani south of Peshawar. Interior Minister
claimed arresting 122 potential suicide bombers.
Death toll in attack on Mattani post reached five on 24 th February.
Security forces gunned down a suspected suicide bomber. Two Afghan
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suspects were held in Swat. Baitullah Mahsud rejected Musharrafs war on

terror and called for negotiations with the new government.
A suicide bomber once again struck in the vicinity of GHQ on 25 th
February; Surgeon General of Pakistan Army was among eight persons
killed in the attack. DG ISPR was unable to understand as to why the
terrorists targeted Surgeon General. Five people were killed in grenade
attack on the office of an NGO in Mansehra. Three persons were kidnapped
in Lakki Marwat along with their official vehicle. A policeman was shot
dead and two suspects were held in Swat.
On 26th February, Police in Charsadda claimed killing a suspect
involved in three suicide bombings. Jirga leader was shot dead in Peshawar.
Six suspected militants were arrested in Swat. Reportedly, the US planned to
expand eyes and ears in tribal areas of Pakistan. Next day, 53 suspects were
released in Swat.
On 28th February, at least 12 people were killed and two wounded in
an attack on a house in village Kaloosha, South Waziristan; villagers said
rockets were fired by a pilot-less US plane, but DG ISPR claimed that blast
occurred due to explosives stored in the house. Two ANP leaders survived
attack in Bajaur.
A DSP and two other were killed in roadside bombing in Lakki
Marwat on 29th February. Later, a bomber struck at the funeral of the DSP in
Mingora killing 49 and wounding 75 others. Waziris protested missile attack
on Kaloosha. Three persons were killed in Jamrud area in a fresh clash in the
simmering tribal feud. Next day, a JCO and a civilian were killed in suicide
attack in Bajaur. Death toll in Swat bombing reached fifty and an informer
was beheaded by militants. Three persons were wounded in a blast in Dera
Ismail Khan.
At least 42 people were killed in a suicide attack on a jirga in session
in Darra Adamkhel on 2nd March. Five persons were killed in a blast in
Muslim Bagh area. Next day, factional fighting once again erupted in
Khyber Agency near Peshawar in which ten persons were killed. In Swat, 14
suspects were arrested. Five suspected Taliban were killed in Mohmand
Agency.
Two suicide bombers launched a coordinated attack on Naval War
College in Lahore on 4th March; killing eight people and wounding 24
others. Next day, gunship helicopters attacked suspected hideouts of
militants in Swat. Alleged al-Qaeda man involved in the US Consulate
bombing was sentenced to death. Eight people were arrested over Naval War
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College bombings. Residents of Shaikhan Village continued their protest

over governments failing to control factional fighting around Bara area.
Lakki Police arrested four militants in an encounter. Four people were
wounded in landmine blast in Parachinar area.
Three terrorists were arrested in Lahore on 6th March. Next day,
gunship helicopters were used to attack militants in Darra. One policeman
was injured in blast in Swat and security forces arrested 12 suspects.
Security forces captured six suspected militants in Swat on 8 th March. Five
bullet ridden bodies were found in Orakzai. Next day, gunship helicopters
pounded hideouts of militants in Mohmand Agency. Two rockets were fired
at Bannu. Five suspected suicide bombers were arrested in Quetta.
The US and the UK kept Pakistan under constant pressure to keep
fighting for its war on terror. They used the tactics of intimidation and
encouragement. On 10th February, US officials declared General Kayani as
one of the best soldiers. They said the General knows what hes doing. It
seemed that the Crusaders had found a replacement of Musharraf. The
puppet regime in Kabul, however, harped about the presence of al-Qaeda
and Taliban leaders in Pakistan.
Ten days later, Pakistani government officials expressed their
annoyance over reports from Washington that Pakistan maintained vague
accounts of Coalition Support Funds. On 25th February, UK Chief of
General Staff called on President, CJCSC and COAS, as a British think tank
termed Baitullah Mehsud the most deadly threat to the West.
On 27th February, Robert Gates cautioned the new Pakistani
government to be wary of talks with pro-Taliban tribal leaders. Five days
later, Admiral Mullen arrived in Islamabad on second visit within a month.
He discussed war against Islamic fascists with Musharraf, Kayani and
CJCSC. On 4th March, the UK also expressed intent to send a team of
instructors to train Pakistan Army in counter-insurgency. Two days later,
USAID allocated $750 million for development of FATA.
Meanwhile, Interior Minister said that common perception in Pakistan
was that the US, Afghanistan and India were behind terrorist activities in
Pakistan; the US rejected ministers comments and Pakistans foreign office
denied Interior Ministers claim. Marian Baabar reported that contractors
told that the US has completed construction of airstrips in tribal areas.
Kamran Kiani from Rawalpindi observed: Pursuing the US agenda
has never been in the interest of Pakistan. Unfortunately, our rulers
always preferred to adopt a pro-US foreign policy. The whole nation is in the
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grip of unrest due to the ongoing war on terror Suicide bombings have
now become a part of our daily life. Our troops have been compelled to
pursue the US agenda against our own people in the tribal areas.
As a consequence, our soldiers as well as innocent citizens are
being killed in the name of war against terrorism. The latest incident being
the tragic crash of a helicopter in which senior army officers lost their lives.
This is the consequence of the excessive US interference in our internal
affairs.
Ahmed Quraishi talked about the US game of destabilizing Pakistan.
In their desperation to salvage their near-failure in Afghanistan, the
Americans are certainly falling for the latest line the Indians and their
Afghan proxies in Kabul have been feeding them for months now: If you
want to reign in the Taliban in Afghanistan, go after the Pashtuns in
Pakistan.
So while the US military chief, Admiral Mike Mullen, spent time in
Islamabad over the weekend, an unnamed American official in Washington
singled out Pakistans Pashtun as the sources of all evil, highlighting the
very clear Pashtun tribal links connecting the Afghan insurgent to
Pakistan. He also alleged that Mulla Omar and al-Qaeda leaders were
hiding in Quetta.
Weakening the Pashtuns fits well with the current Afghan power
holders in Kabul and their Indian friends, who insist on keeping
Afghanistans traditional rulers away from power after the bitter experience
of the 1990s. But there is more to this anti-Pashtun tirade signs that, after the
attempt to spark an ethnic war in Balochistan in 2005 a situation is being
created on the ground for a Pashtun rebellion in Pakistan.
And in both cases, support, weapons and finances are pouring in
from unnamed and unknown actors based in Afghanistan. The already
inflamed Pashtun passions received another setback last week when scores
of Pashtun-dominated ANP activists were killed in a suicide attack only days
after the assassination of a senior ANP leader in mysterious circumstances in
Karachi.
The Indians, now comfortably based in Afghanistan under the
American watch, have historically shown a special interest in nurturing
ethnic insurgencies inside Pakistan. The game plan now is to try to
convince Pakistani Pashtun nationalists to join hands with religious
parties to fan unrest after next weeks elections.

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It would be wise for most Pakistanis to view the role of the United
States in this whole situation with a healthy dose of skepticism and
suspicion. US officials have been trying to convince Islamabad that the
Afghan Taliban and the al-Qaeda are shifting their attention from
Afghanistan to Pakistan. Interestingly, the Afghan Taliban are wearing the
Pakistanis that they have nothing to do with the insurgents of Baitullah
Mehsud and the couple of other shadowy religious groups that have sprung
up in parts of NWFP.
Our American friends continue to use the good-cop-bad-cop routine
on their Pakistani ally. After successfully raising a false global alarm over
the security of Pakistani nukes, they sent their top military chief to tell the
world from Islamabad that our nukes are safe. While US officials tell their
Pakistani counterparts how much they value the relationship, it is a
disturbing fact that the US media and the think-tank circuit continue to
depict Pakistan as the next Iraq and churn out endless scenarios about the
breakup of the country.
In this environment, it is expected that the Americans will exploit
the shaky foundations of a flawed and weak Pakistani political system to
interfere and exert political pressure on Islamabad. We as Pakistanis have
no option but to reform this political system by creating a strong and stable
civilian political setup closely backed by the military institution, without
whom this process of strengthening the system cannot succeed.
Shireen M Mazari wrote: Despite over sixty-one years of
independence; despite our successful struggle to acquire nuclear capability
in the face of massive hurdles put in our way by these folk, despite the
dismal record of our past military alliance with the US and its allies; despite
the constant abuse being hurled at us Pakistanis in particular and Muslims in
general, by them, post-9/11, we have continued to sustain the imperialists
and neo imperialists in their misplaced assumption of the White Mans
Burden.
How else can we explain our continuing tolerance of the abuse a
form of psychological terrorization being meted out to us by the US?
Their Administration continues with its mantra of do more, and continues
to scamper to build new political favourites as old ones lose domestic
currency
As for the US military, it is playing an interesting double game at
the moment. The command in Washington critiques us, while at the
operational level on the ground in the Trilateral Commission, they feign an
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atmosphere of camaraderie and goodwill which makes our local

commanders adopt an unnecessary accommodative approach towards them.
It is in this bizarre environment that our own security situation has
been vitiated even as we have sought to please the US ad nauseum.
Certainly, we have had a terrorist problem even before 9/11, but the US-led
war on terror in Afghanistan has distorted our indigenous terrorist problem
as well as aggravating it. To make matters worse, the US has adopted a
duplicitous and treacherous strategy vis--vis the Pakistani state. On the one
hand, it wants to fight its designed war against terror, but it is itself
supporting Baloch terrorist groups with the aim of destabilizing Irans Sistan
and Pakistans Balochistan
Then there is the Baloch Society of North America, established in
2005, which is active against both the Pakistani and Iranian states and has
access also in Canada and the UK, post the BLA ban. There is also a big
question mark over the diversion of funds received from international donors
by the World Sindhi Congress (WSC) and World Sindhi Institute (WSI), to
terrorist in Pakistan rather than for the philanthropic purposes for which the
funding was given. Both these organizations have given financial support to
the Sindhi Liberation Army which has claimed responsibility for a number
of bomb blasts in Sindh.
With all these shenanigans which directly undermine our
security, we have allowed US bases in the sensitive province of
Balochistan, as well as in Sindh, and there is now evidence that they are also
using a short refurbished runway near Tarbela for launching Predator flights.
With all this logistical support offered by Pakistan, where is the US
reciprocity on anti-terrorism? Of course, if we Pakistanis had even an iota of
dignity, we would stop all logistical support and let Congress do its worst.
Unfortunately, despite being abused all around, we continue to do
US bidding much against our own long term interests. Now we here US
military personnel are coming in to not only train our paramilitary forces but
also to accompany them on missions within Pakistan. There has also been
talk of the US training our military in counter-insurgency. What absurdities
are we reducing ourselves to?
So far our ruling elite seem unable or unwilling to see the US
design for what it is: a weakening of the Pakistani state and nation with
perhaps a long term goal of balkanization. After all, US scholars with close
links to the establishment are referring increasingly to this end goal. Yet
even here we seem to retain a strange subservience and continue to give
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academic space to perennial Pakistan-bashers, especially in terms of access

to data and information No wonder we Pakistanis today face a doubleheaded terrorist threat: psychological terrorization of the US, and the
physical home grown militant terrorism. One feeds on the other.
Dr Tariq from Rawalpindi commented on US and Indian hand in
violence perpetrated in Pakistan. This is with regard to a reportwhich
quoted the caretaker interior minister as saying that the public thought that
the US and India were involved in terrorist acts in Pakistan I appreciate
the boldness and courage of Lt Gen Hamid Nawaz for openly saying the
truth. Many other government officials along with the majority of
Pakistanis also believe that the US and India are involved in terrorist
activities in Pakistan, but they hesitate to say it in public for obvious
reasons.
K Hussain Zia wrote: Caretaker Interior Minister Hamid Nawaz has
recently said that the perception among Pakistanis is that the US, India and
Afghanistan have a hand in the violence and subversive activities in the
country. This is a serious matter.
A number of recent acts by the US itself have given rise to fears and
misapprehensions The US ambassadors denial of the charge as
untrue is neither here nor there. She is bound to say the same thing
regardless of whether it was true or not. Officials in Islamabad have said that
what the minister had said was not the view of the government.
Pakistan remains the whipping boy of the US media and politicians.
All we hear is that we are not doing enough and need to do more. Not all
Pakistanis feel the same way as General Musharraf about the US and its
endless war. They are deeply worried by what it is doing to them and their
country
The situation has rendered Pakistan weak and vulnerable.
Pakistanis have every reason to feel worried and concerned. The minister
has merely reflected their fears and apprehensions, as any good minister
should. He has only stated a fact and not accused the US, as such. The ball
now is in the US ambassadors court. It is for her to allay the misgivings and
reassure the people of Pakistan. Mere denials and platitudes are not enough.
It has to be something more tangible and credible.
Shireen M Mazari reported: This scribe has leant of the latest set of
eleven demands the US has put to the Government of Pakistan through
the Ministry of Defence The first demand is for granting of a status that is
accorded to the technical and administrative (staff) of the US embassy. The
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second demand is that these personnel be allowed to enter and exit Pakistan
on mere National identification (for example a driving licence) that is
without any visas.
Next, the US is demanding that Pakistan accept the legality of all US
licences which would include arms licences. This is followed by the
demand that all these personnel be allowed to carry arms and wear uniforms
as they wish, across the whole of Pakistan.
Then comes a demand that directly undermines our sovereignty that
US criminal jurisdiction be applicable in Pakistan to US nationals. In other
words, these personnel would not be subjected to Pakistani law. In territories
of US allies like Japan, this condition exists in areas where there are US
bases and has become a source of major resentment
The next demand is for exemption from all taxes, including indirect
taxes like excise duty, etc. the seventh demand is for inspection-free import
and export of all goods and materials. So we would not know what they are
bringing in or taking out of our country including Gandhara art as well as
sensible material.
At number eight is the demand for free movement of vehicles,
vessels including aircraft, without landing or parking fees. Then, at number
nine, there is a specific demand that selected US contractors should also be
exempted from tax payments. At number ten there is the demand for free of
cost use of US telecommunication systems and using all necessary radio
spectrum.
The final demand is the most dangerous and is linked to the demand
for non-applicability of Pakistani law for US personnel. Demand number
eleven is for a waiver of all claims to damage to loss or destruction of
others property, or death to personnel or armed forces or civilians. The US
has tried to be smart by not using the world other for death but, given the
context, clearly it implies that US personnel can maim and kill Pakistanis
and destroy our infrastructure and weaponry with impunity.
Effectively, if accepted, these demands would give the US
personnel complete freedom to do as they please in Pakistan in fact,
they would take control of events in areas of their interest. In fact, the US
has sought deployment of occupation forces in Pakistan without resorting to
war/invasion.
So, for those who feel there is bonhomie and complete understanding
between the Pakistan military and the US military, and the trouble only

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exists at the political level, it is time to do a serious rethink. The first step
in dealing rationally with our indigenous terrorist problem holistically and
credibly is to create space between ourselves and the US. As the US adage
goes: there is no free lunch. For Pakistan lunching with the US has become
unacceptably costly.
The News wrote: Two of the demands are especially galling. The
first is that the personnel posted in Pakistan be exempted from Pakistans
laws and instead be covered by the US criminal system. Tied to this is a
demand for a waiver from any claim to damages or loss of property or death
caused by US personnel. This implies that the US troops would not be asked
to account for killing Pakistani citizens, whether military or civilian, or
destroying their homes, villages or fields; a licence to kill in a way.
The brash list of eleven demands also includes those for visa-free
entry for US personnel, recognition of US driving and arms licencestax
exemptions for US contractors and free use of telecommunication systems.
Quite obviously, Pakistan cannot even consider granting most of these
demands. If it were to do so, it may as well raise the Stars and Stripes
over the country
Certainly the actions of US private mercenary outfits, such as
Blackwater, given contracts in Iraq are enough to cause shivers to run
down collective spines. Blackwaters obviously trigger-happy men were
involved in the shooting of Iraqis including women and children. They were
then whisked out of the country
Any US presence, particularly under any agreement giving personnel
a blanket cover to do what they please, would only heighten the strongly
felt anti-US sentiments that have fueled extremism in the first place. This
would mean only greater and more prolonged violence. It is time for the
Pakistan government to firmly put the US in its place and advise Washington
to act as a true friend rather than a would-be-conqueror.
M B Naqvi commented on Pakistans dilemma of ties with the US.
Pakistanis face a painful dilemma. This dilemma takes many interrelated
shapes and formulations. The issue is whether the War on Terror Pakistan
has to fight in the way the Americans want or should Pakistanis evolve
their own strategies. If Pakistanis are to go along with American wishes,
they are required to keep President Pervez Musharraf.
The alternative of a new strategy require vigorous democracy at
home, including the release of the judges, the undoing of all that ex-general
Musharraf did on Nov 3 and to send him home True, Americans have
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removed all stops; all US-loving powers, mainly NATO, are openly engaged
in coercive diplomacy to persuade the PPP, the PML-N and other parties to
line up with the western strategy of fighting this endless War on Terror.
This was why the Americans had brokered the deal between
Musharraf and Ms Benazir Bhutto. It does look as if the Americans are
insisting on both sides to observe its terms. The Saudis are to persuade Mian
Nawaz Sharif to be more flexible regarding Musharraf.
As for the War on Terror and the Taliban and Islamic extremisms
various manifestations inside Pakistan, these are Pakistans problems
and should be resolved by Pakistanis. It presupposes a reappraisal of the
policies that Islamabad has followed vis--vis Afghanistan. Islamabads own
contributions in the promotion of Islamic extremism, sectarianism, various
Jihads and absolutely unrealistic policies of trying to dominate Afghanistan,
while Pakistan itself has remained a satellite state of the US, is another
factor.
The Americans have virtually no idea how to fight the Taliban or
al-Qaeda or any other extremist or terrorist group. They only rely on
superior firepower and technical intelligence in order to fight that. That
merely aggravates the problem, produces more terrorists through so-called
collateral damage that goes on increasing, producing more militants and
guerrillas. How many thousands of Afghans have died cannot reliably be
known; known facts are far too sketchy and far too suited to the exigencies
of public relations of the NATO powers.
Indeed, the American actions have finally destroyed the state of
Afghanistan and the current efforts to create a new state under an American
nominee, Hamid Karzai, do not promise success. Iraq may also either
survive against the machinations of American diplomacy or divide itself into
three states and also possibly cause mayhem throughout the Middle East.
Pakistanis cannot afford to follow American policies in Afghanistan or
Pakistans tribal areas. They know too little about these places.
As has been noted, Pakistanis have to find a way of reconciling the
demands of Islam with political realities of Afghanistan and Pakistani people
and find a modus operandi through democratic means and intelligent
understanding of the wishes of people in Afghanistan and in Pakistan and the
tribal areas.
Shireen M Mazari expressed her concerns over unbroken cycle of
violence and state myopia. The extent of the lawlessness prevalent in the
country today had never been so stridently evident before May 12 last year
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with the carnage in Karachi. Since then, violence on all sides has become
the hallmark of our state and society The disappearance of our
ambassador to Afghanistanas well as the kidnapping of two PAEC
personnel, reflect the declining security in the NWFP.
Is it a mere coincidence that these incidents occurred after the
wounding and capture of Dadullah, who was attempting to cross into
Pakistan from Afghanistan after his dismissal from the Taliban movement of
Afghanistan by Mulla Omar. With the denunciation of Baitullah Mehsud and
Dadullah by the Afghan Taliban spokesman, Zabihullah Mujahid who had
said that there is a purely Afghan movement aimed at fighting a jihad against
foreign occupation and that Pakistani extremists are irritants for them
these extremists and their followers are on a weaker wicket within Pakistan.
Whatever the US failures in its own war on terror, it has managed to
successfully shift the centre of gravity of this war from Afghanistan to
Pakistan. Given the various levels at which Pakistan is being targeted in the
US, the aim is clearly to destabilize Pakistan, which is why one does need to
ask the question: Is there some US linkage to certain acts of destabilization,
especially in terms of the kidnapping of PAEC personnel despite the fact
that they are not linked to SPD given the numerous US personnel roaming
around Pakistan in native dress and beards? After all, with the assertive and
public manner in which we have countered the absurd allegations regarding
safety and command and control of our nuclear assets, the US could become
more desperate in its efforts to continue to raise the bogey of loose nukes
Of course, more pertinent is the question why we are falling prey
to this nefarious US design of destabilization of Pakistan? First, it is the
sheer level of violence emanating from all sides. Targeting of political rallies
through bombs and suicide attacks, kidnappings, political murders, and
collateral damage of civilians in drone attacks in the tribal belt all these
bode ill for the health of the Pakistani state and its civil society.
We seem to have no clear long term policy direction in terms of
the tribal belt and the trouble spots of the NWFP, which is why there is a
growing sense of lawlessness, rendering the ordinary citizen insecure and
overcome with fear, while the extremists and terrorists continue to be
emboldened. Instead of overcoming the deficient state performance in the
troubled areas by asserting the will of the state and providing basic amenities
so that the ordinary citizen has a stake in the system, short term SOPs are
being offered to the trouble makers at the expense of the innocent.

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Apart from the core issue of the US pressing Pakistan to fight its war
on its terms the observers expressed their views on other issues. Razeshta
Sethna urged Pakistan to clean its Talibanized backyard. The International
Institute for Strategic Studies, a British-based think-tank recently stated that
Pakistan-based Taliban pose a global risk, which came right after US
intelligence sources admitted the Talibans spring offensive didnt require as
much attention as al-Qaeda gaining strength near the Pak-Afghan border. It
said international terrorism remained a growth industry and resurgent
groups in Pakistan had earned the dubious honour of making the
biggest strides during the past year.
Britains security and intelligence agencies say they are deeply
concerned about potential links between individuals in Britain attracted to
extreme Islamism and groups based in the tribal areas of South Waziristan.
Of course, this isnt a novel discovery: we know al-Qaeda finds westernbased operatives because it is easier to export them globally for when they
are needed. In such scenarios, there are no visa restrictions or Muslim names
and identities, which have often deterred such operatives, posing as
obstacles.
In recent months, mounting concerns about the threat posed by alQaeda have prompted senior Bush Administration officials to travel to
Pakistan to seek approval for more aggressive American military action
against militants based in the tribal areas near the border with
Afghanistan. But despite military spending aid, repeated unmanned drone
attacks to flush out what are often termed high-value targets and persistent
fighting on the ground, al-Qaeda (if it is permissible to use that term to
imply an umbrella-sharing ideological base) operatives indulge in crossborder militancy. Even as Hamid Karzai lauds British efforts in Afghanistan,
ISAF with its forty-one thousand plus troops from 39 countries is requesting
further assistance in the south which is riddled with Taliban fighters.
As Taliban militants rapidly gain ground on both sides of the border,
news have filtered that Bin Ladens sixteen-year old son, Hamza Bin Laden
is being groomed to continue the violent legacy, which post 9/11 has seen no
respite. With Baitullah Mehsuds followers from the newly founded Tehrike-Taliban vowing to attack army personnel and even politicians as we have
been made to understand, al-Qaedas canopy expands.
M P Bhandara opined: The west tends to speak of the Taliban and alQaeda in the same breath. This is a mis-assessment. The Taliban were, and
are, Afghan nationalists, al-Qaeda is pan-Islamic, anti-western terrorists.

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In recent years, adversity has brought them closer to one another. But this
does not change their fundamental alignment. The Pakistani Taliban, with its
foreigner infiltration are closer to the al-Qaeda but are essentially copy cats,
funded indirectly by the opium harvest.
The above analysis suggests that the cure for local Talibanism lies
not in bombing South Waziristan but through the Afghan Taliban. Pakistan
should consider opening negotiations directly with Mulla Omar. Omar is not
likely to respond unless the total withdrawal of foreign troops is on the
agenda. This draws in the US to the negotiating table, whose likely counterdemand would be workable guarantees that al-Qaeda or other terrorist
organizations will not be allowed to re-grow again in Afghanistan.
There are parallels to be drawn leading to the negotiations ending the
Vietnam War. Finding solutions for ending terrorism at home should be
at the top of the agenda for the next government, if they are clear-sighted
on priorities. The US and the Karzai regime may or may not be able to
afford another five years of war in Afghanistan; Pakistan certainly cannot.
Pakistans role should be that of a mediator or moderator in this war, not as a
combatant. The next government of new faces has a huge political
opportunity, but one wonders if they will have the vision to seize it?
Rauf Khan Khattak listed interesting characteristics of tribal uprisings.
The people of these tribes want to live in a free way that they deem fit for
themselves both individually and collectively, they want to take their own
decisions and resist being dictated. This trait, essentially, is a manifestation
of the Pashtun psyche, which is even more pronounced in the case of hill
tribes. In a war, it is the combined outcome of the nature and nurture of the
people of these tribes the mountains have over the years been both their
protection and undoing (providing them with security, hindering their
economic growth and inclusion in the political mainstream).
The spacing and duration of various uprisings in these areas have
depended on the ambitions of invaders and their ability to come to terms
with the customs of the local population. There, however, are a few striking
similarities in all these uprisings, starting from the known history till today.
The foremost similarity in all the major uprisings is that there was
never a central command-and-control structure. Each of these uprisings
had an epicenter, no doubt, from where it spread like wildfire to other areas.
The assertion that struggle in each case was localized through the sympathy
element cannot be ruled out.

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The second thread that runs through the history of these areas is that
they were always spurred into action when an imperial power tried to
make inroads into their territory and way of life. The Mughals, the Sikhs,
the English, the Russians and now the Americans have all met the same
re4sponse.
A third characteristic of the Pashtun struggle against imperial powers
is that they always fought with extreme passion, showed tremendous
capacity to sustain losses with resolution, and bore with resilience
economic sanctions imposed on them.
The hill tribes never had any army, so when imperial powers
dispatched armies against them their response was the war-of-the-flea
the classic guerrilla tactics: gather, hit and melt at your own choice. Do
not present a target to the enemy and do not be foolhardy to array in a battle
line! Exhaust the patience and energy of the enemy by calm resolution.
Accept losses as they come and keep going, as it is part of the game. In all
the major uprisings, there have been no winners or losers in the sense of an
outright victory. They all ended in stalemate when the invaders realized the
folly of their policies.
We should not forget that developments in Afghanistan have
always cast their shadows on the NWFP and, more importantly on FATA.
In the past, the hill tribes have influenced the course of events in Kabul,
which has also used them to advance its own designs and foment trouble for
the British and later for Pakistan.
They retain the heat in their blood and are inclined towards
tenicity, and violence of action and speech. They maintain a proud
independence of spirit and dignity of carriage, even in misfortune, poverty
and war. Chivalry flourishes amid the squalor of populace. Most of them are
poor, but all claim nobility.
One relatively less acknowledged contradiction in the Pashtuns is
that they deride a mulla and consider him socially inferior. Yet, in the
time of war, they lend him their sinews. Mullas have been on the forefront
in many uprisings. Another important lesson that we learn from the history
of Pashtuns is that when all else failed, it was the political path which
succeeded.
The Pashtuns, despite the iron in their blood, are susceptible to
peaceful overtures, especially if they are backed by gold. They will
disengage with violence provided their honour remains intact. Gold, yes, but
honour first. The sooner this is realized by the invaders, the better it will be
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for the two sides. These people in rags have reduced many personal and
imperial ambitions to dust when they were not understood and dealt with
accordingly.
Lubna Jerar Naqvi opined: The authorities appear completely
powerless to tackle these terrorists, and we cant blame them. Even the
superpower appears hapless to put an end to these attacks on its troops in
Afghanistan. The only fascinating thing is that apart from the deadly attack
on 9/11, the American soil has been safe from further attacks. Our leaders
should brainstorm and at least provide security of life to the people of this
country. Is that too much to ask? Is security prioritized on the agenda of any
political party? The arguments that even the US with all its technology and
scientific capabilities hasnt been able to reduce suicide attacks in Iraq and
Afghanistan may be taken up, but could the reason for this be that Iraq and
Afghanistan are not on American soil and the victims are not US citizens.
Does America have the time or patience to protect the citizens of other
nations?
Therefore, it would be prudent if our government contacted the
US security agencies and applied their methods here, making the country
comparatively safer if possible. Although this is tough considering we have
porous borders with two nations that are invaded by the forces of the allied
forces and therefore facing an increase in internal violence. Without
justifying the increase in internal violence in these countries, the fact
remains that these countries are in a warring state. Pakistan on the other
hand is an ally on the war on terror
Something needs to be done to tackle the menace of suicide
bombings and provide some relief to the people of the region. The new faces
on the political block must focus on the spectre of real insecurities
faced by the Pakistanis So far the weakness and haplessness of the state to
curb terrorist outfits have only strengthened them and allowed them to carry
out bolder and bolder attacks on official and civilian personnel.
The new government cannot sit peacefully saying that these
terrorist attacks, especially on army and police personnel, are a
spillover of the military operations in the tribal areas absolving themselves
of blame. They not only have to face the deaths of military personnel but of
children and civilians, who expect to be given protection to self and property
by the authorities under fundamental rights under the constitution.
The government should work more for eradication of all forms of
terrorism in the country, having lost their charismatic leader to terrorists last
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December. Something has to be done before the majority of people start

succumbing to religious diktats of anyone just to protect themselves
from the wrath of terrorists, thereby adding to the chaos faced by the
country.
The News wrote: The chain of events says something of what we
have descended to as a society. Once more, it seems the two separate attacks,
in Lakki Marwat and in Mingora, targeted police officers apparently
regarded by the killers as representatives of a state they are at war with. The
simple logic, that states policemen carrying out orders have no links with the
policy-makers these ruthless killers oppose is quite obviously beyond the
limited understanding of people inspired only by hatred.
The question of course is how this orgy of violence is to end
There are no easy answers. The ugliness that exists in the hearts of militants
who claim to speak in the name of religion is quite obviously deeply
entrenched. It cannot immediately be made to disappear.
Holistic, long-term strategies to deal with terrorism must be put in
place, tough decisions taken where necessary, tact used when apt so
that the ugly scenes of senseless bloodshed that stare out at us from
television screens and from newspaper pages can be replaced by images that
offer more hope for the country and for its people.
The newspaper also condemned the killing of Surgeon General. The
bombing on The Mall is a grim reminder that the war against extremism
and terrorism is far from over in the country. This is something that the
PPP and the PML-N also need to take particular note of. Asif Zardari has
said that fighting this menace remains one of his partys top priorities but
that the same time he has said that a military solution alone will not solve
this problem a line echoed in totality by Nawaz Sharif.
It should be understood that the extremists are fighting a violent war
against the state, the target of which is the government and the military, and
this means that, for better or for worse, the response will have to be in
part military and one that breaks the back of the extremists. Of course, in
the long run this alone will not work and the matter of reforming the
madressahs (where a lot of militants are indoctrinated) and even the
mainstream system of education, reducing the dissemination of sectarian
literature and also Pakistanis orientation in the war against terror will have to
be re-worked.
R Haider from Islamabad wrote: The martyrdom of Surgeon General
Mushtaq Beg is a great loss. He was a genuinely sincere and devoted
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Muslim. It is sad that innocent and harmless people are made to sacrifice
their lives because of the actions of one man. Does the life of an innocent
citizen have no value in Pakistan? We need to hold accountable the man who
is the real cause of all suicide bombings because he launched the Lal Masjid
operation, Bugtis killing, the judicial crisis and the Wana operation. Why
should a free passage be given to him when he is responsible for so many
deaths?
After missile attack on Kaloosha village from across the border The
News wrote: The problem is that so much that is happening in
Waziristan is shrouded in mystery, and so little official credibility
remains, that accounts of military or government spokespersons tend not to
be believed. The issue of which tribal leaders are associated with which
group, and how dubious alliances reached with some of the government are
working, adds to the mystery surrounding the whole issue.
If the war in Waziristan is ever to be won and normalcy restored to an
area which has been in constant turmoil for months, there is need to tell
people the truth. The support of citizens in combating the militant threat in
the area is essential. In the absence of this backing, the war in the area may
linger on for yet more years and tempt foreign forces based just across the
border in neighbouring Afghanistan to intervene. The suspicion that they
have already done so only complicates the situation.
The new government, of course after consultation with the Pakistan
military which has faced so much loss of life fighting militants in the tribal
areas, needs to consider putting the picture before Pakistani people. The evil
deeds of militants operating there must be made known; humanitarian
assistance must be made available to women and children caught up in the
conflict.
The danger is that, with only a few pieces of a jigsaw puzzle to put
together, people may reach a wrong conclusion as to the actual picture. They
may seem villains as heroes. For these reasons, the full facts need to be
made known to them and some media access permitted, so people can
glimpse reality as it truly is and place their unflinching support behind
Pakistan military in attempting to end the conflict in Waziristan that has
already claimed far too many lives.
In another editorial the paper observed: Barely two months into the
year and already suicide bombers have struck at least 12 times in various
places across the country. Dozens of lives have been lost. Who knows what
the toll taken by the killers will be by the time the year ends?
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The question of course is how the problem is to be tackled. This

indeed will be a key challenge for the next government, due now to take
charge within days in Islamabad. It is not easy to offer them advice. No
amount of security can defeat the determined suicide bomber. Similarly, the
problem of militancy and all the horrors it has brought with it, will not
disappear quickly.
The involvement of tribesmen to deal with the problem seems to
offer one way forward. The policy must be continued. Many elders in
northern communities are horrified by the descent into violence witnessed in
recent years and are desperate to stop it
In the longer run though, it is important to recognize that militancy
is a by-product of the socio-economic conditions of peoples lives. It is
only an improvement in the circumstances in which they live that will enable
people to escape the net of extremism. In this, there is a message for the
countrys leaders for without major measures to end deprivation, there can
be little hope of ending the suicide bombings that have already claimed so
many lives and threaten to claim still more.
After attack on Naval War College the paper wrote: In many ways,
the finer details, the precise chain of events are less relevant than the fact
that the terrorists have struck once more. Already, the year 2008 has seen at
least 13 major terrorist attacks. The killers, it seems, are able to strike
anywhere, at any time. They have quite evidently succeeded in their main
purpose creating a sense of panic and challenging the writ of the state.
The fear running through Lahore in the aftermath of the bombing is proof of
this.
This is not the state of affairs that can be permitted to continue. The
consequences are simply too horrendous to contemplate. It is clear the
extremists believed to be behind these attacks have made symbols of state
the army, the police, the navy their principle targets. They have in other
words declared open war on the very institutions that stand for the safety and
security of Pakistan itself.
The question is how this rapidly accelerating war can be won. It
seems that the stepped-up military action against extremists in FATA and
other areas has not damaged their ability to strike in other parts of the
country. Also, those waging this most unholy of wars are obviously
unwilling to grant any kind of honeymoon period to the new government.
Strategy against such an enemy is not easy to devise. But at this time,
it is vital all political forces, all military experts and all institutions that can
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offer help and support put together their heads and devise a plan to save
the country and its citizens before it is too late to win the war against
crazed men ready at any cost to claim lives and wreck havoc on fellow
citizens.

EASTERN FRONT
A week after the polls, Indian President, Pratibha Patil, said Pak-India
talks would be held when situation permits. About two weeks after the
February polls, Parnab Mukherjee said India was ready to resume talks with
Pakistan. His statement implied that India had suspended the process of
composite dialogue unilaterally. On 5th March, Manmohan Singh also
showed his intent to resume talks with Pakistan.
As part of the process of confidence building measures Pakistan and
India held a meeting in New Delhi on 26th February and the two agreed to
exchange lists of civilian prisoners. The show of prisoners exchange,
however, was stolen by Ansar Burney and Kashmir Singh.
On 29th February, the Musharraf regime agreed to free Kashmir Singh
within two days; the Indian national had been sentenced to death on
espionage charges. This has been the only feat performed by Ansar Burney, a
human rights activist who could not resist getting into the shoes of a
caretaker or undertaker minister.
Kashmir Singh was released from Kot Lakhpat Jail on 3 rd March and
then escorted like a VIP to hold a press conference. Next day he was handed
over to India at Wagah border by Ansar Burney personally. After arriving in
India Kashmir Singh said he had gone to Pakistan for spying.
Acts and statements negative to confidence building were in plenty
as usual. Test-firing of missiles topped the list. Short-range ballistic missile
was tested by Pakistan on 13th February. About two weeks later, India testfired first sea-based nuclear capable missile. On 5th March, India tested
supersonic Brahmos.
Meanwhile, Robert Gates visited New Delhi, and on 27th February the
US and India agreed to study joint missile defence system. Two days later,
India increased its defence budget by ten percent. In another event, Pakistan
arrested six Indian fishermen on 22nd February. About a week later, 29 more
Indian fishermen were arrested. On 5th March, Pakistan arrested yet another
group of 14 Indian fishermen.

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Perpetration of state terrorism in IHK continued but incidents of

violence were covered scantily by the print media. Indian forces killed
Mujahideen Commander Muhammad Haneef on 10th February. Two
Kashmiris were martyred on 22 nd February and a week later, occupation
forces martyred four more Kashmiris. Two people were killed in grenade
attack in Reshinagar on 5th March.
The News commented on the release of Kashmir Singh. In the case
of Kashmir Singh, he was fortunate to be discovered by Pakistans human
rights minister during a visit to the jail. The minister then sent a petition to
President Musharraf and Singh was granted a pardon. As simple as
that.
The issue of Pakistanis or Indians held in each others countries
remains a troubling one. Despite agreements reached to avoid detaining
fisher folk who accidentally venture into the other countries waters, such
round-ups still take place. Talks between India and Pakistan have, however,
over the past two years, led to some improvement in the situation, with
hundreds of prisoners exchanged between the two countries All these are
important steps forward.
As the elderly Kashmir Singh finally walks to freedom after his long
ordeal, it is important to remember that other Pakistanis and Indians
remain behind bars, hoping that the ongoing efforts to settle their fate
between the two countries will progress quickly and their release will not be
further delayed.
Alya Alvi from Rawalpindi wrote: The caretaker minister for human
rights, Ansar Burney, recently came under fire for freeing an Indian spy with
great fanfare. To avoid criticism, he has now asked for details of the
illegal detention of deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry
along with his family members.
In view of his recently discovered interest in Justice Chaudhrys
illegal confinement, I would like to ask Mr Burney what he has been doing
since November 3. Didnt he know that the chief justices house arrest
was in violation of human rights from day one? What has he done in the
last four months as federal minister if he wants details of the most
important human rights case of Pakistan now?
The Indian spying, convicted and sentenced to death was freed on the
day when the people in Islamabad protested for release of illegally detained
CJP and his family members. Musharraf, the brave commando decided that

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if he couldnt resolve the core issue of Kashmir, he could at least set

Kashmir Singh free and earn laurels from international community.

HOME FRONT
On Ideological front the publication of blasphemous caricatures was
widely resented in Pakistan. Students protested against Denmark on 22nd
February. A Protest Day was observed and on 1st March, protesters in
Rawalpindi demanded severing of ties with Denmark. On 7 th March, protest
rallies were held across the country after Friday prayers.
On 12th February, spokesman of Lal Masjid said talks for release of
Maulana Abdul Aziz were underway. Shujaat met families of the missing
persons in Karachi on 3rd March and promised to take up the case with
Musharraf. On 9th March, Islamabad police got into the shoes of obscurantist
mullas and raided a Cat House in wee hours arresting 53 Toms and Cats
spreading enlightenment in the capital of Islamic Republic of Pakistan. One
of the Toms was newly elected MPA of the PPP.
Low key insurgency in Balochistan continued unabated. Following
incidents of violence by militants and counter actions by security forces
were reported during the period:
One person was killed in a blast in Naushki on 15 th February. Two
days later, four soldiers and a police inspector were killed in various
incidents of violence across the province.
Electric pylon was blown up in Quetta on 20 th February. Next day,
three traffic constables were gunned down in Quetta. Traffic
policemen came out to protest and demand protection.
Three soldiers were killed and four wounded in roadside bombing in
Dera Bugti on 25th February. Three days later, Zulfikar Magsi was
sworn in as Governor Baluchistan.
A soldier was killed in landmine blast in Nasirabad on 6 th March. Two
days later, Taftan Express was derailed because of a blast near
Naushki. One person was killed in a blast in Kohlu.
Jawad Hussain Qureshi drew attention of the new government to
Balochistan issue. The Baloch nationalist parties have, by boycotting the
elections, handed an unprecedented victory to the party that most
Baloch blame as their tormentors. With Baloch alienation at an all-time

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high, Baloch nationalists would have fared well if they had contested the
elections to fight for the political and social rights of the province within the
democratic, parliamentary framework, rather than sit on the sidelines and
watch as the province continues to be in its political quagmire for the next
five years. With a large portion of the Baloch electorate not bothering to cast
their vote, PML-Q has essentially won the provincial assembly because of
the nationalist parties boycott.
A government in the province, now the populace has to live under a
possible PML-Q-led government for the next five years. The complexities
of the provincial election results are threefold:
A political party (the PML-Q) elected that is widely blamed for
stoking and exacerbating the Baloch insurgency and alienating the
Baloch from the federation;
Loss of the political voice of Baloch nationalists in the provincial and
federal legislative process;
Uncertainty about the future of the new provincial and federal
governments handling of the province and continuation of the lowlevel insurgency.
The legitimacy of the provincial PML-Q government in the eyes
of the Baloch and its ability to govern the province remain important
questions in a place where a majority of voters refused to participate in the
elections due to security fears and a general sense of distrust with Musharraf
overseeing the election process. Baloch demands of autonomy (fiscal and
political) under the 1973 Constitution, reduction of the paramilitary forces
across the province, and rising inflation might not be best addressed by a
provincial government which does not have the ears of the new
policymakers in Islamabad.
An end to Baloch alienation from the federation and to address their
valid concerns and demands is an issue that the new federal government
will have to address. As it is, the major Baloch leaders (Mengal and Marri)
are getting too old to continue to placate the Baloch youth-led insurgency.
Their political prowess seems increasingly ineffective against a Baloch
population who continue to think that a low-level insurgency is the only
option where military and federal government targets should continue to be
blown up.
A scarier trend is the splintering of the shadowy Baloch insurgent
groups into mini-independent units under the newer, revolutionary labels.
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Lest we forget, Jundullah has also become a player in militancy in

Pakistan. Links between Jundullah and the Baloch are sketchy at best in
Pakistan but in Irans Balochistan wa Sistan province, Jundullah is reported
as being the militant voice for dispossessed Sunni Baloch.
Whatever the shape of the new federal government, both the PPP
and PML-N have historical baggage in terms of their dealings with the
Baloch people and nationalist politicians. From overseeing a military
crackdown to dissolving provincial governments in Balochistan, both parties
will have to treat the province carefully, especially in terms of sharing of
financial resources, demands of autonomy and the future of mega projects in
the region.
The prospective federal government should be considering the
following questions as soon as the new parliament is convened. Will it
launch an independent parliamentary investigation into the assassination of
Nawab Bugti? Will it be able to bring back the Baloch people and politicians
into the fold of the federation before their alienation becomes so pronounced
that working in a parliamentary federal framework doesnt remain an option
for them?
The Baloch nationalist are not a write-off in the future of the
province. Previous election results have repeatedly shown that Baloch
nationalist parties have been elected as the most legitimate voice of the
dispossessed Baloch people. It is for the new federal government to court
them and bring them back into the fold of the federation.
Sanaullh Baloch talked of election boycott in Balochistan and its
effects. The widely rejected PML-Q is back in Balochistan. The
establishment in Islamabad is relieved at the election results from the
volatile province. A carefully manipulated selection process is a clear
indication that genuine change in Balochistan is unacceptable to the
rulers.
Baloch nationalists say they knew that the polls in Balochistan would
not be free, so they boycotted a futile exercise. The response to the boycott
in Baluchistan was tremendous. Polling booths were deserted in the entire
province, including urban centres. Careful monitoring of the polling in the
province reveals that there was widespread rigging, apparently to give the
impression that turnout was good. The government showed that hundreds of
thousand of votes were polled in volatile districts, although results from
urban constituencies and other more peaceful areas clearly show that the
turnout was only four to six per cent in the province.
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The mistrust of parliamentary politics in Balochistan is a result of

frustration over the arbitrary rejection by the military-led government of
the provincial assemblys resolutions, recommendations and demands The
Balochistan Assembly also passed resolutions demanding an increase in gas
royalty and provision of gas to all the districts in the province, but Islamabad
ignored them.
The politics of status quo will have serious implications for the
centre and the future provincial government. Balochistan is not an
administrative province to run through a security approach. Its strategic and
vast potential is hard to translate into real development without the full
participation of the politically sensitive population of the province.
Killings, intimidation and harassment have never proved to be a
source of political success in any crisis. The establishment needs to rethink
about its oppressive approach towards the people of Balochistan. There must
be an honest initiative by the centre to regain the confidence of the Baloch.
The mounting trend of political violence could probably be defused or
reversed through a careful political, social and economic approach. But any
support from the corrupt and widely rejected leaders in the province will
lead to continued confrontation between the people of Balochistan and the
rulers in Islamabad.
Yusaf Khan discussed the resurgence of nationalists in NWFP who
started with cry of changing the name of the province. Misinterpretation of
the vote could lead to a fate not dissimilar from the MMAs. Changing the
name of the province to Pakhtunkhwa is not the question. People have
not voted the ANP into power so that they can change the name of the
province into something unpronounceable by all other groups. And what of
the Hazarawal, the Hindko speakers of Peshawar, or the Seraiki speaking
belt that is inter-mixed with the Pashtuns in my native Dera Ismail Khan
area? Do we Pashtuns really need to alienate the other communities who
reside in our province? Or would we rather alienate those who are behind the
violence?
Changing the name is easy. About as easy as asking a woman to lock
up and mandating shop closure for prayer time. But it does not accomplish
anything. It does not positively impact the lives of people who want peace,
justice, employment and affordable commodities. Those are the real issues
of the Pashtuns, much like those of the rest of Pakistan. So my appeal to
ANP would be: Its not so much about re-naming as it is about reclaiming the Frontier.

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CONCLUSION
People of Pakistan hoped for change in their governments role in
Americas war on terror. Simultaneously, the United States apprehended
such a change and took measures to pre-empt it by sending its top officials
to Islamabad; what they did has been discussed in other articles. Hence,
things wont change significantly.
Kashmir Singh must have been the first spy in the history of the world
to be treated so warmly by both the countries he spied for and against.
Pakistan, the country against which he spied, tried to project his release as
great humanitarian act and in the process acquire political mileage. India,
however, was constrained to join the hype raised by its adversary.
Reportedly, Kashmir Singh had a dream in which he saw that an angel
came to rescue him. When Burney met him in the jail, Kashmir Singh
recognized him as the angel of his dream. What can one say about it: jesey
rooh waisey farashtey? The fact is Burney had chosen Kashmir Singh and
fight his case for pardon, apparently on humanitarian grounds but factually
to draw international attention towards him.
It must not have been quite difficult for him to convince Musharraf,
who too has been in search of soft image. He seemingly succeeded in
achieving the intended aim. He boasted that due to his great humanitarian act
every Indian was waiting for him to arrive in India to receive their gratitude.
Burney, the minister of human rights and his boss might have
succeeded in fooling Indians and international community, but not
Pakistanis. Burney, the undertaker, in his eagerness to acquire international
fame, did not remember that if an Indian Army officer convicted of spying
against Pakistan has the human rights, why hundreds of politicians, political
activists, journalists, lawyers and judges and above all their children didnt
have the same right. Was it because that didnt suit the dictator he was
serving?
11th March 2008

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MURREE ACCORD
Asif Ali Zardari and Mian Nawaz Sharif signed historic accord for
restoration of the November 2, 2007 judiciary within 30 days of formation
of federal government. The PML-N had agreed to accept the cabinet posts.
The agreement was incidentally signed on 9th March at Murree.
The people of Pakistan welcomed the Bhurban Declaration as it
promised the logical conclusion of the judges issue. Three major players,
however, felt satisfied for reasons of their own. Nawaz Sharif was happy
over securing a time-bound commitment from Zardari.
The PPP leader Asif Ali Zardari succeeded in stalling the resolution of
the issue for six to seven weeks and keeping the PML-N away from the
lawyers as well as prohibiting the lawyers from resorting to any kind of
agitation. Musharraf camp might have been apparently shocked by the
Bhurban Declaration, but he too had been provided ample time for helping
his NRO-buddy to subvert his adversary Nawaz Sharifs plans for
restoration of judges.

EVENTS
On 5th March, two Accountability Courts obeyed Supreme Court
verdict and dropped five corruption references against Zardari; Rehman
Malik was among other beneficiaries. The references included ARY Gold,
SGS, Swiss Company, Polo Ground and Ursus Tractors.
Presidents spokesman, Rashid Qureshi said only Nawaz, who himself
was not elected and his party representing only 20 percent population, was
clamoring against the President. Musharraf pledged smooth transfer of
power. To this end, he set an example of Pakistan first by dropping the plan
to attend OIC Summit and preferred to stay back to hatch conspiracies.
PML-N seemed willing to join the government in the Centre for the
sake of judges. PPP and ANP agreed on sharing of the cabinet posts in

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NWFP. Tariq Azeem resigned as partys secretary information and other

members of the PML-Q were to quit party posts en masse. Aitzaz received
warm welcome in Rawalpindi.
On 6th March, Aitzaz addressed Rawalpindi Bar Council. He reiterated
that two-third majority vote was not required to undo illegal actions of Nov
3; vowed to get Musharraf and his cronies punished for illegal detention of
the CJP; and criticized the PCO-II judges for their apathy towards the family
of their colleague. Gen Kayani vowed to stand behind the democratic
process, while maintaining constitutional loyalty to the President.
PPP parliamentarians had another marathon meeting but failed in
deciding about PM nominee; the party asked Musharraf to call NA session.
In his two-hour speech, Zardari did not mention judges and impeachment
issues. Rauf Klasra reported that the PPP was in the process of seeking
guarantees from judges.
With the announcement of results of reserved seat, the PPP had 120,
the PML-N 90 and the ANP had 13 seats in NA. The coalition was just a few
seats short of acquiring two-third majority. ANP named deputy speaker and
12 ministers. The US is keen to work with new government, said US
Ambassador.
On 7th March, Musharraf said NA session would be called in 12 days
and he denied differences with army. PPP and PML-N moved close to
finalize the coalition, reported Muhammad Anis. Amin Fahim said that
unnecessary delay in the announcement of PMs name was causing some
disturbance within the party and there is a feeling on the streets that I am
being insulted, humiliated and betrayed.
Amin Fahim has called ARD meeting on March 9, but Zardari
distanced himself from the meeting. Aitzaz and Raza Rabbani held a
meeting to discuss the issue of restoration of judges; Ahsan also met Zardari,
but the differences remained unresolved.
On 8th March, Musharraf counseled the elected politicians to move on
from politicking to governance. Ministry of Parliamentary Affairs sent a
summary for summoning the inaugural session to Prime Ministers
secretariat. Fahim denied rift in the PPP and postponed ARD meeting. JUI-F
agreed to join the PPP-led coalition. PML-Q offered chief ministers post in
Balochistan to JUI-F as four of its MPAs supported the PPP.
The doors of the Supreme Court were shut in the face of Aitzaz
Ahsan. He was not allowed to enter the premises and thereby denied to hold

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a meeting of the SCBA. The deposed CJP said conditions and legality of
post Nov 3 PCO judges of the superior judiciary are entirely different from
those, who took similar oath in the past; primarily because of the sevenmember benchs decision, which had not only suspended the PCO but also
restrained the judges of the Supreme Court and all the High Courts from
taking fresh oath under the PCO.
On 9th March, Asif Ali Zardari and Mian Nawaz Sharif signed historic
accord at Murree. Two leaders agreed to restore deposed judges within 30
days of formation of new government; PEMRA to be the first on agenda;
PML-N will join federal government; National Assembly will have speaker
and deputy speaker from PPP and in Punjab assembly they will be from by
PML-N.
Fazlur Rehman said that restoration of judges was not his partys
priority because argument for their reinstatement was not strong. Reportedly,
Amin Fahim and Chattha agreed to form new government. As per the Good
Night Plan, Amin would be the prime minister and Chattha the chief
minister of Punjab.
Lawyers welcomed the decision of two leaders. Amin Fahims
absence kicked off new controversy. He seemed quite unhappy over PM
issue not realizing that it ought to happen after he kept meeting Musharraf
and the US Ambassador. Presidency insisted that NA resolution wont be
enough to undo (illegal) actions of Musharraf.
Two Q League MNAs from Balochistan joined PPP. Lawyers and
political activists, including Imran Khan, were tear-gassed as they tried to
reach the residence of the CJP. Cases were registered against 50 lawyers.
Fate of new parliament hinges on judiciary, said Aitzaz Ahsan. The lawyers
kicked off Black Flag week and held conventions.
On 10th March Musharrafs Majlis-e-Shura assembled in conspiracy
den established in the camp office to find ways and means to counter Murree
Accord. Musheers reiterated that all the post-Nov 3 evil acts could not be
undone with 2/3rd majority. Musharraf warned that war between Presidency
and Parliament would be disastrous.
Court served challan copies to five accused in assassination case of
Benazir Bhutto. Three PPP leaders, including Jehangir Badr, were acquitted
of corruption charges under NRO. Presidency confirmed receipt of the
summary for convening NA has been received. Fahim vowed to stay with
the PPP despite disappointments. Nawaz was determined to stand behind
Zardari through thick and thin. White House declined to comment on
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Pakistani politics. Aitzaz warned of march onto Army House. Ali Ahmed
Kurd arrived in Islamabad and announced that lawyers from Khyber to
Karachi stood united. AGs assertion that coming NA could not reinstate
deposed judges was widely criticized.
On 11th March, Musharraf signed the summary to summon the NA for
its inaugural session on March 17 after a gap of almost a month following
general elections. He said the new government has to take bold steps to
control prices only. Zardari alleged that Lahore blasts were part of the plot
against Murree Accord. Reportedly, Musharraf planned to move PCO II
Supreme Court against NA move on judges. Lawyers protest rallies
continued across the country. Aitzaz warned Presidency against conspiracies.
Khawja Asif became the target over reservations expressed about Amin
Fahim for his contacts with the presidency.
During meeting with Italian envoy on 12th March, Zardari said
implementation of Murree declaration would be ensured. Fahim attended the
dinner hoisted by Zardari for reconciliation; during which the latter told the
former that he had not yet decided to nominate him (Fahim) as prime
minister. Another graft case against Zardari was dropped by a court. PML-N
set up hunger camp in lawyers support. Pirzada hinted at challenging NA
resolutions on restoration of judges. Sher Afgan foresaw Musharraf gaining
more strength.
On 13th March, Zardari and Fahim met again but the latter refused to
oblige the former by withdrawing voluntarily from the race for premiership.
PPP and PML-N agreed on sharing cabinet slots and on formation of legal
experts to decide the mode of deposed judges restoration. Lawyers protest
continued across the country.
Financial Times reported that Musharraf has offered to give up his
powers to dissolve the Parliament if the key opposition parties agree to drop
their insistence on the reinstatement of the deposed Chief Justice. Zardaris
statement that the PPP would not pursue the corruption cases submitted on
the instruction of BB during the last eight years, left PPPs media team
baffled.
On 14th March, Zardari became Mr Clean as the court dropped last
graft case (BMW) against him. Perks and privileges granted to ex-chairmen
of Senate were withdrawn. Asfandyar resigned from the Senate. Shahbaz
offered Aitzaz to contest bye-polls. Imran hoped the new government wont
impede the probe against Altaf Hussain. Wattoo called for formation of
national government.
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Fahim came out openly about his grievances on nomination for PMs
slot. He contacted all the three leaders of coalition partners; Asfandyar
declined to meet, Nawaz agreed to hold a meeting and Fazlur Rehman was
as usual ever-ready to meet him. Fahim remained in contact with presidency
through Chattha.
Serious rifts emerged between PBC and SCBA as six senior lawyers,
led by Latif Khosa, called for PBC meeting. A few days ago Latif Khosa had
criticized Aitzaz for observing Black Flag Week in the holly month of Rabiul
Awwal and he had also cast aspersions on Aitzaz being a Muslim. The
judges, including chief justices of high courts, showed full confidence in the
CJP Dogar during a conference in Islamabad. They also denied existence of
any constitutional crisis in Pakistan.
Murree declaration was challenged in the Supreme Court on 15th
March. Eight former judges of the Supreme Court, including three chief
justices, endorsed Bhurban Accord and said there was no need for two-thirds
majority to undo illegal acts of Nov 3. Zardari said judges restoration was
binding. He also denied any rift in the party. Aitzaz warned the judges of the
superior courts against becoming part of the alleged conspiracy being
hatched by the presidency to hamper deposed judges restoration.
Musharraf asked media to be as critical of the new government as it
had been in his case. Ansar Abbasi reported that Presidents aide predicted
that Musharraf would call it a day. Hashmi was reported saying that Fahims
desire to become prime minister did not match his personality. Pir Pagara,
however, strongly supported Fahim as candidate for premiership.

VIEWS
Restoration of the deposed judges remained a hot topic for
discussion since the victory of PPP and PML-N over Musharrafs allies. The
two factors added to the interest in the issue; one, the Bhurban Declaration
and two, its coincidence with the first anniversary of March 9.
Ayaz Amir opined elections would be incomplete if judges were not
restored. Asif Zardari, alas, beats about the bush when instead of calling
for judges immediate restoration he goes into a complex gymnastics routine
about strengthening the judiciary. He should be asked two questions. How
is the judiciary weakened if the judges are restored? And how is it
strengthened if Musharraf has his way and Chief Justice Chaudhry and the
other deposed judges remain out in the cold?
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Asfandyar Walito some acclaim he said recently that there is a thin

line separating expediency from dishonour (beghairati). Great words which
he should try to live up to; but we live in confusing times. Where the nation
expects dynamism and quick action, the political grandees thrown up by
these elections are offering a leisurely dance that is soon likely to test
popular patience.
The one litmus test of the resolve of the new National Assembly is
the judges issue To sit on the fence on this issue, to utter high-sounding
niceties which come down to nothing substantial, is to play Musharrafs
game. Hes a man whose present condition needs a Gabriel Garcia Marquez
to adequately describe. The deposed judges haunt him
So the PPP is on notice and Zardari is too. Will he prevaricate or take
a clear stand? He should be smart enough to realize that playing a double
game on this issue will cost his party heavily in terms of public approval.
What proved to be the kiss of death for the Q League in these elections;
being seen as Musharrafs loyalists. Zardari will be tempting fate if at the
altar of public opinion he is perceived as being close to Musharraf on the
judges issue.
Beware of another danger! If the National Assembly chooses to
become a prisoner of its fears, and calls its fears pragmatism, the initiative
will slip from its hands and pass to the legal community, now rearing to
resume the battle for the judges restoration.
The sympathies of the people of Pakistan will be with the
protesting lawyers, not the dressed up mummies sitting with vacant looks
in the National Assembly. The party most in need of making up its mind is
the PPP, or rather its leader. Asif Zardari. So far, as I have suggested, he is
hiding behind a circular argument. This cant last forever.
But to get an accurate bearing of his position we have to see where
his true interests lie. He has just received a clean bill of health courtesy the
NRO, Musharrafs great gift to the PPP leadership. Chief Justice Iftikhar had
put a brake on the operation of this dry-clean laundering ordinance. We can
only infer Zardaris chagrin at this decision. Who has removed the brake?
Chief Justice A H Dogar. It was only after an okay decision by Chief Justice
Dogar that all NAB cases against Zardari stand quashed.
So who stands to be Zardaris favourite chief justice, My Lord Dogar
or Chaudhry? If it is Dogar, will he stick his neck out for Chaudhry? We thus
face a fatal divide. Its hard to see how the PPP in these circumstances will
champion the judges cause But if the PPP continues to hedge its bets on
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the judges issue, it becomes difficult for the PML-N to sit in the federal
cabinet, for to do so without getting the judges restored is to be tarred by the
PPPs brush of compromise.
There is nothing surprising in the presidency turning into a den
of conspirators. After all, the last refuge of tin top heroes about to fade into
the mists of history is conspiracy. The truly surprising thing is for political
elements who should know better to become part of the conspiratorial webs
being woven in those embattled trenches. This is not what the people of
Pakistan were hoping for, that what they had taken to be a season of hope
should give way so soon to another season of drift and uncertainty.
Huzaima Bukhari and Dr Ikramul Haq wrote: In the wake of the
Kings Party humiliating defeat, there is a consensus among political circles
that the mandate given by the people of Pakistan should be respected
through the restoration of the pre-Nov 3 judiciary
There is no need for any constitutional amendment to restore the
judiciary to its pre-November 3 position, as argued by certain circles. The
problem is simple and should be solved through parliamentary and legal
procedures, rather than entering into political polemics and undue
controversies. Resistance and resilience by the new parliament can restore
the rule of law and reinstate all the deposed judges. It is high time that the
judiciary gracefully admits its own wrong-doings of validating
unconstitutional acts of usurpers.
All the organs of the state should remember that it is always the
Constitution that represents the will of people, and not the legislature. The
legislature exercises delegated powers given by the mandate of the people
within the framework of the Constitution, which should not be mutilated
by the elected representatives, let alone by an individual usurping power
through unconstitutional means.
Kamila Hyat cautioned against fiddling with formulae that had been
floated. Pakistans politics is never simple or straight-forward. Even
after what was an overwhelming vote against the PML-Q and its allies, the
task of actually setting up the new dispensation is one fraught with multiple
complexities.
A bewildering set of formulae to undo the current constitutional
mess has been put forward by legal experts and former judges. In the final
analyses, most of these agree on the need, first and foremost, to undo the
illegal measures of November 3 an act that would also in effect restore the
deposed judiciary. The precise modus operandi proposed for this varies.
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But the world of real politics goes beyond formulae worked out in
offices. The question also is whether, after all that has happened, it will be
possible for the deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry to coexist with President Musharraf seems completely impossible. The entire
situation is made all the more puzzling by the fact that there is no agreement
between the political parties over what the future of Musharraf himself is to
be.
Whereas the principle of a complete, unconditional judicial
restoration is a sound one and cannot be argued with, the need for some
stability and consequently some compromise is also crucial Continued
confrontation between an unbending legal community and a new
government could lead to a wrapping up, once more, of yet another
democratic experiment.
It is said that this factor is one of the reasons for the slow dance being
led by the PPP. The message of what may happen next is said already to
have been conveyed to Mr Zardari, and he is aware that some kind of
compromise needs to be devised. Such a compromise must allow for
judicial restoration, but perhaps be tempered by other agreements that can
allow democracy to be sustained and the system to continue.
In all these scenarios, a key question is that of President Musharraf.
While there may be good sense in preserving stability by allowing him to
stay for the moment, and in practical terms he may be able to intervene little
with the new government given that he is now almost completely isolated
and for all the mutilation it has undergone, the constitution still sets in place
a strictly parliamentary system, the fact also is that the president has
increasingly become a figure of hatred.
The president has also become the target of assault from all
directions. While some of these are illogical, childish and rather unsavory,
they perhaps reflect the extent to which Musharraf invites hostility from
almost everyone in the country
As such, it is difficult to device solutions in the presence of
Musharraf. The fact that he has chosen not to do the honourable thing and
step down; and rumours that he may be opting to do so have repeatedly been
denied, make things considerably harder for the future. The fresh start, the
impression of change that a new government needs, cannot be achieved in
his presence. Even if he in his current weakened state is less able than before
to dictate events the perception will be that he is in command.

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The question now is to find a means to ensure the system can

carry on, even though this may mean some ideals need to be toned down
and some compromises are made. These, sadly, are the realities of politics in
Pakistan. There are too many forces willing and ready to scuttle democratic
institutions for their own purposes and there is in fact conjecture that they
have already drawn up a plan that can be pulled out of desk drawers at any
time, dispensing with the rather tedious mechanisms of parliaments, cabinets
and prime ministers.
More than anything else, Pakistan needs a prolonged stint of
democracy. For all its flaws, it is the only system that may, possibly, deliver
and offer some way out from the current maze. For these reasons, it is
important to do all that is possible to preserve it and prevent yet another
descent into the dark chasms of autocracy that has prevailed for too many
years of Pakistans history and left the country floundering in its current
precarious condition of near perpetual crisis.
Javed Talat from Canada commented: Not that I am relegating the
legal process and solution to the back burner, but from a practical angle look
at the following scenario: A new government is sworn in. A new attorney
general is in position. Islamabad gets a new IG police and a new
commissioner. They are under the orders of a new secretary interior. Now
the new prime minister rings up deposed chief justice Iftikhar Mohammad
Chaudhry and others and tells them: Aap ja kar kursi sambhlley. The judges
stand restored. Legalities can be sorted out later by these very reinstated
judges.
The raisen detre behind this picture was the word
enforceability. After all the rationale given by the superior courts, at
different points in time, of upholding the trashing of the Constitution and
orders under martial law by a serving C-in-C/chief of army staff, was the
fact that he could with brute naked force of arms get his orders
implemented.
There was no other moral, religious or constitutional sanction
behind such orders So, assuming that the Pakistan Army will not be
embroiled in the current political developments, and there being no grounds
for it to judge the legality of the actions, if the sacked judges led by Iftikhar
Mohammad Chaudhry, backed by their historic verdict given just before they
were removed from the premises of the Supreme Court on November 3,
2007, were to occupy the bench in that same building, then whatever they

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hold as legal or illegal about the action of November 3 by the then COAS
General Pervez Musharraf will be legal and will hold.
The opinion expressed by the current legal experts to President
Musharraf is merely that opinion. They are paid to give that opinion. They
are paid to give that opinion. We should shed the mindset that whatever
the COAS does is legal and that only he can determine the legality of
actions. The ultimate moral, as well as legal, dispensation will be that of the
judges sitting in the Supreme Court, if that is not interfered with by any
physical force. So, let the moral theory of sovereignty on the constitution
made by the people of Pakistan, not by the whim and self-interest of a single
individual serving for the time being as the COAS, be upheld.
Dr Masooda Bano was of the view that for restoration of judges,
independence from the US hegemony was essential. The accord shows the
commitment of the leaders of the two parties to work together and more
importantly promises critical measures to ensure strengthening of
democratic institutions, especially the commitment to reinstate the judges
within 30 days of the sitting of the parliament. However, it is clear at the
same time that the path to reform wont be easy. General Musharraf,
with continued support from the US, remains determined to create
hurdles in the way of reforms despite being so blatantly voted out by the
public.
What is very clear is that any delays in reinstating the judges or
making the process of reinstatement unnecessarily complicated works in the
interest of General Musharraf and other forces working against the
judiciary. It is amazing to see continued resistance from the US to the
reinstatement of the judges. But, then this resistance is no surprise taking
into count the fresh US demands from the Pakistani government to give the
US officials right to enter the country without visas and not to be subjected
to Pakistani law for any action even if it involves lives of Pakistanis. It is
not the nature of demands that is embarrassing for any nation, but the very
fact that such demands have been placed. The credit of this too goes to the
brave commando whose displayed bravery has been the source of
encouragement for the Yankees.
In this respect, it is good to see Zardari and Sharif aiming to visit
Saudi Arabia together to negotiate better concessions for Pakistan. Such
diversification is the need of the hour where Pakistan draws strategically on
support of other nations to counter undue demands from the US. True, Saudi
regimes themselves are on the beck and call of the US but this compliance is

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not necessarily willing or complete and there is always room to manoeuvre

if there are shrewd politicians at the helm of the affairs in the Muslim
countries
The need for this independence from the US hegemony is not an
ideological position but a very practical need of the hour for countries
like Pakistan. The continued suicide attacks within Pakistan (whether suicide
or planted) are a direct consequence of the policies pursued by the US in
Pakistan in the name of war on terror. There are only two explanations
available for the attacks as the recent ones in Lahore: one, it is a continued
reaction to brutal military operations in the tribal belt and likes of the Lal
Masjid; two, these blasts are part of the US overall strategy to create an
image of de-stability in Pakistan giving it the pretext to enter the country.
The News wrote: Just as there was some hope of a stable post-poll
scenario being established in the country, with the PPP and the PML-N
reaching agreement on a coalition government, the presidency has hurled a
spanner in the works. Apparently President Musharraf is eager to stay on in
office even now, though the countrys people and the democratic forces they
have voted to have made it obvious he is no longer wanted. Musharraf and
his team insist a parliamentary resolution cannot restore the judiciary
and the ouster has the cover of the Supreme Court.
On March 11, Musharrafs top legal adviser, Sharifuddin Pirzada, is
reported to have assured him that if parliament moves a resolution
restoring the judiciary, this can be challenged in the Supreme Court. Mr
Pirzada seems confident the apex court will stay the resolution, on the basis
of a lack of precedent. He has maintained that extra-constitutional measures
taken in the past, including the 8th Amendment Bill and the 17th Amendment
Bill were not reversed by a parliamentary resolution.
What Mr Pirzada is suggesting, without going into the legal
technicalities and niceties of it, goes against simple and plain common
sense. The actions of the president to suspend the Constitution and sack
close to 60 superior judges had no sanction of parliament and in fact have
yet to be indemnified by parliament.
Furthermore, the new oath the post-November 3 judges took clearly
forbade them from hearing any suit against the president and barred them
from reviewing any of his actions. Under what law was the president acting
when he did this? What law or provision of the Constitution allows judges of
the Supreme Court and/or the high courts to be administered such an oath?

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Will Mr Pirzada please answer this simple and straightforward

question?
In any case, as some top constitutional experts have pointed out, this
reasoning is essentially flawed. They argue that Musharraf needs a twothird parliamentary majority to give legal cover to his action of
November 3. This was the mechanism used to validate previous measures
taken by military dictators that fell outside the ambit of the Constitution.
The prevailing situation brings with it the threat of a long drawn-out
legal wrangle, locking parliament against the presidency. Adding a further
air of menace to this scenario, President Musharraf has warned such a
confrontation would be catastrophic. Reports that the US may be
pressurizing Asif Ali Zardari to withdraw from his agreement with the
PML-N to restore the judges, complicate picture.
Rahimullah Yusufzai wished that PCO judges and Pirzada may
change the course. At a time when there is hope in the air for most
Pakistanis, one wished the superior courts judges who took oath under the
PCO of November 3, 2007and noted lawyer Sharifuddin Pirzada too shared
the sentiment of their fellow citizens. At the cost of being declared nave
and even stupid, there is no harm in wishing that these judges along
with Mr Pirzada after some soul-searching would come to the conclusion
that they should take the side of the nation instead of an individual known
as President General Pervez Musharraf. The PCO judges acted the same
day, contrary to the wishes of the analyst by passing a vote of confidence in
favour of PCO Chief Justice Dogar.
There are now two categories of superior courts judges. One set
of judges led by deposed Chief Justice of Pakistan, Iftikhar Mohammad
Chaudhry, are house-arrested or out on the streets and in bar rooms. They are
now part of the nationwide, lawyers-led struggle for rule of law and
independence of the judiciary. They are no longer judges and dont sit in
courts and give judgments.
Sadly, the second category of judges has been rendered
controversial. They hold court and are empowered to pass judgments but
lawyers refuse to appear before them or accept their legal status. This has
never happened in Pakistan and the amazing thing is rejection of top judges
of the superior courts at such a scale and for so long. They are publicly
criticized and simply referred to as the PCO judges to differentiate them
from the judges who sacrificed their prized jobs and careers on a matter of
principle
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One way out of this mess would be for the PCO judges to
rethink their stance and make amends for their earlier lapse in judgment.
Before the new parliament adopts the resolution calling for the restoration of
the pre-November 3 judiciary, some of the PCO judges could offer to
resign to pave the way for an amicable resolution of the issue concerning the
sacked and serving judges of the superior courts. One is sure the nation
would let go the bitterness of the recent past, forgive the mistakes of the
PCO judges and reward them by retaining their services.
The serving judges would want to be known as independent members
of the superior judiciary and not allies or camp followers of President
Musharraf, who in any case is now a much-weakened ruler after eight years
of absolute rule and could be on his way out if parliament is able to assert
itself They surely were unable and unwilling to sacrifice their jobs as was
done by Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry and his group of judges but not one
of them would like to go down in history with a tainted reputation so here is
a chance for them to redeem their honour and return to their fraternity of
judges led by deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry and the lawyers
community.
With regard to Sharifuddin Pirzada, one could only wish that his
legal acumen was used in the service of the nation instead of military
rulers. As a lawyer, he has every right to take highly paid and high-profile
cases. He can ask any price and get paid from the public exchequer when his
clients are military dictators seeking to legitimize their illegal and
unconstitutional rule. But there are certain matters that affect the entire
nation and one believes principles should take precedence while accepting to
fight court cases impacting on the countrys future. Pleading the cause of
rulers whose survival depends on strengthening dictatorship, extinguishing
democracy and denying fundamental rights is disservice to the nation.
Hoping against hope and wishing that in his old age Mr Pirzada
will change course and start pleading the case of the people of Pakistan, the
democratic forces and the civil society instead of some authoritarian ruler. In
return the nation would give him so much love that the fee paid by a dictator
would look small and meaningless.
Asif Ezdi speculated about the shape of things to come. It is not
clear if all differences between the two sides on the judges issue have
been resolved. First, there is the question about the position of the PCO
judges in the reinstated courts. Second, the precise language of the

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parliamentary resolution and the modalities of its passage could become

contentious issues.
Zardari told the joint press conference that the current judges would
not be disturbed. I think well have toaccommodate everybody, Zardari
said. The position of the PML-N on accommodating everybody is not
known but the issue is potentially quite explosive. At the very least, it is
difficult to visualize how a restored Supreme Court on which the PCO
judges also sit can function harmoniously.
The term parliamentary resolution used in the Murree
Declaration is vague and imprecise, whether intentionally or not we do not
know. Does it mean a resolution by both houses of parliament or by the
National Assembly alone, as Nawaz Sharif told the press conference? If the
Senate also has to approve the resolution, it will never be passed
The main concern of the PPP is that a restored Supreme Court,
especially one headed by Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry, might
hold the NRO to be unconstitutional and nullify the amnesty given by
Musharraf to PPP and MQM leaders under the Ordinance as part of the USbrokered power-sharing deal. In a not very subtle reminder of this
possibility, the PCO judges on February 27 set aside the stay order against
the NRO given by the Supreme Court before the emergency.
On the issue of the political future of Musharraf as well, differences
between the PPP and the PML-N have not been completely ironed out.
The PPP leaders have been signaling their willingness to work with
Musharraf in the interest of a smooth transition of power. The PML-N, on
the other hand, has been demanding that he should resign immediately and if
he does not, then the validity of his election should be decided by the
reinstated Supreme Court.
Musharraf has now drawn encouragement from the support
expressed by the top army commanders on March 6 for harmony between
various pillars of the state. In particular, the rejection by the army chief of
the impression of distancing of the army from the president has given
Musharraf the much needed boost he was waiting for. His public statements
after the declaration of support by the army are bursting with bombast. He is
again talking of his army. It is my army. It cannot forget me, he said in
Jacobabad.
What are Musharrafs options now? If he cared more about the
country than about his own skin, he would resign, so that the country can
finally move ahead towards democracy and constitutional rule. The Saudis,
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as good friends of Pakistan, could help by inviting him to perform Umrah.

But after November 3, nobody should be in any doubt that Musharraf will do
anything to cling to power, no matter what price the nation has to pay.
The nation must not only brace itself for the coming showdown but
also prepare for some violent political storms. It is not going to be easy.
There is no such thing as democracy without tears. The wish for a smooth
transition is an understandable and noble sentiment, but if Musharrafs
record is any guide, he will try to put the clock back. He belongs to the
past and cannot be trusted to be a part of the transition to a democratic
future.
Who said that it was going to be over with the election? The decision
was the easy part. The real test is yet to come. The voters have done their
job. Now it is the turn of political leaders. They are on test. They will
have to show that they have the nerves and the backbone to take on the
coming challenges. The civil society has a responsibility to keep a vigilant
eye. The only way for the country is to take the bull by the horns. Nothing
will be gained by shirking this challenge.
Barrister Baachaa from Peshawar wrote: Ms Sunbul Razaasks,
What was the fault of the judges who were deposed? She goes on to say, If
the deposed judges are betrayed now, no one in another hundred years will
stand up for justice. Apropos her letter, I would like to quote famous
English dramatist, William Shakespeare: Heaven is above all yet; there sits
a judge that no king can corrupt.
Ahmed Quraishi, one of the few odd exceptions, was quite vocal in
expressing pro-Musharraf views. The issue of the restoration of the
former chief justice is a farce that needs to be stopped. There are many
ways to ensure a future independent judiciary in Pakistan. But the return of a
group of biased, politicized and vengeful judges is not necessary unless the
only thing on the minds of the advocates of this option is exacting political
revenge from President Pervez Musharraf. If Musharraf could take revenge
from the CJP for an excess his judges were likely to commit, why revenge
from Musharraf, who has committed excesses against so many, is forbidden?
If this election was about restoring the deposed judges, how come an
overwhelming majority of Pakistanis ignored the strong appeals by Mr
Aitzaz Ahsan and Imran Khan to boycott the poll? It is unbelievable how
the two gentlemen, who opted to stay out of the political process for the next
five years, are now doing everything possible to hijack the mandate of

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those politicians who ignored those silly boycott calls and participated in
the election and chose to be part of the process.
Is it healthy for fledgling Pakistani democracy to allow lawyers and
judges to take precedence over the parliament? Who will decide in the future
how our democracy will run: the parliament or the judges? In their blind
political hatred, some of our politicians are committing a mistake that
will haunt them in the future.
Mr Chaudhry stood up for nobody but his job. The man put up an
impressive fight for his job. Aitzaz Ahsans jump into the fray was the
calculated move of a politician and not a lawyer. The judge was up against
Mr Musharraf and that was good reason to support him. Thats politics.
Never in his career did Mr Iftikhar Chaudhry ever claim a fight for judiciary
or for democracy. And if he did, he certainly relinquished that claim the day
he agreed to take oath from a military regime and ditched his colleagues who
resigned on principle after the military coup.
There is also no question that Mr Chaudhry is tainted beyond
repair. After his reinstatement on July 20, he received a second chance to
prove that his was a fight for principles. Instead, he did everything possible
to leave no doubt that he was biased, politicized and vengeful. He led the
judiciary to a near civil war with important pillars of the Pakistani state. That
was a unique precedent even by the standards of the worlds oldest
democracies.
What is worse than advocating the return of the politicized
judges is to see some politicians hiding behind this issue to avoid the real
problems facing the Pakistani nation. It will be a tragedy if the opportunity
of the fairest election in Pakistani history is squandered on revenge politics,
which is exactly where things appear to be headed if cooler minds dont
prevail soon.
The consequences of an unnecessary and an unavoidable
confrontation do no bode well for Pakistans interests in the region and the
world. We need to prop up a strong Pakistani state. And we need to do this
sooner than later. In our haste for real democracy, we need to ensure that it
does not descent into chaos. And the first step is to immediately end this
dangerous slide into revenge politics.
Meanwhile, the courts liberally used the detergent of NRO for
cleaning Mr Zardari and others. M S Hasan from Karachi observed:
Conscientious Pakistanis are deeply distressed by the Supreme Courts
dismissal of the petitions filed against the promulgation of the NRO,
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which was aimed at legitimizing an unconstitutional, unethical and

manipulative political move of President Pervez Musharraf.
With the dismissal of the petitions and quashing of the stay order
against the NRO, corruption practices have been institutionalized in
Pakistan. The NRO will go down in the history of this unfortunate
country as yet another despicable measure taken by a dictator which
was legitimized by a pliable judiciary against the interest of the helpless and
poor nation.
The News wrote: As had been expected after the countrys apex court
lifted a stay order against the controversial NRO, two accountability courts
in Rawalpindi dismissed five corruption cases against PPP co-chairperson
Asif Ali Zardari The dismissal of the cases clears the way for Zardari to
hold government office. However, what remains in doubt is whether the
ruling by the courts will help lift the stigma of corruption that has tailed
Mr Zardarithe fact is that the perceptions of wrongdoing take a long time
to be corrected.
It is also to be seen if the blatantly biased NRO, which grants blanket
amnesty to all those who have held public office between 1986 and 1999,
throws up, for the Musharraf regime the dividends it has hoped for. The deal
brokered in this respect with Benazir was intended to pave the way for a
deal between the PPP and the Musharraf allies. But, the chain of events
that has unfolded since last year has today thrown the PPP together with the
PML-N, and the possibility is the two could opt for steps unpalatable for
Musharraf such as restoration of the deposed chief justice.
But, Asif Ali Zardari, who today commands the PPP, must seize the
opportunity to redeem himself in the eyes of the people. After all, the
allegations of corruption whether true or false will in the broader scheme
of things, perhaps matter less if the PPP-led government is able to deliver to
the people what they most yearn for: an improvement in the quality of their
lives no one would like the images of horses being fed molasses and milk
while people starve or of the images of the luxurious interiors of the
sprawling Rockwood estate in Surrey, to come back once more to haunt Mr
Zardari and his team during the difficult months of governance that lie
ahead.
Shaheen Sehbai felt Murree Accord would change the course of
history. The two men currently in control of Pakistans political destiny
are possessed. They both have a clear idea of what is wrong with the system
and they both know how it can be corrected. They may appear to be at odds
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with each other on some issues but deep inside, they are one, and have
stayed so, ever since Benazir Bhutto was eliminated. They know that the
survival of the political class in Pakistan is dependent on their unity of
thought and action. Bhurban on Sunday proved this.
In their historic pact, signed again like the Carter of Democracy in
front of the public eye and an ever-present media, Nawaz Sharif and Asif Ali
Zardari played their cards well. The two leaders were confident, happy
and prepared for the course they have chosen.
Sharif instantly agreed that the crucial judges issue should be
settled through Parliament and not streets, as Chaudhry Aitzaz Ahsan
want it to be. By agreeing to the 30-day timeline, Sharif showed maturity
and put the ball in the PPP court. By agreeing instantly to the restoration of
the deposed judges, although through an act of Parliament, Asif Zardari
displayed his commitment to make the judiciary independent and stay
together with the political class.
Both cunningly decided to through everything into the basket of
the Charter of Democracy, of which it was also a crucial part in its days of
infancy, to ward off any divisive issue, which the presidency or any
remnants of its allies may try to exploit. But the all-important strategic
decision the two leaders have taken is to deal with the dictatorship through
the democratic process, not giving any excuse or justification to the everready extra-constitutional force to intervene and spoil the show.
Both Zardari and Sharif know they will play cricket on a wicket
prepared and chosen by President Musharraf. And they know, and have
decided, that they will not do anything to bring in the Third Umpire for a
decision. They have agreed and displayed in the Bhurban that democracy
was actually the best revenge. Thus Bhurban will go down in history as a
venue, which forced a dictator out of office, with determination and
commitment, not by force or a gun.
Ansar Abbasi opined that the presidency was baffled by Bhurban
Declaration. An aide of President Pervez Musharraf when contacted
immediately after the two leaders signed historic Murree Accord at Bhurban
on Sunday afternoon, said the Presidency would not submit to decisions of
their choice.
When the aide was asked that since the restoration of the judges
would be made through a resolution and not through the constitutional

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amendment so in such a case if the Presidency would react, he clearly said,

No. When his attention was diverted to apprehensions being expressed by
certain elements that if the judges are restored, the president might use his
powers under 28-2 (b) to dismiss the government and dissolve the National
Assembly, he said, for God sake. Why should the president take such step?
To a question that in this situation where the two top leaders of the
country have announced to restore the judges, if it would not be suitable for
President Musharraf to reinstate the pre-Nov 3 rd judiciary as a show of
reconciliation,? He said that it would not be done. He rather suggested, let
the Parliament do this for being a supreme body.
A couple of hours later when the same aide was approached, he came
up with a different version. He contested how they could restore the
judges through a resolution adopted by the simple majority. It could
only be done through a constitutional amendment, he argued, adding that
the Nov 3rd actions including the removal of judges and some subsequent
steps taken have been covered in the PCO, which has also been validated by
the Supreme Court.
The Presidencys top aide when asked as to what options the
Presidency has got to counter the majority parties decision to restore the
judges through a simple resolution, he said, the president would knock the
doors of the Supreme Court. Asked that the Supreme Court would then be
led by Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry and not by the
incumbent Chief Justice Abdul Hamid Dogar, he said irritatingly: How can it
happen?
Hamid Mir thought more explosive time was yet to come. Asif Ali
Zardari and Nawaz Sharif signed an undertaking on March 9, 2008 not only
for the restoration of deposed judges but they also agreed to join cabinet
both at federal and Punjab level. It was important to note that some PPP
lawyers were missing from the joint press conference on Sunday who
were claiming just one day ago that only a constitutional amendment with
two third majority could restore the deposed judges.
A joint press conference by Asif Ali Zardari and Nawaz Sharif on
March 9 was like a bombshell for the presidential camp. Decisions
announced at Bhurban were not the end of the story. Something more
explosive has also been decided between the two new political friends and
these decisions will be announced at some appropriate time.
PPP and PML-N have decided that after the restoration of judges
through a parliamentary resolution, now ruling coalition will request
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Musharraf to step down gracefully. Initially Nawaz Sharif wanted to arrest

and try Musharraf in a court of law under treason charges but Asif Ali
Zardari convinced him not to humiliate the enemy and provide him a safe
passage. Zardari agreed that if Musharraf does not agree to step down then
the new ruling coalition might go for his impeachment.
It is learnt that at least one close friend of Musharraf has advised
him to step down honourably and also requested him that he should not
become a tool in the hands of PML-Q leaders who have already lost
everything. Some PML-Q leaders tried to contact Makhdoom Amin Fahim
who was missing from the joint press conference.
PML-Q leaders sent messages to Makhdoom Amin Fahim on
Saturday and Sunday that they will support him in case PPP nominates
someone else for the post of prime minister. It is also learnt that Makhdoom
Amin Fahim never gave any encouraging response to PML-Q and its secret
patrons.
PPP co-chairperson also revealed to his colleagues that Major
General Ehtisham Zamir of ISI told him in front of Makhdoom Sahib in
2002, we can offer you anything other than prime minister-ship. However
after consulting late Benazir Bhutto we declined the offer. On the other hand
Makhdoom Amin Fahim told his friends that actually he was offered the slot
of prime minister in 1990 by the then ISI chief Hamid Gul.
PPP sources claimed that Asif Ali Zardari may spring a surprise by
announcing his nominee for PM. He may nominate a person other than
Makhdoom Amin Fahim and Chaudhry Ahmad Mukhtar. Nawaz Sharif has
assured Zardari that PML-N will give full support to any person nominated
by PPP and any efforts to create differences in PPP will be defeated jointly.
The News termed the Accord a big stride forward. Mr Asif Ali
Zardari and Mr Nawaz Sharif, by working out a maturely negotiated
accord in Murree, have proved the cynics, who were insisting the two
former foes could never sit together, wrong. By doing so, they have taken a
big stride forward towards putting in place the kind of politics of unity in
Pakistan at this moment most urgently needs. Their achievement is all the
more creditable given that powerful players were reported to be at work for
days, attempting to create rifts between the two camps and divide the parties
internally, in what appeared to be a last ditch attempt to save President
Pervez Musharraf.
By agreeing on the vital issue of restoration of the judiciary both the
parties have made it obvious that they believe he must go. If Musharraf now
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makes any effort to cling on to power or guide political parties as he has

threatened to do, he will only be prolonging the crisis which must,
necessarily, end in his exit.
The unity between the two biggest parties in the country will
hopefully help guide it on a path towards greater stability and harmony.
Sensibly, the PPP and PML-N leaders have not put all their cards on the
table. They have, however, made it clear that they have every intention of
bringing back the deposed judges. This step also means that the support of
lawyers, currently staging a black week, has instantly swung towards them.
The precise mechanism to be used to restore the judiciary has not yet been
made public, but several options have reportedly been discussed
But of course the challenges faced by the newly elected leadership do
not end with the Murree Accord. The unified plan of action they have agreed
on is only a first step. Their true test lies in delivering the people some of the
expectations that came with the sweeping mandate of February 18. The new
deal has brought a further soaring of hope.
Imtiaz Alam opined: The most reassuring aspect of the historic
development is that despite their differences the PPP and the PML-N have
agreed to forge the unity of opposites in mainstream politics. Responding to
the mandate that necessitated the unity of all democratic forces against
authoritarian forces, they had no option but to unite their forces to turn a
hung parliament into a strong sovereign body.
The fact of the matter is that by bulldozing his illegitimate election
through the outgoing assemblies and his November 3 action, Mr Musharraf
left no choice for a democratic opposition. No parliament worth its salt
could imagine to indemnify his November 3 PCO-emergency and
demolition of the superior judiciary.
There are many questions that will arise before the revived
Supreme Court under Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry can pass a
judgment on the destiny of Musharraf. Say, (i) if the Supreme Court under
Justice Dogar throws that out; (ii) even if the Supreme Court as it existed on
Nov 2 starts its work where it had left, what is the guarantee that it will do
the needful? As two vacancies have to be filled, and despite showing the
door to the judges who filled the vacancies, a majority of the Supreme Court
will still be in the hands of those who validated Nov 3. Above all, where will
the armed forces stand when the Supreme Court decide Musharrafs fate?
Although the decision to restore the judges will further enhance the
credibility and rating of the next parliament, it is still a digression from the
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principal contradiction i.e. between parliament and the presidency-cumGHQ or the establishment. The presidency has been a tool in the hands of
the establishment as a check on the elected representatives of the people or,
to be precise, against the elected prime minister.
Adnan Rehmat termed it a moment of truth. The Murree
Declarationis the first practical step towards implementation of the
Charter of Democracythat aims to restore the peoples direct
participation in policy-making. It also manifests the changing reality of
Pakistan the transition from a security state to a welfare state albeit the
very first steps on a journey that may take a long, long while to complete.
But the first litmus test has been passed: the calculated but confident jump
from peoples expectations to formulation of the political rules of the game
that will define whether these first steps of the journey are the beginning of
the end or the end of the beginning.
The politics of consensus, which is the mandate of the Feb
elections, has started to crystallize: the leading parties have decided to
restore the judges controversially sacked by Musharraf in his capacity as the
army chief and Sharifs party will join the federal cabinet and take joint
responsibility, along with the PPP led by Asif Zardari, for all actions of the
coalition government. The spirit of compromise is shaping up into a
common minimum programme that should serve the people well both in the
governance measures on the horizon that will make life easier for the
citizens in some aspects.
The immense goodwill that still exists despite efforts by the powersthat-be to once again scuttle a Herculean effort at national healing even one
month after the passage of peoples triumphmeans hope is stronger than
despair. And that the critical mass has been achieved, which can ensure that
the battle between the bullet and the ballot is all but over. And its not
dictatorship that is winning but that the people are enlarging their ownership
in the states affairs. Someones overstretch is wearing thin; this is the
moment of truth for the General (once a general, always a general) in his
labyrinth.
Ansar Abbasi observed that the US was bent upon turning it into a
moment of Lie. The United States has almost panicked over the
Bhurban Accord and there are credible reports that US diplomats have
subjected Asif Ali Zardari to intense pressure to distance himself from the
restoration of the deposed judges.

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Though the US Embassy denied this and the White House as well as
State Department also stated that the decision by two Pakistani leading
political parties to restore the deposed judges was for the countrys political
system to resolve, Washington has not yet given even a single statement
in support of the pre-November 3 judiciarys restoration.
A senior PPP leader confided to this correspondent on Tuesday that
the Sundays Bhurban Accord has not gone well with the Bush
Administration. He said there is immense pressure on the top PPP
leadership not to implement what he had committed in Murree on Sunday.
The party leader said the Americans reluctance to the growing
demand for the judges restoration is owing to the deposed Chief Justice
Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhrys suo moto notice on the issue of missing
persons and his resolve to trace all such persons.
The US Ambassador Anne Patterson met Asif Ali Zardari on
Monday, a day after Zardari signed the Bhurban Accord The US
administration finds the PPP leadership changing the agreed script, which
had become the basis for the return of slain Benazir Bhutto. It was even
during her life when she had decided to serve Pakistan and its people instead
of following foreign diktat and, for some she was assassinated for
changing the script of the foreign powers.
Just contrary to what the Americans are doing behind the scene, the
White House and State Department spokespersons Monday said: This (the
issue of restoring judges) is a question for Pakistani political system to
resolve among the actors involved in that system, it should be resolved
within the context of Pakistani laws and Pakistan Constitution.
It has already been reported in the newspapers when Benazir Bhutto
was alive that she had distanced herself from her demand for the
restoration of the judges following a secret message from Negroponte,
the US Deputy Secretary of State.
On the eve of March 9, Babar Sattar paid tributes to the lawyers. The
black coats of Pakistan deserve a heartfelt tribute on the anniversary of
their epoch-making movement that has been enigmatic and inspirational
for lawyers and rule-of-law proponents across the globe. They catalyzed a
momentous change in the country and rejuvenated the consciousness and
conscience of this nation at a time when hope was fast becoming extinct
Explaining the movements kick-off is simple: the legal fraternity
(just like the rest of the nation) was filled to the brim with anguish and

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despair over the compromised and selective enforcement of law in the

country. The causes of despair also included the conflicted constitutional
jurisprudence produced by the courts over the years to justify military coups
and preserve the status quo. Our legal fraternity as a whole has always been
critical of gibberish produced by apologist judges
Day in and day out our lawyers are confronted with a brand of
justice in routine legal matters that is outcome oriented and informed by
factors other than dictates of justice and fundamental principles of the law.
The redeeming factor for a participating litigator is that half the time
one appears before a fair and independent judge, who gives you a patient
hearing and decides the matter on merit (even if the decision goes against
you). It is the interaction with this breed of judges, capable of applying their
minds to serve justice and taking brave and unpopular positions against the
state for the sake of the citizen, that makes the practice of law worth
anyones while.
Unfortunately the integrity and independence of the judicial
system grows incrementally. And every time we are nearing a stage that
can possibly mark a relative emancipation of the judicature from the
crutches of the executive, along comes a dictator who drags us back all the
way by flushing out proponents of judicial propriety and independence. So
when General Musharraf attempted to sack and humiliate Chief Justice
Iftikhar Chaudhry on March 9, 2007 it pushed the swarming rage of the legal
fraternity over the edge and into the street.
Our sordid history teaches us that the corrupt and the compliant
never get fired. Thus, notwithstanding CJ Chaudhrys prior popularity
ratings with lawyers, the generals attempt to dismiss him and his defiance in
the face of all the force and intimidation used by the state transformed him
overnight from a pillar of status quo to an agent of institutional change.
Likewise since November 3, the generals propaganda campaign focused on
painting the deposed judges black for being erstwhile beneficiaries of the
PCO has failed miserably
Negative campaigning is all about drawing a contrast between
yourself and your opponents in a manner that makes you look good. But
the Musharraf regimes argument that deposed judges shouldnt be
supported as some of them swore an oath under the previous PCO in 2000
actually accentuates the feeling that principled individuals reject PCOs and
those who abide by them are largely compromised. If one goes along with
the logic of the generals argument, its conclusion is that while all judges are

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evil, the post-November judges are lesser so for being consistent in

continuing to make unscrupulous compromises.
By putting at stake their liberty and means of subsistence for the sake
of principles the deposed judges have redeemed their past. While bungled
political and constitutional history of the country and a compromised system
of justice provided timber for the lawyers movement and the judges
defiance added fuel to the fire, it was a handful of individuals who deserve
major credit for harnessing the discontent and transforming it into a
constructive movement for change. Just imagine the fate of this struggle had
we been jinxed enough to have pygmies committed solely to maximizing
personal gains giving direction to the lawyers movement the likes of
Sharifuddin Pirzada, Attorney General Malik Mohammad Qayyum (and
other recent additions to the infamous list including Ahsan Bhoon for
example).
If this movement has had its miracles, the foremost is that it
found men of honour in the right place at the right time. But the lawyers
movement with broad appeal without the media endorsing, elucidating and
romanticizing its founding principles: respect for rule of law,
constitutionalism and institutional independence. While the state
endeavoured to vitiate an independent judiciary and justify its abuse of
authority, the media broke down for people the scheme of the constitution
and how sophisticated legal concepts and ideals impact the everyday lives of
citizens. When the lawyers went hungry in pursuit of hallowed principles,
the media shared their sacrifices with the nation.
This movement wants our rulers to stick to the rules of the game
as defined by the law and the constitution. And the idea resonates with the
public. But who would have known had the media not communicated it to
the masses in a form that is comprehensible? Also, along with the media,
special credit is due to Nawaz Sharif and the PML-N for making restoration
of judges the foremost electoral issue in the 2008 polls.
The lawyers movement has made vital contributions to our society,
ranging from shaking up and organizing ordinary citizens in the form of
non-partisan pressure groups to educating people regarding their
constitutional rights. The most worthy contribution of the lawyers
movement is this: it has deconstructed the popular myth that as a people
we have been rendered so soulless and hapless that we can never clutch
the levers of change and make good things happen for ourselves. The
unequivocal message of this movement is that not only are we a country that

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deserves supremacy of law, but that we will have it no other way. The
masses took their cue from the lawyers and shattered the other preposterous
myth that with our levels of poverty, literacy and development we are neither
ready for meaningful democracy nor capable of political accountability.
People have spoken and the ball now is in the court of politicians.
They have been handed over an unmistakable mandate to restore judges,
institute reform and affect change. And if they falter, they should bear in
mind how unforgiving the masses can be to a ruling clique that ignores their
will and attacks their ire.
Aasaim Sajjad Akhtar wrote: It is only fitting then, that on March 9,
2008, we take stock of what has transpired in the year since the Chief Justice
was unceremoniously dismissed by Musharraf and a coterie of senior
generals. Arguably the most significant aspect of the lawyer-led
movement has been the steadily increasing participation of uppermiddle class segments of society that have traditionally been supporters of
apolitical military rulers.
While the rank and file of the movement remained young lowermiddle class lawyers and political activists, upper-middle class socialites and
their children came out onto the streets for the very first time. The
compelling images of this elite getting tear-gassed and tossed around has
been a huge headache for a regime that was for a long time the darling of the
international media because of its geo-strategic significance in the so-called
war on terror. In the aftermath of March 9, Musharraf and his
governments image has taken a beating not unlike that which the security
forces have been handing out to those on the streets.
The other defining feature of the movement has been the lack of
participation of working people. Musharraf is still clinging onto power
because the scale of the protests has been relatively limited, even though
their profile has been magnified because of the elites participation. As the
Feb 18 election showed, the majority of Pakistanis anti-government
sentiments are no less deep than those involved in pitch battles on the streets
of Islamabad and Lahore. Yet working people remain absent from these
battles because their progressive alienation from politics and the
suppression of all forms of organic grassroots politics by the state over the
past couple of days.
Needless to say it is essential that political forces committed to
building upon the gains that have been made since March 9, 2007, address
this lack of working-class participation. An active culture of people183

centred politics must be regenerated in streets, neighbourhoods and

villages for genuine democratization of the state and the society. It is facile
to expect that five dozen judges or the educated elite can or even want to
spearhead a transformative politics; such a politics must be a politics of the
people and will only emerge if concerted efforts are made by political
forces.
What has also been conspicuous about the movement is the
extremely limited role played by the religious parties. Both the Jamaat-eIslami and the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam, the two biggest religious parties in
Pakistan, have been non-actors for the most part, the latter completely
throwing in its lot with the military regime and the former unable to
influence the course of the movement in any meaningful way.
It is difficult to predict the long term impact of the movement. Of
course it has yet to reach its logical culmination, which would be the
restoration of the pre-November 3, 2007, judiciary and an end to Pervez
Musharrafs rule. It is clear that the lawyers and political sections that have
been at the forefront of the agitation will not rest until these goals are
achieved. When this happens, the doctrine of necessity could well be
banished from Pakistani politics, never to return, unless of course
mainstream political forces do not display the level of maturity that is
required.
More generally, the militarys power will be curtailed. However, it
will remain the arbiter of an oligarchic political system that remains deeply
entrenched. As suggested above, the political system itself can be uprooted
only if working people come to play the kind of role that they did in the late
1960s and the 1970s before the dark days of Ziaul Haq. However, the role of
the intelligentsia in informing a politics of change should not be
overlooked.
Until and unless the state ideology remains that of national security
and Islam continues to be by the state, the military will remain a behemoth
that casts its shadow over everything. If the intelligentsia has really made a
break with its dodgy past, the movement for judicial independence will
become an introspective look at the meaning of Pakistan and what it should
be; and 60 years of oppression can give way to a new social contract that
makes people sovereign.
The News observed that it seemed no lessons have been learnt. It has
been a full year since the unconstitutional suspension of Chief Justice
rather than learning any lessons from the volatile events that followed that
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decision, including a continuing movement by lawyers and a judgment by a

full bench of the Supreme Court restoring the CJ, Musharrafs personal
vendetta against Justice Chaudhry and his desire to save his own position in
office, led to the still more disastrous decision on November 3.
Extraordinarily, after all that has happened in the past few weeks
including the decisive verdict of the people against Musharraf and his allies
and the strident support expressed for the PML-N which had campaigned on
the slogan of the judiciarys restoration few things have changed.
Certainly, wisdom, or even a modicum of basic good sense, does not
seem to have seeped into the palatial offices of the presidency. The
deposed chief justice and other judges remain confined, illegally and
immorally, in their homes.
It seems that the president and his dwindling band of supporters are
unable to see that such brutal actions to support an illegal act cannot be
sustained. A new government is due to take oath within a week or two in
Islamabad. Musharraf still needs to legalize the steps taken under his
emergency by acquiring parliamentary approval for them. It is hard to
imagine the current parliament placing on these measures the kind of rubber
stamp Musharraf was accustomed to being granted from the previous
National Assembly, which through its five years remained subservient to
him. Today, things have changed.
The die now seems to have been cast. Without upholding the
principle of judicial restoration, there will be no end to the current
crisis. It is unfortunate that rather than recognizing this, Musharraf and his
team continues to find ways to reach a deal of some kind possibly
through some detained judges who have been visited by presidential aides.
But even Musharraf must now realize he stands on a sticky wicket. Sooner
or later, the opposition will deliver an unplayable ball and the institution of
the judiciary may well emerge stronger than ever before from the unsavory
attempt seen over the past year to stamp out its independent spirit.
Ghazi Salahuddin was of the view: It is no easy to properly assess
the difference that one mans courage to say no has made across the
spectrum of this countrys judicial, political and civil affairs. Indeed, one
year after that fateful day that alone could illustrate the fundamental nature
of our power structure, the story is unfinished. The ultimate conclusion of
the struggle that began on March 9, 2007, will be a decisive shift in our
power equation and the moral basis of the system of our governance.

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How should one define this year? I may be excused for resorting to
that clich: It was the best of times; it was the worst of times Charles
Dickens, of course, was setting the stage to tell a story of the French
Revolution. We also seem to be living in revolutionary times, considering
that in this age, revolutions can take place without anarchic violence. This
does not, however, mean that Musharrafs state of emergency imposed on
November 3, 2007, was less than a reign of terror.
But democracy, in its real sense, is itself a revolution. That is why
the powers that be, with their vested interest in status quo, have consistently
thwarted the advent of a democratic dispensation. Democracy, to be sure,
can only survive with rule of law (an independent judiciary), a vibrant civil
society and a free media. What they did on March 9, 2007, was in essence an
attack on democracy.
Consider the ignominy of what had happened one year ago and all
that has flowed from that betrayal of constitutional and democratic norms.
The silver lining that truly brightened our hearts was the lawyers
movement and how it totally shattered the moral authority of an autocratic
ruler. But it also had a dark side. How can so many people in high places,
people who supposedly come from good families, shamefacedly side with
blatant deviations from constitutional, democratic and moral principles?
Fortunately, we now have Aitzaz Ahsan, the present charismatic
leader of the lawyers, to explain to us the meaning of what the judicial crisis
is all about. He takes us through this journey of a thousand miles and a
thousand dreams with impeccable logic and heart-warming eloquence.
There is still some suspense about how the issue of the restoration
of the judges will be resolved and this suspense is bundled with other
hitches that relate to the formation of governments at the centre and the
provinces. But the overall drift is evident. The gains that Nawaz Sharif made
in the Punjab constitute a judgment that President Musharraf is unwilling,
yet, to accept. This verdict is also an indication how armys reputation has
fallen in its traditional bastion of support. We do hope that General Kayani is
fully cognizant of what has happened during the tenure of his predecessor
and what are the consequences that all of us, including the army, must come
to terms with.
Dr Tariq Hassan opined: Much to everyones surprise, this brazen
attack on the judiciary gave rise to a most unprecedented movement by
the lawyers for the independence of the judiciary. Lawyers poured out into
the streets in protest against the arbitrary and illegal removal and detention
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of the Chief Justice of Pakistan, Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry, and, despite

the odds stacked against them, remain determined to continue their struggle
even in the wake of the second more brutal attack on the judiciary on Nov 3,
2007.
While commensurating the day when the Chief Justice of Pakistan
did the country proud by standing up to military dictator, we must
honour the valiant five Munir Malik, Tariq Mehmood, Aitzaz Ahsan, Ali
Ahmad Kurd and Hamid Khan who emerged as leaders in this crisis and
have earned the respect and admiration of the nation for their indefatigable
zeal and commitment to the movement.
While the leaders of the movement have become living legends, the
sacrifices of those countless lawyers and judges who stood by the Chief
Justice of Pakistan like a rock and sacrificed as much as the leaders, if not
more, have been relegated to the footnotes of history. Does anyone
remember Khurshid Ahmed, a 32-year-old civil judge posted at Bahawalpur,
who quietly tendered his resignation within a week of the ouster of the chief
justice, and in doing so became the first person to make a personal sacrifice
for the independence of the judiciary?
Although Khurshid was the first, he was not the only one to express
unequivocal solidarity with the cause of an independent judiciary. In the
course of the last one year, countless lawyers and several judges stepped
forward, at considerable personal cost, to fight for this cause. While
some resigned from public offices as a mark of protest, there were many
others who actually carried their protest onto the streets. Certainly, none of
them were trained to endure the physical hardship of long arduous marches
in inclement weather, arbitrary imprisonments or police beatings and teargas,
or for that matter the ensuing financial hardship. Only a small number of
these lawyers had the strength to carry the inevitable financial burden.
Even more than the leaders, we must honour and salute these
nameless thousands because they are the true heroes and the beacons of the
lawyers movement, without them, it would not have been possible to sustain
the struggle or to mount the pressure on the government and the political
parties. By the sheer force of their conviction, these lawyers and judges have
emerged as the new guardians of the rule of law in Pakistan.
The powers-that-be that have not factored these countless, nameless
lawyers in the equation and expect the status quo to be maintained, need to
reassess the situation. This movement is being led by persons of
unquestionable integrity who cannot be bought and being followed by men
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and women of unwavering resolve who cannot be scared into submission.

Khurshid and countless others who remain unknown made their sacrifices
when they had nothing but hope to fall back on.
Ayesha T Haq wrote: The nation voted to sack the General and his
ministers and restore the judges. Unfortunately there are no signs of that
having registered with the General and those who support his hold on power.
And so far the restoration of the judges, three weeks down the line there
does not seem to be much will amongst some quarters to do so. The call to
send the issue to parliament for resolution looks like a delaying tactics,
as does the inordinate time it is taking the general to summon parliament.
Despite all this and the establishments best efforts to divide the
lawyer, the movement, re-energized by Aitzaz Ahsans release and call for
a Black Flag Week, looks stronger and civil society even more proactive.
The protest and activity around it shows how political activism has evolved.
The Internet and mobile phones are widely used. Apart from emails and
SMS messages, which are easy and quick, Face Book and YouTube are
where you can get all your information on a protest near you. Aitzaz Ahsans
poem Kal Aaj Aur Kal and his message calling for the Black Flag Week have
not only been posted on YouTube but are on hundreds of blogs, making them
available to millions all over the world.
The call may be to turn everything black and while that visual may
not be possible in a place like Karachi, Karachi most definitely is virtually
black. The air-waves and optic fibre lines are running black visuals and
thoughts and making them available to the world. This kind of participation
may not appear to be in the governments face; nonetheless, as is evidenced
by their recent rather disastrous attempt to block YouTube, they are very
aware of it.
A new and different kind of visual; its not street power in the
traditional sense instead it is an energetic and emotive power, sending
out strong images of dissent to millions across the world. Participation in the
name of the game and thanks to mobile technology, the internet and
electronic media the message is going out faster, more efficiently and much
more effectively. Is the General ruling the day he took credit for Pakistan
having 50 million mobile phone users? Progress is something that wont be
stopped so perhaps its time he went looking for a different connection.
In another article she added: The journey that began on March 9,
2007 has come a long way. Through all this the leaders of the movement
never wavered, never compromised, never faltered. Today we are in a
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unique situation where even the most cynical amongst us can dare to
dream. The two major political parties have come together in agreement to
take the country out of the biggest constitutional and political crisis it has
ever faced. They have shown a tremendous maturity and a willingness to
move from rigid positions. There is a clarity in the position taken, nothing
has been left open and in the air. We are clear that the political parties
believe that the judiciary should be independent.
Pakistans detractors have had much to say on the failed nature of our
state, we most certainly seem to constantly be on the brink. But today we
have, with strong support of lawyers, civil society, students and media,
stepped back from the brink. We are at a place where we can actually
make this the Pakistan that we want. So it is important we keep our focus
and do all we can to ensure that the judiciary is restored, that it functions
independent and that parliament becomes a sovereign body and that it works
to realize the hopes and aspirations of the people.
The lawyers in good faith have agreed to allow the political parties
time to close this issue. That time is anywhere up to six weeks. For six
weeks then the lawyers movement will be wound down. Once again I say
they do this in good faith and to allow the politicians time to resolve the
issue as per the Murree Declaration the lawyers will go, sit home and
wait for the political parties to deliver their promises.
We have come to the point where there is no going back, no
sinking in to the morass again, no cynicism. We have seen the dream, it is
so close we can touch it so if anyone tries to take it away from us and our
future generations, make no mistake we will be back out behind Aitzaz
Ahsan and the others and we will fight for what is right and what is ours for
as long as it takes. So no clever attempts should be made to use
parliamentary procedure and bureaucratic red tape
In all this General Musharraf needs to remind himself that on
February 18 the people of Pakistan sacked him, he should now pack his
bags and leave. From all accounts it appears he is not keen on the restoration
of the judiciary, therefore with him will go all attempts that can possibly be
made to circumvent restoration, the political process, the building of strong
foundations on which a state can be built, in particular an independent
judiciary and a sovereign parliament. The journey is too long; we can and
must emerge from the darkness. A new day is dawning and we must all be
there to see that sunrise.

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The events on political front also remained under close scrutiny.

Qamar Nasim from Karachi opined: After the success of the PPP, the PMLN and the ANP in the February 18 election, President Pervez Musharraf
should accept the peoples verdict against his presidency and resign
immediately.
He took many extra-constitutional steps during his eight-year-rule
and is solely responsible for the current judicial crisis. After the victory of
the opposition parties in the polls, the president has no reason whatsoever
to say on in power.
Dr Abid Rauf Orakzai from Islamabad wrote: President Musharraf
must resign because other than this there is no way-out left for him now.
He has already done enough damage to Pakistan During his rule the
nation witnessed mass killings of innocent girl students at Jamia Hafsa. He
held the Constitution in abeyance twice, sacked the judiciary and put curbs
on the media. After the peoples verdict in the February 18 election, he has
no reason to stay on as president.
Kamran Kiani from Rawalpindi wondered: Why is he showing
stubbornness in leaving the office he has held for so long? He is responsible
for the bloodshed and unrest in the country. He is the sole reason for the
political and judicial crises of Pakistan. Under his stewardship, a majority of
Pakistanis are faced with power and gas shortages in addition to
skyrocketing prices of the daily-use commodities.
The people have given their verdict against President Musharraf
in the general election. It is his rule which brought suicide bombers into the
settled areas and peaceful cities where they frequently attack the most
sensitive buildings and public places. Ironically, in one of his recent
statements, he has asked politicians to stop politicking. However, he didnt
enlighten us as to what politicians should do after abandoning politics.
Interestingly, he has also called upon the elected government to improve
the security situation and control inflation after assuming power as if he has
no role in creating this menace.
M Azhar Khawja from Islamabad expressed similar views
sarcastically referring to Musharrafs weekly TV show. I used to watch the
above-mentioned programmewith great interest. Through this programme,
President Musharraf used to address the silent majority of Pakistan,
appraising it of the development work undertaken under his able rule.
However, the programme has been discontinued abruptly after the February

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18 general election, depriving the silent majority of their right to know

the miracles done by the past government.
The president must restart his TV programme to let the bewildered
silent majority know what actually went wrong in the election wherein
favourite party, the PML-Q, lost miserably in spite of the massive rigging. In
the absence of such a programme, how will the silent majority know
what the president is up to these days?
The News observed: Coming out of his bunker after weeks of shock
therapy and after the Pakistan Army commanders gave him a somewhat
face-saving public assurance that he had not been abandoned, President
Pervez Musharraf has, as cynically expected, embarked on
confrontational path with the soon-to-be-installed next government. In
two speeches to friendly audiences in Jacobabad and Multan he has, in an
unusually insulting and authoritative style, directed the next governments to
stop politicking and focus on government. The instinctive response to this
statement that came to ones mind would be to say; look who is talking So
to tell the political parties to refrain from politicking is a good example as
any of sanctimonious hypocrisy.
More ominous and threatening are his words: If there is chaos
and anarchy the country cannot progress and we will have to stop it. Here
too, the irony should not be lost because many would say what moral
authority does someone, who held the office of president solely because he
happened to be army chief and who failed to keep the military within its
constitutionally defined role, have to tell politicians from refraining from
indulging in their bread and butter.
In any case, who is the we that the president is talking about? Is
not the case that the chaos and anarchy found in the country is a direct
consequence of the almost decade-long military rule, for which the country
has no one to thank but the retired General? Does he mean that if the new
government does not use some magic wand to remove the stinking debris of
his blunders, he will use the axe?
Mr Musharraf appears to be still living in his dream world, nay
cuckoo land, when he was the king and all men and matters moved the
moment he uttered his first word. He has not yet realized that the world
outside his bunker has changed and he will get the first taste of the new
pudding the moment 350 elected MNAs assemble in parliaments grand hall.
Political parties are being asked to stop politicking by a man who has been
defeated and humiliated by the people of Pakistan. the irony is that Mr
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Musharraf cannot even call the results of his own elections rigged or
fraudulent, yet he has not reconciled to the verdict against him and his
cronies.
He was not good at hypocrisy alone; he is equally competent
conspirator. It was in view of this that Nasim Zehra discussed Musharraf
factor. A key factor that will impact on the future of the three-party
alliance and on the post-election political state of Pakistan is the Musharraf
factor. The obvious fact is that President Musharraf, despite much political
opposition, is fighting back. There is credit to be given for fighting back, for
being patriotic, for being bold, for having the courage of conviction, of
standing by friends, etc. So Musharraf deserves credit for this as a reason, in
an individual capacity all these traits would win him admiration. Not when
he heads the state and is the symbol, at least constitutionally of a nonpartisan and credible head of the State.
However, as the head of the state, President Musharraf has much to
account for. His political experiment was a resounding failure. His actions
have divided, not united the nation; his actions have flowed from reaction,
not reflection; for his survival as president he mutilated the Constitution,
sent the judiciary packing. As head of state in his battle with the chief justice
he opted for conduct unbecoming.
Every step he took March 9 onwards essentially began to throw up
weaknesses of the power construct he and his allies had authored. The
power construct over the years drew its strength from many missing factors
that are crucial for successfully managing state, society and politics. The
absent elements were supremacy of the Constitution, prevalence of rule of
law, the executives confidence in an independent judiciary, the presence of
popular political leadership.
The Musharraf factor is a key element in the current political
fluidity which can descend into political instability. If news reports must
be believed, the president is tampering with the political outcome. He is
trying to resuscitate his party that faced a huge electoral defeat. He has held
a set of meetings with the PML-Q leadership. They insist they will support
him and he insists on throwing them the lifeline.
President also seems to be undermining the normal political
process by giving political support from his camp to elected MPAs from
Punjab. According to a March 4 report in the Daily Times, the president told
a group of visiting PML-Q MPAs not to worry about funds for the
completion of their projects because he will provide them with funds. Does
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he want to strengthen them in their prospective battle against Punjabs ruling

party, the PML-N? Wisdom demands that the president stay aloof from all
political parties, but he has chosen not to. Stay aloof was a position he
should have proactively taken, and hence his spokesmans statement that the
president meets whoever wishes to meet him is rather a bland retort.
General Musharraf has decided to not stay above the fray.
Admittedly, he did say after the election that he is willing to work with all
the parties. But the PML-Ns rejection of him as a constitutionally and
legally legitimate president, General Musharraf has allowed himself the
licence to jump into the political fray again
Musharrafs future must be decided by the parliament and the
restored judiciary, rather than street power, is what many advocate. Any
move that can lead to confrontation and the eventual weakening of the
elected forces must be avoided, yet with the presidents personal activism on
issues ranging from the legitimacy of his presidency and the restoration of
the judiciary, he is contributing to the distortion of Pakistans post-election
scenario. This will also inevitably lead to the strengthening of the street
factor in days to come.
Pakistans problems are galloping ahead, not least of all the allencompassing problem of terrorism-struck internal security. Yet, the bulk of
the political strength finds itself stuck in the business of battling the
factor that represents the vice-regal institutions. President Musharraf has
not humbly accepted the verdict of the people. He still seems to be playing
his political cards. Such play guarantees continued power battles when the
only battle that is worth fighting in Pakistan is the battle for internal security
and end to growing scourge of terrorism.
Ansar Abbasi had been quick in noticing and reporting the high
season of conspiracies. The present political milieu presents a perfect
prelude to palace intrigues with President Musharraf not shy of
expressing his affection for the decimated allies and the victorious forces not
desirous of even a photo session with him.
With such a clear division between the winning political parties and
the president, the stage is set even before the formation of the new
governments for political scheming. The race who will outsmart whom
first is expected to start from day one of the new regime although the
Presidency may not find itself in an advantageous position.
The talk of conspiracies is already in the air. The PML-N insists
that Musharraf is all out to create a rift between the PPP and the PML-N
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even before a coalition government. However, the Presidency has declined

that it has turned into a hub of conspiracies after the pro-Musharraf forces
badly lost the February elections.
The top PPP leadership confided to this correspondent recently that
Asif Ali Zardari was under pressure not to join hands with the NawazLeague but the party co-chairperson was no taking any such advice
seriously. There was an effort to make a PPP-PML-Q-MQM coalition at the
centre and in the provinces but this scheme was also out rightly rejected by
Zardari, who simply refused to recognize the Q-League as a political entity.
As against these signals coming out of this political trio, president
Musharraf is not hesitant to show his love for his allies, which would sit
in the opposition benches in the days to come. After the February 18
elections, the president has met the Chaudhrys of Gujrat at least thrice.
A PML-Q source said that twice Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain and
Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi met the president during the last couple of weeks.
The two Chaudhrys then met him separately. Hamid Nasir Chattha, yet
another PML-Q leader, who has also lost the election but won a seat in the
Punjab Assembly and was named as the PML-Q parliamentary leader in
Punjab, too met the president recently.
If the ongoing conflict between pro and anti-Musharraf forces does
not end, the new system would remain surrounded by uncertainties. The
presidency being at ease with the opposition but at odds with the
government can never be a workable solution when the president also
enjoys the powers to dissolve the assembly and remove the government.
The News had commented on Tea Party of conspirators. President
Pervez Musharraf is now said to be facing the angry complaints of his
previous allies who were routed in the Feb 18 polls Many said he was
responsible for the partys poor showing and as reports suggest, it was the
president who consoled them and encouraged them to stay firm and play
their role in the opposition. He even authenticated the claim that the PML-Q
and its coalition allies had won the largest number of combined votes in the
polls, an argument which has been formulated by PML-Q spin doctors to
counter the perception that Feb 18 was a referendum against President
Musharraf.
The presidents insistence to remain publicly allied with the
defeated lot and not to rise above the fray to become a neutral symbol of the
federation is disconcerting to say the least and raises at least two major
issues. First, it confirms, although implicitly, that the PML-Q has-beens
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were, prior to the election, waiting for some kind of presidential intervention
in their favour to emerge as winners. And since this did not materialize (for
whatever reasons) they are now directly blaming the president for not
delivering what had apparently been promised to them.
The second more disturbing conclusion that can be drawn from the
tea party is that the president is still not prepared to admit that his plans
have failed or that he and his allies have been soundly rejected by the
people. He continues to play a partisan role, in favour of the defeated and
rejected lot and this does not augur well for the new democratic set-up which
is waiting to be inducted. A president who refuses to play his constitutional
role and insists on taking sides with the rejected and defeated elements, will,
by the very nature of his partnership, be erecting new political, legal and
administrative roadblocks in the smooth running of the democratic system.
Shafqat Mahmood condemned Musharrafs conspiracies against
peoples verdict. If we were living in a real democracy, the post-election
politics would be simple. Like-minded parties would be talking coalition
and others would be gearing up to ply opposition. While on the surface it
appears to be happening, the forces that kept us confined to democracys
faker version are not giving up. Mr Musharraf and the few intelligence
agencies still under his control are on the move and desperately trying to
thwart the peoples verdict.
One part of the plan is to scare the Pakistan Peoples Party with
the spectre of a resurgent PML-N. The line is that if the two form a
coalition it will only be to the advantage of the latter, as it will get to rule
Punjab. This, the PPP is being told, will be its death knell because the PMLN will gain strength and win the next election
And what is being offered to the PPP as an alternative? In the
centre it is being asked to hitch up with Musharraf in the shape of Q League,
the MQM and whatever other floaters that the intelligence agencies can
muster up. This combination with the help of the ANP, it is being told, will
make for a stable government. In Punjab, the office of chief minister is being
dangled before it, or in the alternative a Q-led government with the PPPs
old friend Mr Hamid Nasir Chattha as chief minister.
It makes sense for Mr Musharraf to fantasize on these lines because
he has everything to lose should the PPP team up with the PML-N. This
combination also scares some in the media because they have a reason to
hate Nawaz and Shahbaz Sharif. But, what does it give to the PPP, a
partnership with Musharraf If there is a road to hell for the PPP, it is a
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partnership with a person who is universally disliked and his proxy political
party of quislings.
The Musharraf camp and his operatives within and outside are
likely to be disappointed. Mr Asif Zardari understands this game well and
it was for this reason that he completely ruled out after the election any
alignment with the Q League. He actually called it a non-party.
As regards the bogey that by ruling Punjab the PML-N will seal the
province for all times to come, we only have to look at the fate of Pervaiz
Elahi and his parha likha Punjab. Five years of power, five years of money
poured into development schemes, five years of politicking and planning
and what does the party get in the province? Not even a second-place finish.
Incumbency in the third world politics is no advantage.
Once the Musharraf aberration is out of our system, we are
moving towards a two-party politics. There will be regional parties and
their importance cannot be minimized, but in general, people will have two
choices. For the foreseeable future, these would be the PPP and the PML-N.
They have no choice but to come together and remove Mr
Musharraf. This is what the people want, and this is also in the countrys
interest. He has done enough damage and should not be allowed to do any
more. And one way to do it is to restore the real judiciary so that he may
finally understand that the game is up.
Hamid Mir reported that Musharraf expected an early end to PPPPML-N unity. Newly elected PNL-Q MNAs who recently met the president
say he is sure that the issue of restoration of deposed judges will remain a
great source of conflict between the two big parties. The president even
predicted to one group of MNAs that PPP will have no other option but to
make a coalition with PML-Q and MQM after a few weeks.
On the other side the PPP leadership has decided that they will not
form the federal government in case PML-N is not ready to share the
responsibility by joining the cabinet at the centre. We can even sit in the
opposition and that is one of the reasons we are not in a hurry to announce
our candidate for premiership, a top PPP leader claimed.
PPP sources have revealed that the presidents camp is putting
pressure on the PPP using different quarters to join hands with the
PML-Q. A PML-Q leader Hamid Nasir Chattha recently met Asif Ali
Zardari as a messenger and pleaded with him not to trust Nawaz Sharif.

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The president has been claiming in front of many visitors that

Asif Ali Zardari is in contact with him through different channels and will
say goodbye to Nawaz Sharif soon. One PML-Q MNA, Riaz Pirzada, dared
to disagree with Pervez Musharraf and told him respectfully that until you
are sitting in the office of the president, Nawaz and Zardari will not fight
with each other.
Some PPP insiders claimed that the presidents camp wanted PMLN out of government at every cost. The camp is not only against the
restoration of the deposed judges but also fears the charter of democracy
signed between PPP and PML-N two years ago.
According to that charter both the parties agree to restore the 1973
Constitution as on 12 October 1999, give the powers of appointment of
governors and the three services chiefs to the prime minister, to appoint
judges on the advice of parliament and abolish both the NSC and NAB.
The president, it is said, is aware that if the charter of democracy is
implemented then he will lose all his powers and only a rift between the
PPP and PML-N followed by a PPP-PML-Q coalition can save him.
Some Western diplomats are also doing concerted efforts to force the PPP to
make an alliance with the pro-Musharraf PML-Q.
The News had also commented on Musharrafs Musheers. Musharraf
will soon be bidding a, presumably, sad farewell to several among the band
of friends who have over the past months stood by him through thick and
thin. They have also acted as his most trusted advisers. The exit of these
persons may mean that Musharrafs remaining stay in the presidency will
be less cozy for him than before.
Among those expected to make room for new entrants are
Pirzadathe AGIB chief Ejaz Shahand secretary information Anwer
Mehmood In their place, the new government is likely to bring in its own
nominees, some of whom may not be as supportive of the president as their
predecessors.
It is as yet uncertain how for this depleted setup will be able to
engage in the wheeling and dealing that may become necessary once the
new government takes over. This is all the more true given that, with a
potential stand-off already emerging over the key issue of judicial
restoration, considerable manoeuvring on several fronts may be called for.
Musharrafs capacity to call shots in this may also be depleted since,
after the departure of Ejaz Shah, he will no longer be in command of any
of the intelligence agencies The choices, it is reported, are being made to
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ensure that persons acceptable to all the coalition partners can be brought
in.
It is not yet clear how President Musharraf wishes to handle his
altered situation. So far, he has shown considerable reluctance to accept a
place as a titular rather than a powerful head of state. Yet it seems
obvious that this, more statesman-like role is one that he needs to more into
given the political changes ushered in by the February elections. In this
respect, the suggestion from the presidential camp that they intend to use the
Supreme Court to counter a parliamentary resolution on the judiciary, are
disturbing.
Delay in formation of government facilitated the conspiracies. The
News wrote: PPP and PML-N leaders, engaged in a series of meetings,
appeared to have been unable to reach a final agreement and are now
suggesting this process of negotiation could continue for another week or
even longer. It is as such evident that, for all the goodwill and bonhomie
displayed both before and after elections, the actual task of working out an
arrangement when it comes to determining policies and strategies is not
easy.
This is all the more true given the pressures the various parties face.
A highly radicalized community of lawyers, backed by well-organized civil
society elements, continues to demand an instant judicial restoration. The
new, and more ferocious, spate of suicide bombings has created increased
panic while the prices of essential food items have once more begun to
clamber upwards in response to petrol and power price increases
For these reasons, it is unsurprising that the PPP is seeking fullfledged PML-N participation in government, rather than external
support. The apprehensions that the PML-N would be ideally placed to
level blame at the PPP for any failures unless it takes up ministries and
includes itself in decision-making, have been repeatedly voiced. The PML-N
meanwhile stands steadfast on its demand for restoration of the deposed
chief justice.
The concerns and fears on either side of the divide are
understandable. Both the PPP and the PML-N have a lot at stake. But the
parties and their leaders need also to keep in mind that delaying government
formation brings with it its own difficulties. For one it creates among people
a lack of confidence about the coalition partners capability to successfully
co-exist for a prolonged period of time. Secondly, people now are impatient
for change and reluctant to wait much longer.
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Pakistan at present is urgently in need of a stable, competent and

cohesive government. It also needs parties to work together for this.
Therefore, we must hope that the PPP and the PML-N are indeed able to
work out a sustainable formula and offer the country the decisive, clearthinking leadership it so desperately needs to steer it towards safer shores.
In a subsequent editorial the newspaper added: Three weeks after the
general election, it is still not clear when the first session of the new
parliament will be called. While President Musharraf has now stated this
will happen within two weeks, there is still no definite date. Worse still,
there is no prime minister.
This entire exercise is now taking on the dimensions of something
of a farce. Whereas it is being argued that the delay is a deliberate tactic
intended to avoid attempts to lure a group away from the party, the
perception in the public mind is that the PPP has failed to reach a
decision
Questions are also being asked as to why the party has failed to sort
out the matter of its parliamentary leader much before now and whether the
same state of semi-paralysis will afflict future decision-making. The focus in
all this is naturally on Asif Ali Zardari and the precise role he is playing in
the current situation. Discontent is now evident within the party and
warnings have been issued by a senior leader, considered the fore-runner
for the slot of parliamentary leader, of a roadmap he has planned if he is
overlooked. The omens are not good.
The matter goes beyond the PPPs internal difficulties. So far, the
partys leadership has not expressed a clear-cut opinion on how it hopes to
handle the judicial crisis. This is also having an impact on the ongoing talks
with the PML-N, with a final agreement still awaited. The PML-N has, as
would be expected, declined to take even a half-step back from its demand
for the restoration of the deposed chief justice and the exit of President
Pervez Musharraf.
The present struggle within the PPP to find a leader is beginning
to disillusion many. The entire discussion on which province the prime
minister should be from has also been played out too long. Surely merit and
standing within the party should carry more weight than ethnic affiliations. It
is time now for decisions to be reached. Citizens are anxious to know who
their next leaders will be and what policies they will be pursuing.
Shafqat Mahmood visualized more battles to come. These are
difficult times. The battle of democracy is entering a decisive stage
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against an implacable foe determined to fight to the bitter end. The cost of
Musharrafs intransigence for the nation will be enormous but he does not
care. He is in mood to upset the entire applecart if he does not get his way;
so much for Pakistan First.
It is obvious that protestations of patriotism are just a smokescreen to
hide an overvaulting ambition. Or, is there a reason to prevaricate because of
the numerous scams that are ready to explode once the regime changes?
Often these rearguard actions are nothing more than an attempt to secure the
loot. That is what history tells us. In this case, stories are bubbling and
ready to spill over of numerous shady deals that have taken place over the
last nine years.
This includes a billion dollar order for SAAB airborne radar aircraft
for which no bid was called or the strange procedures adopted by the finance
ministry to purchase Boeing 777 planes. Then there are tales of instant
billionaires who were given generous natural gas allocations and have
catapulted to fame and fortune These are just a tip of the iceberg, people
say.
While a faltering regime is busy trying to thwart peoples verdict, the
terrorists continue to up the ante Amidst this doom and gloom, the only
bright ray of shinning light is the Murree Accord between the PPP and the
PML-N. Both Nawaz Sharif and Asif Zardari have shown tremendous
maturity and sagacity in climbing down from what seemed to be inflexible
positions.
While both leaders deserve all the praise that comes their way,
special accolade is due to Asif Zardari. Given his past negative image, he
has surprised people with his wisdom and political incisiveness. Since the
tragic murder of Benazir Bhutto, he has shown himself to be an astute
political player who is not only good in tactics but his strategy is reflective
of a democratic vision of the country.
The new assembly is scheduled to meet on March 17 and from
day one problems will be created by the Musharraf team. First, they will
be asked to take oath on the spurious constitution which incorporates
Musharrafs amendments. The same will happen when the prime minister
and the cabinet are sworn in. Then; he will activate the current judiciary to
throw roadblocks. They will give a stay order on fictitious applications to
thwart the parliament from moving on the judiciary issue. He will then
dangle the sword of 58-2 (b) to dismiss the Assembly. In short, this man will
make life hell for the new government and the parliament.
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I therefore feel that a shortcut to happiness is to zero in on

Musharraf. All this talk of working with him is only giving him strength.
He must realize in no uncertain terms that his game is over. The only
effective way of doing that is to threaten him with impeachment.
Zardari also facilitated the conspirators in spending time to sideline
Amin Fahim. The News wrote: The continuing embarrassment caused by
the Makhdoom Amin Fahim episode in the top ranks of the Pakistan
Peoples Party appears to be in bad taste. Mr Fahim is a respected pillar of
the party and has stayed firmly in its fold, spurning many a lucrative deal in
the past and offers by dictators, past and present
Mr Fahim is not a jiyala by PPP standards. He has hardly ever
been in jail or mistreated like the Bhutto family. He has never been slapped
with false corruption cases or tortured and humiliated like Asif Ali Zardari.
In short the establishment never considered him a serious threat to its
interests, hence its soft corner for the head of the House of Hala. In todays
polarized polity, this could, and has become a serious handicap which has
cost Mr Fahim his due place as the head of the next cabinet.
That being so it would not be prudent for the PPP leadership to
sideline a man of his stature. The unnecessary media war that has been
unleashed has to stop. Mr Zardari is behaving rightly as a mature statesman
in his dealings with Nawaz Sharif or even President Musharraf but that
quality is somehow missing in his treatment of Makhdoom Amin Fahim.
As of now Mr Fahim has not yet crossed the line which could make it
impossible for him to patch up. Mr Zardari must take the initiative, call Mr
Fahim and discuss the issues and restore the image of unity in PPP ranks. If
not the prime ministers slot, Mr Fahim could be given a dignified and
respectable position and given his nature, he is likely to accept it in the
interest of the PPP.
Subsequently the paper added: Zardari, in his role as head of the
countrys largest political party, seems to be discovering that gathering the
vote of the people is possibly the easiest phase in the game of
governance. At present, the speculation continues as to Zardaris ability to
hold the party together, with party president Amin Makhdoom Fahim now
making little effort to disguise his feelings of disgruntlement. The possibility
of Fahim forming a forward bloc has not been ruled out, despite his own
assurances that he is keen to avoid damaging a party he joined almost three
decades ago.

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While Makhdoom Amins feelings of hurt are understandable, given

that he sees himself as the rightful candidate for the top office, he must also
remember that politics involving the formation of factions most frequently
do more harm than good. Pakistan today is a nation in crisis At such a
time it needs all its leaders to stand together, shoulder to shoulder, putting
aside personal differences for the sake of the bigger national cause.
At present, Asif Ali Zardari has been widely accepted as the man in
command of the PPP. While a breakaway move at this time may cause a
temporary flurry, in the larger scheme of things it will amount to little
more than a twig being torn away from a giant tree. The tree, in such
circumstance, will barely suffer at all. The twig will almost certainly wither
and shrivel away.
In the days ahead, the experience and political acumen of Fahim
will be badly needed. For these reasons, it must be hoped that it proves
possible to keep him within the fold and thus avoid a repetition of the
divisive politics of the past, which have brought accusations of political
leaders choosing self-interest over the national cause.
Dr Abid Rauf Orakzai observed: PPP leader Makhdoom Amin Fahim
is a seasoned politician. One expects that he, who has earned the reputation
as a noble man over the years, will take sensible decisions at this critical
junction of history. He has been serving the PPP, Pakistan and its masses
for decades. I request him to keep serving the nation even without holding
the office of prime minister.
Some analysts kept commenting on polls and their outcome. M P
Bhandara wrote: There is an inconvenient truth about this election and
President Musharraf has pointed it out in his assertion that his allies have got
more votes that his adversarieson a one-on-one basis between the three
major contenders, the votes received were: the PPP-P 10.3 million, the PMLQ 7.54 million and the PML-N 6.67 million.
Never before was an election fought on turf as unfavourable as it was
for Musharraf and the Q government as it was in 2008. The incumbent
government always carries the burden of everything that goes wrong,
during its time, and seldom of what went right. The classic case is that of a
Churchill who lost the election of 1946, being blamed for food shortages and
rationing; what the electorate temporarily forgot was that Churchill was the
architect of the greatest victory in British history.
Had an election been held exactly a year ago or so, it is the view of
most political observers that the Musharraf government would have been
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returned with a thumping victory. Instead of preparing the turf for an

election year to be smooth and free of major controversy just the very
opposite happened a series of horrors commencing with the suspension of
the Chief Justice
Rahimullah Yusufzai expressed his views on Armys role in elections.
The most important point in General Kayanis address pertained to the
armys relations with its former head President General Pervez
Musharraf. Without being specific and not mentioning the president by
name, he pointed out that an impression was being created that the army was
distancing itself from the president. This could be his way of dispelling this
perception and indeed some newspapers and analysts have interpreted it in
this manner. Soon after making this remark and without making an attempt
to specifically dispel this impression about the army keeping its distance
from the president, General Kayani then went on to stress the importance of
the constitutional relationship between the army and the National Command
Structure. As President Musharraf is the ex-officio supreme commander of
the armed forces of Pakistan, the Army chiefs reference to the National
Command Structure was intended to highlight the constitutional ties binding
the military and the president.
General Kayanis remarks should be seen as the collective view of
the armys top command. It is true that the chief of army staff enjoys so
much power that he can easily sway the opinion of fellow generals and
prompt them to implement his orders. But one can safely assume that every
general is keen to keep the army out of politics after having seen the
disastrous consequences of General Musharrafs military intervention in
the countrys affairs
There is still legal and political dispute whether the presidents
election last year from the outgoing assemblies was constitutionally
correct because he contested it while still in uniform. In fact, General
Musharrafs decision to impose emergency on November 3, 2007, sack
about 60 judges of the superior courts and pack the judiciary with those who
had no objection to his election as a uniformed president was never decided
by the Supreme Court of Pakistan. the issue is in a way subjudice and would
be decided once the deposed judges, led by the deposed Chief Justice
Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry, are restored to their rightful positions and
allowed to give their verdict.
One doesnt know how the army command would react to any move
by the newly-elected parliament to reinstate the deposed judges or ask

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President Musharraf to seek a vote of confidence from the new lawmakers.

Support for the democratic process and elected government should mean
that General Kayani and his fellow generals would have no objection if
the parliament initiates moves to strengthen rule of law by re-storing the
pre-emergency judiciary and undo the unconstitutional decisions dictated by
General Musharraf.
The News commented: The statement issued by the Pakistan Army
after Thursdays corps commanders meeting is both good and bad news for
President Pervez Musharraf. It is good news because the commanders felt
the need to put a brake to rumours that the president was about to resign and
take a safe exit because the army no longer supported him.
The bad news for Mr Musharraf, however, is that the statement made
it crystal clear, in no uncertain words, that the army stood firmly behind the
political process and it would support the new political government and
would not involve itself in politics, as General Kayani has rightly maintained
ever since he took over his office. This throws the president to the wolves, as
the clich goes. Mr Musharraf has been told by the army, again in clear
words, that he has to fend for himself and should not, like the past, expect
the commanders, or their organizations, to do his political homework or
ensure his political future.
As soon as the new government is sworn in, the establishment is
likely to tilt away from Mr Musharraf, that is, if it has not done so
already. This where he appears the most vulnerable and almost unable to
survive as his political support base has shrunk to the defeated elements of
the PML-Q, a crumbling entity itself. If the president could not face the
carefully crafted and managed parliament of 2002, and preferred to rule by
diktat from the high pedestal of Army House, how is he going to face a
strong parliament which will be genuinely against his continuing in office?
In fact the matter is that the president has shown a distinct lack of
political skills and committed several errors of judgment. He allied with
discredited politicians and, surprisingly, still likes to prop them up and seek
their support when they themselves are looking for shelter. When the PPP
and the PML-N won the elections he again blundered by not conceding
defeat and acknowledging their victory.
The bitter truth to day is that he has no political structure to
support him. And the Pakistan Army too has said it will stay away from
politics and it should and will not be dragged into controversies. This

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means a very testing period for the president; a moment of truth and a time
to decide about his own future.
Most analysts urged all the forces in play to respect to the will of the
people. Tasneem Noorani opined: It seems the main issue that is delaying
the convening of the assemblies is the judges issue. The government
seems extremely apprehensive of an assembly which may restore the
November 3 judiciary.
For how long can one keep the genie of the judges issue in the
bottle? You cant incarcerate them, without a written order indefinitely. A
way forward has to be planned by the newly elected parties carefully and
without taking any steps, which might lead to undue confrontations, and a
possible derailment, however unlikely, the democratic process.
With a near two third majority, the elected parties can afford to
choose their timing as well as show their strength and magnanimity to
achieve their objective without tripping the applecart. The wisest option and
the best in the interest of Pakistan is to respect to the will of the people and
keep the democratic rehabilitation process on rails.
Raza Rumi urged to avail the moment to promote participatory
politics. The prospects of doom are back in business. As the euphoria
following the February 18 election subsides, there are more and more
predictions, displays of that typical thick wall of cynicism that shapes, or at
least influences, the public discourse in Pakistan. This is the third moment in
our recent history when the media gurusapolitical quarters are singing a
familiar tune. The byline of this disgraceful song is: these politicians are
incapable of resolving their differences and even if they work together for
the immediate removal of the president, they will resort to their old tricks
and confrontations. No one is even mentioning that some other powerful and
invisible quarters may already be resorting to the old governance paradigm:
give the dogs a bad name and then hang them.
The leadership of the lawyers has yet again proved its mettle in
the present uncertainty of political winds. Flexibility, central to the
success of a movement, has been displayed by Mr Aitzaz Ahsan who has
called off the long march to Islamabad given that the new assembly has not
even sworn in.
However, the bulk of hitherto disengaged, and now politically
energized sections of the middle class view the lawyers movement as an
alternative or even a replacement for mainstream politics. This is not a
deliberate act; perhaps it echoes the frustration of the 1990s decade, the
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dynastic and familiar control over party leaderships that apparently excludes
the increasingly articulate and professionally sound middle classes whose
number ironically have grown under Musharrafs Pakistan.
Now the third moment has arrived. The actors are the same, the
configurations have changed. There is a shared sense of regret; and a
commitment reflected in the ambitious Charter of Democracy. Yes, the
challenges have grown and so has the responsibility of the non-state
actors to let this phase move in a direction that we have longed for but not
really experienced. This is why the cacophony of the television talk shows
and pessimism of opinion mongers is unsettling.
For those who expect miracles must realize one clear imperative.
Bourgeois democracy is not about revolutions or structural transformations.
Reform is a long process that can take decades like the experience in India
where the Dalits have entered the mainstream with a strong voice after
decades of participation.
Unfamiliar territories breed skepticism but why not give this crucial
moment a chance whilst not forgetting that the elected cannot be put on a
trial until they have been given a full term. And, that they have to be
guided and when needed pressurized. But not maligned and demonized as
this would suit the agenda of those who hold, to use the classic Iskander
Mirza doctrine, that democracy does not suit the genius of Pakistanis.
Given the internal and external realities waning federalism, long
queues of would-be suicide bombers, institutional imbalances etc there is
no choice but to make the impending coalitions work in the centre and
provinces. If this can happen in India and other parts of the world, why cant
it work here?
Participatory politics requires that elusive, commodity the people
and their voices all make this work and do not settle for any other alternative
howsoever attractive it might be to individual parties. This is why the
PML-N should share power and represent its national and not just the
provincial voters.
Dr Khalil Ahmad wrote: We do not know whether all the people who
exercised their right to franchise on Feb 18 voted for a change in the system;
or, for that matter, how many of those who voted on the election day want
the system to be changed; or whether the number of people who voted for a
change in the system is greater than those who voted for other reasons; or,
provided we had answers to the above questions, what is the nature of
change the people want.
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We need to view the results of the recent elections in the backdrop of

the lawyers movement, which started on March 9 last year The
movement has provided us with a rare opportunity to change the system
in Pakistan. Regardless of the debate about the nature of the present
mandate, we must not let go this moment without taking advantage of it.
The powerful ruling elite in Pakistan, however, will never allow
this to happen. In other words, it will never let the people enjoy security of
person and property; freedom of trade, business and profession; freedom of
movement However, the fate has it that the same ruling elite has been
burdened with this very responsibility.
In this sense, the present vote has a negative side also. We all know
how the PPP has been and is still dodging the issue of the judiciarys
restoration; how cautious is the ANPs approach in this regard; how the
PML-N is employing the rhetoric of the judiciarys restoration; and how
sincere is the APDM with its stated cause, as it also includes the proestablishment JI. We can never take these parties and alliances on their face
value, as they are extremely unreliable.
We must, however, accept the election results as a first step
towards our goal and keep exerting pressure for the judiciarys
restoration. This will be the first step towards the dismantling of the rule of
dictators and unrepresentative leaders. The next steps, supremacy of the
Constitution and the rule of law, will follow on their own. It is these steps
that will prove to be the greatest checks, not only against the overreaching
parliament and executive but also against irresponsible governance by the
political parties.
If the new government restores the judiciary, well and good; but if it
does not, we as members of civil society must continue our struggle to
achieve this end. Though the path from the electoral to a real victory is
strewn with all types of seen and unseen hazards, and ever newer forms of
dangerous pro-establishment species, this struggle has to survive. The
electoral triumph will transform into a real victory for the ordinary
people of Pakistan only when the fundamental rights enshrined in the
1973 Constitution are made inviolable.
Iqbal Haider observed: The path that lies ahead of our newlyelected members of assemblies is a landmine of challenges. One wrong
step and it may well have disastrous consequences. The first such challenge
awaiting the new batch of parliamentarians is one which they will have to

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confront before they are sworn in. They will have to decide under which
constitution they will be taking path.
Much has been already written against the moral validity and legal
enforceability of the declarations and acts of General Pervez Musharraf on
November 3 and thereafter. There is a consensus among all independent
jurists that actions in question taken by the president in November 2007
are in violation of the Constitution, without lawful authority and are a
complete nullity in the eyes of law.
Musharraf and his minions continue to maintain their
unconstitutional stand, inter-alia, that the restoration of the deposed judges
would require two-third majority to amend the Constitution. This stand is
not tenable, to say the least, morally or legally because the removal of
judges by General Musharraf is a blatant violation of the Constitution and a
nullity in law. Reversal of this act does not and cannot by stretch of logic
or reason requires any kind of amendment of the Constitution simply
because the purported amendments made to the Constitution by General
Musharraf on and after November 3 are not part of the Constitution.
It would not be fair to equate the PCO of 1999 with the PCO of
November 2007, as the objectives, reasons, facts and circumstances of the
two are totally different. The coup detat of October 1999 was primarily
against the institutions of provincial and federal executives and legislatures
and not to subjugate, harass and arrest members of the superior judiciary
along with their families.
Conversely, the so called proclamation of emergency (a) was nothing
but a coup detat against the judiciary to make it completely subservient to
the will of General Pervez Musharraf. (b) Unlike the proclamation of
October 1999, the so-called Proclamation was immediately suspended/set
aside by seven judges of the Supreme Court on the same day i.e.
November 3. (c) The so-called validation subsequently granted by some of
the judges of the Supreme Court was without jurisdiction or any lawful
authority as the purported validation was issued by those who had taken oath
under the new PCO illegally enforced by General Musharraf. They are
beneficiary of the PCO and it is universally followed maxim of law that
no one can be a judge in his own case.
On November 3 and thereafter, an unimaginably bad instance in our
history was created by not only deposing more than 60 judges of the
superior courts, but also detaining most of them along with their children

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All continue suffer detention or restrictions on their movement, without any

lawful authority or justification.
The newly elected members of parliament are warned that they
would be exposing their own existence and rights to grave risks and would
be surrendering themselves to the mercy of the president, if under any
political expediency, they do not ensure the restoration of the deposed judges
which is sine qua non for the independence of judiciary. They must not,
whether tacitly or expressly accept or validate the purported
proclamation and PCO of 2007, removal of judges or any act in pursuance
thereof.
Ayaz Amir wanted all the involved parties to be worthy of the present
moment. His world is collapsing around him. He is already a creature of the
past, yesterdays child, someone whos played his marbles and is about to be
shoved off the national stage. But it is too much to expect that he will
submit gracefully to his own impending demise.
Every leading tactic he can think of to stave off the inevitable he
will employ. The deadly advice he will keep paying heed to is of such
counselors as Syed Sharifuddin Pirzada and my favourite attorney general,
Malik Abdul Qayyum. Whoever thought that Pirzada and Qayyum will all of
a sudden change their spots and become standard-bearers of democracy?
Pirzada has spent a lifetime assisting military dictators. He was foreign
minister to Ayub Khan, which almost sounds like the 19 th Century. Although
Ayub, as his diaries reveal, had no high idea of him, thats another story.
Pirzada is still at the same game. Old habits obviously die hard. But it was
good, or his advice so efficacious, Musharraf wouldnt have courted disaster
the way he has since March 9 last year.
As for Qayyum, as judge of the Lahore High Court he once served
the Sharifs loyally, all their family matters somehow finding their way to his
bench and he never disappointing his masters. Now he has another master
and serving him loyally too, although about Pirzada and Qayyum it can be
said most aptly that with friends like these who needs enemies.
Musharraf knows his game is over. But tintop heroes, and he is the
prime example, dont go just like that So we shouldnt cry too much
about the brilliant delaying tactics emanating from the besieged bunker, the
Camp Office in Rawalpindi, where the beleaguered president is making his
last stand.
One mistake many of us are making at present is to confuse
Musharraf with the establishment. It is Musharraf who is discredited. The
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establishment remains as powerful as before. The army under Gen Ashfaq

Kayani may have taken a step backwards and may be making the right
noises but its power, for good or evil, hasnt diminished and officers of the
rank of major general and above have lost none of their contempt for
politicians as a class.
We are used to living in the future tense, doing less and promising
more. Political parties must start delivering, and that fairly soon, if the
future of democracy is to be secured. First on the national agenda must be
the restoration of the deposed judges. We must go back to the situation
existing on Nov 2, 2007, which means that the first act of the new National
Assembly must be to declare, through a resolution, Musharrafs PCO and
emergency illegal
After that the future tense should be eschewed and the Pakistani
nation must start living in the present, remedying the administrative chaos
left by the Musharraf regime. To this end, the National Reconstruction
Bureau must be swept into the dustbin of history, the nazimate system
abolished at once, and the Police Order 2002 rescinded.
Mir Jamilur Rahman stressed upon securing and preserving the
sovereignty of National Assembly. Is our parliament sovereign, semisovereign or just a showpiece for our democracy? It could be described in
any way or manner but it certainly is not sovereign. Sovereignty denotes
authority, independence, control and unmitigated supreme power over all
state institutions. Our parliament unfortunately does not possess any of
these qualities. How could it create a better world for the people when it is
not master of its own fate?
In no other country in the world, where parliamentary
democracy exists, an elected house could be dissolved by the head of
state; excepting Pakistan. He could take such an extreme action only on the
advice of the prime minister. In addition to the presidents, the army chiefs
have also dissolved the National Assembly whenever they saw a little chink
in the armour of politicians.
Article 6 declares the person who abrogates or subverts the
Constitution is guilty of high treason. This article further adds that
parliament shall by law provide for the punishment of persons found guilty
of high treason. This clause has been a part of the Constitution since its
inception in 1973. Many parliaments have come and gone but none took
any initiative to make law as required by the Constitution.

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The parliament never discusses the defence budget although

defence is one of the top spenders of peoples money. The people are not
considered worthy enough to debate the defence budget. The Constitution
does not bar the parliament from discussing the defence allocations. It is a
self-imposed restriction that our parliaments have been following since
independence either voluntarily or under duress.
Pakistans ruling elite would have come to terms with the sovereignty
of parliament. Unless parliament regains its sovereignty, neither
democracy will succeed here nor the accountability process will ever take
hold in Pakistan.
Babar Sattar wanted preservation of the Constitution. The National
Assembly-elect is meeting amid a distressing phase in our national
history during which the Constitution was seriously bungled. Thus when
members take an oath to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution this
time around, they will not merely be chanting in a ritualistic ceremony, but
reciting the foremost challenge that confronts our parliament and our nation.
As a repository of the nations sovereignty and being the legislative branch
of the government, it falls upon the parliament to preserve our Constitution
in its legally valid form. Let us first get out of the way what is not important
about the oath: the physical form and content of the Constitution being
published for the members to place their hands on during the oath-taking
ceremony.
The idea that by swearing oath over a version of the Constitution that
includes the post-November 3 amendments, such amendments will
magically become an integral part of the international law is, to put it mildly,
preposterous. What if Alice in Wonderland was mistakenly printed and
appended within the bind of the constitution distributed in the
parliament? Would the members then be duty-bound to preserve and protect
the fable as part of our constitution?
In striking a balance between continuity and change, the constitution
must at all times be reflective of and backed by overwhelming national
consensus on how the state must be run. Thus Article 239 of the
Constitution requires a two-third parliamentary majority to establish that a
pre-existing consensus has been extinguished and a new consensus has
evolved. This is the only legal and valid mechanism to amend the
constitution
We have a retired general as a president who slapped an
unconstitutional emergency (plus) on the country, subverted the Constitution
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and dismissed constitutionally appointed judges. The source of his authority

was the barrel of his gun. And to give the General his due, he made a
candid confession on TV that what he did was unconstitutional
Having derived their judicial authority from the Oath of (Judges)
Office, 2007, passed by the General, they, in turn, purported to validate
his self-assumed executive and legislative powers and also provisionally
blessed him with the authority to rewrite the Constitution at will in the Tika
Iqbal Khan case
And now Sharifuddin Pirzada and AG Malik Qayyum insist that
the Constitution has been validly amended. Why? Because the General
has himself added a new clause 270AAA to the Constitution that says that
nothing done by the General between November 3 and December 14 shall be
considered unconstitutional or challenged in any court.
They unashamedly proclaim that the retired General has singlehandedly yet successfully changed the Constitution. Even if he did so by
means of coercion while admitting that his actions were illegal, the judges
he appointed said that his illegitimate actions were valid and legal and so
that is that. And here is punch line: the time of constitutional deviation is
now over and if legitimately elected parliamentarians wish to preserve the
Constitution in its pre-November 3 form, the onus has now shifted onto
them and they will need to conjure up a two-thirds majority pursuant to
Article 239. For that is the only valid way to amend the Constitution.
The problems with the fiction being propagated by the Generals
legal panderers are many What gives a handful of lawyers wearing
black robes the authority to impress upon a nation that their government
could not be run in accordance with their Constitution and hence a usurper
subverted the Constitution and usurped constitutional authority validly? At
a time when the Constitution stands suspended, what divine powers does a
judge have, who is himself appointed by such a usurper, to determine the
validity of the usurpers actions? But most importantly, the constitutional
and political history of Pakistan informs us that if there is anyone that can
validate and affirm a breach of the Constitution, it is the Constitution itself.
The power to amend the Constitution belongs to the people of
Pakistan and they exercise it through their chosen representatives. Never
before has the Constitution of 1973 been permanently amended except by
parliament with a two-thirds majority. Even an ordinary agreement can be
annulled by a party that is coerced into such agreement. And here we are

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being consumed by debates on whether the fundamental law of our land

can be altered on gunpoint.
Ghazi Salahuddin sought restoration of rights. Both Asif Ali Zardari
and Nawaz Sharif have a lot of work to do. Zardari, apparently, is doing a
good job in reinventing himself but the ghosts that he must exorcise are
many and the Amin Fahim episode has been quite disconcerting for the
supporters of the party. In any case, the point here is that the politicians
have to speedily repair their reputation in the popular mind and win the trust
of the people.
The civil society must be empowered and energized to defend and
reinforce a democratic dispensation; the lawyers movement has become a
unique gift to our polity. This movement was fully supported by the media.
The advent of so many news channels is bound to alter the rules of the
political game, though fundamental issues of ethics and professionalism
have not been satisfactorily resolved.
In this case, too, social activists have a role to play. The focus on
judiciary has underlined the reality of the state of justice in our society
including, of course, social justice and enforcement of human rights. A battle
for emancipation in its real sense will also have to contend with widespread
cynicism about the role of the politicians. A large number of people have
given up any hope for meaningful change and they need to be engaged in an
enlightened discourse on the imperative for participatory politics...
Take this as a compelling argument for the restoration of judiciary.
Otherwise, the building of democracy in Pakistan will be gravely
undermined. And how can you have democracy without moving forward
on the human rights front? In addition to credible electoral process and
accountable democratic institutions, experts have also identified a vibrant
civil society as an essential element for making progress on human rights.
A free media is obviously a part of the civil society and the lawyers
movement has certified this linkage. Whether it is an independent judiciary
or a free media, the society as much is the beneficiary of all freedoms and it
is incumbent on all conscious and conscientious citizens to join the
struggle.
Dr Masooda Bano saw PPP and PML-N to be moving on the right
track. The issue today is not whether the PPP and the PML-N will work
together through the entire of this parliament. To worry about that is
needless as to expect the two main political parties to work together for a
very prolonged period is impractical. Sooner or later the two parties will
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return to more routine politics where they compete each other for votes and
privileges. They will also end up having slightly different manifestos, one
being more towards the right and the other to the left, in line with their party
ideologies. This would be the case in any country, as the two leading
political parties in any country are expected to compete with one forming the
government and the other sitting in the opposition. Thus, the debate about
the durability of a PPP-PML-N alliance has to take place within more
realistic parameters, and seen within that it is all very positive.
The parameters of the current partnership between the two parties are
that they are working in a political context where both have been
marginalized by a third force, the establishment. Musharraf, along with the
help of the US and the UK ambassadors, is still working hard to prevent the
two from joining hands. Under the circumstances, what is critical is that
the two parties dont give into the temptations and bribes by the
establishment or the pressures from the west and stand united to remove
the hurdles to true institutional reforms in Pakistan
The good news is that so far both the parties are clearly standing
by these principles. This is what the cynics need to recognize. As long as
the two parties can work together to meet these core expectations of the
public on forming the government, they would have done more service to
the public than most previous rulers.
Talking about a PPP-PML-N alliance thus requires setting realistic
expectations from the two parties and seen this way they are both
performing extremely well. The leadership on both sides is acting maturely
and seems to have learnt its lessons. What, however, would be unrealistic is
to expect the politicians to have a change of heart of good and to be driven
by noble causes rather than individual material forever. Once Musharraf is
out of the picture, rivalry is bound to resurface. But, there is nothing
wrong about that, as party rivalry is part of any healthy democratic
environment as long as it is pegged around substantive issues and not
mudslinging.
Thus, it is good news for the time being. The two parties are working
in the right direction with the right kind of attitude and unless Musharraf
exercises some extreme measures, the next parliament promises to bring
much-needed reforms within the country. What is, however, critical is that
the media and the civil society remain vigilant Continued debates and
demands from a politicized public will play a critical role in keeping the two
parties on the right track even in the future.

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REVIEW
Murree Accord made public through Bhurban Declaration was
certainly a precisely-drafted document for restoration of judiciary. The
clarity of its text was quite reassuring for the people of Pakistan in general
and for those who participated in the movement for restoration in particular.
But, all that glitters cant be taken as gold.
The PML-N leader, Nawaz Sharif, was aware of his limitations in
fulfilling the pledge his party had made during election campaign. With
partys numerical strength in the National Assembly it could not achieve the
goal at its own. Alliance with the PPPP was its compulsion.
After forming a coalition, Nawaz Sharif had to show to his voters that
he was doing everything possible for restoring the deposed judges. The
accord carved out at Murree reflected showed that as if he had almost
fulfilled his most important election promise.
As regards Zardari, he fully understood that fulfillment of Nawazs
mandate was at his mercy. He and his party leaders had deliberately played
down the judges issue once the elections were held. Therefore, for many it
was a pleasant surprise that Zardari had made an unambiguous commitment
on the issue of judiciarty; why?
His first unstated aim was to break the tempo of the lawyers
movement which had projected Aitzaz Ahsan as a possible threat to party
leadership which he believed was his exclusive right. He succeeded in
defusing the sentiments at least for six to seven weeks.
His second aim was to keep Nawaz Sharif away from the lawyers
movement. To this end he has to be treated as equal partner in the coalition
and this as such would help in achieving the third and very important aim
related to Musharraf.
He had tried to brow-beat the already weakened dictator by showing
the combined strength of democratic forces. This was very essential to
ensure that Musharraf implemented his part the deal; the NRO. He was
shrewd enough not to spell out the timeframe for doing the needful. As
regards the wordings of the accord, these cant be binding on a man like
Zardari.
The brave commando, who is proud of delivering so many knockout
punches, could not be unaware of his adversarys designs. Musharraf had

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delayed the formation of government to allow him the time to read the mind
of adversary. He, successfully, forced the other side to show its cards
enabling him to plan his next move.
Musharraf was fully conscious that Benazirs death had restricted the
US choice to him and the unknown entity of Zardari. He could strengthen
his position by implementing the US-facilitated deal with Benazir. Even if
Zardari had not spelled out a timeframe in Murree Accord, Musharraf would
have choice to decide the speed of implementing NRO-related obligations.
While doing so, soon after the Murree Accord Musharraf came out of
his dugout near Murree Brewery and delivered two speeches to show that
he still remained an arrogant dictator. In addition, he was able to extract a
statement from the army to further boost his position.
Under no constitutional provision COAS is entitled to issue a
statement advising the pillars of the state as how to behave. Corps
commanders have no right to discuss and express their views on political
issues. The statement was the outcome of the recent meeting between
Musharraf and Kayani. This spoke of the existence of the US-MusharrafKayani Nexus.
16th March 2008

TRICKLING TRANSITION

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The inevitable was delivered at the door steps of the Presidency on

Februaty 18, but the brave commando still endeavoured to preempt it. He
decided to go about the transition to democracy adopting a technique used in
farming i.e. trickle irrigation. This was not done for ensuring the survival of
the sapling of democracy in Pakistans arid land but to secure maximum
time to avoid the inevitable; incidentally, which had already happened.
The delay in summoning of the assemblies and subsequent formation
of governments at the centre and province started taxing the patience of the
major parties barring MQM and PML-Q. The lapse of six weeks after the
elections was long enough to suspect mischief from Musharraf and his
Musheers.
Nevertheless, the 13th National Assembly of Pakistan took oath on 17 th
March. Two days later, Famed Mira was elected as Speaker of the National
Assembly. On 24th March, Yourself Raze Gianni was elected as Prime
Minister. Next day, he was sworn in a ceremony not attended by any of the
party leaders. Meanwhile, Provincial assemblies of NWFP, Sindh,
Balochistan and Punjab were summoned to meet on 2, 5, 7 and 9 April
respectively; thus the transition process remained wanting in acquiring the
desirable speed.

EVENTS
On 16th March, the Opposition appointed Farooq Sattar as its
candidate for premiership; Pervaiz Elahi was nominated as leader of the
opposition and Haider Abbas as his deputy. Three more PML-Q MPAs in
Punjab joined the forward bloc. Two MNAs from FATA confessed meeting
ISI senior officials. Fahim was advised not to stage coup against Zardari.
Hamid Mir reported that Pagaras support landed Fahim in more trouble.
Musharraf told Attiqa Odho that he wanted to be remembered as an honest
man.
On 17th March, the 13th National Assembly took oath under 1973
Constitution as it existed on November 2. Nawaz, Zardari and Shujaat
witnessed the proceedings from visitors gallery. A resolution was moved in
the US Congress demanding of the Government of Pakistan to reinstate the
deposed judges. Anti-Fahim banners caused another controversy.
The PCO chief justice summoned a full court meeting on 18th March
and a petition was moved to get a stay order against planned resolution of
the NA for restoration of deposed judges. These moves led to speculations

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about likely confrontation between judiciary and the legislature on the

behest of the presidency. Ansar Abbasi reported that the ball was likely to be
thrown into the court of the COAS.
On 18th March, Pervaiz Elahi tauntingly asked rivals to accept Sattar
as PM candidate. A common friend failed in breaking Zardari-Fahim
impasse. The Supreme Court cannot stop proceedings of the Parliament, said
Qayyum Malik. The deposed CJP wont storm the Supreme Court, reported
Shaheen Sehbai. Ansar Abbasi reported that PML-N has finalized a draft
resolution to be adopted by the NA for the restoration the pre-Nov 3
judiciary. Musharraf declined to help Chaudhry Brothers in sorting out the
infighting in the PML-Q.
Fahmida Mirza was elected as Speaker of the National Assembly by
securing 249 out 319 valid votes cast on 19 th March; Faisal Karim Kundi
was elected as her deputy. Fazl abstained from voting for/against a woman.
US welcomed election of woman Speaker and Patterson said Washington
has no favourite.
Musharraf warned that any controversy would cause great loss to the
democratic process. Rauf Klasra observed that he was apparently following
the tried and tested strategy to keep four to five prime ministerial hopefuls
in-waiting and keep the prime minister in constant fear of replacement. The
successor to the throne, Prince Bilawal was to arrive in Pakistan to announce
the nominee for the prime minister. Sherpao said he would back repeal of
Article 58-2 (b).
Aitzaz wasted his energies by holding a debate on deposed judges
issue. Qayyum has been the accomplice in all the crimes committed by
Musharraf on and after November 3; therefore how could he ever concede
on any of the arguments of Aitzaz?
On 20th March, Bilawal arrived in Islamabad and Amin Fahim went to
Karachi. National Assembly was summoned to meet on 24th March to elect
prime minister. Reportedly, Musharraf asked Shujaat to quit as party chief;
and he, reluctantly, greeted the Speaker and her deputy.
Ansar Abbasi reported that intelligence agencies were busy destroying
critical material, including tape recording of government officials,
opposition and media persons to avoid getting caught after the change of the
government. Pakistans ambassador to Washington met Zardari.
The deposed CJP addressed lawyers in Lahore on telephone and
Aitzaz addressed them in Abbottabad. Surrey Palace case against Zardari

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was also terminated on the request of NAB. The Supreme Court directed for
deciding cases against Jehangir Badr under NRO.
On 21st March, Zardari talked to Altaf Hussain and few hours later,
Farooq Sattar withdrew from the candidature of premiership in favour of
PPP candidates in the interest of Pakistan and Sindh. Chaudhry brothers
also approached Altaf but failed in convincing the latter to change his mind.
Next day, PPP nominated Yousaf Raza Gilani as candidate for
premiership: Well played Sindhi Makhdoom, Punjabi Makhdoom is the
winner. Sattar left and Pervaiz Elahi entered the fray. Saleh Zaafir reported
that MQM support to PPP was no unconditional as hyped by its leaders.
Provincial assemblies of NWFP, Sindh, Balochistan and Punjab were
summoned to meet on 2, 5, 7 and 9 April respectively. Wasim Sajjad
resigned as Leader of the House in the Senate. PML-Q quietly staged a
coup in the Senate against the new government by getting elected its seven
members in slots of chairmen standing committees.
On 23rd March, Yousaf Raza Gilani and Pervaiz Elahi filed their
papers to contest for premiership. Nawaz Sharif expressed his partys
reservations over MQMs inclusion in the coalition at the Centre. Ansar
Abbasi in his News Analysis observed that Zardaris coalition was getting
too fat to handle. Political workers in Peshawar wanted the MQM out of the
coalition.
Musharraf in his address on the occasion of Pakistan Day took credit
of introducing real democracy and urged the new government to maintain
the speed of economic development and the fight against extremism. PMLQ stayed away from the dinner hoisted by the new Speaker, Dr Fehmida.
Justice Hamid Khan said Musharraf was hatching several conspiracies to
subvert restoration of judiciary (MQM in coalition could be one of them).
On 24th March, Yousaf Raza Gilani was elected as Prime Minister; he
polled 264 votes against Elahis 42. Gilani ordered immediate release of
judges and asked the parliament to adopt resolution seeking UN probe into
BBs killing. The freed judges termed their freedom as beginning of the
establishment of rule of law. Reportedly, Zardari approached certain active
members of lawyers community with a formula of restoration of deposed
judges less Justice Iftikhar.
Dilshad Azeem calculated that PPP-led coalition was 12 short of 2/3 rd
majority in the Senate. Fahim resigned from ARD saying that the goal of
restoration of democracy has been achieved. Rauf Klasra reported that Amin

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Fahim was about to revolt but held back on the advice of Nawab Yousaf
Talpur.
On 25th March, Gilani was sworn-in in a ceremony not attended by
any of the party leaders. At the end of administration of oath, the presidency
echoed with pro-PPP slogans. Musharraf promised to contribute towards
unifying the political forces. Gilani vowed to ensure supremacy of the
parliament that includes president as its part. Gilani was felicitated by world
leaders.
Row over MQM caused delay in the formation of the government.
Services of Sharifuddin Pirzada and other advisers of the Prime Minister
were terminated. AG denied that a reference was being filed against the
return of judges. The CJP said the ball is in Parliaments court. Aitzaz sought
executive order to restore the deposed judges.
On 26th March, the PML-N vowed to carryout protest rally if the
orders for convening the Punjab Assembly were not issued and minutes later,
the Governor issued the required order. Wajih urged the government to beat
the clock on reinstatement of judges.
The staying away of the visiting US officials from Zardari House
became a riddle for the observers. US officials advised Nawaz to soften his
stand on Musharraf. Qazi condemned the US bid to renew the failed
policies. Prime Minister talked to UN chief on probe into the murder of
Benazir. He also named Shamsuddin one of the NRO beneficiaries as his
principal secretary.
Ghulam Ahmed Bilour of ANP expressed his partys reservations over
inclusion of MQM in the federal government. Imran Khan called PPPs
contacts with MQM and Fazlur Rehman an indication of its underhand deal
with Musharraf, saying the implementation of the NRO and waiver of all
cases against Zardari were part and proof of the covert deal.
On 27th March, Rehman Malik and Hussain Haqqani were inducted as
advisor to PM and ambassador at large respectively. PPP and PML-N
reached an agreement on composition of the cabinet. PML-N placed tough
conditions before the PPP for inclusion of MQM in the federal government,
which included an unconditional public apology on part of the MQM over
its past role and a guarantee not to repeat the May 12 action.
Negroponte met MQM leaders in Karachi before leaving Pakistan. In
the press conference he denied that he came to Pakistan with some hidden
agenda. He left it to the political process to decide about the fate of

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Musharraf. The deposed CJP called on Zardari to condole the death of his
spouse. AG denied the reports about his resignation. He stayed on to eat his
words on 28th March before SHC by pleading to drop the corruption case
against Zardari, in which he himself had convicted him and his wife in 1998.
Boucher met Zardari, Asfandyar, Shujaat, Sattar and Fazl on 28 th
March and assured them that the US would respect the decisions of
Pakistans Parliament. Zardari and Nawaz reached consensus on
composition of the cabinet. Rashid Qureshi denied receipt of summary from
PM for swearing in of the new cabinet. Army and Naval chiefs met Gilani.
Speaker and deputy speaker of NWFP Assembly were elected unopposed.
The assembly passed a resolution for UN probe into Benazirs murder.
Gilani acquired unanimous vote of confidence on 29th March and
announced the list of his governments priorities. Priority list included:
restoration of judges; war against terror; doing away PEMRA and FCR;
abolishing of NAB; restoration of trade and student unions; minimum wages
to be fixed at Rs 6,000; army men to quit civil posts in two weeks; and
wheat support price fixed at Rs 625.
Ansar Abbasi observed that all the key assignments so far have been
awarded to close associates of Zardari. Speaker and deputy speaker of
NWFP Assembly were sworn in. Washington Times termed Negropontes
visit a diplomatic blunder.
The PCO CJP demonstrated the will to establish his writ in domain
awarded to him by the dictator. Dogar ordered forced eviction of Ramday
from his house in Islamabad; Supreme Court staff broke into the house;
lawyers reacted strongly and tried to lodge an FIR; and the PM took note
of it and asked for report in 24 hours.

VIEWS
Despite the sluggish process of transition to democracy there were
some events which took place during the last two weeks indicating some
forward movement. First event pertained to much awaited holding of
inaugural session of the National Assembly.
On the eve of NAs session the News wrote: Dark clouds of all kinds
are looming on the horizon with the atmosphere loaded with suspicions,
conspiracies and conflicting political interests pulling the strings in what has
become a full-fledged power conflict between parliament, the presidency
and to some extent, the judiciary. The political parties have, by and large,
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showed a lot of maturity in staying together and pursuing their common goal
of restoring the democratic right of the people to govern.
The remnants of the eight-year-long dictatorial rule are not
prepared to accept the verdict of the people which was a nation-wide
referendum against the presidency and the politics of self-interest built
around General Pervez Musharraf. He was practically forced to hold the
general elections and despite all the pre-poll rigging could not stop or
contain the massive wave against his person and policies. Once the verdict
was delivered by the people, and accepted by everyone, a new round of
power games began. The president wants to keep his powers by dividing the
political forces.
It is in this highly complex milieu that the new Member of
Parliament will take their oath today. They will be collectively representing
the will of the people and their task is monumental in terms of taking the
county in the right direction without allowing any of the roadblocks to derail
the process once again. They have to ensure that the institutional balance
between the pillars of the state parliament, the executive and the
judiciary is restored on a sound footing.
Kamal Siddiqi reassessed the scenario on the eve of the session. The
possible decision of President Musharraf to step down is being seen with
worry by western leaders. They want the president to stay on and fight the
war on terror. There are fears that with the possible exit of the president, the
focus of the war on terror will shift and the political government would look
at more pressing problems. Needless to say, Pakistans most pressing
problem to day is its power crisis and the rising cost of fuel on the back of
soaring international prices. Mian Nawaz Sharif and Asif Ali Zardari have
taken a decision in principle to visit Saudi Arabia soon so as to talk to the
king about a possible petroleum concession. These are short term solutions
to long term problems. How long with the Saudi King solve problems that
are ours?
To be fair to Zardari, the cases seem to be evaporating in thin air.
One can only laugh at the manner these cases have been withdrawn.
They once again tell us the hollowness of the system that builds one
accountability body or another but at the same time is willing to let go of it
all when agreements are reached. And at the end of the day, people are
released not because they are guilty or innocent but because they have made
a deal. This is cheating the people of Pakistan.

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Maybe we should take the advice of Chaudhry Aitzaz Ahsan and

start with a clean slate. President Musharraf has vowed he will not dismiss
the parliament. But Mian Nawaz Sharif has at the same time assured Asif
Zardari of support to foil plots if the PPP faces cracks from within or
outside forces conspire to break it. Who to believe, which side to trust?
Possibly one needs to focus more on the people who are intent on
breaking Pakistan. The suicide blasts in Lahore this week only tell us that
certain forces in the country want democracy to fail. At the same time, the
US and its allies are tightening the screws on the militants. We are victims of
the fallout of this. In all this, we can only hope and pray. We also need to
ask the incoming government what its stand is on the war on terror.
Javed Hasan Aly observed: Our current and future protagonists of
power seem close to a tryst with destiny. To elate themselves in the eyes of
historians they will need to shun pettiness, let go of the selfish benefits the
present moment may offer and play a positive role for the good of the
people, even if it diminishes their current power. This is not an existentialist,
meaningless world where we live unto and for ourselves only. We cannot
have eternal power unless we are firmly engraved in the hearts of the people.
Manipulation with the backing of physical force is of limited value, and
sustenance through such tools will not endear us to posterity. Our children,
and theirs, are unlikely to be proud of such heritage.
So the president has to see beyond the acclaim of George Bush. The
judiciary has to see beyond the black flags and rose petals. The just elected
leaders of successful parties have to see beyond the enticing fruits of power
hanging in front of them. They must imagine themselves in the seats of
future historians and sit in judgment over their own choices. These choices
will make the difference, whether they are buried and forgotten sooner than
later or future generations are eternally grateful to them, like we are to our
founding fathers.
Today our leaders stand at the crossroads of history; the future of the
nation guaranteed on one side, with perhaps a slight loss of face; and, on the
other side perennial ignominy with some prolongation of power. They will
need to rise above themselves, in the life of the moment, forget prejudices
and vendetta and realistically manage change in an incremental,
evolutionary manner. A guaranteed place in the futures hall of fame may
be theirs: otherwise the cruel justice of the historian will shred them to
pieces of irrelevance.

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The News termed the session a new beginning. Three hundred and
twenty-eight members of the National Assembly took oath at the inaugural
session of the new parliament what was on the surface a generally placid
meeting of elected representatives was marked by many strong
undercurrents. The most crucial of these is the future of a house that seems
headed along a path of open conflict with the presidency. The reaffirmation
by the outgoing speaker, Chaudhry Amir Hussain, on a pointed query by a
PPP-member, that oath would be taken under the relevant clause in the 1973
Constitution indicated how determined the PPP-PML-N-ANP coalition is
to reject extra-constitutional steps taken by President Musharraf with the
presidents November 3 declaration of emergency rule.
Nasim Zehra opined: The shift in Pakistans balance of power has
begun to decisively veer towards parliamentary forces. The two As
traditionally influencing Pakistans power structure, the Army and
America, were relatively marginalized in the election and the postelection phase. Pakistans own political dynamics have asserted itself after
decades of political manipulation, political bickering and constitutional
deviations.
The leadership of two individuals, Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz
Sharif, helped the politicians to reclaim their space in Pakistans power
construct. Benazir Bhutto, the unquestioned martyr of democracy, made the
pragmatic moves to create the space for the return of genuine politics while
the uncompromising Nawaz Sharif contributed to the shrinking of space for
Pakistans undemocratic forces in Pakistans political construct.
How far will the Pakistan Army and the presidency be restricted to
their constitutional role as laid out in the 1973 Constitution free of Article
58-2 (b) will largely depend on the new ruling coalition. Irrespective of the
intent of the presidency, the Supreme Court and the armed forces cannot
move successfully against the national political consensus which calls for
genuine constitutional democracy. The future of democratic politics will be
as bright as the wisdom and sagacity of the political class that is now in
Pakistans driving seat.
The parliamentarians no longer have licence to fritter away the
nations resources and their own energies on mindless bickering and battling.
With shrinking resources, rising expectations, increasing violence decreasing
security, rising regional challenges and global chaos with shortage of water,
electricity and energy, the onus of creative, credible and competent policy
making is now on the elected parliamentarians.

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Inaugural session was followed by the two mandatory events; the

election the speaker and the leader of house. The News commented:
Wednesdays decisive vote for the speaker and deputy speaker means that
the next prime minister is going to have a very comprehensive mandate from
parliament and in this context many of the speeches delivered by legislators
made the telling point that perhaps the time had now come for all and sundry
to accept the fact that parliament is a sovereign body to which all other
institutions of the state must be subordinate.
In the democratic and constitutional scheme of things this would
make sense because parliament is supposed to represent and reflect the
popular will, as translated through a free and fair election. In such an
institutional scheme or framework, the military of a country is to be at the
beck and command of the elected parliament, and committed to carry out its
duties and responsibilities (no more no less) as laid out in the Constitution.
The response from the presidential camp, for the presidents own
sake, needs to be well-thought out, studied and most importantly dignified.
The camp can still try and save some face and bow to the will of the people
by stepping aside with some grace and dignity intact. One can only hope that
wise counsel will prevail at least this time and the president will be advised
to step aside and let another individual, one who commands the support of
the new parliament at the centre and in the provinces.
Dr Maqsooda Bano urged sustaining momentum by elected parties.
Ms Mirzas election as speaker has set the right tone for the new
assembly, confirming that it is an assembly, which can achieve much if the
leaders continue to show maturity and political wisdom. That there is much
that needs to be done to reverse the intervention of the military in all civilian
institutions of the state is stating the obvious. That reversing this trend is
prone to serious challenges is again no secret. Thus, any attempts at serious
reforms require a strong National Assembly with a two-thirds majority.
The challenges that this assembly faces are two-fold. One, the
continued intrigues from the Presidency, which apparently still enjoys
support from the US; two, the huge socio-economic challenges inherited
from the failed policies of the previous government. With the growing
strength of the National Assembly there are predictions that General
Musharraf will be forced to quit the system soon. However, he seems
adamant and will continue to resist till he has exploited all possible options
for manipulating the current system to his advantage

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It is easy to see the alliance continue as long as a common enemy

stays in the Presidency. Once General Musharraf is out of the picture, and
the judges are reinstated, sustaining the current enthusiasm of the political
parties as well as the public to reform will be more challenging. Thus, the
initial weeks and months of the assembly are capable of generating some
memorable decisions.
Ghazi Salahuddin opined: The real test of our emerging leaders
will begin with the formation of the government and its quality of
governance in extremely trying circumstances. Anyhow, the stage is being
set for some bold and sincere initiatives. Also on test are the media and the
awakened sections of our civil society. Accountability, in a sense, is the
name if the game.
One would require a lot of space to make a proper appraisal of this
new National Assembly and the spirit in which it was launched. In the
first place, it comes as the manifestation of a remarkable alliance between
the political adversaries of the wasted nineties. It also had more than 190
newcomers, bearing testimony to the potential for regeneration in a fair
election process. But the most striking aspect of the lower house is that a
record 76 female MNAs took oath on Monday, including 16 who were
directly elected.
Dr Fehmida Mirza became its first-ever speaker with more than a
two-thirds majority. It must have kindled, in the minds of many excited
observers, the memories of that deeply emotional and inspiring moment of
Benazir Bhutto taking oath as Pakistans prime minister on December 2,
1988
On Wednesday, when Dr Fehmida Mirza secured 249 out of 324
votes in a secret ballot, a definite message was delivered to President
Pervez Musharraf and the dwindling band of his supporters. Now that
the MQM is also a part of the national consensus, the political logic of
numbers in parliament has become extremely meaningful. This
overwhelming electoral strength prompts some very electrifying
possibilities, particularly in the context of Murree Declaration.
The people felt perturbed over PPPs indecisiveness on nomination of
the leader of the House. M Maqsood Khattak from Karak observed: It
seems that the establishment is playing tricks again by promoting
Makhdoom Amin Fahim unnecessarily so that he can ditch his party cochairman. It appears that the establishment is bent on turning the results
of a fair election in its own favour.
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Mohammad Asif from Takht Bhai wrote: The confusion over the last
couple of weeks regarding the premiership issue indicates the differences
within the PPP leadership. The party seems to be left without a leader. It may
be due to the establishment or the presidency, but it is a fact that the party
dealt the issue in a poor manner, which is sad because it emerged in the
recent general election as the most popular political party of the country.
The News commented on the withdrawal of the MQM candidate from
Leader of the House contest. The PPP-led government now to be formed at
the centre has, with the withdrawal of the MQM candidate, Dr Farooq Sattar,
evolved into what will more closely resemble a true national government.
The agreement reached between Asif Ali Zardari and Altaf Hussain over this
indicates a realization by leaders from across the political divide of the
need for the formation of a broad, common front against the diverse
difficulties faced today by Pakistan and a recognition that without this
cooperation these difficulties may swap them and indeed the country itself.
The development is as such an immensely positive one, in more
ways than one. It means that the new government is likely to be able to
operate with greater authority and less risk of swiftly running into towering
obstacles. It also sets in place an important spirit of cooperation between the
PPP and the MQM, which augurs particularly well for the province of
Sindh
The important decision regarding the withdrawal of Farooq Sattar
underscores Asif Zardaris skills as a diplomat. His telephonic talk with
Altaf was obviously persuasive, leading to swift decision from the MQM
leadership to change its strategy. This ability to persuade and win over may
come in extremely handy in the future.
For the first time in its relatively limited parliamentary history,
Pakistans prime minister will almost certainly be elected without contest. In
most circumstances, questions would be raised as to the desirability of
this. After all contest within parliament is a part of democratic practice and a
strong, alert opposition can often play a vital role in ensuring that a system
of check and balance exists.
Once Gilani was elected the News wrote: Top leaders of all the main
political parties in the new parliament, including even the staunch ally of
President Pervez Musharraf, the PML-Q, stayed away from the oath taking
ceremony of Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani at the presidency on
Tuesday in their first collective act of defiance and rejection of a
president they would all like to fade into history.
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Clearly this en bloc absence of the main leaders was orchestrated to

send a message that Mr Musharraf should concede defeat and not
pollute the political environment further and that he should do so by
allowing peace and stability to the new leadership to tackle the colossal
issues facing the nation. Coupled with the dramatic release of the detained
Supreme Court judges on Monday night, even before the new prime minister
could legally issue any such executive order and a major reshuffle in the
Pakistan Army, it is now obvious that the support structure in the
administration which President Pervez Musharraf was ordering around has
collapsed and the centre of power has shifted. This reality has to sink in the
presidency sooner than later.
Though some reports have now started suggesting that Mr Musharraf
may be thinking of resigning since he would not like to work in an
environment where tension persists and cordial working of the
administration becomes difficult, it would still be the biggest decision of his
career because his western and foreign friends still do not want him to go. It
is encouraging that senior US officials are meeting the top political
leadership and assuring them of full support. However, the panic in the
American camp is no one elses fault but a situation caused by
Washingtons own acts of omission and commission.
The standoff between the political leaders and the president should
not continue. It will be unfortunate if the grand coalition government of
national consensus is forced to waste its time and energy trying to subvert a
web of conspiracies and manipulations in a bitter legal or constitutional
power struggle. The president should show grace, step aside and allow
the new coalition to formulate policies to deal with the mess which it has
inherited.
When the newly elected Prime Minister ordered release of the
deposed judges the News wrote: Within minutes the winds of change were
sweeping through the streets of the federal capital, with law-enforcement
agencies personnel removing barbed wires from entrances to the judges
enclave, following the new prime ministers first order to release all the
detained Supreme Court judges. Given the caretaker governments and
the presidencys stubbornness and apparent pettiness in not having
acting earlier on this matter, the order to release Chief Justice Iftikhar
Mohammad Chaudhry instantly became a bigger story than even Gilanis
election which, in any case, was a foregone conclusion.

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Mr Gilani also raised some other issues, including forcefully

renewing his commitment to the Bhurban Declaration and the Charter
of Democracy, besides passing a resolution in parliament to ask the United
States for a probe into Benazir Bhuttos assassination.
Particularly reassuring was the fact that even in such times of fired up
sentiments and amid a dramatic and sensational turn of events, Mr Gilani
did not lose sight of the larger goal of keeping events under control so as
to minimize any chance of a confrontation being precipitated between
parliament and the presidency. In this context, his appeal to the judges who
were being released as he spoke, to trust parliament and seek a solution
through it rather than the streets, was timely and mature.
All these events and developments must have, one hopes, sent the
right signals to the presidency and its incumbent should now realize that his
role as head of state will now be that of a constitutional figurehead as
envisaged under the unadulterated Constitution of 1973. Although he still
has many powers that he has accumulated during his ten years in power, it
would be prudent that he voluntarily starts shedding some of these and does
not create hurdles for the new government and parliament. Confrontation
with the new wielders of power will be disastrous, for the presidency
and for the nation.
Kamila Hyat talked of challenges awaiting for the new prime minister.
The new prime minister also has many other issues to address. One is
the immediate future of Pervez Musharraf. Another is the vexed question of
a full judicial restoration. If the new government drags its feet on this it
faces the uncomfortable prospect of the lawyers, who have over the past year
proved their ability to carry out a sustained campaign on streets, protesting
outside parliament. As pressing is the need to offer people relief from
economic hardship and deal with terrorists who seem able to strike at will.
In this respect, the spirit of comradely cooperation being seen
within parliament is welcome. Compared to the bitter hostility between
rival political groups seen in the past, many of the newly elected
representatives seem genuinely concerned about the critical situation
prevailing in the country. Leaders, from all sides of political divide, have
shown far greater maturity than was ever the case in the past. The hatchets
that were drawn out after each previous election seem to have been left at
home this time around
It is this rare spirit that Mr Gilani needs, at all costs, to keep intact.
The smiles seen in the National Assembly must not be allowed to turn
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into acrimonious frowns. the problems of Pakistan today are so

overwhelming that no one person can be expected to solve them. Any
individual entrusted with this task needs to build a large team and keep it
intact through the undoubtedly difficult months that lie ahead.
Mr Gilani will have his hands full the coming days. His gentle
personality, in keeping with the rich Sufi tradition of the city of Multan,
should work well to keep dialogue open with all the players in the diverse
government he will lead. He will also have behind him the support of Mr
Asif Ali Zardari, who has so far proved an adept driver in the maze of
Pakistani politics.
Musharraf, who conceived the transition process, himself remained
the major obstacle in its implementation. Salman Masood wrote: President
Pervez Musharraf appeared Sunday evening on a private news channel with
a shawl over his shoulders his military commando fatigues now a not-sodistant memory in a conversation with Atiqa Odho.
The interview was aired on the eve of the convening of the new
parliament where anti-Musharraf politicians are in a thumping majority. No
wonder President Musharraf appeared glum and pensive even in the
presence of Ms Odho, the glamorous television actress.
It was a different President Musharraf, indeed. The characteristic
candor and ebullience, the swagger and charm seemed gone. He appeared
lost during some moments. Many questions posed by Ms Odho seemed to
suggest as if President Musharrafs term was already over, and both of them
were having a trip down the memory lane, reminiscing about the good old
days when the former general was in full control.
One could not fathom whether the vulnerability exhibited by
President Musharraf, at a time when the country is in a phase of transition
and wrecked by suicide bombings, was intentional or it just seeped
through in the interview. And Ms Odho kept asking questions in the past
tense. How would President Musharraf like to be remembered?
Ms Odho asked with a smile why he smiled less now. President
Musharraf appeared surprised by the question, but his subdued denial
came perhaps with a realization that there was some truth to it. His smiles
were half-hearted; his eyes lacked the usual spark during the conversation
with Ms Odho. How long President Musharraf manages to hold on to power
is anybodys guess, but the consensus in the country is that his grip on power
is increasingly tenuous.

230

Shafqat Mahmood wanted Musharraf to give up. The logic of

peoples verdict is relentlessly moving forward. Candidates of the
coalition for speaker and deputy speaker have won resounding victories. Dr
Fehmida Mirza, the first woman elected to preside over our national
assembly polled 249 votes, which is more than a two-thirds majority. And,
there is little doubt that the coalitions prime ministerial candidate will have
similar success. This should make some people sit up and take notice of
what is to come.
Yet, the anti people forces are still not giving up. The selection of
the prime minister and thus effective transfer of power is deliberately being
delayed. Besides the pathetic desire to hang on to rapidly shrinking vestiges
of power, the purpose is to forestall for as long as possible the practical
reinstatement of the real judiciary. The time bought through this delay is
being used to create dissention in the PPP ranks and weaken the coalition.
One speculation is that the real purpose is to gain enough time to
manipulate the results in Sindh. In this, all hopes are being pinned on a
possible rebellion within the PPP engineered by the supporters of
Makhdoom Amin Fahim. First, there is little chance that any such game will
succeed but even if it does, it is not difficult to imagine what the reaction in
Sindh will be.
This brings into focus, once again, the behaviour pattern on the part
of Mr Musharraf. It is perplexing in a man who never tires of flaunting his
patriotism. Does he not realize that machinations being engineered from
the presidency are severely detrimental to national interest? The country
needs political stability as the first building block of a focused national effort
to solve pressing problems such as alienation in the smaller provinces,
rampant inflation, food shortages and growing terrorism. By continuing to
delay the transfer of power and manipulating some actors within parties, he
is desperately attempting to create uncertainty and instability. This cannot be
good for the nation.
Let us go back a little and understand the dynamics at work. The
election result created the political imperative of two anti-Musharraf
parties working together. Those who did not understand this were either
ignorant of the force of popular will or had other reasons to work against it.
The leadership of the PPP and PML-N had no such illusion and knew that
they had to form a coalition With this, the possibility of any working
relationship between parliament and the presidency went of the window.

231

It was at this stage that Musharraf had to make a choice. The balance
of forces had turned against him and historys inexorable march had begun.
If he had ever played chess, he would have realized that the king left alone
can delay the inevitable by running hither and thither but it cannot avoid a
checkmate.
It is still not too late to give up. Mr Musharraf has had a long
innings, much longer than any of our civilian leaders. He has done his bit,
for good or evil, just as the others did before him. He should let history be
the judge of this and not spoil the possibility of a positive verdict by making
his departure messy.
The National Assembly will sooner or later elect a prime minister.
Power will change hands. The judiciary will be restored. At this stage, Mr
Musharraf will threaten dissolution. Parliament may retaliate by going for an
impeachment as the members for a two-thirds majority of a joint sitting have
almost been reached. Why should the nation be forced to go through this?
Our time to move on has come. Mr Musharraf should not stand in the
way.
After the brave commando asked his buddy to quit, Noore Zeenate
Zaman from Peshawar wrote: According to news item, President Musharraf
has asked PML-Q president Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain to resign from his
position because of the PML-Qs dismal performance in the general election.
Why is President Musharraf passing the buck? Shujaat was his most
obedient politician who always tried to save his boss from embarrassment.
On the other hand, President Musharraf is still defending Shaukat Azizs
anti-people and flawed economic policies which were detrimental to national
interest. Instead of Chaudhry Shujaat, I think it is President Musharraf
who needs to call it a day.
M B Naqvi observed that confrontation was still in the works.
Musharrafs Nov 3 actions outraged all Pakistan. The legal fraternity,
already in ferment after his bitterly controversial election of Oct 6 from a
dying, old electoral college, denounced these as wholly unconstitutional and
illegal. It continues to argue that whatever happened on November 3,
including the reconstituting of the high courts and the Supreme Court was a
nullity in law and this should, and can be, undone by the new parliament or
the new democratic government by an executive order.
The recently retired general had collected a cabal of legal experts
led by an infamous name in Pakistans history, Syed Sharifuddin Pirzada and
assisted by Malik Abdul Qayyum and several others. These luminaries argue
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that neither a simple resolution of the National Assembly nor an executive

order by the new prime minister can undo what Musharraf did on November
3 because these actions have been validated by the newly reconstituted
Supreme Court with judges that were prepared to declare their allegiance to
the then general in control of the government. These two views clash head
on.
But the legal fraternity is actually divided. Those who politically
favour the former ruling party, the PML-Q and the current legal office
holders at the top of their professional bodies are supporting the president as
could be expected, while the vast majority of legal fraternity argues that the
actions that were ab initio a nullity in law cannot be validated by the
beneficiaries of those actions. The SC validation of Gen Musharrafs
admittedly illegal actions as has repeatedly happened in Pakistans sordid
history because all these acceptances of military coups were treated fait
accompli that the judiciary alone could not reverse.
But the people of Pakistan now are determined to redeem their
honour by reverting to genuine representative government that lives within
proper laws and observes democratic norms. The present is a moment of
euphoria for the people after a reasonable fair election. But this can only last
if proper actions follow quickly and also if the present confrontation
between a dictator who now says that he would remain president under
democracy and coexist with a democratic government and parliament and
the new parliament and government that is expected to be formed is
resolved. Can it be? Will it be?
All that can be said is that the tumultuous events of the year 2007
have changed Pakistan, particularly its richest and most populous province
of Punjab. No longer can any general take Punjab for granted. The new
commercial, industrial and professional middle-class in Punjab has acquired
a new prestige and says and demands democratic space to operate in.
Going by putative plans of the presidential camp, it would seem they
have learned nothing and forgotten nothing. They may go forward into a
battle they may not win and which may not remain worth-winning because
the country is facing mountainous problems. The kind of coming possible
clash can destabilize the whole country and God knows what influences
would rush in. It would therefore be best for Mr Musharraf to do the
decent thing and go home.
Shafqat Mahmood in a subsequent article saw Musharraf playing the
last card. Politics indeed make strange bed-fellows but this is a total
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denunciation of whatever Musharraf has stood for over the last nine years.
He was scathing about the PPP and the PML-N and described their period of
rule in the 90s as a decade of disaster. The people rejected this assertion and
brought both the parties back into power. He tried to create an alternate
political force as the flag bearer of his politics. The people rebuffed it
resoundingly in the polls. He destroyed the judiciary and mangled the
Constitution to hang on to power, and yet his days are now numbered.
This is a failure on a grand scale. If Mr Musharraf lacks capacity for
introspection to recognize it, he should have been chastened by images of
jubilation when the barricades around the chief justices house were
removed. It was a graphic illustration of power seeping out of the presidency
and into the hands of a peoples representative This should tell him where
he stands.
While the writing is clear on the wall even to the illiterate, Mr
Musharraf is still determined tango one last time. His entire bet now is on
the PPP-PML-N coalition breaking up in the next 30 days. This time period
is important because in it the coalition has signed a written accord to restore
the true judiciary of Pakistan. There is also the small matter of dividing
cabinet portfolios. Musharraf is hoping that these two issues and in
particular, the question of judiciarys restoration, will split the parties.
It is for this reason that the summoning of the Punjab Assembly
has been delayed for so long. While the April 9 date has been quoted in the
media, other reports say that no date has yet been decided. This scandalous
foot dragging is being done to buy as much time as possible before power is
transferred to the PML-N in Punjab. The hope is that in the meantime, the
coalition will run into difficulties and if it does, not only will the PML-N be
out of contention in the centre; it can be thwarted from taking over in
Punjab.
Mr Musharrafs entire strategy is now to keep the PML-N out as
he sees this party as the only threat to his continuance in power. His
increasingly loud-mouthed spokesmanhas said as much when he claimed
that 70 percent of the members are ready to work with Mr Musharraf. The
MQM, which often reflects the presidential point of view, has been saying
similar things. Either these people are misled or they have some secret
knowledge because there is little evidence to support their point of view.
It is true that the PPP has been soft peddling its views on
Musharraf while the PML-N is taking an aggressive stance. It is also
possible that in behind-the-scene contacts, the PPP leadership may have
234

been saying conciliatory things to Musharrafs emissaries and even giving

some kind of assurances. But, this is just clever politics In the game of
power, no one owes anyone anything. Mr Musharraf should know that well.
There are no favours accumulated in the databank of the PPP;
anyone building a storyline on them in living in cuckoo land. The party has
one simple political consideration. It has to decide whether it hitches its ship
to an unpopular office bearer whose effective time is up or it builds a
partnership with the second major political force in the country. One does
not need to be an Einstein to figure that one out.
We have been trying in vain for weeks and months to convince him
to give up; if not for the sake of his dignity, then for the good of the country.
But, alas, it is having no effect whatsoever. Musharraf is like a desperate
gambler who has lost everything but his ticket fare for the journey
home. He is now ready to wager this on the last throw of the dice. It is going
to be a long walk into oblivion.
Foreign interference in Pakistans internal politics was resented by all
and sundry. Anjum Niaz observed Americans writing the script. On the
pretext of ushering in democracy and naturally taking the credit for getting
Musharraf to cleanse the sins of Zardari and Nawaz Sharif and giving the
two discredited gentlemen a complete makeover, USA is playing a very
dangerous game in this region. It is trying to draw a wedge between the
people of Pakistan and its leaders by being biased in its dictation to the
new policy makers. Dumping diplomatic subtleties and backdoor
negotiations, the Americans, both in Pakistan and in Washington are openly
writing the script and the work scope for the new prime minister who as we
all know will be Asif Ali Zardari, sooner than later.
The Bush Administration knows well that it is hated by the Pakistanis
on the street because of what it has done in Iraq and Afghanistan. But so far,
this fact has not bothered Washington. It does not care about the
sentiments of ordinary Pakistanis as long as it has the leaders in its grip.
President Musharraf has always been tight with Bush while Asif Zardari
does not appear averse to American overtures and the frequent powwow
with the American Embassy in Islamabad. Hes on visiting terms with them.
Making underhand deals with America is the surest way to hell
in the eyes of Pakistanis. Why go far? Just look at the fate of Pervez
Musharraf. He thought he was being very smart in extracting 2 billion
dollars from the Americans if he towed their line, but today, even the 10

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billion dollars cannot save him from the wrath of the people who want him
out.
Tanvir Ahmad Khan opined: It took a whole month to convene the
newly elected National Assembly for the preliminary rituals that launch it.
Considering that the most viable coalition comprising the PPP, the PML-N
and the ANP enjoyed a near two-third majority in the National Assembly the
delay in government formation was widely seen within and outside the
country as continuing evidence of a deeper malaise in the body politic.
Most of the factors underlying this concern are domestic. An unusual
feature of the situation, however, was the apprehension that outside powers
were allegedly trying to influence the formation of the new coalition and
the composition of the new government. Since such interference in Pakistani
politics is of an enduring nature, it needs to be put in a proper perspective. In
the past too foreign powers have not only played a role in determining the
dispensation that the people of Pakistan lived under but in many instances
resorted to micromanagement of important government slots such as foreign
affairs and finance. The process was in evidence in civil and military
governments alike
In our tragically polarized situation one fundamental condition of
present-day inter-state relations has got thoroughly blurred. This condition
has two clear subsets, one, the quest for democracy and its survival in
the face of multiple threats is no longer a narrow internal concept defined
by the Westphalian nation state
Two, in actual practice while most democracies welcome such
cooperation as good in itself and as contributing to a stable and just world
order, major powers often seek an instrumental use of democracy to
fulfill their global ambitions. They support democratization selectively and
also bend it to their strategic objectives.
Pakistans current situation illustrates both the trends. The people of
Pakistan look towards the international community for moral support
in the battle for transition from a long authoritarian rule to governance
based on representative institutions. Apart from political legitimacy they
demand rights that cannot be abridged or abolished through arbitrary actions
of a dictator or an all-powerful oligarchy. The interplay of rights and
obligations provides, on the one hand, freedom of participation and
collective deliberation and, on the other, delimits the power of the decisionmakers and democratically appointed rulers. Unfortunately, the international
support for Pakistans democracy project has been overshadowed by the
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expedient needs of the United States and the NATO countries embroiled in
the Afghan war.
The News wrote: The new cabinet has yet to be sworn in, the
government is not yet formed, yet here was Uncle Sams premier freelance
thug oiling his way through the corridors of soon-to-be-power to make sure
everybody was singing from the same song sheets, ducks were lined up and
the euphemistic world of geopolitics as understood by America could
continue unimpeded by anything as inconsequential as a democratically
elected parliament that clearly has a mind of its own in matters of foreign
policy; a mind that is of a different set to its predecessor.
Are we to believe Mr Negroponte when he says that America is not
trying to dictate anti-terrorism policy to the incoming government? Or give
credibility to his assertion that Washington has no hidden agenda of desire to
interfere in any way with the sovereign rights of Pakistan? We think not, and
if you think we are daft enough to believe you Mr Negroponte then you
are yourself a bigger fool than you took us to be. Uncle Sam is up against
one of those discomforts of democracy that now trouble him across the
world populations vote to power parliaments that do not sing from Sams
song sheet, whose ducks do not line up on his order and who get distinctly
peeved at having their legs pulled.
Ghazi Salahuddin observed: Perhaps the commentators as well as the
talk-show hosts of the news channels were harsh in attributing motives to
this visit by the distinguished American interlocutors who had participated in
writing the script that was given to Musharraf by the Bush Administration.
The war on terror and how the new government would now pursue it should
be their main concern. But pundits also saw this intervention as an
attempt to soften the stance of the new government towards
Musharraf.
At the same time, the great affection that the Bush Administration has
for Musharraf, irrespective of the ignominy he has suffered on his home
ground, is no secret. Some analysts also assume that the visit may have
been inspired by Musharraf in his desperate bid to hold on to his
position, even without the power that he is accustomed of wielding. Or was
this an operation to design a dignified exit that somehow dispels the
impression of a total surrender?
Dr Masooda Bano criticized Bush and Mush for having no shame.
There is a fine line between being persistent in pursuing ones goals and in
becoming such a slave to ones ambitions that one loses all sense of
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respectable behaviour. Gen Musharraf and his American allies seem to

have no shame when it comes to pursuing their aims, irrespective of the
morality or the respectability of the method used. Gen Musharraf
continues to hold on to the presidency even when the public has clearly
rejected him and his party. Meanwhile, senior American officials have
started flying into Islamabad even before the cabinet is formed, to influence
the decisions of the political parties. Do they have no shame?
The absence of the leaders of the main political parties at the oathtaking of Prime Minister Gilani was meant to be an obvious snub to the
president, showing that he has imposed himself on the new parliament,
which does not want him, rather than truly deserving his position. But, once
again, Gen Musharraf feels no shame.
The same applies to the American government, which is the most
influential power in the world but is so distrusted in most developing
countries. Intrigues, conspiracies and constant attempts to snub
democratic forces within many developing countries is what US is best
known for, not just among the Muslim masses but also in most Latin
American and African and African countries. The current visit of
Negroponte andBoucher to Pakistan raises many concerns. Even before
the formation of the new cabinet, these officials have started pressuring the
leaders of the main political parties on the kind of policies that should be
pursued within Pakistan.
Their concerns about the change in government in Pakistan are
understandable, given their investment in General Musharraf in the past
seven years. That for them Pakistan is a critical partner in the war on terror
and needs to be kept on board is clear. However, the US administration
needs to realize that it has to review both the strategies of the war on
terror as well as its mode of engagement with the Pakistani government.
No one proposes confrontation with the US What is critical,
however, is to learn to negotiate with the US, rather than to obey. India
presents a brilliant model for such an engagement. The key to moving
towards engagement rather than obedience is to have a strong parliament,
because a strong parliament means that it will have to be responsive to the
will of the people. Once the Western powers know that they are not dealing
with individual leaders but have to deal with the will of the people, they
themselves realize the need to soften their demands.
Shakir Husain was critical of Saudi indulgence. Nations have fluid
interests which they pursue by all means available to them, and the Saudis
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have a lot of oil and cash. Since the 1980s, Pakistan has been a playing
field for both Saudi Arabia and Iran to extend their interests, and clearly
General Zia picked the Saudis to be his benefactor. As a result, two decades
after General Zia came into power
The Saudis have bankrolled thousands of madrassahs, clerics,
and it can be argued that a consequence of this has been the proliferation
of dozens of armed militant groups, some of which have then gone on to
challenge the writ of the Pakistani state. Yet nobody has questioned why the
government of Pakistan has allowed the Saudi state and private individuals
to do this?
Both Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif have announced that in coming
weeks both of them will be going to meet the Saudi leadership. It is time
that they drew boundaries as to what constitutes as beneficial assistance
and what doesnt. And it is time that the new government which is
representative of the Pakistani people figure out what kind of assistance do
we need and what we dont.
Does Pakistan really need billion dollar submarines and jets? Or does
it need billions of dollars to overhaul the primary education system so it
becomes the preferred place of education as opposed to the madrassa? Does
Pakistan needs tanks from the United States or does it need American
expertise in training counter terrorist troops which are scarce in the country?
The world has changed around us and it is time Pakistan started to think
in the long term as opposed to trying to make it through the year.
The analysts kept commenting on the overall political situation.
Kamila Hyat tried peeping into next five years. There is, of course, no
doubting that the judges must come back; the principle of judicial
independence must be upheld. But to ensure that this goal is met, the
coalition that will be running the government needs to act with wisdom and
work out the precise mechanisms to be used to bring back the judges, as
quickly and smoothly as possible, rather than treating the whole affair as
some kind of race.
This is all the more true as already, even before a prime minister
moves in to the countrys top decision-making slot, there is talk of conflict
and intrigue. Allegations from within the PPP state the presidency is
active in attempting to manipulate events and create a rift within the party.
Such suspicions are easy to believe given the long history of such
intervention in the political process in the past.

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Indeed, unlike some of his predecessors, President Musharraf has

not even made any particular effort to prove his neutrality. He has
attended a gathering in Islamabad intended by the PML-Q and its allies as a
show of what strength they have, and he has lashed out angrily at political
parties. He is displaying the kind of contempt he has regularly directed
towards them over the past five years, while urging them to engage in
governance rather than politicking.
Any effort to subvert the verdict of the people would of course be
extremely unfortunate. Indeed, it would be, to quote Mr Musharraf
himself, catastrophic. The PPP-PML-N-ANP coalition already has a
Herculean pile of problems to tackle. It can only hope that, in one way or the
other, they are able to beat the odds and succeed. The alternatives are almost
too horrendous to even contemplate. Another journey down the familiar road
to dictatorship would spell disaster for a nation currently up against a series
of severe crises.
A great deal too will depend on how elected leaders conduct
themselves, how far they succeed in learning from a past that has seen
democratically elected leaders stray towards megalomania or be drawn to
the glimmering lure of self-interest. Most of the principal players today
calling the shots in Islamabad are haunted by such memories.
Today, there is no room left for error. The new leadership must steer a
route past the pitfalls that lie ahead. It must balance the need for swift
action with the equal need for caution. It must prevent the fissures already
visible within its own ranks from cracking apart the coalition.
Kamal Siddiqi offered some tips for availing the unique opportunity.
The new government will have a unique opportunity to chart the course
of the country in years to come. The overwhelming amount of goodwill that
exists today is genuine, unlike in 1999 when we were told that the silent
majority had approved of the change. This time round, the change has come
from the people. And it is their expectations that have to be addressed. Some
advice needs to be given in the hope that some of this will be considered.
First of all, whoever is given the honour will be the prime minister
of Pakistan, not of any one party, group or institution. The interests of
the country, not of one province or profession would have to be kept in
mind. One should not be protective of any one group of people or jump to
their defence, as and when required, as if an attack on them is an attack on
Pakistan.

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Second, we are all Pakistanis; of many languages, faith, ethnic,

economic and social backgrounds. Do not ignore any one of us. Try to
solve the problems of the people and the provinces regardless of who they
are and what their grievances are. Take all people along with you. Do not try
to sort people out. Sort out their problems.
Third, try not to make anything personal. It is not about us vs
them. Not everyone may be with you, but dont push them to be against you.
Keep personal projections to a minimum. Discourage coming on the media,
particularly the foreign media, at the drop of a hat. Discourage the tendency
to talk only of yourself or project yourself as a saviour of the country. Do not
go on trips abroad on every possible occasion and if you do, take a few
people. Also, try to stay at a reasonably priced hotel. Get those who
accompany you from the media and corporate sector to pay for their
accommodation.
Kamila Hyat urged for building a broader alliance. Given that
citizens no longer trust governments, that they see them as oppressors
rather than allies, it may be wise to use a gesture, a symbolic
demonstration of a true change in governance, to win them over. These
could take the form of soup kitchens, or langars, to feed the impoverished.
No government should stand by inactive in a situation where so many go
hungry every day
In the final analysis, winning the goodwill of people is essential to
the success of any government. There can be no possibility of good
governance without the full involvement of people, and for this there must
be a willingness to hear their concerns, their opinions and their proposals. To
achieve this, a truly national coalition needs to be created, embracing all
people and all groups in the country, so that this time, there can be no
accusations that democracy has once more failed, or that it is an unsuitable
form of government for Pakistan and its people.
Ikram Sehgal commented on democratic games being played. The
MQMs joining of the grand coalition unconditionally is a stunning
coup for Asif Ali Zardari, probably always part of his game-plan. Without
co-opting the MQMs urban majority, a successful PPP government of Sindh
is possible but difficult. Keeping the political representatives representing
the majority in the economic gateway of Pakistan out in the cold would have
been counterproductive, if not outright stupid.
The MQMs entry into the grand coalition despite Mian Nawaz
Sharifs strong reservations is significant. Co-existence with the MQM
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would be a compromise. Do politicians let self-respect stand in the way of

political convenience? Mian Nawaz Sharif should be careful not to be
accused of racism. Have we not learnt any lessons about ethnicity since
1971? The analyst has partial Bihari parentage.
The PML-N presently a regional party confined to Punjab. Mian
Sahib needs Asif Zardari more than Asif Zardari needs him. Mian Sahib
should avoid confrontation putting him in opposition in his own Punjab
stronghold. Can his party afford five more years in the cold?
In preserving the NRO, the blackest of black laws, the president kept
his part of the bargain and withdrew all corruption cases mostly affecting
Asif Zardari. This spells reciprocation and Asif Zardari is not the sort to
renege on any deal. With political pragmatism in mind rather than engaging
in confrontation, it is politically impossible for Zardari to deliver? One can
understand Mian Nawaz Sharifs enthusiasm for getting rid of the
president
One would strongly recommend Pervez Musharraf go out on a
high. I say this as a friend. Taking great liberty with Shakespeares, the evil
that men do is oft forgotten with their exile, only the good remains after
them. Over time the people of Pakistan will remember his successes and
forget his excesses, the people of Pakistan are very good at this.
Musharraf should do so on his own terms while he still has plenty
of residual goodwill left. While it is not easy to let go of the trappings of
power, self respect requires this. He must not allow his family, on
outstanding behaviour throughout his incumbency, to be subjected to his
legacy, to the uniform he has worn with pride, and to the nation.
Tanvir Ahmad Khan wrote: PPP Co-Chairman Asif Zardari has the
right strategic approach in creating a broad-based coalition. The depth of the
national crisis demands it and its aggregate power provides a hedge against
our hitherto unreformed predatory state. So far only the inner core the PPP,
PML-N and ANP can be considered to be reasonably bound by trust
which, in turn, should enable them to adopt a common minimum
programme. Beyond this core lies an uncertain landscape of convenience
and opportunism. Endless expansion may force critical dilution of the
common programme, a process likely to sow doubts and dissensions. In
fact, a Trojan horse or two may open up fault lines in the coalition.
Nauman Asghar wanted that the mandate should not be let down.
Those at the helm now must realize that such opportunities do not come
very often and that is precisely why this one should not be squandered. The
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people have given a massive mandate to the new coalition that will be soon
in charge of running the government and this mandate should not be let
down. It is imperative that personal interests and motivations are cast aside
and the nations interest placed as the primary objective of governance.
Dr Muzaffar Iqbal wrote about the much hyped change. The extent of
change depends on men and women who are so quickly occupying seats
which were occupied with a different set of men and women just recently. If
the caliber of these new occupiers is the same as those who are vacating the
seats, there is a little hope for real change
There is the legacy of eight years of one mans rule, who imposed a
certain kind of enlightenment on the rest of the country. He created certain
new institutions, and/or infused tremendous amounts of money into older
institutions. He chose certain people to run these institutions. These men and
women have promoted a certain kind of economy, culture and education
in this country. Can one expect that the new governments in the centre and
provinces change these thinly disguised ideological directions for Pakistan?
One would like to hope so, but hopes cannot be sustained on
illusions; it is too late in the day for such euphoria. Pakistan faces grave
internal tensions too grave for any false hopes to be entertained. The
past performance of the men and women who have returned to take charge
of the country does not yield any hope either
Politicians, who have been kept away from running state institutions
for eight long years, will also find that the country they had left is no more
there. The General has tremendously changed the ways of running
institutions in Pakistan
In order to regain a certain degree of direction, all important
institutions of the country will need a thorough change of direction a
task that seems beyond the capacity of those whose main occupation during
the last one month has been looking for turncoats. One would like to flow
with euphoria gripping the country, but then, one is reminded of previous
such euphoria and with that remembrance, the hope for change further
shrinks.
Danish Aftab from Islamabad sought accountability instead of
reconciliation. The man who was being accused of gross corruption (graft,
kickbacks, smuggling, murder, etc) has been cleared, and has emerged
looking fresh as a daisy. One must tend to sympathize with the accused for
having suffered so much imprisonment, anguish, and torture at the hands of
the establishment. If these cases were merely politically driven and
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manufactured, the real culprits who invented these false cases need to be
taken to task for so much wasted resources and time pursuing something
that never existed.
In reality and judging by the lifestyle of these personalities, it seems
that corruption by the people at the helm of affairs is a norm, (whether
they are elected by the people, or made their way to the top by sheer use of
brute force), and anyone not indulging in it is an exception. For the past nine
years, after all, notorious bank defaulters, looters of the public exchequer,
land grabbers and scoundrels have had the best of times. Power, position,
lavish VVIP security and status were all bestowed on them.
It is not the deterioration in law and order, the price hike, lack of
water and energy that we rally about; is in fact the erosion of the difference
between right and wrong, truth and dishonesty. If you have power and
wealth you can get away with anything and are immune to punishment or
accountability. This is Musharrafs legacy in a nutshell. Reckless
squander of resources throughout this tenure has left us with an external
debt, a fiscal deficit and an inflation which the new government would find
it hard to tackle.
This bragging commando who had no business meddling in
politics in the first place has a lot to answer for. By holding on to shallow
American support by a whisker he has put the entire nation on a dangerous
path. This nation would never recover unless there is an impartial,
transparent, and honest accountability commission, and all looters, thieves,
defaulters and those who have misused their powers are punished.
The issue of restoration kept taxing the patience of the nation.
Khwaja Ahmad Hosain wrote: The PPP and PML-N have expressed their
desire to restore the deposed judges by a parliamentary resolution within 30
days. The presidents advisers have stated this is not legally possible and that
the judges cannot be restored without a constitutional amendment.
There is a risk, which has been hinted already, that if the parliament
resolves that the judges should return, the existing judiciary may stay
such a resolution before it can take effect. This will put the current de facto
bench and the presidency at loggerheads with the government and the
legislature. Can the political players afford to take the gamble that the army
will support them in such an impasse? It is this uncertainty that the
presidency and establishment will seek to exploit.

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It is for this reason that it is crucial that the maximum possible

support is developed in the parliament in favour of the proposed
resolution for restoration of the judges. If the resolution manages to get the
support of sufficient members of parliament, the president and his supporters
should be able to read the writing on the wall. All institutions of the state and
political players will then see that trying to block the restoration by coming
to the aid of the beleaguered president will be a futile exercise.
The prospect of being the first president in the history of Pakistan to
be subject of an impeachment trial hangs over his head like a Sword of
Damocles. During any impeachment trial, apart perhaps from certain
members of the PML-Q and the MQM, his remaining supporters will
abandon him like rats leaving a sinking ship
Huzaima Bukhari and Dr Ikramul Haq observed: Musharraf has
been making lip service regarding establishing democracy and ensuring
political stability as his top priority, but the fact remains that he is inclined
and determined to wage a war with the newly elected parliament if it
restores the deposed judges. He has said, Im looking forward to work
with the new government for full five years, but never bothered to ascertain
whether the new parliament also possesses the same desire. Can he
unilaterally take such a decision? Should he impose himself on a parliament
whose vote of confidence he can never win? Whenever he has been asked
about peoples demand to step down, he says. Question does not arise?
Musharraf and his allies know that any amendment in the
constitution through a two-thirds majority in the parliament will be a
difficult proposition. The lawyers community is of the view that even if
Musharrafs opponents manage to muster two-third support for any such
amendment, it would amount to endorsing unlawful actions of an individual
and in future any Army Chief could dismiss parliament judiciary.
People of Pakistan are now determined to resist any subversion of
constitution by any Army Chief. The Musharraf era, they have voted, to end
now. In these circumstances, for the restoration of constitutionalism in
Pakistan, people will file and fight a case Judiciary vs President in the
Supreme Court. The will of the people alone can establish a free and
independent judiciary and force Musharraf to step down.
The judiciary must be independent in its real sense, but at the
same time, it ought to admit its own wrongdoings of the past supporting
unconstitutional acts of usurpers of power. This time they should invoke
Article 6 so that in future nobody dares to subvert the supreme law of land.
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Such a decision will go a long way to start a new era of independent and
strong judiciary, rule of law and constitutionalism in Pakistan.
The newly elected parliamentarians should work for the
supremacy of Constitution in the country and all the organs must discharge
their functions within the parameters and powers given by the supreme law
of the land. This is the only way to sustain democracy, and protect the rights
of masses guaranteed in the Constitution.
Dispensation of justice is the main pillar of democracy. The
legislature, in fact, exercises delegated powers given by the mandate of
people within the framework of the Constitution, which should not be
distorted or mutilated by the elected representatives, let alone by any
individual usurping power through unconstitutional means. The judiciary
should be the custodian of the Constitution and must never in future condone
its violation, subversion or mutilation at any cost by anybody, parliament,
executive or the men with guns.
Asif Ezdi commented: Sharifuddin Pirzada is right when he says
that parliament cannot reinstate, dismissed judges through a resolution.
What he should know, even if he does not say it, is that an army chief
cannot dismiss judges at gunpoint because he does not like them (such as
the scum-of-the-earth and third-rate chief justice, to quote a famous
former army chief), and swear in new ones selected by the agencies for their
reliability.
From the constitutional and legal point of view, therefore, judges
fired by Musharraf remain judges, even if they have been detained and
prevented from exercising their functions. They do not have to be
reinstated. All the new government has to do is to cancel the detention
orders and other illegal curbs imposed on them and provide to them
whatever assistance they need or request to return to their posts and resume
their respective work, which was suspended by the declaration of
emergency. For the Supreme Court, the most urgent pending business it will
have to take up is the hearings on the validity of Musharrafs election as
president from the point they were interrupted on Nov 3.
When a state organ or authority illegally prevents or restrains a judge
from performing this duties, as Musharraf has done, parliament can call
upon the government to take all necessary steps to put that judge in a
position to exercise his constitutional and legal powers and functions. That is
what the parliamentary resolution that the Murree Declaration foresees
should be doing. No more. The order passed by the Supreme Court on
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Nov 3, declaring oath-taking under the PCO to be illegal, provides the

juridical basis for the resolution.
A parliamentary resolution is not a legal requirement for the reversal
of the steps taken by Musharraf against the judiciary. But such a resolution
passed by the newly elected National Assembly can send a powerful
political message of the rejection by the nation of Musharrafs assault
on the independence of the judiciary. And the larger the majority in favour of
the resolution, the stronger the message will be.
Besides the restoration of the judges fired by Musharraf, there is also
the question what to do with the judges who took oath under the PCO.
The Constitution provides the answer Their appointment was made
without consultation with the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, as
required under Articles 177 (1) and 193 (1), and was therefore null and
void.
There are disturbing reports that instead of following the
Constitution, the political parties which have agreed to form the next
government are treating the judges issue as a matter of political give and
take. In return for the PPPs support on the restoration of the dismissed
judges, the PML-N has agreed to retain judges who took oath under the
PCO. Zardari told the Bhurban press conference that they would not be
disturbed.
This raises several grave moral and legal issues. At the moral
plane, before anyone is forgiven, he has to admit wrongdoing. If these
judges have made any such admission, the public has a right to know. If they
have not, they should at least be asked to admit their mistake and seek
forgiveness. Secondly, would it not be unfair to treat those who took oath
under PCO at par with those honourable and courageous individuals who
stood up to massive pressure, intimidation and inducements, and chose to
place the call of their conscience above personal gain?
There would also be many serious legal complications if the PCO
judges are retained. First, a parliamentary resolution cannot decide to retain
them, only a constitutional amendment can. Second, to say that they will not
be removed implies that their appointments, and therefore the PCO, were
legal. Third, it would follow that the decisions and judgments given by the
PCO judges were also legal and will stand. One of these judgments, it
should be recalled, declared that the promulgation of the PCO and the
dismissal of judges were legal. Fourth, a court in which the PCO judges sit
together with the dismissed judges will be deeply divided and will not be
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able to function. Fifth, a deal between the political parties to retain the PCO
judges cannot bind the Supreme Judicial Council, which has to proceed
strictly in accordance with the Constitution.
The country is at historic crossroads. One path leads to
democracy and rule of law. The other is the beaten political track. Our
political leaders do not know it, or they do not care. They are playing their
petty political games, as they have always done, instead of rising to the
occasion. But where is the civil society? What is the lawyers movement
doing about it? And what are you doing about it, Aitzaz Ahsan?
Yasser Latif Hamdani opined: Hafiz Pirzada claims that a simple
resolution cannot restore the judges and that a two-thirds majority is
required. Presumably this is based on the premise that Constitutional
Amendment Order of November 21, 2007 was legal amendment and that
Article 270-AAA introduced though it stands valid.
Every presidential action is subject to validation, affirmation and
adoption by the elected representatives of the people. Thus the validation,
affirmation and adoption in one go on the whim of an unelected solitary
individual let alone an illegal and unconstitutional military ruler still in
uniform at that point wielding power through the barrel of a gun is
tantamount to a change in the basic structure of the Constitution of
Pakistan.
The exercise of validation, affirmation and adoption by one unelected
military man is in itself a negation of that fundamental principle of the
Constitution that we call democracy. But is it any wonder that the father
of Pakistani constitution doesnt see it this way. It may be remembered that
as the law minister and chief (ill) legal adviser to the late Zulfikar Ali
Bhutto, he negated the fundamental right of a community to practice its faith
freely today he is out to deny Pakistani people the fundamental right
of representative rule.
Add to this the fact that five of the PCO-led judges occupying the
Supreme Court had as part of the last constitutional Supreme Court
themselves ruled in their judgment of July 20, 2007 that a judge of the
higher judiciary may only be removed through strict compliance with
the provisions of Article 209 of the Constitution
One thing is certain: Musharraf no longer has any option but to resign
with immediate effect. With every passing day, his imminent ouster looks
less dignified than before. If he resigns though, he still has some chance of

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salvaging a bit of legacy and claiming that he left office when his country
was on its way to becoming a full fledge democracy.
Ayaz Amir disapproved the slow motion act of restoration. Of course
the agenda before the nation is daunting. But that is not to say it is
impossible or cant be tackled. You have to be clear about your priorities
and you need a team with the will, and hopefully the ability, to go about
cleaning the stables.
But slow motion action wont do. There isnt the time for that.
There is a school of thought assiduously propagating the virtues of caution.
But how cautious must the new dispensation be? People are expecting quick,
rapid-fire action on a number of issues and if this isnt forthcoming the
honeymoon will be over.
The judges issue has to be tackled as the first item of business
after the new cabinet is sworn in. Thirty days, the period stipulated at
Murree, is too long a period. Unless the deposed judges are reinstated and
the Dogar court eased out, this issue will be a shadow over the incoming
government, paralyzing thought and action.
And no compromise or half-measures will do. What a scene it will
be: Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry reinstated in his position, reinstated as
chief justice not just once, but twice. This will make him the most powerful
chief justice in our history, which is as it should be.
For the sake of honest governance we need a powerful and
independent judiciary. We know how accountable Pakistani governments
can be; this is true of both military and political governments. Everyone who
comes to power behaves like a pasha or an empress. Rulers, of whatever
hue, treat the country like their private estate. And in this milieu
carpetbeggars, buccaneers and adventurers thrive.
To counteract and check this tendency we need an Iftikhar Chaudhry,
and judges cut in his mould. Parliamentarians go hoarse shouting about the
sovereignty of parliament For parliamentary sovereignty to mean
anything, the judiciary must be independent.
When Iftikhar Chaudhry and his colleagues are restored it will be no
favour to them. It will be a favour to democracy because an independent and
powerful Supreme Court will protect parliaments flanks, thereby making
the hitherto empty slogan of parliamentary sovereignty meaningful.
Most politicos find it hard to realize that Iftikhar Chaudhry
touched such a popular chord because he was doing things that prime
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ministers and chief ministers and President Musharraf too because he was
lord and master of all he surveyed were neglectful of good and just
administration, and because Chaudhry was trying to fill that vacuum, the
people routed for him.
During this election campaign even in remote hamlets and far away
villages nothing was more calculated to elicit immediate and spontaneous
applause than the cry that the deposed judges would be restored. You said it
and the audience, even if half-asleep, would come awake and start clapping.
Like it or not, Chaudhry wrote a new chapter in our history and if the
political class also wants to secure a place in popular esteem its leading
lights must emulate his example.
Rahimullah Yusufzai sought fulfillment of the promise of restoration
of judiciary. While trying to assert themselves, the lawmakers belonging to
the PPP-led coalition are now expected to ensure passage of resolutions to
do away with the non-democratic Pemra Ordinance and restore the predemocracy judiciary and reinstate the 60 or so superior court judges
including Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry. That is the promise
the PPP and PML-N leaders made in their landmark Murree Declaration and
its fulfillment would set the stage for further empowering the
parliament and strengthening democracy.
The return of these judges would amount to beginning of the end for
President General Pervez Musharraf. That explains the determined
efforts being made by his legal team to prevent reinstatement of the
deposed judges. The serving judges too have a stake in these developments
as reinstatement of Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry and his colleagues would
raise questions about the status of the existing members of the superior
judiciary
Interesting times are ahead as the tussle between the democratic
forces that won the recent elections and President Musharrafs demoralized
allies enter the decisive stage. Chances are that Pakistan is now poised to
become a more democratic country after more than eight years of absolute
rule by General Musharraf.
Ayesha T Haq observed: Islamabad appears to have become the
home of national consensus. Political parties, including those who have
opposing agendas on many issues, have come together to take Pakistan
forward. Some have been vocal about their opposition to the restoration of
the judiciary yet they are willing to be part of a government that has pledged
restoration.
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This is good sign and the sooner the Murree Declaration is

implemented the better; for one it will put an end to any attempts by those
who seek to subvert the commitment stated in the Murree Declaration as
each day gives them time to devise new strategy and ways to prevent or
delay the restoration. Only once this has been taken care of will we be able
to get on with the business of governance. And there is much to get on with.
The legacy of the previous government hangs over the new incumbents like
a dark cloud ready to rain on their parade. They need to take this
unprecedented consensus and do what the people of Pakistan voted them to
do.
Fasi Zaka opined: The scenarios that emerge are simple. When the
judges are restored, they will eventually find the emergency declaration of
Musharraf illegal or at the very least could rule that his election as president
was. If criminal proceedings against Musharraf are undertaken, its quite
likely that it will be the one thing that provokes the army into strong-arming
the new government. At the same time, the US will bear down on the future
of the one man they still trust to do their bidding in the region. From the
armys perspective, if their security and development is hinged on keeping
Musharraf in the presidency in order to receive US assistance, they may
remain apolitical but choose to act on strategic imperatives. Considering
that Nawaz Sharif isnt playing the game of assuaging US fears, it may well
push the US to preserve whatever is left of an emasculated Musharraf.
If the judges are restored, among those to be hurt most will be the
PPP itself and the MQM. The NRO may go, and with it the immunity that
has allowed people to cleanse themselves to bath in the gushing well of a
returned democracy without shame.
The lawyers movement has finally begun to calm down as of late,
and thats a good omen because it seemed as if they were overplaying their
cards by not giving breathing space to the politicians to take the baton
further. If the judges are not to be restored and there is a fury of verdicts, it is
likely to create political ripples that could take tidal proportions once they
affect the political balance.
Morally, it is probably the worst thing to somehow suggest that if
restored, the judges need to adhere to some restraint. But given the
complexities of what happened after the restoration of the chief justice last
year, when he continued with applying the law indiscriminately, it forced the
land of an extremely beleaguered Musharraf. Its not the job of the Justices

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to pay heed to political expediencies, but the current situation over the past
year has necessitated it.
The other thing of course would be if the parliament restores the
judges and sanctions Musharraf with a clean bill of health through the
two-thirds majority. In that case the PML-N would essentially have to
separate from the coalition, the PML-Q and the MQM will become part of
the PPP government which would make Musharraf once again the de facto
government driver.
The real way out of this, without both upheaval and a messy
political situation is if Musharraf does the right thing and resign, the
political climate has changed, and some things may be inevitable. Most
people have mixed feelings about Musharraf, because they have seen the
good he has done, but cannot with a clear conscience pardon all that he has
done wrong. By bowing out, he gives the new government breathing space,
allows for the restoration of a judiciary people have confidence in without
paralyzing the government, and on a personal note, will do a lot to help him
in the history books
Babar Sattar looked at the sordid middle ground or compromises to
avoid confrontation. The hope of many that General Musharraf might
step down voluntarily, heeding appeals to his honour and dignity, could be
rooted in misunderstanding of the man or a belief in miracles. However,
speculation over what the General might elect to do is less important than
what the parliament should do: impeach the General and hold him
accountable for subverting the Constitution.
Our transitionists and other pro-establishment prophets of doom are
once again warning the parliament and popularly elected political parties
against a locking of horns with the Presidency that could instigate another
national crisis. Accommodation is better than confrontation, we are told.
And why remove the General if he can be cocooned in the Presidency and
made irrelevant for all practical purposes? Unfortunately, this talk of safe
passages and middle grounds is a product of the vile thought process that has
undermined rule of law in this country and adulterated the Constitution by
fabricating an internally compromised brand of legalism that fails to draw
any sensible distinction between law and expediency.
The argument being made here is not that compromises are
necessarily evil. Politics of consultation and consensus-building requires that
policies be chartered out to reflect political compromises. But if the polity
grows comfortable with compromised principles, its rule of law loses
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integrity. There can be no external compromises over the system of law to

be enforced Once a law that is a product of such compromise is
adopted, it must be implemented in letter and spirit.
If we wish to make law supreme in this land, we must be legal
purists by definition. This is the foremost message delivered by Pakistans
Black Coat Revolution. This revolution, which has ushered in a new era of
hope and faith due to the nations valiant yet peaceful struggle for rule of
law and restoration of independent judiciary, was triggered by a simple
fact(of) unconstitutional acts that had to be resisted and undone.
Coming back to the General, he should be removed not because he
is arrogant, reckless or otherwise incompetent, but because he has
subverted the Constitution and broken the fundamental law of this land.
There is a marked distinction between the term of the prime minister and the
president that needs to be highlighted. The prime minister serves so long as
he or she enjoys majority support in the lower house, and can be replaced
whenever a majority in the National Assembly wishes to elect a different
person as prime minister for whatever reason. The president, on the contrary,
cannot be changed simply because enough people in the parliament do not
like him anymore.
The parliament is the only institution competent to try the
president on a charge of violating the Constitution. When the
Constitution was subverted on Nov 3, the Supreme Court was hearing
petitions questioning the Generals qualification to contest the presidential
election. The court was, however, unconstitutionally disbanded before it
could rule on the legitimacy of the Generals candidature.
The legal imperative of remedying the wrong inflicted by the General
upon the nation apart, this is an opportunity to readjust the balance of
power between the representative and non-representative elements of
the state. By impeaching a usurper in exercise of its constitutional authority,
the parliament will strengthen itself, democracy and rule of law in the
country.
Ayesha Ijaz Khan paid tribute to lawyers movement. The lawyers
have lived up to the Quaids ideals of unity, faith and discipline. They
have given hope to the middle classes in Pakistan. They have given purpose
to our youth. They have brought to light the possibility of a new caliber of
professional leadership. They have been a beacon of guidance for the
political parties and exemplified the benefits of internal democracy. They
have channeled revolutionary ideals of a redistribution of power between the
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haves and have-nots into a broad-based movement that has cleverly engaged
a large section of the elite population to join in its struggle. But above all, by
virtue of their back-breaking efforts, they are defeating a culture of moral
ambivalence which had become virtually endemic in Pakistans recent past.
The new heroes were those who did right. Suddenly, cultivating
connections and hobnobbing with the elites became un-cool. Joining the
Peoples Resistance or the Campaign against Martial Law and far more
appeal for young people. Fostering new friendships based on ideology as
opposed to social status was the new order of the day.
The biggest contribution of the lawyers is therefore perhaps not their
professional sacrifice, emerging political presence or even the pivotal role
they have played as a pressure group. Instead, their most impressive
achievement is the cultural transformation that they have promoted,
and that is bubbling beneath the surface of Pakistan today. The forces of
righteousness are gaining ground and the culture of moral ambivalence is
becoming outdated. The lawyers indeed have taught us Pakistan First and
all other personal affiliations or considerations a very distant second.
The release of judges was widely welcomed. The News wrote: It is
not clear what the response to the release of the judges has been within the
presidency. No images are available as to the response of President Pervez
Musharraf as Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry greeted his many
supporters and thanked the nation for supporting him. But, it appears that
even now the president is unwilling to heed the Ides of March, and
devise a strategy that would permit him a graceful exit from the
presidency. The dramatic end to the nearly five months, illegal detention of
the judges should have been regarded by Musharraf as one more omen that
the winds had changed and could indeed be turning into a tempest directed
against him.
So far, it seems, good sense and maturity is holding sway. The
deposed chief justice has acted with considerable wisdom and not made
any impetuous move. But at one point or the other, this patience could run
out. The only just conclusion of the current chain of events is the restoration
of the deposed judges. This means the possibility of confrontation still lies
ahead, if the presidency refuses to sway and instead insists on standing firm
and unyielding
There can now be no turning back from this reality. Nothing less
than a judiciary that is completely unfettered will be acceptable to
people. The swarms of joyous people who turned out in such huge numbers
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at the residence of the deposed chief justice and the unusual scenes that
broke out there as the flag was raised over the house, go to underscore this
fact. It is a part of the new order in Pakistan
While the nation remained pre-occupied with deposed judges issue,
the PCO judges used the magic detergent of NRO to produce a Mr Clean out
of Mr 10 percent. M Riaz Khattak from Peshawar said: It is irony that the
person who was known in the past as Mr 10 percent has now become a
Mr Clean after an accountability court quashed last week the remaining
corruption cases against him. Nothing can be more disturbing. I have lost
faith in the country and its judicial system They squander public money
and then become innocent after the promulgation of a reconciliation
ordinance.
Muhammad Ahmad Noorani compiled a report revealing the
conspiracy to show the deposed CJP as pro-terrorists . One can read
through it feeling ashamed of ones rulers that how mean they had been once
blinded by the lust for power.
The Bush Administration and the world was deliberately and
systematically presented a mutilated and distorted image of the deposed
Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry, according to well planned
strategy of the Presidency so that Washington may not raise serious
objections when the Nov 3 coup against the judges was carried out.
The main objective of this strategy was to convince the US that
Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry was soft on terrorists and could create serious
problems by asking for the production and release of all missing persons,
most of whom were handed over by Pakistan to US.
Top government officials holding key positions in the previous
government have revealed in separate interviews that the Presidency had
reached the conclusion that it had no option but to take extra constitutional
steps to remove the apex court judges, which was impossible without taking
the US into confidence.
According to the officials, the government had decided to take
advantage of the missing persons case which was being heard by the apex
court then. A key plank of the strategy was to produce some of the missing
persons but not provide any evidence to the court so that the judges had no
legal ground to keep them under detention. The court was being forced to
release these missing persons which would then be presented as a proof of
Justice Chaudhrys sympathy for terrorists, one official said.

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The chief justice and some lawyers had smelled a rat. The chief
justice thought it may be good idea to accept a request for a meeting pending
with him from the US Ambassador Anne Patterson and explain the situation.
But he used the official procedure and asked the Pakistan Foreign Office to
give clearance for the meeting as is required under the rules.
But according to the government strategy, this meeting could be
damaging, so the Foreign Office did not give permission to the CJ to see the
US Ambassador. Accordingly, the CJ declined the meeting with Ambassador
Patterson. But the denial was presented by the Pakistani officials as part of
Justice Chaudhrys anti-American tilt
Deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry on knowing the
US embassy concerns had informed two lawyers in contact with him about
the actual situation. Justice Iftikhar told them that it was not he, but the
Foreign Office, which had instructed him not to meet the US ambassador.
A senior government official said that when the Supreme Court
started hearing of missing persons case after restoration of the chief justice
on July 20 last, the attorney general and other government officials
repeatedly promised the court to provide credible evidence about the alleged
involvement of these traced missing persons, but never did so.
According to reports, in the post July 20 scenario, cases of only three
traced missing persons were decided and subsequently they were released, in
the petitions filed by the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan and former
senator and PPPs spokesman Farhatullah Babar. These were Naeem Noor
Khan, Aleem Nisar and Hafiz Abul Basit.
According to these reports, Naeem Noor Khan, a computer expert
and resident of Karachi, was released by the agencies holding him on the
grounds that he cooperated with them, and because of his help the agencies
managed to arrest Musaad Aruchi, who was alleged to be a senior member
of the al-Qaeda leadership.
With the information provided by Naeem and his help the UK police
arrested a terror gang of 13 people. The Supreme Court was informed on
August 20 last that Naeem Noor Khan was released and had reached his
home. The court was never provided with the details of the crimes in which
Naeem was involved, otherwise no judge could order release of a person
even allegedly involved in such heinous crimes, a member of the bench
hearing the case told a senior lawyer.

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The most important case was that of Hafiz Abul Basit, who was
allegedly involved in a terrorist attack on General Musharraf, according to
the official. Basit was arrested from Faisalabad by police and subsequently
handed over to the Military Intelligenceon the instructions of the then
Additional Inspector General of Police Tariq Pervez, as court was informed
by the police officials themselves.
The attorney general was quoted by the newspapers of Pakistan on
August 21 and 22, telling the apex court that proof of his involvement in
heinous crime will be provided to the court. This was never done. When
Attorney General Malik Qayyum was approached by this scribe last week
and asked why the Supreme Court was never provided with authentic proof
of involvement of Basit, Aleem and others, his response was: This is an old
case, and I dont remember anything about it.
Another important case heard along with these three persons was that
of Imran Munir, a Malaysian Pakistani. According to one official this case
seriously damaged the credibility of the whole process of detaining civilians
by secret agencies on terrorism charges.
Imran was in love with the niece of Brigadier Mansoor of ISI. He was
invited to dinner by Brigadier Mansoor and went missing from that day,
Imran Munirs attorney, Mujeeb Pirzada, told the Supreme Court on Aug 20,
2007, after Imran was traced in Mangla Cantt.
Imrans sister provided evidence that her brother loved the niece of
Brigadier Mansoor of ISI. This, she did outside the Supreme Court building
the same day. This was the first incident which told the world that some of
the missing persons in the custody of intelligence agencies of Pakistan were
not just terrorists but also lovers. It was the worst case which demolished the
credibility of intelligence agencies, the former Supreme Court official said.
He added: The most interesting point was that government officials
never came up with any allegation of involvement of Imran in any terrorist
activity but shockingly, he was sentenced to eight years imprisonment by a
military court on spying charges. Loving a niece was equal to spying for a
military court, it proved. And, taking up such cases by Supreme Court for
hearing was equal to abetting terrorism.
This conviction has been set aside, and his retrial was ordered by
another military court, the AC official said. But this higher military court did
not order Imrans release because of the serious nature of allegations leveled
against him. According to the former senior official of the SC, the SC bench
hearing these cases comprised deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad
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Chaudhry, Justice Faqir Muhammad Khokhar, Justice M Javed Buttar,

Justice Nasirul Mulk and Justice Raja Fayyaz Ahmed.
The bench was of the view that all the missing persons should be
produced before the court and should be prosecuted and kept in jail in
accordance with the Constitution, the official said, adding: The bench never
made any observation indicating that it wanted the release of those persons
involved in terrorist activities.
The official also repeated that the allegations regarding supporting
terrorism leveled by General Pervez Musharraf at the time of imposition of
emergency on Nov 3 against the apex judiciary was about the Lal Masjid
case. The official said that it was worth mentioning that Justice Faqir
Muhammad Khokhar and Justice Muhammad Nawaz Abbasi, who first took
suo moto action and then heard the case, were both invited for taking oath
under PCO on Nov 3 last.
Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry himself had told The News on Nov 4 last
that if any alleged terrorist was released by the Supreme Court, it was not
the judges fault but the government never provided any evidence justifying
the arrest. He had then said: I have never been lenient towards the terrorists,
but it was not possible for the judges of the Supreme Court to start punishing
people without any evidence against them.
He had also revealed that out of his serious concern over terrorism,
he set up a committee under him that included judges from each provincial
high court to expedite terrorism cases. Every month, he had said, the said
committee used to meet and review the cases of terrorism to ensure that
there were no delays.
The official said that all the drama of presenting some innocent
people as alleged terrorists and criminals was the part of a conspiracy
against the countrys judiciary just to deceive the outside world that our
judges were supporting terrorism and were hard liners.

REVIEW
The slow pace of the transition to democracy since holding of the
polls on February 18 clearly indicated that Musharraf and his cronies were
still endeavouring to have some sort of controlled democracy in Pakistan.

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But, the delay in summoning of the sessions of national and provincial

assemblies was part of the retrograde battles by the retreating commando.
His US backers had also joined the political battle to help him regain
some of the lost ground or at least not to lose more to the democratic forces.
To achieve that they must have reminded Zardari about the rules of the game
agreed upon with his deceased wife. He must have assured that the
democratic forces wont launch an all-out offensive against the depleted
fortress of the dictator. This is how the Yankees promote democracy in
Islamic World.
In the context of Pakistan the interests of the Crusaders extend beyond
the federal capital of Pakistan. Meetings of the visitors from the US with
MQM leaders in Karachi, the governor and the city nazim, should serve as a
pointer towards the US designs. How could a meeting with a city nazim fit
in with Americas war on terror? The hidden agenda of Musharrafs friends
seemed quite sinister.
The visit to Karachi carried a very clear message to the powers-to-be
in Islamabad: if people in Islamabad wont listen to them, there are people in
Karachi, London, Peshawar and elsewhere in NWFP who were prepared to
listen and act, perhaps, on much cheaper rates. In other words, it amounted
to telling that We can hit you at the head and pull you from the feet; thus,
rendering the federation of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan diluted in no
time.
Under the garb of reconciliation Zardari seemed to be heading for
formation of a broad-based government, or in other words a national
government sans PML-Q. It suits well the US and Musharraf, because it
makes easier to produce a Karzai or a Maliki. The national government
carved out of divergent groups, lends itself open to exploitation by the
outside forces.
31st March 2007

CHANGE DEBATED
The mandate given by the people of Pakistan to their political leaders
clearly indicated that they wanted change in almost every sphere of their

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national activity; especially in the policy related to war on terror. Their

expectations further increased when elected political leaders also picked up
the courage to talk about the need for change.
The militants too slowed down their activities and preferred to wait to
see the strategy of the new government in the context of Americas war on
terror. It seemed that they had decided to retaliate only in case the
democratic government also decides to rely solely on indiscriminate use of
force. The change, if any, could only be expected once the new government
felt itself securely at the helm of affairs.
Composite dialogue spread over years and the resultant confidence
building measures did not bring any change Indian attitude towards
Pakistan. Even Ansar Burneys initiative to release a convicted Indian spy
could only earn dead body of Pakistani prisoner. The Foreign Office of
Pakistan after having been stunned by the Indian reciprocation at last asked
India to probe the killing of Khalid.

WESTERN FRONT
Two people were injured when troops targeted a militants house in
Swat on 10th March. Next day, suicide bombers narrowly missed an FIA
interrogation centre in Model Town Lahore and thoroughly devastated FIA
office on Mall Road; at least 30 people were killed and more than 200
wounded. Lahorites protested angrily and demanded resignation of the
government. The regimes spokesman, Cheema, announced no change in antterror policy. Qazi urged the mainstream parties to ask Musharraf to resign
because country has slipped into the grip of terrorist attacks due to his
flawed policies.
In Bajaur, FC soldier was wounded in roadside bombing and in
retaliation security forces shelled a village and killed 11 people, including
two women. Gunship helicopters pounded militants hideout and claimed
killing three militants.
Four Pakistanis were killed in cross-border shelling by coalition
forces on 12th March. Four people were killed in a blast in Swat. Police
arrested a dozen people but made no progress in probe into Lahore blast.
Next day, security forces pounded militants hideouts and also arrested six
suspects in Swat. Police held hundreds of people across Punjab without
making any progress in Lahore bombings.

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Pakistan dared asking the US about shelling of Pakistani area and

killing of innocent women and children. The US reminded that such
incidents have been happening in the past and digested; why the hue and
cry this time? So, the interior minister, a retired General said Pakistans role
in war on terror would continue.
For the pleasure of the spokesman of Pakistans Foreign Office four
more rockets were fired by the US into Waziristan on 14 th March. A US spy
was killed in SWA. One child was killed in a blast in Swat and security
forces arrested dozens of suspects. Six policemen were injured in a blast in
Kohat. Crackdown in Punjab continued and hundreds more were detained.
Terrorists attacked an Italian restaurant in Islamabad on 15 th March;
one Turkish woman was killed and those injured were mostly foreigners.
Three persons were killed in a clash between militants and peace jirga in
North Waziristan. Four rockets were fired at Bannu. Two check points were
blown up in Darra Adamkhel. Two officials were held in Swat for links with
militants.
The missiles fired by the US troops on 16 th March on the house of a
tribal elder in Pir Bagh area of South Waziristan killed 20 and wounded five
others; most of the killed were Arabs. DG ISPR told the media that he had
the news of firing of missiles but did not know about the casualties. One
policeman was killed and eight hurt in IED blast in Mardan. A woman was
killed in a blast in Swat. Taliban of Bajaur agreed to for talks in response to
offer made by the chief minister-nominated. More than one hundred
suspects were held over Islamabad blast.
A teenage suicide bomber attacked police lines in Mingora on 17 th
March; two officers were killed and seven were wounded. Two suspected
militants were held separately. Four check points and a women centre were
damaged due to blasts in Bajaur Agency.
Three persons were wounded in an explosion in Kurram Agency on
18 March. A rocket was fired at Kohat garrison. Police rounded up 73
suspects in Swat. Next day, Shireen M Mazari reported that Maj Gen Jay W
Hood was posted as the Chief of Office of the Defence Representative,
Pakistan. Hood had been commanding Guantanamo Bay and his tenure was
marred by a series of scandals and growing controversies relating to policies
on detention and interrogation, which made him well-qualified for the new
assignment.
th

On 20th March, five soldiers were killed and nine wounded in suicide
attack on a military convoy in South Waziristan. Four people were killed in a
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missile attack from across the border near Angoor Adda. Five suspects were
arrested in Swat.
Six persons were killed and three injured on 22 nd March in firing
during jirga in Kohat. Twenty suspects were arrested in Swat. A security
check post was attacked in Bajaur. Hangu remained under curfew over
sectarian tension during Eid Milad and Nauroz. Tribesmen of Waziristan
remained under perpetual harassment because of continuous flying of
Predator planes and frequent incidents of missile attacks in the recent past.
Nawaz and Zardari wanted change in strategy in war on terror.
On 23rd March, the death toll in firing during a jirga in Kohat rose to
fifteen. Rashid Qureshi, the Ghalatbiani of the presidency, denied the US
print media report that Musharraf had allowed the US to launch strikes
inside Pakistan. Next day, three suspected militants were arrested in Swat.
Rockets were fired at Ghalanai, headquarters of Mohmand Agency. The US
Army team met Pakistani officials in Torkham.
A wanted militant was arrested in Swat on 25th March. One person
was killed in a blast in Bajaur and a levies post was attacked. A check post
was blown up in Darra. One soldier was killed and eight wounded in a road
accident near Tank.
Amid the process of formation of new government, Negroponte and
Boucher continued pressing Pakistani leaders over the US war on terror.
Nawaz told the visitors that Parliament, not Musharraf, would decide antiterror policy; the country cannot be turned into murder house for the US
peace.
On 26th March, Pak-Afghan Dosti Bus was hijacked by tribesmen in
Landikotal carrying 35 passengers. The hijackers demanded the release of
their men who were arrested by the Afghan authorities after blowing up of
40 tankers. The tribesmen claimed that arrested men were acting as guards
of the convoy and were innocent. A bridge was blown up in Swat. Former
owner of vehicle used in suicide attack on FIA Headquarters died in Police
custody. The militant accused of a plot by Benazir Bhutto was freed on bail.
Gilani gave US his word on Pakistans fight against terror and
Negroponte assured new government of full support. Bush waved the law to
give $300 million to Pakistan to fight terrorism. Boucher visited Landikotal
along with Rashid Qureshi where the tribesmen told the visitor from the US
that only dialogue could end militancy.

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Six persons were killed when gunmen ambushed an ambulance near

Parachinar on 27th March. Militants and Levies exchanged fire in Bajaur. A
rally in Pabbi demanded repatriation of Afghan refugees. Two terror suspects
were arrested in Lahore. The visiting duo of US officials called on governor
and corps commander in Peshawar. The Washington Post reported that the
United States stepped up air strikes in Pakistani tribal areas fearing that
Islamabad could review its policy on war on terror.
On 28th March, five suspects were arrested in Swat. Boucher met
Zardari, Asfandyar, Shujaat, Sattar and Fazl and assured them that the US
would respect the decisions of Pakistans Parliament. Next day, First PakAfghan centre opened at Torkham to share intelligence.
A missile fired from across the border destroyed the office of a proTaliban leader in Wana area on 30th March. Militants hideout was shelled
by the security forces. Girls school was blown up in Darra. More dead
bodies were retrieved after ceasefire in tribal clash near Kohat. CIA director,
Michael Hayden said al-Qaeda has established safe haven in Pak-Afghan
border area which is a direct threat to the US and thus it has interest in
targeting that region.
Security forces killed a suspected militant in Tank on 31 st March.
Three policemen and a civilian were wounded in bomb blast in Dheri area of
Swat. Whereabouts of missing envoy remained mystery. Next day, two
people were killed and ten wounded in two incidents of violence in Swat.
On 2nd April, tribesmen seized 50 trucks to foil smuggling of flour.
Bridge near Darra area was blown up. The new foreign minister was quick
to learn the mantra of Pakistan wont allow any intrusion. Next day,
Baitullah aide, Matiur Rehman, was gunned down in Ladha area. A school
and a khasadar post were blown up in Darra. A shop was destroyed in a blast
in Khar area. NATO sought deeper ties with Pakistan.
Four CD shops were blown up near Peshawar on 4th April. Seven
suspects were arrested in Swat. Four Turkish al-Qaeda suspects were
arrested in Quetta. Next day, three people were killed and 18 wounded in an
attack on a convoy escorted by security forces in Kurram Agency. Police
claimed arresting eight suicide bombers.
On 6th April, ten people were arrested for attacking convoy in Kurram
Agency. Next day, US authorities claimed al-Masri was dead and alleged
that al-Qaeda operatives operated from Pak-Afghan tribal areas. Seven
people were killed and 40 hurt in clashes in Kurram Agency. Pakistan
remained steadfast to combat extremism, assured Prime Minister.
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On 8th April, Musharraf said talks were part of strategy to fight

terrorism. The UK government was reportedly negotiating with the PPP-led
government to give 480m pounds for a three-year development plan in tribal
areas, as part of the war on terror.
The US demand list continued to be criticized. Mirza M Arif Baig
from Lahore wrote: Everyone is astonished at the new demand list of the
US. This is not only offensive but also provocative. This is tantamount to
humiliating the whole Pakistani nation and the state institutions.
If someone thinks that the Musharraf regime is going to deliver a
strong message to the US in this connection, they must be living in a fools
paradise. This is the high time the president allowed the elected
representatives to take charge of foreign policy, because they represent
the masses and know peoples wishes.
Shireen M Mazari was critical of cross border attacks by the USled forces in occupation of Afghanistan. Beyond the reciprocity principle,
the US is deliberately undermining our policy of attempting to adopt a more
holistic approach towards dealing with the terrorism issue by increasingly
conducting predator and missile attacks on Pakistani territory- without even
notifying Pakistan let alone seeking its permission. Yet, without a holistic
approach which should include dialogue with the extremists who are
prepared to talk, the isolation of the terrorists cannot even begin to be
achieved and that after all is the desired strategy of a war against
terrorism.
In fact, there are some interesting facts that have come to light in
the case of the attacks against the FIA in Lahore and the targeting of a
restaurant in Islamabad and these facts highlight the US linkage that is
exacerbating violence in Pakistan. The terrorist attack in Model Town F
Block was intended to target a building which had been habited by the
Punjab Special Investigation Unit (SIU). A terrorist mastermind, Qari Zafar,
who had been behind the attack on the US Consulate in Karachi was being
interrogated in that building but managed to escape. He had vowed to get
back at his interrogators It is believed that the FBI had sent a special antiterror unit to Lahore at around the time of terrorist attacks against the two
FIA targets.
The attack on the restaurant in Islamabad seems to have been more in
the form of a targeted killing of FBI personnel since one injured eyewitness
has stated that he saw something being lobbed across the wall. Look at the
data available: the attack was not on the main building but on the terrace
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behind. The timing was precisely when the FBI personnel were eating there
and the destructive capacity was just enough to target these people. The
method and weapon used is not the usual al-Qaeda hallmark, so one has to
wonder whether the excessive number of US intelligence and military
personnel in Pakistan are going to offer another form of targets for terrorists
and in the process result in innocent Pakistani deaths as is happening in the
trial belt at the hands of predator attacks. Any way one looks at it, Pakistani
lives are being lost in callous collateral damage. Let us hope the new
government in Pakistan will do a thorough examination of the war on
terror so far
The News talked of the unwelcome visitors. While Washington
says the purpose is to observe the smooth transfer of power, it would be
fair to say the US officials came to hear first hand what the political leaders
are thinking about the key subjects of US interest
Asif Ali Zardari, Mian Nawaz Sharif and Asfandyar Wali Khan, told
them the same thing. What President Pervez Musharraf may have said would
be of greater academic interest but in the present situation he cannot differ a
lot from the mainstream public opinion. It is also not yet known if these
frank discussions will bring any key change in the US stance on Pakistan.
Attempting to tie the albatross of President Musharraf to their
necks would be an act of both unkindness and stupidity. The best hope at
this point is to grant Pakistans leadership the freedom it needs to put in
place steps that could help solve some of the acute problems the nation faces
today.
What Washington still does not seem to have grasped is that
almost everyone in Pakistan, including its political leaders, is at least as keen
as they are to see an end to terror. It is, after all, Pakistani men, women and
children who die when bombs explode; it is their blood that stains roadsides;
their screams that fill hospital emergency rooms. The US-directed policies of
the past seven years have led only to an expansion in militancy, to more
violence and to more hatred. It is indeed a mystery why, in the face of these
facts, Washington considers Musharraf to have been a success in battling
terror.
Its new leaders must be allowed to devise their own strategies
without attempts at long-distance dictation or remote-controlled operations.
Such dictation has brought disaster in the past and is likely to do so in
future as well. The people of Pakistan and their elected representatives must
now be left alone to chalk out a brighter future for everyone in the country.
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Lahore bombings were widely commented upon. Nasim Zehra

wrote: In 2007 almost 1,000 Pakistani lives were lost and in the first three
months of 2008 already 350-plus have died. What can we then state without
doubt about the unquestionably fast growing curse of terrorism? One, that it
hits all alike, the entire nation in many geographical zones, those of the VIP
ilk as well the average citizens. Two, the targets of the bombers are not from
a particular organization, faith, ideology or gender. Three, over the last five
years, when the army began its operation in the tribal areas, the incidence of
terrorist violence has considerably gone up. Four, there is no evidence that
President Pervez Musharrafs policy of tackling terrorism has produced
positive results in these five years, despite his claim that the government was
able to get the masterminds behind these bombings.
Pakistanis are today a nation exhausted by: one, the Musharraf
regimes mantra that it is winning the war on terrorism; two, by the
governments and analysts dubious assertion that we are the frontline state
in the war on terrorism; three, by the presidents assertion that Pakistans
extremists have to be defeated and that the moderates supported; four, by
Washingtons insistence that Pakistan needs to do more; five, by the
international communitys concern that the Pakistani politicians may
undermine the Wests war on terrorism. Of course, beyond these words is the
utter pain, horror and terror that the continued bombings inflict of the people
of Pakistan.
With the unending suicide bombings the inevitable lingering
question is who does this? Are these sheer criminals or war-hardened men?
Maybereactionaries, maybe brainwashed men, maybe external detractors,
maybe men within the state with their own agendas? Are these politically,
ideologically, psychologically driven men? Are these men taking revenge?
Are they sending us some message? Do they just want to terrorize Pakistani
state and society? Do they want to send signals to Pakistani politicians?
There are no clear-cut answers to the question of which groups
are behind all this havoc wreaked on Pakistanis. Only, increasingly, people
from all political and ideological divides are grappling with the elements of
our political-security context in which terrorism within Pakistan has been on
the rise.
The elements are clear. One, we took a U-turn on the Afghanistan
policy, one that was taken without taking the people along. Two, the US
went in and created havoc next door, killing innocent Afghans along with
suspected terrorists. Three, we joined the US war on terror without the
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strategy of where we will set the limits, how we would protect Pakistani
lives, dignity and rights. Four, instead of getting out of the firing line of the
US we actually brought fire into our own home by allowing the US access to
bases and to our airspace. Five, the increasing perception in Pakistan that
this is not our War. Six, the killing of innocent Pakistanis in the tribal areas
as collateral during the armys operation. Seven, the growing alienation
between the army and the Pakistani people.
Pakistans greatest challenge now is a politician-led national
consensus on how to battle this endless bloodletting that Pakistanis are
facing. It requires going back to the drawing board asking what and why of
the causes of this growing nightmare. The right answer to the how of
responding to the challenge will come only when we get the why right and
have a national consensus on the why.
Rahimullah Yusufzai opined: There could be more bomb explosions,
events would overtake all of us and only those who lost their near and dear
ones would remember these tragic happenings. That has been the story of
our collective suffering since Pakistans military ruleraligned with the
US in its 9/11-inspired war on terror and placed the countrys air-bases,
land and sea routes and intelligence resources at Americas disposal to attack
and occupy Afghanistan while pursuing al-Qaeda and its Taliban allies.
The problem became acute when the Pakistan Army deployed up to
90,000 troops in FATA on the border with Afghanistan, ostensibly to fight
foreign militants linked to Osama bin Ladens al-Qaeda. In due course of
time, it became a fight between Pakistani soldiers and Pakistani Taliban,
who in most cases were tribesmen drawn into battle when their villages were
bombed by gunship helicopters or artillery guns and their movements
restricted by roadside checkpoints manned by the troops.
The complexity of the conflict now raging in Pakistan could be
judged from the fact that most Pakistanis refuse to believe that military
operations in the tribal areas or elsewhere in the country are in our
interest. They consider it as a war being fought on Pakistans soil at the
behest of the US to protect and promote American interest. Our soldiers
fighting this difficult was know this and some even share this sentiment.
Caretaker Interior Minister, Lt Gen (Retd) Hamid Nawaz, known for
making statements and then denying or clarifying them, even went to the
extent of blaming the US, along with Indian and Afghan governments, for
the acts of terrorism in Pakistan. Though a number of government officials
privately suspect a US hand in some of the bombings, this was the first
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time that a minister, that too a retired army general and confident of
President General (Retd) Musharraf, made such a public accusation. Not
unexpectedly, the US government reacted immediately and rejected the
allegation. But the damage was done and now many Pakistanis would quote
the caretaker interior ministers statement to justify their claim that the US
was behind this conspiracy to destabilize Pakistan and keep its army
permanently engaged in the America-led war on terror.
As in the past, government officials immediately raised suspicion
about al-Qaedas involvement in the twin Lahore suicide bombings The
US government and the Musharraf regime have been quick to blame alQaeda for almost every such bombing. Their assertions make one believe
that the Osama bin Laden-led organization is still capable of mounting
terrorist attacks all over the world despite claims frequently made by both
Washington and Islamabad that they have broken the back of al-Qaeda and
that its leaders are now on the run.
Certain other government functionaries blamed Sipah-e-Sahaba and
Jaish-e-Mohammad, two banned jihadi groups. Not surprisingly, most of
those nabbed in a crackdown after the two suicide bombings on March 11
and the one earlier at the Naval College, Lahore, had links with Sipah-eSahaba, Jaish-e-Mohammad and other jihadi outfits. As one is aware, any
person with suspected links with an extremist or criminal organization
is forever condemned to be a suspect and is linked up by the law-enforcing
agencies after every act of violence or crime. Such quick and mass arrests
also enable the police and other agencies of law-enforcement to show that
that are actively pursuing the perpetrators.
Among the usual suspects were Baitullah Mahsud and his South
Waziristan-based Taliban. If Baitullah Mahsud is involved, it is something
alarming because it means he can strike as far as Lahore and Sargodha
without leaving any trail. If not, and this is probable, then jihadi groups
based in Punjab could be involved. For that matter, Baitullah Mahsuds
Taliban and some of the banned jihadi groups share the same, anti-West
worldview and the fight of such like-minded Islamic elements against the
US is now taking place at different trouble spots in the world.
Unfortunately, the Pakistani state and nation is now caught up in this
apparently endless struggle between the US-led West and the militants. This
is bringing suffering on our people, destroying our infrastructure and
damaging our economy. The most that can be done in such a situation is to
keep our guard, minimize losses and gradually distance ourselves from

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the US war on terror. Open-ended support to the US in pursuit of its

objectives, some of which are driven by an urge to control the world, is in no
way in Pakistans interest.
Dr Farooq Hassan was of the view that Pakistans US embrace in war
on terror was fatal. Since the advent of the New Year, there has been
massive 17 suicide blasts in a 14 week period throughout of Pakistan
compared to 11 in Iraq and 4 in Afghanistan during the same period. I feared
that a situation similar to that in 1980s in Iran was conceivably in the
making.
On April 2 Islamabad in an unprecedented meeting the new military
chief accompanied by the countrys top intelligence officers briefed the new
civilian government about the strategic implications of the current security
threats to Pakistan in the context of the US emphasis and pressures on
Islamabad with respect to its war on terror.
Doctrinally in the context of the prevalent realpolitik, this
occurrence is utterly reverberating. Let me therefore advert to some salient
features of this in-depth briefing on the countrys role in the international
war on terror with special reference to the ongoing military operation in
tribal areas not merely to the new Prime Minister Gilani but also to the heads
of coalition partiesmany such attendees until recently were in either in
jail or exile
Secondly, it was held in the PM House where the COAS had traveled
with DGMO and DGMI. Thirdly, there was no Musharraf in evidence. This
shows that the present military establishment and the new civilian set-up
have decided to embark upon policies in which the old set-up or its policies
have no place.
Fourthly, this meeting signified effectively the displacement of the
NSC, created by an enactment of Musharraf against fierce opposition of the
political parties. By implication and innuendo, the NSC which was to be
headed by Musharraf himself became a redundancy; under the established
legal norms under the doctrine of desuetude, it ceases to be of any use to
him.
The contents of briefing as known are nationalist in character, in
which the army willingly wanted fresh directives from civil leadership, a
departure from the existing pattern of decision-making. The COAS gave
a detailed view of the role of Pakistan in the ongoing war on terror and the
commitments the government had made with the US in rooting out this
menace After the briefing the military leadership took questions from the
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political leadership and explained the armys position about the ongoing
military operation in South and North Waziristan, Swat and other troubled
areas along the Afghan borders.
There was consensus of view in both the political leadership and top
military officers that Pakistan would not tolerate any direct action from
America or any other state, meaning NATO, in its territorial limits and all
operations and dealings in the troubled areas would be dealt with by the
Pakistani authorities
In view of these latest developments, it is astonishingly still not
recognized by most intellectual American analysts that it was US fatal
embrace that was amongst the two foremost causations of Musharrafs
downfall. True Musharraf did his best to cuddle up to Washington. But then
which military ruler doesnt to assure his perpetual stay in office? Surely, as
the lonely superpower it was for the US to decide upon such unholy
overtures of a fascist incumbent.
Under normal diplomatic protocols, when the deputy foreign minister
of a superpower visits, he is expected to call upon his counterpart. There
being none, Negroponte ended up seeing a long list of nobodies and
political trouble-shooters with absolutely no influence on what lies ahead.
The ruling triumvirate he met of Zardari, Sharif and Wali made it clear that
he was not going to have what he came for.
These US diplomats had a two point agenda: (1) keep Musharraf
and (2) continue the war against terror. The totality of the political
ambiance was against such US expectations with which they came to
Pakistan. I am baffled by why an astute foreign office as possessed by the
US failed to gauge properly an evaluation of these obvious factors. In the
end they received more adversary treatment from the local press and
politicians which could have been avoided by a timely visitation with
adequate preparation. Resultantly, in the local milieu this visit became
tantamount to a blatant invasion and not merely interference of domestic
affairs of Pakistan at a critical juncture of its history. Regrettably instead of
enhancing a better understanding of the ethos of US wishes, this visit
ensured the opposite by creating a backlash of public opinion against the US
policies
If any further proof is needed of this realization it can be seen that on
April 5, soon after the election of the new CM, the Frontier Assembly passed
a unanimous resolution highly critical of the US directly, its war on terror
demands on Pakistan and of the April 4 speech of CIA chief Hayden in
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Washington saying that US may well take pre-emptive strike action on

Pakistani territory on its own if it had justifiable reasons. The Pakistan FO
spokesman came out with a similar strongly worded statement the next day
against the US. It is thus clear that Pakistan is rethinking its policy
towards US and Musharrafs downfall, like that of Blair recently, directly
emanated from this nexus with Washington.
Khawar Mahmood from Murree wrote: The war against terrorism
seems to be a war against the sovereignty of Pakistan. The US wants to
make the Pakistan Army too weak to fight against its arch rival. America
always imposes its policies on other countries, but the present international
scenario tells us that the US wants collision and confrontation with the
Islamic world in particular.
The Pakistan military is a very professional and well trained standing
army. Moreover, its the only nuclear-armed military of the Muslim World.
The US considers Pakistan as the potential hurdle in its bid to gain
ultimate power in the region. Therefore, the US has always encouraged
dictatorship in Pakistan.
Leaders take a nation onto the path of progress and peace while
dictators follow foreign powers dictates. There is a need to adopt a realistic
approach towards fighting the war against terrorism. The incoming
government should address the issue through holding dialogue with the
militants because one cant win peoples hearts by using bullets.
Shireen M Mazari stressed upon the need to understand terrorism in
Pakistani context. It was gratifying to witness some of our political leaders
do long-overdue straight talking with the Negroponte-Boucher duo. Now the
prime minister has also declared that Parliament will discuss and decide on
the countrys cooperation with the US of the war against terror. However,
there is urgency in moving towards a long-overdue reassessment
regarding the military-centric policy of the US in fighting terrorism.
Some of us always maintained and stated that US interests in this
region are not similar to our long-term interests and so we need to create
some space between ourselves and the US. Right now, while the nation and
the political leadership are seeking to evolve a national consensus on how to
fight the menace of terrorism, what is the US doing? Increasing its
intrusiveness within Pakistans domestic affairs. How else would one
describe the shadowy presence of US personnel all across the country
seeking to deal directly with tribal leaders and militants without even
informing the Pakistani government.
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Realizing that they may find a hostile Parliament, the Americans

have increased their intrusive activities on all fronts. So we have had
rising predator and missile attacks from across the international PakistaniAfghan border even as US-linked/supported personnel continue to occupy
positions in the corridors of power
More offensive was, of course, the forced-upon-Pakistan visit of the
Negroponte-Boucher duo, who also took it upon themselves to visit
many private individuals and groups, especially in the NWFP, often
without the knowledge of the government of Pakistan. Stories coming out of
the tribal areas relate how two Americans through the US embassy sought
and met an MPA from Mohmand Agency, as well as a well known MNA
from FATA. Another MNA, from the Orakzai Agency, however, refused to
meet any of the Americans. It is believed that US embassy personnel are
directly dealing with the Maliks by hiring locals as intermediaries. If this is
not intervention in our domestic affairs, what is?
The interesting factor for Pakistan is what the real US intent is,
since many of the missiles have targeted the very people who have
supported the Pakistani government and thrown out the Uzbeks, like As
some of us have long suspected and repeatedly stated, the Americans real
intent seems to be to keep the NWFP and the tribal belt destabilized as they
move the centre of gravity of the war in terror from Afghanistan to
Pakistan.
Unless Pakistan reviews its whole strategy for fighting terrorism, we
will continue to see more violence as a result of our alliance with the US.
Incidentally, we also need to realize that right now the US actually does need
us more than we need them. Imagine if we closed off all access to the US,
including logistic support where would they go to access Afghanistan?
The first realization for Pakistan should be that not all our acts of
terror are related to international terrorism of the al-Qaeda brand. We do face
sub-national and local acts of terror which do not require international
intervention and must be dealt with locally We need to separate our
various strands of terrorism, just as we need to accept that our suicide
bomber is very different in character from Palestinian and LTTE varieties
Dialogue is also of central importance and as long as the adversary
is prepared to talk, so should the State be willing. We need to study Asian
models like the Philippines MNLF and the Indonesian-Aceh models, as well
as the Northern Ireland one. In all these cases, militants were brought to
dialogue and renunciation of arms This is the only viable strategy of space
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denial to the terrorists which should be the central strategy in any war
against terrorism.
Finally, we must brace ourselves for the new terrorist threat that has
developed post 9/11. This is the psychological terrorism coming to the
Muslim World from Europe under the guise of freedom of speech. It is
far more lethal and long-term in its impact on Muslims than any other form
of terrorism. We have still not prepared ourselves for this assault.
Nasim Zehra wrote: In the latest issue of Newsweek magazine it is
claimed that the recent drone attacks, to some extent, resulted from an
understanding between US and Pakistani officials giving clearance to
Washington to hit at targets in the border areas. According to the
magazine, the surge began after visits to Pakistan at the beginning of the
year by senior US officials, including intelligence czar Mike McConnell,
General Michael Hayden, the director of the CIA, and Admiral William
Fallon, who recently resigned as commander of US forces in the region.
However, on March 24 the presidential spokesman, Major General
Rashid Qureshi, rejected the report. The spokesman said: The report is
baseless and unfounded. No such type of approval has been given to US
forces. He said that the US had been informed several times that only
Pakistani forces had the right to launch operations against al-Qaeda in the
tribal areas
The US authorities have arrived in Islamabad within hours of the
election of the new Leader of the House Yusuf Raza Gilani. Washingtons
primary concern was if the new elected government would continue
Pakistans policy of cooperation with the US on the war on terrorism.
Currently Pakistan provides a range of logistical facilities crucial for
Washingtons military operations in Afghanistan.
Recent statements on Pakistans current anti-terrorism strategy by
leaders of the ruling coalition clearly indicate that the ruling coalition will
not opt for complete continuity of the existing anti-terrorism policy
Clearly, the entire ruling coalition recognizes the seriousness of the terrorist
threat and how it continues to devastate Pakistan from within. Yet, more
importantly, the political leadership cannot ignore the near-ineffectiveness of
the existing policy and also the damage caused at home by that policy.
The only policy which will receive the support of the people of
Pakistan will be the one that is seen to be a made-in-Pakistan policy.
People are suffering the fallout of two problems; one, terrorism itself and

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two a flawed anti-terrorism policy. Pakistanis want to fight terrorism, but not
in a manner that backfires on the people of Pakistan.
Inayat Ali Shah saw a silver-lining of change. Given the history of
tribal areas, especially those bordering Afghanistan, violence is not and
will never be a feasible option to save this region from further bloodshed.
In fact, it is Pakistans policy with regard to terrorism and the support it has
extended to the United States in the so-called war on terror that has
triggered uncontrollable violence in the region.
The horrible spectacle of violence that we are currently experiencing
in the urban areas can be viewed in the context of reported threats by the
militants that if you kill us in the mountains, we will kill you in the
cities. The trauma and pain is suffered by the hapless people of this country,
not by aliens for whom this so-called war on terror is being fought by our
security forces personnel.
The sooner the top brass of Pakistans military recognizes the fact
that this war cannot be won through violence, the better it will be for the
country and its people. The Taliban, who earlier used to engage security
forces personnel in the tribal belt in haphazard skirmishes, have now
completely changed their strategy. Now they have brought together all the
armed factions of the Taliban into a single fold, under the banner of Tehrike-Taliban Pakistan (TTP).
A silver lining, however, has emerged after the Feb 18 general
elections in the form of recent peace overtures between the central
leaderships of the ANP and the TTP. The latter has shown willingness to
solve the problem of law and order in the province
In order to contain the recent surge in militancy in the province, the
ANP has proposed a conflict reduction plan, which, if implemented properly,
seems to have the potential to restore peace in the troubled parts of the
NWFP as well as the tribal areas. The plan is also supposed to eliminate
the causes that fan militancy in the troubled region.
When problems are discussed across the table with an open mind and
sincerity, more often than not a solution emerges. Engaging the TTP in talks,
especially after it has expressed its willingness to support peace overtures,
should not be a Herculean task for the new ANP government in the NWFP,
as both these stakeholders share the same history, culture and language and
are also aware of the aspirations of the people who have suffered the adverse
effects of the so-called war on terror.

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The News expressed similar views. The news reports in the US

media that some officials in Washington have expressed annoyance over
remarks made by Asif Ali Zardari and Nawaz Sharif in separate interviews
to The New York Times are disturbing. The two leaders had said merely that
they intended to review the present policy in the troubled northern areas of
Pakistan comments that should certainly not have ruffled any feathers.
For most citizens, the indications that Washington is eager to
enforce its own writ in parts of the country or dictate policy decisions
are highly distressing. This is particularly so as it is obvious that US-led
policies in the Middle East have contributed to the growth of hatred for the
country and those it supports. Inside Pakistan, that includes President Pervez
Musharraf. The spate of terrorist attacks that have taken place, and indeed
continue in an unceasing wave, indicate an urgent need to alter strategies and
devise policies to save people from the wrath of the killers.
The broad coalition of parties that have won a big popular
mandate from people are well placed to take decisions regarding such
changes. The ANP, drawing its base of strength from NWFP, has the local
expertise and the undoubted will to make a genuine bid to tackle terror. It
has indeed spoken of its well-thought out plans to deal with extremism by
involving local communities and tribal leaders on many occasions. The PPP
and PML-N too seem well aware that answers cannot lie in strategies that
use force alone.
Only Pakistan and its democratically elected leaders can solve the
problems of their country. Terrorism after all is tied in to other issues
including socio-economic deprivation. A multipronged plan is therefore
needed to banish the militants. This necessarily means some exercise of state
power to deal with dangerous men of violence, but that alone is not enough.
A far more thoughtful plan of action is needed, and US leaders must realize
the need to give the democratic government in Pakistan time and space
to put it in place without any effort to intervene in their working or curtailing
their right to independently decide what is best for Pakistan and its people.
Ayaz Amir was of the view: It isnt and never was and if our newlyinducted political leadership is dumb enough to swallow all the fiction about
the so-called war on terror that our American friends (friends?) seem keen
to push down its throat, God help us.
Afghanistan was supposed to be the more doable affair, the one
they thought they had wrapped up in 2001. But it is proving as tough and

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intractable as Iraq, with the Taliban, alas, not finished and the war, far from
being over, stretching into the remote distance.
This is not even Americas war because most Americans who care
to have an opinion about their countrys foreign policy and there are
millions of Americans who dont give a damn, this section of the American
population having a hard time deciphering a map of the world are opposed
to Bushs adventure in Iraq. And although Afghanistan doesnt loom as large
across American radar screens as Iraq, it is beginning to assume a larger
presence.
Indeed, the one thing saving American and NATO forces from
utter disaster in Afghanistan is the Pakistan Army on this side of the
Durand Line. This is the buttress shoring up the American position and that
is why, with new winds blowing across Islamabad, our friends in
Washington are alarmed.
Small wonder John Negroponte, deputy secretary of state and holder
of many dark secrets about American policy in Latin America, and Richard
Boucher, assistant secretary of state and a familiar face in Pakistan, were so
quick to descend on Islamabad, basically wanted to get a feel about the new
guys about to enter the corridors of power.
Despite what some of the headlines have been suggesting
Negroponte and Boucher shouldnt be too worried because while the new
guys may have waxed eloquent about parliamentary sovereignty very
much the new buzzword in Islamabad no one has suggested that
Pakistan is about to cut its strings with America or is about to change
course dramatically.
Lets not forget that the army is the key player in this equation and
any rethinking of the American alliance will have to come as much from
General Headquarters as from the new national Assembly. Would the army
like to forego American military assistance, the five-year aid package
which has enabled it to go on an extended arms shopping.
There are elements in the tribal areas who think that it is their holy
duty to come to the aid of the Taliban, or anyone fighting the Americans, in
Afghanistan Let the Taliban fight their own wars. By the same token
let the Americans also fight their wars we should have nothing to do with
either of these undertakings. The Lord knows we have enough of our
problems of our own to settle.

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Musharraf was Americas loyal ally, Pakistans Ngo Din Diem and
Pinochet rolled into one, and because he acted under American orders and in
his zeal to please his American protectors paid no heed to the sentiments of
his own people, this whole terrorism business, far from being squashed,
has ballooned out of control. A problem confined to the tribal areas has
spread to other parts of Pakistan.
This entire strategy, if one can dignify it thus, has backfired. Pakistan
is now in the crosshairs of terrorism precisely because Musharraf hitched
his wagon, and the nations, to Bushs failed and imploding star. Across
the globe, and this includes America, Bush is considered little better that a
moron. And to think that because of one man Musharraf Pakistan and its
army have been tied to the apron strings of this moron.
We dont need to court American hostility. We should be friends
with America but not its lackey or satellite. We should learn to live
without the high of American assistance. At any rate, it is the parasitic
classes who have benefited the most from this assistance, not the majority of
the Pakistani people. So what are we talking or complaining about?
If terrorism has to be fought we must do it on our own. The
Americans, as we have seen, will make the problem worse. Thus the first
condition of fighting terrorism is getting rid of American advice and
assistance. The Frontier Corps doesnt need to be recast by the Americans
(as they propose to do). Is the new Iraqi army any better for being outfitted
by the Americans?
Zaigham Khan said: How easy and convenient it is to deal with one
strong man, how difficult to grapple with the mess called democracy. In
dealing with dictators, all you need to know is one phone number; no
lessons in history, politics or sociology are required. You are well aware that
the national interests of the country stand for the personal interests of its
dictator, his ego, his psychological satisfactions and the longevity of his rule.
Ensure this and you will get what you want at the press of a button on the
digital dial. In democracy, on the other hand, a baffling number of
stakeholders will haggle endlessly to determine what stands for the national
interest.
The worlds only superpower may be a bastion of democracy to its
own people, but those who run its foreign policy need some tutorials on
the aspirations of the people of emerging democracies. Hopefully, it
was the need for new learning, together with the irresistible desire to put

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pressure on a newborn government, which brought US Deputy Secretary of

State(and) Boucher to Pakistan last week.
The reaction of American administration to election results, however,
hurt the people struggling for democracy in Pakistan. it appears that the
only thing on the mind of American government was survival of Pervez
Musharraf, whose clinging to power negates peoples mandate for a change
and hangs a Damocles sword over democratic transition.
This line of American policy has baffled observers in Pakistan as well
as in the USA. Experts have tried to speculate on a host of reasons, including
the US desire for one-window shopping, rather than dealing with Pakistani
institutions, the fear of change in Pakistans policy on war on terror and
secret concessions extracted from the Musharraf government
Arriving on the day Syed Yusuf Raza Gilani was to take oath of
office; the American visitors had to face tough talking politicians. A New
York Times report captured the essence of their interaction in its headline:
New Pakistani Leaders Tell Americans Theres a New Sheriff in Town.
According to newspaper, the visiting diplomats received what amounted to
a public dressing-down from one of Pakistans political leaders (Nawaz
Sharif). Nawaz Sharif stated that it was unacceptable that Pakistan had
become a killing field.
New Pakistani government has given a clear message that a new
strategy for the war on terror needs to be hammered out. A realization is
required on the part of the US that there is not a single war on terror, but
multiple wars on terror being fought side by side, and the struggle is not
limited to the military arena. Each war has its own unique social, cultural
and political contexts and has to be fought in its own terms. Pakistans
political forces are well aware of the gravity of the challenge on their hand,
but they are also aware of the factors that make the Pakistani war on terror
is different from the American war, the Iraqi war or the Afghan war on
terror.
The challenge of terrorism is an extremely complex one, and the
answer to this challenge involves a complex response that must involve
socio-economic and democratic development, as well as selective use of
force. This war can never be won unless America distances itself from
dictators and forges a lasting alliance with the people of Muslim
countries. If their Excellencies understood this message, we are pleased that
they spared their precious time for the visit and consider their tour extremely
successful.
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Israr-ul-Haque observed: The two major coalition partners of the new

government deep down seem to be falling apart on the most crucial issue of
fighting terrorism. It became all too clear when, as reported by a national
daily, the PPP leaders while talking to US officials Negroponte and Boucher
informed them that they would continue the war on terror because it was in
countrys interest whereas the PML-N leaders told them off that they cannot
turn their own country into a killing field.
It may be recalled that it was President Bush who so assiduously
worked out a power sharing deal between President Musharraf and Benazir
Bhutto with the objective of adding the political sinews of Benazir to the
military muscle of President Musharraf to ensure US victory on the ongoing
war on terror. Benazir thus arrived in Pakistan heavily saddled with the
baggage of fighting the war on terror in collaboration with President
Musharraf. A little before Benazirs arrival Negroponte minced no words in
saying that Benazir and President Musharraf were the two moderate leaders
fitted to lead the country and fight the war on terror.
Coming to the much talked about three-pronged counter terrorism
strategy. Great stress has been laid on improving the capability of the
intelligence network connected with the prevention and connection of the
terrorism. It may be recalled that the most advance and the most well
equipped American intelligence agencies so badly failed in Afghanistan
in tracking down the hideouts of Osama, Omar and Gulbadin and in preempting or foiling the lethal strikes by the ragtag Taliban.
As to the strategy of holding dialogue with the militants Zardari in
his recent interview has already ruled it out. US Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice too has already spurned the idea of having an
understanding with the militants. McCormack has held out a subtle warning
that the US aid to Pakistan may be cut off in case it does not continue as
before to fight terrorism.
The French President the other day has come out with the confession
that the war in Afghanistan cannot be won at all that can be aimed at is to
avoid a defeat. How sad and surprising that while the West has already
started thinking in terms of reconciliation with the Islamic militants the
PPP leader Asif Ali Zardari and Pakistans prime ministershould have
been promising to Negroponte and Boucher to confront and fight the Islamic
militants.
The Nation remembered Dr A Q Khan. The statement by Foreign
Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi Monday on a private TV channel that
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nuclear scientist Dr Abdul Qadeer Khan was a national hero and thus would
not be handed over to anyone, including the IAEA, is the right approach
considering the confession Dr Khan made to an AFP correspondent that his
role in nuclear proliferation was admitted to save the country He is right
in saying that he saved the nation when he equipped it with a nuclear arsenal
and then it saved again by taking the whole blame of proliferation on his
shoulders.
In the meanwhile, the government has relaxed certain restrictions on
Dr Khan. In the meanwhile, the government has relaxed certain restrictions
on Dr Khan. According to a private TV channel; he is free to see at least six
friends of his choice. However, the issue is not that simple. The demand to
investigate and hand over Dr Khan has come from various international
circles, particularly UN nuclear watchdog IAEA. The US is also eager to
unravel that it calls Dr Khans network, though in 2006 it said that his
chapter stood closed. One cannot rule out the possibility of such demands
being part of a larger conspiracy to deprive Pakistan of its nuclear assets
which are viewed by certain biased sections of the West as an Islamic
bomb.

EASTERN FRONT
The composite dialogue spread over the years has taken the two
neighbours nowhere. It has only consolidated the status quo as was amply
evident from General Kayani statement during visit to troops along LoC on
12th March. He said Pakistan Army is committed to Kashmir cause. In fact,
it is not only committed but also physically deployed for the last six decades.
The same day the Foreign Office spokesman at last dusted the
turnips and asked India to probe the killing of its citizen Khalid by jail
authorities. Three days later Foreign Office must have been caught unaware
as UNSC deleted Kashmir issue from its agenda after nearly half a century.
In the context of CBMs, nothing significant happened except that
India became confident enough to hand over dead bodies of Pakistanis in
exchange of repatriation of its convicted spies alive and well. Having
secured Kashmir Singhs safety India mounted pressure for freedom of
another convict, Sarbajit Singh. On 19 th March, the brave commando stayed
execution of Sarbajit Singh for 30 days.
On 28th March, Mehbooba Mufti met Zardari, presented a shawl to
him and told the media men that it was time to resolve the Kashmir issue.

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Next day, release of Kashmir Singh paid the desired dividends but for Ansar
Burney alone; he was elected member of UNHCR. On 31st March, Pakistan
and India swapped lists of prisoners. Two days later, Manmohan said all
steps had been taken for release of Sarbajit Singh.
Actins and utterances negative to confidence building were as usual
in plenty:
On 10th March, dead body of Khalid Mahmood, who had gone to see a
cricket match at Mohali, was handed over to Pakistani authorities as a
goodwill gesture reciprocating the release of Kashmir Singh.
India kicked off massive military maneouvres, code named Brazen
Chariots, close to Pakistani border on 20 th Match. Indian Government
said no Pakistani would be released in exchange of Sarbajit Singh.
As Pakistan held parade on 23rd March, India test-fired nuclear
capable missile and claimed it could hit a target anywhere in Pakistan.
On 3rd April, PAF inducted its first aircraft SAAB 2000 to boost its
Airborne Early Warning and Control programme.
Bloodshed in IHK continued. A commander of freedom fighters and
an Indian Army officer were killed on 17th March. Three days later, one
person was killed in a bomb blast in Srinagar. Four Indian soldiers and a
fighter were killed in two separate incidents on 23rd March. Two Hizb
commanders were martyred in an encounter on 2 nd April. Five days later,
Amnesty Intenational urged India to probe one thousand unmarked graves
discovered in the Valley. India deployed additional troops along LoC.
Kashmiri leaders called on Amnesty International on 31st March to
discover the identities of bodies in nearly 1,000 unmarked graves found in
18 villages of Uri District. The same day, Salahuddin, Supreme Commander
of Hizbul Mujahideen, showed willingness to review armed struggle if India
accepts dialogue. He also warned the US against violating Pakistans
sovereignty. Meanwhile, Mehbooba Mufti, during her visit to Pakistan, was
all praise for Musharrafs Kashmir policy.
Ceremonious send off of the Indian spy Kashmir Singh and quiet
reception of the dead body of Khalid Mahmood were widely commented
upon. Afia Ahmad from Islamabad wrote: On Singhs release, I would like
to say that it is unbecoming of the members of the caretaker government,
who dont have the mandate of the people, to deal with these kinds of
sensitive issues. I request the authorities concerned to ask the caretaker

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minister for human rights as to why he persuaded the president to pardon an

Indian spy. Caretaker Federal Minister Ansar Burney should be taken to
task and sacked from the cabinet.
Saud Khan Afridi from Peshawar opined: The release of Kashmir
Singh after 35 years must have given his family a sigh of relief. His release
is a positive sign and should be welcome because it has provided both the
countries with a chance to strengthen their relations, but, what about the
Pakistani prisoners languishing in Indian jails for decades? Arent there
any human rights activists in India who can manage the release of their
Pakistani brothers? India should learn a lesson from the Pakistan
government and act in response of Singhs release by freeing Pakistani
inmates.
Dr Waseem Sheikh from Rawalpindi said: We released a convicted
Indian spy to improve our relations with India but the latter responded by
sending back the body of an innocent Pakistani prisoner. Is this the way
respectable nations respond to the goodwill gestures by their archrivals? As
for the caretaker minister for human rights, I demand that an enquiry be
held against him for freeing a convicted spy from the prison.
Sheeba Ajmal from Peshawar observed: Kashmir Singhs mask has
finally been removed and he has shown his real face to the Pakistani
media and the federal minister for human rights who have been more than
nice to him. Kashmir Singhs statement upon reaching India that he was a
paid Indian spy and that he completed his mission in Pakistan successfully is
actually a slap in the face of the federal minister for human rights, Ansar
Burney. Still Mr Burney managed to hide his embarrassment by saying that
the interview might be forged.
I was shocked by the media coverage given to Kashmir Singh. He
was treated as if he was a war hero. Some newspapers also reported that
Mr Burney was desperate to go to India along with Singh but the Indian
authorities refused him a visa. It was a blessing in disguise for the minister;
otherwise, he would have been badly ridiculed by the media of both the
countries.
It really hurt me when Mr Burney responded to a questionthat he
had prior commitments regarding the death of a Pakistani who died in an
Indian jail. Why doesnt the minister consider the issue of chief justices
detention important? The chief justice is behind the bars for so many
months along with his family and yet the minister says he has something
more important to do.
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Knowing well that many cases of human rights violation, like the
missing persons case, are pending due to the judicial crisis, the minister
appears to be insensitive to the misery and pain of the hundreds of innocent
civilians. It is strange that the minister has a soft spot for a convicted
Indian spy but is indifferent to the illegal and unlawful detention of the
chief justice of Pakistan.
Fasi Zaka wrote: When Ansar Burney, the Human Rights minister,
pleaded his case for the remission of Singhs sentence, he did so only out of
compassion. Maybe Kashmir Singh did not deserve that, given the way he
has compromised humanitarian efforts in Pakistan, and also how he has
embarrassed Ansar Burney. The hawkish critics of human rights will now
forever use Kashmir Singhs example as a reason to become even more
stringent on security issues and those they suspect.
Currently, we hear of Kashmir Singhs retraction of the admission for
spying. Its just not believable. Its even more unbelievable considering the
Punjab government of India has just given him a lifetime stipend, a house
and job for his son for the jail time Kashmir Singh served for his country.
Kashmir Singh would have had a stronger legacy had he maintained
his innocence until the end. His admission has made him a lesser figure,
much like the famed confidential source Deep Throat Kashmir Singh
has done the same, cashed in to become Cashmir Singh, who singed both
his employers and captors. He didnt care for the Pakistanis who bought his
pretense out of genuine compassion, nor did he care for his countrymen who
may be innocent and languishing in Pakistani jails.
It could be said that Ansar Burney, our caretaker minister for human
rights, was blinded out of compassion. I believe that at face value, and
before the admission of Kashmir Singh that he was actually involved in
espionage, most would have agreed with the efforts of Ansar Burney and the
direction of the humanitarian effort. Its just that we got deceived by the
apparent innocence of Kashmir Singh.
But no one is buying the recent protestations of Ansar Burney,
ostensibly our human rights minister, that the Chief Justice of Pakistan
Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry is not under house arrest, but merely refusing
to vacate his house. We may have been conned by Kashmir Singh, but
Ansar Burney will have a tough time pulling a false status of an
imprisoned chief justice over our eyes.
Farhan Nazir from Peshawar said: As a Pakistani, it hurt me to see
Kashmir Singh receiving a cheque of Rs 200,000 from the Indian officials
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for showing valour and courage. These days Kashmir Singh is being
portrayed as an Indian hero who remained detained in Pakistan for 35
years. Singh claims that Pakistani officials failed to extract any information
from him.
In response to Singhs release, we received the dead body of an
innocent Pakistani who had gone to India to watch a cricket series. The
credit for releasing a convicted spy goes to the champion of human
rights, Ansar Burney. This was perhaps yet another attempt of Mr Burney
to grab public attention and remain in the limelight.
Fayyaz Mahmood from Lahore said: The tragic death of an innocent
Pakistani cricket fan in India caused by the torture at the hands of the Indian
intelligence agencies has exposed the reality of track-two diplomacy
Oblivious to the plight of hundreds of missing persons, the federal
caretaker minister for human rights tried his best to appease the Indian
authorities by releasing an Indian spy and giving him VIP treatment. Last
but not the least; it exposes the incompetence of the Foreign Office which is
full of snobbish baboos and bibis whose performance is mediocre.
Shireen M Mazari was outraged at the killing of an innocent
Pakistani (given that his guilt was never proven) by the Indian state and
then twenty days later the dumping of his body at Wagah border what else
can one call this concluding action on the part of the Indian state?
However, I am angry at my own government for its lack of care
regarding its citizens arrested by other countries, especially India, but
also the US. Just a few days earlier, we had Mr Ansar Burney making a
sickening drama about the release of an Indian prisoner, who later admitted
he was a spy, when he did not have the basic decency to at least show up to
receive Pakistani Khalid Mahmoods body at Wagah.
Even more distressing is the state of our human rights champions
who have yet to take up the cases like Khalid Mahmoods even as they make
much of Indian prisoners in Pakistani jails. And what of our High
Commission in New Delhi? Why were they so inactive on this count? Now
one is being told that PTV, the states propagandist network, refused to take
up and project the issues raised by the killing of Khalid Mahmood. Utterly
shameful, when you think of the publicity Ansar Burney garnered for
himself in the case of the Indian spys release.
So far those of our leaders who have already declared their intent to
cozy up to India, regardless of issue like Kashmir, let the killing of cricket
fan Khalid Mahmood be a warning about the chasm that exists between our
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over-enthusiastic passion for embracing India and Indias continuing

suspicions and hostility towards Pakistan. a more realpolitik approach to
dealing with India would stand us in much better stead. Let us learn our
lesson from the price we are paying as a result of coming to the aid and
assistance of the US with simply no preconditions or sober considerations
post-9/11.
As for India, apart from the killing of Mahmood, there are countless
stories of Pakistani prisoners being tortured in Indian prisons without any
charges being proven but there is seeming apathy on the part of our
state and human rights activists. That is why I suppose disappearances
and renditions are so easy here in Pakistan it reflects a mindset that lays
little store by the dignity and human rights of ordinary citizens.
The News wrote: The death of Khalid Mahmood, a young Pakistani
whose body was handed back over the Wagah border a few days back, is
tragic to say the least. The fact that his coffin arrived only days after the
release of Indian prisoner Kashmir Singh, who has since confessed to
spying, has added emotive weight to the issue
The issue that needs to be dealt with is the vulnerability of
Pakistanis and Indians to arrest in each others countries. In the past,
those accidentally crossing an often poorly demarcated border have been
held for lacking valid visas. Khalid too suffered because he had no travel
documents. It is also a fact that both Pakistanis in Indian jails and Indians in
Pakistani jails far from home and without legal help and vulnerable to
charges of espionage suffer bitterly.
Prisoners from both countries must be dealt with as per an
agreed protocol and offered swift access to assistance from their missions
to avoid them being left at the mercy of hostile police and jail officials. The
senseless death of Khalid Mahmood underscores this need more than ever
before.
In a subsequent editorial the newspaper added: The tragic death of a
Pakistani prisoner at a New Delhi jail, apparently as a result of torture, has
triggered a war of words between the two nations. It has also, after a
storm lasting several days, forced the federal minister for human rights,
Ansar Burney, to resign even as the caretaker cabinet prepares to bow out.
The Indian account regarding the sudden death of a young prisoner is
obviously unsatisfactory. It seems apparent that Khalid Mahmood, as his
family has stated, was subjected to mistreatment and possibly to torture. For
all its claims of upholding human rights, Indias record on the treatment
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of Pakistanis jailed there is extremely grim. Others before Khalid have

returned in a state of poor physical or mental health. The entire affair has
caused considerable damage, both in terms of trust between governments
and perceptions regarding India in Pakistan. A blow has been delivered to
the stepped up efforts made in the last five years to build cooperation
between the people of the two countries. The calculated Indian move to keep
Khalid Mahmoods death a secret for weeks also goes against the spirit of
the accords reached between the two countries on the handling of prisoners
from each others countries.
To repair some of the damage, there is need to get to the bottom of
the story. A judicial probe into Khalids death needs to be ordered. At the
same time, for the sake of others held in jails in India and Pakistan, it is
important the gains made during continuing talks on the issue of prisoners
not be squandered.
Mir Adnan Aziz commented: Mr Kashmir Singh will be back in his
native village Nangal Khiladiyan in Hoshiarpur happily reunited with his
near and dear ones. A multitude though, conveniently forgotten by the
world, will remain chained, killed, maimed and tortured, in what might
be termed the most beautiful prison on Earth, yet still a prison Kashmir.
With our chief justice and his family still under detention, hundreds
missing untraced, it was but a crass and vulgar display of self promotion.
The ludicrous media frenzy which accompanied the release and profusely
garlanded and flower petals showered departure was reportedly second only
to that of another Indians arrival at the same Wagah Border in 1999 Atal
Behari Vajpayee.
Try as we might the bitter acrimony of years cannot just be wished
away. Mr Zardari pronounced in his newfound infinite wisdom: Kashmir
issue should be left aside for future generations to solve and right now India
and Pakistan should focus on improving bilateral relations by strengthening
trade and economic ties.
His own partys leadership was not left aside for future generations.
He took over the mantle, as a right and duty, readily and gladly immediately
after a single shahadat. How can he leave aside a cause drenched in the
blood of thousands of martyrs and that too for better trade ties? Should we
read the bettering of these ties to a welcome deluge of Indian culture and
goods? Mr Zardari might have a change of heart were he to visit Kashmir
and the more than 95 orphanages and 500 graveyards there.

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What we in Pakistan have been reduced to, more so in these recent

years, is the once a year official observance of February 5 as Kashmir Day.
This brings with it yet another public holiday. We see our movies, have our
fun and frolics, throng the eateries and shopping malls thus showing our
solidarity with our brethren confined to the most beautiful prison on earth;
Kashmir.
Salman Masood observed: The excitement of one person was even
more startling. He will die if he is suddenly made to cross the border,
Ansar Burneysaid in an impassioned tone on a private news channel. He
is not like cattle, Mr Burney almost shouted. Therefore, he announced he
would take Mr Singh out in the evening after the release; show him around
Lahore, make him acclimatized. Thirty-five years in jail meant he should be
dealt with tenderly; the caretaker minister for human rights seemed to
suggest. Finally, Mr Singh could eat chicken and not the badly cooked
lentils of Kot Lakhpat Jail in Lahore...
The time of Mr Singhs release earlier this week also coincided with
a speech by Aitzaz Ahsan, the lawyer par excellence Mr Ahsan has struck
a chord with the masses as he advocates independence of the judiciary and
release of the ousted chief justice.
By any reckoning what Mr Ahsan had to say during his press
conference was news of national significance. What direction Mr Ahsan
gives to the lawyers movement, as the political parties huddle to form a
government, will be a big factor in shaping the domestic political landscape
in the foreseeable future. But many news channels kept cutting his speech
in the middle, shifting their cameras to Mr Singh in their now
characteristic breaking news style. The whole episode bordered on the
bizarre and terribly out-of-place.
Many people could not fathom that it was a simple, innocuous
coincidence that after mistakenly crossing the border in Lahore way back in
the 70s, Mr Singh was later found traveling in Rawalpindi It could be
sheer negligence of the flawed prison system, which simply forgot about Mr
Singh after his arrest it could be miraculous as Mr Burney has been saying,
how he found Mr Singh languishing in jail. But did Kashmir Singh really
deserve this frenzied media attention and coverage. Is he really that
important?
There are hundreds of missing persons in Pakistan who have
been imprisoned under inhuman conditions on the mere suspicions of
being terrorists. Those released have told grim tales of torture and abuse.
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The rule of law has been totally neglected as the government of President
Pervez Musharraf has aligned itself in the so-called war against terror.
Shouldnt Mr Burney be looking into their cases if he is really that
concerned about the trampling and abuse of human rights in Pakistan?
Shouldnt Mr Burney, who seemed to brim and gloat like a media star the
flash of cameras, be making real efforts and not just opportunistic, selfserving statements to free those Pakistanis who are languishing in jails
across the country on false charges? Shouldnt he be bothered about the
Pakistanis who were forced to work on bonded labour in Iran? And, most
importantly, shouldnt Mr Burney have been more concerned, first and
foremost, about the detention of Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, as he and
his family continue to be barricaded by police in Islamabad?
Apparently, Mr Burney went to more than twenty prisons searching
for Mr Singh before finding him in Lahore. After the hoopla over Mr Singh,
the caretaker minister made an inquiry from the Interior Ministry over the
detention of the ousted chief justice only as a result of the subsequent
criticism from some in the country Compared to the continued plight of
our own, the ordeal of Kashmir Singh seems secondary to many here and the
frenzied excitement shown by some Pakistani news channels was seen as
unnecessary.
After securing freedom of Kashmir Singh Ansar Abbasi found another
Indian and focused on securing his human rights. This time it wasnt a
spy but a convicted terrorist. Shireen M Mazari commented: The Indian
government, media and civil society is building hype about the impending
operationalization of the death sentence of Indian spy Sarabjit Singh by
Pakistan. Some are taking the humanitarian posture while others like the
BJP are demanding that the Indian government talk sternly to
Pakistan.
What an irony. Where were the humanitarian voices in India
when their government callously killed an innocent Pakistani and
dumped his body at Wagah border this being just one instance of the brutal
way the Indian state deals with its Pakistani prisoners even as Pakistan
chose to release an Indian spy with compensation?
Now suddenly Indian MPs, including Rahul Gandhi, are opposing the
execution of the Indian spy. Why have they maintained a complete silence
on the treatment meted out by their government to Pakistani prisoners and
the killing of Khalid Mahmood? Even now, as Indian voices rise in

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support of their spy, no one has deemed it fit to condemn what their
state just did to the innocent Pakistani.
Under these circumstances, if the new Pakistani government one
has little expectation of anything sensible from Ansar Burney after his
grandstanding with Indian spy Kashmir Singh succumbs to Indian pressure
it will send wrong signals to India and reciprocatory will be buried as a
guiding principle for future Pakistan-India dealings. Surely no new
government, no matter how strong its proclivity to reach out to India,
should succumb to pressures of public relationing which will impose a
heavy cost for Pakistan in future dealings with India.
Omar R Quraishi observed as to how the Burneys humanitarian
gesture had emboldened the Indian leaders. On March 18, Indias Foreign
Minister, Parnab Mukherjee said on the floor of the Lok Sabha that a system
was in place under which information relating to citizens arrested in each
others country was passed on to the government concerned. He said that
under this mechanism consular access was also provided to embassy
officials when their citizens were detained in the other country. The Indian
foreign minister then went on to make a fervent appeal to the Pakistan
government to commute the death sentence of Sarabjit Singh. The issue
seems to have become a hot topic in the Indian media with several news
stories reporting that New Delhi had told Islamabad that executing
Sarabjit, a convicted spy for India who was involved in several acts of
sabotage in Pakistan, would not help matters.
To this, the obvious should I say, knee-jerk Pakistani response
would be that where was this mechanism when Khalid Mehmood, who had
apparently gone to India in 2005 to watch a cricket match, was arrested and
sent to jail in India. The young man, whom India accused of disappearing in
its territory after watching the match in a Delhi only to be arrested a year
later in Faridabad without any travel papers, eventually died on Feb 12 in
Delhi jail. Reports in the Indian media strongly suggest that he died as a
result of torture
Pakistan says that the Indian government did not notify its embassy
in New Delhi of Khalid Mehmoods arrest to which India tersely responded
by questioning the length of time taken by the dead mans family in raising
the issue of his initial arrest in India. However, what seems to be clear in this
war of words is that the Indians have assumed that if a Pakistani
national, for whatever reason, manages to lose his travel papers then he

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must be a spy whose sole purpose for being in India would be to foment
violence
As for Sarbajit Singh, he is a convicted spy whose involvement in
subversive acts was proven right through each tier of the countrys judicial
system. The argument could then be that why should Pakistan show any
clemency when its earlier release of Kashmir Singh, also a convicted
spy, got itself the dead body of Khalid Mehmood in return?
Before asking Pakistan for clemency, perhaps India should, to
show its good faith, do something about the dozens of Pakistanis still in
Indian jails despite serving out their prison sentences. Some newspapers in
Pakistan have quoted a report in the Asian Age which says that in jails in
East Punjab alone there are 48 Pakistanis who remained under detention
despite having served out their jail terms. Why isnt anything done to
expedite their release? Again, this is something that happens in Pakistani
prisons The governments should try and do their bit to correct such
injustice, before demanding that another show clemency.
The majority party leadership seemed inclined to follow the precedent
set by Musharraf regime in this context; perhaps even more diligently.
Farhatullah Babar, despite being heavily pre-occupied in formation of the
new government, found time to lead the case of another convicted terrorist
of RAW. He wrote: three issues need examination: the possibility of
miscarriage of justice, the larger issue of the death penalty itself and the
timing of the execution.
If the Indian convict is really a case of mistaken identity, it would
be a gross miscarriage of justice if he is hanged. If he is actually a RAW
agent, it would still be sensible to commute the death sentence. Reprieve can
be employed to focus on a mechanism to mitigate the sufferings of one
countrys nationals held in the jails of the other and help advance confidence
and peace in the region.
It is indeed strange that the execution date was suddenly
announced after nearly three years of limbo, and just when a democratic
government is to enter office. Let it not be said that it was cynically timed to
warn the new government against pursuing its vision of peace in the region.
Zaigham Khan talked of Burneys concern for Indian prisoners. It
appeared that Khalsa gurus had forsaken Kashmir Singh, the Indian spy who
was on death row in a Pakistani prison for 35 years, till the goddess of
freedom knocked on his cell in the form of Ansar Burney, the interim
minister for human rights, known less for his activism and more for his
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flamboyant style and a healthy appetite for media attention. Burney was
acting like a child who sets a bird free and looks around for approval.
Singhs moment of freedom was to be the ministers moment of glory.
People would be singing of his achievement, rather than those of Asma
Jahangir.
Meanwhile, the Pakistani media, tired of riding on the rollercoaster of
suicide bombings, lawyers protests and fast-paced political developments,
was aching for a human-interest story that could brighten up newsprint and
TV screens, bringing much-needed comic relief to readers and viewers.
From the moment the cell door opened for Kashmir Singh, TV cameras
followed his every move and the little boy followed TV cameras and the
jail-bird he had set free.
On the Wagah border, a well-fed and cheerful Singh was sent off
like a hero. With Singh joining his wife, Paraimjit Kaur, and their three
children, it appeared that the fairytale was over and everyone could now live
happily ever after. The minister could bask in glory as a billion people were
set to applaud him. Unfortunately, the story did not end here
As a newspaper wrote: Having seen off Kashmir Singh at the Wagah
border last week amid joy and laughter, Pakistanis assembled againat
the same point to receive the body of a Pakistani cricket-lover amid
tears and grief Free from the need of travel documents, Khalid returned
in a coffin three weeks after his death, which had been kept secret during
this period.
Coming on the heels of Singhs freedom, the arrival of Khalids
coffin symbolized a violent breach of the terms of exchange that outraged
Pakistanis and humiliated a government that did not enjoy much respect
anyway. Ansar Burney was declared the main culprit, rather than Indian
state, and portrayed by same media as a buffoon.
Burney should be forgiven for his innocent wish to stage an event as
a high point of his short-lived ministry. His only fault lies in his failure to
choreograph it in consultation with Indian authorities and ensuring that
something similar was done by the other side He committed a bigger
mistake by not showing up on the border to receive the dead body of Khalid
Mahmood. Unfortunately, he could not muster courage to be a part of a
negative event.
Ansar Burney may not be able to understand it but he has contributed
to the impending death of Sarbajit Singh by jumping into the arena without
having any understanding of one of the most bizarre games being played in
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the post Cold War era. He has won release for one Indian spy but is
sending another to the gallows, ravaging his own short-lived political
career in the process.
Tanvir Ahmed Khan remembered the Kashmir issue. The
Musharraf process divided the Hurriyat and brought to surface differences of
perspectives on the quantum of autonomy and reduction of Indian troops
even amongst the pro-India parties in IHK. Few months back delegates
from the Valley at an international conference told me that despite much
resentment in IJK at the tactics used by Musharrafs men to create fissures in
the Hurriyat to gain Mirwaiz Umar Farooqs crucial support the Kashmiris
had decided to wait patiently for his regime to bring about least a partial
deliverance from them. They expressed the hope that 2008 would restore the
lost unity of the Hurriyat.
Pakistans political crisis has added to Kashmirs anxiety, there is
confusion about the implications of Musharrafs declining power for their
cause. There is a growing sense of insecurity that bilateral talks are
marginalizing the Kashmir issue. Earlier in 2006 propagandist statements by
Musharrafs ministers that a Kashmir solution was round the corner had led
to fears that Islamabad was about to scuttle the Kashmiri struggle. Many of
us counseled at the time that if the exigencies of the time made it difficult for
the Musharraf regime to negotiate an honourable final status of Kashmir it
should leave it to more propitious times. What Mr Asif Zardari said to Karan
Thapar the other day was no different from that advice.
It is a measure of the misgivings about the secret diplomacy that Asif
Zardaris comment was misconstrued in the IHK. Amongst the parties
committee to azadi there was apprehension that the post-election
dispensation may de-link bilateral relations with India from the Kashmir
issue. At the other end of the spectrum, the PDP president, Mehmooda
Mufti, maintained that there was no need for such a statement from Pakistan
when things are moving in a positive direction, an assessment not
shared by majority of Kashmiris.
The IHK reaction needs to be understood and factored into a
review of our Kashmir policy by the new Pakistani coalition. A high
priority should be attached to inviting leaders from IHK, including people
like Omar Abdullah, to ascertain their future vision. The Kashmir-specific
CBMs are withering away and need revival and expansion. The question of
direct free trade with India should be dispassionately re-examined and
explained to Kashmiri leadership.
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India has been acting on the fallacious assumption that unlike the
politicians a military dictator did not have to look over his shoulder to
deliver a compromise. This has not happened. A deeper dialogue between
elected democratic governments may, in fact, accelerate the
rapprochement and produce fresh ideas. All the three sides may benefit if
the secret channel is suspended for the time being and the three principal
coalition partners Nawaz Sharif, Asif Zardari and Asfandyar Wali initiate
collective consultations with leaders of India and Kashmir to develop a
broad strategic vision of a new political and economic order for South Asia.
The News advised march towards closer cooperation with India.
Manmohan Singhs initiative, in seeking better ties that ever before with
Pakistan, is welcome The gesture of friendship from New Delhi comes at
a time when tensions between the two nations have been heightened by
the controversy over the death of a Pakistani prisoner in an Indian jail, the
death warrants issued for Indian national Sarabjit Singh in Pakistan and also
veiled accusations from the former caretaker setup in Islamabad that India
could be involved in recent terrorist attacks in a bid to destabilize Pakistan.
It is important that, despite these irritants, the new government in
Pakistan greets Mr Singhs offer of a warmer handshake enthusiastically.
Improved ties with India, and especially a freeing-up of trade across the
Wagah border, would help the country a great deal by helping to resolve
some of the supply issues regarding food items that have pushed up prices,
and driven people to breaking point. Opening up doorways into India could
also serve other, essential purposes.
Looking to the east, rather than to the Middle East, could help
the nation rediscover the gentler, yet immensely vibrant heritage that took
root over centuries in India, as diverse cultures and religious traditions
mingled with quite astonishing harmony. Despite all the attempts to deny
this, the reality is that Pakistanis and the Indians share a great deal in
common from cuisine to wedding traditions, and of course a great deal
more. Rather than tearing ourselves away from this past, which is so much a
part of our present, it should be warmly embraced.
By stating that his party was willing to find ways to build
confidence with India, rather than focusing only on Kashmir, Mr Asif
Ali Zardari has indicated he is eager to develop closer links with India. It can
only be hoped that the broad coalition led by the PPP can be persuaded to
fully back such efforts, so that the inevitable attacks by hawks on both sides

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of the divide cannot hold back the march towards closer cooperation with
India.
Nasim Zehra urged India to reciprocate Pakistans moves on Kashmir.
Current and planned future political developments that have taken place
within and outside our region are likely to influence how the Kashmiris,
Islamabad and Delhi will approach, in the weeks and months ahead, the
settlement of the Kashmir issue. These key developments would include
the induction of Pakistans new government, the October Jammu and
Kashmir State electionsthe March 31 offer by Sayed Salahuddin, the
supreme commander of Hizbul Mujahideen, a key armed group fighting for
the liberation of Indian-held Kashmir, to review its policy of armed struggle
if Delhi agrees to tripartite talks on Kashmir.
At the core of Delhis policy has been the seeking of a solution to
Kashmir through containment of the problem using the internal track
dialogue. The Congress government has, while retaining the huge and
oppressive presence of security and para-security forces and continued, even
if somewhat reduced human rights violations in the State, are engaged in
dialogue with J&K electoral forces. Delhi has, meanwhile, unsuccessfully
offered dialogue to the APHC leadership and remains unengaged with the
third plank of Kashmiri politics i.e. the largely depleted yet still present
militants forces.
The debate within Pakistan on how to move forward on Kashmir
revolves around three approaches. One is the future-oriented approach.
This approach advocates that since at present Pakistanis and Kashmiris are
not in a strong position to negotiate a settlement of the disputed territory of
Jammu and Kashmir according to the UN resolutions, the settlement
question must be put off for a better time.
The second approach on Kashmir, advocated by sections in
Islamabad and in Srinagar, calls for engaging with New Delhi on finding
solution to the Kashmir. This approach seeks a solution and hence an end to
the Kashmir dispute allowing improved Pakistan-India relations.
The third approach is one that is a combination of the two
approaches. It is one that believes Kashmir issue is a living dispute, and one
that will neither go into freeze or on the backburner. Equally, it is not one
that can be solved through an instant or defined solution. Instead, the
problem involving the Kashmiri people requires initiation of a process,
which must focus on steps that begin to improve the political, physical and
economic conditions of the Kashmiris, and ones that involved Kashmiris on
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both sides of the LoC. This approach sees the process as a continuing
solution process.
There is continuity in Pakistans policy on Kashmir as it began with
the Nawaz Sharif-Vajpayee initiative in February 1998. It is a policy that
adheres to the third approach. And there is no doubt that the new
government in Islamabad will move forward with the third approach, as
it will use its diplomatic and political capital to improve the human rights
situation in the Valley, increase cross LoC movement and cooperation and
end Delhis policy of militarization, or as Farooq Abdullah said in 2007, of
turning J&K into a military garrison.
With Pakistan and India both on an even keel as democratic states,
Delhi must reciprocate to Islamabads initiatives on Kashmir without
seeking refuge in democratic paralysis. It is in Pakistans and Indias
interest to turn Kashmir into a bridge for genuine cooperation from which
Kashmiris, Pakistanis and Indians will jointly benefit.

HOME FRONT
There was no respite in ideological battle being fought on various
fronts. Karachi remained a battlefield between Islamic obscurantist elements
and the trigger happy enlightened moderates. During the days leading to
Eid Miladul Nabi, Karachi experienced killings mostly at the hands of MQM
militants, but the media did not dare reporting every murder.
In the month of March, at least 85 people were killed; out of which 53
were victims of targeted-killings. However, only one incident was reported
in print media. Two leaders of Sunni Tehrik were killed on 31 st March after
being kidnapped by the enlightened terrorists. Meanwhile, Altaf Hussain
warned of bloodbath in Karachi.
From the capital of Islamic Republic of Pakistan, Shakeel Anjum
reported that police raided a den called Cat House, which was visited
regularly by ministers, parliamentarians, bureaucrats, top businessmen and
bigwigs of the last government. This recreation facility was opened by a
former woman minister as part of Musharrafs enlightened moderation plan.
The young prostitutes brought from Lahore and rounded up during the
raid were released on bail under Women Protection Act. The bigwigs were
freed promptly as reward for their support for enactment of such a modern
law. Where there is rule of such laws, hearing of cases of Maulana Azizs
bail pleas had to be adjourned time and again.
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The Crusaders once again published blasphemous cartoons to test the

response of the nervous system of the Ummah. Rallies to protest the
blasphemous act were regularly held across the country. On 28 th March,
another blasphemous act was resented when Dutch Envoy was summoned
and strong protest was lodged over making of film Fitna and its posting on
the internet. On 6th April, Jamaat-e-Islami organized huge rally in Karachi
and demanded severing of diplomatic ties with Denmark and Holland.
F M Shah from Peshawar expressed his views about the enlightened
regime and Taliban. There is little doubt that violence and intolerance are
on the rise globally and particularly in Muslim societies. It has become a
fashion for the westernized intelligentsia of Muslim countries (Macaulays
successors or brown sahibs) to label the poor Taliban/mullahs as a source of
prevailing violence and intolerance. These self-styled intellectuals do this in
order to cover their own failures, misdeeds, intellectual bankruptcy and
corruption over the last many decades.
The Taliban/mullahs represent our societys real resentment
against the western hegemony which destroyed the whole fabric of the
Muslim World during the last two centuries. The ruling class, helped and
supported by the westernized intelligentsia, has played the most important
role in maintaining status quo and promoting violence, deprivation and
exploitation in society. The Taliban/mullahs are mostly from the poor masses
and a potential agent of change in a poor, Muslim country like Pakistan.
Muslim societies in general and Pakistani society in particular consist
largely of the deprived and exploited masses who are ruled by an elite class
which is in minority. The elite infuse the masses with violent tendencies and
attitudes as per the whim of their western masters. The westernized fraction
of society is privileged and is in control of all fields of life including
politics, business, bureaucracy, military and media.
They have hijacked the whole Pakistani society in the name of
moderation, enlightenment, freedom and democracy. It is the western
support that has made a handful of people powerful to shape the destiny of
the whole country. Those who are serving the western interests are getting
stronger with each passing day. Due to the fact that a minority holds sway
over the majority, there is little possibility of the emergence of a real
leadership in Pakistani society.
Low-level insurgency in Balochistan
incidents in this context were reported:

continued. Following

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 Gas pipeline was blown up at two places near Sui and Loti gas fields
on 14th March. Three days later, seven people were killed and 17
wounded in a blast and firing incidents in Dera Bugti.
Two miscreants were killed in a clash with security forces in Sangsila
area on 22nd March. Next day, one person was killed in a blast near
Sui. Power supply pylon was blown up near Harnai on 27th March.
Gunmen killed FC soldier in Quetta on 1st April. Next day two more
were gunned down. Two persons were killed in a bomb blast in
Jaffarabad.
Gas pipeline was blown up in Dera Bugti area on 3 rd April. Four
persons were wounded in a blast in Dera Murad Jamali.
Three troops and five gunmen were killed in a shootout near
Dalbandin on 5th April. Next day, Governor Zulfiqar Ali Magsi urged
an end to military operation in Baluchistan.
One FC soldier was killed in landmine blast near Naushki on 7 th April.
The same day, the UK declined to extradite Baloch men and in the
same breath the Brits wanted one-way extradition pact.
The Nation commented: Zulfikar Ali Magsi must have ruffled many
feathers by saying that the Baloch fighters were justified in losing faith in
the political settlement of disputes as they were not treated fairly in the
past. The comments came weeks after PPP co-Chairman Asif Ali Zardari
apologized to the atrocities and injustices committed against them in the
past. This was an obvious reference to the military operation launched in the
1970s to quell the insurgency in Pakistan
There is no disputing Governor Magsis assertion that a strong
government can always reach an accord for truce and peace. But then the
new democratic dispensation will have to do a lot to mitigate the anger
of the Baloch who were subjected to the worst sort of repression that left
hundreds of innocent citizens dead in the past five years of military
operations. The Baloch would certainly seek some guarantees for the
protection of their life and resources before agreeing to surrender their arms
and initiate talks with the new regime. As a first step towards reconciliation,
the government should immediately release all political prisoners and ensure
the recovery of those who were allegedly kidnapped by intelligence
operatives.

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CONCLUSION
Intelligence agencies of Kabul and New Delhi, under guidance of the
United States, have made inroads into Pashtun population living on either
side of the Durand Line. This has enabled them to divert the focus of the
Pashtun armed struggle from Afghanistan to Pakistan. Pashtun Taliban have
been made to believe that for freedom of their homeland, they have to choke
the lifeline of the occupation forces that runs through Pakistan. The
erroneous strategy of the US and its ally Pakistan of total reliance on use of
force has made militants motivational task easier.
The total submission of Musharraf to the wishes of the Bush
Administration has encouraged the US to put up list of humiliating demands.
There are sufficient reasons to believe that most of these demands were
already being met by Musharraf regime. The US now wanted them to be
formalized before new government was formed.
In the context of militants attack in Lahore, there is a very pertinent
point worth mention. The establishment of strong houses or interrogation
cells inside residential areas by the regime is a perfect example of using
innocent and ignorant citizens as human shields.
It seemed that for Ansar Burney, Pakistans interim minister, only
Indian spies were entitled to human rights. Pakistanis, including the judges
and the chief justice of the superior judiciary, have been stripped off such
rights by his boss. They lost these rights because they had dared hearing the
cases of the rights of missing Pakistanis.
On reminding by the media men, Burney realized that he was Minister
for Human Rights for Pakistanis. He asked the concerned ministries to
apprise him of Chief Justices detention. Hats off to the minister, who till the
near end of his tenure as caretaker, did not know the reasons of their
detention. Nevertheless, it goes to his credit that towards the fag-end of his
tenure as caretaker, he picked up the courage to condemn handing over of
Pakistanis to the US.
11th April 2008

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ZARDARI BROTHERHOOD
Since the victory of the PPP in general elections, the glaring feature of
the process of government formation in the centre and provinces has been
the manifestation of Zardaris spirit of Brotherhood. He seemed quite eager
to embrace everyone in a brotherly hug except the PML-Q, which happened
to be step-brother of the PPP. In one way or the other, both parties have been
fathered by General Pervez Musharraf; one in its birth and the other in its
rebirth.
The ever-growing band of brothers reached its culmination point when
two foster brothers, the PPP and the MQM, were united. Their joining of
hands was no surprise. It had been part of the BB-Musharraf deal and the
two major beneficiaries of the NRO. Thus it was only matter of time when
public proclamation of brotherhood was to come.
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Manhandling of two of the kings men in public was another event

which caught the attention of the media and public during the period under
review. The issue of the deposed judges, too, continued to be commented
upon and their restoration was demanded by various segments of the society.

EVENTS
Zardari met Nawaz at Raiwind on 30th March. He vowed to change
the system rather than faces. Nawaz expressed reservations against MQM.
Gilani asked ministers to stick to 100-day programme. He apologized to
Justice Ramday. Raza Rabbani was named new Leader of the House in the
Senate.
On 31st March Musharraf administered oath to 24-member federal
cabinet; nine of the ministers wore black arm bands in protest. The
ceremony was delayed for 40 minutes as Musharraf demanded removal of
arm bands and PML-N ministers refused. These ministers also kept standing
to avoid rising up on arrival of the President and they left without taking a
cup of tea.
The new government decided to review postings and transfers carried
out by the caretakers. Committees were set up on judges reinstatement and
abolishing of FCR. Speaker of NA said the Parliament would decide the fate
of 58-2 (b) and NSC. Amir Haider Hoti was elected NWFP chief minister
unopposed.
Justice Iftikhar received warm welcome in Quetta and while
addressing the High Court Bar Association he said judges sworn in under the
PCO had no legal status. Lawyers protested ransacking of Ramdays house.
The inquiry report was sent to the ministry in which, as usual, three junior
members of the Supreme Court staff were blamed.
Amir Haider Hoti was sworn in as NWFP chief minister on 1st April,
amid chanting of nationalist slogans. NWFP Assembly unanimously
condemned the statement of CIA chief about al-Qaeda presence in Pakistans
tribal areas. Pakistan dropped Swiss case against Zardari. Justice Wajih
said Justice Iftikhar should have avoided calling on Zardari. Aitzaz
apprehended plots against the Murree Accord. Federal Law Minister, Farooq
A Naek said Nov 3 steps were not part of the Constitution.
In a rare gesture on 2nd April, COAS gave detailed briefing at the PM
House on security issues, including the war on terror and the situation in
tribal areas to Prime Minister and heads of parties in ruling coalition and key
300

members of the cabinet. On the other side of the globe, General Kayani was
inducted into the US Army Command and General Staff Colleges
International Hall of Fame, a high honour reserved for top military officers
of the US allies.
Zardaris Brotherhood expanded further when he and Altaf became
brothers after telephonic conversation. Both leaders forgave each other for
the past and Zardaris visit to 90 would be reciprocated by MQM
delegations visit to Benazirs grave. Twenty-one member NWFP-cabinet
was sworn in.
On 3rd April, Zardari briefed Nawaz on his visit to 90; ANP in Sindh
expressed serious concern over PPP-MQM coalition. Ahmad Mukhtar
disclosed that Benazir wanted to go along with Musharraf. He said
Musharrafs role can be of great help in fight against terrorism; ensuring
countrys security and securing foreign aid. Foreign minister will accompany
President on his China visit.
Zardari said restoration of judges would be part of reforms package.
Reportedly, he also admonished Aitzaz for crediting lawyers movement
instead of his spouse for the revival of democracy. Law Minister, Farooq
Naek said the government instead of issuing an executive order wanted to
restore deposed judges through legislation. Aitzaz said the deposed CJP
would lie low for 30 days, but his optimism about restoration of the judges
had started withering. Javed Hashmi said he would be the first man to
protest against the government if the deposed judges were not restored.
Lawyers held protest rallies in Lahore.
On 4th April, Ansar Abbasi reported that Zardari issued a charge sheet
against deposed judges accusing them of not coming to his rescue when he
rotted in jail for eight years. He said this only a couple of days after
forgiving the MQM for all the killings of PPP workers. Rauf Klasra reported
that PML-N and ANP were alarmed at surprises Zardari has been throwing
at them of late, but Nawaz Sharif decided not to react until his party forms
the government in Punjab.
PML-N held a meeting in Raiwind after which Nawaz said no ifs and
buts on restoration of judges. Ahsan Iqbal sneered at Ahmed Mukhtars
statement about Musharraf. Lawyers warned against linking the restoration
of judges with reforms package.
On 29th anniversary on ZAB, the PTV paid tributes to the worst
thing that had happened to Pakistan. Corruption shot up during MusharrafAziz rule, said World Bank and Ishaq Dar said 16 million more Pakistanis
301

were pushed beyond poverty line after 1999. Musharraf was at ease, said a
close aide; president wont resign. Farooq Naek said NAB could not be
abolished without Musharrafs permission.
On 5th April, members of Sindh Assembly were sworn in amid noisy
scenes. Former chief minister Arbab Rahim was attacked; PPP denied
involvement of its workers. Power-sharing in Punjab was finalized; PML-N
to get 22 and PPP 13 ministries. Shujaat claimed that PPP was in league with
Musharraf. Nawaz hoped that Zardari would deliver on restoration of judges.
PML-N and ANP said May 12 was the major problem in cooperation with
MQM.
Speaker and deputy speaker of Sindh Assembly were elected
unopposed on 6th April. Prime Minister said the judicial crisis would be
sorted out. Law Minister finalized the constitutional package. The US
continued indulging in behind the scene efforts to ensure continuity of
Musharraf in presidency. US Ambassador to Pakistan, Patterson, met Altaf
Hussain in London.
On 7th April, Arbab Rahim was shoe-slapped in the corridors of
power; the Sindh Assembly Hall. MQM boycotted the session in protest;
inquiry was ordered and Qaim Ali was elected as CM unopposed. Arbab said
it was pre-planned. Members of Balochistan Assembly were sworn in. A
cabinet minister acting as a mediator said Musharraf was ready to cling on to
presidency with reduced powers.
Musharraf had just finished sympathizing with After Arbab Rahim,
when on 8th April Sher Afghan was thrashed in Lahore. Aitzaz rescued Sher
Afgan; then resigned from the SCBA; but termed the incident a conspiracy
against lawyers. MQM condemned manhandling of Afgan. Q and MQM also
asked PPP to accept responsibility.
Qaim Ali Shah took oath as Chief Minister in a ceremony that was
boycotted by MQM, PML-Q, PML-F and NPP. In Balochistan, Raisani was
elected CM unopposed. Musharraf summoned NA session, which did not
include judges issue on its agenda. Qazi said that Nawaz must quit PDA if
judges were not restored.
Members of Punjab Assembly were sworn in on 9th April; the
assembly passed resolution against Musharrafs coup and demanded UN
probe into murder of Benazir. In Balochistan, Raisani took oath; demanded
release of all political prisoners and condemned manhandling of Arbab
Rahim and Sher Afgan.

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In yet another blessing of the NRO, Zardari was cleared on

involvement in Murtaza Bhutto murder case. A money-laundering case was
also dropped. Ishaq Dar unveiled the fact sheet of Musharrafs wonders. He
said that his regime had replaced the Kashkol with the deg.
At least nine people were killed and 18 wounded as pro-Musharraf
militants reacted to Sher Afgans thrashing in Lahore. Most of the dead were
burnt alive. Widespread protests were held in Mianwali. Afgan blamed
Sharifs and JI for his manhandling. Aitzaz once again blamed presidency for
hatching conspiracies. Asma said Afgan got reward of his own deeds.
LHCBA said Presidency, Governor and Caretakers were behind Afgan
incident. PML-Q decided to brief foreign envoys on incidents of violence.
Dictators are behind violence, said Gilani on 10th April, culprits will
be apprehended. Musharraf said Karachi incident was reaction of Afgans
manhandling and he warned lawyers against anarchy. Ch Nisar blamed
President for hatching conspiracies. Security forces were called in Karachi
as lawyers staged countrywide protests. Rangers were again deployed
outside Judges Colony.
The Punjab Government terminated thousands of re-employed
officials from civil, army and police, while exempting officials from BS-1 to
11 except those posted against lucrative assignments, like Patwaris, Registry
Moharars, Excise Inspectors, and other officials of the same nature.
On 11th April, Dost Muhammad Khosa was elected as CM Punjab.
Sindh cabinet took oath. PEMRA Amendment Bill was tabled in National
Assembly. Hashmi said desperate elements were trying to derail parliament.
Chief Minister of Sindh vowed expanding the probe in April 9 riots. Altaf
Hussain promptly changed his mind to resign. Arif Nizami flayed torture of
journalists in Karachi for covering the incidents of violence. IG Police
ordered reversion of plain-clothed special staff posted at all police stations.
Dost Muhammad Khosa vowed reining in bureaucracy after having
been sworn in as CM Punjab on 12th April. Lavish spending of ex-CM
Punjab were unveiled and Khosa vowed converting CM Secretariat into IT
University. Sindh government ordered dissolution of Karsaz Tribunal.
According to a survey poll 81 percent Pakistanis wanted restoration of
deposed chief justice.

VIEWS

303

The ever-expanding Zardari Brotherhood, which has nothing in

common with Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt, was conceived during the
striking of a Reconciliation Deal between Benazir and Musharraf. The
signs of delivery of MQM-PPP brotherhood had become visible when
visitors from the US had met MQM leaders in Karachi after the election.
Muhammad Zaka from Rawalpindi wrote: Newspapers reported
recently that US officials John Negroponte and Richard Boucher called on
the Karachi nazim. This is not only surprising but also alarming as the
foreign officials have violated diplomatic norms by meeting a district
nazim for no apparent reason. What do US state department officials have
to do with a district administrator of Pakistan. It is not the administrator, but
the district (city) in which the US officials were showing special interest.
The US must not forget that 88 percent Pakistanis have already voted
against the pro-Musharraf forces in the recently held general election. It is
noteworthy that the elections marked a significant increase in the number of
seats of the PPP and the PML-N which have been opposing President
Musharrafs policies vis--vis the war on terror. Also, the pro-Musharraf
PML-Q lost its majority in parliament after the general polls Pakistani
nation condemns the visit of the two US officials who supposedly came to
rescue the sinking ship of President Musharraf.
The News commented: The agreement reached between Mr Altaf
Hussain and Mr Asif Ali Zardari, during the latters visit to the MQMs
headquarters at nine-zero, marks a historic step forward on Pakistans
political scene. After telephonic talks, the two leaders have agreed on an
agenda for national cooperation. Details are being worked out, the MQM is
now expected to take up positions in the federal cabinet and both Mr
Hussain and Mr Zardari have been euphoric in their announcement of the
deal. Mr Zardaris band of brothers continues to grow.
Amidst all the sentiment, the decision of course has important
political ramifications. For one it increases the possibility of peace and
order in Karachi, the countrys largest port city. Apprehensions of a new era
of rivalry played out in the city between the MQM and the PPP had already
caused concern, particularly as Karachi remains the commercial hub of
Pakistan. Instability or violence within it affects people everywhere. The
decision also strengthens the coalition in the centre, which is now emerging
as the largest such alliance to govern Pakistan, and makes the setup led by
the PPP less vulnerable to pressure from any one party.

304

However, at the same time, it means that with so many diverse forces
on board, the task of decision-making may become distinctly more arduous
and long drawn out. Citizens, desperate for an era of good governance, can
only hope the parties within the coalition live up to their promise of working
for the national interest. Such unity of purpose is desperately needed
today. But at the same time, the parties must remember that if they let down
people either by striking a deal with the establishment or deviating from
their pledge of changing the system the disillusionment that sets in will too
be greater than ever before. A failure by democratic forces at this stage will,
as such, be nothing short of disastrous.
In a subsequent editorial the newspaper added: The issue of
restoration of the deposed judges is already causing cracks and friction
not only in the grand political coalition but within the ranks of the PPP as
well. Barrister Chaudhry Aitzaz Ahsan has even gone on record to unfold
what he calls a constitutional package, born and bred in the presidency, to
selectively screen out the judges not liked by the presidency, foremost
among them Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry. Under the
attractive garb of providing sovereignty to parliament, Aitzaz says, all judges
would be dismissed and then re-appointed after scrutiny by a parliamentary
committee where the pro-presidency elements would rake up dirt against the
unwanted judges and eliminate them.
This warning by Aitzaz was almost confirmed by PPP co-chairman
Asif Ali Zardari at the PPP CEC meeting at Naudero, when he said the
restoration of the judges would be linked to the judiciary reforms package, a
position different from the Bhurban Accord. There are also reports that Mr
Zardari publicly snubbed and rebuked Chaudhry Aitzaz Ahsan in Naudero
on the judges issue, asking him to stop threatening long marches and stop
claiming the credit for the restoration of democracy because, according to
Zardari, it was Benazir Bhuttos ultimate sacrifice and not the lawyers
movement or judges sacking which led to the elections and the return of
democracy. These signs of bitterness within the PPP are unfortunate
Reforming the judiciary, and doing it through parliament, is the right
thing but the impression that the presidency is pulling the strings has to
be quickly dispelled by the PPP leadership. In fact instead of doing that,
statements by new PPP ministers have almost confirmed that the party sees
no harm in getting, and appearing, closer to Mr Musharraf. Defence Minister
Chaudhry Ahmed Mukhtar has gone too far in calling Mr Musharraf a
national asset and describing him as a remarkable commodity to bring
money into Pakistan. What could be more nauseating after the Feb 18
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verdict of the people? Such public statements would only create fissures in
the coalition and quickly stamp the label on the PPP of being Mr
Musharrafs B team.
It is also a fact that the administrative and legal machinery which
was in place before the elections has not been touched as yet by the new
PPP government. Even the key post of attorney general is still occupied by
the insufferable Malik Mohammed Qayyum and the new law minister,
Farooq Naek, says there is no move afoot to replace him. The extra warmth
shown by the PPP for former allies of Mr Musharraf, including the MQM,
has not only raised some red flags within the PPP but has also added
credence to the doubts that the PPP is trying to gather enough numbers to
make the PML-N irrelevant because the presidency so desires.
The PML-Q, minus the Chaudhrys of Gujrat, is also privately
claiming to come on board the grand coalition soon. There have been reports
that the unqualified and unconditional support to the PM extended by the
PML-Q, led ironically by a former PPP stalwart who defected in 2002,
Makhdoom Faisal Saleh Hayat, was at the behest of the presidency.
Likewise Pir Pagaras group, and all others on the fringe, did not blink an
eye and joined the PPP bandwagon for a unanimous vote. If it was all for
democracy it might be welcome, but this definitely is not so.
The PPP has to stem this growing feeling of approaching turbulence
by asserting that it will stick to its commitments to the Bhurban Accord and
would not let the basic coalition with the PML-N break up. It must take the
PML-N into confidence before this issue erupts on the public stage. The
main partners should be clear about the reforms package and the PPPs soft
overtures to the Musharraf camp. Any constitutional package in
parliament should not have the stamp of a child born out of conspiracies
in the presidency. It must be acceptable to the civil society and not negate
the electoral mandate against Mr Musharraf.
Gulsher Panwer from Dadu observed: The leadership of two
mainstream parties acted with high degree of statesmanship after winning a
thumping majority in February 18 elections. Since then their political
wisdom and maturity has surprised their critics as they have crossed every
stumbling block in forming a coalition government. They have melded
myriad political parties and groups with different political ideologies. And
till very recently the leadership of three main coalition partners has foiled
conspiracy to divide them. But there is a limit of the compromise for the
sake of consensus. Mr Asif Ali Zardaris eagerness to accommodate the

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MQM, rightly or wrongly perceived a terrorist organization is in my view is

not a wise step.
No doubt MQM has maintained its hold on Karachi and retained the
number of seats it used to acquire in the past from urban Sindh. And it is
also fact that without the MQMs cooperation it would be difficult for any
government in Sindh to function smoothly. But it is also a fact that MQM
has the penchant for blackmailing as it had been doing to almost all its
coalition partners in the recent past. Therefore the inclusion or exclusion of
MQM from the future coalition would matter little as far as the stabilizing
factor is concerned. The MQM is not even ready to extend an apology for
the May 12 carnage. Then, why such eagerness to embrace it as a coalition
partner?
Nirupama Subramanian talked about Zardari and his unnatural
brothers. When opposition parties joined the coalition partners to give a
unanimous vote of confidence to Mr Gilani in the National Assembly, only
the spring pollen count was higher than the euphoria over Islamabad. And
when the Pakistan Peoples Party-led coalition government took office, the
talk was all about rule by national consensus, peoples government and
the supremacy of Parliament.
From the fate of President Musharraf to that of deposed Chief Justice
Iftikhar Chaudhry, from the future of Pakistans role in the US-led war on
terror to its Kashmir policy, the coalition leaders have declared that
everything is now in the hands of the new Parliament. The
parliamentarians, especially the new ones who number record 192 in the
342-seat lower house, sincerely believe this, and the feeling of
empowerment among them is palpable.
Thus far, it has been a bit like watching a Bollywood flick two big
families, and several smaller ones, propelled by a tragedy into coming
together in a grand wedding, putting away generations of enmity while the
true villain stands exposed and trounced. But while Bollywood sign off at
this point with The End, Pakistan is only half-way through the script.
Mr Zardaris extension of the brotherhood to include the MQM has
also created discord within sections of the PPP in Sindh that find it hard to
bhai-bhai with an arch rival. Also unhappy is the PML-N that wants the
MQM punished for last Mays violence in Karachi when the deposed Chief
Justice attempted to visit the city. The reason Gen Musharraf has not yet
thrown in the towel, say some cynical observers, is because he is waiting for
the unnatural alliance of Asif & Bros to fall apart.
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Ayaz Amir observed: It began as a lean coalition of the politically

relevant. It is turning into a soap opera with a cast of characters
covering every angle, sunny, shady, of the political spectrum. Coalitionbuilding can be a sign of strength, a message to a dictator down on his luck
that his days of glory are over. But made an end in itself, it can mean a
blurring of aims, a dilution of purpose.
Mending fences with the MQM makes eminent sense, especially for
the PPP which must live with the MQM in Sindh. But it is useful to ask
whether the MQM shares the aims of the older members of the
coalition. Is it on board regarding the restoration of the judges? Not long
ago the MQM was hard at work terrorizing lawyers in Karachi. How will the
take new cozying up between Asif Zardari and Altaf Hussain?
Islamabads air is heavy with symbolism. Revealing a masochistic
streak we had never suspected in him before, President Pervez Musharraf is
proving a glutton for punishment and humiliation. When he swears in
ministers some of them wear black armbands to the ceremony. For eight and
a half years he was absolute ruler of Pakistan. Today he is an irrelevance and
is treated as such. No wonder his face is less face these days and more a
mask of torment and misery.
Conspiracies are being woven from the presidency, we are
ominously warned. What conspiracies? The presidents men Malik
Qayyum, the battered lord chancellor, Maj Gen Rashid Qureshi, savoring his
last moments in the spotlight before fading into the sunset, and my friend
Tariq Aziz are in no position to weave any.
Not to forget something else, Musharraf-appointed Chief Justice
Dogar orders Justice Ramdays house in Islamabad to be broken into and
evacuated. Civil society is in an uproar and when Prime Minister Yusuf Raza
Gilani gets wind of this, Dogars orders are overturned. What a sight it
would have been to have seen My Lord Justices face at that moment.
All these incidents are symbolic of one era ending and another
beginning. But can we live on a diet of symbolism alone? Shouldnt prime
minister and cabinet (which hopefully stays lean and doesnt become bloated
as cabinets have a habit of doing in our climate) get down fast to serious
business? The first item of business has to be the restoration of the rightful
judiciary.
Rahimullah Yusufzai wrote: The urgency with which big and small
political parties are joining the ruling coalitions at the centre and the
provinces means that the country is unlikely to have a real opposition in
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the assemblies in the near future Pakistans new rulers will have a free
hand and little fear of accountability in the absence of a proper opposition.
It isnt a bad idea to have a national government compromising
important political parties. National reconciliation is needed to tackle the
problem of terrorism and also check foreign interference in our affairs,
particularly American. However, there has been no indication that our
political parties have overcome rivalries and their leaders have put aside
personal ambition to become part of a national government. The concept is
alien to the. But this hasnt deterred PPP co-chairman Asif Ali Zardari from
trying to woo almost every political party to join him in cobbling together
some sort of national government at the centre and in the provinces.
The track record of our politicians doesnt inspire hope that their
newfound brotherhood will last. Political alliance have been formed in
Pakistan against a common foe, but none survived once the goal was
achieved and it was time to make a grab for power. In case President
Musharraf steps down or is shown the door, the coalition partners now in
power will have to create a new common enemy to stick together.
Now that Mr Zardari has made Altaf Hussain his elder brother and
visited the MQM headquarters, Nine Zero, in Karachi, one will not be
surprised if the party were invited to join the federal government and given a
share in the PPP-led government in Sindh. Since the two parties have
forgiven each other, there is nothing to stop the PPP and MQM from sharing
power and repeating their failed experiment at coalition-building in the
past
At this point of time, it seems that almost all political parties are
joining the coalitions taking shape at the centre and in the provinces. There
wasnt much of an opposition even otherwise and the one that existed
for a while is facing defections and shrinking in size
Altaf Ahmad Qureshi expressed his views on Zardari and the change
of system. Zardari, since the day he took over the party, had been saying
time and again that he was not for the change of faces but he was determined
changing the system So the system has to be replaced. But what kind of
new system would change the fate of the downtrodden? What kind of
democracy would be required and what kind of party should be there to
provide strength and support to establish the new system, are the questions
that need to be addressed. We will have to redefine the term democracy.
the democratic system which would help establish a classes society; an

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exploitation of man by man; a society of tolerance; a society wherein the

people are made the masters of their destiny; a society free of feudalism
Today in Pakistan, we have class society. Our Senate and assemblies
have the majority of those big landholders who do not have the feel the
Bhuttos had. There are few that represent the upper middle class. There is
none who could be dubbed as representative of the have-not. So, how these
assemblies can resolve the problems of the people. Why cant we allocate
seats in the assemblies on the basis of population ratio? The poor class
being the majority should get the majority share in the assemblies.
The second option could be proportional representation in the
assemblies This would help the middle and lower middle classes to go to
assemblies to represent their classes. This system would be helpful in
eliminating the necessity of finding out potential candidates to contest
elections.
Mir Jamilur Rahman wrote: Guess who said this: (1) President
Pervez Musharraf is a national asset and they would work jointly with him;
(2) President Musharrafs role can be of great help in the fight against
terrorism and in ensuring the countrys security; (3) President Musharraf is a
cashable product and can help bring money to the country.
The person who uttered these pearls of wisdom is neither
Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi nor Dr Sher Afgan Khan nor Wasi Zafar. It is our
new defence minister, Chaudhry Ahmed Mukhtar, a veteran PPP leader.
He claims he was quoting Benazir Bhutto. According to Mr Mukhtar,
Benazir had a broad vision and the PPP must utilize Musharrafs role in
accordance with her assessment.
This is exactly the line of the Americans, who have been teaching
us that President Musharraf is indispensable in the fight against terrorism.
They have also made it clear that their support to the PPP is linked to
Musharrafs continuation as president. No Musharraf no aid. The PPP
apparently has acquiesced in this idea with one minor change: Musharraf
listened to the American demands and then agreed to them. The PPP, on the
other hand, agrees with US demands even before the United States speaks.
The statements of PPP leaders indicate, and most analysts believe,
that the PPP has no intention to restore the judges at once because that
may jeopardize the position of President Musharraf, which is the last thing
the PPP would want. The PPP is also not keen to repeal Article 58-2 (b)
because such a step may create confrontation between the President House
and Parliament.
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The proposed entry of the MQM in the federal cabinet has not
pleased Nawaz Sharif. That may prove the last straw that broke the camels
back. As things are moving now, the PPP may take up the role of the
PML-Q vis--vis the president and the PML-N may go for the creation of
grand opposition.
Dr Ghayur Ayub looked at the ever-expanding brotherhood from a
different angle. It was May 13, 2006. A day before Nawaz Sharif and
Benazir Bhutto were going to sign Charter of Democracy. The ceremony
could run into problems, as a few members of PML-N team showed
reservation in signing it at the residence of Rehman Malik. When the
problem was brought to the notice of Nawaz Sharif, he thought for a long
time looking into the faces of those around him. There was complete silence
in the room. I turned my face to look at Nawaz Sharif again, he was still
thinking. Then, he moved in his chair with slight unease: We should sign it
no matter where the place is. Its a historic document and our personal;
feelings should not come in the way of this noble cause.
I looked at him and realized he was one of the most misunderstood
persons. His enemies called him a man with no vision or foresight. They
ranked him an ordinary politician. Contrary, his colleagues respected him for
taking difficult decisions at appropriate times. His friends loved him for
keeping social dignity. The decision he took there was far from simple
politically. He kept his feelings distant when he took that decision.
Over a year later, when the PPP leader was holding secret talks with
General Musharraf, against the specific clauses of CoD, Nawaz Sharif kept
quiet. But he maintained a firm stand opposing the General for derailing
the democracy. Here was a leader showing statesmanship despite being
provoked by the media to speak against the late Benazir Bhutto. It became
apparent during the days, when Aitzazs strong support to Chaudhry Iftikhar
became a sore point with Mohtrama. The relationship between the two
touched the lowest ebb. It was then, when a colleague suggested to Nawaz
Sharif to exploit the situation to his political advantage. Nawaz Sharif sent
him a message stating, we do not want to play any tricks with her. Lets
think and play straight. That was July 23, 2007.
The days and weeks that followed the elections presented events
showing as if some forces were trapping or isolating Nawaz Sharif. What
were those forces and how did they work? Lets look at a few issues in that
context. PPP started having backchannel parleys with presidency after the
Murree Declaration, repeating the story following the signing of CoD

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Zardari reportedly offered the position of Balochistan governor to

Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry. This meant his stance on the sacked CJP
was changing as this position was contrary to Murree Declaration.
It is said that PPP minister had met some of the deposed judges to
seek assurances that once restored, they would not re-open cases against
President Musharraf. He had been telling each judge, that he met other
judges who agreed to the condition. Later, when some of them got together,
they found that the minister was bluffing. In another move, some PPP
stalwarts were said to have become part of this game plan to offset the PPP
commitment to restore judges through a resolution in the National
Assembly.
Subsequently Asif Ali Zardari, following the policy of forgive and
forget, offered the MQM a share in Sindh cabinet. In response, Nawaz
Sharif convened a meeting of party MNAs and MPAs to discuss the PPP
plans. Majority of PML-N leaders were opposed to the PPPs inclusion of
MQM in the federal government. According to the PML-N sources, Zardari
called Nawaz Sharif and tried to convince him about the matter but he was
unsuccessful. Then the first four appointments by Asif Ali Zardari created a
stir in the hierarchy of PML-N. It is said that PML-N has decided not to
appoint officers with bad reputation.
A top legal mind of the PPP Sardar Latif Khosa, has been expressing
his views that the constitutional changes made by President Musharraf
through his PCOs are now part of the Constitution. In a TV talk show, he
said the Constitution stood amended after the November 3 PCOs. This
viewpoint is contrary to the stance taken by the signatories of Murree
Declaration that the right to amend the Constitution is solely with the
parliament.
Many believe that a conspiracy is hatched; to block the restoration
of deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry; to keep Musharraf
for full term of five years; and to marginalize Nawaz Sharif and exclude
PML-N from coalition in the centre making a new coalition between PPP,
ANP, MQM and PML-Q. This conspiracy is thought to be hatched by the
presidential camp. It is called Minus one Formula. It offers a constitutional
package, which would restore all judges except Chaudhry Iftikhar, at the
same time reappoint all sitting judges after a review de novo by a
parliamentary committee of both the House of parliament.
If this conspiracy theory is true than, it has the following five fold
aims, in addition to the objectives mentioned above:
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 To make parties like PML-N accept the PCO-Plus of November 3,

2007, a Constitution Act. This will tarnish Nawaz Sharifs image.
To give a breathing space to President Musharraf (who is under
tremendous pressure to quit) by diverting the attention of those who
want to see him go.
To put Nawaz Sharif in a tight corner and create a wedge in his party,
especially when the future of Punjab Assembly is not yet clear.
To compel Aitzaz Ahsan to take a compromised line. It is reported that
he is eyeing for NA-55 seat and waiting for a nod by Asif Zardari who
is annoyed with him.
To weaken PPP by encouraging those disgruntled PPP leaders who are
being ignored by Asif Ali Zardari or opposed to his friendly parleys
with MQM.
This conspiracy is the product of a plan written by the presidents
team before sacking the then CJP, Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry on March
9, 2007. In that plan, the well-wishers of the General Musharraf wanted a
future government headed by him and composed of PPP, PML-Q, ANP and
MQM. It seems what we see today in the political arena is the rebirth of plan
hatched in good old days of dictatorial rule.
It is testing times primarily for Nawaz Sharif, who fought the
election keeping the feelings of common men on the streets in mind. If he
did not succumb to pressures and accepted being marginalized, he will go
down in history as a politician who stood like a statesman and fought a just
war to recover the independence of judiciary which fell into the hands of the
army back in 1956. Keeping his past history of standing against unwanted
powers in mind, he will do what is expected of him.
Inayatullah discussed Zardaris vision and his vulnerabilities. The
PPP is largely a Bhutto-centric political party. Zardari is not a Bhutto. It
is remarkable how he has managed to fill the void created by Benazir
Bhuttos untimely death Zardari has also been successfully able to sideline
a powerful contender to partys stewardship and would not accept him as the
prime minister despite Makhdoom Amin Fahims fairly reasonable claim to
that office.
Zardari has shown an impressive ability to hold the party together, in
spelling out the party line and in addressing press conferences. He has
fervently spoken for a policy of reconciliation and affirmed the partys
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resolve to abide by the Charter of Democracy. He has vigorously pursued the

idea of a consensus national government after the elections and has
demonstrated considerable finesse in arriving at an agreement with
Nawaz Sharif as also with ANP and JUI.
He conceded the demand of the PML-N for the restoration of the
deposed judges and signed an accord to bring it about through a resolution
of the parliament within a period of 30 days. To meet the dictates of a
peculiar political balance of power in Sindh, he has entered into a coalition
deal with them. How he addresses PML-Ns reservations about MQM
joining the government at the centre remains to be seen.
One of the crucial questions that Zardari has to contend with is
his relationship with Musharraf, knowing well that a willing acceptance of
the ex-general is bound to strain his partnership with Nawaz Sharif. Nawaz
Sharif holds Musharraf responsible for all the ills and evils the country and
the people face today and is of the firm view that democracy in Pakistan will
remain imperiled if the ex-general continues to hold the office of the
president. If allowed to continue he will, thinks Nawaz, gradually strengthen
his position by creating a rift in the coalition government.
The crunch will come when the period of 30 days stipulated in
the Murree Accord comes to an end. Already the PPP is beginning to
vacillate about it. Sherry Rehman speaking in the National Assembly on
Thursday made the bizarre observation that 30 days will begin after all the
provincial governments had been fully formed. Mr Naek in a TV talk show
went a step further when he remarked that the period would start after all the
slots in the central cabinet were filled.
Above all Zardari himself has been signaling second thoughts
about the restoration. In a meeting of the PPP executive committee he is
said to have pulled up Aitzaz Ahsan for proposing to launch a long march if
the judges were not restored. He repeated his annoyance and unhappiness at
the lawyers movement led by Aitzaz in a BBC Urdu service interview. For
Zardari the judges issue has become both a dilemma and a litmus test for
him to honour the pledge.
We all know that Benazir returned to Pakistan after a deal was struck
with Musharraf. A vital part of the deal was the withdrawal of corruption
cases pending against Benazir and Zardari. Musharraf aided by his
commitment to do so by promulgating the NRO. This is something
unprecedented.

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Zardari is thus deeply beholden to Musharraf. No wonder he

publicly aired his willingness to work with Musharraf soon after his return to
Pakistan. That he has been in touch with the ex-general through his
lieutenants like Rehman Malik is well known So Mr Zardari just cannot
fully free himself from the burden of the favours done to him by the resident
of the Army House.
Nor can Zardari wash away the taint that sticks to him, which in the
past characterized him as one prone to lucrative wheelings and dealings.
Does Zardari possess the mettle and the determination to transform
himself into a man of integrity, to honestly team up with Nawaz Sharif to
establish the majesty of the sovereignty of peoples parliament, divest the
ex-general of all special powers acquired by him through the manipulated
17th Amendment and by virtue of the arbitrary action taken on November 3,
wrongfully using his position as COAS.
Zardari has to realize that real democracy will not come to this
benighted country unless the illegal and unconstitutional acts of the exgeneral are totally annulled. Zardari has to overcome his fear that the
restored judges might reopen the question of validity of NRO and he may
again find himself in the dock. He must know that escaping the long arm of
law through the backdoor, on the basis of a deal with a dictator is not going
to totally cleanse him of the charges leveled against him. He should think
deep and hard and hesitate not, to bring the judges back as any compromise
on this count will be tantamount to complicity with an unpardonable assault
on the supreme law of the land making the prospects of a return to
democracy, bleak.
Already the anti-democratic forces are at work. The bizarre incidents
stage-managed in Lahore and Karachi are attempts to trigger disorder and
create confusion to block the world-acclaimed year old lawyers brave
struggle, tarnish the post-election process of peoples rule and discredit the
politicians. He has to, he must, keep closely in touch with Nawaz Sharif
to jointly counter intrigues and conspiracies.
The analysts commented on emergence of new parliamentary
era. Wajih Shamsul Hasan wrote: Mr Gilani has a long way to go in these
most difficult times. Under the guidance of PPP co-chairman Asif Ali
Zardari, Mr Gilani too is doing the right thing by seeking cooperation from
all political parties. After all, Pakistan is in a total mess and Mr Gilani will
need the total support of the nation to pull it out of the quagmire of problems
inherited by his government.
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Pakistan has come to a stage when we all swim or sink together

irrespective of ones political affiliations and loyalties. The first test of the
supremacy of parliament will be when it debates and reviews Pakistans
policy against terrorism according to the wishes of the people that it
represents and not the dictates that it had been receiving in the past.
The News opined: President Pervez Musharraf took another bitter pill
on Monday when he administered oaths of their office to 24 members of the
Yusuf Raza Gilani cabinet, nine of them wearing black armbands to protest
against the president. The ceremony, otherwise, went smoothly but the
tension and bitterness was more than evident
Nevertheless the event marked another step forward in the
empowerment of the political parties which won the elections with a clear
mandate against the eight-year rule of President Musharraf, who it appears,
has taken all the constitutional follow-up steps very reluctantly and has
invited sharp criticism for not calling the provincial assemblies quickly,
specially in Punjab where his sworn rivals, the Sharif brothers, will become
all-powerful. This attitude has not helped the president or his image as
his power base is fast shrinking. The more he tries, in vain, to retain
control over events, the more his political opponents solidify their resolve,
acquire strength and cohesion.
As shrewd politics demands, most of the faces in the cabinet are
diehard party loyalists of both the PPP and PML-N and almost all of
them, except a couple or so, has been personally victimized and persecuted
by the Musharraf regime, some even physically tortured. It was a moment of
rare vindication for them to have compelled their tormentor to acknowledge
their political power and induct them into seats of government, despite heaps
of dirt and charges of corruption dumped at them.
A real experiment of democracy will begin with a determined
parliament, a reluctant president and a neutral establishment watching the
players as they perform. This in essence is the crux of a democratic order as
each institution has to balance the other. The only missing link in this
structure is the status of the judiciary which has to be fixed within 30 days
A truly independent and neutral judiciary has thus become crucial to
the success of the new system and the sooner this pillar of state is put back,
its full strength, the more stable the system will become.
Anjum Naz was of the view that Zardari and Nawaz Sharif must set
aside friends whom they consider family and appoint people who deserve
to be appointed. They just have to look around and they will find many
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more role models like Raza Rabbani and Ahsan Iqbal. While PPP
Senator Rabbani has spurned a cabinet post because he will not take oath
from a military dictator, the PML-Ns Ahsan Iqbal appears honest to his
bones. His living room window has a broken glass since long. How do I
know? He lives in a silent deserted house across from my street. Such people
must have their clones somewherego seek.
Ahmed Quraishi has been critical of critics of the Musharraf regime.
He observed hypocrisy galore in the new setup. There are things you cant
talk about these days or the new pro-democracy brigade in Pakistan will
bake you alive. Since our politicians are dealing with one another with some
civility for the first time, skeptics like me are forced to give them the benefit
of the doubt; but not too much. You see, there still is a lot of hypocrisy in the
air.
The man who campaigned to boycott the election now wants to slip
inside parliament through the backdoor: Five years? No, one month and a
half was enough to make him rethink. He is ready to ditch his friend, the
deposed chief justice, in return for saving his own political career. He
wants his party to let him slip in through a by-election.
Is it really ethical for Mr Ahsan now to try to get inside a parliament
whose election he so feverishly opposed? The more honourable thing for
him to do now would be to accept the consequences of his decision. Instead,
he should let his client, Mr Iftikhar Chaudhry, try his hand at politics.
Especially when the judge has given a fresh signal hed take the chance. The
first thing he did after release from his home confinement was to meet Asif
Zardari.
The double standards dont end here. Mr Nawaz Sharif wont
reconcile with the MQM as a coalition partner. He has reservations about
the party history. But who doesnt have a history? Mr Sharif should not
forget his own
And heres one more story: Would the induction of an American
Neocon in the Pakistan Foreign Office be a breaking-news story in
Pakistan? It should be Haqqani a Neocon? Im not saying this. The USbased Centre for Media and Democracy is
SourceWatch, the Centres online project, lists a very blunt title under
Mr Haqqanis entry: Neocon Nexus, it turns out that Mr Haqqani has
been working very closely with Neocon projects targeting Muslim
political action committees in America. He joined a Neocon pundit, Stephen

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Schwartz in co-chairing the nicely named Institute for Islamic Progress and
Peace
At one point, Mr Haqqani joined Schwartz in disparaging American
Muslim organizations for their focus on the Palestinian issue. On Feb 12,
2004, Haqqani was quoted as saying, the Jewish lobby has to organize,
write letters, and continue to contribute to politicians to counter the Saudi
lobby, which has extraordinary influence in Washington. Oope! I guess we
wont be seeing Saudi diplomats and American Muslim groups rolling out
the red carpet for the new Pakistani ambassador in Washington.
Considering how Mr Haqqani has entertained negative US
stereotypes about Pakistan on his American television appearances over the
past years, not to mention his own critical takes on Pakistan, a question
arises: How will he assume the new role of defending the homeland as
our envoy after years of doing the opposite?
Kamal Siddiqi talked about the challenges awaiting Gilani. As the
government is formed, Prime Minister Gilanis challenge will not come
from the President House. At least not yet, say some. For now it will come
from his mixed bag of cabinet members that Asif Ali Zardari and Mian
Nawaz Sharif have cobbled together. This left-right government is unique in
a number of ways. For one, rarely have we seen such a combo in power.
Second, for the PM to give portfolios to members of another important
political party is something that requires confidence and perseverance. Both
are lacking in Pakistans political arena generally. Here to hoping that they
are founding abundance in the new setup.
The challenges for the government are many. The most immediate
challenge is that of the fuel and energy crisis. We are told that the
government owes about $1 billion to oil-marketing companies, who have
threatened to cut off supplies or restrict the amount of fuel they sell if
payments are not made. The amount owed has not built up overnight. It has
been there from the time of the economic-miracle government of Prime
Minister Shaukat Aziz. The government has been unable to control spending
but has let debts rise. One needs to take to task all those who have let us
reach this point where we are fearful of lines for obtaining petrol in the
coming months.
Two months back President Bush did not know who Mian Nawaz
Sharif was. Today, the Americans have endorsed him and have said that he is
part of the new coalition against the war on terror. At the same time, the
Americans have intensified the bombing of what they see as militant
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hideouts in the tribal areas We are still unsure of what our stand is on
important foreign and domestic policy issues. Mian Nawaz says there
needs to be a re-think on our war on terror policy. Did we have one in the
first place?
The Gilani government should not lose focus. The ultimate goal is
a strong Pakistan. This can only be achieved by fighting poverty, crime,
corruption, unemployment and extremism. It is a tough challenge but one
that can be taken on if there is determination and clarity of thought. Let us
hope for the best.
Dr Sania Nishtar commented on the 100-day agenda. Ideally, the
hundred-day agenda should sift and separate the inspirational vision from
the steps needed to implement the vision and subsequently cascade the latter
into tangible processes that the government can pragmatically initialize
within the stipulated period. It is hoped that the government will engage
in such a strategic planning exercise to hone the agenda further and it is
within the intent of contributing to this exercise that a neutral viewpoint is
offered.
To begin with, the overarching context of the agenda should be
brought to bear; this clearly flags three imperatives: instituting
mechanisms, so that individual and group interests become subservient
to state interests; strengthening institutional integrity; and making
governance effective to enable the government to achieve broader goals
within the sustainable development, macro economic and security realms.
First, in relation to upholding state interest, the agendas commitment
to a free media and restoring trade and student union activities is
welcome. This can enable strengthening the societal political culture and
reinforcing democratic linkages between the government and the society,
which are getting increasingly tenuous. However, in doing so, the
government should formulate procedural values so as to build safeguards
against vested interest groups.
Secondly, measures within the 100 days to foster institutional
integrity and legitimacy of state institutions are important; while some
measures are being taken, others that safeguard against abuse of power,
patronage, monopolization, collusion and arbitrariness are needed. A conflict
of interest and disclosure policy, specific measures of public oversight and
legislative scrutiny or whistle-blower protection laws for individuals in highrisk environments would be symbolically significant in the 100 days and can
be built further upon later.
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Thirdly, making governance effective on the whole needs a set of

measures to strengthen and reconfigure structures of the state and
instruments of governance; these are beyond the scope of the present
comment, but within that remit, relevant to hundred days are some caveats.
Commissions in many areas should be carefully reviewed. Commissions can
be given specific roles over a timeframe for exploratory and analytical
purposes or on a more ongoing basis they can be mandated in a watchdog
role
The News focused on FCR out of the lengthy agenda. Perhaps, most
crucially of all, the existence of the FCR means areas falling under FATA
remain outside the mainstream of Pakistans legal and constitutional
framework. The isolation needs to end and the people of the area should be
granted the same rights as the citizens elsewhere.
The government as such needs to be applauded for pin-pointing the
FCR as a law that must not be retained and should not be defended by
anyone. This having been said, it would have been sensible to take leaders
from the area on board about the decision to do away with it. This is true
even though the ANP, the party that won the largest share of votes in NWFP
and can thus claim to represent the majority of its people, remains
unequivocal in its stance that the FCR should go.
The real need now is for a law to replace it. The provisions of this
law need to embrace the fact that tribal people have a particular culture and a
code of life, but at the same time these realities must not become an excuse
for ignoring the human rights and dignities of specific groups within these
areas. Indeed, special care is needed to safeguard the rights of women who,
even in this day and age, continue in many parts of the tribal belt to be
denied their right to education, to cast ballots, to property and to a great deal
else.
Tanvir Zahid commented on the action plan in the context of
countdown. Through the Action Plan, the prime minister has made his
good intentions very much clear that the PPP Parliamentarians led
coalition government means serious business and is committed from the
very first day to serve the masses and work for the overall betterment and
welfare of the electorate living in both urban and rural areas of the country.
People from different walks of life are already talking about different
aspects of the Action Plan for the first 100 days, keeping their fingers
crossed and hoping that the new rulers will come to their expectations

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and deliver the goods keeping in view the coalition governments

commitment, sincerity and all the good intentions in the world.
In all fairness, the measures envisaged in the Action Plan appear
rather ambitious as well as a tall order rather but at the same time it is
achievable if not within stipulated 100 days but afterwards as soon as
possible Given the sincerity, commitment and spirit of reconciliation and
cooperation, it can be presumed quite safely that the heavy agenda set by the
coalition regime for itself through the Action Plan will be achieved, if not
wholly then at least maximum possible as the countdown for 100 days has
already started.
On the whole, the Action Plan seems to be good beginning on the
part of the coalition regime in the right direction. Much would depend on
proper implementation, effective monitoring at all levels for achieving the
desired results and objectives. All concerned quarters should please
remember that over the years we have been doing lot of good planning for
various sectors. But at the implementation stage, we have faltered and
faltered badly. This should not be allowed to happen this time as the
countdown for 100 days of the Action Plan has already commenced in the
right earnest.
Kamila Hyat saw the Parliament in difficult situation. In the months
ahead parliament will be working as though in a pressure cooker with
the weight of immense expectations placed over it. This build-up of pressure
will come not only from citizens promised a new order through the lifting of
the ban on student unions, trade unions and withdrawal of laws including
dating back to colonial times, but also other quarters.
The unfortunate incident at the Islamabad residence of Justice
Khalilur Rehman Ramday, where an attempt was made to remove his
furniture and other belongings, is an indication that powerful forces still at
work in Pakistan are ready to contemplate a confrontation with the
democratic setup.
It is also from within this setup itself that the pressures will be
exerted. While President Pervez Musharraf continues to occupy the
presidency, there is reason to believe the coalition government will remain
unified. Once he departs as surely he must at some point in the not too
distant future there is a greater risk of internal division and discord.
Mr Zardari and Mian Nawaz Sharif seem also to be on the right
track by focusing on the need for a change in the system, a reversal of
economic policies in place over the last five years and the announcement of
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the economic picture within ten days. The relief desperate people so urgently
seek can come only through economic reform
The judicial crisis the only principled solution to which can be a
restoration of the unlawfully deposed judges is another source of pressure.
The lawyers who have continued a heroic campaign now for over a year
will not be abandoning their effort any time soon. The countrywide tour
deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry has embarked on is a
reminder of this. Any delay beyond the declared period of 30 days in
restoring judges will re-direct the ire of the legal community towards the
new government.
Fasi Zaka opined that the signals about good governance arent
encouraging. Knowing who is lying now in the political circus of Pakistan
is key. We are at an anomalous situation. Two parties always at loggerheads
are now on one platform, unified by the aphorism the enemy of my enemy is
my friend. But is the hatred of the president enough to keep things in
momentum?
To be fair both parties have managed to do well in handling the post
election phase when the ministerial pie was up for the grabs, and the PML-N
softened enough to take oath from the very president they cajoled the vote
bank into rejecting. While no one is openly saying so, what has come to be
quite like a national government. So we are in for a hunky dory time after all
then?
No, maybe not. The signals arent too hot. The first wave of
appointments has been nothing less than scandalous. Syed Shamsuddin,
Salman Farooqi and Rehman Malik are all back. Werent these people, to
say the least, bearers of the worst PR problem in Pakistani history?
Amongst this part of two in the parliament, most have seen the
greatest personal transformation in Nawaz Sharif. But with appointments for
ministries in Punjab, it seems yet once again that he has fallen on his crutch
of trusting those related to him or closest personally.
Politics may be about concessions; it may be about grey areas. But
the appearance of truth is as important as the truth itself. All the lip service
going around right now is being undermined by the indecent haste to
bring back the status quo to the cronies. The centrality of the current
problem is the induction of people who will be doing the bidding of the
sloganeers of change.

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The elections based entirely on the premise that the tried and tested
who had failed has changed. And of course there was some evidence to that
effect when the parties threw personal ego out of the window to cooperate
magnanimously. But maybe they have fooled themselves into believing
that getting rid of Musharraf is the endgame. They are going to be judged
far more strictly.
Babar Sattar observed: Only a few months back General Musharraf
and his patrons in Washington were busy cooking up a coalition of the
willing to continue his rule, but with a quasi-democratic faade. The idea
was to orchestrate an alliance between moderate forces in the country to
press forward the national agenda single-handedly forged by the general,
especially vis--vis the US war on terror. Such a dream team led by the
general was to include the PPP, the ANP and the MQM, together with the
Kings League. Had the design succeeded, it would have been a disaster of
gigantic proportions for multiple reasons not only for Pakistan, but also for
medium to long-term Pakistan US relations.
First of all, like all moderate nations, Pakistans majority falls at the
centre of the ideological spectrum. At a time of significant international
turmoil due to the war on terror and the level of distrust within the Muslim
World, contriving a leftist government in Pakistan would have polarized
the nation further. It would have pushed the centre-right PML-N further
right towards the religious parties.
Second, the political decisions reached by such a leftist alliance
would neither have been consensual nor effectively enforceable. For, as an
implementation arm with a representative face, a leftist government
beholden to the General could possibly fair no better than the Generals
own all-powerful government of the last eight years.
And finally, a west-sponsored leftist political alliance would have
been psychologically disempowering for this nation. It would have
strengthened the conspiratorial view that the establishment, together with
our foreign masters, continues to hold the sovereignty of the people of
Pakistan hostage. And in this regard the present coalition led by centre-left
and centre-right mainstream parties is the best thing that could have
happened to Pakistani politics.
The street wisdom of the day suggests that a PPP-PML-N alliance is
unnatural and its future bleak. The argument is that (1) these parties are
archrivals and the next electoral contest will also be between them, and (2)
they will either part if the judges are not restored, or, once the judges are
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restored and the president removed, the PML-N will have no reason to
remain in government any further
The institutional imbalance between the civilian democratic
institutions and the military the bane of democracy and constitutionalism
in Pakistan cannot be fixed so long as mainstream parties are engaged in
vicious confrontationalist politics. If democracy is to be strengthened and
the military kept out of the political fray, as agreed in the charter of
democracy, the mainstream political parties need to forge a united front.
Let the coalition government create a level playing political field, so
that from here on neither party is completely routed when caught at the
wrong side of the establishment. And then, with the rule of law upheld, an
independent judiciary in place, a sovereignty of parliament entrenched, and
broad bipartisan consensus existing on how to erase the fundamental fault
lines threatening the polity, we can return to fair yet competitive partisan
politics. During this critical phase of restoring democracy and
constitutionalism, the coalition partners must keep the deal-making
mindset and political wheeler-dealers at bay.
Shafqat Mahmood said coordination would be the key to coalition
governments success. The PML-N cannot compromise on the question
of the judiciarys restoration. It fought an election on this platform, and it
has reiterated this commitment countless times since. I hope the seriousness
of this resolve has got through to the PPP because some of its second-line
leaders talk rather than cavalierly about it.
There is no deceit involved here. It is just that for some odd reason
the PML-Ns allegiance to this issue is not seeping through at least to a
part of the PPP leadership. In his first speech to the National Assembly,
Prime Minister Gilani took a long time reaching the restoration question.
And, even then, it was no more than a one-liner. The fact that it got the
loudest applause should have alerted the prime minister and his party to the
importance their coalition partners attach to this question.
There is going to be no back-tracking by the PML-N. I say this
not because I have any particular inside information. It is just my political
assessment. Nawaz Sharif is a politician and thus ready for compromises on
incidental matters. He gave tickets to some Q people where he did not have
candidates. But he will not give up on the judiciary. Its restoration is now the
core of his politics. The PPP will make a serious mistake if does not
understand this.

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It has to stand together tightly; otherwise there is no shortage of

forces ready to exploit even minute differences. And there are going to be
many. We have no experience of a real coalition and therefore do not
quite understand the difficulties that lie ahead.
On the face of it, they have already agreed on the mechanics of the
judiciarys restoration. If true, they should pass the word down the line. They
also need to agree on the basics of foreign and economic policy. In addition,
they should evolve a common stance on tackling the insurgency in the
tribal areas and on combating terrorism, and, these agreements need to be
outlined in policy statements so that there is no ambiguity.
It is also important to carry these agreements to the placing of the key
personnel. I wonder how the PML-N is reacting to the appointment of
Mr Salman Farooqi as the lead person in the Ministry of Water and Power,
or how comfortable it is on retired Major General Mahmood Ali Durrani
taking over as National Security Advisor. The same will apply to key
ambassadorial positions, because both parties will have to deal with them.
The most important of these is ambassador to the United States, and Mr
Haqqanis name has been mentioned in this regard.
It is also important that institutional mechanics of decision-making
are fully employed. The cabinet has to emerge as an effective body and
not just used to endorse decisions made by the prime minister/president, as
in the past. The parliament must also debate all major matters and its views
should be given consideration. We have to move from a personality-driven
government to an institutional government, and the current dispensation
creates this possibility.

Musharraf, the main cause of the crisis, remained the target of

continuous criticism. Usman Iqbal from Lahore wrote: The interviewer
asked the president how he would like to be remembered in the annals of
history. Regardless of what Mr Musharraf thinks of himself, I believe he will
be remembered, if at all, as person, who destroyed every institution of the
country and wreaked havoc with the rule of law.
He will go down in history as a man who defamed the prestigious
institution of military by using it to kill its own people in the name of war on
terror. He made Pakistan one of the most unsafe countries of the world
by resorting to the use of bullets and guns to solve even most minor issues.
He damaged the very foundations of Pakistan by yielding to all
the demands of foreign powers. He was a ruler who always tried to bluff

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his way by justifying his actions on one pretext or another just to strengthen
and prolong his own rule. Being mistakenly proud of his achievements on
the economic front, he increased the divide between the haves and the havenots in Pakistan and made the life of a common man extremely miserable.
Sanam Z Khan cried; enough is enough. Our complacent attitude
towards dictatorship in this country has done much damage. Had we,
the people of Pakistan, said no to dictatorship eight years ago we would not
be in this position today. But sometimes lessons need to be learned the hard
way and we have indeed paid a heavy price for this lesson.
It is therefore incumbent on us to remember that no matter how bad
politicians are and how dirty politics get; it still provides a better alternative
to dictatorship. In the words of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto: The chaos of democracy
presents in its tumult, greater inherent stability than the mortal silence of our
dictatorships.
We must not allow dictatorship to ever take root in this country
again. It is therefore our duty to give our wholehearted support to the
political parties so that they can carry out the difficult agenda for the
salvation of Pakistan. May God give them the wisdom and courage to lead
us out of our darkest hour.
Shamshad Ahmad thought Musharraf had no business to visit China
amid chaos in Pakistan. Instead of undermining of the privilege and
prerogative of the newly elected leadership in Pakistan, Musharraf should
have let the new government establish its own equation with the Chinese
leadership. They shouldnt be riding on his shoulders to move ahead with
their popular mandate. The people will be disappointed over the working
relationships being developed contrary to their verdict.
In any case, Musharraf didnt have to undertake this visit at a
time when his country is mired in a crisis of blood and fire and political
chaos, and when mainstream political parties as well as civil society and
lawyers are publicly speaking of a hidden hand for the latest eruption of
violence in Lahore and Karachi as part of the conspiracy to subvert the
democratic process in its nascent phase. They blame the remnants of the
outgoing system that will hold invisible strings of power for these
conspiracies.
If at all a visit from Pakistan was needed, it should have been the new
prime minister who should have gone instead and taken with him the key
members of his cabinet. The Chinese would have surely preferred to avail
themselves of this opportunity for an interaction with Prime Minister
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Gilani and other key members of his government. But even that visit could
have waited for some time or at least until the political situation in the
country returns to normal, and the ongoing political struggle in the newly
elected parliament reaches its logical conclusion.
We have had enough of high-level global safaris by our leaders
over the past eight years. It is also time we brought an end to this Marco
Polo culture and infused some dignity in our state diplomacy. Musharraf is
already the most traveled head of state in the world. The only one who beats
him in terms of the number of foreign visits is his own short-cut of a dual
nationality tenure track prime minister who in his three year term set a
world record by visiting more than one hundred countries in public interest.
Humayun Gauhar wondered; is democracy really the best revenge? If
a mentally colonized people have slavishly opted for the masters
system, they must be allowed to learn the hard way, that this alien colonial
system will never deliver, for it is programmed to favour that same class of
today collaborators that the British created to act as intermediaries between
them and the natives you know, Macaulays black ministers who were
British in every respect except for the colour of their skin.
They are still happily playing the role for neo-colonialist America.
Just as America cannot function without an adversary, and when there is
none it creates one, slaves cannot exist without a master and find one when
there is no need for one. If the smug dont have patience they should make a
revolution, remembering that shortcuts like coups are not revolution as
Justice Muneer believed, they are just Hit against the State, which is the
literal meaning of coup detat.
Those with their feet on the ground were hoping and still are that
finally these elections would put us on the right track after 60 years in the
wilderness. Instead, because we are still slavishly following the convoluted
British system, we ended up with no one winning and parties getting more
votes and less seats compared to parties getting less votes and more seats,
with 70 percent of the electorate making the most important statement of the
elections by not showing up and rejecting of system, the parties and the
politicians. Result: a proxy prime minister presiding over a coalition
government of four parties with different priorities and agendas
Now we understand the meaning that humbug, Democracy is the
best revenge. Democracy and revenge dont go together, not even
revenge against authoritarian forces that almost always are products of the
failure of democracy. Only with the success and continuity of the democratic
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process will authoritarian forces recede. Revenge is one of the basest of

human emotions. Revenge for what; one might ask. If one were to consider
those parties that have never held power, one would come to the conclusion
that this revenge nonsense will never end for they have all done equally vile
and undemocratic things to one another, to the people and the country during
their tenures.
If the politicians really want reconciliation, then it is imperative that
every party indulges introspection and critical self-analysis and comes to
terms with its own undemocratic past. Otherwise the vicious revenge spiral
will go on spinning on the same spot while the world moves forward and we
keep getting left behind.
The analyst went on to comment the two incidents of manhandling
and then concluded: This is the best thing that could be happening to us. No
matter how much the suffering, no matter how great the decay, this
(democracy) is the only way we will learn. And only when we learn will
we break our chains of mental slavery. So even if this new dispensation
seems to be self-destructing faster than expected, it is imperative that we
help it to survive for a full five-year term. No dissolution of parliament
please, no army intervention, even if America says so.

Thrashing of Kings men in public was widely commented upon.

After the first incident the Nation wrote: Recent developments in the Sindh
Assembly evoke growing concern. The manhandling of former Chief
Minister Arbab Ghulam Rahim by political activists on Monday, one of
whom slapped him with a shoe, is to be seen from two angles.
Understandably, the backlog of public anger accumulating against
Dr Rahim over bad governance spanning five years is reason enough to
predict the incident. Apparently, it is very much the display of public
sentiment. On the other side of the spectrum, such happenings go against the
decorum of the august House, besides putting the concept of parliamentary
sovereignty in jeopardy.
Expectedly, the PPP workers are in high spirits in the wake of the
partys victory and needs to be checked and must not be allowed to grow out
of proportion. The newly-elected Speaker Nisar Khuro is a seasoned
parliamentarian, and hopefully would display the maturity required for
running the House. He rightfully condemned the maltreatment. Finally, to
separate the chaff from the grain, it would be pertinent to conduct an
enquiry into the matter as all the people in the session had been issued
passes and therefore can be identified.
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About the second incident the newspaper added: The unfortunate

incident allowed a number of interested elements to draw political
mileage. Dr Farooq Sattar accused the PML-N of being involved in it. Mr
Altaf Hussain termed it as terrorism on the part of lawyers. Law Minister
Farooq Naik also called it a blot on the lawyers while a section of lawyers
has called it an expression of public sentiment against President Musharraf.
The attack on Dr Niazi is highly condemnable. What is serious is that
those involved were lawyers who are supposed to be wedded to the view that
no one is criminal till proven to be so in a court of law after he has been
provided an opportunity to defend himself. Dr Niazi was targeted for his
views about the lawyers movement and many had disagreed with the way
he defended the previous governments policies, sometimes abrasively, but
he had met his come-uppance when he was routed in the elections.
Punishing a man by taking the law into ones own hands indicates a
thoroughly undemocratic bent of mind.
The way the lawyers had conducted protests for the supremacy of the
judiciary had created a perception that they were a disciplined community
that remained peaceful even in the presence of grave provocation. The
incident would make many rethink the assessment. That a section of
lawyers wearing black coats should refuse to listen to the appeals of their
elected leaders not to take the law into their own hands has brought a bad
name to the entire community.
There are grounds to suspect that there was more to the incident than
met the eye. Images captured by TV cameras show a fairly large number of
non-lawyers active in the incident. Than only a small contingent of police
was present to rescue Dr Niazi four hours after he sought shelter in a
lawyers office and that it did pretty little to disperse the crowd or provide
active security to him have led many to wonder if the incident could have
been a part of a larger plan to malign the new democratic set-up.
A day later it further added: Using the maltreatment meted out to
former federal minister Dr Sher Afgan Niazi as an excuse, a number of
armed men attacked lawyers, targeting in particular those who were active in
the movement for the restoration of the judiciary. Up to 12 are reported to
have been killed, six of them burnt alive, and 40 vehicles torched. The
assailants entered courts, beat up lawyers and set on fire the Malir Bar
offices. That the reaction to the incident should have been so violent and
prompt, and of all the places in far-off Karachi, has led many to conclude
that there was planning behind the violence. MQM happened to be the

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most organized and heavily armed setup in the country for planning and
successfully executing such terrorist acts.
The incident has in the meanwhile added to the prevailing
polarization. Parliamentarians of the former ruling alliance staged a
walkout from the National Assembly while the President warned lawyers to
desist from spreading chaos in the country. On the other hand, countrywide
protests were staged by lawyers condemning the Karachi killings.
The Presidents camp which gave the appearance of being in
shambles after the devastating electoral defeat in February has now joined
ranks and opened an offensive. Zeroing in on the anti-Musharraf forces it
has accused the PPP of being behind the attack on Arbab Rahim and the
PML-N and the lawyers of manhandling Dr Sher Afgan. The ruling
coalition, on the other hand, gives the impression of being clueless and
even divided. Some of the PPP ministers have accompanied the President to
China while those belonging to the PML-N have declined to do so. The PPP
leadership, which tried to reach an understanding with the MQM, to the
dismay of its own members from Sindh and the PML-N, the ANP and the
lawyers bodies, has been shocked to find the bonhomie earlier displayed by
the MQM suddenly and inextricably replaced with an altogether unfriendly
posture.
The violence which came a day after the new Sindh Chief Minister
Qaim Ali Shah was sworn in indicates what lies ahead for him. Mr Zardari
has blamed palace intrigues of being behind the Sindh Assembly incident
and the Karachi killings. Unless the ruling coalition is able to develop some
sort of consensus on the tactics to deal with the intrigues, doubts will
continue to persist about its ability to sustain the ongoing experiment in
democracy.
After April 9 incident in Karachi the newspaper commented: Two
gory incidents in Karachi within less than a year involving killing of
innocent people, the May 12 mayhem followed by April 9, have left too
deep an imprint on the psyche of the nation to be removed by political
gimmickry, the announcement of his resignation and its inevitable
withdrawal by Mr Altaf Hussain being an exercise of the sort in the eyes of
many. In view of this being fourth flip-flop on resignation by Mr Altaf
Hussain since January 2007, few had taken it seriously when he made the
announcement to be withdrawn within an hour.
Mr Hussain finds it difficult to explain away the April 9 violence.
He says a false rumour regarding some of the pro-MQM lawyers having
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been killed in an attack led certain people in the city to go berserk,

destroying property and killing people. He also attributes the incident to the
manhandling of Dr Sher Afghan Niazi in Lahore, which in spite of being
condemnable, is too insignificant to be considered sufficient provocation for
the monstrous crimes committed on Wednesday. What is serious is that the
violence was not indiscriminate, as happens in the case of its being
spontaneous, but carefully targeted against the section of lawyers active in
the movement for the restoration of the deposed judges, indicating an
element of stage managing
The new government owes it to the people of the entire country to
conduct a thorough and credible enquiry into the May 12 and April 9
incidents and punish those responsible. Unless it does so, it would be
allowing terrorist gangs to hold Karachi hostage and to strike again at places
and times of their liking. The April 9 incident continues to draw
condemnation from all over the country. One expects the MQM leadership
to undertake genuine soul searching.
In yet another editorial the paper wrote: While the oracles might get
away with riddles, politicians cant because they are required to respond
clearly to pressing issues, some of which cannot be put on back burner.
It wont do, for instance, to vaguely speak about dictators being behind the
Karachi violence, as Prime Minister Gilani has done There is need on the
part of the government to urgently punish the criminals responsible for the
mayhem.
While the president camp is getting united, the two major parties in
the ruling coalition give an impression of moving in opposite directions,
causing dismay among those who want democracy to flourish in Pakistan.
The way the Murree Accord has been interpreted by Federal Information
Minister Sherry Rahman, arbitrarily pushing forward for a third time the last
date for the reinstatement of the deposed judges, is the latest example of the
failure to bridge the differences. While the Karachi killings have added new
reservations to those already being expressed by the PML-N and ANP
regarding the MQM, Interior Advisor Rehman Malik has made a fresh move
to woo the ethnic party for inclusion in the provincial and federal cabinets.
The studied avoidance by the PPP to directly criticize the
President has led many to conclude that it is keen to maintain a working
relationship with him in the days and perhaps months to come. This is in
stark contrast to Senior Federal Minister Ch Nisar Ali Khan accusing the
President of hatching conspiracies and his demand that he either quit or be

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prepared for impeachment. The two parties seem to view the lawyers
movement differently, the PML-N fully supporting it and the PPP giving the
impression of being fed up with it.
Attempts to please everyone at a time of increasing polarization
have no chance of succeeding. These could in fact would be suicidal when
everyone is speaking about conspiracies being afoot to destabilize the
elected government. There is a need on the part of the top leadership of the
four-party coalition to urgently iron out their differences on vital issues
facing them.
Farrukh Shahzad from Australia wrote: The recent manhandling of
two prominent leaders of the former kings party was a shameful act and is
against the norms of the democratic spirit. The manhandling of former CM
Sindh Arbab Rahim allegedly at the hands of PPP workers in Sindh
assembly will fuel the culture of political vendetta. The manhandling of Dr
Afgan by the suspected lawyers along with some unidentified men is a
setback to the lawyers movement. This movement is regarded as the most
peaceful movement in the country.
The culprits of these events must be brought in court of law for trial
and the real hand behind these most condemnable acts has been revealed.
Prudent eye is required to tackle these issues as the timing of these acts
raises many questions.
Subha Naweed from Lahore opined: The incidents of Tuesday cast
accusing eyes on all the lawyers. Though what happened with ex-minister
Sher Afgan was indeed shameful, it has yet to be understood that the
lawyers involved in the incident were only in a minority as the majority of
the lawyers would never behave in such a hideous manner and would never
risk jeopardizing their restoration of judiciary movement, for which they had
protested endlessly and repeatedly.
The fact that firstly, Sher Afgan was the only minister in the previous
cabinet who stood by Musharraf during the proclamation of emergency,
justifying his actions and supporting him and secondly just because Sher
Afgan did not support the lawyers in their ongoing movement does not
entitle the angered people, let alone the so-called lawyers involved in the
incident, to take law into their own hands and treat a person in a manner
even worse that criminals are treated.
Needless to say that these both incidents clearly appear to be a
huge controversy to sabotage the ongoing lawyers movement for the
restoration of judiciary, as in both these events it were the lawyers who were
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defamed and ridiculed. However, what people fail to comprehend is that the
lawyers did not have any motive for behaving in such a way, as they have
not gained anything by manhandling the minister but instead have been
pushed a few steps back from achieving their goal of restoring the judiciary.
Kamil Hassaan from Lahore said: Coalition cant survive.
Democracy cannot prevail in Pakistan. Alliances days are numbered. PPPPML-N alliance cannot deliver. These are the golden quotations of a strong
lobby, whose interests are on stakes after losing February 18 elections. This
lobby is always victorious by manipulating peoples sentiments against their
vested interests. This lobby always adopts wait and strike quickly
policy. What happened in Turner Road, Lahore, is best example.
This incident shows the feelings of our people against those who
were once darling of previous regime. Gang of four i.e. Sher Afgan Niazi,
Shaikh Rashid, Wasi Zafar and Muhammad Ali Durrani were the vocal
instruments of previous regime and they had never spared their opponents.
Malick Tariq also from Lahore wrote: President Musharraf in an
exclusive interview with Xinhua stated that Terrorist is a man with weapon,
who will kill you, if you dont kill them, before they kill you. This is the
philosophy of a man for whom power comes through the barrel of a
gun, and solution to every problem is use of force.
In Musharraf doctrine, if the man holding a gun is his supporter, then
he is not a terrorist, but that is legitimate show of people power. This is what
Musharraf said when over 50 innocent persons were killed by hoodlums of
the Presidents coalition partners in Karachi on 12 May 2007. Is such a man
worthy of ruling a country, with problems as enormous as the ones that
confront Pakistan.
Violence breeds violence and use of force is not a solution to any
problem. Force when used quell legitimate demands like restoration of
constitution, independence of judiciary, or basic fundamental rights, only
forces the oppressed to resort to use of gun as an expression of dissent. This
is what happened in Pakistan, where gun totting youths on motorcycles drive
through Karachi, firing indiscriminately, without any fear of being held
accountable. In Musharrafs era, Pakistan has slowly descended to anarchy.
On 9th April 2008, few TV channels showed footage of hoodlums on
motorcycles firing indiscriminately, while the establishment would have us
believe, that this is the outcome of a clash between two groups of
lawyers. People of Pakistan need to know the conspiracy being hatched by
hidden powers to rob the nation of its democratic process.
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Fakir S Ayazuddin opined: These were the fruits from seeds sown
earlier by Dr Arbabs behaviour toward others in his term as Chief Minister.
Two days later a far more serious occurrence was the surrounding of Dr Sher
Afgan It seems he had gone to a lawyers office where he was recognized
and held captive by a group of lawyers for three hours till his predicament
was relayed to Aitzaz who rushed to the scene and managed to extricate the
beleaguered Sher Afgan.
The next day, Karachi was shut down, and mobs went on the
rampage burning cars and buses. Most horrifying was the burning alive of
six people in a lawyers office where the bodies were discovered locked
inside; charred beyond recognition. These actions have reduced our
politicians to a new low, but hatred of these levels to incite normal
Pakistanis to such bestial behaviour is inexcusable, and certainly beyond the
scope of citizens of Karachi
The Prime Minister should now take firm control of his executive
duties and immediately call upon the parties to put an immediate stop to
these dangerous activities. As Prime Minister of Pakistan he has been
handed his first serious crisis one that will determine his performance
against the future crises as to how he handles this particular issue. This is
without doubt a serious challenge to his authority and one that in his nascent
stage, may be the most difficult to handle.
Raoof Hasan observed: The tragic events of the last few days are
reminiscent of a draconian mindset that has not reconciled with the result
of the February 18 elections and is sparing no avenues to thwart the
aspirations of the people expressed through their overwhelming support for
the democratic forces. In spite of an unnecessary and inordinate delay in the
summoning of the national and provincial assemblies, the optimists hoped
that a fair chance would be given to the nascent constitutional institutions to
function in accordance with the will of the people of the country.
A spate of murder, arson and looting in Karachi are distasteful
reminders of the evil webs of deceit that are still being woven by the
incumbent of the Camp Office and his grandiose battalion of sycophants.
The fact that the people of Pakistan have given them marching orders in no
uncertain terms is still not sinking in. The Machiavellian conspiracies are
being hatched to sow seeds of discord among the partners of the coalition.
PML-N stands out as the principal target of the vilification
campaign being orchestrated by the propagandists of the now ousted
government led by PML-Q and MQM. This is so because PML-N is the one
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political party that has taken an uncompromising and principled stand

regarding the reinstatement of all the ousted judges, the removal of the
unconstitutional General Musharraf and a permanent end to any political
role for the armed forces of the country.
Part of the problem also emanates from the inordinate haste with
which Peoples Party has tried to embrace MQM across a river that flows
with the blood of hundreds of innocent people who have died in Karachi in
the recent past. The bloodbath peaked on May 12, 2007 when over fifty
people were target killed by the gun running outlaws of the MQM in a brutal
show of power to deny Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry entry
into the city. That was in conformity with the tactics of blackmail that the
ethnic leadership of MQM has been consistently and routinely employing to
over-play its so-called mandate in the city of Karachi and hold the entire
country to ransom to perpetuate its demand for a disproportionate say in
national politics. The happenings of April 9 in Karachi have the indelible
marks of an MQM script written all over it.
It has been patently clear for a long time that General Musharraf
and democracy cannot coexist. Having been used to exercising
unquestioned power throughout his incumbency, it is difficult to share it
with other players, much less give it up in consonance with the will of the
people. He is the same general who refused to address his own handpicked
Parliament for five years running. He failed to implement any of the seven
reforms that he spelt out so vigorously at the time of his unconstitutional
dismissal of an elected government. Every institution was systematically
brutalized with a view to turning the country into a one-man fiefdom.
By targeting leaders of national stature through the use of brutal state
power, the previous regime sowed seeds of disaffection among the smaller
provinces of the country. Musharraf gathered around himself a coterie of
half-demented, half-smile advisors who egged him along with a servile clap
every now and then to promote their own selfish agendas. He hoisted a
party and a parliament consisting of turncoats and renegades of
multiple dimensions and descriptions.
It is hoped that the political leadership would be able to cope with
these discordant notes that are out of sync with the surge of democracy. An
unambiguous resolve needs to be manifested to come good on the promises
made to the electorate, most notably the restoration of the judiciary as on
November 2, 2007. Countrys problems would remain unresolved as long
as General Musharraf stays. But his time is up.

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Sarmad Bashir wrote: The manhandling of Doctors Arbab Ghulam

Rahim and Sher Afgan Niazi, one slapped with shoes and the other roughed
up by cops in the lawyers guise, turned out to be a trigger for the Karachi
carnage which left six persons burnt alive, many more injured and over four
dozen vehicles torched.
Perhaps the best way to prevent the country from sliding into anarchy
is to put these two and the rest of General Musharrafs erstwhile
mouthpieces in protective custody until we manage to bring tolerance to
our society. Imagine the degree of peoples rage if the likes of Sh Rashid and
Wasi Zafar of the long arm fame ever decide to make a public appearance
one of these days.
You cannot simply let loose the duo and expect the people to be nice
and courteous to them. Or you cant expect the public to come out of the
frenzied mood which has set into circulation derogatory handbills against
the Chaudhrys of Gujrat. The latest, Talash Gumshuda, has the pictures of
Pervaiz Elahi and Cousin Shujaat Hussain juxtaposed with offensive
captions underneath. One reads: Name Ch Azab Elahi, formerly CM
bhooka nanga Punjab; Description: Donned the mantle of selfishness. And
the other: Name Ch Jahalat Hussain, ex-stopgap PM; Description
impaired speech and sight, mentally deranged and identifies himself as a
Quaid-i-Azam. Their favourite drink: the poor mans blood. Note for the
readers: Get this handbill photocopied and distribute it to as many people as
possible and you will be rewarded in the hereafter.
Pity this poor nation. It wasted no time in forgetting how much good
the custodians of House of Gujrat have done to this country in the last five
years. They fought relentlessly against the looters and plunderers who had
been forced into exile. They pledged to get Musharraf elected president in
uniform over and over again to keep themselves in power, not for their
personal gains but to serve the masses. They distributed free textbooks, with
their blowing faces on them, among the poor school children to make them
remember their genuine leaders.
Law and order remained Ch Pervaizs top priority. He did not
take the risk of appointing any police officer as DPO who had not served in
Gujrat at any time in the past. CCPO Lahore Malik Muhammad Iqbal and
his predecessor were his finest finds from the Police Department. It was for
the first time that the Punjab found any government endeavouring seriously
to bridge the rich-poor divide in the society. Every single house in Moonis
Elahis provincial constituency in Model Town, no matter a 12-kanal

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bungalow or a tiny two-bed apartment in the neighbourhood, received a

cheque for Rs 1500 each as a quarterly payment from the Punjab Zakat Fund
well ahead of the February 18 general elections.
Come Ch Shujaat and he is matchless indeed when it comes to
watching the national interest. He does not mind being ridiculed for his darkgoggles-on public appearances. Its like a blind man watching Mr Beans
doing the nasty things and not getting amused. An ailing man with
chronic speech impairment accepted a two-month premiership to right the
wrongs done to this country over the past 60 years.
It was in the inglorious fall of Ch Shujaat and colleagues in the recent
elections that the country has been deprived of the most caring political
leadership. They had no love lost for Musharraf but they stuck to him
because they wanted his blessings until they became strong enough to stand
on their feet. Their hopes of getting back into power received a death blow
from the backstage players who silently watched this house of cards
collapse.
The beating Dr Rahim received was a expression of rage by the
PPP workers for the excesses committed against them in the last five
years and for the abusive language he had been using against their slain
leader. Somebody must stand guard over sheeda tully who was sorted out by
the second PPP government for behaving like street urchins. One can
understand why hes not even attending the weddings of his close relatives
these days.
But if Dr Afgan was punished for throwing tantrums in the past,
Shahbaz Sharif and his party workers should keep in mind that the treatment
meted out to the elderly man would not make him learn civilized ways of
expressing anger against his political opponents. These show boys of
dictatorship should be better left to themselves until they learn to behave.
Democracy is certainly too precious a thing to be sacrificed at the altar
of vengeance.
Ikramullah observed: As a nation, we seem to enjoy conspiracy
theories of all sorts. More disasters and national tragedies follow suit and
meet the same fate. The constant casualty has been Democracy. Has
Pakistans civil society and our political leadership learnt any lessons as how
to protect and sustain it while passing through the rough the critical phase of
transition from the old order to the new one? The process of transfer of
power is not completed by a simple oath taking ceremony. It requires a

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change of mindset by the new leadership, including the opposition. There

are no foes in a democratic order.
Having said that, it is unfortunate that the picture presented by
responsible elements of our society and our political leadership is not
very encouraging, to say the least, in the context of ugly incidents at
Karachi, Lahore and again at Karachi from April 7 to 9. Former CM Arbab
Rahim was roughed up and was given shoe lashing the worst humiliation
in the subcontinent The mastermind behind the conspiracy must be
identified and sternly dealt with according to law.
The very next day the scene of another shoe beating shifts to Lahore,
which may be a mere co-incidence. This time the target was Dr Sher Afgan
Niazi, who had to face the lawyers wrath. Niazi was besieged for hours by
angry and hostile lawyers. They all hated Niazi for his role.
According to their concept of democracy, the defeat of the old regime
at the ballot resulting in a change of regime of their own choice is not
enough. They want something more. In the meantime the political stalwarts
of the past regime must learn a lesson and the new government now in
place, must be kept under constant pressure and even threats like street
agitation and Long March to Islamabad, in case of any dilly dallying by the
PM, who belongs to the other partner of the coalition, than the one in the
Punjab which is fully supportive of the urgency to meet the lawyers
demands within 30 days of the new regime at Islamabad, out of which 10
days have already passed
The incident of Dr Niazis manhandling has also been labeled as
conspiracy without elaborating as to who are the conspirators. There have
been accusations and counter accusations. Some have involved the PMLQ, MQM and even the presidency, while others are accusing the PML-N and
yet others feel that the lawyers have politicized the issue of the restoration of
the judges.
The President and PM have expressed a similar resolve in a joint
statement. At the heart of the present situation lies the complex issue of the
restoration of the CJ Chaudhry, on which an agreed solution is yet to
emerge. Any deadlock could be disastrous. Time is running out.
Conspiracies, resignations and their withdrawals are out of date. The fate of
Democracy in Pakistan is in the hands of the ruling coalition and the civil
society.

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Restoration of the deposed judges was indeed the core issue for
the people of Pakistan. A T Hussain from Lahore wrote: I think if lawyers
really want an independent judiciary, they should take action against those
judges who happily occupied the offices of their brother judges after the
promulgation of a Provisional Constitutional Order. Is it not true that due to
a judgment given by Justice Muneer, the law of necessity was validated
which was subsequently used by successive military dictators?
It is also the judiciary which killed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto after a fake
trial. For the last 60 years, the judiciary always sided with the establishment
and functioned against the interests of the people. I think it is time to
change the manner judges are appointed in the superior courts. Also
some judges are very rich and wealthy whose assets should be investigated
and made public.
The News expressed its reservations on the meeting between the AG
and Rehman Malik. Reports of a meeting between the new PPP adviser to
the prime minister on internal affairs, Rehman Malik, and Attorney General
Malik Mohammad Qayyum, in which they discussed a number of hot-button
issues, including the Red Mosque and Jamia Hafsa episodes, raise a
number of intriguing questions. Malik Qayyum is a diehard loyalist of the
old regime and his relations with the PPP have been anything mutually
tolerable.
Why is Qayyum still in office and why is the de facto interior
minister discussing his administrations policies with a man who should
have been shown the exit door a long time back? Even more intriguing is the
fact that while senior appointments have already been made on key
bureaucratic positions by the Yusuf Raza Gilani administration, no change
has taken place yet in the interior and the law ministries which have to serve
as the executive arms with critical roles to play for the new administration.
In fact, without a change in this setup nothing on the ground would
change
An impression is fast gaining ground that 1988-type secret conditions
are being imposed by the establishment, still being dictated by President
Musharraf, to plant dependable players to shadow and monitor the
ministries and decision-making institutions which serve the interests of the
security and military establishment. Reports that the outgoing Pakistan
ambassador in Washington, a retired major general who was the direct
conduit between Mr Musharraf and Washington DC, will now be placed as
the prime ministers national security adviser, lend strong credibility to the
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perception that the PPP-led coalition has agreed to some such conditions
before it was allowed to take over the administration.
What must immediately be done is that all the discredited
functionaries of the old regime including Malik Qayyum, senior officials of
the interior ministry, heads of all law enforcement and intelligence agencies
under the civilian government must be immediately replaced with men of
integrity who can be trusted by the people who voted the new government
into power. Any attempt to insult their intelligence will not work.
In a subsequent editorial the newspaper added: The report that at his
partys central executive committee meeting in Naudero, Asif Ali Zardari,
in an animated attack on the deposed judges, issued a virtual charge
sheet against them is alarming. The reports gave rise to suspicions that the
PPP-PML-N coalition which signed the historical Murree Accord pledging
to restore the judges within 30 days, may come under strain. But the PPP
leadership has quickly taken action to control the damage. A PPP spokesman
firmly asserted on Saturday that the party was committed to the Murree
Declaration and the restoration of the deposed judges. Mian Nawaz Sharif
has also expressed the confidence that the Murree Accord will be honoured
by the PPP.
In a direct response to a call from lawyers leader Aitzaz Ahsan to
restore the deposed judges, Zardari is said to have lashed out bitterly
against them, stating that the same judges had earlier taken oath under the
PCO. He seemed especially embittered over the fact that they had failed to
provide him relief during his years in jail
Zardari must realize that, at the present time, the issue goes beyond
the actions of particular judges and revolve around the principle of judicial
independence. Whereas the PPP co-chairperson has a point when he says
that rather than any individual he is interested in granting autonomy to the
institution, he must realize that, to achieve that, it is necessary first of all to
undo the wrong done to the judges by the presidency. Within this broader
framework, questions of individual decisions taken by judges are irrelevant.
The talk of a parliamentary scrutiny process of judges, or a minus-one
formula in which deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry
would be ousted, has created more doubts in an already murky
situation.
The sensitive balancing act that has to be carefully played out in
parliament is how to restore the deposed judges as well as put a package
together which ensures that judges remain independent and do not betray
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their oath of remaining loyal to the Constitution. This probably is the biggest
challenge facing the PPP-PML-N coalition.
Dr Masooda Bano wrote: For the time being, however, the most
critical issue remains that of reinstatement of the judges. PPP and PML-N
must live by their promise and reinstate the judges within the promised 30
days period. A statement from Rehman Malik that the 30-day period will
start only with the oath-taking of the cabinet does not leave a good
impression, as it appears that there is bickering within the leadership about
this issue. The public expects the judges to be reinstated at the earliest
and the leadership of both the parties should respect that sentiment rather
than delaying the reinstatement to the last possible date.
From across the border Kuldip Nayar observed: What Pakistan faces
in every sphere is the disrespect for law and values. I do not think that
political parties can revive values even if they pool their strength because
they violate them every day. They can probably instill faith in the rule of
law. They must first know how they lost it.
The best way is to appoint a commission to find out the wrongs
done during the emergency imposed by Musharraf. India, too, went over
the exercise and found to its horror that the top most officers had
surrendered to unconstitutional methods out of fear.
Mrs Indira Ghandi returned to power before the guilty could be
punished, but the Gilani government has all the time to punish those who
were responsible for the excesses, such as the house arrests of judges and a
few others. If the nation is to preserve the fundamental values of a
democratic society every person must display a degree of vigilance and
willingness to sacrifice. Without the awareness of what is right and a desire
to act according to what is right, there may be no realization of what is
wrong. This holds good as much for Pakistan as for India, Bangladesh, Sri
Lanka and Nepal.

REVIEW
Zardaris visit to Nine-Zero wasnt an outcome of a sudden change of
heart in either of the two; PPP and MQM. If two beasts have to survive
living in the same tract of territory they must live as friends and not as
enemies; hence, Zardaris extension of hand toward the MQM should not be
taken as a noble gesture of reconciliation. It was necessitated by the
imperative of peaceful mutual co-existence by the two beasts.

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In fact, this understanding was reached during Benazir-Musharraf

deal. It was manifestation of the same understanding. It must also be
recollected that after the Karachi carnage all the opposition parties
assembled in London agreed that none of them would strike a political
alliance with MQM. Representatives of PPP expressed their reservations
under the instructions of BB despite the fact that maximum of those killed
on May 12 belonged to her party; why?
Then, immediately after the polls the US officials invaded Islamabad
to further push for the secret clauses to the deal. They also visited Karachi
and met local leaders of MQM and this was followed by Pattersons meeting
with Altaf in London. Thus, one can conclude that fostering of the
brotherhood as being witnessed now, had started at least a year ago.
Zardaris desire for reconciliation is quite selective; politically it aims
at containment of adversaries through forming coalitions. He forgave all the
sins of MQM but could not get rid of the grudge against the deposed judges.
Blood of ordinary party workers was of no significance when compared with
the favours received through NRO; thus, Musharraf had to be paid back.
The Americans, after the extensive consultations with almost all the
Pakistani political leaders, seemed to have told their agent in Islamabad
about those who would be acceptable to them in the new government. The
conditions were created for almost shedding the unwanted PML-N.
MQM-PPP patch-up was motivated by respective party interests
instead of any national or provincial interest. Zardari wanted to dilute
Nawazs importance in the coalition and Altaf wanted MQM to be in power
in Sindh to protect interests of the Urdu-speaking community. MQMs
presence in the alliance would also act as a check on the anti-Musharraf
moves.
The reconciliatory gestures and rhetoric of Zardari sound too noble to
be true keeping in view the track record of the man. Habits dont change all
of a sudden. This was quite evident from his admonishment of Aitzaz Ahsan.
Similarly he has been quite miser in acknowledging the contribution of the
lawyers who brought the dictator under pressure allowing clever Benazir
cash in. She succeeded in getting maximum concessions in return for
supporting the dictator for his re-election for another five-year term.
The ongoing crisis has been useful in sifting the lawyers into various
categories. There is a category that is totally committed to the lust for
material gains, which brushes aside all moral or legal obligations; like

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Sharifuddin Pirzada and Malik Qayyum. They never receive any call from
their conscience.
In second category fall the people like S M Zafar and Khalid Ranjha.
They are the people who nourish a very strong urge for worldly gains but at
the same time pretend to be working within the parameters of legal and
moral values. The third category comprises men like Aitzaz Ahsan who may
be having worldly objectives, but want to pursue those abiding by the legal
and moral values.
The recent incidents of beating of Kings men convey a message,
though in quite a crude manner. Shoe-slapping of Arbab, manhandling of
Afgan, burning of lawyers alive should be pondered about keeping in mind
the American officials meeting with the killer governor of Sindh, Dr Ishrat.
It must also be remembered that the US Ambassador to Pakistan went
all the way to London to discuss matters of mutual interest with Altaf
Hussain; MQM leader, son of family of professional butchers from District
Bahawalnagar who made his mark in Karachi where he was sent for studies.
Musharraf has been hatching conspiracies since Feb 18; but the brave
commando thought that he had been simply performing stalking and
stabbing feats. He must have felt sorry over manhandling his men in public.
And his Aides must have advised him not to venture out of the safety of his
hideout because the people could show more warmth for him than what
was shown for Arbab and Afgan.
14th April 2008

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DRAGGING FEET
The best way to avoid a solution which could be against ones
interests is to keep postponing the settlement as long as one can. Asif Ali
Zardari has been doing exactly the same in the context of judges restoration.
Like a good politician he has not been bothered about shifting his stance
and the resulting criticism.
If India could drag its feet on settlement of Kashmir dispute for sixty
years; why couldnt he delay the reinstatement of the deposed judges for a
year or so? If he succeeds in delaying for that long, he would be able to save
the US sponsored deal with Musharraf and billions of rupees and his stay in
the power corridors; not a bad bargain.
PPP-MQM Noora kushti continued during the period under review.
MQM expressed its reservations on appointment of Suddle as IGP Sindh
replacing its favourite. Withdrawal of the police posted at Nine-Zero and
deputed with MQM Senators, MNAs and MPAs was also resented. Finally,
PPP and MQM held a meeting in Islamabad and agreed to gear up
reconciliation process.
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EVENTS
On 13th April, MQM decided to sit in Opposition. Farooq Sattar
blamed PPP for failure of talks. He also said that his party had reservations
on replacing of the MQM favourite police chief who had been supervising
instead of controlling the violence in Karachi. Sindh cabinet decided to
probe April 9 incident and withdraw ATC cases registered after December
2007. Lawyers and human rights activists held rallies to protest the killings.
On 14th April, CRC announced that by-polls would be held on June 3.
Shahbaz said conspiracies were being hatched in Presidency. He vowed that
law would take its course against looters. Wajihuddin demanded removal of
the AGP, Qayyum Malik. NA passed a resolution unanimously calling for
UN probe into BBs murder. Power cuts sparked riots in Multan; Wapda
office was ransacked and vehicles were torched. The police posted at MQM
HQ, Nine-zero and deputed with its Senators, MNAs and MPAs were called
back.
On 15th April, Zardari, Nawaz and Asfandyar decided to reinstate
judges through a resolution to be adopted in NA, without making the issue
part of constitutional package; Maulana Fazl abstained making excuse of
stomach upset, a recurring problem with over-eaters. Gilani said
reinstatement would be done soon. Ambassador to Washington was
appointed as advisor to Prime Minister. Supreme Court summoned the AG
after accepting a petition over condition of graduation for general elections.
On 16th April, Zardari and US envoy discussed judges issue. EU
observers took two months to find that Pakistani elections were short of
international standards. Nawaz wanted shift in US policy from Musharraf to
Parliament. Gilani said National Assembly would decide Musharrafs fate.
Punjab followed the suit and changed its IGP. Arbab Rahim said that
Zardaris man had paid a professional killer in advance to murder him.
The joint parliamentary meeting of PML-Q turned into a brawl on 17 th
April. Kashmala accused the party leadership of neglecting other members
while making important decisions. By-elections date was changed to 18 th
instead of 3rd June. Fakharuddin G Ibrahim submitted to the law ministry the
draft resolution for reinstatement of judges; but PDA flip-flops on the issue
continued.
Dost Muhammad Khosa took vote of confidence as CM Punjab on
April 18 and vowed to change the system. The opposition staged walk out.

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MQM denounced Punjab Bar Councils demand to declare it as terrorist

party. Next day, unidentified gunmen fired at Bilawal House and MQM
activist was killed in a separate incident. Zardari in an interview said he
neither loved nor hated Musharraf. Law minister said judges would be
reinstated as per Murree Accord.
MQM and PPP discussed joint efforts for peace in Karachi on 20 th
April. Next day, Dogar-headed PCO/NRO court abolished the graduation
condition for contesting general election; thus, another clause of the US
sponsored deal was implemented.
The lengthy meeting between Zardari and Nawaz to resolve the issue
of restoration of judges remained inconclusive. Zardari said the countdown
had not yet started. He remained resolved to safeguard reservations of the
Americans and their puppet in Pakistan while PML-N started contemplating
quitting federal cabinet. Speakers on Iqbal Day called for independent
judiciary.
Deadlock on reinstatement of judges persisted but both Zardari and
Nawaz denied this impression on 22nd April. After three weeks of
government formation, they agreed to form a committee to examine how to
implement the Bhurban Declaration. We never opposed reinstatement of
judges, said Shujaat. A US official said the US wont dictate Pakistan on
judges issue. I am ready to issue executive order, said Gilani.
Nawaz offered NA-55, Rawalpindi, seat to Aitzaz and Zardari
accepted it for himself. PPP-MQM held a meeting in Islamabad and agreed
to gear up reconciliation process. Punjab cabinet was sworn in; PML-N
ministers wore black bands and after the ceremony Go Musharraf Go
slogans were chanted.
On 23rd April, 38-member Balochistan cabinet was sworn in; the
government offered talks to militants. Punjab cabinet sealed record of local
bodies. PPP continued insisting on linking the restoration of judges with
constitutional package. Solana said Musharraf would retain presidency.
The committee formed to break the impasse on restoration of judges
failed in thrashing out differences on 24 th April. Some parliamentarians of
PPP and PML-N felt sorry for being kept in dark on parleys for restoration
of judges. Aitzaz warned PPP of long march on judges issue. Maulvi Iqbal
Haider filed a writ petition in newly constructed Islamabad High Court
against the proposed constitutional package by the Parliament for restoration
of the deposed judges. An activist of MQM-H was killed in Karachi.

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On 25th April, deadlock on judges reinstatement persisted. Zardari

insisted that reinstatement would be part of the package; Aitzaz, however,
expressed optimism about restoration of judges. Meanwhile, PPP and MQM
were reported to have resolved most issues related to power-sharing.
In an interview by a panel of journalists Gilani said he faced no
problem with Musharraf; President wont use 58-2(b); and PPP and PML-N
differences on restoration of judges were only on modalities. Islamabad
High Court dismissed the petition seeking stay on the proposed
constitutional package saying that similar petition was already pending with
the Supreme Court.
On 26th April, Nawaz Sharif urged tat the deposed judges must be
restored within 30 days as promised. Javed Hashmi said ministers of PML-N
would quit if judges were not reinstated. Musharraf arrived in Lahore but
none of the cabinet members were present in the reception line. Secretary
Foreign Affairs was told to pack up for saying that a UN probe into
Benazirs murder wont be in the national interest.
Irfan Bokhari reported that PPP would not support the tabling of the
resolution for the reinstatement of judges before 30th April to give a loud
message to friends and foes alike that the party was not prepared to work
under dictations from anyone.

VIEWS
Zardari valiantly fought back the forces demanding restoration of
judges. This was essential for safeguarding PPP-Musharraf deal. He
enjoyed the support from outside for accomplishing this task. Outsiders were
interested in protecting their mercenary, Pervez Musharraf.
Hafeezullah Khan Niazi commented: The Americans have clearly
come out against an independent judiciary in Pakistan. Bush, who had
no compunction regarding introduction of black laws in the US itself
wherein a man is guilty unless proven otherwise, would have no qualms
about pushing Pakistan in the same direction. This is in spite of the fact that
the latest polls carried out in America overwhelmingly condemn their own
foreign policy. Military rulers who being used to a pliable judiciary in the
past cannot digest the judges with a mind of their own.
If the PPP leadership takes a position that is contrary to public
sentiment they must be mindful of the fact that it will pretty much

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destroy the party as a permanent political force in Pakistan. And yet, in order
to have a shot at staying on in power for sometime, they will have to give
some ground as a nod to real politic. They walk on the very edge of the
precipice. On the other hand, PML-N can afford to stick to the popular
demands because even if they are thrown out of the coalition government
now, being seen as defiant to foreign hegemony and local tyranny, they will
come back with a resounding victory in the next elections.
The anger that compelled the people to vote out Musharrafs
cohorts has not abated. The president is still holding onto his chair for all
its worth, resolutely refusing to see the writing on the wall. For the last few
weeks he has gone underground. He has all but vanished from the public
eye. But the people know that he is there and that helps sustain their anger.
That resentment is being vented out on anybody associated with him. Arbab
Rahim in Sindh Assembly was the first one to take the brunt of that rage
next day Sher Afgan Niazi faced the public fury in Lahore.
Pakistani society seems to be taking a turn towards violence. Perfect
gentlemen, who in their daily lives would not even like to harm a fly, seem
to drive pleasure of scenes of Musharrafs followers being thrashed in
public. That is a worrying trend and we, as a nation need to condemn it
wholeheartedly If Zardari will not go with the public demand, it will
only damage the nation.
Nadeem Syed discussed restoration formulas that have been floated as
part of the delaying tactics. The emerging scenario is too confused to pass
any judgment for anybody. If the dressing down given by Zardari to Aitzaz
at Naudero recently at party meeting is any indication then the PPP has some
different idea up its sleeves about the judges issues, different from the ones
harboured by the PML-N leaders. Its lawyers Senator Latif Khosa and Babar
Awan too wanted the issue to be addressed by parliament instead on streets
where the lawyers are still marching to press their demands and keep up the
pressure on the new government.
Already a number of formulas have been floated to address the
issue. But Ch Nisar made it clear that this party would not accept anything
short of a resolution in the parliament followed by executive order to
reinstate the judges. It appeared that PML-N is all set to move that
resolution.
Amid these conflicting signals, both Zardari and Nawaz are due to
meet sometime next week to take stock of judges issues and examine
various proposals in this regard. In principle, both PPP and PML-N are in
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unison on the judges issue. They might differ in tactical details. But like
before they are expected to come out of this crisis with smiles all around.
As the political leaders are making a fresh start, they should be
clear about their goalposts, especially the one relating to empowering
parliament vis--vis President that still enjoys the power to dissolve
assemblies he deems expedient.
Akram Malik from Australia observed: I am disturbed by the news
report that was aired yesterday in Bolta Pakistan by barrister Aitzaz Ahsan
that the government is considering legislation fathered by the Musharraf
loyalist Attorney General of Pakistan, Malik Qayyum.
It would be a shame and a disgrace for the political parties to
even consider it, let alone debate in the Parliament. Members of the
Parliament should rather resign than back such a shameful action. Two days
ago in a spirited argument, the federal law minister was skirting around the
thorny issue of the restoration of the judiciary in the Live with Talat.
The Law Minister knows better than most that the unlawful actions
of the chief on November 3, 2007 were illegal and will not require any
legislative action by the Parliament to annul. It was nullity then and it is a
nullity now and it will remain nullity forever.
The Nation wrote: The three top leaders have reiterated their
commitment to the restoration in accordance with the Murree Accord. It was
also indicated that this would be done independently of the constitutional
package that they intend to introduce. In other words, the coalition has
agreed that the restoration can be effected by a simple majority vote. This
should allay the suspicions that moves were afoot to link the reinstatement
with a reduction in the tenure of the Chief Justice or the revision of the
seniority formula, leading in both eventualities to the elevation of someone
else in place of Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry as the Chief Justice. A number of
statements by PPP leaders and some of the lawyers affiliated with the
party had created confusion regarding the exact date on which the 30-day
countdown was supposed to end. This should be removed
The coalition has promised to make the Parliament supreme,
something that must irk those who have been used to a rubberstamp
Parliament. So far it seems that the President failed to realize the new
ground realities emerging from the elections, insisting that he must be
consulted on all vital issues as before.

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The coalition leaders have complained about conspiracies being

hatched against the present government. Mr Shahbaz Sharif maintains
that the Presidency has been turned into the centre of conspiracies and has
particularly accused a Governor of allowing the conspirators to use his
personal airplane. Unless the President voluntarily agrees to reduced powers
in line with the parliamentary form of democracy, the Parliament will be left
with no option than to do away with Article 58-2 (b) and deprive the
President of emergency powers.
The restoration of judges has to be followed by the empowerment
of the Parliament through constitutional amendments. With more and
more divisions taking place in the PML, the latest indicated by the formation
of a fifteen-member forward bloc in the National Assembly, the goal could
be achieved provided the coalition is able to maintain unity in its ranks, as it
has so far done.
In another editorial the newspaper added: The over year-long struggle
for the restoration of the judiciary seems to have hit a snag following a
deadlock between the PPP and the PML-N leaderships over the resolution
and the constitutional package which was to be tabled this week in the
National Assembly. It was to be followed by an executive order by Prime
Minister Gilani.
The deadlock surfaced over the issue of the judges retirement
age and the final date of their reinstatement. While the PML-N had made the
reinstatement of judges the principal plank of its electoral campaign and
glorified the judiciary for taking a principled stand against President
Musharraf, the PPP maintained more ambivalent stand, stressing that it was
more interested in strengthening the independence of judiciary than in the
restoration of individual judges.
Unfortunately, the judiciarys record of protecting the
Constitution or ensuring its own independence has all along been highly
unsatisfactory. It has in the past invariably collaborated with military rulers
after they staged coups against elected governments, with only a minority of
conscientious judges daring to stand up and be counted To many their
courageous stand and the fact that they threw the law of necessity out of
court indicated a sea change. It was however difficult to altogether forget the
past. Many would agree that there is a need to introduce a constitutional
package of judicial reforms to strengthen the institution of the judiciary
against onslaughts from adventurers waiting in the wings.

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Once the issue that has pitted thousands of lawyers and sections of
civil society against the administration has been finally settled, the newly
elected government would be able to address pressing national issues with
single-mindedness. Hopefully the constitutional package would not carry
the seeds of further dissension. In particular the government should not be
seen to be taking back with one hand and what it has delivered with the
other.
In yet another editorial it wrote: It would be over-optimistic to say
that there was no deadlock between the PPP and the PML-N over the draft
resolution for the reinstatement of deposed judges and the constitutional
package to be tabled in the National Assembly later on. But PPP CoChairman Asif Ali Zardari and PML-N Quaid Mian Nawaz Sharif managed
to salvage the situation from reaching a breaking point by agreeing to
continue to hold talks over the issue and resolve it in accordance with the
Bhurban Declaration.
PPP spokesman Farhatullah Babar appeared more explicit on the
issue when he told a private television channel the other day that the judges
reinstatement was a serious constitutional matter and decisions on such
issues could not be made overnight. That the task of drafting a resolution
for the purpose has now been assigned to a committee clearly indicates
that the PPP had reservations about the draft prepared by the PML-N.
There are also differences between the major partners of the
ruling coalition over the fixing of tenure of the superior courts judges.
The issue cropped up at an earlier meeting between Mr Zardari and Mian
Nawaz, and it remained unresolved as the two leaders did not announce any
date for introducing the proposed constitutional package in the National
Assembly. The PML-N leadership keeps attaching priority to the
reinstatement of the deposed judges while the PPP leadership believes that
there is a need to lay down parameters of what the judiciarys functions are
going to be in future.
Reinstatement of the deposed judges and the restoration of the
Constitution to its November 2 status were the main promises that led the
two mainstream political parties to a massive win in the February 18
elections. Mr Zardari should beware of the consequences of making any
wrong political decision at this stage when the nation awaits the
establishment of the rule of law.
On 26th April, The Nation observed: The issue of judges restoration
has virtually turned into a Jordanian knot and there seems a deficit of
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will and courage on the part of certain sections of the new leadership to cut
through it. It is sad to learn that even the latest round of talks between the
PML-N and the PPP have failed to bear any fruit. It would not be out of
place to call these sessions mere debating-club sessions, as up until now they
have not only failed to yield any result but also promise little for the future
as well.
The present scenario is however poles apart from earlier
unanimity of thought and points to the seriousness of the stalemate. The
PPP, it seems, is fast veering off from the commitment it made in the Murree
Accord to the PML-N, which has remained steadfast on the matter and
vowed to break ranks with the coalition and quit ministries in case the
Accord is not implemented. Not to mince words, from the position it has
adopted so far, the PPP equates the restoration of the judiciary to putting its
head in a noose.
The focus of the PPPs proposed package is to turn Chief Justice
Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry into a toothless lion. Measures like
cutting down his tenure, which would hardly give the Chief Justice a year in
office, are being cooked up. There is also a suggestion to clip his power to
form the benches of the Supreme Court for the hearing of cases. In the same
vein, a safety valve is being thought out which might restrict the Chief
Justices authority to take suo moto actions. Apart from the Chief Justice
issue, there are other judges as well against whom the PPP has serious
reservations.
The question of free judiciary no doubt forms a fairly large part of the
mandate accorded to the parties in the February 18 elections. The parties,
particularly the PPP, would have to grind their lions and end the piecemeal
approach they have adopted so far as any back. Back pedaling on the issue
would only mean, losing the electorates support.
Next day it added: The propagation of the Lower House indicates
that the restoration of judges might not take place exactly in accordance
with deadline given by the Pakistan Bar Council. PML-N leader
Makhdoom Javed Hashmi has reiterated the partys resolve to withdraw its
ministers from the federal cabinet if the issue is not resolved within the
agreed timeframe.
Some progress has seemingly been made on the issue, though
sticking matters continue to stand in the way of an agreement that can satisfy
the lawyers community that has struggled for the supremacy of judiciary for
over a year, and the PML-N whose election manifesto gave central position
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to the demand for the restoration of the entire pre-Nov 3 judiciary Unless
a way out is discovered by the two sides, which continue to maintain that
they cannot afford to go back on the Bhurban Declaration, many would
start questioning their ability to resolve outstanding issues.
Col Dr Maqsood-ul Hassan opined: People of Pakistan are
watching the spectacle of the restoration of the judiciary with anguish and
great concern. The ambiguity, the reluctance and ifs and buts of the PPP
are causing great frustration and anxiety amongst the people.
Restoration of judiciary is not the reinstatement of a few judges on
their job It is the demonstration of gratitude of an entire community to
those sixty judges who had shown the guts and courage to a military ruler
and stood up for the respect of the Constitution.
Mr Zardari, Farooq Naek, Babar Awan and others who think that this
is mere restoration of job for some people are totally wrong; it is the desire
of the people to be free. It is no time to score points or lament about personal
deprivations or experiences however bitter they may have been but to fulfill
the dreams of the people. All those who are delaying this process are
inviting the wrath of the people.
When the people get angry logic gets thrown out of the window and
the reaction could be the most bizarre and irrational as we have noticed in
the two episodes with Arbab Rahim and Dr Sher Afgan Niazi Though
every one has the right to have his or her opinion yet the popular desire of a
community remains on the principles of justice, rule of law, equality and
freedom. Those who work against these principles have to pay the price
some time.
It is unfortunate that the Peoples Party has a confused stand on this
issue and one does not have to be an Einstein to understand their dilemma.
NRO and dropping of cases against Mr Zardari almost every day is not
without any arrangements and no one is doing it without any quid pro
quo
The interview given by Mr Ahmad Mukhtar shows the carelessness
and total apathy towards the sensitivities of the people, it seems the
gentleman has been in some deep slumber and has suddenly woken up to
give an interview in such a changed atmosphere, he must keep in mind the
treatment meted out to Mr Sher Afgan and Arbab Rahim, who were
otherwise not men of any substance but they were totally disregardful of the
sensitivities of the people by their illogical and at times offensive in defence
of General Musharrafs policies.
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The people of Pakistan cannot afford to see these people waste, this
opportunity just because of the personal interest of a few individuals. A new
Pakistan has emerged after March 9, 2007. The civil society, the lawyers
and the media have stood on the roads, both in the sun and rain and have
borne untold miseries to see that the rule of law prevails in the country.
Pressure must be mounted to force the present rulers to reinstate
the pre November 3 judiciary, the least this nation can do to honour those
who sacrificed their jobs for the sake of principles. If today we failed, no one
is going to stand up for principles again.
Imran Husain was of the view that there is complete national
consensus over the PCO issue. People dont want to hear the
abbreviation ever. The impending constitutional package is believed to
have fixed it so there can never be a recurrence. This can be taken to mean
that the judges involved in validating the infamous order of November 3 will
become immediate casualties of any decision in this context. Then the
question of extent arises. Should every judge who has taken oath under
PCO, including the 2002 PCO be disqualified? Obviously this would include
the CJ.
On this, let us be clear. First, I believe Musharraf intended to hold
general elections last year. The Americans had ensured this. Next, the deal
between BB and Musharraf brokered by the Americans, credit for which
should go to Asif Zardari and Hussain Haqqani, was a done thing even
before March 9, 2007. Apart from these, regardless of what is said today,
everything, especially the return of the major political leaders, their
negotiated settlements, was made possible only by the sheer momentum
of the judicial movement.
This alone heralds the release of the Pakistani from the confines of
government. A fact not yet realized, perhaps even denied, by the ruling elite.
For the very first time, the Pakistani elite were at the forefront of the
battle, suffering indignity and brutal thrashing. Previously the pathetic
poor took the beatings and gave their lives on behalf of us drawing room
activists. This is reality and the sooner the new rulers acknowledge this, the
better it will be. The CJ, therefore, must stay.
The procrastination on the restoration issue is spreading unwanted
confusion. Multiple press conferences have added to this. There is
damaging speculation. Speculation that instills fear of conspiracy to
derail the democratic dispensation. Speculation that is supported by the

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statements of the highest government functionaries. This is not good for

Pakistan.
People believe that the successors of the Musharraf regime lack
trust in their coalition partners. That they are posturing to balance any
advantage the other partner may gain from actions to be taken. That actions
should be perceived as emanating from them, whichever side it may be.
This haze does throw up one fact though. If the judges are restored
exactly as on November 3 and Musharraf goes, the entire victory
belongs to Nawaz Sharif. He will then become unstoppable, the only
surviving politician with a massive, genuine, personal vote bank. With
popular support growing by the day, a formidable position indeed. One can
therefore understand Asif Zardaris anxiety to become PM at the very
earliest, hoping to stem this tide.
These facts, it is speculated, create turbulence in the minds at the
Presidency and in Washington. Any action to thwart this direction is alleged
to have its complete and tacit support. There is merit in this thinking. They
can see Jacks house crumbling against a Nawaz Sharif in full fight.
However, it goes without saying, the Presidency still has supporters in
key areas and will therefore move quickly to dispel the threats of
collaborators bent on bringing the house down
There is very little likelihood of things changing while Jacks
crumbling edifice is still around. The roots of its foundations are very deep.
Deeper than you and I may have believed, perhaps deeper than the naked
eye can see. You can be sure though genuine progress while it continues to
barter to retain its status is impossible. Therefore even while
acknowledging it as a formidable foe one must keep battering away at
it. Eventually the weakened door must give in.
But beware, there are still many supporters waiting, expecting to
have the last laugh. They way things appear headed they may even get that
chance. Could anything be worse than that for this country having full
circle over the last ten years?
One must urge our new leaders to believe that Judicial Dawn, is
the only discernible light in this ever-darkening tunnel. Through this and
only this will the Pakistani receive his constitutional tight to defend himself
and his country against the onslaught of the small groups of dominant men
who attempt to rule it.

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Aziz-ud-Din Ahmad wrote: While both Zardari and Nawaz vowed to

abide by the Bhurban Declaration in letter and spirit, they failed to resolve
differences over the date by which the judges have to be restored as Mr
Zardari has straightaway refused to be bound down by any countdown. Mian
Nawaz, on the other hand, wants them to be in office not later than April 30.
Further, while Nawaz would like the restoration to be effected independently
of the proposed constitutional package, Zardari thinks the restoration needs
to be looked at in a broader context for the sake of the future of democracy
and judiciary. This requires a simultaneous discussion on the constitutional
package and the linkage of the restoration with the provisions of the
package.
Zardari is not prepared to reward the judges who had taken
oaths under the PCO on January 26, 2000 or unanimously validated the
military take over on October 12, 1999 by declaring it a mere constitutional
deviation for transitional period. The 12 member court which also included
Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry and Justice Rana Bhagwandas had
also held the purported arbitrary removal of General Musharraf by Prime
Minister Nawaz Sharif illegal.
There is no doubt that Zardari has a moral point in case history
had remained frozen. What happened on March 9, 2007 and after, however,
changed the perceptions of many about the judges who had taken oath under
the PCO and had subsequently validated the military coup. Their earlier sins
were washed off in the eyes of the legal community and sections of civil
society.
Any inflexibility over the issue by the PPP leadership is likely to
create strains within the coalition and derail democracy. the PML-N had
made the question of the restoration of the deposed judges the major plank
of its election campaign. While Zardaris stand might touch a sympathetic
chord in Nawaz Sharif who was the victim of Musharrafs coup, he can ill
afford to forego his demand for the restoration of the entire judiciary
removed on Nov 3.
Like the PML-N the legal community is also not willing to wait
long for the restoration. Many in the community believe it is unnecessary
to appoint a parliamentary committee to consider the issue or to take it to the
National Assembly. The deposed judges have just to walk into their offices
to be rehabilitated. The community is not willing to wait after April 30 when
according to them the countdown ends. Pakistan Bar Council says it will
decide the next move on May 3 if the judges are not restored by the time.

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In case the crisis is not urgently resolved it could divide the ruling
coalition and pitch the legal community against the government. In case the
PML-N was to leave the federal cabinet, the PPP will have to find new allies
and seek the support of thoroughly undependable partners like the PML and
the MQM whom it had rightly rejected as core allies soon after the elections
in favour of the PML-N.
There is a need to keep together the anti-Musharraf camp if
democracy is to be sustained The proposed constitutional package would
definitely be useful but it should not be tied up with the restoration of the
pre-November 3 judiciary. The question is: Is the PPP an anti-Musharraf
political party?
Raoof Hasan commented: Apprehensions had been expressed on the
occasion of the signing of the Bhurban Accord itself primarily at the mention
of the 30 days period to allow for the passing of a resolution in the National
Assembly leading to the restoration of over 60 judges who had been sacked
through the illegal and unconstitutional order of the then chief of army staff.
Sceptics had worn their sarcastic smiles then which have become
markedly more pronounced now, as their doubts seem to be coming true.
What is it that is hampering the initiation of the restoration process that, at
one stage, seemed a distinct possibility? What uncertainties plague the minds
of the political leadership that they are not being able to tackle the issue
headlong? What securities are being sought in return for putting the judges
back on their benches?
Principally, it is that mortal embrace with the military ruler that
has now become part of our history in the shape of the NRO. It continues
to cast its draconian spell on those who are guilty of having signed at the
dotted lines. The NRO remains a black piece of legislation that cannot be
justified before any court under any law prevalent in the civilized world.
Even more incomprehensible is the fact that it is applicable only to the select
few
The NRO is a document that is difficult to swallow while it is
already too late to throw it out. It is a black piece of legislation that will
have a far-reaching impact on the future course this country is to take. Why
is it that there is such acute aversion to the reinstatement of one Justice
Iftikhar The artificial smiles of the post-parleys press conference were not
an effective camouflage to hide deep-set frustration within.
The reinstated judiciary can pose two possible threats for the
establishment and its political orphans: the election of General Musharraf
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as the president of Pakistan and the promulgation of the NRO an

ordinance that, technically, has already lapsed after the passage of four
months as it was not pushed through the drills of becoming a law by the then
sitting National Assembly.
If PPP honours its pledge with the ex-general, it would be deemed
to be a blatant act of self-destruct as has been amply forewarned by the
verdict of the people on February 18. Also hindering their plunge to the
rescue of the former military commander is the fear of a severe people
backlash whenever the next occasion arises to go to the polls with PML-N
being the principal beneficiary of any such slip up. It is a demon that is not
going to disappear by being quarantined. On the contrary, the issue would
continue to rattle the national psyche for as long as it takes to be addressed
and resolved and PPP would continue to suffer most of the negative fallout
of the predicament it has landed itself in.
Hollow proclamations would not do the trick. Time for that has
been consigned to oblivion. There are expectant dreams that characterize the
present times. Firm and concrete steps need to be taken, without hesitation,
and in fulfillment of the promises made to the people of the country. The one
step forward is yet to materialize, while a renewed marriage with
dictatorship has already started casting its dark shadows on the fate of an
entire nation. The judges will be restored. What is yet to be seen is whether
they are restored through an act of the parliament, or through a long and
arduous struggle waged in the streets of Pakistan, heroically led by stalwarts
of the legal fraternity.
Ikramullah wrote: It is hoped that wiser counsel shall prevail and
neither of the major leaderships shall allow the situation to reach the
point of no return over the restoration issue In all fairness, a little delay
in the finalization of the draft related to the restoration or the constitutional
package should not create a political storm in the coalition teacup over the
rigidity of a given timeframe.
It is true that the committees set up for the purpose of finalizing the
above two drafts have taken some time for their deliberations. This is natural
and also democratic to continue consultations till the final and unanimous
agreement on such complex issues. Some political leaders and highly
responsible members of the media have tried to read more than the actual
and factual nature of Mr Zardaris weekend visit to Dubai and also the
abrupt prorogation of the National Assembly

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There are so many good things happening at the national and

international level with regard to the new democratic image of Pakistan
which should make us proud instead of apologetic about the steady
progress Pakistan continues to make towards a new democratic order in
our country. Yet there are elements who proclaim that no change has come
about at centre and in the provinces even after February 18 elections.
This present government has a two-thirds majority to remove the
president if they so desire. The moment the parliament passes a resolution
to this effect, Musharraf will cease holding the office of the president. This
procedure is far-more simple than the present complex issue of the
restoration of judges.
Humayun Gauhar observed: After the failure of the first NawazZardari meeting on the judges issue in Islamabad last week, a newspaper
correspondent wrote that it seemed that Asif Zardari had learned no
lessons from his long ordeal and is still wedded to his bad old ways.
Wow! If he expected Zardari to become a saint in prison he should have his
head examined.
Zardari is in a bind. He balks at the reinstatement of the errant
judges, especially their chief, for he thinks, almost certainly correctly, that
it will be bad for him. But if they dont get reinstated Nawaz might walk out
of the coalition, make life impossible for him in the Punjab, grow in
opposition and win the next elections. Nawaz Sharif too is in a bind. He
knows that the judges return will be bad for the president, who is his real
target. That it might also be bad for Zardari is a bonus, for it will get a
competitor for his throne out of the way. So there could be a triple benefit
for him the president gone, Zardari neutered and himself cock of the walk.
But if they dont get reinstated and he walks out, Zardari could
get into bed with Musharrafs Q-League and he could lose Punjab the
bastion of power. If Nawaz only withdraws his ministers but remains on
the treasury benches he will start losing the high moral ground that fate
handed him out of the blue. That all this unnecessary confusion is bad for
Pakistan is neither here nor there. The country because of which they are
what they are is not on anyones radar screens. If it had been we would
not have been where we are.
Just as countries do everything in their self-interest, so do people,
particularly politicians. Morality, as old Henry Kissinger said, doesnt
come into the equation. Zardari is doing what he is doing in his interest.
Ditto Nawaz. An early election after becoming a hero on the backs of judges,
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neutering Zardari and knocking out the president suits him just fine. He is
saying the populist things that people want to hear We too are against
terrorism but not at the cost of our people he claims to have told
Negroponte. Zardari too is playing a clever game, trying to find a way out of
the judges issue that satisfies the president, Nawaz and him all at the same
time.
The incidents of beating of kings men continued to be
commented upon. Iftikhar Ahmad wrote: Violence has several reasons, with
its dispensation at various degrees. Personal perceptions and judgments play
a vital role towards it. Examining the first two cases in terms of reasons, one
thing that seems to be common in them is the pent-up anger against the
former government functionaries who failed to deliver according to the
wishes and demands of people.
Dr Arbab, known to many as an arrogant person, was shown in one
of the TV clippings slapping a person in public, a very indecent behaviour
from a person holding a high public office. The people never forget such
things; while the officials in position always forget that one-day they would
leave the office and face the public again. Failing to deliver, arrogance,
and mistreatment to others are reasons enough to call for such
antagonistic reactions.
Blaming PPP for rendering humiliating treatment to Dr Arbab does
not hold much substance. Why would PPP want to create trouble for itself
when it has won majority of seats and knowing that violence against other
party members would not only mar its reputation but also make governance
difficult
The same reason goes with manhandling of Dr Sher Afgan Niazi.
A diehard supporter of Musharraf, who always favoured the status quo, was
very vocal against the lawyers movement. His stern statements and bitter
comments against the lawyers and judges are on record and therefore it is
likely that pent-up anger of the lawyers took its course.
As Aitzaz Ahsan, president of the SCBA, the eye-witness of
manhandling Dr Sher Afgan Niazi and his rescuer from the scene, said that
there were about 40 percent outsiders who were at the forefront to harm the
former minister, the possibility of foreign (or local) hand in this spate of
violence, therefore, cannot be ruled out.
Pakistan being one of the largest Muslim countries, having a strong
army, and equipped with nuclear assets, is an eyesore of some powers. In

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order to rid of its nuclear capability and weaken it, they would not spare
any opportunity to destabilize it by creating anarchy in the country. On the
other hand, the possibility of engineering such acts of violence by the local
elements, who want to bring a bad name to the new democratic
governments, could also be there.
Being in the 21st century, we must come out of our cocoons and
rethink about our priorities with a broader outlook and thinking. The first
and foremost priority is nothing but stability and prosperity of our
country, for which every single citizen of our country shares the
responsibility.
Javid Husain began his comments with the mention of kings royal
journey to the land of The Queen. How else, just to give an example, can
one explain the President staying in a hotel in London at the daily rent of Rs
2 million during his last visit to Europe which was uncalled for in the first
place? Was this conduct desirable for the president of an impoverished
country where young men and women are committing suicide because of
grinding poverty?
Dignity of the country in the eyes of the foreigners is not
enhanced by these leaders staying abroad in expensive hotels with a
begging bowl in their hand. Musharrafs recent visit to China is again an
example of a visit which should have been avoided. Musharraf has lost the
mandate of the people and the moral authority to represent the country
abroad. If there was an urgent need to interact with the Chinese leaders, it
should have been the new prime minister with the fresh mandate of the
people who should have undertaken the visit rather than the President.
In the face of the tidal wave of discontent of the people, the forces of
oppression and exploitation consisting of unscrupulous politicians, the
feudal elite, and the corrupted elements in our civil-military establishment
have been forced to treat. However they are doing so grudgingly fighting a
rearguard action all the time and looking for opportunities to stage a come
back.
Musharraf is a prime example of these elements who despite
public rejection have failed to read the writing on the wall. Another
person in his place would have understood the verdict of the people and
would have resigned long ago. Instead one reads in newspapers about
conspiracies being hatched in the Presidency to destabilize the democratic
process which has just begun.

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The efforts to reverse the democratic process apparently have the

support of those disgruntled elements who would like the old authoritarian
system of oppression and exploitation to continue. The events of April 9
leading to riots, arson and burning to death of individuals in a lawyers
chamber in Karachi following the regrettable manhandling of Dr Sher Afgan
Niazi in Lahore show the extent up to which the undemocratic elements
can go in trying to discredit the forces of democracy and destabilize the
country politically.
These events were a reminder on a smaller scale of the mayhem and
gory incidents that were staged in Karachi on May 12 last year to block the
visit of the Chief Justice of Pakistan. The fact that Musharraf before his
departure for China warned the lawyers not to spread anarchy instead of
condemning the ruffians responsible for riots and arson in Karachi showed a
callous attitude as was the case on May 12 when he justified the killing of
innocent citizens as the expression of public power. It also showed that
he has learnt little from his past experience.
At this critical juncture, the need of the hour is for vigilance on the
part of the civil society, the lawyers, the political parties and people at large
to thwart any attempt on the part of the proponents of authoritarianism to
derail the democratic process by maintaining unity among their ranks and by
remaining focused on strengthening democracy and upholding the rule of
law in the country.
Dr Ijaz Ahsan observed: Dr Sher Afgan was attacked in a lawyers
chamber by a crowd reportedly consisting of lawyers and non-lawyers
The next day, April 9, large areas of Karachi were taken hostage assaulted
and terrorized. The main gate of the Tahir Plaza, which contained about 200
offices of lawyers, was locked by miscreants and the building was set
ablaze. By the time the fire was brought under control eight persons,
presumably lawyers or their clients, had been burned alive
It reminded one of the scenes in the movie The Patriot where this
officer gets the church door locked from outside and orders his men to burn
the church. At the same time more than forty vehicles, including cars,
buses, rickshaws, pick-ups and tankers had been torched, and five drivers of
public vehicles were shot dead. General Musharraf said the Karachi
massacre was in response to the manhandling of Dr Arbab Rahim and
Dr Sher Afgan.
The enormity, the utterly disproportionate magnitude, of the reaction
strengthens the belief that the attacks on the two sahibs Arbab and Sher
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Afgan were staged to provide a kind of justification for the Karachi

bloodbath. One cannot help thinking that the carnage at Karachi was
unleashed to suppress the lawyers movement.
The matter of the reinstatement of the deposed judges is also
proceeding at a snails pace. A committee is being set up unnecessarily.
Further, about two weeks after the formation of the federal government,
even the members of the committee have not been named.
Confusion is being created about the date from which the
countdown of the 30 days should start, although the Murree Declaration
stated clearly that this would be from the date of formation of the federal
government. Efforts have been made to bring in a constitutional amendment
to reduce the term of the chief justice to three years, so that Justice Iftikhar
Chaudhry retires soon after reinstatement
To conclude, no less a person than Justice Wajihuddin has just said
the same thing on a TV programme. He said that restoration of the judges is
the demand not only of the lawyers but also of the civil society, the people,
and also the media. Today even if holy scriptures were to hold against the
restoration of the judges, this would be resisted; and if all judges are not
reinstated, the consequences will be grave.
The incident of April 9 in Karachi came in the wake of thrashing of
kings men. Dr Farooq Hassan commented: Constitutionally who is
responsible for this mayhem? Who after all has a grouse so strong against
the legal fraternity to wreck such a macabre level of terrifying
retribution? Musharraf put the protesting lawyers on notice on the eve of
his departure for China on April 10 that violence that spread, as a
consequence of their activities should be curbed and that they are
responsible for such public damage. Adopting a different format of
articulation the spokesman of the State Department McCormick reportedly
said on April 10 in Washington that the lawyers had the right to offer their
views but that violence must be avoided.
No one would disagree with the proposition that lawyers must not
become agents provocateur of any political entity; but to say nothing about
the murderers and the arsonists is less than a fair comment on the reality of
the ground situation. Furthermore, it is on record as contemporaneously seen
on the TV by the people at large that it was the leadership of the various
Bar Associations and not the police that intervened personally to save
the minister from mob lynching barely few hundred yards from Lahore Law
Chambers.
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This is all happening when the country ostensibly is on the move

towards the creation of a new republican and democratic administration.
However, it is of significance to emphasize that as yet this has not occurred.
What exists in Pakistan since the February 18 elections is the control of a
nominated civilian authority called Caretaker Interim Governments at the
federal and the state levels over the entire countrys governmental
machinery.
Most astonishing this pernicious aspect of the previous despotic
regimes manoeuvres have not been noticed at all by the national or the
international press, which otherwise has been most vigilant in overseeing
transparency in national affairs. The analyst then went on to enumerate the
events of the last year to prove his point.
The enormity of the fracas on two consecutive days has thus
implications that go beyond the person of CM who was beaten on April 7
and had the potential to wreck the friendship which the PPP and the MQM
were professing with great warmth last week. The most disturbing of the
developments is the MQMs decision to boycott the assembly session
indefinitely.
If this carries on, unfortunately, history could repeat itself and
Sindh may find the PPP and the MQM again embroiled in a kind of
bloody confrontation that saw a lot of acrimony in the nineties. This will go
against the national ambience which is at the moment characterized by
cooperation and harmony among all parties and leaders to make a success of
the democratic process
The Musharraf regime or its collaborators, especially after BBs
death, are symbols of oppression for the common Sindhis and any tacit or
even discreet cooperation or collaboration, even under high-sounding
umbrella of national reconciliation, will be looked at with deep suspicion
and anger. Sindh will not easily forget the agony and distress it has been
subjected to for years until they tangibly see what they are offered in return
for this reconciliation.
There is little to refute that the former CM of Sindh or the federal
minister involved in these incidents had always lived by venom. But the
manner in which their personal insults have been translated into public
anger not augur well for representative institutions just formed on February
18. Potentially or purportedly a civil war like situation cannot be ruled out.
But who would gain by this eventually? It is thus clear that conceivably the
country is headed towards another clash of ideas and persons which can lead
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to further chaos. In all this for a change happily for fundamentalists, they are
not to be blamed.

PPP-MQM affair also enhanced the curiosity of the political

analysts. Aziz-ud-Din Ahmad opined: The PPP needs keeping in mind a
Chinese proverb if it must enter into a deal with the MQM, which says,
make friends with a wolf but keep your axe ready. Attempts made by
Zardari to bring the MQM into mainstream politics were apparently aimed at
bringing peace to Karachi. The initial response from the MQM was
euphoric. Kilos of rose petals were showed over Zardari as he visited NineZero
What Zardari should not have forgotten is that the MQM had a
history of alliances with the mainstream parties and subsequent
betrayals and that there was logic behind making and breaking the alliances.
He thought that by joining the Sindh government the MQM would commit
itself to share the responsibility in resolving the momentous issues that
awaited the new provincial government. That it would be easier for the PPP
led government to keep Karachi, the hub of the countrys industrial activity,
under control while the new government took time to cope with the backlog
of festering issues
It would have been possible for the MQM to broker an honest
deal if it had been a free agent. As things stand the party remains tied to
President Musharrafs apron strings. Despite agreeing to support the PPP-led
government unconditionally it suddenly backtracked at the behest of its
handlers and demanded 33 percent share in Sindh cabinet, a request the PPP
was sure to turn down. It also laid claim to a share in the federal cabinet
knowing well that two of the coalition allies had strong reservations about it.
The aim was to drive a wedge between the PPP and PML-N.
Failing to receive a response of its liking it resorted to its favourite
game of pressure tactics, boycotting the Assembly session on an
altogether flimsy ground and refusing to vote for the PPP chief minister.
Only a day after Syed Qaim Ali Shah was sworn in, the MQMs militant
wing went on rampage in Karachi killing fourteen including five burnt alive
and putting properties on fire.
While this was meant to demoralize the lawyers the move was also
meant to send a signal to the new Sindh government that the MQM
could destabilize the city whenever it liked and that its whenever it liked
and that its demands, however unreasonable, had to be met. The PPP has so

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far withstood the blackmailing. It was a correct decision to appoint Shoaib

Suddle The MQM has however reacted strongly to the normal moves.
The federal government must carry out the promise to hold enquiry
into April 9 killings and to punish those responsible whatever their party
affiliations. Unless this is done instantly, irrespective of MQM
opposition, the terrorists will hold the law and order in Karachi to
ransom. The Sindh government would fail leading to a similar debacle at
the centre
The MQM needs to be cut down to its size. If winning a number of
seats gave a party a right to be the part of the government, there would be no
opposition benches in the parliaments. It was a bad move on the part of the
PPP leadership to try the MQM again after being betrayed by it during
Benazir Bhuttos first tenure and its highly negative role during her second
tenure. The coalition should insist on the MQM saying goodbye to ethnic
politics and disbanding its militant wing.
Afzal Khan observed: MQMs latest threat to sit in the opposition has
a familiar ring designed to convey a message to the PPP. Its timing is
intriguing. As has been the pattern of its moves in the past, the present action
has some multi-dimensional motives and objectives vastly distinct from
what the party has publicly stated. The MQM move came only two days
before the crucial summit meeting of the 4-party coalition that is likely to
clinch the issue of deposed judges.
The PPP is also finding it difficult to accept the terms of
endearment as price for MQMs cooperation. Media reports say the
MQM wants 35 per cent share in Sindh government in addition to its choice
of governor. At the centre it has been seeking four plum ministries including
communication and, above all, port and shipping.
Such is the tenuous nature of the budding PPP-MQM affair that it
began showing cracks within couple of days after the fantastic spectacle of
bonhomie during Asif Zardaris April 3 Nine-Zero yatra. The stirring
speeches by Zardari and his new-found love Altaf Hussain had a surreal
touch. Ironically, while the series of events following that visit have a
sequential nexus, hardly anything has been unpredictable.
First the MQM decided to indefinitely boycott the assembly session
on the flimsiest possible excuse episode involving Arbab Rahim. Arbab
must have been amused by the display of solidarity by his tormentors who
made his life miserable as chief minister for three years. Then on equally

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insignificant incident of maltreatment of Dr Sher Afgan, the MQM lawyers

staged a protest rally the very next day.
The theatrics two days later was the fourth of its kind in one year
and deceived none. Altaf Bhai excused himself from leading the MQM (a la
Aitzaz Ahsan style whom he paid tribute for risking his life to rescue Afgan).
As expected the resignation was withdrawn in no time amid melodramatic
scene and a charged speech that implicitly acknowledged responsibility for
the April 9 carnage. Zardari again contacted Altaf Hussain and resumed
negotiations for power-sharing in Sindh.
Everything has been scripted and choreographed with singleminded intent to thwart the peoples verdict of February 18 and avert the
inevitable minus one denouncement predicted by Aitzaz Ahsan. For this
purpose the choreographer, who justified the heinous crimes in Karachi as a
reaction to Sher Afgan episode, considers it imperative to drive a wedge
between Zardari and Nawaz Sharif for which the former is being offered
tantalizing options and power permutations.
The analyst went to discuss some of the permutations and then
concluded: There is strong possibility that the MQM will soon resume its
contact with the PPP and sort out differences. This will, however, be part of
the larger strategy of its mentor Musharraf to oust Nawaz Sharif from
the coalition.
The Nation wrote: The MQM, which had demanded a share in power
at the centre and in Sindh on the basis of what it called its mandate, has
announced break-up of talks with the PPP and its decision to sit on the
Opposition benches. Keeping in view the partys mercurial character, it
remains to be seen how long it sticks to the decision. After a lot of hoopla
following Mr Zardaris visit to Nine Zero, the MQMs relations with the PPP
suddenly cooled off after Dr Arbab Rahim was roughed up
Lawyers agitating for the rehabilitation of the deposed judges were
targeted. Fourteen people were killed, of which five were burnt alive. Next
day Mr Altaf Hussain reprimanded MQM workers for not stopping the
bloodshed and talks with the PPP were resumed. These however broke down
with MQM blaming the PPP for a lack of seriousness and the latter
hinting at preposterous demands having been made by the MQM
regarding its share in power both in the province and at Centre constituting
the real cause behind the suspension of talks.
The PPP had entered into talks with the MQM despite stiff
opposition from its coalition partners on the ground that these were
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needed to maintain the peace in Karachi. It was maintained that once a part
of the administration, the MQM would use its political influence to curb the
lawlessness and violence that has continued to disturb the peace of the
industrial hub of the country.
The new cabinet has announced measures to improve law and order
including the appointment of police officials considered most efficient by it.
Similar measures are being taken in other provinces also. This has however
been resented by the MQM and has presumably precipitated the break up.
While the PPP leaders hope to revive the dialogue with the MQM in
days to come, the new government needs to give priority to the maintenance
of peace in Karachi. Political exigencies must not stand in the way of
bringing those involved in heinous crimes to justice. The police force,
which acted as a passive bystander both on May 12 and April 9, needs to be
thoroughly overhauled and turned into a strictly professional body capable
of acting efficiently against those who take law into their own hands,
irrespective of political affiliations.
Prof Khurshid Ahmad opined: The period that preceded the February
18 elections has witnessed an interplay of anti-national forces who were
specially pressed into service to pave the way for inducting pro-US
elements in seats of power. Pervez Musharraf and Altaf Hussains MQM
played key role in this respect. Time has come for the nation to adopt a
clear-cut stand and take drastic action against such elements.
To allow any further leeway to Pervez Musharraf and let him
continue occupying the presidential chair is definitely contrary to
national interests and a major threat to national security and solidarity.
Similarly, the MQM has to be cut to its size, not because of its past misdeeds
alone, but also because of what it has done as the armed wing of Pervez
Musharraf, as amply demonstrated by the nasty game of May 12, 2007.
Altaf Hussains anti-national instance has been reaffirmed time
and again by the shady record of his policy and pronouncements as head of
his own group of MQM. Hundreds of MQM activists, who were behind the
bar on charges of murder, arson and subversion, are enjoying now the fruits
of power under the presidents patronage.
Altaf Hussain and his band also happens to be the fovourites of
the US and Britain in pursuance of their own nefarious agenda in
Pakistan. Under the controversial NRO, the Muttahida stands absolved of all
its crimes and is now Pervez Musharrafs Trojan Horse. The stand taken by
PML-N in their respect is perfectly correct.
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The need of the hour is that the newly elected Assembly and
government must firm-up their policies vis--vis Pervez Musharraf and
his henchmen. Unless this is done right in earnest, it would be difficult both
for the parliament and the executive to reassert its authority and establish the
writ of the government in the land, which is already seething under
international intrigues and the disastrous impact of Musharraf era policies in
all fields of national activity.
M A Niazi was of the view that one of the classic difficulties of a
coalition has been illustrated by the MQM, which has pulled out of the
alliance even before being allocated ministries in the Sindh government,
where that were most crucial, let alone the Central government, where they
followed as a corollary.
Though the MQM has positioned itself as a broad based national
party, it remains a narrow ethnic party with its roots in urban Sindh,
appealing only mohajirs, who lack a provincial identity, particularly after
1971, when all realized that if Pakistan is a true federation, all citizens have
a provincial identity to go along with the federal one. The MQM realized
that too much of the power within the Pakistani polity rested with the
provinces; the MQM has always sought to be part of the Sindh
provincial government. That has meant being part of the federal
government, which the MQM has been gracious enough to.
In fact, the MQM has been part of the government, both
provincial and central, since 1988, when it first took part in the general
elections, though then there was no single entity as the MQM registered with
the Election Commission, and thus the members were categorized as
independents. However they still showed the incredible party discipline that
was to be their hallmark.
Under Musharraf, the MQM did not prosper, but it survived to the
extent that it won its urban Sindh seats in the 2002 elections, and got its
seats at both the national and Sindh levels, including in the cabinets. It was
at this time that the MQM was identified as the Kings Party par
excellence, a role which it is still playing.
After the 2008 elections, the MQM was expected not to form part of
the ministry in Sindh, and thus in the Centre, because the PPP alone could
form the Sindh government, and the four-party coalition could form the
central government. Besides, the MQM as a Kings Party and was expected
to strengthen the main Kings Party the PML-Q. But the MQM
attempted to gatecrash by joining both governments.
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First, the PML-N objected mainly because the MQM was not at all
on its side on the issue of the judges restoration. The PML-N could already
sense that the PPP was changing position on this, and the MQM would
provide the PPP the perfect excuse to back out. But the PPP persuaded the
PML-N that it should not stop the formation of Sindh government. Then
occurred the Arbab Rahim and Sher Afgan incidents
This is the first time that the MQM has not joined a ministry, and
also the first time that it has been so obviously and overtly the Kings Party.
But it does not seem as if the MQM has been tapped for a role by the Kings
Party; that of creating disruption in the National and Sindh assemblies.
It is possible to see the Presidency in operation: a Kings Party must
not be part of this government. It must be in the opposition, and it must
play a positive role in the War on Terror, as the MQM is doing. It should be
possible, probably later this year, for the president to point out the present
assemblies both to the Pakistani people and to all; of those foreigners who
were so concerned about Pakistani democracy, that the results of the
democratic experiment have not meant an improvement in the efficiency of
the War on Terror, but indeed the reverse, and the only solution is not more
democracy, but more Musharraf, in the form of an election where the Kings
Parties, including the MQM, get their just reward.
The MQM is a political player, not the presidents tool, whatever
he may think, and it will keep on talking to the PPP for the life of this
parliament about taking office. But at the same time, it is not entirely a free
agent, for it must be responsive to the people who voted for it. True, the
MQM might tell its voters what to think, but it also follows them, most
notably in the decision to be Kings Party. But the decision was by the voters
of the MQM, and succeeding decisions have to follow the same pattern. No
individual should rely on the MQM.

The deal-makers; the US, Musharraf and the PPP, could not be
ignored being the main cause of the lingering crisis. Ayaz Ahmed Pirzada
wrote: The post February elections would help USA formulate their policy
in the new political scenario in Pakistan. But the latest statement by the
Assistant Secretary of State Richard Boucher in which he said that the US
believes that Musharraf still has a role to play in the new set-up looks far
from reality.
Irrespective of President Pervez Musharraf growing isolation in the
face of a strong parliament full of presidents political foes, the Bush
Administration is indulging in a hectic behind the scene effort to
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ensure that its major ally, now a retired general, continues to secure his
incumbent slot.
Americans wanted the president to lead the war against
terrorism in Pakistan with full support of the army because of their
reservations about Pakistans new political leadership on that front. An
official is quoted in the US media as saying that they have offered the ruling
politicians that President Musharraf was willing to take the back seat for
day-to-day government affairs but he shall be the leading actor in this
country in the arena of war on terror.
The rules of game have changed. Pakistanis feel that the US
administration has been relying on an individualand not the people of
Pakistan who never had any problem with the Americans. They fully realize
that the US has been helping Pakistan in economic and military fields. The
United States too has signaled its readiness to work with the new Pakistani
government in carrying forward bilateral cooperation in a wide array of
fields, including economic, military, social sectors and continuation of the
democratic process in the country.
The victory of moderates should be seen by the United States a
step forward for Pakistan in terms of democracy and a potential step
forward for not only state-to-state relation but people-to-people friendship.
Senator Joseph Biden, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee,
has rightly stated that the election results should encourage a real shift in US
policy.
The Nation commented: Statements from the President and Prime
Minister indicate that both sides are fast approaching a standoff. Talking
to an Indian TV channel, the President has maintained that attempts to
remove him could harm democracy and that the restoration of the deposed
judges could create a constitutional crisis. Mr Yousaf Raza Gilani on the
other hand insists that the President has to fulfill the constitutional duty of
addressing the joint session of Parliament and that it is for the latter to
decide his fate
There is a need on the part of the President to read the tea leaves
correctly. It was easy to indicate to the alliance which ruled after the 2002
elections, as it had been put together through a fiat of political engineering
by President Musharraf, who was also the COAS at the time. The present
ruling coalition on the other hand is genuinely elected and has to fulfill the
promises it has made to the electorate.

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The Prime Ministers office is supposed to send a summary to

President Musharraf within a few days, calling on him to read out to
Parliament the address prepared on behalf of the PM. A resolution jointly
prepared by the coalition components for restoring the deposed judges
is also to be adopted by the National Assembly during its present session to
be followed by an executive order leading to their reinstatement.
The statements by the US administrations functionaries indicate
that despite earlier reservations regarding the judges restoration and the
resolution of the issue of military mainly through political means, the
administration has finally reconciled with the changed situation. It has
been clarified that Washington views Pakistan, rather any individual, as vital
in the War on Terror. Pledging to strengthen Pakistans democratic
institutions, Dr Condoleezza Rice has called for solid civilian control of the
countrys armed forces. Important steps are being taken to build bridges with
the new government, including the democracy-related sanctions imposed
after the military takeover in 1999.
Gulf News observed: It appears that the former head of the army
has already made up his mind to bow out gracefully. That would have
been unimaginable a few months ago when the country was being run under
a state of emergency prior to Februarys elections in which Musharrafs
ruling party was routed.
Uncertainty is being replaced with hope and members of the
coalition parties are quietly confident that ideological differences between
them are not proving to be a barrier to progress. Of course, it is too early to
suggest that Pakistan has turned a corner politically. Likewise, it is much too
soon to predict that coherent policies will alleviate the social and economic
woes that affect all areas of the country.
On the international scene there is likely to be no discernable
shift although some of the desperate constituents in the coalition will exert
pressure on the government to distance itself from the United States. That
would not necessarily signal policy change in foreign affairs but it would
help to appease wary politicians in the troubled tribal belt.
Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani has been buoyed by the
support shown by Pakistans traditional allies who had spent eight years
supporting Musharraf and his pro-western party. The relatively smooth
transition has led to the presidents increasing isolation on Pakistans
political stage and this, along with the imminent return of Chaudhry, has
made his position untenable.
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Fakir S Ayazuddin opined: In exactly one year beginning March 9,

2007, Musharraf has gone from a high point of his career to an
unbelievable low, where the politicians refuse to even shake his hand. A
photo-op with him is no longer desirable. The finance minister refused to
accompany him on a trip to China. Even George Bush is admitting that he
may have been wrong in an implicit trust in only Musharraf.
It is the sad fate of all our leaders that, in wanting to hang on to the
bitter end, will invariably have to be forcibly removed The cronies of
Musharraf have to be removed, and the trouble they cause should now be the
basis for legal cases against them.
The prime minister must now start asserting himself, and have
these rumours denied. He must now start appearing regularly on TV, so that
the public realizes he is in-charge. He has taken the responsibility of running
the country. It is not easy, because the forces arraigned against him though in
a minority compared to the numbers backing the coalition partners are much
more active
Mr Gilani would do well just to continue doing his job, and leave the
answering of the flak to his very able information minister Sherry
Rehman. The priority must be the flour crisis, and it is the most damaging,
for, the lines outside the Utility Stores make compelling images, and should
be tackled on an urgent basis. The Gilani government is also lucky that
Arbab and Sher Afgan aided by Ahmed Raza Kasuri are now creating
the exit strategy for Musharraf. It is recognized that superior planning is
not as important at winning as your enemys stupidity. Musharraf has picked
the best men to ensure his defeat.
But, a PPP minister found Musharraf a saleable commodity. Dr M
Yaqoob Bhatti from Lahore Cantt commented: Mr Ahmed Mukhtar,
Minister of Defence, has reportedly said that President Pervez Musharraf is
an asset and a saleable commodity that can be used for bringing money into
Pakistan. It is preposterous to define the President as an asset. As far as the
money part is concerned, the world has described Pakistan as a retriever dog
used for apprehending the wanted men. The defence ministers remarks
leave a bad taste in the mouth of the civil society of Pakistan.
The Nation observed: It was an interesting spectacle to see PML-N
ministers share a table with the President at the dinner hosted by Prime
Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani for formation commanders and services chiefs
at a time when Mian Nawaz Sharif was telling VOA that General
Musharraf didnt fit in the democratic set-up. The nation will barely
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register the change of government as long as Musharraf remains in power,

he said, putting a new spin on his stance that democracy and dictatorship
could not co-exist. Mr Gilani meanwhile called for a new and balanced
relationship between the civil and military institutions of the state.
The Prime Minister praised Army Chief General; Ashfaq Parvez
Kayani for his call regarding strict adherence to safeguard the Constitution.
But he should have elaborated what he actually meant when he felicitated
the armed forces for their contribution to the democratic transition as well as
their judicious and prudent approach to the unfolding political realities.
There is no doubt that the political leadership had the unsavory
reputation seeking the armys intervention to dislodge their opponents
from power.
Mr Gilani did well by reminding the formation commanders that the
Pakistan Army had a unique and delicate responsibility of defending the
countrys geographical as well as its ideological boundaries. A balanced
relationship between the military and civil authorities can only be
established if all the state institutions are allowed to function within the
constitutional framework A message that must reach the political parties
across the spectrum is to avoid seeking the Armys help in future to dislodge
each other from power.
The newspaper did not miss taking notice of yet another favour done
to Zardari by Musharraf-installed PCO judges. It wrote: Interestingly, the
government took a surprisingly opposite stand to a condition that had
first been imposed by the Musharraf government. Some quarters
believed that this was a sound condition, as it made some sort of
qualification necessary for one of the most important jobs in a democracy.
But the parties, whether opposed or not to General Musharraf, opposed this
law on the ground that it was discriminatory.
Now that this condition was proving a barrier in the way of many
politicians belonging to the ruling coalition, including PPP Co-Chairman
Asif Ali Zardari, it had to be removed. After all, it had served its purpose,
and had efficiently excluded, and there was no point in letting it stand in the
way of those who now have to find safe seats to contest the coming byelections, and enter the National Assembly. This decision alone explains the
Emergency and the concept the President has of interference by the judiciary
in the work of the executive.
The Supreme Court has already upheld the 17th Amendment, which
includes the LFO, because that suited the executive, but after the Emergency,
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it has struck down a portion of that same 17 th Amendment, without a

rigorous examination of the motives of the executive. The Attorney General
had been briefed by the government of the day, and since the petitioner
belonged to the JUI-F, which is part of the coalition, the government was
bound to take the view it did, that the law should go.
Sarmad Bashir tauntingly remarked: Zardari grew in the opposition.
The lesson he learnt during his incarceration years is that personal gains
should always take precedence over national interest. It doesnt involve a
rocket science to understand why Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhrys
reinstatement doesnt suit him. There must be a fear of being plunged into
the quagmire of corruption cases from where he has emerged as Mr Clean.
It took him 11 years in jail to understand the type of judiciary
with which his government can pull itself together. Why bother about
bringing back Justice Chaudhry about whom he cant predict when exactly
he will do away with the NRO. Mr Zardari is instead in the debt of the
present Supreme Court which has struck down the much maligned
graduation clause.
This must have brought Mr Zardari under Musharrafs obligation.
And he understands that to remain loyal to his benefactor, he has to be
disloyal to his detractors, no matter how close he seems to be to his
partners in power. Given the gift of the gab, he can assure the nation that he
wont dither about his commitment on the judges issue.
Perhaps he also knows that no amount of discussion can dissipate
Mian Nawazs craze for he is too deeply indoctrinated by Rana Sanaullahs
lectures on Iftikhar Chaudhrys administration of justice. It is through the
warmth of his hugs that the PPP leader can make his coalition partner
understand that a hostile judiciary can be as harmful to a political
dispensation as to a repressive dictatorship. Can anyone expect the
deposed CJ not to impede Mian Shahbaz Sharifs efforts to re-establish good
governance in the Punjab by making bureaucratic appointments on the basis
of the civil servants personal loyalty to him rather than their professional
competence?
Mr Zardari is trying hard to make Mian Nawaz forget the
countdown conundrum. A committee has been assigned the task of drafting
a resolution for the judges restoration. There was a rationale behind this
move. If you really want to drag out a particular issue from a committee and
let it deal with the matter. The PPP leadership knows very well that it
requires a lot of patience to make its PML-N counterparts realize that both
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mainstream parties have been the victims of judicial activism while in power
in the past.
Rather than following Mian Nawazs hackneyed approach, he is keen
to establish a good working relationship with the presidency knowing
well how vital it is for democracy to thrive. Theres no point in offending
General Musharraf when he seems so inclined to work with the new ruling
coalition for the good of this country. Look at the way he rubbished the
Kings Party and let the exiled leaders return home and strengthen
democratic process.
The ruling coalition ought to be doubly obliged to Musharraf and it
must desist from taking any steps that may endanger his presidency. The
possibility can be excluded by having a constitutional package in place that
may clip Justice Chaudhrys power to constitute Benches or reopen the cases
already decided by the apex court functioning under the PCO. If that suits
Zardari, so it be. But dont blame him for being insincere to Mian Nawaz if
he tells him that it is only a pliant judiciary that can let the new democratic
dispensation function the way it wants to. And he can very rightly argue to
Mian Nawaz that the promise they had made with the people was to
reinstate the judges, not let Justice Chaudhry continue in office till 2013
and make the executive face an intrusive judiciary.
Here is no denying the fact that Mr Zardari has no craving for
premiership. If he accepts the office hell do it with a heavy heart, for he
understands that the challenges facing the country are too formidable to be
met by Mr Yousaf Raza Gilani. Perhaps he can be a role model for his
coalition partners to emulate if they at all want to serve the country.
Maybe, Mr Zardari can be as much a source of inspiration for Mian Nawaz
as Mr Fakhar Imam of Khanewal has been for Mian Azhar until the latter
was politically doomed.
Inayatullah found both Zardari and Nawaz on trial. Now that the dark
clouds of cases pending in various courts against him in Pakistan and abroad
have disappeared, thanks to the deal struck by the late Benazir with
Musharraf, Zardari is beginning to change his approach and attitude.
There is little doubt that he finds himself impelled to have a working
relationship with Musharraf. While he is fully aware that the February 18
elections were a verdict against Musharraf and that the ex-general sans his
uniform has lost his credibility, his legitimacy being already questionable, at
least for the time being, he is quite keen to go along with him.

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There is a convergence of interests to some extent, between the two

on the question of the restoration of the judges and in particular about
Chaudhrys return to the office as the Chief Justice of Pakistan. It is
apprehended that Mohammad Iftikhar and the other deposed judges could
possibly reopen the validity of NRO and would otherwise be
unaccommodating. Zardari would rather have a chief justice like Mr
Dogar.
Musharraf who hates Justice Chaudhry and had gone to the length
of distributing material against him in international forums something
unbecoming of a head of the state would do everything to keep him out.
There are signs that hobnobbing is going on behind the scenes, by proxy.
Reports have appeared of Rehman Malik meeting Tariq Aziz and president.
As a consequence thereof, there is a deliberate delay and foot-dragging in
the implementation of the Murree Accord reached last month.
Surprising how Zardari has been pooh-poohing the references to
the agreed 30 days limit for the passing of a parliamentary resolution and
judges restoration. This also explains the rap administration by him on
Aitzaz Ahsans knuckles when the latter broached the subject at Naudero.
He has further exposed himself by referring to his personal unhappy
past treatment while facing trial in the cases pending against him,
mentioning how the courts had refused to grant bail to him. It was indeed the
most uncharitable and in fact uncalled-for on his part to say that the
judges were merely fighting to restore their lost jobs
A clever politician as he is, he knows well that PML-N is frightfully
keen to ensure the restoration of judges, their thinking being that
reinstatement of these independent judges would be the best counter
Musharrafs machinations, and a means to assure his ouster. Yes he has to
work under certain compulsions but he could have avoided running down
the legitimate demands from various quarters for righting the wrongs done to
the honourable senior judges.
Why must he appear to be bent upon taking his pound of flesh to
safeguard his position and his partys interest in a manner which could well
be interpreted as inappropriate? All these leaks about the minus-one
formula and restriction of the tenure of the chief justice begin to make sense
when viewed from Zardaris prism, as hinted above.
Another element in this expediency-laced power game is the
American involvement in our internal affairs. One may recall the sudden
appearance of the weather-beaten Negroponte and the suave Boucher and
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their intense rounds of personal contacts with the highest state functionaries,
top party leaders, army top brass and meeting Maliks in the tribal areas even
before the cabinet had been sworn in.
It is important that the new government makes its mark and resolves
that a sovereign state must be treated with respect. We must dispel the
impression that we have been reduced to the status of a client country
which practically has been acting as a mercenary to do the jobs entrusted to
it, on payment, by Washington
The judges issue has already strained PML-Ns relations with PPP
PML-N has to watch its steps and avoid hitting pitfalls. It has to remain
alert to the intrigues flowing out of the presidency to break up the coalition
partnership between PPP and PML-N. While the possibility of such a break
up cannot be ruled out because of divergence of interests and a clash of
principles, it is important that the two remain together for a considerable
period of time to contain Musharrafs plans to retrieve part of his former
influence.
Considering formidable economic and social challenges inherited by
the new government which have to be faced and addressed squarely and
speedily, it would be impolitic on the part of Zardari to push PML-N to the
wall forcing it to part ways. Both Zardari and Nawaz Sharif need each
other at this crucial juncture. Both are on trial.
Many observers expressed their views on various aspects of the
lingering crisis. The Nation commented on an incident of violence related to
load-shedding. The power outrage protest in Multan is a telling sign of the
energy crisis being faced by the country today. The people of that city
could no longer subdue their anger at persistent power outrages and came
out on the streets to register their protest. More than 40 people were injured
and a number of vehicles torched
To begin with, it would be pointless to go into the details of the
excuses given by the MEPCO chief in defence of the blackout. His
subsequent suspension would do little to avert the spectre, now facing the
entire nation. The trouble is of course, the failure to chalk out a plan to
prepare the country for its growing energy needs. Not surprisingly, exFinance advisor to the PM Salman Shah has rightly held the previous
government accountable for the present power collapse. Eight years, after
all, is a long time and according to the ex-advisor not even a single
megawatt of energy was produced.

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Projects like Kalabagh Dam, whose feasibility report is complete, are

the need of the hour and work should be started without further delay
However, in the short run, other projects also have to be initiated. Producing
energy from sources like coal, sun and wind etc may also prove helpful.
Finally, the public too has a duty to respond positively to the call for the
conservation of energy. Hopefully it would devise other peaceful ways of
registering its protests.
Imran Husain opined: Given the circumstances it is only natural that
conspiracy theories, a favourite Pakistani pastime, flourish. Within days of
being sworn in, the new prime minister warned of conspirators attempting
to foil the fledgling democracy. Perhaps it is wise to pay heed to his
warnings. Especially when Gorge Bush brandishes that the next 9/11 will be
at the behest of Pakistans hidden militants.
At this very moment, despite denials there is an on-going attempt to
convince us Pakistanis of the indispensability of the current president.
Apart from the statements emanating from the US, culminating in Bush
himself, the ambassadors visit to Altaf is highly significant.
She heard, one can be certain, firsthand how important it is for the
president to continue and of Mr Hussains unequivocal support for him.
Whats more, one can conjecture that a horrible post-Musharraf scenario
(May 12?) was also drawn up for her. Dabbling in the internal affairs of
this country doesnt get more obvious.
The Sher Afgan incident in Lahore is yet another link at the same
chain. It is not a coincidence that Justice (retd) Wajihuddin said, referring to
the lawyers movement and civil societys total support, that he believed a
shurfa ki chain (chain of respectability) had been created
Let us not for a second lose sight of the fact that an overwhelming
81 percent of the country wants the CJ and other judges restored. That
is more than the combined mandate given to the coalition! Politicians
therefore should not be swayed by any personal grouse against the judiciary
prompting the denial of the peoples demand for complete restoration.
If this happens this saga will never end. Contrary to the
establishments belief, peace will not return to the street of Pakistan if the
Murree commitment is not fulfilled. No one is more acutely aware of this
than Mian Nawaz Sharif.
Bitter pills need to be swallowed by all. Politics must not distract
the finance minister from immediate problems confronting the country. Most

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important being the cost of oil and a world-wide food shortage, which is
driving experts, for the first time since 1971, to recall the famine
phenomenon
Sindhs needs are special. There is huge anticipation. The selection of
officers must be based purely on merit. Two billion tones of coal are being
totally neglected. Enough to change the course of history, former
petroleum minister Usman Aminuddin, son of former Sindh governor, Mian
Aminuddin, is quoted by fellow scribe Anjum Niaz... The ice is thin, tread
carefully. A hint of arrogance appears to taint the atmosphere.
Shamshad Ahmad observed: The more things change, the more
they remain the same. This French aphorism perhaps best describes the
uncertainties surrounding the current political climate in the country. We
have a government which the people brought to power to bring about an end
to dictatorship. It was a vote of no confidence against Musharraf and the
system that he represented. It was a referendum for change but till now there
is no change visible on the horizon and business as usual goes on.
The system continues to be haunted by the same ghosts and the
same wizardries. The key faces as well as the fall guys of the outgoing
regime remain untouched. Harry Potter fame Lord Volemort is still out there.
The war of one against all has not ceased yet. The wizard attorney general
is as skillful as ever while the replacement of the interior secretary is yet to
be designated by Washington. The only appointments made so far are those
that originated from Washington.
In looking at the unfolding events in our country, we find ourselves
no better than motionless wooden marionettes singing opera with flapping
mouths and enacting the bizarre dark humour of the medieval ages. This is a
puppetry drama in which actors made of flesh merged with actors made
of wood are producing an endless comedy. But eventually, the actors made
of flesh with their feudal and elitist background and the actors made of wood
with no voice of their own end up with a continuing tragedy of errors.
The new Prime Minister Syed Yousaf Raza Gilani has a challenging
task ahead. His leadership qualities will be judged not on the basis of his
past credentials but on the basis of his performance as the chief executive of
the country. He will have to prove himself different from the shortcut of a
prime minister, the only and the one Shaukat Aziz.
Our people had voted for democracy and good governance. They
also said no to religious extremism and violence. They voted for the
restoration of the 1973 Constitution and independence of judiciary, rule of
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law and fundamental freedoms including the media freedom. They wanted
immediate reinstatement of the judges of the superior courts who were
removed illegally on November 3 and those who refused to take oath under
PCO.
The new leadership must put the country back on the path of
democracy based on constitutional supremacy, institutional integrity, rule of
law and good governance. This is a mandatory challenge for the PPP and
PML-N. To become reality, this commitment will have to rise above
personal or factional interests and also transcend narrow motivated deals
based on expediencies or external pressures.
One thing is clear. Where there is will, there is always a way. The
grand coalition during its first few weeks has the requisite majority to
undo all the wrongs done by Musharraf to the countrys constitution and
judiciary. As the time goes by, this strength and standing will inevitably
suffer an erosion and attrition
First and foremost on the legislative roaster of the National
Assembly should have been the adoption of the resolution on
reinstatement of the judges of the superior courts deposed illegally by
General Musharraf as army chief through his undeclared November 3
martial law. A bill should also have been introduced in the National
Assembly seeking the validation of all those actions that General
Musharraf took as army chief and then transferred to himself as a civilian
president.
The February 18 verdict was an anti-Musharraf vote. It must be
respected by restoring immediately the pre-October 12, 1999
constitution and reinstating unconditionally the legal judges before it is too
late. Improve the quality of governance and delivery of every day necessities
and services. Fix the fundamentals of the state by regaining the lost
sovereignty and reordering the national priorities. Beware of the hidden hand
and its ingenuities against the grand coalition.
Follow your own policies formulated through institutional rather than
personal approach with greater focus on domestic political, economic and
social consolidation. Build external relationships on the basis of sovereign
equality and mutual benefit. In doing so, we could best serve our interests by
following Hafiz Shirazis advice for kindness to friends and courtesy to
enemies with equal faith in Allama Iqbals message of self-dignity, and selfconfidence.

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Inayatullah commented: A 100-day programme was hurriedly

announced in his maiden speech by Prime Minister Gilani. Required
detailed consultations possibly were not made and certain announcements
later had to be modified. The most dramatic part of it was the off-the-cuff
order issued by Gilani on the floor of the House for the release of the
detained judges.
Food inflation and power outrages have added to the mounting
misery and discontentin Multan may have been manoeuvred but there
were good reasons for the people to go haywire. Because of the
international increase in the cost of petrol, there is no escape from raising its
price. This rise affects not only
There is this horrendous war on terror thrust on us by USA.
Washington is threatening a direct action. Military action in the northwest
has taken a huge toll and many other places. There have been dozens of
bomb blasts and suicide attacks. Other pressing and pending issues have also
to be addressed
The first task of the federal cabinet is to debate, in brainstorming
sessions, spread if necessary, over many days to set priorities and take
steps to explore solutions weighing the urgency of each item. The first and
the highest priority must be to undo immediately the damage done by the
army chief on November 3 and restore as fast as possible, the position that
was on November 2.
The very survival of democracy and the democratic process is at
stake. Parliaments constitutional status and authority must be restored,
illegal and improper actions have to be annulled and the persons responsible
for constitutional violations taken to task. Compromise will mean weakening
the democratic edifice and betrayal of the trust despondingly reposed in the
victorious political parties and their leaders.
Let it be clearly understood that the anti-democratic forces have
not accepted the verdict of the people and the political change. Recall the
drama played out at Lahore with a defeated Kings Party candidate being
mishandledthrowing all the blame on PML-N as well as lawyers, followed
by a sudden violent attack on Karachi lawyers and burning many of them
alive. All this was well scripted and well executed.
The presidents comment on the terrible tragedy in Karachi was
an echo of his earlier reaction articulated on May 12, 2007. In 2007 the
bloodbath was a show of peoples power not requiring any enquiry. The
April 9 blood curdling and terribly ghastly action according to him occurred
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because the lawyers were spreading chaos and anarchy. What a profound
comment by the so-called head of state, the symbol of unity as the
constitution envisages his office!
So, Mr Zardari and Syed Gilani, please realize that time is running
out. First things first. Strengthen the National Assembly. Demonstrate the
majesty of the peoples power reflected in the elected House and speedily
strive to win back the sovereignty promised to the chosen representative in
the Constitution of Pakistan
Mr Nawaz Sharif who so far has valiantly fought the battle for
change and restoration of the judges, fairly successfully, has to move fast
and muster all the power influence and intelligence he commands to keep
ensuring that Zardari and his party faithfully stick to the pledge repeatedly
reaffirmed to restore the judges
Time is moving fast. Each day matters. The enemy is all set to split,
weaken and destroy the coalition of the democratic forces. There is need for
unrelenting pressure, of clear-cut expeditious action and readiness to
intelligently, neutralize attempts aimed at creating disruption and
confusion. All stratagems to divert attention or deflect concentration on the
main objective must be nullified and quashed. Thank God that the rightminded army chief who has decided to move away from involvement in
politics and has demonstrated his will to do so by withdrawing military
officers from civilian jobs.
From across the border G Parthasarthy opined: Pakistans newly
elected leaders have not taken kindly to public warnings from the US that
should NATO forces get actionable intelligence they will strike across the
Afghanistan-Pakistan border. Taking note of the widespread public anger
against the Army, Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani has decided, that at least
for the present, the Army should lower its profile and appear deferential
to the civilian rulers. The first interaction between the Army brass the top
political leadership took place
Some details of what transpired between the Army and the politicians
were made known by pro-Nawaz circles. It was stated that during the
meeting there was unanimity of view that a political solution to the problem
of extremism in the tribal areas would be sought, while the military option
would be used as a back up measure and that too would be managed
exclusively by the countrys armed forces.
While the politicians in Islamabad may favour a ceasefire and talks
with militants, the reality is that having exposed the limitations of the
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Pakistan military, the militants will not end their support for the
Taliban and al-Qaeda unconditionally. A senior leader of the TTP, Maulvi
Faqir Muhammad, said that the Taliban would not lay down arms, or end
their jihad till the Pakistan Government ended support for the US War on
Terror, Pakistan Army was withdrawn from tribal areas and all American and
NATO left Afghanistan.
These crucial problems have to be addressed amid emerging
differences between Nawaz on the one hand and PPP leaderson the other.
Zardari doesnt share Nawazs zeal for the unconditional restoration of
the judiciary led by mercurial Justice Iftikhar, though he has little choice
other than going along with Nawaz on this issue. Zardari also wishes to
avoid confrontation with Musharraf
Given the contradictory statements voiced in Islamabad on complex
issues like Jammu $ Kashmir, India should avoid forcing the pace in
relations with Pakistan. While there appears to be a growing Pakistani
consensus on improving trade and economic ties with India two essential
factors cannot be ignored.
First, Nawaz has remained conspicuously silent on how the issue of
Jammu & Kashmir should be resolved and how the dialogue on the Valley
should proceed. Second, groups like Lashkar-e-Tayyeba enjoy political
patronage from high circles in the Pakistan Muslim League. A willingness to
promote cooperation, enhance confidence and address the complex issue of
Jammu & Kashmir by India has to be coupled with realism about the
uncertain and volatile political situation in Pakistan.

REVIEW
Under the US-sponsored deal, Zardari-led PPP has assumed the role
of Shujaat-led PML-Q in the context of providing political support to
Musharraf and defend his unconstitutional actions particularly those taken
on and after November 3, 2007. Zardari has proved to be far more cunning
politician to perform this immoral and illegal duty.
He has developed a strategy on ideas borrowed from Musharrafs
military manual. Military manuals say; offence is the best form of defence.
The offensive on the broad front is the best way to keep the defender
guessing about the intentions of the aggressor.
The planned constitutional package is part of this strategy. The
package is meant to dilute the importance of the issue of restoration of
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deposed judges. It has been virtually equated with insignificant issues like
renaming of a province. The package also provides the best mechanism for
dragging the feet as its passage can linger on for indefinite period.
The offensive on broad-front also includes other prongs like ridiculing
the judiciary particularly those who have been deposed. Zardari has taken
this responsibility upon himself. His overtures gave an impression that if
Musharraf had not deposed these judges, he would have done it immediately
after February polls.
Simultaneously, propagate that the issue of restoration is not more
important than the solution of the shortage of flour and electricity. Also, wait
patiently for PML-N to falter and make moves to send message to its
coalition partner that it is not quite indispensable.
Reasons as to why Zardari has been dragging his feet on the issue of
restoration of judges were quite obvious. He cannot afford ignoring his
obligation to pay-back Musharraf and the US for their generous showering
of favours on him. He would reciprocate by making the restoration as
tolerable for Musharraf as possible. The favours are reciprocated promptly
and willingly in the world of criminals; whether under or above the ground.
And, by delaying the resolution of the issue, Zardari has been trying to
impress all and sundry about his importance. He also did not want anyone
to get credit for restoration as and when it comes. Whatever Zardari wishes
to dispense in the name of restoration through the package, he wants it to
be taken as a favour from him instead of a success of the lawyers movement
or any body else.
It is quite evident from the foregoing that it wont be easy to win the
case of restoration of deposed judges. The interests of the major players in
the game are pitched against the deposed judges. Musharraf wants to protect
his illegal election; the PCO courts would like to protect their jobs; Zardari
wont risk questioning of the NRO; and the US seemed to have placed the
deposed CJP on the list of targeted killings for his act of taking up the cases
of missing persons.
The democratic forces have missed the bus of judiciarys restoration;
inadvertently or deliberated. Astonishingly even the constitutional experts
missed a very simple point in finding an acceptable way for the
reinstatement of the judges. The whole process of undoing the damage done
by Musharraf on and after November 3, 2007 should have started with a
simple resolution passed by the National Assembly.

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The preamble of the resolution should have briefly recalled the illegal
and unconstitutional actions of the successive military dictator and how
those were indemnified by the judiciary and condoned by politicians. It
would have condemned all those and at the same time accepted that all that
was unfortunately had to be done in pursuance of doctrine of necessity.
Musharraf should have been asked to follow this precedence to get his
actions legitimized. He should have been told to request the National
Assembly within the period spelled out in the resolution. In case Musharraf
had not requested by the given dateline, the NA should have acted
unilaterally and abrogated all his actions.
28th April 2008

SMILING SCOUNDREL
Indian Subcontinent has unique distinction of producing quite a few
female widows who capitalized on the public sympathies to rise to the
highest political positions in their respective countries; whereas the history
and culture would have demanded of them to burn themselves along with
their dead husbands. Pakistan acquired the distinction of producing a male
widow who capitalized on the sad demise of his wife.
Zardari has cut the mourning short and since then he has been all
smiles. He seemed to be enjoying every moment since the departure of Bibi
Sahiba. His smile occasionally turns into a grin reminding one of actor Burt
Lancaster. Burt must have practiced and perfected that arrogant grin under
guidance of his directors, but Zardari seemed to be a born smiling scoundrel.
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Zardari has been playfully dealing with his opponents on the issue of
restoration of judges, because of having more seats in the National Assembly
as well as working relationship with Musharraf and Bush Administration.
He went to Dubai amid the dialogue on judges issue as if telling the PML-N
catch me if you can. The PML-N refused to give up and sent a team which
failed in making a breakthrough. Resultantly, Nawaz Sharif rushed to Dubai
to try and catch him.
When relationship with the PML-N was nearing a breaking point, a
deal with MQM for power-sharing was struck and Musharraf and Gilani met
to chalk out plans to strengthen democratic institutions. Thus, the
transition of anti-Musharraf vote to pro-Musharraf mandate almost neared
completion.

EVENTS
Zardari went to Dubai for couple days and then decided to extend his
stay till expiry of promised timeline for reinstatement of judges. The PML-N
was left with no choice but to send a team led by Shahbaz Sharif on 27 th
April to settle the issue. Prime Minister said all judges would be restored.
Afzal Bajwa reported that Saudi King was prepared to carve yet another
deal to resolve the issue of restoration of the deposed judges. Shujaat said
PML-Q would table a resolution if the government failed in resolving
judges issue.
Next day, PPP-PML-N teams met in Dubai but failed to find way to
implement Bhurban Declaration; the deal with Musharraf weighed heavy on
Zardaris conscience. He accused Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry of
playing politics. PPP and MQM agreed on power-sharing. Musharraf
informed the visiting US Congress delegation that he was an elected
president and performing his duties according to Constitution.
On 29th April, PPP-PML-N talks failed to break the deadlock over
judges restoration. PPP stuck to package formula the contents of which
were kept secret even from the negotiating partner. Zardari seemed bent
upon preferring Dubai Deal over Murree Accord. The stalemate forced
Nawaz Sharif to rush to Dubai for making the last attempt to save the
Murree Accord.
ANP and JUI-F supported Zardaris stance on restoration of judges.
PPP-MQM deal on power-sharing was finalized. Gilani and Musharraf met
in Rawalpindi and vowed to strengthen the democratic institutions.

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Zardaris remarks About A Q Khan were widely condemned. He had said

that he was neither arrested by the PPP nor would be released by the party
and the matter was at the disposal of presidency.
On the final day 30-day deadline, Nawaz and Zardari held two rounds
of talks for seven hours but failed to reach consensus on implementation of
Murree Accord. Chaudhry Nisar said the two sides had inched towards
removing irritants. Musharraf said I stand by November 3 steps. Aitzaz
said lawyers would continue struggle but wait for the out-come of Dubai
talks. MQM will get 13 ministries in Sindh.
Talks between Zardari and Nawaz ended on 1st May. The
announcement of the outcome of the parleys was held back for a day;
however, Nawaz said judges would be restored through parliamentary
resolution and Zardari said we would wait and see. Nadeem Syed observed
that confusion still persisted because it was not clear that the outcome was
an agreement or eyewash.
Maqbool Malik reported that Sharifuddin and others were busy giving
final touches to a bill to indemnify November 3 actions. Apart from political
parties in the parliament, some foreign powers including the USA, UK and
Saudi Arabia are said to have been taken into confidence. Sources said that
PML-N had agreed to support the proposed bill with the condition that the
deposed judges would be reinstated first. The bill was drafted in consultation
with the law minister and President agreed to do away with Article 58-2 (b).
Imran Khan challenged Zardari to contest election from NA-55 to
prove that weather the people had voted on Feb 18 for restoration of
judiciary or Roti, Kapra aur Makan. The very next day of the conclusion of
talks in Dubai the royal family, Zardari, his sister and two daughters, arrived
in Karachi. Thus, parleys in Dubai were held merely to revive the spirit of
catch-me-if-you-can. Meanwhile, MQM ministers were sworn in.
Nawaz Sharif announced that the deposed judges would be restored
on 12 May through a resolution in NA and followed by a notification. A
six-member committee comprising law minister, Aitzaz Ahsan, Hafizuddin
Pirzada, Fakhruddin G Ibrahim, Khawaja Haris and Raza Rabbani was
formed for drafting the resolution.
th

Lawyers welcomed the announcement. Reportedly, no precise date or

timeframe for restoration was agreed in Dubai talks. Zardari said, we want
judges return through a formula. Musharraf summoned his Musheers to
formulate options to counter the move of democratic government.

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On 3rd May, Gilani said his government was set to restore deposed
judges. Pakistan Bar Council said it would not accept PCO judges. Zardari
insisted on retaining the PCO judges. MQM and MPs from FATA remained
undecided on NA resolution on judges issue. Shujaat was ready to accept
Pagara as leader of united PML. US ambassador met Zardari at his residence
a day after meeting Nawaz in Lahore. JI said the US was obstructing
restoration of judges.
Next day, Nawaz said no NoC would be needed from the US for
restoration of judges. Reportedly, Fazlur Rehman would support Zardari in
fixing the tenure of the CJP. PML-Q decided to support restoration of judges
in principle. The government decided to accord protocol to Zardari at par
with the president.
Aitzaz Ahsan and Shahbaz Sharif filed nomination papers on 5th May
for contesting bye-elections. The axis of evil struck back through Election
Commission by postponing the polls for two months. Election Commission
claimed that it had acted independently. Zardari feigned resentment and
promised to get the decision reversed. Reportedly, the young chief minister
of NWFP was trapped by the Rehman Malik by asking him to write a letter
for postponement after lying that the centre and the three other provinces
were already in favour of postponement.
In another development Fakhruddin G Ibrahim refused to attend
meetings of the committee for sorting out the matters related to restoration
of judges. His two main reservations related to retention of Nov-3 PCO
judges and endeavour of some members to link the constitutional package
with restoration. The camel from presidency, Hafiz Pirzada, pushed the
Beduin of lawyers community out of the tent. Zardari promised to persuade
Fakhruddin to return to the committee.
Saleh Zaafir reported that yet another no left Musharraf shattered;
this time it was Shujaat, who refused to step down from PML-Q leadership
for Chattha. Law Minister told the Senate that Intelligence Bureau was still
bugging telephones of the political leaders, including the Prime Minister.
Tariq Butt reported, the President will not notify the return of sacked
justices despite the executive order issued after the approval of a resolution
by the National Assembly, if he was not taken on board. Lawyers scuffled in
Rawalpindi Bar Association; Imran Khan smelled a rat in the incident.
During debate in the Senate NWFP and Balochistan threatened to stop
supply of electricity and gas to Punjab if it did not lift restrictions on the
movement of wheat. The smuggling mafias in the two provinces wanted
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more and more wheat to sell to Afghanistan and beyond. Sindh accused
Punjab of stealing Sindhs water.
On 6th May, Zardari said Musharraf is unconstitutional president. He
and Gilani decided to hold bye-polls in June. Imran Khan said presidency
was behind bye-polls postponement. Having obeyed the command for
postponement ECP sought report from provinces on law and order situation.
Rehman Malik avoided meeting the journalists.
Aitzaz also threatened to walk out of the committee for judges
restoration leaving representatives of NRO partners to sort out the matter.
Overseas cases against Zardari were withdrawn. Naek hoped restoration of
judges by 12th May. Washington said it would accept Pakistan governments
decision on judges.
Next day, the ECP felt no shame in turning the clock back for byeelections; polls would be now held on 26th June. The committee finalized the
draft NA resolution for restoration of deposed judges, Aitzaz and Hafiz
Pirzada differed on mode of implementation. The findings will be sent to
Zardari and Nawaz for final decision and reportedly the presidency was
already in receipt of those.
On 8th May, Sharifuddin denied his involvement in hatching of
conspiracies. The outcome of committees deliberations remained unclear,
but PPP and PML-N leaders rushed to London to catch their party bosses.
Tariq Butt reported that May 12 deadline may come and go. Shujaat said
judges return wasnt in sight. Reportedly, Tariq Aziz was tasked to dislodge
Chaudhrys from PML-Q leadership.
Next day, Nawaz Sharif announced the failure of London talks on
resolution of the judges issue, but said he was ready for more parleys and
announce the future course of action on May 12. The Law Ministry informed
Nawaz and Zardari that Justice Iftikhar could not be restored without
amendment of the Constitution. Rauf Klasra reported that two parallel
supreme courts were being considered as part of the package; One under
Iftikhar to deal with criminal and civil cases and the other under Dogar to
look after constitutional matters.
Tariq Azeem said PML-Q could join government if circumstances
permitted. Zardari and Altaf met and resolved to strengthen democracy. US
Ambassador met MQM leaders in Karachi. ANP denied the visit of
Asfandyar to the US. Imran flayed US for backing dictator.

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VIEWS
Restoration of judges remained the most discussed issue during
the period. On 28th April, The Nation urged: One wonders what makes Mian
Nawaz Sharif so optimistic about the reinstatement of the deposed judges
through a parliamentary resolution by 30 April. The more closely the two
major partners of the ruling coalition interact with each other to resolve the
issue, the worse they seem to get stuck into a gridlock.
Maybe the PPP is trying to drag out the tabling of the resolution
to dispel the impression that the government is working under dictation from
the legal fraternity. Lawyers are not the only ones to issue ultimatums. The
other day Makhdoom Javed Hashmi went to town saying that the PML-N
ministers would quit the federal cabinet if the deposed judges were not
reinstated by April 30.
The ruling leaderships failure to resolve the judges issue is
preventing it from focusing attention on the issues of governance. People
are fed up with the backbreaking price hike of essential commodities and it
must be distressing for them to find the new government doing nothing to
provide them any relief There would however be few takers for General
Musharrafs observation that this government is pushing the country deeper
into chaos by discontinuing his economic policies that promised progress
and prosperity.
The Presidents claim coincided with Mian Nawazs warning against
any attempt at dismantling the democratic process, while reminding the
coalition leaders of their responsibility to bring dictators to book. There is no
denying the fact that democracy cannot thrive until the President is
stripped of the draconian power to dismiss Parliament at whim.
Two days later, the newspaper wrote: There is so much at stake in the
successful outcome of the Dubai talks between the PPP and the PML-N that
the entire nation has been keenly waiting to hear good tidings. A formula,
acceptable to both sides, which tends to resolve the crucial issue of the
restoration of deposed judges, would the definitive step towards the smooth
functioning of democracy in the country
Failure to work out such a solution could, on the other hand, bode
continuation of uncertainty, which the country has been witnessing since
March 9 of last year. Disgruntled political workers and the public would
provide a boost to the forces of sit-ins and long marchers. That would
disrupt normal, daily life and harm the interests of the business community.

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For this reason, the news of breakdown of the talks that first came
from the Emirate dismayed the people, but soon after Mian Shahbaz Sharif
is reported to have termed the outcome as a mere stalemate. Informed circles
praised the behind-the-scene efforts of Petroleum and Natural Resources
Minister Khwaja Muhammad Asif of the PML-N and Law and Justice
Minister Farooq H Naek of the PPP who helped break the logjam and made
it possible for the two leaderships to put their heads together again some
time in the afternoon on Tuesday to see whether they could iron out the
differences. Fortunately, despite the setbacks, the two parties are anxious
to keep trying to reach a settlement, and precisely for that reason Mian
Nawaz Sharif is reportedly flying to Dubai to make a last-ditch effort, if the
need arises.
One hopes that in the supreme interest of the country, political
commonsense would finally assert itself and the recommendations of the
seven-member committee formed to work out a common formula would be
accepted, with changes if necessary. Otherwise, the PML-N has threatened
to quit the Cabinet, which will destabilize the present political arrangement
in its incipient stage.
In yet another editorial it added: As General Musharraf continues to
stand by his November 3 unconstitutional acts, it is quite worrisome to see
the leaders of the two main parties in the ruling coalition remaining bogged
down in seemingly endless discussions on the issue of the deposed judges
restoration even after several rounds of negotiations. Hopefully they will
resolve their differences without any further loss of time.
The Presidents otherwise laughable pretence that November 3
measures were essential to the restoration of democracy in the country must
be seen in the context of the highly complex situation his position is likely to
create during the course of governance. One should have expected him to
realize by now that he had grievously erred in taking on the judiciary,
especially after the whole world had condemned his moves and also the
Pakistani public had given an unmistakably adverse verdict on the issue.
The situation makes it all the more necessary for both Mr Asif Ali
Zardari and Mian Nawaz Sharif to quickly sort out their differences and
attend to the business of the state. Both should display political maturity and
respond to the demand of the time to keep the coalition intact, even if they
have to cede certain points to each other as neither of them can afford to opt
out.

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As they remain engaged in negotiations, the people are becoming

increasingly ruthless about serious economic developments in the
country The general public is looking up to the new leadership to come to
its rescue and take measures to either reduce the prices of essential goods,
especially food items, or devise a system to help it out of the situation.
In the meantime, one hopes that the legal fraternity would not
execute its threat of launching a new movement in the country now that the
deadline of April 30 had passed without the deposed judges having been
restored. The civil society and the lawyers must appreciate the point that
while their impatience with the military-led Musharraf regime could be fully
justified, they must give enough time to a popularly elected government
that has just assumed power before thinking of any action.
On 3rd April, the editor commented: the keenly awaited
announcement by Mian Nawaz Sharif that both the PPP and the PML-N are
in full agreement to reinstate the deposed judges through a parliamentary
resolution on May 12 would be widely welcome in the country. According to
him, an official notification to that effect would be issued the same day. Law
Minister Naek (PPP), asked to comment endorsed Mian Sahibs remarks,
though he added that there might be differences in the constitutional package
to be followed but was hopeful they would be sorted out. The positive
outcome of the marathon discussion has given the nation the feeling
their coalition would after all survive and the hope that several urgent
issues calling for quick action would receive its attention.
The country can ill afford to return to the type of politics that
characterized the 1988-1999 period. The intense rivalry between the two
mainstream parties leading to a no-holds-barred struggle provided the
establishment ample opportunity to play one against the other like pieces on
a chess board, finally leading to the sweeping away of the democratic set-up
through a military coup. The country has yet to come out of the negative
effects of the policies pursued subsequently.
Under the circumstances there is all the more need on the part of the
two mainstream parties to resolve the issue of the deposed judges urgently
through mutual accommodation. While the PPP claims it won elections on
the plank of its economic programme rather than the restoration of the
judiciary, it entered into a solemn agreement to restore the judges within 30
days of coming to power. One hopes it would carry out the promise its
leaders have reiterated umpteen times to reinstate the deposed judges in

393

accordance with the Bhurban Declaration, and now after the Dubai
negotiations.
Mr Zardari who is keen to take all political forces along, has to
realize that by trying to please everyone, one is likely to end up
displeasing all. Mian Nawaz Sharif on the other hand has to understand that
an inflexible stance may not be helpful in maintaining alliances. Similarly
the PPP needs to be properly accommodated in Punjab, where it is the junior
partner in the coalition. It is natural on the part of the PPP and PML-N, who
have been arch rivals in the past, to continue to differ over a host of issues.
What needs to be ensured is that the differences are kept within manageable
limits.
Comments of The News on Dubai talks were: Since Nawaz Sharifs
declaration, leaders of his party have been holding firm to the new May
deadline, and insisting that judges will be restored by then. But doubts
continue to be voiced over whether this will come about. The PPP top
leadership has been somewhat coy. About saying that any final date has been
set, with Asif Ali Zardari stating the legal committee which has been set up
will determine all issues.
Whereas the PML-N and the PPP have both said Hafiz Pirzada is
included as a constitutional expert, rather than as a figure from the
presidential camp, few believe this version of events. If the committee is
unable to reach consensus on the exact mode of restoration, the matter will
revert to the two party leaders. The distinct difference in the lines taken by
the PPP and the PML-N is disturbing. As before, the PPP seems far less
enthusiastic over the whole issue that their PML-N counterparts.
There are indeed, even beyond the matter of precisely what happens
on May 12 although this of course is important a number of points of
concern. The first is that crucial decisions regarding the countrys future
have been taken in secrecy. We still do not quite know what happened in
Dubai, what comprises and deals were made or, indeed, why the entire
process of talks took place such a long way away from Pakistan.
The opinion on retaining judges who indeed took oath under the
PCO has also been bitterly opposed by some who have been fighting for
months for restoration of judges. They argue that the message going out
through such an action would be that even those who failed to stick to
principle would gain the same rewards as those who opted for a more
difficult path.

394

The question of whether or not President Musharraf is to stay also

looms big in the background. The PML-N has made it obvious that it
believes he must go. The PPP again remains ambivalentand much of what
happens now will determine the future course of events in the country as it
starts a new journey along the road to full democracy.
In another editorial the newspaper added: Even now, while the
distance between Islamabad and the spot where talks are held continues to
expand as PPP and PML-N leaders engage in an elaborate game of chase,
following each other across states, continents and oceans, the fact is that
there has been little progress in reaching a solution. Indeed the entire
matter now seems densely stalemated, with the two major parties
disagreeing on crucial issues.
All aides have now acknowledged this, with a major point of
contention involving the constitutional package the PPP seeks to link
with a resolution restoring the judges. Under this, the judges who took
oath under the PCO after November 3, 2007 would be retained; changes
made to legalize a bench that would grow to about 25 or more and in all
likelihood, the tenure of judges would be reduced. The PPP also cites legal
reasons as to why a restoration through a simple executive order is difficult.
The language from the PML-N camp is meanwhile hardening and
Mian Nawaz Sharif has stated that the matter is only about political will
rather than other complexities. In other words, he has accused the PPP of
lacking commitment. This is a suspicion others have expressed as well. The
PML-N has also warned it will quit the coalition government if the May 12
deadline for restoration is not adhered to. The reports that Zardari may
suggest a presidential ordinance, tied in with indemnity for suggest a
presidential ordinance, tied in with indemnity for Musharraf for his actions
of November 3, indicate growing desperation. There are many doubts over
whether such a formula be acceptable to the PML-N.
At present moment, Mian Nawaz Sharif holds the moral high
ground. His tough anti-Musharraf and pro-judiciary stance means he is seen
as a hero by people for whom the judicial drama has come to represent a
struggle against the president of citizens who rejected him on February 18. A
failure to agree on a judicial restoration would push Zardari more forcefully
still into the role of a villain.
The withdrawal of the PML-N from the federal government would
force PPP into a three-way arrangement with the MQM and the presidency.
Indeed, a meeting between Altaf Hussain and Zardari is expected in London.
395

By forming a part of such a troika, the PPP would of course inflict

greater damage to its standing with people. The establishment would
register another win
M A Niazi felt that it has to be decision-time in Dubai. A COAS who
has become President has no intention of becoming an ordinary
prisoner, and is willing to do anything to stay free, even if it means
keeping the courts in fetters. And the best way of keeping the courts in
fetters is by so keeping not just the Supreme Court, but all courts, is by
keeping the Chief Justice of Pakistan. There is just one problem: the Chief
Justice must be an accomplice to all this. If by some mischance he chooses
not to be a tool of the establishment (which is really all that the army chiefturned-President is), then there is nothing for it, but a long-drawn fight, as
this time. The first weapon that the President has is the PPP.
That party has actually done more than the PML-Q to support
the President on the judges. This is despite being in alliance with the PMLN, which chose the restoration of the judges as the election issue with which
to be identified. The PPP is clearly to risk the fall of the coalition rather than
either consent to the PML-N formula for restoration or present its own.
The idea is that the judges who are converted from ordinary human
beings to residents of GOR, or Judges Colony, duly insulated from the
troubles in life that are attendant upon being Pakistani, should not have any
trouble until retirement age. They should give judgments in accordance
with law without any fear or favour, and with no regard to what they have
always tried to keep upper-most, the welfare of their families.
In short, establish the rule of law in a way that it has not been
established in the very countries that proclaim this tradition the most. It
should be noted that in the capitalist countries, the governments maintain the
image of rule of law by giving decisions that do not favour the state unless
the state really needs it; the state, not some individual trying to cling to
office. Unfortunately, that is the main purpose here of having the
judiciary on your side. And that was what Dubai was all about.
Ayesha T Haq wrote: It appears that the two coalition parties are
speaking completely different languages. If they dont understand what the
other is saying what hope is there that we will figure this out. This brings us
to the latest announcement; does it mean anything? Will the judges go back
to work? Or is there much more to all this than meets the eye?
The people may be tired of all this pussyfooting around but they
certainly are not stupid and would like Mr Sharif and Mr Zardari to sit
396

together and say what they have to say clearly and unequivocally. Every
time they speak they move the goalpost. We really need to get beyond this
issue and on with the myriad of problems that plague Pakistan.
The induction of Mr Abdul Hafeez Pirzada in to the committee is
alarming. His position is clear, it is his stated position that the judges cannot
be restored other than by a constitutional amendment. This would serve his
client well as it would, in recognizing General Musharrafs ability to amend
the Constitution on his own and provide him with the indemnification he so
desperately needs to remain in the Army House It seems to be the only
reason why they have sought Mr Pirzadas assistance?
It appears that there really is no will to resolve this issue and that
we will be looking at endless delays. Will this committees mandate just be
the resolution or will it, as everyone is quite convinced, include the
constitutional package?
Instead of becoming clearer it seems that with each passing day
more mud is raked up and the situation is made murkier. It is curious
that the new political dispensation has not used its clear majority in
parliament and impeached the president as yet. That may get rid of at least
one obstacle to the functioning of an independent judiciary. Unfortunately,
the other obstacle it appears is that our politicians are not quite ready for a
strong and independent judiciary. It is indeed disturbing that while the
politicians get their NRO and General Musharraf manages to avoid Article 6
by getting his ultra constitutional measures validated, the judges who did the
right thing are taken out in the public square and whipped. Is it that someone
does not quite get it?
Dr Farooq Hassan had already seen the backlash of the delay in
restoration. Zardaris acceptability in the country is clearly falling. It is also
manifest that his popularity as well credibility amongst those that have
genuinely spearheaded this democratic movement is dithering away. There
appear to be two main reasons for this spiral of stunning downhill slalom
of political fortunes.
First and foremost is his less than convincing stance on his
commitment to restore the judges to pre-November 3 position within 30
days of the formation of the federal government. I am personally
disappointed at this faux pas Secondly, there has been ostensibly no
genuine transfer of sovereignty to the parliament. From the past attorney
general, who played a notorious role in the judicial crisis faced by the civil

397

society, to ordinary heads of various intelligence and other law related

agencies, Musharrafs political appointees continue.
There is I believe, a realization within the PML-N that the fate of
Nawaz Sharif and his party could also be no different in the public
evaluation if the promise made to the civil society is sacrificed with a
compromise solution. Perhaps it would be more damaging in the case of
PML-N The PML-N finds itself in a difficult position as it is being made
to concede to slashing the tenure of the deposed chief justice in exchange for
the PPPs willingness to table the resolution in the NA for the restoration of
the deposed judiciary.
Public criticism and backlash is already evident in various
contemporaneous evolutionary events that now surface daily. I fear that a
political tsunami is threatening Zardari and may be even the PML-N if the
matters are not settled in accordance with the Will of the Public Mandate
on February 18. Any dethronement of Zardari from the lofty position he now
has would equally adversely affect the PPP. So the devastation that such
overtures to Musharraf may bring upon the present administration and the
parliament would be huge.
Leaders of PDA may keep in mind the modality of their arrival in
the historic opportunity they presently have. They were at the mercy of
the worst dictatorship in the history of the country just weeks before the
present election process started last autumn. It was entire the struggle of the
lawyers in deference to the deposed CJ that made this possible. They can
conceivably obtain a niche of immorality in the painful saga of democracy in
this country by reaching at the honourable conclusion demanded of them by
time.
I may mention in passing that tenure of the appointment of CJ is
not fixed either in Britain or India whereas in the US the judges of the SC
and those of the federal courts are appointed for life. Historically, it was only
during the government of ZAB when, in 1976, a constitutional amendment
was passed to fix the tenure of the high court chief justices to four years and
that of the CJ to five years.
A word about the general ambiance of Zardari to the current
controversies would be helpful. Zardari maintains that he has undergone
a deeper transformation after being incarcerated for eight long years.
In this context he had genuinely lots of complaints against judges. He thus
feels that the peoples perception about him has changed from that of the
prodigal husband of the populist BB to a contemporary advocate of
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reconciliation. The split personality of Zardari surfaced strongly during

April 21 coalition meeting on the restoration of judges and was not liked at
all by various sections of society. The admiration for the deposed judges as
their national icons was in sharp contrast to the inherent distrust of political
leaders who preferred to get themselves detained along with their children at
their own houses instead of living in exile in comfortable surroundings
costing multi-million dollars. However, he is not generous to accept a
similar transformation in the psyche of the judges who refused to take oath
under PCO on Nov 3. The majority of Pakistanis are convinced that Nawaz,
Shahbaz and even Zardari could not have dared to return to the country, if
judges would not have defied the illegal steps taken by Musharraf.
One has also to see the entirety of the picture in which many of the
infamous names of recent past in bureaucratic national edifice are returning
by the dozen from their external luxurious hideouts. There are besides a host
of former party loyalists vying to obtain the key ambassador-ships of
Pakistan in London and Washington Most of them are PPP favourites.
They all went abroad to escape the wrath of Musharraf regime.
They are now all returned to garnish their own share from the booty after
taking the first available flight from abroad once after long struggle of
judges, lawyers, media and civil society democracy was restored and
Musharraf confined to his Army House. Where were these new guests
when these deposed judges, media men, lawyers and civil society members
were being brutally beaten, tear gassed and dragged on roads by furious
cops?
Before the general elections, Zardari is on record to have said that the
PPP was all for natural political alignments for ushering in true democracy.
But by following his PM to seek vote of confidence from the PML-Q as his
wifes killers, and by exchanging traditional Sindhi caps with MQM at 90,
Karachi, another message is being given. It is clear that Zardari is already
to make deals signifying he would not care if Nawaz walks out of the
alliance. This is a political minefield of settling old and diverse scores with
many people of Machiavellian manoeuvres
After gaining so much because of the political initiative that Zardari
has taken in the recent weeks, he is on the verge of losing all. Nawaz
Sharif has to be most careful not to fall in some grandiose trap of
momentary goodwill. His strength is his cause and his lack of any immediate
interest in any jobs. His weakness is that he is also surrounded by many
whose credentials for the high positions they are getting are most thin. I have

399

also felt that organizationally he is still running this campaign like a private
business; it is necessary that he has a proper qualified staff around him to
run this huge campaign that he is now leading.
I hope these two succeed for the sake of this countrys future;
otherwise I see great turmoil ahead in which Musharraf will continue to
haunt his presumptive successors. Despite the astonishingly severe
humiliation he suffers daily Musharraf refuses to quit; why? Then answer to
this question contains the genesis of Truth.
Raoof Hasan sounded pessimistic about restoration. The
brinkmanship displayed by Mian Nawaz Sharif in dashing off to Dubai to
save the faltering talks with Asif Ali Zardari may stall the fall of the shaky
coalition for the time being, but it has cast serious aspersions on the
credibility and dependability of his coalition partner, the co-chairperson
of PPP. The manner of his leaving the country in the midst of the grave crisis
that the coalition was beset with concerning the restoration of the judges in
consonance with the Bhurban Declaration was reflective of the lack of
importance that he accorded to either the contents of the agreement or the
deadline for its implementation. It seemed as if he were living in a world of
his own, coldly detached from the excruciating pain that the entire nation
was undergoing in fear of the impending disaster as a consequence of a
compromise of principles in tackling the situation.
His two hours session with a private television channel recently
helped in discovering some of the so-far undisclosed traits of Mr Zardari
who is heading the largest national political party through the current testing
times. His reference to the Bhurban Accord, a voluntary agreement between
the two principal partners of the coalition, as a political statement rendered
politics as a game lacking in either truth or credibility. In other words,
politics could be interpreted as a gambit of telling lies and making false
promises.
The other gem was the utter lack of faith that he exhibited in the
supremacy of the parliament a concept he has been advocating so
forcefully ever since the results of the last elections have been known.
Responding to a question regarding Dr A Q Khan, Mr Zardari said that he
was neither responsible for having arrested him not interested in getting
involved in setting him free What an incredible fall from grace of an
institution which is home to the aspirations of a nation that has been
deceived time and again by racketeers of all hues and shapes.

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Throughout the interview, Mr Zardari seemed deeply consumed with

his personal sufferance at the hands of the judiciary and the hardly made an
effort to hide his seething bitterness towards some of its erstwhile members.
The sarcasm that he so disdainfully lavished at the 30 days deadline and the
possible adverse prospects thereafter if the judges were not restored was a
rare act to watch! It was like he was out on a revenge course and showed
unwillingness to go along with the reinstatement of the judges as on
November 2.
He was insistent that the judges who had taken oath on the PCO
would not be disturbed even if the sacked judges were restored under
some form of arrangement with his coalition partners. Little moral, even
legal fibre was on display as Mr Zardari propounded this half-baked and
injudicious argument repeatedly that, inter-alia, attempted to erase any
distinction between conscientious members of the judiciary who showed
courage in refusing to take oath under the unconstitutional and illegal
PCO
In an environment characterized by minimal level of trust in the
leadership, what is the guarantee that this new undertaking by the
coalition partners would not be rubbished in the future as another
political statement, or sacrificed at the altar of an arrangement with the
former military ruler via the inimitable NRO?
It would have been immensely wiser to de-link the restoration of
the judges from the judicial package, both in terms of intent and timing. A
separate committee should have been constituted, with representation from
the legal community, to deliberate the contours of the proposed judicial
package and its presentation before the Parliament after achieving due
consensus among all stakeholders.
Under the present times, already vitiated beyond possible repair by
an inordinate and ill-advised procrastination of the restoration of judges
issue, consensus does no seem to be a prospect and a large scale opposition
to the proposed package is on the cards. This is hardly a good omen for
the fledgling coalition that has yet to assimilate the mammoth task that lies
ahead in shape of tackling the grave problems that the country is confronted
with.
This state is a direct consequence of an unholy marriage between a
once credible political force and a military junta for the sake of winning a
potentially personal reprieve in the name of democracy and
reconciliation. While no amount of sarcasm can cast aspersions on the
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heroic struggle waged by the members of the legal fraternity for turning the
tide and raising the hope for the introduction of the rule of law in the
country, corrective initiatives would be needed from the political
leadership by way of restoring the confidence of the people in its hitherto
errant ways.
The looming tragedy is that little substantial by way of
constitutionality, legality and rule of law can be expected of a leadership
that owes its own existence to a piece of black legislation the widelydespised and grossly self serving NRO.
Inayatullah observed it was all about Zardari vs Zardari. The Zardari
of yore is staging a come-back. I hope I am wrong as I wish him well and
long to see that the historic role that has fallen to his lot is played well by
him, keeping an eye on the call of the Constitution, the demands of
democracy and the expectations of the people. It is not easy to resist
pressures emanating from a ruthless superpower which has helped PPP
leadership return to power, nor to say no to an assertive and wily ex-general
to whom he is beholden for his new-born freedom. Can he afford to ignore
an obliging judiciary which has cleared his way to capture (if he so decides
to) prime minister-ship, by jumping into the national assembly?
It is fascinating how he is manoeuvring to escape from his
commitment to restore CJ Iftikhar Chaudhry. Powerfully placed as he is, he
is beginning to resort to all sorts of tactics and antics. He can blurt all sorts
of bizarre statements like saying that in the guise of the lawyers movement,
it is the judges who are striving to get back their jobs, that the countdown for
the Murree Accord deadline will begin when all the 5 governments are fully
in place and to cap it all, the Murree Accord was nothing more than a
political statement.
It is interesting to watch how he tried to hoodwink his allies and
hesitated not, to suddenly fly away to Dubai. When in hot pursuit PML-N
follows him and put pressure on him to come to an agreed basis for the
implementation of the Murree Agreement he eloquently put forward all
kinds of argument to delay the reaching of a clear decision. When Shahbaz
Sharif failed in his mission, brother Mian Nawaz Sharif rushed to Dubai to
pin Zardari down to honouring his earlier pledges.
Granted that Zardari fears that Justice Chaudhry might reopen
the validity of NRO; as a national leader however he has to accept his
return to office. Combining other measures for trimming the CJs authority
with the question of restoration of the judges may appear to him to be a
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desirable strategy. It will however create doubts in the minds of lawyers and
the civil society about the adequacy of the independence of the judiciary.
A word about the dilemma Zardari faces about his own conduct. Can
we say that by his deeds, he will make every effort to wash off the taint that
has stuck to his name, all these years. Of course he has many impressive
qualities. He has the gift of the gab. He can make friends and keep them. He
has suffered long and learnt a lot. But how much he has unlearnt? I wish I
could convince him that he can emerge as a truly great leader if he
honours peoples verdict, resolves to undo the colossal damage done by the
dictator to the cause of Pakistan, to national institutions, national integration
and democracy.
Perhaps the old Zardari is already back. Rise above personal
considerations, Mr Zardari. Rise to meet the nations hopes. Do not be a part
of the forces of darkness. Well has it been said: what good is it if one wins
the whole world but loses his soul? In your case it will not only be your
personal loss, it will also be letting down the people and the country.
Zardari was rightly criticized by most critics. Imran Hussain wrote:
Asif Zardari may justly feel the people voted for the Peoples Party not for
restoration of judges but for its stand on democracy. But even beyond what
Nawaz Sharif says about salvation, every Pakistani believes, rightly and
wrongly, that only in an independent judiciary, as practiced by the
deposed CJ, lie the solutions to their multiple manifest problems. To this
end they are prepared to face famine, water and power outrages, the
unjustifiable might of the State and anything else they may have to.
With each passing day, it is increasingly believed that the logjam is
purely to achieve an imposed consensus that Musharraf continues as Head of
State in whatever capacity. It is perceived that this is the crux of the deal
with BB and guaranteed by Dick Cheney. The alleged introduction in Dubai
talks of a representative of the Saudi King, although quickly denied by
Riyadh, is considered by the majority as confirmative of the fact. With
baited breath Pakistan awaits the final decision as leaders to and fro to
Dubai, the current seat of Pakistani power brokers.
Zardari makes no secret of the fact that he favours working with
Musharraf. After all the doors were opened for BBs return by his regime
and every agreed courtesy has been accordingly extended towards her and
her heirs. There is a debt to be repaid, no matter how anyone wishes to
scoff at the issue.

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Nawaz should perhaps also consider his presence in Pakistan

more an act of benevolence on Musharrafs part than his entitlement.
But he is too convinced of his own might, and who dare deny him that,
considering the astonishing, overwhelming result that voted his party in,
with hardly any time to canvas the vote.
Be all this as it may, Nawaz is absolutely correct that Pakistans
salvation lies in the restoration of judges. Let us acknowledge
unambiguously that he too suffered at the hands of the judiciary, as did
Zardari, the prime minister and Makhdoom Javed Hashmi. Therefore, his
coming out in its favour unequivocally is an act of great moral courage. I am
sure given free reign Zardari would do the same. People therefore feel that
his continued reference to the apathy of the judiciary in his personal plight is
more to justify his compulsion in following the prescribed route.
Package, the word denotes an uneasy skepticism. People have
heard of this and that package for so long now and seen it doing nothing for
them. The constitutional package now being bandied is similarly viewed.
For Nawaz it would be political suicide to compromise on this being a crux
of the political path chosen by him for this election
An interesting theory was discussed yesterday. Apparently,
technically, as I gather, there is no bar that prevents the present Supreme
Court from reviewing its earlier decision on the November 3 emergency and
restoring the judges with immediate effect through suo moto action. So in
deference to overwhelming national demand will the judges not take notice
of Musharrafs own public admission of the illegality of the emergency?
That they wont is a different matter, that they can is what is pointed
out. If, God forbid hell break loose and the country suffers we know where,
yet again, we can lay the blame.
Perhaps we are too expectant; too focused on the flaws and
omissions of the ruling coalition and not its strength and successes.
Perhaps we should believe that in time they will deliver. Perhaps there is
wisdom, unknown to us because the contents of this package have not been
revealed. Apart from the highly trumpeted, but admirable, action of releasing
the judges nothing significant has been done. They are apparently not even
getting their salaries
Aristotle wrote: At his best, man is the noblest of all animals;
separated from law and justice he is the best On February 18, following
in the wake of BBs tragic demise, the nation found a ray of hope and
grasped it with both hands and hearts. They believed that victory was finally
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theirs. Little did they know then that Aristotles worst would continue
to conspire, as predicted, to have the last laugh.
Nasim Zehra opined: In all likelihood, the political move made by the
Presidency, and supported by some elements within the PPP, to delay the
bye-elections, will be reversed. The media exposed through the words of the
ANP chief minister the Rehman Malik factor behind the delay game.
Election Commission officials have also conceded that the Rehman Malik
factor was at play.
The Presidencys strategy to drive a wedge between the PPP and
the PML-N continues to be implemented by the president and the
institutional implements he controls. Equally, the Presidency has continued
to pressure the Chaudhrys to vacate the PML-Q leadership to accommodate
those the president believes will be acceptable to the PPP leadership.
Presidents objective to have his political party become a player
is evident. He wants the PML-N knocked out by hook or by crook.
Whatever he believes his motives to be, patriotism or personal survival in
power, the net result of Gen Musharrafs political strategy is violation of the
peoples mandate, undermining the democratic system, acting as president in
violation of his constitutional role and, finally, the destabilization of the
country.
The only very critical caveat in all this is that unless Asif Zardari
partners the president in implementing the presidents political
strategy; Gen Musharraf can never succeed. The reversal of the byeelection decision is reassuring on this count. Zardari Sahib will continue to
pass the test of credibility whenever new issues emerge questioning the
PPPs commitment to genuine parliamentary democracy versus commitment
to the Presidency and external players.
The crucial issue that needs to be astutely and credibly handled is
the judges issue, which indeed offers its own complexity. Hours after the
first joint public statement of intent by the coalition leaders on the agreement
to restore the judiciary to the pre-Nov 3 position a senior PPP leader had
commented wryly that there is many a slip between the cup and the lip. His
was response to our enthusiasm about the restoration decision. It then
seemed to be a comment on the PPP leaderships real intent.
The fact is that the Pakistans electoral politics and the power
construct is now being microscopically examined and assessed by various
sections of the society against the constitutional and ethical touchstone. The
demand for upright and principled politics by politicians is now widespread.
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This demand for political morality from some sections of society is an

understandable outcome of the year 2007 during which Pakistani society got
mobilized around
There may be political motivations and powers calculations, but there
may also be sincere idealism influencing the maximalist demand from
certain quarters that the perfect solution for the restoration of judiciary of
rewinding must be implemented; Supreme Court bench to exactly the Nov 2
position. This demand which has been articulated by the Supreme Court Bar
Association, is also supported by some other opinion-makers. One of the
seemingly reasonable concerns is that following the Constitution the existing
judges would immediately legitimize the otherwise controversial
presidential election
There are four dimensions to the restoration challenge the political,
the constitutional, the legal and the personal. Together these throw up the
numerous factors that ultimately include the entire context within which
restoration has to be tackled In addition to these numerous factors is
the reality of the position the three other coalition partners, the ANP, the
JUI and even the MQM, have taken on restoration questions. The JUI and
the MQM have clearly stated their willingness to go along with the PPP
position.
These factors all have an ability to unleash its own dynamic. How
these factors are tackled will create chaos or stability, continuation or
disruption within Pakistans broader political scene. The only way forward
on the judges issue is the restoration of all the judges through a resolution
and subsequently through an executive order. The PCO judges will also have
to stay.
The ball is squarely in Mr Asif Zardaris court. If yesterday Gen
Musharraf called the shots, today it is Mr Zardari. He has the parliamentary
strength and the support of the political forces to capitalize on the
opportunity that the February 18 elections have provided. He has travel
beyond his own and the partys past, including what many would argue is his
indebtedness to President Musharraf and to Washington.
Gulsher Panhwer from Dadu observed: The PPP despite having
signed the Bhurban declaration is dragging its feet over the issue by
saying that it is for the independence of the judiciary instead of particular
individuals. On the one hand, Aitzaz Ahsans and other prominent lawyers
stand is that the judges can be restored with an executive order but on the
other, the Musharraf camp argues that the restoration of the judges can only
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take place with a constitutional amendment which is possible only through a

two-thirds majority in both the houses of parliament.
Those who create barriers in the way of restoration of the
independent, brave judges actually belong to a powerful section of society
which exploits the masses by creating artificial shortages of food and other
essential items. They see an independent judiciary under Chief Justice
Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry as the only threat to status quo. They
want to undermine the vibrant and unprecedented struggle of the lawyers for
the emancipation of the judiciary which remained subservient to military
dictators in the past.
The PPP should not betray the PML-N, civil society, lawyers
community and the media by refusing to implement the Bhurban
Declaration in letter and spirit. It should not be afraid of an independent
judiciary just because of the NRO issue. We know that cases against Asif Ali
Zardari and other PPP leaders were fabricated to pressure them into leaving
the ranks of the PPP so that they could join the Musharrafs brainchild, the
Q-League. Thus it is unlikely that the deposed chief justice will strike down
the NRO after being reinstated.
Moreover, the independent judiciary will strengthen democracy
and will foil all the conspiracies to cut short the governments tenure. I am
a great admirer of Asif Ali Zardari for the political wisdom and
statesmanship he showed soon after the tragic murder of Benazir Bhutto. If
the restoration of the judiciary is delayed or the matter is not resolved
amicably, there is a strong probability that the position and stature he earned
after the February 18 polls will be damaged irreversibly.
Dr Masooda Bano opined: The committee established to propose
recommendations for reinstating the judges has failed to resolve the
problem because the issue is not of a technical but political nature. It is
not that the government does not know how the judges can be legally
reinstated. The problem is that it does not want to reinstate the judges; the
PPP has sucked out of the nation all the post-election euphoria. It is again
simple opportunism at play rather than pursuit of collective interest.
Asif Ali Zardari remains resistant to the reinstatement of the
judges. Rather, he is more interested in ensuring continuation of the existing
judges, who took oath under the PCO. Again, as Justice Ebrahims letter
points out, the Charter of Democracy signed in 2006 between Benazir
Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif clearly stated that the no judge shall take oath
under any PCO Yet the PPP is currently most keen to preserve the judges
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in power who took office under the PCO and wants to keep those judges out
of the system who resisted this move.
This shows two things. One, the PPP is not that keen on checking
the repeated military interventions in civil rule as it claims, for it is keen to
reward the judges that provide legal cover to military interventions. Two, it
shows that the PPP is keen to have such judges in power who will feel
obliged to the party and thus would act more loyal to it in coming years,
rather than the currently displaced judges who are likely to act more on
principles, given the repute they have built for themselves. The PPP is
denying the country the chance of a historical reform, which is extremely
sad.
The PPPs argument for retaining the PCO judges on the pretext
that even Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry had taken oath under the first PCO under
Musharraf, does not rest on an adequate comparison as the context in
which an action takes place also plays a role. In a context where most judges
as a routine had accepted the PCO, it took people with extraordinary courage
like Justice Ebrahim to refuse to take oath under the PCO. But, in the
context of the current judges, the main issue is that they had a good
opportunity to refuse but they still opted for it. Sixty of their fellow judges
had refused to take oath and the lawyers movement was going strong so
they did not have to fear much yet they provided a legal cover to the PCO.
This makes their credentials extremely problematic
In this context where the PPP is acting against the public will, what is
most interesting is to see that in a recent meeting of the Foreign Affairs
Committee of the US Congress, the panel was briefed that the PPP is
performing very well in Pakistan but Nawaz Sharif needs to be watched.
This, of course, is not a surprise as it is Nawaz Sharif who today is
representing true public sentiments and demands, and not the PPP. Even on
the issue of reinstatement of the judges it is Nawaz Sharif who is pushing the
demand. By finding Nawaz Sharif a concern US congresswomen are just
reconfirming what people have known for long: any Pakistani leader taking
an independent stance and representing public wishes becomes a concern for
the US.
Samad Khurram and Aqil Sajjad were of the view: The Establishment
supposedly destroys institutions, murders politicians, blackmails judges and
leaders, and sustains the Military Inc. One major threat to the
Establishments hold would be an independent judiciary a judiciary
that will not bow down to pressure, sticks or carrots. Historically, many

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verdicts of our courts were not independent but extorted by threats and
intimidation.
Things changed considerably when Chief Justice Iftikhar
Mohammad Chaudhry took charge and reoriented the judiciarys
direction in favour of the people. He was becoming increasingly independent
and was beginning to check the excesses of the establishment
Instead of standing up for such a judiciary, the PPP is deliberately
confusing a straightforward issue when all that is needed is to provide
administrative support to Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry and the other
deposed judges so that they can go to their chambers and resume their
duties. Legally, they are still the real judges since the Nov 3 action was a
clear violation of the Constitution.
In the same way, the judges who agreed to collaborate with Pervez
Musharraf in this conspiracy can and should be made dysfunctional and
tried by a supreme judicial council in light of the last order by the real
Supreme Court on Nov 3 barring any judge from taking oath under the new
PCO. This is the constitutional position and there is no need to deliberately
find excuses for retaining these judges, as the PPP is doing.
The PPPs delaying tactics and the minus-one; minus-two formulas
are seriously undermining its credibility among the people of Pakistan. This
is not only threatening its vote bank and creating rifts within the party; it
also suggests that the PPP of today is no longer the party of Zulfikar
Bhutto a party that promised justice to all. ZABs record in the context of
dispensing justice too wasnt worth feeling proud of.
Shakir Husain urged for speedy decision. While the PPP and the
PML-N dance this perverted version of political polka on native and
sandy shores over the judges issue, the glee which is being generated in the
camps of the PML-Q and the Presidency has not been seen since the first US
aid package was received. Back at the farm, the plebs who came out in
droves to vote the last lot out is waiting for some sort of dividend. Far from
focusing on the economic mess we find ourselves in, the leadership of both
parties is wasting a lot of time on an issue which would have been resolved
as per the Murree Declaration. All this bickering publicly does not do
wonders for either political party or its leadership.
Perhaps power has a unique way of short-circuiting ones
memory, but both Nawaz Sharif and Asif Zardari had promised the people
of Pakistan that the new government would not repeat the mistakes of the
past and would work together to resolve the plethora of problems which
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have previously been swept under the carpet. Far from engaging the much
anticipated spring cleaning, both of them resemble two sump wrestlers
squaring off in a ring while smiling for the camera before and after the
match.
The longer the two sides take to resolve the matter of the judges the
more hallow their claims of national reconciliation will sound to other
parties and players in the political circus of Pakistan. For the first time in
years people have hope and a lot of expectations which seem to wane with
each day that the judicial issue remains in limbo. If this coalition is to
survive and form the basis of a paradigm shift in Pakistani politics, Nawaz
Sharif and Asif Zardari will need to put their egos aside and get to work
and fast.
Both Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif have spent several years in the
wilderness and I am sure are grateful to many friends overseas. Nawaz
Sharif was the beneficiary of Saudi largesse while Mr Zardari made many
new friends in the UAE, the United Kingdom and North America. I hope
they do not rush to show their gratitude to their new (and old) friends in
the form of the privatization process as Shaukat Aziz was not that there
is much good stuff to sell anyway...
Some other aspects of the issue were also commented upon. Tanvir
Zahid advised lawyers to avoid confrontation. The deposed CJP and the
judges and their supporting lawyers community should adopt a more
realistic approach in the prevailing circumstances mainly for avoiding any
confrontation whatsoever. They have demonstrated lot of patience, courage
and tolerance. A little of this is required for resolving the issue amicably by
taking into account all pros and cons.
The protesting and agitating lawyers and their leaders may not call
off their ongoing countrywide movement. But they can at least suspend the
same for sometime. It is apparently very difficult for the new coalition
regime to attend to so many problems and issues topped by relief of sorts to
the people at large in the rural and urban areas. No doubt, democracy,
independent judiciary, freedom of expression, are all important but, in fact,
feeding the families and making both ends meet in a respectable manner
takes precedence over all other matters.
All concerned should please keep all this in mind; avoid
confrontation at any cost and wait a bit more. The deposed CJP and the
judges stand restored on the basis of public verdict in their favour. Only,

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they need practical demonstration of this so that they can start going to the
courts. This, too, is also going to happen sooner or later.
Zubair Masood wrote: The governments failure to restore the
judiciary to its rightful place will strain the coalition between the PPP
and the PML-N to breaking point. The rupture may not affect the PPP in the
short term. Its government may stay afloat with help from Musharraffriendly parties like the MQMbut it will be a weak and ineffectual
government, entirely under the thumb of a powerful establishment. Such a
weak government will not be able to take any bold initiatives to get the
country out of the mess it is in because of eight-and-a-half-years one-man
rule.
It appears the PPP leadership is under pressure from the
Presidency and an all-powerful establishment. Alternatively, it wants to
make life easy for Musharraf as a quid pro quo for NRO and Zardaris hasty
and not so transparent acquittals in a number of corruption cases. Or else, the
PPP leaders feel uncomfortable with an independent judiciary.
More recently, Zardari has been fulminating against the judges,
blaming them for his long incarceration as an under-trial prisoner in a
number of corruption cases. He also accused the superior judiciary of
validating military coups and unconstitutional acts of military dictators
The PPP leaders now want to link the judges restoration with some
constitutional package or the other to reform Pakistans judicial system.
There is widespread speculation that the PPP either has a deal with
Musharraf to the detriment of a democratic order in the country, under his
guidance; and the constitutional package they are insisting on is meant to
give blanket validation to Gen Musharrafs unconstitutional acts. Any
validationwill virtually place the judiciary at the mercy of army chiefs.
Critics like Ahmed Quraishi insisted on calling Nawaz a hijacker.
Nawaz Sharif allegedly hijacked a plane in 1999. Nine years later, he
hijacks a nationWith just twenty percent of the vote, he manages to hold
everyone Asif Zardari, Pervez Musharraf, ordinary Pakistanis and even
Washington hostage to the judicial crisis.
Iftikhar Chaudhry went to see the wrong man after his release. Blame
it on Aitzaz Ahsan. Nawaz Sharif is now the only one sustaining the
judicial issue even when Aitzaz is seeking an exit so he can return to his
seat in the parliament. Mr Ahsan hijacked the issue in the beginning, but it is
Mr Sharif who really bagged it. In politics, closure is everything.

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Lets get something straight first: The question of restoring the

judges is simply about humiliating the president and exacting revenge.
Thats what his political opponents want. Everything else comes second. If
someone tells you otherwise, he or she is just being nice. If this was really
about the supremacy of the judiciary and everyone was being honest with
themselves, Mr Sharif would have tendered an apology to the Supreme
Court for his past sins, and a judge who legalized a military coup couldnt
have returned as the chief justice
This debate about the judges is so confusing that its really beginning
to sound like the early days of democracy in Rome. It is already a joke in
Tehran and New Delhi that every Pakistani today is a constitutional
expert. After all, Iran and Indian practice their own distinctive versions of
democracy but have never seen a paralysis like the one in Pakistan today.
While our regional antagonists work on plans to prepare the ground
for independent Balochistan and Pashtunistan, we are busy debating our
pick-of-the-day: a simple resolution followed by an executive order or a
resolution followed by a constitutional package? We are the only country in
the world today that is debating redundant subjects like reducing
military appointments in civilian departments and the restoration of judges
for political revenge.
Why cant we organize our country the way the Isralis and the
Iranians have organized theirs? ... No one dares cross the ideological red
lines of the state in both Israel and Iran. Yet they are democracies. They are
also national security states par excellence. Pakistan is demonized,
sometimes by its very own, for pursuing its legitimate interests in Kashmir
and Afghanistan
President Musharraf came to power not because he was smart but
because the nation was sick of the destructive, egg-first-or-the-chicken
cycle of Pakistani politics. But it took the nation a whole decade to realize
this. This time, though, the realization is dawning on all of us a lot faster.
Happy countdown to May 12!
Analysts from abroad also spared time to comment upon the
restoration issue. Anne-Marie Slaughter wrote: The coming weeks will
reveal whether Pakistans new government has the courage and
integrity not only to release the fired judges, but to restore them to the
bench and perhaps to face their scrutiny down the road. If it does, Pakistans
lawyers will be able to return to the courtrooms, and Pakistani citizens will
have another chance to make democracy work. If they succeed, perhaps they
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should add a black border around the proud Islamic green of their flag the
black not of mourning, but of justice.
Mark Sappenfield observed: A month after they joined forces, the
parties that routed Mr Musharrafs allies have reached an impasse that
threatens their partnership. The point of contention is a promise made by
both PPP and PML-N to reinstate judges sacked by Musharraf within 30
days of taking office. The deadline expired Wednesday.
The disagreement could once again throw Pakistans politics into
disarray and halt the countrys recent progress toward a more robust
democracy in which civilian politicians united to seize power from
Pakistans historic powerbroker, the military.
If Mr Zardari fails to agree with those terms as has been the case
for the past 30 days it could set off a scramble in the month-old
parliament. The government would not be in immediate danger of falling.
Sharif has said he would not withdraw his support of the coalition, but
would rather remove his ministers from the cabinet.
The US spent months attempting to broker a power-sharing deal
between Mr Zardaris wife, former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, and
Musharraf, before she was assassinated last December, only for it to fall
apart. Before her death, Bhutto even accused members of Musharrafs
government of trying to kill her.
But in Pakistans ever-shifting political calculus, longtime enemies
can sometimes become friends, and Zardari has reason to oppose the
reinstatement of the judges despite his agreement 30 days ago to restore
them to office. Zardari has long been a critic of the deposed chief justice
Moreover, the new chief justice has been much more sympathetic to his
cause.
Analysts also suggest that Zardari is not eager to pick a fight
with Musharraf and reinstating the judges would be seen as a potential
first step toward the presidents impeachment. It is widely believed that
Musharraf called the state of emergency because the Supreme Court was
about to rule his October re-election illegal. But Musharrafs impeachment is
presently what Sharif wants
For his part, Zardari has said judicial reform is more important
than a knee-jerk restoration of their judges. This means fundamental
reforms requiring legislation, which could take weeks or months, party

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officials say. Zardari wants to take up the issue of restoring judges only
when that legislation is passed.
But critics say the talk of constitutional reform is another hedge:
If he finds there is a (public) backlash, he can come up with a constitutional
amendment that is face-saving, says Mr Rehman. Public opinion, however,
appears to have changed little since the election, when it was strongly
against Musharraf and in favour of the restoration of the judges. This could
put Zardari in the same position Musharraf found himself in during the final
months before the election trying to go against the will of the people.
Bronwen Maddox was of the view: It is never good sign when the
main players in Pakistans politics decamp to another country for crisis
talks. Often it has been London but it was Dubai as Asif Zardariwas holed
up in Dubai with Nawaz Sharif, leader of the second main party in the
governing coalition. Their subject how judges sacked by President
Musharraf should be reinstated was always controversial.
The two main parties in the month-old Government, which they spent
two months trying to form, are agreed on one point, an admirable one. They
agreed to reinstate by the end of April the Supreme Court judges sacked by
Musharraf last autumn. That promise was valuable for its clarity and its
support for the Constitution
But the two sides depart on how to do it, and neither is entirely
right. Sharif, head of the conservative Pakistan Muslim League, who was
deposed by Musharraf in the 1999 coup and has sworn to return the favour,
is right in principle to push for the reinstatement of all the judges at once.
In late December and January the Chief Justice under house arrest
and the President engaged in a volley of multi-page letters addressed to other
heads of state or international officials, accusing each other of everything
from the grandest constitutional abuse to the smallest details of personal
vanity. But Chaudhrys, infinitely more disciplined, made the better
constitutional points.
Yet for all the soundness of his arguments there is no question that
the judiciary has become politicized at this feverish time. Chaudhry is
uncompromising about a point, which many of those who also defend
Pakistans Constitution regard as arguable either way: whether Musharrafs
claim to a further term on the basis of the September vote is legitimate.
Bhutto herself was prepared to overlook the point when she struck a pact
with Musharraf at that time.

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To bring back Chaudhry is to demand Musharrafs immediate

exit, which is why Sharif is doing it. It is not clear that the resurrection of
what inescapably looks like a personal battle will help Pakistan escape its
over personalized politics.
On the other hand, to call for clear curbs on the judiciarys right to
interfere with politics, as Zardari is doing, is blithely to wave away the
Constitution, which gives the judges clear powers to say what is lawful.
Bhutto was too fond of those ambiguities; so it seems, is her husband. It
would open the door to a new pact with Musharraf, shutting out Sharif; this
is not the route to stability. Of the two sides Sharif is more in the right, as
closer to the Constitution. But the winner from this deadlock, improbably
and undeservedly, is Musharraf.

Political events during the period were also commented upon. The
Nation wrote on statements of PML-Q leaders. It is unfortunate that while
the ruling coalition is trying hard to find a solution to the judicial crisis, the
PML-Q continues to fish in troubled waters. Mushahid Hussain Syed, the
partys Secretary General, certainly washes dirty linen in public when he
expressed the view that President Musharraf made a wrong decision in
sacking the judges. At the time he was part and parcel of the regime but it is
quite strange that he chose to turn a blind eye to that wrong
Likewise, illogical are the statements by the PML-Q President Ch
Shujaat Hussain, who said that he would table a resolution in the National
Assembly if the present coalition failed to resolve the crisis. One wonders
what his government was up to when the judges were deposed and arrested.
Indeed the party was itself the architect of that plan, as it knew well that
President Musharraf was their lifeline and therefore every hurdle coming in
the way had to be removed. Nor surprisingly, their desire to pull the
chestnuts out of the countrys fire especially for their leadership reeks of
hypocrisy.
More important is the fact that, as the lawyers movement for an
independent judiciary seems to gain more and more popularity and attract
media attention, the PML-Q wants to cash in on the opportunity. However,
hopefully the party had better refrain from poking its nose into a
problem that is for the public to decide. The government would be aware
of such developments and would hopefully pull out all stops to find a way
out of the judicial crisis.
Aziz Narejo from USA expressed his views on PPP-MQM deal. The
lawyers and other civil society members are unanimous condemning the
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reign of terror in Karachi on April 9 when the London-based terrorist

organization targeted lawyers offices, residences and bars and burned alive
many people including women. The PPP is set to reward these hoodlums
with ministries in Sindh provincial government.
If Zardari had his way, he would induct the members of this
organization into the federal cabinet too. This would be the most
condemnable act of the PPP leadership if it rewarded this fascist group with
ministerial positions instead of holding independent probe into the recent
killings and arson in Karachi and bringing the culprits to face the law.
The PPP should have by now actually announced an independent
probe into the May 12 Karachi massacre, Nishtar Park and October 18
Benazir Bhutto rally bombings. One wonders why Zardari and his close
associates are not listening to the voices of their voters and instead giving
more weight to the advice from Musharraf and his cohorts.
Shamshad Ahmad observed that Pakistani leaders seem to have learnt
no lessons. In politics, as in every other aspect of life, what people know
and understand largely depends on what they see, hear and feel and how
they think and act. In looking at the unfolding events in our country, and at
the acts of our rulers, we see what is not, and see not what is, because all of
us accepted to be prisoners of our system and find it convenient only to
interpret what is easiest to see because we just suppose we have no other
alternative.
Pakistans democrats on being restored to power are behaving no
differently. They seem to have learnt no lessons, and within days of
coming to power are going back on what they committed to the people of
Pakistan in the Bhurban Declaration and on everything they agreed in their
Charter of Democracy in London two years ago.
The people were asked to be patient. The media was prodded not to
overplay the issue. The scene then shifted to Dubai where the talks between
the two mainstream parties ran into a clu-de-sac. PML-N leader Nawaz
Sharif had to rush to Dubai in a last minute effort to rescue the roller coaster
final round of talks, and apparently he did rescue them.
Nawaz Sharif must be credited for salvaging the ruling coalition
from a precipitous collapse. After the final round of talks in Dubai, he
declared the deadlock had been resolved and the judges will be reinstated
through a resolution of the National Assembly. On return to Lahore, he
announced the judges will be reinstated in ten days. There is no ambiguity,
no doubt about it he told reporters.
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The two parties were required to transcend all factional

considerations, and join together in implementing the verdict of the people
in letter and spirit. Indeed the success of the post-election process was
predicated on the ability of the newly elected leadership to forge an
effective government capable of being in command of the state after
eight years of military rule.
There are no signs of the new government being in control. Decisions
are still being made by the same powers even though invisibly. The
system continues to be haunted by the same ghosts and the same wizardries.
The same persons, the same problems and the same policies continue to be
the hallmarks of the present system. Lord Voldemort is still out there and
calling the shots. The wizard attorney general is still busy in his
manipulations. Washington continues to interfere in our internal affairs. The
democratic government does not seem to have any powers yet.
The parliament must invalidate the November 3 measures just as it
must revisit the question of Musharrafs eligibility for re-election while still
in uniform and from the same assemblies that had elected him for his earlier
term. In the absence of a vote of confidence from the newly elected
assemblies, Musharrafs presidency would remain devoid of legitimacy
or moral authority.
Pakistan and its people do not deserve this illegality at the level of
their head of state. Resultantly, however, like any other willful ruler,
Musharraf is determined to hang on to power, no matter what happens to the
country or its people. He is still exploring power sharing deals. He is ready
to work with everyone. One thing is, however, clear. In Pakistan, Musharraf
and democracy cannot co-exist.
Next couple of months should be very crucial for Pakistans future.
The people have given him the final democratic call: Go Musharraf Go.
He must listen to the people. They want him to go. He should respect their
voice and avail himself of this opportunity for an honourable exit. And the
war of one against all must now come to an end in this beleaguered
country.
Likewise, Pakistans newly elected government and Parliament are
also obliged to carry out the inalienable will of the people. Even if the
impeachment proceedings are to wait until after the US presidential
elections, there is no reason why the proposed constitutional amendment
clipping the unconstitutional powers vested in an individuals presidency

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should be delayed; and no more Dubai chalo, please. Our problems are
here in Pakistan; tackle them here.
Babar Sattar cribbed about PPPs rickety start. The allegation
against the PPP is that there is a fundamental contradiction between the
stated policies and actions of the party. That PPPs leadership came back
to Pakistan through a sneaky backdoor deal, and in publicly allying itself
with the PML-N while secretly working with the general and his cronies
comprising the establishment, the PPP is trying to run with the hares and
hunt with the hounds.
Unfortunately, the PPP has done little so far to dispel such
allegations. First of all the PPPs HR policy is inexplicable. A change in the
federal government is expected to have a domino effect that wipes out
remnants of the old guard. Yet, we still see positions as important as that of
attorney general and the interior secretary occupied by Musharraf loyalists.
Second, the word equivocation continues to define the PPPs
approach to policymaking and implementation. One moment the top PPP
leadership is crying conspiracy in the face of the Election Commissions
shocking decision to delay by-elections due to security concerns and the
next we find out that it was in fact engineered by the PPPs security czar
Rehman Malik.
The volte-face on its clear commitment to restore the deposed judges
within thirty days of the formation of the federal government is another
example of such duplicity. Reneging on a promise publicly made to the
people of Pakistan is not only adding to the PPPs credibility deficit but is
fuelling the disillusioned, ultra-sceptical attitude of the public toward
politics and the political process generally.
It is hard to fathom why a popular party such as the PPP should
pursue a policy vis--vis the judges issue so bedeviled with
contradictions. As a historical matter we continue to censure the Supreme
Court for never rising to its mantle and protecting the Constitution against
the assault of dictators and for actually becoming abettors who condone or
validate subversive attacks on our fundamental law
If we cannot break free from the shackles on necessity and
expediency when the Supreme Court backed by the entire lawyers
fraternity and the nation, finally abided by its duty to protect the
Constitution and stood up against the whims of a reckless dictator, will it
ever happen? From a moral stand point, the detractors of the deposed judges
condemn them for swearing an oath under the PCO of 2000. What they did
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then was wrong But does the fact that many of the deposed judges did not
adhere to a principled position in 2000 automatically disabled them from
abiding by the Constitution and its principles for all times to come?
Are the PCO judges then better and worth fighting for just because
they have been consistent in abetting the subversion of the Constitution?
After all, the PPP is dragging its feet on the restoration issue merely to find
ways to preserve the PCO judges. And the logical outcome of not restoring
the deposed judges and maintaining the status quo is that the PPP prefers the
PCO judges over the deposed judges. What is the PPPs approach to
morality, principle or logic that explains this contradiction? Even if we agree
to condemn those among the deposed judges who swore an oath under the
PCO of 2000, doesnt the Dogar court also fall in that category? The PPP has
not come out with the radical suggestion of clearing out all PCO judges and
replacing them with new ones.
The restoration of the Nov 2 judiciary must flow from the
principle that the Generals acts of Nov 3 were unconstitutional and thus
void, and all related issues, including that of the PCO judges, must be
addressed in a manner consistent with this principle. This divides the judges
into three categories: the deposed ones, who were removed
unconstitutionally by use of illegal force; the PCO judges who were part of
the Nov 2 judiciary and swore an oath of allegiance to the General to save
their jobs; and the PCO judges who were hastily appointed by the General
after Nov 3 to stuff the courts.
Politics is a game of compromises and there is nothing abhorrent
about compromising on matters of policy. But justice is a matter of principle,
and a compromised principle is no principle at all. Pakistan has suffered
grievously for accepting and condoning a compromised justice system that
has produced ridiculously conflicted constitutional jurisprudence. This is
our opportunity to break free from our chequered past.
Shafqat Mehmood was of the view that politicians were missing
another historic opportunity. This sentiment against Musharraf has also
translated into a rejection of militarys interference in politics and given an
opportunity again to the political forces to fashion a true democratic
order. It can only happen though if they recognize their strength and
understand the significance of this moment. All this talk of going slow and
taking baby steps is defeatism and a reflection of fear. At this historical
moment, there is nothing to be afraid of.

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It is also important to recognize that this window of opportunity is

small. Six months down the line, enough tough policy decisions would have
been taken to take the gloss off the coalition. It would be difficult at that
stage to count on the un-stinted support of the people. If democracy has to
be strengthened, this is the time to do it. And, what needs to be done is also
quite clear. All undemocratic steps taken by Musharraf have to be reversed
and the foremost among them is his destruction of the judiciary. The real
judiciary of the country must be restored immediately and all PCO judges
sacked. This will send a loud and clear message to all future collaborators of
the military.
It is also important to get rid off all vestiges of the previous regime
and any wired traitors within the parties. It was shameful the way election
commission was able to unilaterally extend the date for bye elections.
There is need for an inquiry to determine who had blundered. We know who
had and where the orders came from. The purpose was also obvious; to stop
Shahbaz Sharif from becoming the chief minister of Punjab and two to allow
enough time for the coalition to break up. Will the coalition stand by and let
these conspiracies succeed? This is the time to be bold and take all the
necessary steps to establish the supremacy of the democratic institutions. If
the coalition splits up on the issue of judiciary, it will be another historic
opportunity missed.
Fasi Zaka opined that the PPP and the PML-N needed to get their act
right. As society has moved on in NWFP (and regressed in other parts), new
sayings have emerged. My favourite is Khar ghaiyarat uko, Truck oowakho.
Loosely translated it means: A donkey that holds its ground in the middle of
a street on principle, because it has the right of way, will get hit by a truck. I
really wish right now that some of our politicians were like that fabled
donkey. Its not that I want the main politicians of the current PML-N and
PPP become road kill, but that they take the high road of principle and damn
the short-term consequences of personal benefit.
Its fairly obvious that the election pledge of reinstating the
judges is becoming nothing less than a farce. One deadline has passed,
and the day the new deadline for reinstating the judges was declared, there is
already grumbling from the PPP that they wont be able to meet it. To be
fair, Asif Ali Zardari already gave us fair warning that his own sentiments
should be doubted because, as he said: Its not a Hadith.
But I think no one was under the impression that what he said was to
be treated with the variety of religious commandment. However, the public

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did believe him to be a reformed politician who was in the habit of saying
the right things after the assassination of Benazir Bhutto. Maybe, with the
election over, he has just shed the winter clothing that had everyone in
awe.
The one election promise that seemed ironclad has just been exposed
as an issue that was encrusted in cheap sheet metal. Even Nawaz Sharif
seems to think that the judges can be tinkered with to keep the
government running, even though he could leave on principle and still
support the government in the legislative process.
The PPPs sudden interest in the welfare of the PCO judges
appointed by President Musharraf simply to block a deposed judiciary that
recognized no political masters is hollow. If, as Asif Ali Zardari says,
President Musharraf is not a constitutional president, why is there this
interest in protecting one of his constitutionally deviating measures and the
appointments made within the ambit of that move?
Thanks to the disarray in the chain of command mala-fide intentions
are slowly being exposed. Rehman Maliks latest fiasco in the dates of the
bye-elections is a case in point. Everyone rushed to blame the Presidency to
create an air of victimization. While the Presidency has been guilty of a
lot, it seems like it is now being used as a cover for all the malfeasance
self-generated.
One could almost argue that everyone except the PPP and the PML-N
actually realize how buoyant the people of Pakistan were on their election.
The fudging, the delays, the misleading, its clipping away against the
goodwill they have. If they dont get their act together and begin to adopt
at least a few monolithic views, the upheaval will be bad for everyone.
Kamila Hyat urged adherence to peoples mandate. Already, just over
a month after the new government was sworn in, the sense of excited
euphoria that accompanied it into office has disappeared. There is
everywhere a sense of anxiety, with many predicting that the judicial
restoration will once more be delayed beyond the latest deadline or
perhaps even deferred indefinitely. The realities that face the elected
leadership are now clearer: an establishment that has no intention of
relinquishing a hold on national affairs and a US administration hell-bent on
keeping up its stubborn insistence that President Musharraf be retained
The people should be brought in to the picture. After all, in some
cases they can prove to be an immensely powerful ally. As the year-old
struggle for the restoration of the judges has shown, this is even truer when
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people are allied with the media. Surely it makes better sense for the
government to have these people working with rather than against it.
Secret deals arrived at in Dubai, or meetings held in the dark of
the night, are simply not a part of democracy. Particularly if, as many
fear, efforts are on from the presidency to obstruct the democratic
government. If pressure is being exerted from other quarters, people need to
know. Rot within a system can be cleared only by exposing it to sunlight and
in the present situation this light is represented by people and a space out in
the open.
Politicians pitched against these barriers have only one tool: their
ability to reach out directly to people. This is an ability that should not end
on election day, as campaigning dies out. In times such as those that exist
today, this tool must be used far beyond this point. Failing to do amounts to
laying down weapons without a fight. Arguing that the establishment can be
outmanoeuvred or defeated using the tactics of stealth that it itself
specializes in is also a fallacy. The political players today in the field lack
the experience to win such a contest.
There are two options: one is to concede defeat, give in to the
presidency and risk going down in history as leadership that, like others
before it, betrayed and let down people. We all know that a break-up of the
PPP-PML-N coalition at this point would mark a triumph for Musharraf and
his team, forcing the PPP into a troika that includes the presidency and the
MQM. The other option is to try a new and admittedly daring tactic, which
could offer hope and a possibility of a turnaround in events. This would
involve opting out of the script written out by the establishment, and instead
making an open statement of realities to people.
Ayaz Amir opined that coalitions wobbling and confusion was its
greatest strength. Imagine my friend Rehman Malik left to his own devices
and allowed to run riot on his own. The government and his party, the PPP,
would be in serious trouble. But in this case he tried to pull a fast one but
his bluff was called when the frontier chief minister revealed Maliks part in
the affair.
Now whoever was behind this fiasco, or what the precise motives
were for getting the polls delayed, remains to be discovered. But the
important thing is that the postponement has been reversed, a tribute to the
system of checks and balances inherent in a coalition such as we have at
present. To his credit, however, my friend Malik is showing no signs of

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embarrassment, at all, a tribute no doubt, to his composure or tough

outward armour.
Musharraf has his uses. Stripped of much of his power, he is
performing a new role, that of a national scarecrow, a reminder to all
political forces that if they get it wrong again that is, if they fail they
should know what to expect: a resurgence of praetorian-ism. He also serves
useful target practice. Every time a political leader, even of the third or
fourth rank, falls short of words or issues he takes a swipe at Musharraf and
hurls a stone or a shoe in his direction.
The situation on so many fronts is bad but we only have to look at
neighbouring Afghanistan to realize that it could be much worse. And who
says a transition from years of military authoritarianism to something
approaching democracy is easy. It can be messy affair but all said and
done it has so far proved to be a reasonably smooth transition.
Consequently, this coalition is best thing that could have
happened to Pakistan. Its not just a question of sharing a burden of
problems the nation faces. On the practical plane, nothing else would have
worked. As for single party rule, under the circumstances it would be a
disaster.
Soothsayers and pundits who give the coalition six or seven months
are wrong. If the coalition had to break it would have broken by now. If
it hasnt it is because both the leaders, Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif, know
in their hearts that there is no alternative. It is either this arrangement with
all its imperfections and confusions or it is back to square one, the country
once more given over to the dark spirits of military authoritarianism.
And shouldnt we heed, if only for once, the sentiments of the people
who dont want another Musharraf but who also have no stomach for the
sight of politicians at each others throats? The country wants peace and
stability and a measure of good government. It doesnt expect or want
miracles because the people of Pakistan have given up on what used to
be their dreams. They just want the basics right: atta at affordable prices,
an economy that provides a measure of employment, improved law and
order and an end to Pakistans involvement in somebody elses war
Still, how are these basics incompatible with the aim of undoing the
effects of Musharrafs emergency decree on Nov 3, 2007? How are these
things incompatible with the restoration of the deposed judges? The
coalition made a pledge with the nation that without ifs and buts the

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judges would be brought back. Now the coalition partners are stuck in a
minefield of ifs and buts.
It is not the deposed judges whose stature is being diminished. No,
they stand tall. But by indulging in the game of prevarication at times
baffling, at times downright cynical it is the coalition partners who are
reducing themselves in the eyes of the Pakistani people. There is still time
to retrieve the situation but not if paladins like Commissar Malik call
the shots.
King and kings men also drew the attention. The News wrote: It
must have come as a rude reminder to President Musharraf of his dwindling
powers that the Chaudhrys of the PML-Q have treated with contempt his
suggestion that Shujaat Hussain step down from party leadership. Not only
has the senior Chaudhry firmly declined to follow directions, he has asked
what right Musharraf has to intervene in party affairs. This of course is
a question the PML-Q should have asked years ago.
A belligerent Shujaat, in response to Musharrafs suggestion that he
step down, is reported to have asked what concessions the PPP was offering
him in return for an alliance with the PML-Q, in a scenario in which the
PML-N quit the coalition. It is understood that Musharraf and his team
had been attempting to place Hamid Nasir Chattha or the Pir of Pagaro,
at the top of the PML-Q.
The Chaudhrys can see that giving up party leadership, particularly to
another leader from Punjab who could threaten their base in the province
would amount to political suicide. Their response to Musharraf is thus
hardly surprising. Indeed, it is a mystery why the president imagined the
Chaudhrys would, at the wave of his index finger, conveniently step aside.
The Chaudhrys clearly believe they can continue to feature
prominently in political affairs. It is how, in opposition, that the true worth
of Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi and Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain will be tested.
The possibility that they may be willing to strike a relationship with the PPP
still remains open. Stranger things have after all happened in the realm of
Pakistans politics. A great deal will depend on what happens on May 12,
whether the present coalition stays intact or whether the field is thrown open
for a new round of the politics of opportunism during the weeks ahead.
Ikram Sehgal talked about reconciliation. Mian Nawaz Sharif has
tacitly (and correctly) accepted that Asif Zardaris contention has
practical logic. A five member committee is now busy with the preparations
regarding (1) the seniority of the judges (2) the period of the chief justices
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tenure (3) constituting of the Supreme Court benches (presently the chief
justices sole prerogative), etc. The package of amendments must be made
into law before the restored judges actually sit in the courts again. Zardari
faced lot of vilification in the media for standing his ground.
The apprehension is whether the May 12 deadline can be met. As
things stand today, it will not be! May 12 should be marked as a watershed
for Pakistan, our leaders came of age. Zardari would have lost politically if
he had conceded, by not walking out of the coalition and agreeing to extend
the deadline, Mian Sahib has also not lost. In not linking Zardari won, in not
walking out the Sharifs won. If politics is the art of compromise, pragmatism
is the soul of politics.
The Presidency was already celebrating a gridlock, anticipating a
meltdown of the coalition. With the coalition playing dumb, the
Establishments ability to manipulate the course of political events has been
emasculated and minimized for the future, still not eliminated altogether.
The present arrangement requires leaving the president presently in place;
the moot point is how much of his wings being clipped will Pervez
Musharraf tolerate?
Mian Nawaz Sharif is in a Catch 22 situation: pushing Zardari too
far would send him lock, stock and NRO into the beleaguered camp of the
president, reviving his fading hopes. On the other hand Mian Sahib cannot
be seen to be condoning Musharrafs continuity. For the greater public good
in the longer term, political statesmanship must be able to buck public
demands in the shorter term
The close aides who surrounded Mian Nawaz Sharif during his
deliberations are all directly elected representatives, in contrast to Asif
Zardaris close aides who are indirectly elected. In many ways Asif Zardari
is out on his own in taking decisions for the PPP; the PML-N decisions
are also one-man but these are collegial, at least that is what the public
perception is. Zardari has mitigating circumstances, the brutal assassination
of Benazir Bhutto was not only a setback for the party it put the entire
country at a critical crossroads. When instant decisions have to be taken, one
cannot afford that issues be debated to death.
The lawyers have conducted a magnificent struggle over a year; they
are very close to achieving their objectives. Since the two major political
parties represent the aspirations of the majority of the people, whatever
solutions they carve out should be accepted by the legal community. By
agitating further they risk giving anti-democratic forces an opportunity
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to create mayhem. But, they cannot afford allowing these two democratic
forces to act undemocratically by compromising on the issue.
Kamal Siddiqi discussed American factor along with Zardari and
Musharraf. The manner in which the Dubai deliberations took place
leave many questions unanswered. For one, why Dubai? Possibly because
it is close to home but at the same time not close enough for people who
listen in to monitor the situation. This may have helped in maintaining the
impression that all is well; or is it?
The PPP leadership has been acting unpredictably of late. And not
all can be blamed on the media and its reporting. As its relations with PMLN entered a crucial phase with the deadline for the reinstatement of the
judges expiring, the PPP quickly struck an agreement with the MQM and
now has this party as a coalition partner in Sindh. Asif Zardari decamped to
Dubai for reasons best known to him and from there commented in a TV
interview that the Murree Declaration was but a political statement. Mian
Nawaz Sharif struck back with an interview marathon of his own. Is there no
other way we can settle these issues?
Even today, as the Sharif brothers claim that the agreement has been
signed yet again and the judges are to be restored on May 12, Asif Zardari
remains evasive. One still doe not know why the first deadline was not
honoured, especially after Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani said that the
problem was not from his side and that if there was an agreement between
the two parties he would issue an executive order within a day.
As things stand, we are certain that the reinstatement of the justices
will mean that the days of the president are numbered. Some insiders
suggest that the deal between the PPP and the president, under which the
NRO was brought about, included the cause that the judges would not
be allowed back. There is so much speculation that we can only watch and
see. We do know that the PPP had committed to a working relationship with
the president.
This week we were also told by Time Magazine that General Parvez
Ashfaq Kayani is one of the most influential men in the world. It is not the
first time the American media has a taken a key Pakistani general or
politician and played him up or down, as the situation warrants. This is not a
reflection on General Kayanis abilities but of the way in which the
Americans operate. These days, the American media shows President
Musharraf in a negative light. Suddenly the Americans dont like our

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president any more It simply means that Americans consider General

Kayani far more willing to serve their interests.
Take for example the highly questionable surveys released in the US
about the popularity of one Pakistani leader, usually those who were
unelected. But our media and public lapped it up. After all, it was coming
from America. And wool was pulled over our eyes time and again. Let us
hope General Kayani stays clear of the US attempts to woo him. His
interests lie in Pakistan.
In many instances, our leaders start believing the hype that is
created. That is when they lose touch with reality. The stars of another
politician are shinning these days. The much-loved Nazim of Karachi,
Kamal Mustafa, is on a visit to the US where he met senior US official
Michael Boucher.
The News wrote: The State Departments tunnel vision allows it to
look at international issues only from the arrogant, US-centred
perspective that has been the hallmark of the Bush Administration. In doing
so, it apparently fails to realize that US support is in many ways a death
knell for those it chooses to brand with its seal of approval.
The comments by Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee, regarded as
an expert on Pakistan, to the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Congress
that the PPP was doing a good job while the PML-N needed to be
watched, fall in this category. The astoundingly foolish men and women
who determine the policy of the worlds most powerful country seem not to
realize that such remarks will bolster the following of Mian Nawaz Sharif
and weaken that of Asif Ali Zardari. This, presumably, is not what
Washington seeks.
Complaints of constant US intervention to ensure that President
Musharraf is permitted to cling on to his office continue to come in from
political circles. Such pressures add considerably to the constraints of
governance, particularly at a time when the high-profile issue of judicial
restoration holds public attention. Whereas Deputy Secretary of State John
Negroponte has stated the judicial question is one for Pakistani political
actors to decide on, the allegations from Islamabad are that, chiefly to
protect Musharraf, the US is keeping a finger firmly lodged in this pie
too.
Such attempts to stage-manage Pakistans affairs add immensely to
the problems faced by leaders inside the country. Whereas Washington is
correct in its identification of the FATA areas as a place where extremism
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and militancy have grown in recent years, it does not seem to realize that
this is, at least to an extent, a consequence of growing animosity to the US
and its allies in Pakistan. The bombing raids carried out over the
northern areas over the past two years have strengthened such hatred
and indeed contributed to it expanding across the country.
If Washington, as it maintains, is genuinely interested in seeing
militancy recede and democracy work in Pakistan, the best service it could
do is distance itself from governance within the country. The countrys
leadership too must find ways to widen this gap. Otherwise, the stigma that
destroyed Musharraf, now widely perceived in the country as a US puppet,
will cripple the PPP as well and render it unable to undertake any kind of
effective governance within a country beset with problems.
Rahimullah Yusufzai opined: There never was any doubt that the
US was behind President Musharraf and wanted him to continue in that
position with or without his military uniform. Despite its rhetorical support
for democracy and human rights, the US has concluded that it was easier and
beneficial for its interests to deal with a headstrong military dictator such as
General Musharraf than popular politicians who are answerable to
parliament and the nation.
Apparently, it doesnt bother the US that its support for an
unpopular leader has upset the people of Pakistan. Otherwise, it would
have corrected its flawed stance and backed those parties and politicians
who were mandated by Pakistani voters just two and a half months ago to
run the government
The US ambassador and her superiors in Washington must realize
that Pakistan simply cannot move on unless this one issue concerning
President Musharrafs fate is decided one way or the other. The issue
would haunt the nation and its institutions ranging from parliament to the
judiciary and the media as long as Musharrafs election as president for five
more years is set aside or validated by independent judges and not by those
who have come to be derisively known as PCO judges.
The US is paying the price for its pro-Musharraf stance by alienating
more and more Pakistanis while the Pakistan Army risks doing so by being
seen as quiet collaborator of President Musharraf in his efforts to cling on to
power. As reflected in the February 18 polls, the Pakistani nation would
like to make a fresh start by breaking with the recent past during which
the US-backed General Musharraf destroyed the countrys institutions

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A new beginning cannot be envisioned as long as President

Musharraf is around. Still armed with powers to dismiss the assemblies
and the elected democratic government and backed by the US, his whimsical
decisions in the past are enough of a guide to fear him in the future.
It is unacceptable that conscientious and independent judges who
sacrificed everything are equated with those who acted against the
Constitution of Pakistan and hurt the sentiments of the nation. Making
compromises on matters of principles would prolong the rule of some
politicians for a while but it would lower their esteem in the eyes of
Pakistani people. Even if some US-brokered deals were made with President
Musharraf for strategic reasons or short-term gains, politicians and parties
empowered by the people in the February 18 elections should have the
courage to walk out of that after having realized that most Pakistanis want
them to make a break with the past.
The PPP also tried to be clever by delaying the holding of by-polls.
Mohammad Mallick commented: To be fair to the presidency, there is no
smoking gun linking it to this postponement but when you judge matters
on the beneficiary criterion then certain doubts do not appear altogether
illegitimate.
The ongoing tango between PPP and PML-N on the issue of
restoration of Ch Iftikhar-led apex judiciary has created many fluid
situations in the recent past. Pushing the elasticity of the alliance to near
stretch limits at times and conjuring specters of possible new unholy
alliances of need, ultimately replacing the existing nexus. So what better
time than the present, to add another twist to the already fairly demanding
situation?
It is a fact that the ruling alliance governments both in centre and
in the Punjab, have yet to gather steam and start functioning in proper
manner. Major decisions, starting from reviewing key appointments to
policies, are being kept pending owing to the uncertainty about alliances
continuance, or lack thereof, over the judges issue in centre, while in the
Punjab, things are being kept on hold for the normal return of Shahbaz to the
saddle.
When two extremely strong individuals like Asif Zardari and Mian
Nawaz Sharif taking rather diametrically opposite stances on the much too
in-your-face and in-public-eye judges issue, every passing day of the
unresolved issue poses a serious and real threat to the alliances
survival. This latest spanner in the formation of the Shahbaz Sharif led
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government in Punjab only adds another knot to the constantly turning and
twisting rope of events.
As opined by a very seasoned parliamentarian, who also enjoys
access to quarters-that-matter, The message being sent to Zardari is that the
Sharifs will not be allowed to assume power directly no matter what, and the
sooner he realizes that and seriously starts considering other allies options
the better it would be for the system and democracy. Whether Zardari
takes-up the message, or takes down the sender, will become evident
very soon in the coming few weeks.
The delayed election timings however do exert extra strain on the
alliance as it has disturbed the timelines, both of PPP and PML-N, for their
various priorities. Add to this the expected further postponement of the May
12th tentative deadline for starting the restoration process of judges and the
uncertainty cauldron boils even more. And we all know who, under the
circumstances, would be the single biggest beneficiary of prolonged
political uncertainty.
The News wrote: The decision to delay the polls by the Election
Commission to August 18th, on the grounds of deteriorating law and order
situation bamboozled just about everyone. The fact that as regards law
and order, the position appears to have improved notably since the February
18 poll held amidst regular suicide blasts, has added to the almost universal
sense of bewilderment.
The PPP and PML-N leaders both condemned the decision, and
stated that it appeared to be a conspiracy, further confusion came on late
Monday night when the NWFP government publicly said that it was the
prime ministers adviser on interior who had requested a poll delay. A
spokesperson of provincial government said that in communicating with it,
Mr Malik had said that the other three provinces had all agreed to a delay.
Till then, Mr Rehman Malik, the said adviser, had seemed just as
outraged as everyone else over the announcement.
It is clear on whose behest the adviser was acting, with even senior
PPP leaders commenting that it was unlikely he could have taken the action
alone. They have sought the ouster of the adviser. But the air of mistrust in
Islamabad has thickened as a consequence of the farcical goings on, with the
PML-N quite naturally displeased over the whole matter Most crucially,
the PML-N naturally wants to see Shahbaz Sharif, who has filed papers for
three provincial seats in Punjab, assume formal charge as chief minister of
the province. The bye-poll delay would have put this back by two months.
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The PPP has promised an inquiry. The prime minister is to be asked

to issue new directions to the EC, putting bye-polls on schedule again. But
Mr Zardari and others in key positions must remember that, particularly
when there is a coalition government in place, the need is to retain trust
and to communicate openly at all levels to ensure this. The initial finger
pointing at NWFP government has hardly helped matters while the PML-N
remains wary and understandably annoyed.
In a subsequent editorial it added: The entire responsibility of the
fiasco has, by default, come to rest on the inexperienced and a bit
enthusiastic interior ministry adviser to the PM, Mr Rehman Malik. His
involvement in the affair was exposed by the NWFP government and the
embarrassment evident in the statements of shock and surprise by PPP
leadership clearly established the point that the PPPs house was not in order
as far as working of the government, internal coordination and the chain of
command were concerned.
It established the fact that there is an aura of uncertainty with
doubts and misgivings existing at every level. This perception has to be
corrected. By rushing to declare that there was a conspiracy being hatched
against the PPP-led government, the PPP leadership admitted, although
subconsciously, that they were subject to someone somewhere working
actively against their interests and trying to bring them down. They have
now to find out who and where
The elections, now to be held in June, will still have the same
political impact as earlier and no major political damage may have been
caused, except to the credibility and the image of the PPP government. The
episode will, however, test the decision-making powers and will of the top
ranks of the PPP leadership to learn lessons and correct their course by
identifying the culprits and cutting them to size.

REVIEW
Asia had known Smiling Buddha since pre-Christ days. Pakistan
comprises territories which bear extensive imprints of Buddha. The people
of the Subcontinent, however, had thrown Buddha out of their land for his
smile was too honest for them tolerate. Buddha has no place in the
Subcontinent since then. Two millenniums after the Christ the people of
Pakistan, exercising their democratic right, have rightly opted for a smiling
scoundrel.

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In doing that the people of Pakistan hoped for change in their lives.
The scoundrel, however, had different plans. He ordered Rehman Malik to
team-up with Tariq Aziz. The duo has worked over-time to preserve the
status quo by implementing the BB-Musharraf deal in letter and spirit.
Yet, the people were too innocent in expecting that Zardari would
waste on time in restoring the judges deposed by Musharraf. On the
contrary, Zardari never had any intention to restore them. It was clear from
the fact that his party preferred continuation of Malik Qayyum in an all
important post of the Attorney General of Pakistan. Zardari not only retained
this man who had caused maximum damage to the judicial system, but also
told Naek to team-up with the AGP and sort out the judiciary once for all.
The two of them, Naek and Malik, had provided the legal framework
around which Benazir and Musharraf had struck a deal to establish working
relationship. NRO was the main instrument for implementation of that deal
and the deposed chief justice had ordered the holding of vital clauses in
abeyance of this infamous ordinance; and after November 3 Dogar had
reversed that order. The task of the two evil geneses was very clear to be
spelled out.
Zardari and PPP leaders like Asif Ahmed Ali, after striking the Murree
Accord remembered the wrongs committed by the judiciary against the PPP
starting from the hanging of ZAB. Therefore, they stressed upon setting right
the judiciary that had been safeguarding the interests of the military
dictators.
In other words, they wanted to punish the deposed judges, who had
refused to take oath under PCO for the crimes committed by their
predecessors. It amounted to conveying to them that they would have been
better off it they had followed the footsteps of their predecessors and at the
same time telling the future judges to never dare disobeying the Executive;
in uniform or civvies.
Zardari handled Nawaz Sharif very cunningly on the issue of
restoration of judges taking full advantage of the obsession and limitations
of his adversary embraced as coalition partner. Nawaz has been brought to
the brink of parting ways. Zardari was not scared of Nawaz quitting the
coalition; in fact, he has prepared himself for this eventuality by striking a
deal with MQM.
At the end of 30-day deadline, Zardari secured another 12 days for
Musharraf, allowing him to do something against Nawaz, if he can. Nawaz,

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an enemy of the one and partner of the other, must be feeling no difference
in friend and foe. Zardari has and would prove to be too clever for Nawaz.
Because of Zardaris delaying tactics, Nawaz Sharif has been brought
to a point from where onward Nawaz would start losing his credibility if he
continued as coalition partner. He must act now and should not go a day
beyond second deadline, because each day lost to his coalition partners
clever delaying moves would cause great harm to the restoration of judges as
well as his partys political standing.
It is also time for Aitzaz Ahsan to take a similar decision He must
rethink about his loyalty to PPP; not for fulfillment of his personal ambitions
but for the sake of national interests. The loyalty to party leadership that
does not care for such virtues cannot be justified by any noble-sounding
arguments and reasoning.
Zardari mustered strength to make his moves defying the will of the
people of Pakistan from the support of the US and their man in the
presidency. All three are determined to flout the pro-judiciary verdict of the
people, because all of them have the scores to settle with the CJP and judges
of his kind. By taking up the notice of missing persons, they had pitched
themselves against the Crusaders and their mercenaries. Causing aspersions
on their holy war isnt allowed even to the US Supreme Court.
To conclude it may be mentioned that some say that a nation gets the
leaders of its own kind. The experience in Pakistans case tells that a nation
becomes the type of its leaders. When they had the Quaid to lead them, they
secured an independent homeland for themselves. And, thereafter, it
gradually became the type of the leaders it got one after the other. One can
imagine as to what would it become in the leadership of Smiling Scoundrel?
10th May 2008

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CHANGE SHY
Before and immediately after February 18 polls the leading parties
had shown the desire to change strategy in war on terror. This expression of
intent by new Pakistani leaders resulted in exertion of extra pressure from
the US for continuing the policy of use of force as first option.
On 12th April, Bush declared Pakistans tribal areas as the most
dangerous spot in the world and feared militants from that area might attack
the US. This was followed by more similar statements and commentaries
from the US media and officials. That was enough to scare the new
leadership which already owed a lot to the US.
On 28th April, Prime Minister told US Congressmen that root causes
of terrorism need to be addressed. Musharraf used to say exactly the same
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thing during initial days of his employment as mercenary in the war on

terror. Gilani would take some time to understand the US strategy for war
on terror. The same is applicable to his foreign minister, who borrowed the
words from Kasuri and said no foreign troops can operate on Pakistani soil.
Status quo remained the order of the day on eastern front. However,
Condoleezza Rice said the US would help Islamabad in reconciling with
New Delhi. Meanwhile, Ansar Burney revealed that there was no solid
proof against Sarbajit and visiting Miliband asked Pakistan not to execute
Sarabjit.
The new government also desired a negotiated solution the problems
of Balochistan, but BLA rejected the offer for talks. On 21st April, the Chief
Minister tried to build trust by ordering withdrawal of all cases against
Akhtar Mengal. About two weeks later, Gilani visited Quetta, ordered
release of Mengal and promised supply of 100,000 tons of wheat for
Balochistan.

WESTERN FRONT
Blood-letting in Pakistan for the safety of the Crusaders in
occupation of Afghanistan continued. IB Inspector was gunned down in
Charsadda on 11th April. Seven people were killed and 40 hurt in clashes in
Kurram Agency. Next day, militants handed over three bodies of FC soldiers
in Laddha. Death toll in Kurram Agency sectarian clashes rose to 17.
On 13th April, authorities secured ceasefire in Kurram Agency.
Pakistan and Afghanistan forces clashed near Chaman over smuggling of
flour as prices in Pakistan shot up by Rs 5 per KG. Three boys were injured
in a blast in Quetta. Clashes in Kurram Agency persisted despite the
ceasefire. Sufis release can bring peace to Swat, said Bilour.
Two persons were killed in clashes in Kurram Agency on 15 th April.
Next day, 8 Khasadars were abducted in Khyber Agency and 20 tribesmen
were killed in gun battle between two groups. Tension prevailed in Khyber
Agency as 23 Khasadars were abducted on 17th April. Two policemen were
injured in firing incident in Swat.
On 18th April, a lady health worker was killed in Mohmand Agency.
Next day, militants claiming to be Taliban released a videotape of kidnapped
ambassador, his driver and security man. They demanded release of ten men
and ransom worth Rs 500 million. Afghanistan detained 68 Pakistanis soon
after entry, for their links with Taliban.
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On 21st April, the government freed Soofi Muhammad and 30 others

after signing of an agreement between NWFP government and tribal elders.
Gilani said his government wont get blackmailed by militants. Eight FC
soldiers were kidnapped in Khyber Agency and their vehicle was set ablaze.
A bid to kidnap UN officials was foiled and two FC med were killed and six
wounded. Mehsud was declared as proclaimed offender in BBs murder.
US-led Afghan forces entered Bajaur Agency through Nawa Pass in
hot pursuit operation killing ten militants and one FC soldier on 23 rd
April. Next day, the democratic regime adopted the ways of Musharraf
regime and strongly protested US-led raid into Bajaur Agency. Army
welcomed the truce offer by Baitullah.
On 25th April, four policemen were killed and 30 others wounded in a
car bomb blast in front of a police station in Mardan. Two days later, at least
12 people were killed in gun battle between pro-Taliban militants and
suspected criminals in Mohmand Agency.
On 28th April, Maulvi Omar of Tehrik Taliban Pakistan pulled out of
talks alleging that the government was reluctant to honour Talibans
demands. Next day, three policemen were killed in an attack by militants in
Kohat; a bomber was arrested in D I Khan. Militants abducted two CWD
officials in Mohmand Agency.
On 1st May, at least 30 people were wounded in a suicide attack in a
madrassah in Bara area. Tanker carrying oil for NATO troops was blown up
near Landikotal. Reportedly, local Taliban and the government were close to
finalize peace accord.
On 3rd May, militants released four NGO workers in Mohmand
Agency. Three shops were destroyed in a blast in Bajaur Agency and ten in
Swat. Taliban suspended peace talks with jirga leaders. Kabul felt uneasy
over peace talks with local Taliban.
Five persons including two each of FC and Afghan Army were
wounded in exchange of fire near Angoor Adda on 4th May. Next day, a CD
shop was blown up in Nowshera. A soldier was wounded in attack on a
patrolling team in South Waziristan. Government-Taliban deadlock over
dialogue ended.
On 6th May, four people including two policemen were killed and
seven wounded in a suicide attack on police post near Bannu. Two
policemen were gunned down in Matta, Swat. Baitullah Mehsud personally

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received jirga members in his hideout; he blamed spy agencies for

subverting peace efforts. Next day, militants torched a girls school in Swat.
Policeman was among two persons killed in Swat on 8th May and
another girls school was torched. Reportedly, Asfandyar arrived in US to
discuss new anti-terror policy with officials of Bush Administration. Next
day, one more policeman was killed and three wounded in firing by militants
in Swat; 37 suspects were rounded up by security forces. In Bajaur, 49
tribesmen and 12 vehicles were held as part of the collective punishment.
NWFP government and militants agreed on ceasefire in Swat.
Americas stick and carrot policy for Pakistan remained in place
despite the partial regime change in Islamabad. On 17 th April, the visiting
US team briefed Zardari on its policy on war on terror. In Washington, the
US offered Pakistan $7 billion non-military aid. Next day, Prime Minister of
Pakistan vowed to fight terrorism and extremism, but the US denied any
promise to stop bombing Pakistani territory.
On 19th April, US commanders in Afghanistan sought widening of
attacks inside Pakistan. Next day, British Foreign Minister, David Miliband
dashed to Peshawar, instead of Islamabad, to discuss problems of the
province in the context of Wests holy war and declared that there would be
no quick fix. He announced that Britain has planned for a long haul.
On 22nd April, Solana also arrived in Pakistan to remind Pakistani
leaders about Dos and Donts in the context of war on terror; no talks with
al-Qaeda were at the top of the list. Next day, the US expressed its
unhappiness over Pakistan governments deal with Taliban. On 30th April,
the US State Department said al-Qaeda was rebuilding from Pakistan. A
week later, the US asked Pakistan to establish its writ in tribal areas.
Other events worth mention were: On 10th April, the visiting Afghan
minister discussed defence ties with New Delhi. Two days later, the new
Pakistani government sought early repatriation of Afghan refugees. The
government gave go ahead to Army to turn to negotiation table as part of the
change in strategy and on 18th April it was reported that secret talks with
Taliban were under way and a new deal was on the cards.
Some analysts observed change in the strategy of Taliban for
liberation of Afghanistan. They saw Taliban focusing on striking at the
logistic support of the occupation forces passing through Pakistan. Syed
Saleem Shahzad wrote: With the destruction of a bridge on the Indus
Highway in the NWFP region of Darra Adamkhel last weekend, the Taliban

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have taken another step towards choking the supplies that flood through
Pakistan to the NATO mission in Afghanistan.
At the same time, the Taliban believe an agreement Russia
concluded with NATO at its summit last week will not alleviate the
situation. Moscow agreed to the transit of food and non-military cargo and
some types of non-lethal military equipment across Russia to Afghanistan.
NATO is acutely aware that the 70 percent of its supplies that enter
Afghanistan through Pakistan are in jeopardy with the Talibans new focus
on cutting transit routes.
These developments take place as the Taliban-led battle in
Afghanistan is about to enter a new phase; for the first time since their
ouster in 2001, the Taliban will scale back their tribal guerrilla warfare and
concentrate on tactics used by the legendary Vietnamese commander
General Vo Nguyen Giap, an approach that has already proved successful in
taming the Pakistani military in the tribal areas.
The Taliban and al-Qaeda used these tactics against the Pakistani
military in the South Waziristan tribal area during 2007. This involved
targeting remote military posts and forts and other installations on the
fringes of towns as such as Bannu. The Taliban would occupy the positions
for only a few hours, long enough for them to take scores of soldiers as
hostages. These would then be swapped with Taliban prisoners or used
as bargaining chips for ceasefires and other demands.
A Pakistani Taliban told Asia Times Online: chopping off NATOs
supply lines from Pakistan is the prelude of our operations and, believe
me, the NATO deal with Russia for an alternative supply line is useless. To
me, this is a fallacy or a political slogan to pressurize the strategically
illiterate Pakistani leadership that NATO can do without Pakistan.
The strategic expert pointed out that the transit agreement was signed
between Afghanistan and Pakistan because historically NWFP has always
been the lifeline for southeastern Afghanistan, and nothing has changed this
status. Iran is the second choice, but it is not willing to allow its territory to
be used to support NATO. Maintaining military supplies to Afghanistan
this year will be a great challenge for the US, which is why Richard
Boucher the top US official for South Asia, and US Deputy Secretary of
State John Negroponte were in Pakistans Khyber Agency recently to try to
get tribal elders on side. But because of the Talibans threats, only three
elders turned up for secret meetings.

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Commenting on the Talibans new strategy, Branco dismissed it

as old wine in new bottles: The Taliban havent had a new strategy in the
past, neither will they have one in the future. They will do what they did in
2007. They avoided any confrontation with NATO or the Afghan National
Army and instead they attacked district headquarters and claimed they had
captured the whole district. But before the arrival of our troops, they left.
A United Nations representative who spoke to Asia Times Online on
condition of anonymity said the tide had changed against the Taliban. He
said this had been brought about by the National Solidarity Programme a
rural development initiative and with a more visible and effective presence
of the army and police, especially in Paktia and Kandahar provinces.
These are different views from different perspectives. The Taliban,
NATO, the UN and humanitarian organizations, they each have their own
agenda. Ultimately what matters is what happens on the battlefield. A new
generation of neo-Taliban has emerged under Sirajuddin Haqqani. They
are ideologically more radical than their elders, but much more strategically
attuned, having proved themselves in Occupied Kashmir
The occupation forces were aware of this new reality and they wanted
to have a close watch on it for which they made an offer of providing US
trainers for FC troops deployed in tribal areas. The Nation commented: Its
now certain. CNN has inevitably joined the rest of the Washington press
pack on the American troops in Pakistans tribal areas story which had
been appearing in various publications, but it went a step further by
developing the story and reporting that a contingent of US troops were being
moved to the tribal areas to train the Frontier Corps to fight the Taliban. This
assumes that the Corps does not know how to fight. If its members cant,
then no amount of Americans can teach them. After all, these trainers
failed to teach the Republic of Vietnam troops, and ended up doing almost
all the fighting themselves
The trainers, who are expected to be here for a year, will convert the
selected FC units to which they will be attached to train so that the
programme can expand quickly. Though this is merely the first stage of
cooperation, it has been the subject of thorough preparation. There have not
only been a number of visits by US officials to bring pressure
successfully on the COAS, to allow the trainers in, because they
compromise a key part of the long-term US security and military strategy.
There have also been military conversations, which have culminated
in a joint war-game by US and Pakistan forces involving airborne forces to
439

improve the ability of Pakistan forces to induct hellebore forces in and out of
the tribal region. If the militaries are to conduct discussions and share
planning at that level, why bother at all with the elected government? There
is no sign that the government had any input on this decision, which works
against its stated policy of talking to the militants. The Army must not be
allowed to go on as if February 18 did not happen, and carry on defying
the elected government.
Rahimullah Yusufzai opined: The abiding US interest in FATA,
which are geographically part of NWFP but are administered by the federal
government, became evident once again recently when Pentagon spokesman
said a plan was being drawn up to train and expand the FC to counter
the growing strength of al-Qaeda and Taliban in the tribal areas.
Despite the statements coming out of the US with regard to plans to
train the FC personnel, the situation on ground in Peshawar, where the FC
NWFP is headquartered in the old and imposing Balahisar Fort, is quite the
opposite. Major Generalsaid US $30 million had been earmarked for the
FC out of the $750 million new US assistance promised for FATA but money
hasnt been provided yet.
Major General Khattak said the US assistance for FC would be used
to set up new training centres in FATA and NWFP where the paramilitary
soldiers would be specially trained for fighting against terrorists. He said the
new FC wings cannot be quickly raised to provide more manpower due to
shortage of space at the existing training centres. The FC is supposed to be
the frontline force in the war on terror but it doesnt have helicopters,
fixed-wing planes, night vision devices and modern weapons, he
lamented
Pentagons plan to train and expand the FC is a long-term
activity and it primarily focuses on militarily resolving the conflict in FATA.
This policy hasnt worked until now and that is the reason there is now talk
of supplementing the military effort with political and economic inputs to
win the hearts and minds of the people. Still the FC would benefit from the
US financial support and could in due course of time become a better trained
and equipped force. In fact, FC has already received vehicles from the US
and some funds from Washington have gone into setting up new border
posts.
Frederick W Kagan believed that Pakistan is the place where real alQaeda is consolidating. One theme that emerged clearly at the Senate
hearings with General David Petraeus and Ambassador Ryan Crocker was
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the need to abandon Iraq in order to deal with the real centre of the war on
terror in South Asiathe fight that matters is not the one that Petraeus and
Crocker and their subordinates are winning in Iraq, but the one in the
Afghan-Pakistan border region, as it was so often called. Petraeus and
Crocker pointed out repeatedly and accurately that al-Qaedas leaders
themselves continually refer to Iraq as the central front in their war against
us, but to no avail. The real fight, they were told each time, is in the
Afghan-Pakistan border region against the real al-Qaeda that the
Intelligence Community says has only grown stronger.
To begin with, numerous Senators spoke of the Afghan-Pakistan
border area as though there were no border forces poured into Afghanistan
would somehow directly affect what was going on in Pakistan or, alternately,
the real al-Qaeda was on the Afghan side where US troops could get at them.
Speaking ethnographically, of course, there is no border the Durand Line
that separates Afghanistan from Pakistan cuts the Pashtun nation just about
half, and the porous border has seen decades of happy smuggling. But the
border is very real both to our forces and to their enemies. Our troops know
that they cannot cross into Pakistan, and the enemy knows it too. Thats why
the bases of the real al-Qaeda are not in Afghanistan American troops
in Afghanistan report very few al-Qaeda fighters and those they do come
across are mostly operating out of Pakistani bases
Pouring troops into Afghanistan does not address those problems.
Even advocating an invasion of those areas (with or without Islamabads
consent) makes little sense al-Qaeda works also with Kashmiri freedom
fighters, and we can be certain that the Pakistani government that supports
the Kashmiri freedom fighters will not be enthusiastic about American
forces taking them out. And, even if they were, by this point were pretty
much occupying half of Pakistan. We could line a lot of soldiers up along the
mountains along the border, but how does sealing the terrorists into their
own base camps in Pakistan help? The problem isnt that they go into
Afghanistan, but that we have no good plan for getting them out of
Pakistan. That is a problem worthy of many senatorial hearings, and it
would be nice if any of the advocates of losing in Iraq to fight the real
enemy in South Asia had a solution to proposefor anyone who proposes
accepting defeat in Iraq first to offer a concrete plan for doing something
against the supposedly realer al-Qaeda enemy in Pakistan.
Afghanistan is extremely important in its own right, of course, and if
we fail in Afghanistan, then we will indeed offer al-Qaeda another potential
base from which to operate. Considering how well established it already is
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in Pakistan and how little in Afghanistan one of the most desperately poor
countries on earth has to offer the terrorists, its a bit hard to see why they
would relocate, but we should certainly deny them the opportunity. There
are many other reasons to succeed in Afghanistan as well, moreover,
including the possibility of developing a stable, democratic ally in the heart
of a key region that is a producer rather than a consumer of security.
But now we must consider another set of questions: How urgently do
we need to send more troops to Afghanistan, and is there really nothing else
we can do? At the end of 2006, Iraq was so close to complete catastrophe
that nothing short of a military surge supporting a changed military strategy
had any chance of success. We were within a hairs breadth of defeat. That is
not the case in Afghanistan. The Taliban insurgency has grown in
strength, particularly in the south, government control remains weak,
security forces are small and inadequately trained and equipped, corruption
is rampant, and so on. But the situation is not deteriorating that rapidly, and
relatively small additions of force with improved approaches have made
a significant difference in important areas. NATO certainly needs to send
significant additional forces to Afghanistan and the United States will
probably have to contribute most of them.
The advantage of Afghanistans poverty (for us) is that a little money
goes a long way. American soldiers have increasingly been leveraging
development funds to starve the insurgency of recruits in a way similar to
what has worked in Iraq. They need more money. One of the problems the
British face in the south of the country is that their government does not give
their soldiers development money to spend. We should find ways to help
them out American soldiers in Iraq often say that dollars are their best
bullets the same is true in Afghanistan.
Dr S M Rahman wrote: Propaganda in the Western press has been
rampant that Pakistan was about to be disintegrated and even maps of
the balkanized Pakistan have been prepared, by the so-called think tanks in
USA, to create a sense of helplessness among the people of Pakistan and
make them thoroughly demoralized ironically because, that the country
being a nuclear power could collapse from within, as the former Soviet
Union, the worlds largest nuclear power, could not save itself from breaking
into pieces.
The anti-Pak lobbies are working in cohesion to create an attitudinal
climate within the country as well as through agent saboteurs, to carry out
bomb blasts and suicide bombing, killing a fairly large number of our

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soldiers, security personnel and innocent men, women and children. Military
institutions have been targeted. The idea is to create a climate of collapse
and send a message to the world that Pakistan was the most dangerous
place and thus very unsafe for investments and tourism.
Simon Tisdall observed that the US hawks were preparing the hard
stuff for Pakistan. Amid this feel-good score settling, a possibly more
significant development was Mondays decision by the NWFP to free a
senior pro-Taliban cleric, Sufi Muhammad. The move was first, un-tasted
fruit of Islamabads new policy of wooing rather than fighting the
Islamists.
David Miliband, making a get-to-know-you visit on Monday, gave
the new policy a cautious welcome. Deals that created safe spaces and
freedom of operation for terrorist groups, such as that struck by
Musharraf in Waziristan last year, would not work, he suggested. Deals that
involved militants renouncing violence, as Sufi Muhammad reportedly has
done, might be more attractive. Not unusually, Britain is saying quietly and
in a roundabout way what the Americans, or at least influential portions of
the Bush Administration, would prefer to state far more forcefully.
In developing its new softly-softly counter-terrorism policy,
Islamabad is simultaneously de-emphasizing military solutions and
calling on US forces to show much more restraint, particularly in their use of
Predator drone attacks in the western Pakistan. It wants what it calls a
strategic pause. In this it is supported by influential figures in Congress
and the US State Department who fears that, with Musharraf sidelined,
renewed invasive operations could fatally undermine Pakistans fragile
democracy.
But ranged against them are Pentagon, CIA and White House
officials who say the growing threat emanating from Pakistani territory,
especially from al-Qaeda, is so imminently serious that immediate, forceful
action is required. Michael Hayden, the CIA director, made his view
ominously plain last month. The security situation along the AfghanistanPakistan border he said, presents clear and present danger to Afghanistan, to
Pakistan and to the West in general, and to the US in particular. That is the
verbal equivalent of pressing the button marked Detonate.
Media reports from Washington this week say US commanders in
Afghanistan, anticipating a Taliban spring offensive, are pushing for
greater freedom to wage war inside Pakistan. Unidentified US
intelligence officials told the New York Times that Pakistani networks had
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taken on an increasingly important role as allies of al-Qaeda in plotting

attacks in Afghanistan and helping foreign operative plan attacks on targets
in Western countries such as Britain
Bush retreats toward the exit, still trophy-hunting Osama bin Laden,
with all guns blazing. Its certainly something we want to get to, but not
yet, one Bush official is quoted as saying. That remark should send a
chill down the backs of Pakistans new leaders. Not yet probably
means quite soon.
New York Times suggested that Pakistan should be convinced with
dollar argument that it is its war. Now Pakistans newly elected civilian
government is trying again. We doubt it will have any more luck. The new
leaders will need to do a better job than Mr Musharraf monitoring
developments along the border. And they need to develop a military
fallback plan for when this deal falls apart.
It is not surprising that the new government is trying to set its
own course. When then-General Musharraf and the United States did battle
the extremists, both showed a lack of concern for civilian casualties. Mr
Musharraf never tried to explain why it was in Pakistans interest to fight at
all. It was always Washingtons war.
American officials need to work quietly with the new government
to lay the ground for a new military strategy, should the peace agreement
unravel. And it needs to do a lot more to help strengthen Pakistans
democracy and improve the lives of ordinary Pakistanis.
The Bush Administration may finally throw its weight behind
Senator Joseph Bidens call for a $2.5 billion package of additional nonmilitary aid. The administration and Congress should approve that aid
immediately. That will give the new government more political room to go
after the militants if yet another peace deal falls apart. And it is the only
hope of persuading Pakistanis that this is more than just Washingtons fight.
Air Marshal M Asghar Khan saw little chance of change in the US
policy in foreseeable future. Some changes in the US policy for Afghanistan
and Pakistan after the United States Presidential election is possible but it is
unlikely that it will be very different from what President Bush has
followed since 9/11. It is unlikely that the United States will get rid of its
obsession with Islamic fundamentalism and rather than working the
removal of the irritant that give an impetus to building up support of the
people supporting or sympathizing with such acts, try to remove the irritants
that foster such a movement.
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It would be too much to expect the United States to change its

policies towards Palestine, Israel, Iraq and Iran or towards some other
countries of the Muslim World. We are therefore in for a continuation of
this conflict of minds which is likely to last for some time and bring pain
and suffering to mankind for some more years to come.
Musharrafs imprints on the war on terror imposed on Pakistan would
be hard to be erased by the new government even if it wanted to do so.
Sarmad Bashir opined: General Musharraf did everything he could do to
prove that a strong military control of the country was the best way to
eliminate the factors that fed extremism. There was no one to block him
when he agreed to join the global coalition against terrorism on a one phone
call from the White House No political government could have acted so
promptly and saved Pakistan from being bombed back into the Stone Age.
Never had our army fought so valiantly as it did against its
biggest enemy, the unarmed civilian population, under General
Musharrafs command. Pakistan was at war with itself. It was perhaps the
only battle our sacred saviours fought without facing the humiliation. Full
marks to the Generalissimo for bolstering up the confidence of the army that
had emerged deeply demoralized from the Kargil misadventure.
This time around it was a win-win situation. Most of the time the
troops deployed in the restive tribal region were seen doing the cover-ups for
American attacks on madrassas training terrorists. It was indeed the biggest
service to the country to purge it of the elements posing a threat to its
stability. A few dozens of civilian casualties is not too huge a collateral
damage to get hold of foreign terrorists operating in the area. Musharraf has
the advantage of being answerable to none
And while he kept himself engaged in the tribal conflict he didnt
have to look over his shoulder to see how well the Military Intelligence was
trying to cleanse Balochistan of the traitorous sardars. The commandos
who killed Nawab Akbar Bugti were summoned to the Army House and
given a pat on the back for carrying out a successful operation.
Political leaders are supine enough not to take such bold
decisions even when they know that fighting the American war on terror is
in Pakistans own interest. This is where Musharraf dwarfs the whole lot of
tiny politicos who are now back into power once again. Terrorism spread on
his watch. But he was not seen dithering about his commitment to obliterate
the menace

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It stands to reason when General Musharraf gets irked by the

sort of judicial activism challenging his authority to give the intelligence
agencies powers to violate the peoples fundamental rights. It was
distressing for him to find the superior judiciary overstepping its jurisdiction
and taking suo moto cognizance of the incidents of mysterious kidnapping
Musharraf is one man who can advise the Americans to review their call for
solid civilian control of the armed forces, lest the resurgent democracy and
sovereign parliament should become an impediment in its war on terror.
The Nation wanted restoration of peace to tribal areas through
political means. The policy of eliminating militancy in the tribal region
through reliance on force was pursued by the previous government under
Washingtons pressure It was possible for the US to get the unrealistic
policy implemented through President Musharraf who was considered to be
answerable to none. However, the Bush Administration now cannot ignore
the views of the coalition partners who have been popularly elected and are
committed to bring peace to tribal areas in the main through political
means.
The coalitions policy has already brought some relief. There is a
respite to deadly suicide attacks, which had become almost a routine. What
is required for the new policy to succeed is for the US-led coalition
forces to desist from attacks inside Pakistans tribal areas which have in
the past caused provocation in the region leading to the failure of whatever
initiatives were being undertaken to bring peace.
Subsequently, the newspaper appreciated new regimes efforts to
restore calm. The release of Maulana Sufi Muhammad, the leader of the
banned Tehrik Nifaz Shariat-i-Muhammadi, by the NWFP government is
surely a positive development. It could prove to be a major step towards the
achievement of peace, besides assuring the aggrieved parties that the new
dispensation is not at the beck and call of the US. Sufi Muhammads six
points committing him and his organization to the cause of peace are indeed
welcome. The government withdrew all the cases against him as a goodwill
gesture. The TNSM, however, would continue to carry out its struggle for
the establishment of Sharia through peaceful means in the region.
Hopefully, in the wake of this agreement, other non-state actors are
expected to take a cue and end hostilities with the government. Among
others, one awaits a change of heart in the strategy employed by the TTP,
which has welcomed Sufi Muhammads release. That said the development

446

points to the success of elected dispensations policy of finding a political

solution to the armed conflict in the tribal areas.
Distinction has to be made between the mindless killers and those
who are only struggling for their rights and are willing to negotiate with the
government. The resolve by the NWFP government in restoring calm to
the region is no doubt real. It is hoped that options like ending military
operation in the tribal areas would also be seriously considered.
The News criticized the inconsistent process of talks with militants.
The deadlock between the government and Taliban has ended, as a jirga
from North and South Waziristan approached the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan
to inform them of agreement on a troop pull-out from areas of conflict. It
was a refusal to withdraw forces that had led to the Taliban and
Baitullah Mehsud ending the negotiation process with the government.
Reports that it was in fact the military which had begun its own dialogue
with militants in some places confounded the situation.
By taking the initiative and approaching a jirga, the ANP
government has underscored its commitment to settling matters
through dialogue, rather than through gunfire alone. As the past few years
have shown, efforts to annihilate militants in Waziristan and other areas have
acted only to create more hatred and give rise to greater violence.
The task the government confronts is, however, clearly not an easy
one. While dialogue has to be pursued and military action alone will not
end the turmoil in the region, the fact also is that in the past there has been
clear disconnect between what the Taliban particularly Baitullah Mehsud
have said and what they have done, especially when it comes to the matter
of negotiating ceasefires and/or peace agreements.
Furthermore, Islamabad is likely to face immense pressure from
its friends in the west, particularly Washington, which believes that any
peace agreement which allows the Taliban and its ally al-Qaeda to regroup
and launch attacks against the rest of the world, will be unacceptable. In
this context, threats of direct US/NATO intervention, in the form of bombing
raids over northern areas, are a further worry.
The new rounds of talks however offer an important opportunity but
the government must carefully choose whom it wants to have peace
with, especially keeping in mind the fact that such agreements have not on
their own given any advantage to the government and have in fact allowed
the militants to regroup and emerge stronger.

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Rafi Nasim from Lahore Cantt suggested: The Taliban have now
offered to enter into meaningful talks with the new Pakistani government
and release 250 of our servicemen along with Ambassador Tariq Azizud Din
who were held by them. What they want in exchange is the release of their
co-militants kept in various prisons of Pakistan.
Irrespective of what USA feels about it, the lives of our people in the
custody of Taliban are more precious to us than the few second-line Taliban
leaders that we hold. To restore peace in the country and to secure our
borders with Afghanistan it is imperative to accept the Taliban offer.
Ridding of the US shackles is prerequisite to change in strategy,
opined Shireen M Mazari. The decision to dialogue with the tribal and
militants was a welcome shift in our policy to fight terrorism. After all, the
first principle in any such policy should be space denial for the terrorists and
that can only come if they are isolated from the local population. That is why
the move to dialogue was welcomed, especially since it gave the tribal the
responsibility for maintaining peace in their areas with the support of the
state.
Why has the dialogue policy run into snags even before it can be
fully defined and operationalized? There are those who blame the Pakistani
Taliban for declaring that they do not want a dialogue. However, the reality
is that there is no clarity coming forth from the state. At the provincial
levels, we hear calls for dialogue and the use of the traditional jigs to
facilitate the same. But then we hear a different tune from the Centre where
there are statements declaring, amongst other preconditions, that dialogue
will only come after militants have laid down arms. Amid all this, we have
the US also talking with forked tongue.
The first step is to create a credible face of dialogue so that the
tribal and Pakistani militants can begin to trust that they have gains from this
dialogue. For credibility the Pakistani state has to create some space between
itself and the US, especially in the war on terror. Also, for credibility in a notrust situation, a clear-cut dialogue plan needs to be enunciated with a
graduated approach
Perhaps most important, the state needs to remember that
preconditions, beyond a basic one of suspension of violence while
dialogue is on, are not viable. That is why asking for a laying down of arms
as a precondition is not going to work. A study of the Good Friday
Agreement in Northern Ireland shows how the IRA was not asked to
surrender its weapons until the Agreement was operationalized. For what
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the state would be interested in dialogue after disarmament has been

achieved?
Pakistan must unshackle itself from the US agenda. Clearly,
Pakistans strategic goals do not coincide with US strategic goals in the
region. Worse still, there is a growing irrationality to the US leadership It
should help us understand the absurdities of the litany of accusations coming
Pakistans way from the largely ignorant US political elite.
Some specific issues related to the war on terror were also commented
upon. Syed Saleem Shahzad tried to prove that kidnapping of the
ambassador was the work of Baitullah backed by al-Qaeda. After just a few
weeks, the newly installed government in Islamabad has been placed in the
unenviable position of having to choose between giving in to the demands
of militants or waging all-out war on them. Either way, its a losing
proposition.
At the weekend, al-Qaeda-linked militants released a video of
Pakistans ambassador to Afghanistan, Tariq Azizuddin, who was captured in
Khyber Agency on February 11 The government was aware of the
capture, but it kept the matter quiet as it had begun back-channel
negotiations with Baitullah for Tariqs release.
The negotiations were still in progress when the video of Tariq
was released, backed by the public demand for the release of Aziz and
Obaidullah and other militants some of them linked to the assassination of
former premier Benazir Bhutto last December, including Sher Zaman
Mahsud, Aitzaz Shah and Noor Khan, all belonging to Mahsuds group. A
sizeable ransom has also been demanded.
The release of the video of the captured Tariq has all the hallmarks of
Qaedas strategic planners, indicating that they have taken over the Talibanled tribal guerrilla war, particularly as it affects Pakistan. The government
has to consider whether it should abandon the dialogue process half way
through and start highly unpopular military operations in the tribal areas.
In another article, he commented on militancy in Swat and the deals.
Most recently, British Foreign Secretary David Miliband and European
Union foreign policy chief Javier Solana were in Pakistan to support the
governments initiative. Senior government and military officials from the
United States are expected soon.
In what has been hailed as a significant move, the sub-nationalist
Pashtun Awami National Party government of NWFP released controversial

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senior pro-Taliban Mullah Sufi Muhammad, after he agreed not to engage in

violence. This followed a visit to NWFP by Miliband, during which he met
top leaders.
The governments in Islamabad and Britain have greeted the deal
with Sufi as a landmark success, but the military distanced itself from the
move, concerned it has more to do with political gamesmanship than
realities on the ground, in which uncompromising new players have taken
over from people such as Sufi, a moderate by comparison.
And in one way the governments peace program plays right into
the hands of the Taliban: the more the security forces halt their operations
in the tribal areas, the better the Taliban can launch their spring offensive in
Afghanistan, which is only weeks away.
Contacts in the tribal areas tell Asia Times Online that by early May
the Taliban will have sent all their thousands of men, arms and supplies into
Afghanistan. The mood, according to the contacts, is upbeat, and
commanders expect May and June to be especially hot for foreign troops.
The Taliban also made it clear on Monday that they will keep the
noose tight on NATOs supply lines through Pakistan to Afghanistan. They
seized two workers of the World Food Organization in Khyber Agency. The
workers were rescued by Pakistani security forces after an exchange of fire
and this on the same day that Sufi Muhammad was released.
On his release after six years in jail on Monday, he was taken to the
chief ministers residence to sign a peace deal with the government. He was
quoted as saying that he condemned violence and believed in peaceful
co-existence
In his (Sufis) absence, the TNSM regrouped under Maulana
Muhammad Alam and was allowed to operate. But Sufis son-in-law Mullah
Fazlullah, who had become radicalized after meeting al-Qaeda deputy
Ayman al-Zwahiri, wanted to take the group in a different direction.
It was clear Fazlullah was taking instructions from al-Qaeda and
Sufi and Alam distanced themselves from him before expelling him from
TNSM. Fazlullah now runs his own TNSM, overwhelmingly comprising
youth from the Swat Valley, Dir and Malkand
The upshot of this is that making deals with Sufi is of little
significance Fazlullah was quick to announce to the media that he had
nothing to do with the peace agreement. That is, the insurgency in the Swat

450

Valley will continue, and in the bigger picture, the Taliban will prime their
guns without hindrance.

EASTERN FRONT
Nothing positive happened on the eastern front during the period,
except that Ansar Burney revealed that there was no solid proof against
Sarbajit; family members of the accused met him in Kot Lakhpat Jail and
Miliband asked Pakistan not to execute Sarabjit Singh.
On 2nd May the execution of Sarabjit was delayed till further orders as
had been anticipated by the observers. Next day, Sarabjits sister thanked
Musharraf and Gilani. Statements and acts negative to confidence building
were in plenty as usual:
Pakistan test fired Hatf-VI on 19th April. Next day, another test was
carried out. On 7th May, India test-fired long range missile. Next day,
Pakistan conducted yet another cruise missile test.
Sarabjits family arrived in Pakistan on 23rd April to seek clemency.
The families of victims of Sarabjits terrorist acts demanded hanging
of the killer.
On 1st May, Muslim students protested inclusion of a blasphemous
question in MA history paper by Ranchi University of Jharkhand
state. Hindus proved that they were worthy of strategic partnership
with the Crusaders.
Till 6th May India had failed to hand over dead body of Pakistani,
Muhammad Akram who had died in an Indian jail.
Pakistani media, particularly the print media, lost interest in reporting
atrocities committed by the occupation forces in the Valley, perhaps, in the
spirit of confidence building. Nevertheless, selected incidents were reported,
which indicated that armed struggle for the freedom of IHK had almost
diminished.
Demonstration was held to protest killing of two school girls by
Indian troops on 12th April. Geelani accused pro-India parties of involvement
in killing of freedom fighters. On 24 th April, security was tightened for
Manmohan Singhs visit to the Valley. Next day, four Kashmiris were
martyred by Indian troops.

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The Nation commented: In general terms, Indian Prime Minister Dr

Manmohan Singhs call to the new Pakistani leadership to strengthen
bilateral ties is quite unexceptionable; in fact, his philosophical remark, Let
us build new bridges across rivers and between communities and
between regions and between nationsand let us cross these bridges,
holding hands, sounds like extending a hand of genuine friendship to
Pakistan.
Dr Singh would be surprised to find Islamabad readier than New
Delhi to do so provided he agrees to resolve, with justice and fair play, the
disputes, including the core issue of Jammu and Kashmir, which have kept
the two countries apart for well over 60 years. Once India accepts the root
cause of estrangement and the development of relations is allowed to take
place on the basis of sovereign equality and with regard to the interests of
each other, it would be smooth sailing.
But digging deeper into these conciliatory words and the context in
which Dr Singh uttered them while on a visit to Jammu on Friday, one
discovers that he does not entertain the thought of acknowledging the
right of the people of Jammu and Kashmir to determine whether they
wish to join Pakistan or India, but simply confines his approach to
recognizing their aspirations to live a life of dignity
The posters We want freedom, long live Pakistan the protesters
led by Mirwaiz Umar Farooq carried should serve to bring home to Indias
intransigent leadership that years of brutal oppression by the occupation
forces have failed to extinguish the Kashmiris strong desire for
independence from its yoke.

HOME FRONT
On ideological front the blasphemous acts of European countries
kept agitating the masses in Pakistan. Thousands of people rallied in Karachi
on 3rd May to condemn anti-Quran Danish film. Earlier, the Dutch Embassy
shifted to a hotel due to security fears.
The issue of missing people also kept simmering. On 17th April, a
meeting was organized in connection, where Imran Khan and Hamid Gul
demanded trial/court martial of Musharraf. Three days later, Khalid Khawja
wanted registration of cases against culprits involved in missing persons.
ANP-led government ordered removal of billboards featuring pictures
of female models. There was no hue and cry from the enlightened officials in
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Islamabad or media because it was not done by obscurantist mullas and

more so secular khans had no objection to male models.
Musharrafs hoax of enlightened moderation has been fully exposed
by his vindictiveness against Justice Iftikhar. His enlightenment has been
enveloped by the darkness of his selfishness and his moderation has been
overwhelmed by his vindictiveness.
Insurgency in Balochistan continued at low key despite the
democratic change in Islamabad and Quetta. Following incidents were
reported during the period:
Two persons were killed and 11 others, including eight security
personnel, were injured on 12th April in bomb and landmine blasts in
Dera Murad Jamali, Dera Bugti, Lehri and Kohlu areas.
Journalist was gunned down in Hub on 14th April. Next day, two FC
men were among 4 killed in two incidents in Dera Bugti and Quetta.
Two soldiers were killed in landmine blast in Dera Bugti on 18 th April.
Two days later, four soldiers were killed in two incidents in Hub and
Dera Bugti.
On 24th April, ISPR denied a report about withdrawal of troops from
Dera Bugti. Next day, three people were killed and nine wounded in a
shoot out in Karachi; BLAs involvement was suspected.
Gas pipeline was blown up in Dera Bugti area on 27 th April. Two days
later, two MI agents were shot dead in Khuzdar.
An elder of Bugti tribe was killed in a blast in Dera Allah Yar on 6 th
May. Next day, four people including two policemen were killed in
two shootouts in Quetta.
At least 21 people were wounded in a blast near Quetta on 9 th May.
Sardar Akhtar Mengal was released and he demanded UN probe into
murder of Akbar Bugti and other Baloch leaders. Army briefed Prime
Minister on Balochistan situation.
The Nation tried to explore a way forward: Balochistans new Chief
Minister Nawab Aslam Raisani shows great promise. His proposal on
Wednesday to find a political solution to the problem of militancy while
calling for an end to the military operation chimes in with the wishes of
the people who recently gave their mandate to progressive parties and thus
refuted the popular theory branding them as extremists and miscreants.
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The ongoing problem in the province is mainly political in nature

and a negotiated settlement of the armed conflict can be achieved. For
that, the mindset needs to be changed as well. In the words of Ataullah
Mengal, the founder of Balochistan National Party and an ex-CM, it is the
persistence of a colonial perception, which is responsible for the present
situation. Though it is the largest province with abundant natural resources,
it has not been handed out its due share. And the leaders who voice such
grievances have been labeled insurgents.
The country has a new political leadership eager to make the
preferences of the people their priority. The CMs observation comes as a
clarion call to close the sad chapter of injustices meted out to the people in
the province. However, time is of the essence and the new dispensation
needs to put its act together in this regard. One hopes that the proposal by
Mr Raisani would soon be followed by a roadmap addressing the various
issues facing the province.
The newspaper also commented on CMs statement: The words of
Balochistans Chief Minister Nawab Aslam Raisani that certain elements
within the establishment were trying to pull the rug from under the
efforts to find a negotiated settlement of the conflict in the province makes
a grim recital of the fact that someone else perhaps is still calling the shots,
where he should have been the rightful decision-maker.
Talking to the BBC, Mr Raisani pointed a finger at the militarybureaucratic oligarchy, which had until now been pulling the strings and thus
was responsible for the mess the province is mired in at the present. More
disturbing news is to hear of the involvement of a foreign hand, as the
CM has alleged. This must be carefully assessed and necessary steps taken
to put an end to it.
The CMs worry about the elements running the province from
behind the scenes merits a moments thought. To let the political set-up
run the province smoothly, the old pattern of off-stage players spoiling the
broth must end. It may be a long shot, but changing the approach could help
solve the problem.
The News wrote on release of Akhtar Mengal: The release of Mr
Mengal is a part of the PPP-led government strategy to usher in
reconciliation in Balochistan. Indeed, talking to the media immediately after
he was freed, he described the release as a victory of democracy. However,
he also made it clear that this one action, in no way, signaled success in
coping with the sense of deprivation in Balochistan.
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The ushering in of a new government and its decision to handle the

Balochistan issue with sensitivity and good sense, rather than with military
might, is naturally producing good results. Winning the cooperation of men
like Akhtar Mengal, who enjoy huge following in Balochistan, is important
for any peace process in the province. The key need now is to ensure the
window of opportunity that has opened up is not allowed to slam shut
again
The countrys leaders must remember his release marks only the
first step in the process of bringing peace to Balochistan. It is not, by any
means, an end in itself. Nor, indeed should he be expected to perform
miracles, for while he can aid in the reconciliation process in his province he
cannot move far unless further strides forward continue to be taken by the
central government and the provincial setup.
In another editorial the newspaper commented on PMs visit to
Balochistan. The perceptions in the countrys biggest province of
second-rate treatment by the state of Pakistan run deep. Whereas the
steps taken by the government are excellent starting points, they need to be
carefully built on. Perceptions, even more so than realities, cannot be altered
overnight and it will take time to alter entrenched mindsets and modes of
thinking.
To make this possible, there is a need to engage people from across
the country as well. One of the problems has been the failure to openly
discuss the issues of Balochistan and indeed the other minority provinces, in
the public sphere. The result is that many people in Punjab, and indeed
elsewhere in the country, are poorly informed about the sentiments and
hardships of fellow citizens in other parts of the country. This is especially
true of Balochistan
Mental distance gives rise to misperceptions and a lack of trust.
Myths about the lack of patriotism among the Baloch are widespread. Few
stop to consider how much this may be an outcome of the manner in which
the province has been treated. There is need to close the mental distance that
exists. The electronic media can be called to play a role.
Mansoor Akbar Kundi expressed his views on CMs offer: Raisanis
offer for a ceasefire is a good gesture provided it is directed and offered
in right direction with devices needed. Invitation to nationalists who
boycotted the elections will have a balancing factor for the option.
Withdrawal of the cases against Akhtar Mengal was the need of the time.

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Under costs and benefits analysis, his release will be good for the province
which our praetorian rulers failed to understand.
A major hurdle in the offer is addressing of aggrieved Baloch
sentiments. There have been military operations, missing persons list, and
killing and attacking of Baloch areas. An independent judicial commission
can serve as the tool to look into the matter and can bring out facts that who
are on fault.
One of the factors accountable for deteriorating situation of the
province over the past years is the lack of trust building of people. There
are crisis of representation between the ruler and the ruled. And they
worsened under CM Jam when growing interference by federal agencies was
turned a blind eye. Funds were poured into the province, many mega
projects initiated and huge funds offered to nazims, but the trust building
remained below average.
If the trust building under Raisani rises it will have a positive
consequence which can only be mustered through his good policies and
negotiation. Hopes are associated with from him as the CM of a power
sharing coalition with more or less everyone in support of his government.
As long as it remains a power sharing coalition without personal whims and
retaliation there are chances of improvement. In the quagmire of chaos and
instability, the need of time is to look forward for options suitable for the
improving of political, economic and social situation in the province.
Nadeem Iqbal opined: The Pakistan Peoples Party-led federal
governments approach toward resolving the problems in Balochistan by
apologizing the past atrocities and withdrawal of cases against Baloch
leaders has not made headway so far. At best, it could only be dubbed as
political gimmickry.
Sardar Mengal argues that ground realities are quite different as the
Balochs had been subjected to inhuman treatment as innocent people were
being kidnapped and tortured by government agencies: The situation may
not improve unless some confidence-building measures are taken by the
government which include withdrawal of armed forces from Balochistan,
release all political activists and other innocent people and release of the socalled disappeared people could provide grounds for a dialogue on the issue
of maximum provincial autonomy as envisaged in the Constitution.
To date these measures or the announcements made by the PPP-led
government are not considered serious by Baloch fighters and their response
is also not cordial. Instead the violence is on the increase. Recently on
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April 22, acting Pro-Vice Chancellor University of Balochistan, Professor Dr

Safdar Ali Kiyani was shot dead by unknown armed men. The defunct BLA
claimed responsibility for the killing.
Altaf Ahmad Qureshi talked of Balkanization of Pakistan plans by
those for whom Musharraf had been fighting as front-line mercenary. Asif
Ali Zardari, in his round up speech at the joint meeting of the Central
Executive Committee and the Federal Council, made many observations.
The most important one was regarding the balkanization of Pakistan.
What he said was: I know many things. I am conscious of the conspiracies
being hatched and the cause of killing Shaheed Benazir Bhutto. I understand
the designs of the vested interests about Pakistan
Though Asif Ali Zardari did not come out with details, the danger of
fragmentation of Pakistan does not seem to be a far-fetched
phenomenon. The fact remains that the assassination of Shaheed Benazir
Bhutto has created conditions, as planned, which contribute to the ongoing
destabilization and fragmentation of Pakistan as a Nation. The process of US
sponsored regime change, which normally had to consist in the reformation
of a fresh proxy government under new leaders has been withered away.
However the uncomfortable results of the 2008 elections have driven the
nation to an unstable political situation which may suit the planned
fragmentation.
Regime change with a view to ensuring continuity under military rule
is no longer the main thrust of US foreign policy. The regime of Pervez
Musharraf can not prevail. Washingtons foreign policy cause is to
actively promote the political fragmentation and balkanization of
Pakistan as a nation, writes Prof Michel Chossudosky in the Global
Research of December 30, 2007. The voters have in fact, frustrated the US
designs. The two major political parties i.e. the PPP and PML-N have been
able to win the majority of seats in the national and the provincial
assemblies
In view of this peculiar situation, the US policy makers engineered a
new exercise to achieve its goal. Hence, the US Ambassador in Pakistan
flew to London and had a long meeting with Altaf Hussain, which
followed the Karachi carnage wherein the building housing many law
chambers was set on fire resulting into at least one dozen human killings.
Majority of them were lawyers along with some of the clients including a
woman.

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The MQM also decided not to join the government either in Sindh or
at the centre. The people of Sindh, particularly the Karachites, who had felt
a sign of relief after the political settlement between the PPP and the MQM
are again gripped by the fear of fascist role of the party.
This new political impasse is deliberate. It is part of an evolving US
foreign policy agenda, which favors disruption and disarray in the structures
of the Pakistan State. The US seems to be bent upon having indirect rule
by the Pakistan military, and intelligence apparatus has been replaced by
US military presence inside Pakistan. Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilanis
statement that the President is part and parcel of the parliament and that
Pakistan would fight against terrorism with the US help has raised many
eyebrows.
A report by the US National Intelligence Council and the CIA has
forecasted a Yugoslav-like fate for Pakistan in a decade with the country
raven by civil war, bloodshed and inter-provincial rivalries, as seen in 20042005 in Balochistan. Wajid Shamsul Hassan, while expressing apprehension
has asked, are our military rulers working on a similar agenda or something
that has been laid out for them in the various assessment reports over the
years by the National Intelligence Council in joint collaboration with CIA.
His article was published in Times of India
The fact remains that course designed by the US is to foment
social, ethnic and factional divisions and political fragmentation
including the territorial break-up of Pakistan. This is what Shaheed Benazir
Bhutto told me in one-on-one meeting with me at Dubai in 2002.
It is reported that the Baloch insurgency is being supported and
abetted by Britain and the US. The Baloch national resistance movement
was started in late 1940s. In the current geo-political context the separatist
movement is in the process of being hijacked by foreign powers. It appears
as if the Britain and US are supporting both sides i.e. the BLA and the
government just like they did in Kosovo
Asif Zardaris apprehension seems to be based on the article by a
military scholar Lt Colonel Ralph Feters published in June 2006 issue of the
Armed Forces Journal. He suggested in no uncertain terms that Pakistan
should be broken up, leading to the formation of separate country: Greater
Balochistan or Free Baluchistan. The latter would incorporate the
Pakistani and Iranian Baloch provinces into a single political entity.
This plan of fragmentation of Pakistan as a Nation and the ongoing
process of destabilization of the country has forced Asif Ali Zardari to
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go for a national consensus and to form coalition governments at federal as

well as at provincial levels. And MQMs slipping out of this national
consensus speaks much about its role given to it by the forces interested in
destabilizing Pakistan. It is not so; in fact Zardari is being used by those
forces which are working on fragmentation of Pakistan.

CONCLUSION
The hype of change in general and in strategy for war on terror in
particular was dying down fast. Even to start with, it was incorrect to expect
from PPP leadership to bring any change defying the deal under which
America had facilitated the return of Benazir and Zardari. Zardari has to
abide by the terms of the deal.
Since the start of war on terror, people of Pakistan have been blamed
for intolerance and Musharraf tried to teach them the virtues of tolerance. It
was unfair to level such allegation against the people which have been
tolerating their leaders, including Musharraf. In fact, the people of Pakistan
are the most tolerant people in the world.
India has been quite happy with Musharraf rule in Pakistan, because
he had been scared by the Crusaders sufficiently making the maintenance of
status quo easy, including on the core issue. It wont find any problem with
Zardari as well. New Delhi must have also been very happy with
humanitarian services rendered by Ansar Burney
11th May 2008

SIGNS OF FATIGUE
Intensity of insurgency in Iraq has decreased significantly. The Bush
Administration attributed it to its decision of troop surge. In reality, this
success has been because occupation forces have purchased some Sunni
tribal leaders. And, it is also because of the fatigue of the insurgents who
have been fighting for years without much of outside support.
Iraqi Sunnis, who are about 30 percent of Iraqs population, and a
sizeable number of which has fled to neighboring Arab countries, have
fought gallantly against the combined might of the Crusaders from two
continents. Their perseverance should have put the rulers in Muslim World

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to shame that crawled to their holes before the first bullet was fired by the
Crusaders.
The cowardice of Muslim rulers which they prefer to call wisdom
has been a source of strength for the Crusaders. That was why that on fifth
anniversary of invasion of Iraq, Bush refused to order troop withdrawal
jeopardizing the hard-fought gains. He lauded the performance of the
occupation forces and Iraqi collaborators but did not say a single word for
Muslim rulers.
As regards perpetration of atrocities by Israel against Palestinian,
Saudi Arabia equated Israels latest offensive with Nazi crimes. Riyadh
ignored the fact that it has abetted the crime being ally of the US on whose
behest Israel continued committing crimes against humanity.
Similarly, in Pakistan Qudssia Akhlaque wasted her time in preparing
a Special Report about a second meeting of Pakistani leader with Israeli
Foreign Minister. She could have solved this riddle by answering a simple
question: Could he dare meeting any of the leaders of Hamas?

IRAQ
The incidents of bloodshed enumerated in the succeeding paragraphs
cannot describe the brutal nature of the occupation of Iraq; just as stains of
blood spotted at the scene of crime cannot describe the pain suffered by the
victim. Moreover, the blood stains spotted and reported are quite few.
At least 30 people were killed in two bomb blast on 11 th February.
Three days later, five people were killed in incidents of violence. On 19 th
February, at least thirty people were killed in various incidents of violence.
Next day, 28 people, including three US soldiers were killed. At least 12
people were killed in several bomb attacks on 22 nd February. Sadr extended
ceasefire with the US occupation forces.
At least 40 pilgrims were killed in suicide bombing in Iskandariyah on
24 February. Next day, at least 16 people were killed in incidents of
violence; more than half of them were soldiers. A handicapped suicide
bomber killed a general and two policemen.
th

Fourteen people were killed in attack on a bus in Mosul on 26 th

February. Three days later, occupation forces killed five suspected
militants. At least seven people were killed in violence on 2 nd March. The
US forces claimed killing an al-Qaeda leader.

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At least 23 people were killed in two bombings on 3 rd March. Next

day, a US soldier was among eight people killed. On 6 th March, 88 people
were killed in incidents of violence including two bombings in Baghdad.
Four policemen were killed in suicide bombing in Mosul on 7th March.
Five people, including a US soldier, were killed in violence on 8 th
March. Hundred decomposed dead bodies were found in a mass grave in
Diyala. Eleven people, including five US soldiers were killed in two
incidents of violence on 10th March.
On 12th March, police raided Shia clerics strong-hold and 11 people
were killed in exchange of fire and 30 people were arrested. Three US
soldiers were killed in rocket attack. Next day, 18 people were killed in a
bomb blast in Baghdad. The US troops killed a girl accidentally.
On 15th March, at least fifteen people, including US soldier, were
killed in violence. Next day, Republican presidential candidate, John
McCain arrived in Iraq to assess the success of the US troops. On 17 th
March, 43 people were killed and more than seventy wounded in Karbala in
a suicide attack by a woman. Two US soldiers were killed in roadside
bombing and 16 Iraqis were killed in other incidents. Seven people were
killed on 18th March as Cheney visited Iraq.
Four people were killed in a suicide attack in Baghdad on 19 th March.
Maliki assured jobs for anti-Qaeda fighters. Three days later, six US soldiers
were killed in helicopter crash and four were killed in other incident; 12
Iraqis also died in the violence. At least 51 people were killed in incidents of
violence on 23rd March.
At least 12 people were killed in clashes on 25th March. Sadr
threatened a civil revolt over targeting of his militia in Basra. Next day, the
US blamed Iran for unrest in Iraq after clashes in Basra. Maliki gave the
Shia militants three-day ultimatum. On 27 th March, Maliki vowed to press
on crackdown in Basra and Kut. At least 105 people had been killed since
launching of the crackdown.
At least 40 more people were killed on 28 th March bringing the toll in
recent fighting to 180. Bush termed eruption of violence in Basra as
defining moment. Next day, US warplanes bombed Shiite militants in
Basra. At least 11 people were killed in violence on 30th March. Sadr ordered
pullout of his fighters from streets and Maliki welcomed it.
By 31st March, more than two hundred people were killed in the
ongoing crackdown against fighters of Sadr and about 600 were arrested.

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Two US soldiers were killed in separate incidents. Next day, at least nine
more people were killed in US air strike in Basra despite the ceasefire
announced by Sadr; Maliki termed the Basra crackdown a success.
At least 15 people were killed in bombing attacks on 2 nd April. Next
day, seven people were killed and 12 wounded in a suicide attack on a post
in Mosul. At least 20 people were killed and 23 wounded in a suicide
bombing in Diyala on 4th April.
On 5th April, at least four people were killed and 15 wounded in a
blast in bus in Baghdad. A priest was killed in drive-by shooting. Next day,
the occupation forces pressed on the crackdown despite the ceasefire. More
than 50 people were killed in last couple of days, three US soldiers were
killed and 31 wounded in two mortar fire attacks in Green Zone.
On 7th April, five Iraqis were killed in Basra and two US soldiers in
Baghdad. Three US soldiers were killed in two incidents on 9 th April. Next
day, six Iraqis were killed in two US air strikes. At least 11 people were
killed in various incidents on 14th April.
On 15th April, 76 people were killed in bombings and clashes across
the country. More people were killed in bomb blast during a funeral on 17 th
April and six persons were shot dead by occupation forces. Next day, eight
people were killed in clashes in Baghdad.
At least 32 people, including five US soldiers were killed in various
incidents on 22nd April. Occupation forces took control of last stronghold of
Shiite militia in Sadr City on 26 th April. Next day, at least 25 people were
killed in rocket attack on Green Zone.
The death toll in incidents of violence rose to 82 on 28th April which
included three US soldiers. Next day, at least 40 people were killed in
incidents of violence. Two US soldiers were killed in separate incidents in
Baghdad on 30th April. Next day, at least 70 people were killed in four bomb
blasts across the country.
American troops killed at least 14 people on 3rd May in the ongoing
crackdown; 20 people were wounded in air strike on a hospital in Baghdad.
Next day, at least 17 people, including four US soldiers were killed in
incidents of violence.
Ten people were killed in clashes in Baghdad and Sadr City on 5 th
May. The US pulled out 3,500 troops. Three days later, at least 41 people
were killed in various incidents across the country. On 9th May, four people

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were killed and 51 wounded in a crackdown in Sadr City. Next day, at least
19 people were killed in incidents of violence.
Crackdown in Basra was a major event during the period. Dave
Lindorff commented: Bush may not be the greatest of wordsmiths, but he
certainly nailed it when he said that the battle in Basra, in which the puppet
government of Nouri al-Maliki and the Iraqi military were attacking the
entrenched Mahdi Brigades of cleric Moqtada al-Sadr for control of Iraqs
crucial port city, was a defining moment in the five-years-and-running
Iraq conflict.
That battle, which saw al-Maliki fly down to the presidential palace
in the countrys second largest city to direct the armys fight, only to be
spirited away by an American air rescue team when he was in danger of
being captured or killed, is indeed a defining moment.
It defines the utter failure of the Bush/Cheney administrations
year-long surge scam, which was supposed to give the Iraqi government
time to get on its feet, pass a law on sharing the countrys oil wealth among
the various regions and tribes, and resolve the issues of power sharing
between Sunnis, Shias and Kurds.
A year, a thousand American deaths, uncounted tens of thousands of
Iraqi deaths, $150 billion in US taxpayer money and countless repetitions of
the phrase the surge is working by administration hacks and by Republican
presidential candidate John McCain later, its clear that the extra 30,000
troops the US shipped over or held over in Iraq accomplished nothing.
The battle of Basra ended at least for now with Moqtada alSadr stronger than ever, his fighters still armed and in control of the city,
and of their stronghold in the slums of Sadr City, Baghdad. It concluded with
a ceasefire agreement negotiated by Iraqi government officials who,
embarrassingly, had to go hat in hand to meet al-Sadr in his headquarters in
Iran under which the Iraqi army and police must stop attacking al-Sadrs
forces, as they have been doing for months, and must release members of his
forces currently being held captive.
If anyone wanted a sign that it was time for the US to pack it up
and go home, this was it. Had the US not plucked al-Maliki from his
embattled fortress in Basra, he would not be paraded through the streets of
Basra with a plaque on his chest saying American puppet. Instead, he has
survived to serve his American masters another day.

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As defining moments go, the battles in Basra and Sadr City should
also serve as fair warning to those advocating a war against Iran that
things might not go so well for American forces. The Mahdi forces, after all,
have gotten their inspiration and some training from Iranian forces, and are
showing themselves to be skilled urban fighters.
US forces, even stretched as thinly as they are in Iraq, might be able
to handle a conventional attack by Iranian forces on open desert terrain in
Iraq, but they would be up against something entirely different were they
to enter Iranian territory, and try to conquer Iranian cities. They should
pack up and go, blow up what military equipment they cant bring with
them, and leave the port-potties and dining halls for the locals to enjoy.
Con Coughlin wrote: When the Iraqi government declares war on the
British Army, the time has come to pack up and go home. And, if the
fiasco of the Iraqi governments recent ill-judged assault on Basra is
anything to go by, that moment has arrived.
As someone who has been a staunch supporter of Britains continued
military deployment in Iraq, I have long argued that, having excised the
cancer that was Saddam Husseins regime from Iraqs body politics, the
West, or rather those countries that participated in the coalitions military
campaign to get rid of the dictator five years ago, had a moral obligation to
help the Iraqi people get back on their feet
But that was then. All bets are off now that Iraqis prime minister
has decided to take matters Basra into his own hands. As Iraqs elected
leader Nouri al-Maliki has every right to run the country as he sees fit. What
he does not have the right to do is to insult those responsible for helping to
get him elected in the first place.
When it first emerged at the end of last month that Mr al-Maliki had
ordered his security forces to crush the Shiite militias and criminal gangs
vying for control of Basra, the initial reaction from President George W
Bush and the international community was one of pleasant surprise.
After all, hadnt the coalitions efforts over the past five years been to get
they could look after their own security affairs?
The problem was that not only had Mr al-Maliki embarked on this
bold action without informing the British military contingent that has
been responsible for securing the city over the past five years, but the tactics
he deployed were deliberately designed to undermine everything the British
have tried to achieve. One of the pillars of the British effort in the south has

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been to identify Iraqis who have the experience and capability to run the
city.
British officers have been immensely impressed by the efforts of
General Mohan al-Furayji, who commands Iraqi forces in the south. A
former officer in Saddams Republican Guard, General Mohan was as
committed to reining in the power of the militias as the British, a task he
accepted with relish when Britain formally handed over control of Basra last
December.
But it now transpires that Mr al-Malikis offensive was aimed as
much at removing General Mohan as dealing with the militias. At the
same time, to remove the British-appointed police chief Jalil Khalf, who has
also played a central part in British plans to disarm the militias. At the height
of the fighting Brigadier Julian Free, commander of 4 Mechanized Brigade,
flew by helicopter to Basra to see the Iraqi prime minister, but al-Maliki
refused to see him Reports from Basra suggest that Mr al-Maliki is angry
with the British for withdrawing from the centre Basra last September, and
that he is suspicious of the power base that General Mohan and his
colleagues are building.
As a consequence, there is now little point in the 4,500-strong British
military contingent stuck at the air base remaining in Iraq. British
commanders find themselves in the untenable position where the Iraqi
authorities whom they are supposed to be supporting will not talk to them
they also find that American troops have taken over their day-to-day duties.
The British military has argued that they would stay in Iraq provided
there was general consent among the population. But now that is no
longer the case, there is nothing to be gained by kicking their heels at Basra
air base simply to save face.
Michael Gerson opined: Iraq, while consuming greater sacrifice, is
now producing the most encouraging results. Al-Qaeda in Iraq is reeling.
US Special Forces in Mosul a largely Sunni city north of Baghdad are
conducting about eight to 12 missions against al-Qaeda each night. In
Baghdad, the surge strategy of securing civilians has dramatically reduced
sectarian violence. And in Basra located in the Shiite south Prime
Minister Nouri al-Maliki has finally shown some fight against radical
militias.
Iraqs Basra campaign began last month as an uncoordinated mess.
Locally recruited Iraqi forces were unreliable, mainly because the British, in
their hasty disengagement, had left them without embedded supervision. But
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American commanders deployed coordinating cells within Iraqi units and

increased the number of Predator flights and Special Forces advisers,
quickly stabilizing the situation. What began as a tactical failure for
Maliki became a strategic success. Iraqs prime minister has gained in
political stature and regional respect by taking on his co-religionists.
The next stages in Iraq are tricky. A solely military solution to the
problem of the Shiite militias is not possible. To clear Sadr City block by
block an area with 2 million people, most of them loyal to Moqtada alSadr would require divisions that do not exist. So the strategy is to kill or
capture members of the special groups the Shiite equivalent of al-Qaeda
while engaging members of Sadrs movement who want to join the
political process.
Iraqs future and the future of American involvement in that
country now rests with the Shiites. If many turn to politics, the nations
path will be shorter and easier. If many choose conflict, it will be tougher
and longer. But gains against al-Qaeda in Iraq, the other great destabilize,
cannot be denied.
Petraeus-Crocker hearing by the Senate Committee was another
important event of this period. Winslow T Wheeler observed: I have just
finished watching the four and a half hour gala of the Senate Armed Services
Committee questioning General David Petraeus and Ambassador Tyan
Crocker, Americas high commissioners for Iraq. The hearing was greatly
bally-hoed as a major Washington event on the war in Iraq to say nothing
of the significance it held for the two presidential candidates on the
committeeand their opportunity to impress us all as ready to raise a right
hand to swear a new oath of office.
Throughout all this palaver I cant say questioning because no real
questions were asked there were no answers that advanced our knowledge
of what is going on in Iraq. General Petraeus and Ambassador Crocker were
never in danger of facing anyone who informed him or herself well enough
to know when they were being fed baloney or if they did, enough spine to
correct the generals and the ambassadors vague uninformative answers.
After all, the questioners were clearly not after information; they were
after political advancement or protection.
HDS Greenway opined: Petraeus and Crocker were masters at
obfuscation as they tried to thread their way between congressional
hawks and doves last week. A straight answer was as rare as a day without

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death in Baghdad. But Petraeus did admit: We havent turned any corners.
We havent seen any lights at the end of the tunnel.
There was an effort among certain senators to blame our problems on
Iran, and Crocker was quick to take it up. But there were no Iranians or
Shiites in the suicide planes of Sept 11, 2001. Al-Qaeda considers all Shiites
apostates, Barak Obama got it right when he said that if the Iraqi
government can tolerate as normal neighbor-to-neighbor relations
(with) Iran, then we should be talking to them as well. I do not believe
were going to be able to stabilize the situation without them. This may not
be possible in the Bush Administration that has gone to such lengths to
demonize Iran as evil. But it should be priority of the next president
Republican or Democrat.
All but forgotten in the congressional testimony were the
benchmarks that only last fall were supposed to be met by the Iraqis.
Originally, the United States was going to stand up. But the governments
feeble effort in Basra shows how little the national army has achieved in five
years.
There is a theory going around that posits that reconciliation at the
top of Iraqi society doesnt really matter. Its reconciliation at the bottom
that counts. This conveniently side-steps the benchmark, that
reconciliation at the national level should happen if the United States is to
continue its support.
The theory is that Iraq is not really a modern society, but a tribal one,
and therefore shouldnt be held to Western standards. It is enough if some
tribes make accommodations with each other to reduce internecine violence.
And if enough of these provincial accommodations are made, may be
stability will spread.
In the modern world, however, you need national institutions at the
top and power-sharing, not just tribal accommodations whereby one group
promises to stop stealing camels one day, only to change its mind the next.
Moqtada al-Sadr used to have an accommodation with Nouri al-Maliki, after
all, and may again. Basing your hopes on tribal accommodations is to
accept that Iraq has returned to where it was in the distant, Ottoman
Empire past
There is danger in arming tribes that, as the Financial Times put it, is
a policy that, willy-nilly, empowers more and more warlords to pull Iraq
to bits. Tribal identity may be the reality in todays Iraq. It has always had a

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powerful role. And, in the end, the country may break up into ever-smaller
tribal, religious, and ethnic entities. But do they need us for that?
Dilip Hiro wrote: The prime purpose of the hearings (PetraeusCrocker) was to evaluate the effectiveness of the US troops surge,
launched 15 months ago, to reduce violence in Iraq, and examine the
prospect of lowering American military presence in Iraq. The progress,
while real, is fragile and reversible, reported Petraeus. So, once the
additional five combat brigades deployed in Iraq are withdrawn by July, he
plans a freeze, maintaining the US military presence at 140,000.
The fragile state of Iraqs security stems from the malevolent
intentions of Iran, contended Petraeus. The greatest immediate threat to
security came from the Tehran-backed special groups of Shiite
radicals. Over the longer term there was also the prospect of the resurgence
of al-Qaeda in Mesopotamia. Hence, the need for a post-surge pause before
contemplating any further drawdown of US troops.
Ambassador Crocker concurred, stressing the evil designs of Iran.
The Bush Administration is obsessed with Iran and sees it as a greater
threat than the Sunni al-Qaeda in Mesopotamia. That switch of a primary
enemy, however, has complicated the situation in Iraq.
Ignoring the basic fact that Sunni Arabs numbered only a third of the
Shiite Arabs in Iraq, al-Qaeda pursued relentless massacre of Shiite civilians
which turned off most Iraqis. Its policy of if you are not with us, then you
are against us toward fellow-Sunnis alienated most Sunnis as well,
particularly in Anbar province, which occupies nearly a third of Iraq. These
blunders by al-Qaeda in Mesopotamia provided the American
policymakers an opportunity to neutralize it.
On the other side, Irans leaders have made a realistic assessment
of the Iraqi scene. They realize that, leaving aside a secular minority,
Shiites are divided among four religious parties, two part of Malikis
coalition government and the other two in opposition. Iran treats all equally.
Thats why they succeeded in brokering a ceasefire between Malikis
government and the Mahdi Army militia of Moqtada al-Sadr in Basra on
March 30.
The Iranian government is close to the leading members of
Malikis coalition government Al-Daawa leaders, including Maliki, took
refuge in Iran during the course of the Iran-Iraq war. Little wonder that
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad greeted Maliki as a long-lost
brother during two visits to Tehran The Iranian government deplored the
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spectacle of Shiites killing one another when Maliki launched his offensive
in Basra with the purported aim of disarming rogue militants, with the toll
mounting to more that 300 in a week.
US voters may be impatient to pullout of Iraq, but its no longer an
issue of securing Iraq. The scenario of an independent Iraq without the
American military protection has become inextricably linked with regional
power balance between rising Shiite Iran and the predominantly Sunni
Middle East Due to the Bush Administrations policy blunders, Iraq has
now become an Iranian issue as well.
Leila Nathoo talked of inhuman nature of the war. The four-day
conference brought together veterans from across the US to speak about
their experiences in Iraq and Afghanistan. The veterans spoke candidly
about the treatment of civilians, insurgents and detainees. The Iraqi
peoplethey were hajjis We were the law, there was no one else above
us, said Iraq veteran Hart Viges. Another, Mike Totten, agreed: We were
told, the hajjis are an obstacle do not let them get in our way. Some
offered solemn admissions of their own racism and complicity in
humanitarian, abuse and killing.
These testimonies are invaluable, in part because they confirm the
brutality of warfare, as well as allowing the soldiers to relieve the burden
of their experiences and re-establish their humanity. But the crucial purpose
of soldier testimony is to provide a unique perspective on abuses in war.
Soldiers bridge the divide between the military establishment, who isolate
individual perpetrators as bad apples, and human rights activists who speak
up for victims.
Wars are inherently violent, and involve one human being killing
another, albeit sometimes indirectly. Racism and dehumanization of the
enemy who is not easily identifiable in an era of unconventional, urban
warfare is a strategy which enables soldiers to kill. According to Viges:
once you really open your eyes and see them as a human being on the same
level as youyou cant go to war with them, you cant pull the triggeryou
cant occupy a foreign land, its impossible. So you have to dehumanize.
Thats war.
All the veterans emphasized that moral slippery slopes have to
go from top to bottom, and that if their superiors did not condone abusive
behaviour, then they did nothing to stop it. There was also the sense that
because of their loyalty to their colleagues, soldiers were willing to suppress
or censor their own views.
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Little wonder that there is silence surrounding abusive behaviour by

members of the military, if we consider that soldiers are dehumanized
themselves as a requirement to fulfill their duty during war. Hurd says: I
would not even deal with it. If I started thinking about all these things
and all the moral repercussions. I would go into a deep depression.
This almost leaves us with a pessimistic view that so long as there is
war, there will be soldiers who trained and treated to behave that way, in
order to enable them to fight. Is humane war a contradiction in terms?
Even if we do not accept pacifism as a solution to abuse, we should
appreciate that soldiers, in revealing their own humanity through
documenting their thoughts and experiences, give us an unparalleled
insight into the absence of humanity during war.
Aasim Sajjad Akhtar talked of Americas imperial hubris. In the five
years that have passed since the beginning of the Iraq War, triumphant
pronouncements have given way to defensive ramblings about the
righteousness of the American cause, and claims that, at the very least, Iraq
is better off without Saddam Hussein. Bush, Cheney, Rice and other
mouthpieces of the administration conveniently ignore the death of
hundreds of thousands of Iraqis, the catastrophic security situation in the
country, the emergence of sectarian divisions unlike anything the region has
ever seen before and the rapid slide of a large number of Iraqis into
destitution.
Meanwhile, of course, the pillage of Iraqs prized oil resources
the real reason for the invasion continues unabated, notwithstanding
sabotage attacks that take place on a regular basis. Indeed, new laws have
been concocted to allow foreigners (read American multinational oil
companies and their subsidiaries) to own and/or control Iraqs oil, ratified by
the so-called elected Iraqi legislature.
So the charade that is Americas democratic mission in Iraqi
carries on with no end in sight. Nonetheless things have not gone
according to plan, mainly because of the heroic resistance of the Iraqi
people. But then things never go according to plan for a colonial army that
brutalizes the native population, all the while claiming that it is there for its
benefit.
The situation is hardly different in Afghanistan, the other front of the
so-called war on terror where almost seven years after the American
invasion only Kabul and its surroundings are in effective control of the
occupying force (and its stooge Karzai). Meanwhile the other major
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battleground in the wider region, the occupied Palestinian territories,

continues to be subject to the genocidal incursions of the Israeli Defence
Forces, under American patronage, of course.
All told, the hope that the United States will act more responsibly
in years to come is futile. Of course if there is a change of guard and the
Democratic Party comes to power following the presidential election in
November, some changes can be expected. But they are not likely to be very
substantive and one can rest assured that the new president will broadly
consolidate the empire-building policies of his/her predecessor. This of
course is bad news for the rest of the world. But there is also a sense that the
all-powerful United States can and will be challenged, and that the most
destructive imperialist power the world has ever known, while not finished
quite yet, will not be able to maintain its supremacy into the indefinite
future.
Having said this, imperialism of the capitalist sort will not
disappear with the demise of the United States. It is not dependent on the
existence of superpower states; as is becoming increasingly clear, it exists in
the form of multinational organizations of various kinds.
And so, as has been the case throughout history, the burden of
resistance on the most oppressed will grow even more acute with time.
There is a little doubt that Marx was right when he suggested that the history
of settled societies is the history of class struggle. As the 21 st century nears
its end, all thinking human beings are confronted with the choice of which
side of the class divide they wish to stand on. And choose all of us must
because there can be no sitting on the fence.
Mazhar Qayyum Khan wrote: The acceptance of pro-negotiation
reality is grudgingly given since the US has hardly any other option
available, at least not at the present moment. The political parties recently
assuming power have been elected on anti-Musharraf platform. And the
military might the Musharraf regime opted for to eliminate terrorism in the
tribal region, giving rise to the valid public perception that it was being done
under strong pressure from the US, has failed to work. Instead, terrorism has
taken a huge toll in various principal towns on the country
It is obvious that after the US had failed to convert the new ruling
leadership to its opinion, it decided to go along with Islamabads proposed
line of action. However, there are reasons to assume that Washington would
not hesitate to make efforts to influence important politicians of different
parties to put pressure on the government to review its anti-terrorism
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policies. American diplomats at Islamabad and Washington would remain

engaged with the new leadership to persuade it to shed the thoughts of
peaceful course in favour of military option Despite the American
administrations utterances of accepting the Pakistan governments stand of
using the military option only after all possible means of settlement have
been exhausted, it would not desist from persuading political parties in the
coalition to come round to its point of view.

PALESTINE
Israels war of attrition against hapless Palestinians continued
unabated under umbrella of the United States. On 5 th March, Rice visited the
region and met Israeli and Palestinian leaders. She succeeded in convincing
them for resumption of peace process. Four days later, Olmert approved
expansion of West Bank Jewish settlement. On last day of March, Rice held
talks with Abbas and said peace talks were on track; meanwhile, Israel
continued construction of Jewish settlements. A month later, she alleged that
Hamas was serving as Irans proxy warriors.
Cheney, the mastermind behind the US terrorism, had visited Middle
East during fourth week of February. He warned Palestinians over violence
against Israel. He also slammed Iran and Syria on halting Middle East peace
push. The Israel kept perpetrating state terrorism. Following incidents were
reported during the period:
Israel arrested seventy Palestinians in West Bank on 13 th February.
Three days later, a senior commander of Islamic Jihad was among
seven persons killed in Israeli attack; 40 people were also wounded.
On 19th February, Israeli troops killed two Palestinians. Three days
later, two more Palestinians were killed.
Three Palestinians were killed in Israeli firing in Gaza on 23rd
February; next day, three more were killed. On 25th February, people
of Gaza formed a human chain to protest Israeli blockade.
Eight Palestinians and an Israeli were killed in violence on 27 th
February. Next day, 28 more Palestinians were killed in Israeli attack.
Olmert threatened to widen the operation.
Four Palestinians were wounded in Israeli raid in Gaza Strip on 29 th
February. Next day, at least 52 Palestinians were killed in an all-out
offensive launched by Israel.
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 On 2nd March, 17 more Palestinians were killed by Israeli forces

bringing the toll to over one hundred in the ongoing operation in
Gaza. After having connived with the Jewish regime, Abbas
suspended talks with Israel.
Next day, Israeli troops killed 17 more Palestinians before pulling out
and threatening of more strikes. Hamas accused Rice on inciting war.
At least 8 people were killed and 25 wounded when a gunman opened
fire in a religious seminary in Jerusalem on 6 th March; Hamas owned
the responsibility. One Israeli soldier was killed in an ambush and one
Palestinian was killed in Israeli attack.
Israeli forces killed four Palestinians on 12th March and Ehud Barak
threatened more attacks. Hamas showed willingness for conditional
ceasefire.
Four Palestinians were killed by the Israeli troops on 16 th March. OIC
called for bringing Israeli leaders to justice.
On 21st March, three Palestinians were killed by Israeli troops. Three
days later, Israeli troops killed a Palestinian on Gaza border. On 26 th
March, Abbas refused to talk to Hamas unless the Islamic group cedes
it control over Gaza Strip.
Two Palestinians were killed by Israeli forces in Gaza on 1st April.
Four days later, a Palestinian was killed by Israeli tank fire in Gaza.
Seventeen Palestinians and three Israeli soldiers were killed in
firefight on 16th April.
On 29th April, Hamas asked Israel to reciprocate its ceasefire or be
prepared for fierce attacks. Two days later, Israel rejected Hamas
offer of ceasefire and killed one of its commander in an air raid.
Six Palestinians were killed by Israelis and an Israeli was killed in
mortar fire on 9th May. Next day, five more Palestinians were killed
and six were wounded.
Ceasefire, truce or peace talks had no moral implication for Israel.
That was why Azzam Tamimi wondered that was it a ceasefire or bloodbath.
A recent poll published in the Israeli daily Haaretz suggested that 64 per
cent of Israelis favoured a negotiated truce with Hamas. But in the past few
days, a military onslaught that so far claimed more than hundred Palestinian
lives, mostly women and children, has made it clear that the Israeli
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leadership is not interested in any peaceful exit from the current

predicament.
The Haartez poll may point to a lack of confidence in the
governments ability to settle its problem with Gaza through the use of force,
and vindicate those within the military and intelligence community who
have been advising the Israeli prime minister, Ehud Olmert to talk to Hamas.
A truce as once proposed by Giora Eiland, who served as national security
adviser to the former prime minister Ariel Sharon, would entail a reasonable
exchange of prisoners and a lifting of sanctions in exchange for a cessation
of all hostilities between the two sides. Hamas would, in principle, have
agreed to negotiate a truce along these terms. But it seems that Olmerts
cabinet has not given up on the idea of bringing Hamas to its knees or
finishing it off altogether.
The attack on Gaza comes at a time when all previous means of
inciting the Strips population against Hamas have failed. The sanctions
imposed globally on Hamas and the siege that almost suffocates Gazas 1.5
million inhabitants have neither forced Hamas to accept the three conditions
set out by the Quartet nor convinced the Palestinian population to rise
against it.
Olmert has decided to go to war with the Gaza Strip. Once again
Olmert is taking a gamble. He might have been encouraged by the fact that,
unlike Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas has no immediate regional backers
and is less capable of confronting his troops.
The Israeli establishment is incapable of learning a single lesson from
past experience. Hamas like Hezbollah; and the Palestinians like the
Lebanese, have no choice but to fight back until the Israelis are forced to
retreat. Few people thought that Hezbollah could defeat Israel in 2006.
Fewer people may think today that Hamas is capable of something similar.
They might be surprised. The number of casualties among the Palestinians
will, undoubtedly be much higher, but Israelis will die and suffer too. The
only way to avoid a bloodbath is for the Israeli army to withdraw
immediately from Gaza and negotiate a truce before it is too late.
S R H Hashmi from Karachi expressed concern over the plight of
Gazans. Israeli forces kill innocent Palestinians in Gaza on daily basis.
Recently after US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice expressed full
support for the Israeli operation, the number of casualties in Gaza
increased I believe Condoleezza Rice or to be more precise, the US is
partly responsible for the ongoing process.
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Normally, people in high positions exercise restraint while talking to

the press, but American officials show little consideration while speaking
on the international affairs. While US officials get really tough in dealing
with Muslim states, they become surprisingly meek and apologetic with
Israel with a most sharp rebuke, Israel should consider the consequences of
its action. Of course, Israel knows well that there will be no consequences
whatsoever and therefore continues wreaking havoc on Palestinians.
Being a super power, America is in position to improve the worlds
political landscape, but unfortunately it spreads only misery, death and
destruction. It attacked Iraq and destroyed the whole state infrastructure
there. Recently, it organized the Middle East Peace Conference and we can
see how things are shaping in the region.
Ralph Nader wrote: According to The Nation magazine, the great
Israeli human rights organization BTselem, reports that the primitive
rockets from Gaza, have taken thirteen Israeli lives in past four years, while
Israeli forces have killed more than 1,000 Palestinians in the occupied
territories in the past two years alone. Almost half of them were civilians,
including some two hundred children.
The misery, mortality and morbidity worsen day by day. Here is how
the commissioner-general of UNRWA sums it up: Gaza is on the threshold
of becoming the first territory to be internationally reduced to a state of
abject destitution, with the knowledge, acquiescence and some would say
encouragement of the international community.
Hamas, which was created with the support of Israel and the US
government years ago to counter the PLO, has repeatedly offered ceasefire proposals. The Israeli prime minister rejected them, notwithstanding
a growing number of politicians and security offices who are calling for
Israel to accept a cease-fire, according to Middle East specialist, Professor
Steve Niva.
If Democrats and Republicans were serious about peace in the
Middle East, they would showcase the broad joint Israeli and Palestinian
peace movements. These efforts now include the over 500 courageous
Israeli and Palestinian families who have lost a loved one to the conflict and
who have joined forces to form the Parents Circle Bereaved Families
Forum. Together, these families are expanding a non-violent initiative to
push for a peaceful resolution to the conflict.
Geoffrey H Lewis and Seymour D Reich commented: Its becoming
increasingly clearer that reaching an Israeli-Palestinian agreement
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requires finding a way to bring Hamas into the process. This must be
done without comprising Israeli or American interests.
While there are legitimate concerns over Hamas policy and over
direct engagement with it, it is impossible to achieve an agreement
between Israelis and Palestinians on any of the key issues without
engaging Hamas through some means. Hamas is the governing authority in
Gaza, a reality we can no longer ignore. Hamas can torpedo talks between
Israel and the Palestinian Authority by intensified rocket attacks or suicide
bombings, as it has done in the past.
Another reality is that until Hamas-Israel violence ends, even if an
Israeli-Palestinian agreement is reached, it will languish on the shelf no
matter how acceptable it is. No progress can be made with a divided
Palestinian polity. Israel cannot reach a binding agreement with the
Palestinian Authority while it was with Hamas.
Any actions by an American administration that encourage Arab
states such as Egypt or Saudi Arabia, or Palestinian president Mahmood
Abbas, or other appropriate interlocutors, to determine Hamass willingness
to establish a ceasefire and to help stabilize the current situation should be
supported. We say this with the recognition that as in the case of Israels
indirect dealings with Hamas to free Shalit no progress can be made if
Hamas is totally excluded from the process. As distasteful as this may be,
that policy has not succeeded.
Should a ceasefire be established, a new mechanism for maintaining
it must be crafted either through international monitors, a multinational
force on the Gaza borders or at least through better coordination among
Israel, Egypt, and the Palestinians. This is a moment of decision. An
immediate end to the Israel-Hamas violence and a rejuvenated peace
process are of critical importance to the Israeli and Palestinian people, and
to American interests in the Middle East. This is an essential step on the
difficult road leading to the state of Israel living in peace and security
alongside a stable and peaceful Palestinian state.
Rehan Jamil talked of Muslims and Israel. I live hundreds of miles
away from Jerusalem, in Karachi. But like so many people in Pakistan, I
care about what happens in that part of the world. I care, not because it is a
religious conflict as many here would like to believe, but because it is a
human conflict, whose repercussions extend beyond the borders of
Israel-Palestine and have a tangible impact on Jewish-Muslim co-existence
elsewhere.
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I dont claim to be an impartial observer in this conflict. Palestine is

something I have grown up hearing about. My father and his siblings
were leftists for whom Palestine represented a major Third World struggle
for freedom. My uncle went to Jordan in the 1970s to receive training with
the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine.
The initiative, which was re-endorsed in Riyadh in 2007, makes clear
that security for Israel is inextricably dependent upon justice and a sense of
hope for the Palestinian people. It has been embraced by many Muslim
states, including Pakistan, and seems like one of the last remaining hopes
for peace in the region.
For those of us who reject apocalyptic theories of a Clash of
Civilizations but are alarmed by growing polarization in the world, the
creation of a viable Palestinian state has become more critical than ever.
I am convinced that if there is to be reconciliation between Israel and
Pakistan, there must be an end to the occupation. An independent Palestinian
state is Israels best bet for peace, security and acceptance in the wider
Muslim World.
Bradley Burton wished success for the Palestinians. It is in the direct
interest of hardliners to do everything in their power to convince their side
that this is a zero-sum game, that only one side can emerge triumphant. In
fact, though, there are two additional options, the first, of course, being
that both sides can lose. The second, the one of which weve largely lost
sight, is that with an element of compassion, both sides can win.
True, peace, as a concept and a hope, has gone underground. But
a close examination of all recent polls showing the depths of Israeli and
Palestinian fear and anger, is that a majority on both sides still believe in a
two-state solution even people who, for the present at least, reject the idea
of negotiations, argue for attacks against the other side, and have no faith in
their leaders or those of the enemy.
It may be many years before the Palestinians and Israelis can again
begin to feel confident in a future that promises their children life. But none
of us can abide in this present, a reality in which we kill their children
and they kill ours, in which we kill their hopes and they ours.
If there is to be peace, people who have sacrificed and suffered,
Israelis and Palestinians alike, will face further sacrifices, further pain,
further renunciation of long-held dreams. This is the cost of peace. There are
those who will continue to try to convince their side that the price of
permanent war is somehow preferable. I am no longer young, but I still
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want the Palestinians to win. For that to happen, both sides have a lot of
growing up to do. I hope I live to see it.

OTHER FRONTS
Lebanon remained comparatively quiet. On 13th February, top
Hezbollah commander, Imad Moughniyah was killed in a blast in Syria.
Next day, Nasrallah warned Israel over killing of Hezbollah leader. On 30 th
March, Arab Summit in Damascus ended without making any breakthrough
on Lebanese crisis.
Factional clashes flared up at the end of first week of May. Supporters
of the government and Hezbollah clashed in Beirut on 7 th May. Next day, at
least seven people were killed in clashes in Beirut. The agitation was
sparked when the US-backed government launched a probe into a
communications network setup by Hezbollah and reassigned the head of
airport security over his alleged links to Hezbollah. At least 16 people were
killed in next two days in Beirut.
Diplomatic offensive against Iran continued unabated. Iran will not
back down on nuclear issue, said Ahmadinejad on 11th February. About two
weeks later, Tehran threatened to hit back if UN imposed sanctions, but the
UN moved a resolution to impose more curbs, which was blocked by Russia
and China.
During first week Ahmedinejad arrived in Baghdad and announced
opening of new chapter in Iran-Iraq ties. He demanded exit of US forces
from Iraq. In mid-March, Conservatives won 70 percent seats in Iranian
parliament. Bush promptly termed the polls flawed. On 8th May, Khamenei
saw US as main obstacle in peace in the Middle East and Ahmadinejad
branded Israel a stinking corpse.
Paul Craig Roberts observed Bush was telling lies for attack on Iran.
The London Telegraph reported that British officials gave warning that
Americas commander in Iraq will declare that Iran is waging war against
the US-backed Baghdad government. A strong statement from General
David Petraeus about Irans intervention in Iraq could set the stage for a US
attack on Iranian military facilities, according to a Whitehall assessment.
The neocon lanky Petraeus had had his script written for him by
Cheney, and Petraeus together with neocon warmonger Ryan Crocker, the
US government of the Green Zone in Baghdad, will present Congress next

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Tuesday and Wednesday with the lies, for which the road has been well
paved by neocon propagandists.
On April 3 the International Herald Tribune reported that senators
and representatives have made millions of dollars in defence companies
totaling $196 million. Rep. Ike Skelton, the Democrat chairman of the
House Armed Services Committee, is already on board with the attack on
Iran.
All Skelton knows is what the war criminal Bush regime tells him. If
Iran really does have all these connections, then it behooves Washington to
cease threatening Iran and to make nice with Iran in order to stabilize
Iraq and extract the US from the nightmare.
Instead of thanking Iran and working with Iran diplomatically to
restore stability to Iraq, the Bush regime intends to expand the nightmare
with a military attack on Iran Most experts saw the attack on al-Sadr
for what it was: an effort to remove a potential threat to the US supply line
from Kuwait in the event of a US attack on Iran.
Crocker alleges that the rockets dropping on the Green Zone during
the Basra fighting were made in 2007 in Iran. As should be obvious even to
disengaged Americans, if Iran were to arm the Iraqi insurgency, the
insurgents would have modern weapons to counter US helicopter gunship
and heavy tanks.
The Bush regime will tell any lie and orchestrate any event in
order to finish the job in the Middle East. Finishing the job means to
destroy the ability of Iraq, Iran, and Syria to provide support for the
Palestinians and for Hezbollah in southern Lebanon against Israeli
aggression. With Iraq and Iran in turmoil, Syria might simply give up and
become another American client state.
New York Times blew hot and cold. Irans president, Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad, made another blustering claim this week that his scientists are
tripling the size of their nuclear fuel program. The fact that it made barely a
diplomatic ripple is another reminder that all of the major powers are
appallingly adrift on one of the major security challenges of the day.
What makes it more frightening is that pretty much everyone agrees
that Iran is moving closer to mastering the hardest part of building a
nuclear weapon. As for why the big powers cant come up with a strategy
for containing Irans nuclear ambitions, there are a variety of explanations.

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In the case of Russia and China, the former sells Iran nuclear
technology and the latter buys Irans oil. They are more interested in demand
and supply than a showdown. Britain, France and Germany have been
tougher, but they also have business interests to protect and are wary of
pushing a major oil producer too hard at a time when oil is already more
than $100 a barrel. President Bush has more than enough bluster. What he
hasnt shown is the diplomatic skill to steel his partners spines or a
willingness to look beyond his own stubborn rhetoric and ideology and offer
Iran a serious set of incentives to try to bring it in from the cold. He is also
distracted by his misadventure in Iraq.
The big players the US, Russia, China, Britain, France and
Germany are scheduled to meet latter this month in Shangai to discuss the
problem. They need to agree on a list of new sanctions with a lot more bite:
a ban on dealings with major Iranian banks; a ban on arms sale; a ban on
new investments in Iran. They need to warn, credibly, of even tougher
sanctions to come. At the same time, Washington needs to make Iran a
serious offer to talk about everything, including security assurances and
diplomatic and economic relations if Iran is willing to give up its fuel
program and cooperate fully with inspectors Sadly, theres no sign
anything this sweeping is being considered in any of the big power capitals.
Shlomo Ben-Ami was of the view that stability of Iran and Iraq was
linked. The war has pulverized Iraqi society, dissolving it into an ethnosectarian patchwork. The surge will end sooner or later, and the Iraqis,
crippled by violence and corruption, will still be incapable of uniting their
polity, and, with their military still unable to take over from the Americans,
jihadist and inter-ethnic violence is bound to erupt again.
The most serious unintended consequence is the emergence of a
powerful Shiite challenge to the Wests Sunni allies in the Middle East.
Americas destruction of Iraq as a regional power handed hegemony in
the Persian Gulf whose centrality to Western interests cannot be overstated
to Irans Shiite Islamist regime on a silver platter.
On the rubble of Saddam Husseins dictatorship, the Americans
helped create in Iraq the first Shiite-dominated Arab state, which may well
become subservient to Irans regional ambitions a calamity of historic
dimensions for Americas Sunni allies. Iranian President Mahmoud
Ahmedinejads recent state visit to Iraq conveyed to the Americans an
unequivocal message: the prospects for the United States to ever reach a

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modicum of stability in Iraq have become dependent on Iran-aligned

forces.
Americas difficulties in Iraq and beyond contributed decisively to
Irans nuclear ambitions. The Iranians now see themselves as immune from
an American attack on their nuclear installations, for Americas troubles in
Iraq and the growing opposition to the war in the US are a signal to them
that Americas strategy of pre-emptive wars has failed.
The Iraq war also meant that America ignored the Israeli-Palestinian
peace process. The chances that the Bush Administration might be able to
rally Americas Sunni moderate allies in the region to held salvage an
Israeli-Palestinian peace are now hostage to an Iranian-led regional axis that
includes Hamas, Hezbollah and Syria. All are united in their rejection of a
Pax Americana in the Middle East, and all have so far shown remarkable
resilience in ignoring Americas preconditions for a dialogue. Americas
inability to inspire the peoples of the Middle East, all ruled by USbacked autocracies, is not exactly stunning news. What news is that
American power might also be losing its ability to intimidate them.

CONCLUSION
America invaded and occupied Iraq with ease, but it took more than
half a decade to come close to controlling the occupied land. However,
America will never be able to conquer, because the manner in which it has
alienated through brute nature of occupation. Therefore, bloodshed in Iraq
will continue with varying intensity.
The same is applicable to the Palestinians and Israelis. Israel has come
close to breaking Palestinian resistance through continuous war of attrition
against Hamas with explicit support of brother Abbas and his party. But all
the successes achieved wont guarantee peace for Israel.

America, however, has failed in intimidating Iran. The rulers in

Tehran should be grateful, quite ironically, to its enemies; the Sunnis of Iraq
and Taliban of Afghanistan. They have been able to put some fear of God
into the hearts of the Crusaders.
13th May 2008

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TO THE FINISH
Bush, during his visit to Europe, told NATO to fight the Afghan War
to the finish. The UK said the West wont let Afghanistan fall into Taliban
hands. These statements revealed that the Crusaders had an unfinished task

482

at their hands for which they need to keep encouraging each other. How they
planned to do it was evident from a report revealing one glimpse of the ugly
war; ISAF troops frequently used children to detect landmines.
Robert Gates announced that the United States would send more
troops to Afghanistan. The US also kept coaxing its European allies to do the
same as was evident from the above quoted statement of Bush. Meanwhile,
Uzbekistan was convinced to offer assistance to NATO in Afghanistan.
This was to be standby arrangements in case maintenance of troops through
Pakistan becomes difficult at some stage.
Pakistan was kept under constant pressure to help Afghanistan in
ending violence, while the occupation forces continued perpetration of
terrorism in Afghanistan and adjoining tribal areas. It was for this reason that
Turkish former minister had said that NATO was courting disaster in
Afghanistan by relying too much on force to defeat Taliban. Occasionally,
even Karzai slammed the brutal nature of US and UK operations.

OCCUPATION
The resistance to the occupation of Afghanistan continued. At least
80 Afghans were killed in a suicide attack on dogfight watchers in Kandahar
on 17th February. Next day, 37 people including two Canadian soldiers were
killed and 30 wounded in a suicide attack on Canadian convoy in Spin
Boldak. Death toll in attack on dogfight watchers rose to one hundred.
On 19th February, one person was killed in car bomb in Kandahar. It
will take years to defeat Taliban, said a US general. Next day, coalition
forces detained 22 suspects in Helmand province. On 21st February, 30
suspected militants were killed in joint operation in Helmand; one NATO
soldier was also killed. At least nine people were killed in incidents of
violence on 23rd February.
A woman and a child were killed by the US-led forces in Helmand on
24 February. Two Polish soldiers were killed and another wounded in a
landmine blast in Paktika on 27th February. Next day, Police opened fire on
protesting opium growers in Helmand; all the killed were declared Taliban.
th

Four persons were killed in incidents of violence across the country

on 1 March. Next day, Taliban destroyed two telecom towers in southern
Afghanistan. One Canadian soldier was killed in landmine blast in Kandahar
area on 3rd March. Taliban attacked US-Afghan base in Khost. Reportedly,
Taliban were eager to kill Prince Harry.
st

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Taliban blew up a telecommunication tower in Kandahar area on 6 th

March. Afghan troops killed 19 Taliban in two operations in Uruzgan
province on 11th March and two policemen were killed in an ambush in
Farah province. Five civilians were killed in violence on 12th March.
The US-led forces killed 41 Taliban in southern Afghanistan on 13 th
March. Next day, fifteen Pakistanis working as security guards were arrested
by Afghan authorities. Four people were killed in violence on 15 th March.
Next day, militants attacked a post opposite Landikotal and killed ten
Afghan soldiers. Occupation forces shot dead a woman in Khost. Seven
Taliban were killed in clashes in south Afghanistan.
On 17th March, at least seven coalition soldiers were killed and four
wounded in three separate attacks by Pashtun freedom fighters. Next day, at
least ten people were killed in an air strike in southern Afghanistan. Six
people were killed in US-led raid in Khost on 19th March.
On 22nd March, two Afghan officials and five militants were killed in
various incidents. Next day, NATO forces killed 40 suspected militants in air
and ground battle in Uruzgan province. At least 60 persons were hurt and 40
tankers burnt in a blast at Torkham. Three mine clearing personnel were shot
dead in Jawzjan.
At least 12 suspected Taliban were killed in an operation in Uruzgan
province on 24th March and three civilians were killed in Ghazni. Next day,
four Afghan soldiers and two civilians were killed in an ambush in Herat.
Eight people were killed in a bomb blast in Helmand on 26th March.
Two German soldiers were wounded in a blast in Kunduz on 27 th
March. Next day, at least 12 militants and two policemen were killed in a
clash in Nimroz. On 30th March, eight Taliban were killed after they
ambushed a convoy in Zabul province.
Two Brits were killed in Helmand on 30 th March and another NATO
soldier was killed in a separate incident. At least eight people were killed in
incidents of violence in southern Afghanistan on 1st April and one Taliban
commander was captured.
Four people were killed in suicide bombing in Lashkargah on 4 th
April. Two days later, 15 people were killed in violence. At least 16 Afghans
were killed in an air strike in southern Afghanistan on 7th April. Britain was
prepared to send 450 additional troops.
NATO soldier was among 35 people killed on 8 th April in various
incidents of violence across the country. Next day, at least eight people were
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killed in various incidents of violence. Two German aid workers went

missing on 10th April in Kunduz. Germany planned to build 33 more police
stations.
On 12th April, 24 Taliban were killed in clashes in Zabul; two Indians
were killed and three wounded in Nimroz province. US official said
Afghanistan needed 12,000 additional troops. Next day, at least seven people
were killed in various incidents of violence. British Army planned to reduce
attacks on Taliban.
Two UK servicemen were killed in roadside bombing in southern
Afghanistan on 14th April. US media claimed that a Taliban commander
Ahmed Shah also called Mulla Ismail, who had carried out most deadly
attack on US forces since occupation of Afghanistan, was killed by Pakistani
security forces near Peshawar. France agreed to send an additional battalion
to eastern Afghanistan to enhance chances of catching Osama.
On 22nd April, six policemen and four Taliban were killed in a clash.
In Logar, two mixed-schools were torched and teachers went missing. On
27th April, Taliban attacked a military parade held to commemorate the
anniversary of the communist regime; an MP was among three killed in the
incident and three attackers were also killed. Hamid Karzai, US and UK
ambassadors and NATO generals escaped unhurt.
At least 26 Taliban were killed in NATO operation in Uruzgan on 28 th
April. Next day, the US-led forces captured a town in Helmand. Three
Pakistanis were killed and nine wounded in two landmine blasts in Spin
Boldak on 1st May.
The US-led forces claimed killing several militants in Helmand and
arresting 22 in an operation carried out on 4 th May. Next day, nine people
were killed and 20 wounded in three explosions. On 6 th May, several
militants were killed by coalition forces in Nangarhar and eight people were
wounded in two incidents elsewhere.
On 7th May, two NATO soldiers and six Afghan policemen were killed
in clashes and bombing incidents across the country. Two days later, at least
12 Afghans and a NATO soldier were killed in the south. US forces killed
several militants in Nangarhar on 10 th May and nine were arrested. In
Helmand province, three Danish soldiers were wounded and two Pakistanis
were arrested in Kandahar.
A new al-Qaeda-linked group attacked near Jalalabad and killed father
of Afghan MP Hazrat Ali on 12th May. Next day, Occupation forces launched

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a massive operation in Helmand province close to Pakistans border and

claimed killing 150 militants.
On 14th May, 13 Taliban and two policemen were killed in clashes in
Helmand province. A teacher was shot dead for condemning suicide
bombings. Next day, at least 18 people were killed in a suicide attack in
Farah province.

COMMENTS
The US strategy of total reliance on use of force remained under
criticism. Raza Khan interviewed De Harlan Ullman. In reply to a question
about winning hearts and minds of the people of Afghanistan while the
Taliban were not ready to accept anything short of complete withdrawal of
foreign troops, he said: Let me be blunt! The problem with Afghanistan is
that the US does not have a strategy to deal with its problems. In fact, the
US has not been able to bring the required resources there.
We (the Afghan people, NATO, the US and Pakistan) can either win
or lose in Afghanistan in my judgment, but we need to focus on the civil
sector that we have not been doing adequately till now. By the civil
sector, I mean the need for putting in place a legal and judicial system. We
need to train the police force, work against corruption, create jobs and
develop infrastructure there
I have driven the Bush Administration into trying to think through
this, but it is fixated just on Iran and the global war on terror. I fail to
understand that if the US is prepared to talk to the Iraqi tribesmen, why is it
not prepared to negotiate with the Taliban simply because we make no real
distinction at the highest level between the highest level between the Taliban
and al-Qaeda; which is a profound strategic error.
Ali Abbas Rizvi wrote about NATO in Afghanistan. The desire in
the American ranks for NATO to do more in Afghanistan is reflected in
the remarks of the US Secretary Defence that he recently made at a security
conference in Munich, Germany. He said that the European security was tied
to the fighting in Afghanistan and in this regard (he listed) terrorist attacks in
Madrid, London Istanbul, Amsterdam, Paris and Glasgow. He claimed that
other such plots were disrupted in Belgium, Germany and Denmark and in
airliners over the Atlantic.
American officials claim that the 26 NATO countries operating in
Afghanistan are not meeting their pledges and not doing enough in the fight
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against the al-Qaeda and Taliban Second, the American worries are also
related to the money being spent on Afghanistan Why NATO is not
doing enough for Afghanistan as per the American wishes. Four reasons
are apparent:
First, for many NATO countries the Afghan mission is politically
unacceptable to some degree either because they have coalition
governments or minority governments
Second, NATO countries are finding coordination with the Americans
and other sister countries much difficult in the battlefield. This is not
surprising with the number of soldiers operating on the field with
different backgrounds, different training levels and weapon systems
that do not relate.
Third, NATO soldiers are facing the Jihadi elements who have fought
the Soviets in the past and then each other and who are at home on the
battlefield. These elements are well-versed with their terrain and mode
of operations against foreign forces.
Fourth, many NATO countries have sizeable Muslim populations.
They fear that their presence in Afghanistan and active involvement in
combat would create troubles at home.
Observers fear that the intense American pressure on NATO countries
for not doing enough in Afghanistan may not bring positive results. In fact, it
may lead to the fragmentation of the alliance, which is seeing troops from
some countries taking active part in battles with others sitting on the
sidelines, only providing logistical and moral support.
There is an old Sanskrit saying: O Lord, deliver me from the
venom of the cobra, teeth of the tiger and vengeance of the Afghans. The
Russians learnt it the hard way. With any luck, one hopes the Americans
would also quickly realize that Afghanistan is a quagmire, a swap that
swallows all who step on it.
Ghulam Asghar Khan observed that the Taliban had established their
influence across most of the country. While US attention is focused on alSadr militia uprising especially in Basra, there is a sudden surge of violence
in Afghanistan. A majority of NATO allies are unwilling to deal with a
situation that has no immediate remedy and is getting dangerous with
every passing day. The renewed violence in Iraq and Washingtons decision
to suspend further withdrawal of US troops from Iraq this summer making it

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harder for Pentagon to dispatch any more troops to Afghanistan as was

earlier promised by Bush.
A posse of 3,500 Marines arrived recently in the volatile south, but
theyre due to leave at years end. Currently there are indications that the
militants have invoked a new strategy of avoiding direct confrontation
with the NATO forces and staging attacks on comparatively easy targets
like Aid Agencies and poorly trained Afghan police where they have
achieved phenomenal success.
According to US intelligence sources, last year saw the worst
bloodshed in Afghanistan since the 2001 US-led invasion that toppled the
Taliban regime and drove bin Laden and his al-Qaeda militants into
Pakistans remote tribal region where they allegedly re-established bases and
were training terrorists and plotting renewed attacks on the US-led NATO
forces. With Afghan presidential election on the anvil next year, there is
an increased pressure on the US and NATO to contain the insurgency so
that the UN could proceed with the complex balloting preparations. The
future of US puppet Karzai is threatened, because the Taliban and other
opposing forces are planning to launch a forceful presidential contender in
the forthcoming election. The situation would be much more difficult for the
occupation forces to manage polls in Karzais favour.
The ISAF was initially charged with security of Kabul and
surrounding areas from Taliban and factional warlords, so as to facilitate the
establishment of the Afghan Transitional Government headed by Karzai. The
ISAF subsequent to UN Security Resolution of October 2003, extended its
jurisdiction all over Afghanistan in four main stages, and since 2006, it has
been involved in more intensive combat operations in southern Afghanistan.
As a consequence to the expansion the attacks on the ISAF have
multiplied.
Despite all these measures taken by the US-led forces, 24 ISAF
soldiers have been killed during the four months of this year, mostly in the
south. Taliban now claim to have influence across most of the country
and have extended their area of control from their traditional heartland in the
south. According to a BBC camera report they are able to freely operate
even in Kabuls neighbouring province of Wardak. But if anything, the battle
for Afghanistan is harder now than it was after the Taliban were banished
from Afghanistan.
Mujahideen Day attack on Karzai was widely commented upon. The
Nation wrote: Afghan President Hamid Karzai was lucky once again as
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he had a close call on Sunday right in the middle of the capital Kabul,
affirming the widespread perception that the writ of his government is
confined to the presidential palace, that is closely guarded by GIs. Stepping
out of it and exposing himself at a public place, even under strictest possible
security, was a risky affair. The assessment came true when Mr Karzai took
salute at a ceremony held to celebrate the Mujahideen Day
The Taliban seemed to be reveling in the thought that, although the
area had been combed for days ahead of the ceremony for hostile fighters,
they were able to strike to show the world that we can attack anywhere we
want to and that no one is safe. That, despite the US support and security,
life should be so unsafe that even the President could not perform his duties
undisturbed while in the capital and had to be hurriedly whisked away to
save his life from an assassins bullet, holds a lesson Mr Karzai.
The Taliban have sanctuaries all over Afghanistan, Kabul not
excluded. And a large modern army armed with hi-tech military and
intelligence equipment has failed to destroy them Mr Karzai should
ignore the American pressure and logic against talks with militants and
engage the Taliban who wish to opt for peace, in dialogue
His dissatisfaction with the US forces at arresting suspected Taliban
reveals deeper feelings of frustration against the foreign troops, which have
been condemned by the international media for indiscriminate attacks on
ordinary Afghans. One should not, therefore, be surprised at his patriotic
anger as he castigated the coalition forces for carrying the War on Terror to
Afghanistans villages. He would soon realize, perhaps he inwardly already
does, that peace can only come with the exit of foreign troops from the
countrys sacred soil.
Boston Globe wrote: When the Taliban tried and failed to kill
President Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan at military parade Sunday in the
Afghan capital, Kabul, the Islamist guerrilla group showed that it can
operate almost everywhere in that country. And, Karzais Americantrained police and security forces are still not professional enough to keep
Taliban hit-men wearing suicide vests more than 300 yards from their head
of state.
Nevertheless, the Sunday assault does not mean there has been any
significant change in the balance of forces between the Taliban and
Karzais NATO-backed government. This was at least the fourth foiled effort
to assassinate Karzai since 2002. It is nearly impossible to prevent a few
determined killers getting close enough to a public figure like Karzai to fire
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off a few rounds or blow themselves up. Such is the nature of asymmetrical
warfare.
The Taliban may have pulled off an ostentatious public relations coup
by sending Karzai and his foreign guests scurrying for cover. Yet the
Islamist movement is no closer to seizing power today than it has been
for the last seven years. Indeed, the attackmay be read as a sign of the
Talibans frustration with a war it can prolong indefinitely but cannot win.
The assassination attempt also demonstrates the fundamentalists rejection of
the legitimacy of Karzais elected government
Until now, impatience has been more of as problem for the United
States and its NATO allies than for the Taliban. Chances are that is still
the case. Because of the mistakes Karzais international backers made after
the toppling of the Taliban in the late 2001 Karzai and his foreign supporters
have no choice now but patiently to wage a long war against the Taliban.
Mazhar Qayyum Khan opined: Somehow, Afghan President Hamid
Karzai keeps riveting to his besetting failing, i.e. to the charge of a real
threat emanating from the sanctuaries al-Qaeda and the Taliban have found
in neighbouring Pakistan. Had he waited for just a couple of days before
pouring out his heart to The New York Times when not only Islamabad was
criticized and praised at the same time but the US and NATO also came
under severe attack, his brush with an assassin would have jolted him to the
reality of sanctuaries existing in Kabul as well.
The Mujahideen Day ceremony that was held to celebrate victory
over the Soviet forces last Sunday and was presided over by President
Karzai turned sour as the militants fired rockets and bullets from the rooftop
of a restaurant If militant opponents of the US-propped regime could stack
weapons right in the centre of the capital close to presidential palace, when
the head of state was to attend a national day ceremony and hurl grenades in
front of the stands not far from where he was seated, the simple conclusion
would be that the Taliban or al-Qaeda are not without sympathizers in
Kabul, who are ready to assist them in their designs.
Afghans, who are scornful of the occupation forces and would take
pride in sacrificing their lives, if needed, throw them out As a result, the
foreign forces record of achievement has been thoroughly dismal. They
have failed to smother the Afghan spirit of independence. After the lapse of
more than six years, the so-called terrorist threat continues to hang over their
heads and the heads of the US administration; for the terrorists they are

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after all indistinguishable from ordinary Afghans. They all carry guns as a
matter of traditional right, not necessarily to kill anyone.
In desperation, troops of the US-led coalition start shooting
indiscriminately, which prompted Mr Karzai to bemoan in the interview
that they were carrying the war on terror to Afghan villages. The complaint
is not new, he has expressed his outrage at this uncivilized behaviour and
stories about the bombings and shootings of peaceful citizens by foreign
troops have received global publicity...
The advocates of aggressive war against elusive Taliban have an
unending struggle ahead; they are up against darkness at the end of the
tunnel. President Bushs optimism notwithstanding, the course of American
invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan proves the point. Mr Karzai should be
telling the US administration that it is no time to wage imperial wars,
rather to reflect on the ways of removing the sense of injustice of the people
who have lived in subjugation. The foreign forces in Afghanistan as well as
Iraq had better pack up and go.
A genuine effort at reconciliation, reconstruction and recompense
would bring the right reward. There is no better way of removing the
threat to all that human civilization has achieved over the centuries, words
to that effect uttered by George W Bush as he was doctoring intelligence
reports to create mortal fear about the so-called stockpile of weapons of
mass destruction in the hands of President Saddam Hussein to justify an
aggressive war on Iraq.
The Nation also wrote on accusations against Pakistan hurled as
impulsive reaction to such incidents. The accusation by the Afghan spy
chief that Sundays attack on Hamid Karzai was masterminded by
miscreants hiding in Pakistans tribal areas seems like a ploy to divert
attention from the deteriorating law and order situation in Afghanistan.
In fact, the attack could not have displayed more plainly the freedom with
which the militants operate in the accusers own country.
It is sad to learn that the charge leveled by the intelligence chief
coincides with the report from the US State Department that al-Qaeda
has been re-grouping in certain areas in Pakistans tribal belt along with
Afghanistan. This is for the first time that serious concern has been
displayed about the security situation in Pakistan since the new government
took office. The new leaderships resolve to find a political solution to the
problem of militancy has been distasteful to the US.

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On the other hand, the Afghan government needs to put its house in
order. As daily reports of violence show, there is a lot that needs to be done.
Terrorist activities have only increased and the menace seems to erupt with
renewed energy. The Taliban in the south of the country continue to operate
as if there was no writ of the state. That is the real issue that has to be
projected. Blaming Pakistan, which is key in the war on terror, only flies
in the face of the cooperation and support Islamabad has extended.
Adil Sultan talked of Pakistan-US trust deficit. The US failures in
Afghanistan could not be attributed to Pakistan. Pakistan may be pivotal
nation in terms of its support to the coalition efforts in Afghanistan, but any
successes or failures within Afghanistan, are mainly the responsibility of the
coalition partners themselves. If there is need do more, then each partner
country needs to do more, not just Pakistan.
Challenging the often repeated accusation of not doing enough, the
former Governor of the NWFP, Lt Gen Aurakzai aptly remarked that
either NATO is trying to hide its own weaknesses by leveling allegations
against Pakistan or is refusing to admit the facts. He questioned: Why did
the coalition come to Afghanistan? To find al-Qaeda, Osama bin Laden,
Mullah Omar and the Taliban; or for democracy, reconstruction and
development, and leave a stable Afghanistan which wouldnt be vulnerable
to terrorists. Tell me, which one of those objectives has been achieved? I
went to Kabuland they are all living in a big bunker with no control over
Afghanistan. There is no law and order. The insurgency has become far
worse is that success?
Instead of blaming Pakistan for the failures of the international
community and widening the trust deficit between the two allies, Smith
writes: The United States needs to bear in mind two salient facts: for the
United States, Pakistan is a critical lynchpin in the war on terrorism
Pakistans destabilization would not only be detrimental at the regional level
but would have serious implications for global security environment.
Ahmed Quraishi was of the view that Pakistan should reconsider its
policy on war in Afghanistan. To understand the game, here is a
simplified and imaginary example: In 2002, we used to know about most
of the possible terrorists in Pakistans tribal region, their backgrounds and
connections. In 2008, there are more of them, all claiming to be Mujahideen,
and we dont know who they are, what their background is and whose war
they are fighting. Discount from this hypothetical example the number of

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misguided Pakistanis who naively joined this anti-Pakistan terrorism

thinking it is real jihad, and the picture is complete.
Pakistans interim interior minister, Mr Hamid Nawaz, has finally
dared to say publicly what a lot of people already know. If our American
friends are not stabbing us in the back, due to our real or imaginary duplicity
in the war on terror, the US is certainly turning a blind eye to strong antiPakistan activities in a US-controlled Afghanistan.
The biggest loser in the current stalemate in Afghanistan is
Pakistan and not the US or NATO. Almost all the major players in the
region the US, Afghan warlords, Iran, Russia, India, the Karzai regime
have made some gains in the situation that emerged after 9/11. Even the
Taliban are now making gains inside Afghanistan.
According to officials watching this story, outside elements are
working in collusion with disgruntled local extremists, many of them
apparently misguided or deliberately indoctrinated to work against the
Pakistan state. This is where the Afghan Taliban enter the picture. The
Afghan Taliban have so far refrained from attacking US ally Pakistan
despite Islamabads U-turn after 9/11.
The sudden rise of the Pakistani Taliban initially puzzled the
Afghan Taliban. It could be true that the Afghan Taliban initially saw this as
a welcome development that would help the cause of resisting the invaders
in Afghanistan and leverage the Musharraf administrations pro-US policies.
But the Afghan Taliban grew suspicious when the self-styled Pakistani
Taliban, awash with money and weapons, turned their guns on Pakistan. In
January, Mulla Omar withdrew recognition from Baitullah Mehsud.
The best idea to emerge is for Islamabad to declare neutrality in the
war in Afghanistan. According to this idea, Pakistan could talk to both the
Taliban and the Karzai administration while maintaining equal distance
from both. Islamabad already has a working relationship with Kabul but
will need to restore the lost relationship with the Taliban. If the Pakistani
broker can establish its credentials as a neutral party, there can be hope for
brokering peace between Kabul and its local enemies.
The only downside to this idea is the reaction of the United States.
And we have seen the first sign of it in the reaction of the US embassy in
Islamabad to the statement of our interior minister. Ambassador Patterson
dismissed the ministers statement as simply untrue. She needs to explain
why the US Department of State continues to refuse to designate the so-

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called Balochistan Liberation Army a terrorist organization, the way

London did.
Carlotta Gall recommended a solution. When the Taliban appeared
last year in Afghanistans Maidan Wardak province just south of Kabul and
started kidnapping aid workers, it caused real alarm. The main highway from
the Taliban strongholds in the south runs through here in Wardak and
this province is considered the gateway to Kabul.
A new government agency quickly conducted a survey and found
broad distrust of the police chief and other local officials in the province.
On closer inspection, only 400 men policed the whole province, but the
government was paying for 1,100. The difference was lining the pockets of
local officials.
Soon, the police chief was removed, and Afghan and NATO security
forces routed some of the Taliban. Nearly six months later, distrustful
villagers who once tolerated or even supported the insurgents have come
forward to work with the government, officials say.
Local governance is the buzzword on everyones lips, one Afghan
development official said, shorthand for extending the governments
presence in the provinces, making it perform better and provide muchneeded public services. The lack of it is souring Afghans and diplomats on
the government of Afghan President Hamid Karzai and raising real concerns
about its ability to battle the Taliban insurgents who feed on local
dissatisfaction. The United Nations has reported that about 20 percent of
districts 78 districts of 376 in the country remain off limits to its workers
because of insecurity and the insurgency. Government officials are unable to
go to 36 districts.
With presidential elections next year Karzai is looking ahead of his
own re-election, and several officials familiar with the directorate suggested
that it was part of a strategy to deliver the vote for him. Popal acknowledged
that part of his job was also to ensure that the governors were loyal to the
president.
One immediate benefit has been to streamline decision-making. For
the governors and provincial officials, they now have an office dedicated to
their affairs, even if it already seems overloaded. The turning pointing
Wardak came when the government began to deliver on its promises,
Popal said.

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Nevertheless, the Taliban still had the edge, he said. People remained
indifferent to the government, so to engage them, he started to form
district councils with representative from every sizeable village. In
Wardak, the task was to resolve routine issues but also to work on how to
keep the Taliban out.
An early plan to arm the community representatives has been
abandoned, Popal said. He continued: We should fight with better
governance and better intelligence. We have to empower communities to
better defend themselves, not with weapons but with organization.

CONCLUSION
Bush has vowed to fight the Afghanistan War to the finish, so have
the Afghans (Pakhtuns) pledged in this context. Who will survive at the time
of arriving at the finish point? It is quite difficult to predict. But, one thing is
quite certain that Bush will not be at the helm of affair then. He will finish
his tenure in January 2009.
The question is: Does the United States really want peace in
Afghanistan? A large number of analysts opine, and rightly so, that the US
does not want peace, because a low key controllable violence suits it as a
pretext to hang around amid Islamic World.

16th May 2008

DIVORCED! NOT YET

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PPP and PML-N formed an odd couple under compulsion of the

circumstances. Both have been irritating and embarrassing each other right
from the day one. Subsurface inconvenience has been the hallmark of all socalled marriages of convenience.
Zardari, the bigger partner of the partnership, could not be an easy
person to go along with despite his smiles. Even in real life the spouse of
Smiling Scoundrel found him unbearable at times. During the exile she felt
at peace as long as they remained separated.
She could not afford divorce and it was also avoided to have an
umbrella of marriage how-so-ever inconvenient it would have been. This
umbrella was quite useful as long as it did not curtail her freedom of action.
Thus, she maintained it till her assassination.
Nawaz Sharif has developed similar feelings for Zardari in less than
four months. He too has preferred separation' over divorce. But, Nawaz has
to bear in mind that his case has one big difference from that of Benazir
Bhutto; he cannot afford to be assassinated politically. Sooner or later he has
to part ways with the Smiling Scoundrel.

EVENTS
On 10th May, PML-N said it would step aside but wait for the PPP to
act before expiry of the deadline. Zardari wanted yet another deadline of
May 20. In London, PML-N leaders failed in denting the PPPs fortified
position presented by Rehman Malik and Hussain Haqqani to defend partys
stand on restoration of judges. Richard Boucher met Zardari and Nawaz in
London to help the resolve the judges issue.
Back home the Prime Minister downplayed differences over judges
issue. Aitzaz rejected any solution sans the deposed CJP. Kurd said no more
deadlines would be accepted. Fazl wanted continuation of talks between PPP
and PML-N. PM denied but Naek and Prof Khurshid confirmed proposal of
two Supreme Courts.
Next day, London talks fizzled out; Zardari said government wont
commit a wrong to rectify a wrong and PPP leaders in Pakistan rattled
similar lines like parrots. (In fact, what he meant was that he would prefer
condoning rather than correcting a wrong committed by his NRO-buddy
who has condoned hundreds of his wrongs in one stroke of his pen.) Nawaz
Sharif planned to return to Pakistan and announce future line of action on
12th May.
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The Supreme Court directed the print and electronic media neither to
publish nor telecast any news item in respect of the person of a judge in any
capacity, nor display his photograph on TV and in newspapers without
proper verification and permission of the registrar of the Court. Dubai-based
Geo TV channel was asked not to air any programme on the issue of
reinstatement of the deposed judges and not to make a mention of them.
Ansar Abbasi reported: Yet again, the media in Pakistan is under
serious threat. Alarm bells have already started ringing. Naked warnings are
being overtly given. Lists of troublemakers in the media are being
compiled and NRO-laundered intelligence sleuths are being assigned to
straighten out the crooked pen-pushers.
Manzoor Wattoo and forward block of PML-Q met Gilani in Lahore
and assured support in Punjab. Gilani denied backdoor links with Musharraf.
Arrest of May 12 culprits was demanded. Imran Khan finalized preparations
for filing a case against Altaf in the UK. Mariana Baabar reported that US
distanced itself from judges issue and Richard Boucher had dashed to
London and met Zardari and Nawaz to confirm what Mariana has reported.
On 12th May, Nawaz Sharif revived the tradition of keeping the word
which had become unknown in Pakistani politics since the departure of the
Quaid. He announced the quitting of PML-N from federal government, but
the party wont sit on opposition benches. He vowed to struggle for
restoration of the deposed judges. Zardari said PPP would continue
supporting PML-N in Punjab.
The PCO Supreme Court amended its order to media. It prohibited
publishing and telecasting derogatory news items against judges of the apex
court. Zardari denied that he had asked Dubai to block Geo telecast. Rehman
Malik also denied threatening Dr Shahid Masood. Sherry said the Agency
has not cleared issue of licence for Geo English.
Lawyers observed black day to protest Karachi killings. Aitzaz vowed
to fight for restoration of judges till last drop of blood. Rehman Malik
warned all segments of the society to stay away from agitation. Imran Khan
accused Zardari of blocking restoration of judges.
Pakistan was readmitted to the folds of Commonwealth as
acknowledgement of Musharrafs services to democracy. Nawaz Sharif
filed papers from NA-52. Rauf Klasra reported that Gilani was replaying
anti-Nawaz role in Punjab.

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Next day, the regime (de jure PPPs and de facto Musharrafs) made
yet another shocking move to further distort the cause for restoration of the
judiciary by contacting several deposed judges of the provincial high courts
with the offer to re-appoint them as judges of the respective high courts but
at the cost of compromising their pre-Nov 3 seniority.
Gilani said he was not authorized to accept resignations of the PML-N
ministers; Zardari will come and decide. Nawaz Sharif filed papers from
NA-123 and his papers in NA-52 were challenged by PML-Q. Container
case against Zardari was also dropped.
On 14th May, residents of a locality overpowered three bandits,
thrashed them to death and set their dead bodies on fire. They bandits were
fleeing after committing robbery. The residents justified their act saying that
there was no use handing over the criminals to police who set them free.
Zardari, who had rushed to Pakistan to hold a party meeting, had to
meet the US Ambassador first leaving the party members waiting for the
scheduled meeting. Zardari and Patterson discussed the options for fresh
coalitions after resignations by the PML-N ministers. He then presided the
meeting in which party members from Punjab expressed their anger for
PML-N. After the meeting Zardari announced that alliance in Punjab would
continue and said resolution for restoration judges was being prepared.
Punjab government withdrew a special facility given to a friend of
Musharraf. He had been allowed to use VIP parking lot of an airport for his
jet free of cost. In fact, the government will recover parking fee for the last
six months worth Rs 7 million. Salman Taseer, an ex minister of PPP, was
appointed Governor of Punjab. Gilani visited GHQ and promised to meet
armys needs.
Ansar Abbasi reported that the deposed judges have been put under
tremendous pressure by the government to create a split within them.
Deposed judges were reported to have blasted attempts to offer them charity.
DG Institute of Strategic Studies Islamabad, Shireen M Mazari, was axed for
being too vocal in her criticism of Pakistan related US policy.
Tariq Butt summed up his report on PPPs performance by titling it
shattered hope, happy presidency and expectant PML-Q. Rehman Malik
said Rs450 billion MQM-related housing scam and Punjab Bank scam were
being probed. APDM advised Nawaz Sharif not to sail in two boats and
asked him to join opposition parties. ARY Gold case was also thrown out of
the window; courtesy NRO.

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Next day, nomination papers of Sharifs, Aitzaz and Rashid were

accepted. The acceptance of Sharif brothers papers exposed ECP as it had
rejected their papers only five months ago. Observers feared that the ECP
could still act on instructions from outside.
PML-N resented the appointment of Salman Taseer as governor of
Punjab. PPP spokesman said Zardari has taken Khosa and Khwaja Asif into
confidence; both of them said they were only informed after the decision had
been taken. Observers read it as a move to topple PML-N government.
Raja Shahid Zafar became the first leader from within the PPP to
throw stone at Zardari. He accused Zardari of appointing imported men as
ministers and in important slots. Meanwhile, Raza Rabbani demanded
sacking of Malik Qayyum.
Salman Taseer was sworn in as Governor Punjab on 16th May. The
new governor vowed to turn Punjab into Larkana and he wanted Prince
Bilawal to contest elections from Lahore. He meant business; perhaps
Business Plus like Emergency Plus. PML-N boycotted the ceremony.
Nawaz said he and his party was only informed, not consulted. MQM
welcomed Taseers appointment.
Prime Minister and Zardari visited ISI HQ and were briefed on
security matters. PPP lawyers were suspected of sabotaging the movement
for judges restoration. Mushahid said PML-Q was ready to help on judges
issue, which meant the kings men were also on board for the package.
Rauf Klasra reported that in the party meeting held in Zardari House
the MPs one after the other showered praise on Zardari saying he was the
best politician after ZAB and BB, but Ms Nasreen Chaudhry argued for
restoration of judges to the disliking of Zardari. Aitzaz remained quiet
during the meeting and despite that he has been kept guessing over party
ticket for by-election.
Patterson and Naek discussed the package of the legal reforms and the
nation was yet not aware of the contents of that package. The US
ambassador promised to finance the judicial reforms, which meant the US
has approved the package.

VIEWS

499

On the political front there has been lot of activity without any
result. Perhaps, it has to do with nature of politics in this part of the world.
Like the Indo-Pak composite dialogue, PPP-PML-N dialogue too made no
headway despite several rounds and in either case the root cause has been
the core issue.
On 11th May, The News on Sunday interviewed some of the stake
holders in the on going PPP-PML-N dialogue. Raja Zafarul Haq while
talking to Shahzada Irfan Ahmed said: I would simply deny any softening
of stance of the PML-N on this issue of great significance for the country
and its people. In fact, the PML-N has succeeded in convincing the PPP that
the deposed judges need to be restored through a resolution.
Commenting on walking out of two members of the committee he
said: Here I would like to correct you. These representatives of the
lawyers community have not disassociated themselves from the
committee for the restoration of the deposed judges. In fact, they have given
their suggestions and pointed out bottlenecks that need to be removed to
achieve this end.
Farhatullah Babar in interview to Usman Ghafoor was asked to clarify
the ambiguity in PPPs stance on restoration issue; was it deliberate? He
replied: No. There has never been any ambiguity in PPPs stand on the
judges issue. We believe that the mini martial law or, as some call it,
emergency plus, that was imposed on Nov 3, was unconstitutional and
illegal. It was designed primarily to sack the judges. Therefore, the sacked
judges have to be restored in order to undo the effect of a patently
unconstitutional act.
Having said that the constitutional amendments, decisions and
orders made after the emergency plus must also be reviewed and
reversed. There can be no two ways about that. There may be different
opinions on how to go about it, but there are no differences on what has to
be done with regard to restoring the sacked judges through the Parliament.
As the Law Minister has said, the draft resolution to be tabled in
the National Assembly for the restoration of judges has been finalized by
the Committee. Its a big achievement that demonstrates the consistency of
the PPPs stand on the issue as well as that of our coalition partner the
PML-N.
There is no alternative to undoing the pernicious effects of postNov 3 actions and to the restoration of the sacked judges through the

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Parliament. The absence of alternatives makes the mind clear and does not
allow for ambiguities.
Naeem Bokhari when asked by Aoun Sahi about his open letter
against the CJP, replied: Look, I wrote an open letter just to point out the
attitude of Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry as the Chief Justice and, in that
letter; I just discussed the legal issues. I am still of the view that his
behaviour as chief justice was not correct; he did not clear the backlog and
converted the Supreme Court into a trial court
In reply to a question as to why the people and vast majority of
lawyers want the CJP to be restored he replied: In fact, the issue is no more
judicial, but a political one Apart from PML-N, no other political party
including PPP, ANP, JUI-F and MQM have fought elections on the judges
issue and PML-N has not come up as the majority party. But it is trying
to impose its decisions on the majority of parties.
He was asked: Both parties have agreed to restore the deposed
judges. Even then you think the issue will not be resolved? He said:
What will happen if these judges are restored through a resolution? They
will go to the Supreme Court in a big procession, whereas sitting judges will
deny them entry. They will resort to force and get embroiled in a scuffle with
the law-enforcing agencies. If some of them are injured or treated badly, a
new movement will start. The other scenario can be that they barge into the
chambers of sitting judges; they will thrash them out and occupy their
chambers. This can be even more dangerous and sanctity of Supreme Court
will be affected badly.
Justice Tariq Mahmood told Farah Zia that there is this sense that
the lawyers are putting undue pressure on the parliament for solutions as
they want. Because some people say change in the country has not come
as a consequence of the lawyers movement but because of the ballot
box. Justice Tariq commented: You see, before March 9, 2007, no one
could ever think that we will be able to get rid of Musharraf who also
categorically stated that Nawaz Sharif sans Mohtrama Benazir has no role in
the upcoming election. Then, after March 9, wherever the chief justice went,
there was a small but consistent presence of the political parties. No doubt
they wanted to see democracy return to this country but they also saw that
the lawyers movement which stood for the rule of law and constitutional
supremacy and independence of judiciary was also taking Gen Musharraf
head on. Thus they welcomed it and encouraged it.

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He was asked: Can we interpret it this way that the politicians

exploited the emerging situation to their advantage? Tariq said: Well,
you can also use the word avail instead of exploit because they wanted to
get rid of the military dictatorship. In that situation Musharrafs position
started weakening and a major development that took place alongside was
the general awareness about the issue, of course aided in huge measure by
the role played by the media. So, even the laymen started discussing various
constitutional provisions.
What happened through this movement was that Musharraf was
weakened. Otherwise the election would still have taken place minus
Benazir and Nawaz Sharif. But because of this, he was forced to go to Dubai
and engage in a dialogue with the political forces.
When asked about the boycott call he admitted: I accept that people
did not go with the call for boycott. Because, you see, election offers a
tremendous opportunity for change. You can either bring a change through
ballot or bullet. The people opted for the ballot and we should acknowledge
that the call for boycott was rejected. We had fears that the elections would
be massively rigged and even though they were not totally fair at least they
gave a clear verdict against Musharraf-led dispensation.
Hamid Zaman spokesman of CCP, while answering a question by
Ammar Ali Jan about the prevailing situation regarding restoration of the
judges said: Well, hope has been an integral part of the struggle of the
civil society and we still remain hopeful for the restoration of the judiciary.
However, our hope has been diluted since the PPP has given mixed signals
about the restoration of the judiciary which is causing a lot of confusion
among the masses. This is why; the APDM and a large section of the civil
society demanded a boycott of elections because we knew that these
political parties have the tendency to compromise on such issues. The
Musharraf government was forced to hold free elections on the polling day
due to international pressure, but the conspiracies against democracy have
not seized in the President House. We hope that the PPP does not fall a prey
to such conspiracies and takes a principled stand for the restoration of the
judges.
Liaqat Baloch was asked by Saeed-ur-Rehman as to why the people
ignored the boycott call of APDM, he said: My position is that we took a
principled stand and now the political situation in Pakistan is proving our
decision right. At that time, if all the parties had decided to boycott the
elections, we could have brought down the Musharraf regime. Those who

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did not boycott are still struggling to get their act together. Now different
parties are trying to give different reasons for their victory in the elections.
However, it is a fact that only those parties got the vote which were
committed the restoration of the unfairly dismissed judiciary. People are
serious about the issue of judiciary and that is what they asserted when
casting their votes.
The MPL-N ministers quitted the federal cabinet as protest against
non-implementation of Murree Accord. The News wrote: The party (PMLN) has said that its support to and cooperation with the PPP government will
continue and that the latter will not be put under any pressure. This resolve
to keep the coalition intact, notwithstanding the deep rift that seems to have
crept into it, perhaps reflects the PML-Ns fear that if the PPP was
abandoned, it might seek the support of pro-Musharraf elements who would
be more than happy to rejoin the government, in any shape or form, to
isolate Nawaz Sharif and his party. The dilemma thus facing Nawaz Sharif
is serious and complex.
Despite the flexibility shown by the PML-N to concede the presence
of the judges who took oath on the Nov 3 PCO, Mr Sharif has gained in
stature by at least, in theory, sticking to publicly-stated principles.
Conversely the PPP now looks more and more like an ally of the presidency
where a revival of political fortunes is being visualized and aggression on
several fronts already visible. The overt campaign to bring new media curbs,
using indirect methods including the PCO courts, coupled with moves to
revive the PML-Q, albeit under a new leadership, may well be the sign of a
rejuvenated presidency.
The breakdown on the judges issue could possibly reignite both
the lawyers and sections of civil society who have both been taking to the
streets in the not-too-distant past demanding their immediate reinstatement.
Here, it should be remembered that the PML-N was an active catalyst and
facilitator of these protests and it may well, covertly or otherwise, resume
this role. Clearly, the best approach now would be to minimize the damage
done and this could be done by both parties settling down to at least a
working relationship after acknowledging that certain difference exist.
What it must further do now is to remove the growing perception that
everything it is doing is at the behest of and in support to President
Musharraf as part of its commitments made before and after general
elections. This perception of the PPP becoming a B team or, according

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to some cynic, an A team, of President Musharraf would be politically

disastrous.
Shafqat Mahmood opined that the split was foretold. The signs were
always there but we chose to ignore them It is now obvious that at no
stage was Mr Zardari prepared to restore the judiciary to the preNovember 3 status. He went through the motions of signing agreements and
making pious statements just to obfuscate the issue.
It is not very clever to sign deals and then renege on them. It
would have been far better to make ones intent clear right from the start. If it
is true, as Mr Zardari says, that the PPP did not contest elections to restore
the judiciary to the November 3 status, then what was the need to make such
a pledge? It only adds to a sense of betrayal in the end.
Besides the legal questions, the biggest red herring has been the
constitutional package. It is obvious that the coalition does not have the
numbers to get such an amendment passed because it does not have a twothirds majority in the Senate. The package thus amounted to delaying the
issue for at least a year when the next Senate election is due. Now Mr
Zardari says that he is going to bring a resolution in the joint sitting of
parliament. How does this help? It too has no legal status. It does not confer
on the resolution the status of a constitutional amendment just because a
joint sitting has approved it. It is another attempt to confuse the issue.
The PPP made no secret of its desire to work with Musharraf. Its
prime minister has started to visit the old Army House just as Shaukat Aziz
used to do. The back channel contacts thanks to the Rehman Malik-Tariq
Aziz link are alive and well If Mr Bouchers unscheduled London stops
were not enough, the American ambassador has again linked up with Mr
Zardari on his return. It is a cozy setup between Mr Musharraf, the PPP and
the Americans. Where does Mr Sharif fit into this?
Things are likely to get complicated further if and when the
lawyers movement starts. Mr Sharif says that his party will be a part of it.
This means that the Punjab government will not stop the marches even if it
does nothing to encourage them. How will Musharraf and the PPP react
then? Moves are already afoot to create an alternate government in Punjab.
The appointment of Mr Salman Taseer as governor of the province is
significant.
The presidents camp is thus not waiting for a formal split
between the coalition to make its move. The plan is not only to link up Q
League with the PPP, but make a forward bloc in the PML-N. Deliberate
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rumours are being floated that the current chief minister, Mr Khosa, will be a
part of it. I dont believe this is true but it helps to create a climate for horse
trading. A Wattoo scenario of the early nineties is being forecast and the
irony is that the main player then is still around to ply his trade.
The people of Pakistan have been short-changed again. Their clear
and unambiguous verdict against Musharraf and establishment has been
thwarted on the altar of cynical self-interest. The struggle is not over. A new
day of battles is about to dawn.
Nasim Zehra, like all ladies, was quite inquisitive. She whispered; is
the break permanent? Early evening on May 10, after the marathon ZardariNawaz session had failed to the deadlock, three interlocutors from the two
parties, Khwaja Asif, Rehman Malik and Hussain Haqqani, met at
Starbucks coffee shop to draft a friendly divorce document.
Three interlocutors went about trying, yet again to strike at a
workable formula for the restoration. Reportedly they drew up a draft of
sorts. Hurriedly they asked the PML-N president Shahbaz Sharif to join
them. He did and together the four apparently reached some consensus
agreement. But by the next afternoon, hours before the PML-N teams
departure for Islamabad, the PPP requested for some more time to
finalize the agreement. The PML-N asked for a detailed roadmap projecting
definitive actions. However when the PML-N team departed the PPP-PMLN were back to square one.
Now with the PML-N having quit the cabinet posts the vital
question is whether the coalition can survive. The most obvious answer
would be a likely no. Obviously if the lawyers movement demanding
restoration of the judges supported by peoples groups and the media are
back on the streets and begin targeting the PPP government, the PML-N may
be forced to join, hence being part of an active and belligerent anti-PPP
lawyers movement drawing a wedge between the PPP-PML-N.
This would inevitably put the coalition under pressure and will also
impact on the smooth running of the PML-N-led coalition government in
Punjab. This notwithstanding, there is no inevitability of the coalition
breaking up. There are a multiple connected factors that can still prevent
a breakup. Four are noteworthy.
One, how soon the PPP moves to restore the judges. If the PPP
does not move within a fortnight or so to take concrete action to restore the
judges, the lawyer community and non-parliamentary political and nonpolitical groups will likely show some patience and understanding. In such a
505

situation the popular political dynamic would not take an anti-government

turn.
Two, what route the PPP take for the restoration? If the PPP opts
for the Article 182 route seeking appointment of the post-November 3
appointees as adhoc judges, it will mean that restoration could be immediate
and less risky. Constitutionally, adhoc judges enjoy the same power and the
same jurisdiction as a regular SC judge.
Three, is there an actual PPP-presidency deal in the works? If
such a deal did exist and included smooth withdrawal of all the cases filed
against Mr Zardari within and outside of Pakistan and the replacement of the
PML-N with the PML-Q as the PPPs coalition partner, the demise of the
coalition will be guaranteed.
Four, how far is Zardari able to handle what is commonly
believed to be the Bush Administrations pressure which it can bring to
bear upon the PPP leader by virtue of having been the guarantor of the PPPMusharraf power-sharing arrangement? Clearly pressure will be exerted for
the survival of Musharraf and therefore to avoid that restoration content and
route that is acceptable to the controversial president. It was no coincident
that the US factor in the form of Undersecretary of State Richard Boucher
appeared in London and did engage with both the party leaders. Whatever
may have been Washingtons past role, Mr Zardaris own current political
positioning does give him the leeway to take decisions that will strengthen
an independent judiciary even if it weakens the controversial president
The PPP still holds the key to ensuring smooth transition towards
genuine democracy while continued PML-N patience and coalition
partnership is required. To prevent the coalitions breakup, clearly the
resolution of the judges issue is necessary within the short term. Failure to
do so could undermine the credibility of the PPP leadership: it would lend
credence to the view that Asif Zardaris priority to clear himself of the
corruption cases at home and abroad scuttled the historic restoration
opportunity; that for Zardari the PPP-Musharraf reconciliation carried more
weight than the PPP-PML-N reconciliation the end of the coalition could
be the beginning of yet another round of political instability in Pakistan and
a major setback for democracy. Pakistan cannot afford that.
Chris Cork called it Kamikaze politics. In the spirit of fairness to all
it must be said that life cannot be easy for the politicians who have to
operate in an environment very different to the pre-Musharraf years. A
plethora of TV channels in a Babel of languages all have airtime to fill, and
506

one way of filling it is by asking pointed questions of politicians unused to

being accountable to anybody; let alone grubby scribblers and hoary old
commentators who never have good word to say for anybody. Unused also
to being presented with what they said yesterday, being different to what
they are saying today, and then looking decidedly foolish as a result. Small
wonder then that rumours are floating around that the media is going to have
its wings clipped again and the much vexed issue of the granting of a
licence to another English-language news channel has also resurfaced for an
airing. Further stress accrues from unnatural alliances and the vast amounts
of time and energy consumed in pandering over the cracks inherent in such
unstable structures.
Life is also complicated for the politicos by having to put
themselves on fast-forward and making expedient commitments that are
impossible to honour within improbably short time frames this last
impediment leading to the arrival on deck of the aircraft carrying the mortal
remains of the coalition which even as these words are typed is exploding in
glorious Technicolor slow-motion; an explosion witnessed by everybody
except those actually involved in the detonation who are deaf and blind to
all but their own perceptions.
It may be unpalatable, but the success of the February 18 polls is
translating now into a re-run of history rather than a turning of new
leaves. There can be no real and lasting rapprochement between the PPP and
the PML-N, their ideological and philosophical differences run wider and
deeper than the judges issue, and the coalition between the two was never
more than Fools Gold. A further round of painful contortions around the
theme of we are committed to working together will yield the same
stalemate and eventually to new polls as the government falls.
The restoration of the judges is the catalyst that has grown bigger
than its intended purpose, and whilst there can be no denying either the
importance or the relevance of a resolution to the issue there is a country out
there, real people with real lives to lead, crying out for governance that has a
semblance of probity. Instead, they are treated to a display of Kamikaze
politicsand remember that the Kamikaze pilots of Japan may have died
with honour but they did nothing to save their nation from defeat.
Mir Jamilur Rahman wrote: The Sharif-Zardari meeting in London
was held to save the coalition from its preordained fate. The senior leaders
of the PML-N were assisting Sharif in the talks. But there was no PPP leader
or official to assist Mr Zardari. He had taken along two former civil servants

507

as his aides. There could be two reasons for relegation of the party to a
secondary position to the bureaucrats. One, Zardari had made up his mind
about the judges issue, so there was no need for PPP officials to assist him
in the talks. Two, Mr Zardari according to his own words, is Yaron ka Yar (a
friend of friends). Most probably he considers his bureaucrat friends who
have shared his self-imposed exile cleverer and more trustworthy than the
PPP seniors.
Asif Zardari is developing into an exemplary politician. He has
quickly learned how to eat his own words without betraying signs of
discomfort. He did it in the matter of Makhdoom Amin Fahim and he has
done it on the judges issue Consider the Murree Declaration signed by
him and Sharif. There is no ambiguity in its wording. In the simplest of
words it seeks restoration of the judges. But Zardari has now started
emphasizing the virtues of legalities.
There is another aspect of the Zardari-Sharif talks that is quite
mysterious. Admittedly, Mr Gilani is a stand-in prime minister for Mr
Zardari, but it does not mean that the prime minister should be marginalized
while the co-chairman of the party takes major political and administrative
decisions. Not once was there an indication that Zardari and the prime
minister have also discussed the judges issue. At no stage was Mr Gilani
involved in the talks, even when the Murree Declaration was being signed.
His only contribution to PPP-PML-N amity was a farewell lunch he
hosted for the PML-Ns outgoing ministers and a telephone call he made to
Nawaz Sharif seeking cooperation for the strengthening of democracy.
Nawaz Sharif has emerged as a no-nonsense leader of substance
who does not mince his words. His views on democracy and independent
judiciary are not intricate. He is not fighting for an office but for democracy
and stability. For instance, he does not see political and economic stability in
the country as long as Musharraf is president. He apprehends that it would
be a goodbye to independent judiciary and democracy if the sacked judges
were not reinstated.
APDM and the PML-N have already announced their support to the
lawyers movement, which has the potential of becoming a popular
movement if the situation is not handled with civility. Matters might get
out of hand if Islamabad attempted to ruffle the Punjab government
headed by the PML-N.
The News tried to view it from the presidency. While a general air
of disappointment prevails within the country following the collapse, so
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early on in the innings of government, of the PPP-PML-N partnership, at

the presidency there is evidence of delight. This of course, from the
perspective of President Pervez Musharraf, is understandable. Any
immediate threat to his own place in office seems to have receded and in fact
there has been evidence of a recent revival within the presidency as it
resumes efforts to control events in the country. The attack on the media
launched by the courts is believed to be one manifestation of this new effort
to control dissent.
Efforts are also on to resurrect the PML-Q, possibly under a new
leadership. After the refusal of Chaudhrys to obligingly step aside, new
tactics are being developed to place at the head of the party a figure the PPP
may be willing to enter into a deal with. Some also say other, more subtle,
presidential games have been afoot for weeks with the cooperation of
individuals within the PPP. Certainly, for the moment, those orchestrating
these games have won.
The unstinting US and establishment support for President Musharraf
has also, of course, played a large part in making all this possible. The US,
eager to ensure its key ally on terror does not bow out before President
Bush, so that the pretence of success in the war against terrorism can be
dragged on, has openly backed Musharraf, brow-beaten political parties into
accepting him and also attempted to manipulate decisions regarding the
judiciary. It has also played its role in ensuring the establishment continues
to stand with Musharraf.
For the PPP government trying time lie ahead. Renewed protests by
lawyers are a possibility; there has been talk of a new long march to
Islamabad. The disastrous possibility of police battling lawyers outside
parliament seems terribly real. At the same time, a confrontation between the
PPP and the media seems also to be developing. None of this augurs well.
While he still has time and at least a little room to maneouvre in Asif Ali
Zardari must pause, take a step back, and survey the scene generally An
alliance now with anti-democratic forces will tarnish the PPP, possibly
forever, and as such Mr Zardari must carefully consider his actions in terms
of both the near-term future of the Gilani government and the longer-term
future of a party that has held central stage in national politics since the late
1960s.
Zardari continued to be criticized on different counts. Kamal Siddiqi
wrote: One year on, we are still at a loss over the incidents of May 12 in
Karachi. There are many questions we want answered. For one, where was

509

the government that day? Why did the government and all its law enforcing
arms the police, the Rangers and the Army, whom we as taxpayers support
with our hard-earned money look the other way as hoodlums took over
parts of the city.
The city of Karachi has never recovered from May 12. Ask
businessmen and investors who will tell you that ever since that day people
have been reluctant to visit, let alone put in money in this economic engine
of Pakistan. Since then, people are fearful not only of the mafias and their
political allies, but of the government and the law enforcers as well.
Some weeks back we were told that a sinister Brigadier Huda (Upar
Khuda aur Neechay Huda), who headed a premier intelligence agency was
summoned back to Islamabad after a stint as chief in Sindh. People in the
know called Huda the real CM of Sindh. He was said to have orchestrated
the events that took place on May 12. We will never know the truth as the
past is dead and buried. Too many questions lead to accidents, we are
warned.
This week, the information minister of Sindh, Shazia Marri, who is
always in adorable make-up, said that we should forget the events of May
12. Let us move on, she told the media. But is that not what we have been
doing for so long? We have not arrived at anything.
The people of Pakistan, for one, want to know who was behind the
death of several on May 12. Why were innocent people killed? Who was
responsible for blocking the streets and bringing the city to a halt? Why
were the Rangers and police not doing anything? Now we want to know
what became of the inquiry committee. It is an interesting thought, but who
has been arrested so far for the crimes of that day? Who will be tried and
who will be punished?
Political expediency is one thing but the role being played by the
PPP government is another. It is shameful the manner in which Asif
Zardari is playing a cat-and-mouse game on the issue of the restoration of
judges. At our expense, our leaders have been wined and dined in Murree,
Dubai and London. With no result. What games are being played and why
cant Asif Zardari own up to his announcements? There are many questions
in the minds of our people.
What we can deduce is that the restoration of the sacked judges is
something the PPP is not keen on. One day law minister Farooq Naek says
that the matter has been resolved. Another day he says there is good news in
the pipeline. And then two days on he says that the matter is still being
510

resolved and there are problems. We are being misled by our own elected
government The Musharraf-Zardari understanding seems to be at work,
say many.
Then why, ask others, was Makhdoom Amin Fahim dropped like a
hot potato Another man with a conscience in the new PPP is Aitzaz
Ahsan. He is in a dilemma. On the one hand he is convinced of the cause
for which he is fighting. At the same time, the public stance of his party
leadership is puzzling. They are consistently going back on what they
publicly promised. How long he will stick with his party is another question.
But he should not quit the party. There are few like him ready to speak. All
others fall in line.
We can be hopeful, but for how long. The Western powers, which
were behind the Musharraf-PPP working arrangement, are silent now.
They are talking in whispers about the reinstatement of the judiciary. Many
are creating doubts. But like Justice Fakhuruddin Ebrahim, an upright
soul, has said time and again: there is no doubt in our minds. The judiciary
must be restored. Why cant the new PPP leadership read the writing on the
wall? More importantly, why has the government functioning come to a
halt?
The time for celebrating the political victory is over. Its time to face
the real issues of the country. This is a message for the leaders of Pakistan. If
we keep on playing cat-and-mouse games, then very soon the powers that be
will take back what they have gradually given. Once again, despite the hype,
the politicians would have squandered an opportunity of a lifetime.
Ishtiaq Ahmed observed: Nawaz Sharif was crystal clear on this
matter while many from the PPP also came out categorically in favour of the
restitution of the deposed judges, but Zardari remained circumspect and
spoke in vague terms about it. His conduct in general since Ms Bhuttos
tragic death has been most intriguing. As soon as he took over the helm of
affairs a whole bunch of sycophants began to sing his praise as a great
healer, visionary and statesman.
Zardaris objection to restoring the judges is that when he was
imprisoned they never considered his prayers about his innocence and
also did not grant his request to attend the funeral of a nephew. Therefore, he
does not have any reason to put his faith in such judges. Now, this is a
perfectly valid standpoint if it is consistent with his stand on related issues.
How come he has been so keen to seek rapprochement with the
MQM and its fugitive leader Altaf Hussain? The judges may be guilty of
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not looking upon his case with sympathy but anybody who knows Pakistan
even superficially would be aware of the fact that the MQM was created by
the ISI with a specific purpose to weaken the PPP. The violence that ravaged
Karachi and other places in Sindh during the 1990s is all too well known and
do not need elaboration.
It is obvious that Zardari practices selective reconciliation and
adjustment in his political moves. There was absolutely no reason ever to
believe that he was not buried neck-deep in massive corruption and
irregularities. That President Musharraf let him get off the hook by dropping
all charges against him through presidential fiat, all for the sake of stability
and consolidation of democracy, is an argument that can make sense only to
the Bush Administration.
Till such time that Zardari makes an unequivocal statement to the
effect that he no longer doubts the establishments theory of the Taliban
being the culprits in her murder there can be no moral basis for getting cozy
with Musharraf. It is totally callous and immoral to be bound by a deal
that has become meaningless after Ms Bhuttos assassination. To most of
us it was very clear that during his long detention in Pakistan Zardari had
entered into some deal with the establishment that would benefit him as long
as he toed their line when the occasion demanded.
It is not possible that all the corruption charges against him were
false or inculpating evidence could not be found to prove him guilty. Had
the government really wanted to punish him they would have invented
evidence as they have done in other cases too. After all, Zulfikar Ali Bhuttos
trial and subsequent execution was carried out on very questionable grounds
and evidence, which now even one of the judges who took part in it admits.
A PPP-PML-N coalition government would have been the best
guarantee against extremism of one sort or the other, but now that hope has
been dashed. It is another sad day in Pakistans long history of sad days. But
in the most immediate period, the thing to worry about is that the rumour
that Zardari is planning to get himself elected to the National Assembly
through a bye-election with a view to becoming prime minister no longer
seems far-fetched.
Zaigham Khan commented: We love the Peoples Party when it is
in opposition and hate it when it is in power. The reason is that in
opposition the PPP, willingly or unwillingly, becomes a battle cry against
political and economic injustices. Now the country is holding its breadth as

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Pakistans largest and most popular political party goes through a process of
redefining itself and the countrys political structure.
Once on the throne, the PPP becomes a different creature, a
tamed elephant fully recovered from its musty. Like a prisoner freshly
released from a dungeon, it cannot see things in the right perspective. It
thinks what its workers really want are not rights but relief in the form of
petty favours and even pettier jobs. It makes a desperate effort to get an
insurance policy against future atrocities and thinks that appeasement to the
establishment can save its skin in future.
We are going through eventful times, full of promise and yet full
of risks, both for the nation and its largest political party. Under the
stewardship of Asif Ali Zardari, the PPP is undergoing its third incarnation.
Not long ago, Zardari was blamed for everything that was wrong with the
PPP. He emerged out of the shadow of his wifes colossal personality only
after tragic death. For sometime at least he shocked us all by proving
entirely different from the portrait hanging in our collective imagination.
The third incarnation of the PPP in many ways resembles its
formation, the period when it was led by Z A Bhutto. As a historian has
noted, the first chance to permanently curb the power of the ruling militarybureaucratic oligarchy occurred in December 1972, when Zulfikar Ali
Bhutto was named President and chief Martial Law Administrator. The
second chance for a democratic Pakistan, not governed overtly or covertly
by this oligarchy, has come only now. Bhutto could not succeed and paid
with his life.
Can Zardari and Nawaz Sharif succeed where Bhutto failed? We
think they can, because time is on their side, and so are the people of
Pakistan. However, they must be prepared to make some sacrifices, rather
than waiting to be stabbed. It is the judicial movement that has brought us
this far and without their building on this movement the battle for
democracy cannot be won.
It is nonsense to say that the PPPs mandate was not based on the
agenda of the revival of the judiciary. All stands that a party takes in the
run-up to the elections are considered its pledges. Zardaris outburst against
Iftikhar Chaudhry and his distancing himself from the movement has hurt
feelings and badly damaged his own image. The actions of the ruling
alliance in the next few months will have a bearing on the future of Pakistan.
it is in the grasp of Nawaz Sharif and Asif Ali Zardari to go down in history
as founders of a modern, democratic Pakistan. But, for Zardari living with
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the fortunes secured through NRO is far better than going down in history in
some good words.
Naila Siddiqi from Karachi observed: The nation wants to know why
the PPP has become a B team of a dictator after the February 18 election
victory. Negotiations are good for the democratic process but why these are
kept confidential. And if this does not matter in democracy, why was
Makhdoom Amin Fahim not made prime minister after he was alleged to
have connections in the presidency?
Samad Khurram from USA wrote: This time, it is the PPP which is
dancing to the tune of Musharraf instead of restoring the judges and trying
to work for the people. Mr Zardari also met Altaf Hussain on the anniversary
of May 12 and declared himself a brother-in-arms of Mr Hussain. He should
remember the sacrifices these martyrs made for the independence of
judiciary and the rule of law in Pakistan. Those responsible for the May 12
mayhem should be brought to justice and given punishment according to the
law.
Farahnaz Ispahani, member of PPP media team was duty bound to
defend Zardari come what may. In the spirit of Shaheed Mohtrama Benazir
Bhuttos book titled Reconciliation: Islam, Democracy and the West, the
PPP believes in working for a new future for our nation. Mr Zardari wants
to build bridges between members of all opposition parties, civil society
and the people of Pakistan to repair the damage of the past and take us
forward to a better tomorrow. Instead of attacking him for allegedly
dragging his feet on the issue of restoring judges, everyone committed to
democracy in Pakistan must appreciate his commitment to national
reconciliation and avoiding confrontation.
Dr Masooda Bano commended Nawaz Sharif for his principled
politics. According to the latest announcement, the PPP now plans to
reinstate the judges through a resolution introduced in both the houses. This
is opposed to the earlier position of a resolution passed in the National
Assembly alone. At the same time, efforts are afoot to break the unity of the
deposed judges, which are now being approached informally with others of
reappointment on person by person basis. The refusal to reinstate the judges
through a simple resolution in the National Assembly and the constant
switching of positions on this issue has made it stark clear that Mr Zardari
is keen to keep Justice Chaudhry out of the system and secondly he does
not want an independent judiciary.

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It is clear that Mr Zardari, like his late wife and Gen Musharraf, is
keen to keep the American administration on his side. The London visit
of US assistant secretary of state Richard Boucher to resolve the deadlock
between the PPP and the PML-N confirmed that the US is still playing a
central role in the decisions taking place in Pakistan. The US administration
has from the start resisted the reinstatement of the deposed judges because
an independent judiciary in Pakistan does not suit its interest.
What, however, is extremely promising is the role of Nawaz
Sharif. The PML-N is definitely the party which today represents the true
public wishes. Nawaz Sharif today is showing that integrity and
steadfastness that one would expect from a real leader. This integrity is also
reflected in the senior leadership of the party, which seems very much with
Nawaz Sharif in appreciating the need to play a politics based on principles
and not just simple opportunism.
The breakdown of the coalition has been viewed as a setback to the
political process in Pakistan but what is the point of forming a coalition
when the leading party clearly does not have the right intentions? In fact,
when the leading party is going so blatantly against the public mood, it is
critical that there is a strong opposition within the parliament to check it. It
is therefore good that the PML-N has withdrawn its members from the
cabinet.
Ikram Sehgal, a friend of Musharraf, resorted to Nawaz-bashing. One
must concede that the PML-N tried its best to compromise, it had boxed
itself into a situation politically about the restoration of the Nov 3 judiciary,
its credibility among the electorate would have been seriously impaired if it
had stayed in the federal cabinet.
Is confrontation with Pervez Musharraf more important for Mian
Sahib than food on the table, electricity in the houses and water to drink for
the vast majority of the population? Is personal vendetta more important
than the needs of the impoverished? Someone has to get his priorities
right.
Magnanimity is often taken to be a sign of weakness. Asif Zardaris
effort for genuine national reconciliation led to a perception that Mian
Nawaz Sharif was the indispensable king-maker without whom the
government could not function. Worse, and unfortunately, the PML-N
started to believe this themselves.
The PML-N walkout means the present cabinet can now function
without being subjected to second-guessing on all and every issue, it
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translates into possible good governance. With Asif Zardari calling the shots
for the PPP, Mian Nawaz Sharif being the other de facto PM to whom the
PML-N ministers reported had virtually paralyzed government functioning.
The Odd Couple are now apart, if they come back together they are
friends, if they do not, they never were. The PPP must dominate vital ground
in government functioning, must have tried and trusted loyalties in place in
critical appointments For the PPP to survive the impending multi-faceted
multi-dimensional through the long, hot summer, it has to get governance
functioning, and functioning soon. With the runaway bride gone, the
honeymoon is over.
Musharraf-Zardari opened another front against Nawaz brothers, right
in the middle of their stronghold. The News wrote, Zardari continues to
maintain that he is not willing to part ways with the PML-N, that he is eager
to persuade Mian Nawaz Sharif to withdraw the resignations of his ministers
and that his party has decided the federal cabinet slots vacated by the PMLNs outgoing ministers will not be filled. But these words do not seem to be
matched by deeds. The latest decisionto appoint Salman Taseer as the
new Punjab governor has predictably, created much angst and anger
within the PML-N.
While Mr Zardari has said there will be no attempt to unseat PML-N
government in Punjab, a report that has appeared in this publication states
that the PPP co-chairperson intends to spend time in the Governors
House, keeping track of the provincial situation.
The latest developments have only acted to strengthen PML-N
convictions that the PPP is working with the presidency. Rumours of a
plan to restore all deposed judges except for Chief Justice Iftikhar
Mohammad Chaudhry under a formula drawn up at the presidency add to
these suspicions. Such a move would obviously be unacceptable to either the
PML-N or the lawyers, and would almost certainly drive home the decisive
wedge between the PPP and the PML-N, splitting the coalition government
perhaps for good.
The current perceptions of a lack of sincerity and of intrigue are
immensely damaging. Ideally, the man chosen as governor of a province
should be one who is seen as someone who stands above politics and is
acceptable to all major parties. This has not happened in Punjab and the
consequences will become clear only over days ahead.
Political parties must play a role to end, as swiftly as possible,
this negative environment which is already resulting in a loss of public
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confidence in their ability to manage affairs, and proving, so unfortunately

true, the predictions of critics who warned the two parties would never be
able to co-exist.
The analysts also commented on political scenario in general. Kamila
Hyat observed that the challenge was immense. The dream of new order, in
which forces of democracy unite against the forces of evil, as in some epic
from the ancient world, has died. The PML-N has quit the federal cabinet,
but decided not to withdraw support for the government. For the moment, in
the blame-game that follows every high-profile divorce, Nawaz Sharif has
emerged as the hero, the wronged partner to whom promises were not kept.
Zardari, in the eyes of much of the public and the media, is very much the
villain.
Already, the party carries the burden of caving in to an
establishment that Asif Ali Zardari firmly believes is arrayed against
him. As a result of events over the past month, ranging from the mysterious
by-election delay and the judicial issue, the perception is that the PPP is
working hand in glove with the presidency. The vision of a troika made up
of Zardari, Musharraf and Altaf Hussain looms large in many minds. The
image is not a pleasant one. Few citizens wish to see Pakistan in these hands.
The country-wide protest staged to mark the anniversary of the Karachi
carnage on May 12 and to reaffirm the call for restoration of judges is proof
of this.
The PPP has consistently stated the restoration of the deposed chief
justice was never a part of its manifesto. It must now find the courage and
the commitment to deliver on those issues that clearly were a part of its
agenda. The apparent paralysis that afflicts governance must
Speculation that a judicial restoration is indeed planned some weeks
down the line tied in with a constitutional package to be tabled by the PPP,
lingers on. Some whispers say the PML-N, which is eager to keep intact its
hold on Punjab and retain PPP support for this, is aware that its ministers
may step back into the federal cabinet in the not so distant future. The
degree of controversy that surrounds certain figures, notably Rehman
Malik adds further volume to the swirling clouds of fog.
Till the greater clarity can be established as far as the overall picture
is concerned these achievements will mean little. These are also, of course,
only beginnings. A great deal remains to be done. For this to happen, the
immense doubts that exist, the distrust now hangs everywhere and the

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feeling of dejection among people need to be overcome. The challenge is

immense.
Shireen M Mazari felt politicians were chasing democratic shadows.
Despite all these issues of survival, the nations greatest hopes were pinned
on the new elected dispensation moving immediately to restore the judiciary
and establish a truly democratic and responsive government. With the
withdrawal of the PML-N from the cabinet and the frustration was writ
large on the partys leadership these hopes have been destroyed.
As for democracy, where do we stand after the holding of the
February elections? There is a government and parliament in place, but
where are the decisions being made? Certainly not in parliament which has
yet to become effective in terms of its committees and substantive debates.
Worse still, the political leaders of the main parties in power remain outside
the elected and parliamentary ambit.
Perhaps most distressing is to see how real power is being wielded
by unelected holders of advisory posts be it in efforts to thwart the timing
of bye-elections or to threaten the free media. If our ruling elite are so
admiring of the all thing Indian, they should also see how it is Indian elected
representatives who hold cabinet positions and wield power, and parliament
is supreme as the US has found out in the case of the Indo-US nuclear
deal.
In Pakistan, regardless of the peoples sacrifices, the voice of the
nation gets drowned in the cacophony of vested interests, backroom and
extra-constitutional deals. For those of us who have chosen to stay in this
land of ours through the good times and bad, it is a case witnessing that the
more things seem to change the more they remain the same. That is why
there is a chink of light piercing through the political darkness in the PML-N
showing it responsiveness to its electorate on the judicial issue, its
leaderships decision to contest elections and have its elected
parliamentarians as the negotiating team on the judicial issue. We cannot
our resilience and hope be destroyed because that is our greatest
weapon against the forces of repression.
Ayaz Amir was of the view that Pakistan was in the grip of small men.
Somehow happiness doesnt last very long in our climate. The euphoria
sparked by the Feb 18 election has already evaporated. The people of
Pakistan voted for change. What they are getting is more of the same.
Somehow we just cant manage things.

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The people proved, not for the first time, their acute sense of
political judgment, giving a thrashing long to be remembered to the
stalwarts, symbols and pillars of the Musharraf order. But what are they
getting for their pains? The political leadership, all its leading lights
throwbacks to an earlier era, is failing to measure up to popular expectations.
While the wisdom of the Pakistani people stands vindicated, the inadequacy
of the political leadership stands exposed.
This is not a conscious betrayal of popular expectations; it is a
betrayal by default, brought about by shallowness and opportunism of the
worst kind. We always knew that the political leadership was inadequate
and that it would have to show exceptional wisdom and maturity to get
the transition from authoritarianism to democracy right this time. But that it
would show signs of stress and failure so soon comes as a surprise even for
hardened pessimists. The people of Pakistan are being prepared for another
lesson in higher cynicism.
When the country needed, above anything else, calm and
stability, it is being pushed into another round of uncertainty and
stability. The exploration of new allies for the PPP government at the centre
has already started while in Punjab various horses and forward blocs are out
in the field, sizing up different options and conjuring up various
permutations of change.
My all-time favourite intriguer, someone in a class of his own, is
friend and National Assembly colleague, Mian Manzoor Wattoo. There is a
new glint in his eyes these days. Indeed, all those who thrive in a climate
of intrigue have come alive all of a sudden. The people of Pakistan be
damned; the political elite is bracing itself for exciting times.
Part of the problem was us, the Pakistani people, looking for heroes
where none existed. We put exaggerated hopes in Asif Zardari who was
pulled centre-stage after the assassination of his wife We withheld
judgment and gave him an extended period of grace, shutting our eyes to the
fact that he had skeletons in his cupboard and his past made him a hostage if
not to fortune at least to unfolding events.
Now reality is coming home to roost and we are dismayed. Zardari
was never going to be instrumental in restoring the judges. He made his
intent loud and clear to whoever talked to him in private. But in public he
spoke with what now can only be called a forked tongue and Nawaz Sharif
believed him or pretended to believe him. But Nawaz Sharif had little
choice
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But too many deals were involved, too many assurances given to
third party mediators or interlocutors. For being able to make a bid for
power, the PPP and Zardari were beholden to the United States in large
measure and even to Pervez Musharraf in a limited sense. The reprieve or
pardon that Zardari received via that piece of hilarious comedy, the NRO,
was part of the understandings arrived at between the concerned parties
much before the people of Pakistan delivered their verdict on Feb 18.
So how was Zardari a free agent? And if he wasnt that it was foolish
to invest high hopes in him regarding the restoration of the judges. The
triumphant return of My Lord Iftikhar Chaudhry to the Supreme Court, to
national applause, was just not part of the agreed scenario. The PML-Ns
mistake lies in not giving due importance to this circumstance. It believed
the honeyed assurances when there were enough grounds to be skeptical
and, consequently, cautious.
Whether anyone likes it or not, Asif Ali Zardari and Nawaz Sharif are
the key players on the national scene and the task of steadying the nations
ship and warding off the ghosts of uncertainty and instability devolve upon
their shoulders. Whatever their differences on the judges issue there are
other issues on which they are in broad agreement. The popular mood is
ugly and is getting desperate. Except for the very well-off, everyone else is
feeling the impact of inflation. We are in for a long, hot summer in any
case. The last thing Pakistan needs is another round of open or surreptitious
political warfare.
M B Naqvi opined: We Pakistanis have missed the bus of
democracy by not implementing what had been clearly promised in the
Charter of Democracy and Murree Declaration by the two main winners of
Feb 18 election: the PPP and the PML-N. This is said not because of the
collapse of the PPP-PML-N coalition.
The PPP stands to lose much popular support if it does not
deliver the unconditional restoration of judges. Doubtless, the PPP is
replacing the PML-Qs role until the Feb 18 elections of supporting
President Musharraf and letting Pakistan be run in accordance with the
United States priorities, especially on the war on terror. There is confusion
and chagrin on the faces of most PPP supporters. The PPP may have shot
itself in the foot for short-tem benefits
The bus Pakistanis have missed is of democracy, because the election
results of Feb 18 were a historic opportunity. The people have decisively
rejected Musharraf and all his works. All his prominent ministers lost badly,
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many losing deposits. What was needed was a clear understanding of the
situation and to realize how pregnant that moment was. However, it is no
use crying over spilt milk. The moment has passed.
Pakistan remains in the control of the establishment call it a
permanent or visible government. It never goes out of office. It comprises
the top civil and military bureaucracy, led by the generals, and has the
support of all social and economic elites: the majority of the feudal, bankers,
industrialists, contractors, the conmen and the conscienceless sharp lawyers
are with him. Importantly the US still stands behind Mr Musharraf.
When will Pakistan have another cheerful opportunity? The judges
issue is likely to stay for sometime. The Gilani government pettifogs about
independence of the judiciary is more important than some personages. The
events of the year 2007 showed the independence of judiciary comes from
independence judges who would stand up to bullying rulers and command
respect from the people. Today, independence of the judiciary requires
these 60-odd judges restoration without conditions and sending home
those who took oath under the second PCO of Musharraf.
The kind of restoration the government is planning is to pack the
top court with all sorts of judges: a few who are honoured and the rest who
found no difficulty in owning allegiance to an anti-democratic individual.
This kind of restoration will force the sacked judges, including the CJP, to
consult their conscience: Would they like to sit with Musharrafs appointees
who owe allegiance to him, and be a minority? Certain mischievous
conditions are also likely to be attached to their reinstatement about tenures
and jurisdictions. This made the whole thing a cruel joke.
The issue of restoration of judges met a major setback during the
period in the form of failure of London talks. The News termed it political
suicide. As dramatic rounds of high level negotiations continue in London
between the government coalition leaders, several ideas of proposals are
being floated as alternates to a straightforward restoration of the deposed
judges. These, according to two separate reports in this newspaper in recent
days, include a possible dissolution of the National Assembly or a
bifurcation of the Supreme Court to accommodate both pre and post-Nov 3
judges. To most observers these may indicate ominous portents for the
future, with both parties, deep down their hearts, perhaps not having too
much in the way of hope for salvaging the Murree Accord or even of
keeping the coalition intact.

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Both Asif Ali Zardari and Nawaz Sharif, however, keep shaking
hands vigorously before TV cameras, pledging endlessly to sustain their
romance for ever, but as soon they close the doors of their negotiating rooms
bitterness and gloom take over and mistrust and doubts are expressed, stated
positions are repeated and nothing seems to move forward. It appears that
Mr Zardari believes that the permanent establishment of Pakistan is not
neutral but sharply divided into pro-Musharraf and pro-Nawaz factions,
despite claims to the contrary by the spokesmen of institutions.
As the Musharraf camp had offered Mr Zardari, and before him
Benazir Bhutto, numerous concessions and relief, the PPP leader is tagging
along with the pro-Musharraf side. This obviously means he has to accept
a number of preconditions, especially on the president continuing in office,
retention of the judiciary put in place by him and diluting the impact of the
strong pro-judiciary movement led by the lawyers, media, civil society and
certain sections of the political spectrum.
The pro-Nawaz establishment includes among others, his Saudi
Arabian backers who practically forced his return perhaps to offset the return
of Ms Bhutto. The ethnic Punjabi factor may also have played its part in
pushing sections of the civil and military establishment into accepting Mr
Sharif back into the national fold as his exclusion was already creating a
distorted image of the army led by Musharraf. Thus, the differences on the
judges issue between PPP and PML-N have much deeper roots, or so
the PPP leader appears to believe.
It is true that the PPP had benefited immensely in recent months, in
fact in such rapid succession that one could not miss the desperation in the
Musharraf camp. The logic was that if the PPP was to be enticed to
become an ally of Musharraf, all the wrongs of the past many years had
to be wiped clean sooner than later. But this was a desperate need of
President Musharraf and not the PPP, as a clear election victory had already
cleansed the party leaderships tainted image.
Had Ms Bhutto been in this position, she probably would have
parted ways with the president by then but somehow Mr Zardari has not
been able to do what the moment expected of him. So much momentum had
been gained by the political coalition that the judges were released even
before the prime minister could legally issue the order. All that the prime
minister had to do was to express his intention in the National Assembly to
release them and the establishment that till then had detained them yielded.

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But now the political momentum is, one dares say, being lost as
rapidly as it was gained. The power of the coalition has already been diluted
by the PPP by refusing to quickly solve the issue. The Musharraf camp is
back in business and the president seems to be in high spirits with making
efforts to revive the PML-Q by ditching the Chaudhrys of Gujrat. This
should raise all kinds of red flags and sound alarm bells in the coalition but
the judges issue is dragging everyone down.
If parliament were to be dissolved and new elections called, what
issues would the PPP fight on? The sympathy wave that enabled the party
to win handsomely after Ms Bhuttos death will no longer be there and
the party could lose heavily because of its dilly-dallying on the judges issue
and perceived support and/or defence of the president and his policies. The
only course of survival for PPP and its allies is to resolve the judges issue
quickly so that it can get down to the business of governing the country and
tackling its numerous problems.
Brig Junaid Zaman wrote: Timidity in front of a dictator whose
power is diminishing means giving him a new life While the PML-N is
at least aware of the sentiments of the nation and are acting on it, for some
reason the PPP is showing cowardice and in front of immense pressure
mounted by Musharraf with the help of the Americans it is not settling the
issue. Who is to know after the coalition falls apart, the president next
target may be the PPP itself.
Eidee Man said: Whats most important right now is how the
common man reacts; if the lawyers resume their protests and they are
joined by other people, then the PPP may have no other choice but to
give in. I still hope that both parties (and their Western patrons) realize that
it is in their best interest to go ahead and resolve this issue as soon as
possible.
Rohail Butt opined: If the PML-N leaves the coalition then all the
political points will be scored by the PML-N, and if the PPP remains in
government then it will be seen as the PML-Q reincarnated. Becoming
another PML-Q will be suicidal for the PPP, and surely Mr Asif Ali
Zardari must know that.
Sheeba Ajmal from Peshawar observed that Zardari was the cause of
an end of the coalition. I dont have the words to express my anger and
frustration over PPP co-chairman Asif Ali Zardaris recent actions. I believe
that he is responsible for breaking the coalition and by his decisions he has
proved himself a presidents man. Many people have come to believe that
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by parting ways with the PML-N; he has served presidents interests better
than the PML-Q.
The sudden importance Rehman Malik, Farooq Naek and Hussain
Haqqani have gained in party (and national) affairs shows that Mr Zardari
wants to sideline all PPP stalwarts to bring forward his henchmen. He did
not even remove the Attorney General of Pakistan after coming into power,
so what change can we expect from him? He wants to retain the postNovember 3 judiciary because he doesnt want the NRO case reopened.
His politics will ruin not only the PPP but also the country and harm its
integrity.
Jahanzeb Memon from Thatta appealed: It will be absolutely wrong
to say that PPP candidates didnt vow to restore the independent judiciary in
their election campaign. I attended a number of PPP rallies in my
constituency as well as those held in other districts of Sindh and everywhere
the PPP-nominated candidates for the National and Sindh assemblies said
that their party was committed to restoring the pre-November 3 judiciary.
For a diehard PPP worker like me, it is extremely disturbing why the
new PPP leadership is supporting the Musharraf-backed judges who took
oath under a PCO promulgated by the then army chief. The PPP cochairman should announce in the clearest terms that the deposed
judiciary, including Justice Chaudhry, will be restored on May 12
unconditionally.
Noorudin from Bahawalpur observed: Mr Zardari considers
himself more prudent than all the jurists of Pakistan. A large number of
former judges of the Supreme Court and chief justices of the high courts
have said that Justice Chaudhrys removal on November 3 was extraconstitutional. Still Mr Zardari considered it appropriate to say in a BBC
interview that he couldnt do another wrong to undo an extra-constitutional
measure taken by President Musharraf.
It is extremely strange that he sees Justice Chaudhrys
restoration as an illegal act. After the collapse of the coalition, it has
become abundantly clear that he wants to retain President Musharraf to
appease the Bush Administration and is ready to float irrational and illogical
packages to further complicate the judges issue.
Taimur Rahman from Lahore opined: It seems that in exchange for
the NRO Asif Ali Zardari has agreed not to restore the pre-November 3
judiciary and has accepted Pervez Musharraf as president of Pakistan. This

524

is a betrayal of the struggle against military rule that so many people,

including workers of the PPP itself, have fought so valiantly.
Given the promise made by the government, people were willing to
wait for the 30-day period. Following that period, people still waited till
May 12. However, it has now become absolutely clear that the current
government does not wish to commit itself to a serious struggle against
the military establishment. Every passing day plunges our country deeper
into the crisis created by military rule.
Under these unfortunate circumstances, the collapse of the coalition
has benefited Musharraf. Neither the cause of the judiciary nor democracy
has advanced as a consequence of the recent actions of mainstream parties
The current political leadership has proven to be opportunistic and has
failed the people.
K Leghari from Quetta wrote: It is interesting to note that PPP
leaders paid lip-service to the judicial cause, made false promises, kept
asking for more time to resolve the issue and finally buried it completely,
citing irrational reasons. In the meantime, PPP first asked the PML-N not to
boycott the polls, then invited it to join the federal government and then
eventually ditched it on the judges issue.
Khawar Mehmood Gul from Murree asked: Why do our politicians
who call themselves leaders become mere puppets in the hands of the
establishment after coming into power? After the February 18 election, it
was expected that there would be a revolutionary change in Pakistani
politics, but the situation has become worse. Keeping in view it dillydallying on the judicial question, it seems that the PPP doesnt really want
the rule of law and the empowerment of the people.
Asif Zardari is behaving like self-seeking politician and is trying to
complicate the judges reinstatement. Nothing has been changed after the
general polls except faces. The PPP should accept the peoples demand and
restore the judges.
Kanza Khan from Rawalpindi was of the view: Will the judiciary be
truly independent if the PCO judges stay in their present position? This
way the PPP would accept those people as judges who had not only violated
their original constitutional oath but also the seven-member Supreme Court
decision which nullified the emergency order of General Pervez Musharraf
on November 3.

525

Will it not create two groups in the superior judiciary, which will be
opposed to each other, and thus create a judicial crisis? Mr Zardari has been
insisting that the decision regarding the judges restoration should not be
individual-specific. If Justice Chaudhrys tenure is reduced to accommodate
the current chief justice, who is a PCO judge, will the same not be an
individual-specific act? Anything less than the full restoration of the
judiciary as of November 2 will not be acceptable to the people.
Najeebullah from Swat wrote: At last, anti-democratic forces
succeeded against the coalition government. The coalition collapsed
mainly because of Mr Zardaris reluctance to implement the Bhurban
Declaration. It is indeed sad that the coalition split within 50 days of its
formation. I believe that the PPP has lost peoples sympathies by not taking
seriously the judges restoration issue.
Babar A Siddiqi from Karachi observed: Word has it that the
forthcoming constitutional package will not only clip the suo motu
power of the chief justice but also cut his tenure in a way that upon taking
office, Justice Chaudhry will automatically be retired. On the one hand the
PPP spokesperson says that the November 3 emergency declared by the
army chief was unconstitutional and his acts thereafter illegal but on the
other he hastens to add that the same illegal acts cant be undone by an
administrative order. This betrays plain logic.
I have a feeling that the PPP is being dominated by a small group
of politicians these days. For instance, if we have look at the names which
have become too prominent in the PPP after the February 18 election,
besides Asif Ali Zardari we find in the top tier people like Rehman Malik,
Farooq Naek and Babar Awan. It is interesting to note that none of the above
mentioned names have been elected directly. Another thing common to them
is that all of them joined the PPP quite recently and became part of the
central party command without contesting a single election throughout their
lives.
On the contrary, a number of senior party members who endured
long periods of victimization and political suppression due to their honesty,
integrity and commitment to the PPP have been sidelined by the new party
leadership. In this regard, names of Makhdoom Amin Fahim, Aitzaz Ahsan
and Raza Rabbani can be cited.
The News wrote about another move of the new regime to sabotage
the restoration of judges. Attempts to resolve the issue of the judges
deposed on November 3 last year are continuing. In a new line of action, an
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offer to the judges of high courts, to take a fresh oath of office, has
reportedly been made. The judges of all the provincial courts have,
according to accounts in the press, been approached by some of the judges
who indeed took oath under the PCO of November 3 and the suggestion
made that a way to their reappointment could be found. It is believed
government ministers and other key players in the judicial saga are
behind this new formula.
At least eight judges of the Lahore High Court, who reportedly met
on May 13, have after careful discussion rejected the offer. It is understood
the response is no different in other provinces. The judges pointed out that
they were seeking reinstatement rather than reappointment and agreeing
to any new oath would in fact be a tacit acceptance that the actions of
November 3 were legitimate.
Even six months after their ouster, there appears to have been no
change in the immensely principled stance of the judges who declined to
take oath under the PCO. This is all the more commendable given that a
number of the high court judges have many years of service to complete.
Ayesha T Haq noted the lack of will. Sadly, our new parliament, for
all the noise it has made regarding it sovereignty and supremacy, has not
only been characteristically quiet in allowing this critical issue to be
decided, not just outside parliament but outside the country by people
who are not elected to Parliament and who perhaps do not feel bound by the
mandate that has been given by the people.
Portrayed as complicated to confuse a nation, the issue is actually
simple and straightforward. The appointment and removal of the superior
judiciary is clearly set out in Part VII of the Constitution. On Nov 3, no
judge was removed in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution,
hence no vacancy arose and no judge could be appointed to fill the vacancy.
So much is being said these days about consensus and the need for
carrying everyone along. Everyone, it appears, other than those who
have been subject of this terrible injustice, everyone other than the
lawyers, students, teachers, doctors and millions of citizens who demand a
strong and independent judiciary, everyone who wants what is legal,
constitutional and, most importantly, right.
Given the fact that our parliamentarians have not been involved in
resolving the judicial issue, one would imagine they would have plenty of
time to do more mundane things like the support price of wheat, stop the
smuggling of wheat and implement a power policy so we can fast-track
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power projects. All this and more needs to be done before the ruling party
whittles away what little good-will, if any, is left.
Its not about getting legal opinions and different points of view. It is
not a legal issue at all, this is a political issue, and what is required here is
not another legal opinion but the political will to resolve the matter. This
parliament will need to ensure that the constitutional package it brings does
not strengthen the hands of dictators, does not weaken parliament and does
not destroy the judiciary.
Babar Sattar wrote: Zardari asserts that judges cannot be restored
through an executive order for (a) the Dogar Court can stay such order and
(b) removing the midnight appointees of General Musharraf through an
executive order would be wrong, just like removing the constitutional judges
was wrong, and that two wrongs dont make a right. The arguments dont
really wash.
It is hard to believe that despite being counseled by Fakharuddin G
Ebrahim, Aitzaz Ahsan, Raza Rabbani and the legal opinion of sixteen
judges including almost all former chief justices, the PPP is still genuinely
confused about the legal issues underlying this debate. Why then is this
popular national party jeopardizing its mandate by flip-flopping on the
judges issue? A few explanations come to mind.
First, the negotiations between General Musharraf and Benazir
Bhutto came to fruition in Dubai in the backdrop where the General was
feeling the heat due to the lawyers movement and wanted some respite. It is
possible that some explicit promises with regard to the PPP supporting
the General against Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry were made part of
this deal PPPs current leadership might be convinced that reneging on a
promise made to the US and PPPs other foreign sponsors will carry more
political cost than backtracking on a popular domestic issue and breaking a
promise made to the people of Pakistan.
Second, there is a structural change underway in the composition
of the establishment at the moment. Traditionally, the judiciary as an
institution was part of the establishment, and the PML-N and its successor
political forces comprised the establishments B-team. And the PPP might
have a point when it complains that the judiciary has in the past applied the
constitution more enthusiastically when the outcome favoured the PML-N as
opposed to the PPP The PML-N has also emerged as an antiestablishment party for the first time since its inception.

528

These two happenings have created a vacuum that the

establishment wishes to fill by (i) resurrecting a court (that includes its
post-Nov 3 midnight appointees) committed to the status quo, and (ii) coopting a reconciliation-seeking PPP that function as the political ally of the
establishment and will be allowed to rule in return within the four corners of
policy areas delegated to political governments during democratic times.
This is certainly not another grand conspiracy theory The point being
made is that the polity is undergoing a structural transformation and the
transitional actors that functioned as agents of status quo have opted to
become forces of change.
The judges issue is one that has stirred the collective conscience of
our nation like none other in recent history. What is at stake foremost is
whether we as a nation will side with rule of law or politics of expediency.
The return of judges will not function as elixir for all the malafides afflicting
Pakistan. But if we squander this opportunity it will take at least a
decade to raise another breed of judges who might muster the courage
to stand and fight to deliberate the judiciary from the crutches of the
establishment.
Second, many of Pakistans problems spring from the imbalance in
the distribution of state authority between civil and military institutions.
This is a time in our history when the military needs to demonstrate its
neutrality toward politics due to political compulsions and to protect its
own institutional interests. If our political elites fail to regain some of the
lost ground in these circumstances, we might have to suffer another reckless
dictator to create overwhelming public support for such change.
And third, the restoration of judges brought about by dint of a
freedom movement supported by the nation will be tremendously
emancipating psychologically. For too long have we given too much credit
(or discredit) to the forces that be for controlling our fate. But returning our
judges against the wishes of the establishment and its foreign patrons, we
could prove to ourselves that we are not puppets but a sovereign people
who have control over our present and our future.
The issue of restoration isnt merely a political dispute but one of
individual and collective choices that is defining the personal identity and
moral standing of the actors involved. The lawyers movement has been
advocating that the promise and practice of law must be brought into
closer alignment The judges should be restored and can be restored but
not without a forceful street movement that forces our ruling political elite to

529

acknowledge that people are not willing to allow the country to recede into
another round of musical chairs between conviction-less politicians and
generals.
And to achieve that, the lawyers must boycott all courts not just
higher courts for at least a few weeks to bring the judicial system to a
grinding halt. It is time to move from the go-slow phase to the pens-down
phase at this decisive stage of this historic movement. Without this and a
forceful street movement the deposed judges might be history.

REVIEW
Coinciding the announcement of Murree Accord with March 9 and
that of last deadline with May 12, deliberately or inadvertently, were cruel
jokes with people of Pakistan by their democratically elected rulers.
Zardaris joker instinct has led to cutting series of jokes at a nation in
agony.
He has been continuously lying under the pretext of issuing political
statements. PPP leadership has never been sincere on the restoration of
judges, particularly after striking a deal with Musharraf. Despite that they
have been participating in lawyers movement till February 18 polls. This
has been quite intriguing for some observers.
Talaat Hussain in his TV programme on May 12 mentioned the
change in PPP leaders stand on judges issue after polls from the one
demonstrated during lawyers movement. Having said that, he asked PPP
leaders that if the judges were not to be restored, why did PPP pressed it
workers to participate in the CJP-specific rallies and got them killed by
dozens?
In fact, he conveyed without saying that the party indulged in
politicking at the cost of lives of its poor workers. At that time BB used
their blood to extract maximum from Musharraf to secure the future of her
children being educated and groomed abroad. For Zardari, participation in
the rallies was just a political statement issued for the concealment of dealrelated evil intentions.
The NRO-laundered Zardari reiterated time and again that he was not
prepared to commit another wrong to correct a wrong committed by
Musharraf on November 3. While appreciating the noble intent of smiling
scoundrel, one should draw his attention to the precedence set by his NRObuddy in which he had set many wrongs right through more wrong actions.
530

Zardaris own numerous wrongs were set right through a wrong of the
century; the NRO. If he really wanted to abstain from committing a wrong,
he should have requested Musharraf through Patterson to issue another
judiciary-specific NRO for speedy restoration of the deposed judges. In
fact, what has transpired so far indicated that in the garb of independence of
judiciary. In fact, the NRO-laundered Zardari was interested only in
installing his poodles in the superior judiciary.
All the acts of Zardari were committed under the influence on the
United States, which has been treating Pakistan as an occupied land at par
with Iraq and Afghanistan. The events during the Musharraf era in general
and since the February polls in particular have proved this thing beyond any
doubt.
The final blow was delivered at London through Hussain Haqqani, the
ambassador designate for the US. He is a Paki by skin and a Yankee
(neocon) by soul. He teamed up with PPP negotiators during talks in London
to act as VOA. To be fair to the smiling scoundrel, it would be too much to
expect Zardari-led government to act more independently than Karzai and
Maliki.
The Musharraf-Zardari regime backed by the US has decided to
separate enemy forces, i.e. media from lawyers movement. To this end the
regime decided to use puppet PCO-judges for securing legal cover for all
the stern actions to be taken. This task has been assigned to a team
comprising the AG and Hafiz Pirzada.
Of late the regime has started treating the deposed judges like lower
division clerks who were protesting their illegal dismissals. But they must
read the warning carried by the incident of burning of the bandits by the
common people. The bigger the looter of bandit, bigger the Arthi they want
to lit for them.
The regime cannot forestall it by avoiding any stern action against
those people who took law into their hands to deal with out-laws enjoying
protection of the in-laws of those responsible for enforcement of law of the
land. In fact, the governments reaction in this case should have been far
sterner than that taken against students of Jamia Hafsa, because of the
severity of the justice dispensed by the mob. But the regime was not keen
to establish writ of the state in this case.
Since formation of coalition, Nawaz Sharif has been used by Zardari
as butt of his joker instinct. Nawaz has at last opted for separation and he

531

has to soon make up his mind about divorce. He cannot hang around
tied up in an inconvenient marriage.
He cannot spend five years in cribbing after every move like the
appointment of governor of Punjab. One must ask Nawaz the turnip, as
Lahorites call him affectionately, as to what made him to expect that
Musharraf and Zardari would have appointed a governor of his liking.
18th May 2008

532

INSTANT JUSTICE
While the struggle amongst executive authorities continued for
installing the men of their choice on the benches of the superior judiciary to
secure justice that meets their ends; the people in Karachi found the way to
dispense justice of their liking. Within couple of days they twice caught
dacoits and administered on-the-spot justice.
The media and the analysts were perturbed over this kind of
dispensation of justice. Some termed it mob justice and others called it
street justice, but in fact was simply a speedy justice or instant justice.
This kind of justice has been the demand of the masses since long.
The intellectuals of all shades, political, legal and social, criticized
this kind of justice in unison for the reason that it was quite different from
Palace justice; wherein the criminals can be laundered in hundreds in one
go. Thereafter, the NRO-laundered criminals can sit in judgment about the
fate of the judges.
The gang-leader of the laundered criminals continued indulging in
gimmickry. Zardari summoned the Law Minister and instructed him to pay
salary to the deposed judges despite the possibility of audit implications. On
the other hand, Sharif Brothers did not budge from their stand. The Punjab
government decided to accord full protocol to the deposed CJP during his
visit to bar councils.

EVENTS
On 17th May, Manzoor Wattoo was appointed as an adviser to Prime
Minister in recognition of his meritorious services to the presidency
particularly since polls. The Supreme Court was moved against Nawaz
Sharifs candidacy. Malik Qayyum warned that orders about salary of
deposed judges would be struck down if challenged in the Supreme Court.
Zardari summoned the Law Minister and insisted on salary issue.
After a debate spread over two days the lawyers decided to hold long
march on 10th June. The lawyers planned to hold three conventions before
the long march which would be addressed by the deposed chief justice.
Twenty-six former envoys and three former foreign secretaries resented
delay in judges return in a joint statement.

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Two more dacoits were administered mob justice in Karachi. Bushra

Minaullah and two others were booked for shouting anti-Dogar slogans.
Rauf Klasra reported that Chaudhry brothers used their chance meeting with
Chaudhry Nisar during air journey to scare Musharraf and his advisers.
Next day, Aitzaz preferred long march over by-polls; he withdrew
from polls as he did not want to embarrass his party. With a view to
fulfillment of the first part of PPPs election slogan of Roti, Kapra aur
Makan, Gilani met Bush in Egypt and begged for Roti, who promised to
spare some.
Zardari was acquitted from the last criminal case of drugs on 19 th May
turning the most wanted man by the law into cleanest; courtesy NRO. Gilani
at the World Forum told the journalists that his government was under no
pressure on restoration of judges. He said the focus was on solving the
riddle of one seat, two chief justices. The lawyers resented his remarks that
new chief justice cannot be brought when one was already sitting.
Retired generals planned a long march and sit-in before Army House.
Staff of OB Van of Aaj TV on its way back from District Courts Rawalpindi
was attacked near Airport at a spot where Nawaz Sharifs entourage had
been attacked. In both incidents the same gang seemed to be involved. Who
was the patron of this gang; nobody dared naming him.
Next day, the Punjab government decided to accord full protocol to
the deposed CJP. PPP sent the package draft to Musharraf, Presidency
denied. Reportedly, Musharraf was willing to depart if Nov 3 acts were
indemnified; the package could do that.
On 21st May, Nawaz strongly opposed giving indemnity to Musharraf
through the package. Unlike Punjab, NWFP government decided to give
cold shoulder to the deposed chief justice. Presidency rejected rumours
about resignation; it was reported Musharraf did not trust Zardari. Justice
Tariq Mahmood said the PPP package wont resolve judges issue.
Next day, in an interview to Press Trust of India Zardari said
Musharraf is relic of the past standing between the people of Pakistan and
democracy. Ansar Abbasi reported that behind the scene tensions between
the Presidency and Zardari House were on the rise. Reportedly, Musharraf
decided to meet Gilani to voice his concern over declining economy of the
country. He would give some tips to Gilani.
The government decided to move the UN on Benazirs murder next
month. The package was sent to Zardari for his approval. Nawaz cautioned

534

the media against anti-democratic elements which were trying to create rifts
among democratic forces. Shujaat Hussain was ready to support PPP
unconditionally. Justice Iftikhar, in a telephonic address to lawyers in
Karachi, stressed upon upholding the Constitution. He commended PML-N
for its stand on the issue.
On 23rd May, Zardari asked the lawyers to hold their horses.
Presidency blamed media for Zardaris remarks. An unknown gunmen of
well-known Karachi-based terrorist party shot dead Tariq Khan, Vice
President of MPL-N Sindh. Jhagra accused MQM of yet another murder.
On 24th May, the deposed chief justice received thunderous reception
in Faisalabad sans PPP. On their way the people shouted anti-Zardari slogans
and Aitzaz had to come out to restrain the sloganeers. Twenty-six retired
generals opposed grant of safe exit to Musharraf. They demanded his
impeachment followed by court martial for Kargil misadventure and
violation of the Constitution.
The Central Executive Committee of the PPP approved the 62-point
constitutional package, but preferred to make public only 12 points. The
package proposed end to Article 58-2 (b), transfer of power to appoint
services chiefs and governors to PM, cut in CJs tenure to three years,
treason case against judges siding with dictators and renaming the NWFP.
From the contents so for released, Asim Yasin of the News rightly
read the intention of the author(s) of the package: to kill two birds with one
stone. Considerable number of PPP leaders differed with package approach,
they wanted immediate solution of the judges issue. PML-N stressed upon
restoration rather than wasting time and energy on the package. Aitzaz
rejected the portion of the package which pertained to judiciary.
Lt Gen Abdul Qayyum in interview to Dr Talat Masood told the
inside story of the Pakistan Steel Mills and opined the then PM was wrong
and the Supreme Court judgment was correct. The General took too long to
form his opinion and yet he remained vague about the intent and act of his
gunner colleague and a friend.
Next day, tone and contents of CJPs speech indicated clear change in
his approach; he seemed determined to secure justice through means other
than the Executive and the PCO-judges. In fact, he vowed punishing PCO
judges for not complying with Supreme Court order which asked judges not
to take oath under PCO. Presidency denied any move to replace General
Kayani. PML-N demanded booking of MQM in murder of Tariq.

535

As reported by Rauf Klasra, the visiting US Senators were keen about

knowing about the next president if Musharraf was impeached and
seriously inquired about Minus-2 formula. Hamid Mir reported that US
was pressuring Zardari to work with Musharraf, who planned to meet the
latter and ask him to resign. Chaudhry Nisar termed US a hurdle in
independence of judiciary.
The visiting Senator Russ Feingold met the deposed chief justice on
26 May. The Senators also met Zardari and they warned that incidents like
murder of BB would be repeated if Pakistan showed any slackness in its
fight against terror.
th

PML-N released an audio tape in which a caller informed Pervaiz

Elahi that disqualification of Sharif brothers from contesting by-elections
has been coordinated with PCO judges. Aitzaz Ahsan asked PCO CJ to
resign over tape scam. Zardari slammed Pervaiz Elahis conspiracy against
Sharifs. Zardari too has to take the blame because he strongly supports
Dogar and company for retention. LHC admitted petitions against Sharif
brothers. Chaudhry Nisar said the package would hit the deposed judges
very hard.
Next day, Senator Russ Feingold wanted immediate restoration of all
the deposed judges and said Washingtons reliance on Musharraf has proved
to be a mistake. US Congressmen denied lobbying for Musharraf. Gilani
praised Musharrafs liking for the democracy.
Zardari and Nawaz had another session of chatting over the favourite
topics; the former seemed to have started enjoying the discussions on
restoration of judges. PML-Q, after alleging that the PML-N had established
Nawaz Studios for producing audio tapes, produced one in which Shahbaz
Sharif threatened an independent candidate. LHC issued contempt of court
notice to Punjab Law Minister over providing protocol to the deposed CJP.

VIEWS
On political front the separation of the PML-N from the federal
cabinet was the major event in recent days. It had its implications for the
PPP in Punjab which had been visualized by the party timely and accurately.
Salman Taseer was installed as governor to strike balance of power in the
largest province of the country.
The News wrote: The new Punjab governor has revved up the
sense of unease running through the province with his brief, but
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controversial speech on the occasion of his oath-taking. Making no bones

about his loyalties to the PPP, Salman Taseer stated that he intended to make
Punjab a bastion for the party. His words have added to the consternation
within the PML-N camp, which believes that the Governors House in
Lahore is to become a centre of intrigue intended to wean or lure away its
elected members, weaken its hold on the province and eventually oust its
government.
The quite blatantly political role taken on by a provincial
governor, immediately after taking charge of his post, is disturbing. This is
all the more so given the majority party in the provincial assembly is feeling
threatened by the stance he has adopted and has made its sentiments known.
The aggressive tone set by the new governor indicates the city may
become a stage for considerable political drama. While PPP leaders continue
to speak of working with the PML-N, the possibility of this happening
seems to be diminishing rapidly and the prospect of a new period, in which
Musharraf with his new political partners rules now seems ominously
real.
Shakir Husain opined: Salman Taseers appointment as governor
of Punjab can only be compared to a shotgun wedding, given that it was
completely random and out of the blue. Even PPP insiders were left stunned
by the announcement, not to mention the PML-N leadership, which bristled
at not having been consulted.
Mr Taseer is a successful businessman who has his fingers in pies
ranging from real estate, financial services, retail, and the media; and there is
a clear conflict of interests which should have been taken into consideration
before making the most important PPP appointment in Punjab. The majority
of Mr Taseers real estate projects are based in Punjab and one cannot
help but wonder how his appointment will impact these surely not
negatively. One also cannot help but wonder how Mr Taseers media clout
will come into play in the coming months.
The point is not about Mr Taseer and his appointment; rather, it is
about conflict of interests and about choosing the best people for the job. Is
the criterion for appointments in Pakistan going to for ever remain about
who is whose best friend and beneficiary, or will it ever be about the people?
Will decision-making be transparent where people will be able to see and
accept the logic of appointments based on merit, or will we always be
scratching our heads and wondering as to why someone was appointed? Will
there be no separation between business interests and governance?
537

Given his reputation, Mr Zardari had promised the Pakistani people

that he would ensure that history would not be repeated and things would be
kept clean and transparent. Yet all indications show that this will nor be the
case. Detractors of the Peoples Party are pointing to appointments over the
past 60 days and wondering where it is all headed It will be the people of
Pakistan who will suffer from the short-sighted decisions which are
emanating from Islamabad currently.
Kamila Hyat saw PML-Ns decision to withdraw its federal ministers
as end of first innings. The failure by the two parties to reach accord on the
restoration of judges has led to the PML-N quitting the federal cabinet. Its
desire to ensure its government in the Punjab is not jolted appears to be its
primary motive in opting not to quit the coalition and remain in
partnership with the PPP. In return, the PPP will continue to support the
PML-N in the Punjab.
The first innings of the PPP-PML-N government though is over.
Some would say it threw its own wickets, in an act of extreme
irresponsibility. Others may hold it has in fact been cleverly bowled out by
the presidency, the disguised googlies and leg breaks hurled its way finally
proving unplayable. Ugly allegations of match fixing, by some within the
PPP camp, also continue to float.
But whatever the truth is, the deposed judges, who have dominated
national politics since November 3 last year, are not likely to be restored in
the immediate future There is a strong possibility now that a full-fledged
campaign by lawyers and civil society for a restoration of the deposed
judges may resume.
While the PPP, indeed since after the February 18 election results
were announced, seems to have been trying to buy time on the judicial
issue, it now seems apparent these tactics have not quite worked. The issue
of the judiciary will not so easily dissipate. Logically speaking, in strictly
pragmatic terms, the PPP has a point when it says the question of who is
chief justice is of little consequence to people.
As a ruffled Asif Ali Zardari said at one recent press conference, the
deposed chief justice will not be distributing sacks of flour if he returns.
Certainly, the issue of flour and food has a more immediate impact on lives
than the judicial restoration. But despite this, the matter of the judges has
gained a deeply-rooted hold on the public mind and captured public
imagination.

538

By failing to deliver on this issue, by breaking promises he had made

in Bhurban, Asif Zardari has been cast by the public into the role of
villain a man who has allied himself with anti-democratic forces. Though
PPP insiders continue to hold the stalemate with Nawaz Sharif came about
only because of a disagreement over the modalities to be used for restoration
and that Zardari and his team foresaw major problems if the existing
Supreme Court stayed a parliamentary resolution restoring the judiciary, the
party and its spokespeople have failed to convince
Furtive meeting between PPP leaders, presidential aides and other
key figures have also continued to take place. Zardaris unnecessary and
rather personalized attack on the deposed chief justice, for failing to give
him relief and delaying the hearing of a case against him, has only worsened
the situation by making it seem that rather than acting on the basis of
principle, the PPP leader was interested in settling petty scores; just as
Musharraf had been doing.
For the moment, of course, little can be said with certainty about the
future of judiciary or the final fate of the non-PCO judges. But despite the
setback, as dialogue on the issue between the PPP and the PML-N collapsed,
there is still some room for optimism given the extent of public
involvement with the issue and the continued assertion by both major
parties that they want to see a restoration in the not too distant future.
Shafqat Mahmood wrote: As long as he is around, the ship of state
will remain unsteady. He has continued to work overtime to destabilize the
coalition government, and partially succeeded. Starting with a weak hand
after Feb 18, he has used his political allies and elements within the
institutions to considerably improve his position
Musharraf had very little room to manoeuvre and there was no
chance of the assembly being dissolved. He was also not in position to order
the Army to prevent a reinstatement of judges. Yet he was allowed to prevail.
His latest action of appointing Salman Taseer as governor of Punjab was
another deft move to bring the fissures between the coalition out into the
open.
Meanwhile, the economic indicators are in free-fall I dont buy
the line that the government cant do anything because it is preoccupied
with judges issue. Does the business of the state come to a standstill
because the leaders of the coalition are busy negotiating? The prime minister
and his cabinet have not been involved. What stops him and his ministers
from going about the business of governing?
539

If the judiciary issue is a drag, it needs to be sorted out quickly. If

Mr Musharraf is a spoiler, he needs to be quarantined and ultimately shown
the door. If he does not leave on his own, the coalition already has two-thirds
majority in a joint sitting of the parliament to impeach him. The ship of the
state has to be steadied and it can only happen if the judiciary is restored and
Musharraf removed.
The alternative is horrendous to contemplate. If the coalition
breaks on the judiciary issue and the likely battles in Punjab, it would
amount to collective suicide. We face problems that the nation has not faced
for a long time. If the two main democratic parties are standing together to
overcome them, we have a bleak future ahead.
The News observed arriving at critical juncture. The confrontation
between democratic and anti-democratic forces is now clear; the lines
have been drawn out and the divide is now obvious. The PPP, PML-N and
ANP have once more joined ranks despite lingering irritants and made it
clear that they stand as one against the presidency. Mian Nawaz Sharif has
emphasized the need for cooperation between political forces. Rumours of
conspiracy and uncertainty meanwhile lurk everywhere.
The PPP regards as very real the possibility of a presidential
move to wrap up the National Assembly and supporters of democratic
forces in bureaucratic corridors have leaked out documents to columnist that
suggest an onslaught on the elected government is being readied. This would
come in the form of an economic charge sheet, stating that the country had,
within months, been reduced to fiscal ruin.
Both sides appear to have their pistols loaded and their holsters
strapped on. For the PPP, this weapon takes the form of its 62-point
constitutional package, which, after being approved by the party CEC and
undergoing appropriate amendments if required, will be forwarded to the
other allied parties The presidency meanwhile is said to be in the process
of making contacts with the powerful quarters, both at home and overseas,
who it hopes will back it when the time comes.
The entire situation, of course, is a consequence of the refusal to
accept the verdict of the people. This verdict, delivered on February 18,
has been unequivocal in its views regarding the president. While General
Pervez Musharraf would have acted in a befitting manner by heeding this
opinion; it is also true the elected government has not always acted wisely
People question whether any governance is indeed taking place at all.

540

Most in Pakistan know that much of what happens now will

depend on the role adopted by forces outside the political arena. One
must hope that, this time round, they realize that failing to side with
democratic forces would be disastrous and would plunge the country into
still further years of crisis from which recovery would be all the harder.
Aasim Sajjad Akhtar commented on Zardaris claim that return of
democracy has not been because of lawyers movement but her wifes
familys struggle to save democratic monarchy from clutches of a dictator.
Notwithstanding Asif Zardaris insistence that the lawyer-led street
movement played no part in undermining military dictatorship and
ushering in a semblance of democracy, it is common knowledge that until
March 2007, there was little sign that the status quo in Islamabad was under
threat. It is a measure of the influence of the popular agitation that the
popular agitation that the most compelling debate that has taken place in
Pakistans intellectual circles over the past year or so has to with the
competing merits of political strategies aimed at transformation and
transition.
It is important to bear in mind that even though the debate over
transformation and transition is often posted in terms that makes the two
appear as conflicting objectives, it is perfectly reasonable to suggest that
attempts to transform ultimately aid the process of transition. Put in
context: the street movement that has invoked increasingly radical slogans
has directly facilitated the ongoing transition from unbridled military rule to
some kind of quasi-democratic dispensation.
Of course, it is those in favour of transformation that are increasingly
skeptical about the events that are currently unfolding in Islamabad. Simply
put, the transformationists suggest that the entire political system and the
state structure in particular, is obsolete and requires a radical make-over. In
this calculus, the biggest impediment to change is the military
On the other hand, the transitionists may or may not concede that
the existing political system is weakened by contradictions and is capable of
delivering a pro-people dispensation. They simply emphasize the futility of
trying to effect transformation, because they believe that any attempt to
evict the military from its position of power will necessarily invites reaction
and thus set the polity back. They, instead, argue in favour of democratic
forces negotiating for an increased share of power.
At some level, this can be thought of as a question of pragmatism
versus idealism. In this age-old binary, the trade-offs are clear. In the name
541

of pragmatism, there is all too often a tendency to reproduce status quo;

whereas idealism in its most extreme form is also likely to produce no
change, because there is no attempt to identify practicable means.
Accordingly, it is important to evolve a healthy mix of idealism and
pragmatism.
In typically colonial fashion, the military believes firmly that it
has a paternalistic role to play in shaping Pakistans physiological and
intellectual growth. It invokes the need to ensure national security and
promote development as a means of justifying its role. If transition does
not alter this larger-than-life role in which colonial attitudes are deeply
imbricated, then are we not settling for mediocrity?
If the tilt towards transition is simply a function of a lack of choice,
then rather than settling for mediocrity, new political alternatives need to be
fashioned. To be sure, transformation does not have to mean storming
the Bastille and inciting bloody war. As one after the other Latin American
country is demonstratingthe empirical evidence clearly indicates that
transition does not work in Pakistan; a colonial-type state that never
willingly accommodates demands for change.
Accepting the militarys predominant role and eschewing the
politics of transformation will serve only to reinforce the mass of peoples
disillusionment with politics. On February 18 people voted for some kind
of change, however vague. It is important not to deny them change in the
name of pragmatism and confrontation-less transition.
Ghazi Salahuddin wrote: It is the leadership of Zardari that is coming
under strain. Initially, the raised hopes that he has the capacity to rise to
the occasion. But prospect is fading out. Yes, he has an almost impossible
task. Still, his style and many of his crucial decisions are becoming suspect.
Not opting for some kind of a collective leadership, he is depending more on
the usual suspects. One wonders if any meaningful communication exists
among the top leaders of the party.
The main issue and this is the gist of his piece is Zardaris
spiritless and irresolute approach to the restoration of the judiciary,
particularly Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry. This attitude is seen to have
some linkage with the deal, apparently brokered by the Americans that led to
the birth of the NRO Frankly, the NRO is indefensible either legally or
morally. If Zardari and others had been victimized, here is an example of
two wrongs making a right.

542

Considering the sacrifices that were made by the workers and

supporters of the party in this campaign, it is surprising that the present
leadership of the PPP is not willing to take the tide at the flood. To continue
with this Shakespearean advice, the choice is either to take the current when
it serves Or lose our ventures. Instead, this issue has been gifted to
Nawaz Sharif and he can claim to be standing on high moral ground.
Even Pervez Musharrafs former colleagues now feel compelled
to support the restoration of judiciary. His law minister, who then aspired
to project a macho image, now admits that he had to defend the reference
against the Chief Justice, rather than resign, because of weakness and
cowardice. This weakness and cowardice has been the standard practice of
our politicians and our judges. But this fatal flaw was overturned by a
majority of the higher judiciary on November 3, 2007. Not to protect this
great deed would be a colossal national tragedy.
So many other factors are also involved, including the
appointment of Salman Taseer as Punjabs governor and embracing people
like Manzoor Wattoo. However, what does one make of the sensational
interview Zardari gave to the Press Trust of India, saying that Musharraf is a
relic of the past? He also said that the people tell the PPP that we dont want
bread, we dont want electricity, but we want him out. Interesting, isnt it
Irrespective of how Zardaris attack on Musharraf plays out and he
did not pursue this tone a day after the PTI interview when he spoke at a
South Asian Free Media Association conference in Islamabad on Friday
the simple fact is that people want Musharraf to go specifically as a
consequence of the judicial crisis.
The imperative of saving Pakistan from its many crises demands
the survival of the party that embodies the hopes and aspirations of the
liberal and progressive elements in our society. I am not sure what the
leaders and supporters of the party can do about it because any indication of
a rift within the party would also be disastrous. All they can do is to wish
and pray that Zardari does not walk away from the consensus position that
has been established on the issue of judiciary. But time is running out.
Kamran Kilani from Rawalpindi said: Was boycotting the election a
right decision on the part of the APDM? I think yes because we still see
power politics around in which only faces have changed but the agenda is
the same i.e. to cling on to power, to get maximum ministries and protocol,
to use public money for ones own luxuries and to accommodate self-seeking
people in the ruling setup. This cant be truer as far as the PPP is concerned.
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Many bigwigs and outspoken leaders of the PPP were

enthusiastic about the restoration of the deposed judges as well as the
removal of Mr Musharraf from the presidency. They always denied
backdoor contacts with Musharraf in television shows and didnt shy away
from committing themselves to the reinstatement of the deposed judges
before the Feb 18 elections. Its workers accompanied Justice Iftikhar
Now all of a sudden, the PPP has changed its stance over the
deposed judges issue. Also Mr Zardari has proved time and again that he is
not a man of words. It is because of his political wrangling that the PPPPML-N coalition in the government has collapsed. The PML-N ministers
have already resigned from their respective ministries and this is the first
step towards PML-Ns complete break with the federal government. The end
of coalition must be good news for Musharraf but the whole nation is
disturbed because the two parties have so far failed to restore the deposed
judges for which they were voted into parliament.
I fear the PPP would meet a fate similar to that of the PML-Q. If
Mr Zardari doesnt part ways with the dictator and the US administration,
then on the one hand it will be disastrous for his party and on the other
Pakistans sovereignty will be at stake once again.
Anjum Niaz observed that despite the change nothing had changed.
The co-chairman of the PPP is currently a very busy man accommodating
his loyalists. I am sure he must be inundated with reminders from all those
bounty hunters claiming to have been his foot soldiers during his dark days
in exile. So far the pattern has been predictable. Without any waste of
time, Husain Haqqani, Rahman Malik, Siraj Shamsuddin and Salman
Farooqi were appointed as soon as the Dogar court made the NRO a
permanent fixture.
With this zingy start, Asif Zardari has since appointed a retired
bureaucrat, Javed Talat, living in Canada. When the NRO became law, Javed
Talat too was exonerated. Now he has landed himself the prestigious post of
executive directorship in the World Bank. At age 70, the former finance
secretary will be drawing $20,000 a month as salary. Good luck to him too.
Zia Ispahani is another beneficiary of the present cycle of state patronage.
He has once more been appointed ambassador-at-large. I am sure he must
possess extraordinary diplomatic prowess for the PPP leader to pick him yet
again.
Meanwhile, foreign junkets have also begun in earnest. Less-thana-week-old Speaker of the National Assembly Dr Fehmida Mirza took off
544

for South Africa to attend some conference or other while the judges issue
was raging through the parliament Three other PPP lady stalwarts were
touring abroad (Sherry Rehman, Hina Rabbani Khar and Shahnaz Wazir).
It is simply unconscionable to be focused on junkets and giving
friends high-paying jobs yet once more. Heres my suggestion: By all means
spend foreign exchange and send out delegations abroad; by all means
appoint your loyalists to plum post, but in return give them a target
From now on Asif Zardari (hes a great businessman) should make it
mandatory on everyone touring abroad at state expense to become an
aggressive salesperson. Make a sales pitch for Pakistani products abroad
from hand-embroidered kurtis to hand carved artifacts and whatever else
Pakistan can offer.
All you foreign-flying birds, stop wasting your energies in imagebuilding; instead, go and wake up the sleepy economic and commerce
officials in Pakistani missions abroad, and dont return unless and until you
bring back purchase orders from foreign buyers. If our colonial masters,
the British, didnt wince being called a nation of shopkeepers, why
should you?
Dr Masooda Bano thought things were going in circles. Less than
two months into the government, the party has completely shattered public
confidence not only by its reluctance to reinstate the deposed judges but due
to conflicting moves on many ends. There is no clarity of intent or action
on any key political or policy issue, be it the partys relationship with Gen
Musharraf, the treatment of militancy in the tribal belt, or the nature of
partnership it wants to form with other political parties, including PML-N.
Its leadership seems to be driven by the same two forces that drove Gen
Musharraf: personal ambition and keeping the US on ones side.
On the issue of treatment of militancy in the tribal belt the party
is failing to take a clear line. On coming into power, the PPP leadership had
argued for the initiation of a dialogue with key actors within the tribal belt to
curb support for militants in the area, rather than relying on the use of force.
However, now the partys policy on this is not very clear. With Washington
putting more pressure on Islamabad to avert the possibilities of any peace
agreements with militant groups, there is no clear line of response from
Islamabad.
The same applies to almost any issue of public interest All that the
government seems to be doing since coming in power is drafting the
constitutional amendment to reinstate the judges, and to date it has failed
545

to produce it. If the current leadership is competent then why should it take
so long to move on an issue where the government has support from all
quarters for the drafting and finalization of this bill? The PPP leadership is
wasting time in dragging its foot on this issue.
How long will the public have to wait before there is a stir within
the Ministry of Education and a dynamic programme rolled out to address
the problems of access to education and its quality? How long will it take to
see the government start talking of poverty alleviation programmes? How
many months will it be before the government starts thinking of
development plans to deal with the shortage of basic food itemsthat
frustrate people on a daily basis?
There is so much work to do. Yet, the government seems in no mood
to move on any of the three fronts. It is content with issuing vague
statements bout it policy towards reinstating the judges and its relations
with General Musharraf and the US every other day rather talking of
anything of substance. The tragedy is that this style of leadership is a replica
of General Musharrafs rule where all government efforts were towards
keeping the General in power, rather than focusing the state machinery on
improving living conditions for ordinary people.
Rumours about Musharrafs departure have been a recurring feature.
The News commented: Many had believed the message delivered by people
across the country would leave the president with no option but to quit.
Instead he clung determinedly on, encouraged perhaps by allies in
Washington. His presence made many matters harder to tackle and denied
the country the sense of change it needed. But now, according to reports in
the media, intense negotiations are on in Islamabad, which include the issue
of the presidents future. These talks appear to have entered a decisive
phase.
After seeing the draft of a proposed constitutional package the PPP is
set to table in the parliament, Musharraf seems to have realized that a
situation in which his powers were quite dramatically cut and deposed
judges restored may be unacceptable. He has thus reportedly indicated
that he may step down, in return for indemnity for his actions of
November 3, 2007. Driving home their advantage, the Zardari House team
is stated to have suggested that selective indemnity could be granted, in
return for which Musharraf could back the new package before agreeing to
quietly depart.

546

The process of politics behind closed doors, familiar to many in

Pakistan, is obviously on in earnest, indeed, the final formula regarding
various key issues is said still to be worked out, as is the nature of the
agreement with the presidency. But for the moment it seems the PPP holds
the upper hand, with several options available to it. For Musharraf, the
choices are far starker and far less desirable: He can stay on as a powerless
president, restricted to ceremonial appearances or he could quit.
While it is of course unfortunate that the constitutional proposals
have not been discussed more openly or as yet put before parliament, as
democracy demands, there are some realities in Pakistan that we must
live with. These include the need for caution, to avoid enraging the
establishment, to keep Washington at least partially satisfied and maintain
secrecy to prevent subversion. Unfortunate as they are, these facts cannot be
ignored or merely wished away.
As such, the path followed by the PPP, given the circumstances,
has been thoughtful and reasoned. An agreement that would see the judges
back, even with a reduced tenure and the departure of Musharraf, should
find favour with most people. The report that Zardari is willing to show
flexibility on the manner of the judicial restoration is also good sign. One
must hope that the formula for this is acceptable to all the diverse stakeholders, including lawyers and political; parties allied to the PPP.
In this respect, it is unfortunate that the PML-N seems to have
been kept out of the picture so far. The PPPs desire to take main credit for
the package is in some ways undesirable. Indeed, no political party can
claim such motives do not concern it. Such is their nature. But it would be
immensely unfortunate if this interest in promoting itself led to a rift with
the PML-N. This would in many ways negatively counter-balance the
positive impact of the constitutional package.
The fact is that many doubts still exist regarding the PPPs
intentions and the contents of the package. The party as such would do
well to take further, open-hearted strides towards statesmanship by evolving
a consensus with the PML-N and the lawyers. Thus avoiding friction in the
future and gaining as such the maximum benefit from its skilful
manoeuvring in dealing both with the issues of the judges and with President
Pervez Musharraf.
Ikram Sehgal; an analyst, an ex-army officer, and friend of the brave
commando warned all those who criticize his friend, not to under-estimate
the Empire (or the vampire). Offence being the best defence, there are
547

signs that the Empire is now preparing to strike back. The preparation of
continuing absolute authority in the public mind is quite a virtuous
performance by Musharraf, given that this avid bridge players only
remaining power base is the ISI controlled by talented cousin Lt Gen Nadim
Taj.
The distancing of the Army from politics is a myth as long as
uniformed offices in the ISI manipulate political power. For the populace
the Army and ISI are synonymous, the perception of their meddling in
Pakistani politics is very much alive and well, and will probably remain so.
All principal political federal and administrative appointments are
presently subject to clearance by Nadim Taj. So lets not fool ourselves.
When the stakes are high, those who can manhandle one of Pakistans
living heroes like twice-over Sitara-e-Juraat Brig Mohammad Taj on a
purely private matter are capable of anything.
Unsubstantiated rumours are afloat that Musharraf will replace
Kayani with Nadim Taj as COAS of the Pakistan Army, sooner rather than
later i.e. before the constitutional amendment to be tabled by the people
takes away his powers to appoint the Service Chiefs. Even when trial
balloons do not fly, the desperate will gamble, throwing caution and
calculated risks to the wind. Take Mian Sahibs fate when he tried the same,
the abortive attempt to install poor Ziauddin Butt as COAS in place of
Musharraf on Oct 12, 1999.
If confrontation in the streets spins out of control, it will severely test
Pakistans democratic stability, adequate reason to proclaim an emergency
and return the country to dictatorial rule. The ultimate irony, the legal
fraternity being used in a judo ploy to topple the very democracy they are
struggling for. My friend Aitzaz Ahsan is inadvertently an instrument of
convenience for the man he hates, Pervez Musharraf. History is replete
with idealists who have made gross miscalculations in mindlessly pursuing
dreams, resulting in a long dark night of helplessness and frustration for the
masses, the exact opposite of their democratic objectives.
Mian Nawaz Sharifs one-point agenda is the removal of the
president from office and his subsequent trial, not the restoration of the
pre-Nov 3 superior judiciary. Was the PML-N electorate mandate for the
pursuit of private vendettas or for providing good governance? Only an
embedded would term Nawazs stand as private vendetta.
Mian Sahib must revisit his priorities, why not a hiatus on baying for
Pervez Musharrafs blood and concentrate on helping the PPP cope with the
548

desperate requirements of the Pakistan populace? The president should

continue as a constitutional monarch, reining in his talented cousin from
playing patriot games With everyone minding his own business, Asif
Zardari can goad the PPP to get on with governance. Only less than two
months ago on 27th Match the analyst in his article had suggested to his
friend to quit. That proved that Musharraf and his friends have considerably
recovered from the February 18 shock.
No discussion on Pakistans politics is complete without the mention
of the United States. Alizeh Haider wrote: Eric S Margolis, a veteran
American journalist, once wrote: Anyone who still wonders why so many in
the Muslim World hate the West needs to look no further than Pakistan,
where, in the name of democracy and counter-terrorism Washington and
London are stirring a witches brew of dictatorship, intrigue and
violence.
It is thus fascinating to see a senior diplomat of an important country
like America all wide-eyed with wonder over the sentiments of the people of
Pakistan towards her country. The US ambassador to Pakistan, Anne W
Patterson, is reportedly surprised at the depth of anti-Americanism in
Pakistan, especially in the middle class, because, as she sees it, Pakistans
long-term interests are aligned with ours and with those of other Western
countries.
Madam Ambassador probably feels this way because it is only the
middle classes that she has been directly exposed to and has hardly had the
opportunity to hobnob with the regular Joe on the street. If she were to do
so, it would add to her surprise that this anti-American sentiment runs
right across the length and breadth of the nation. In fact, it would not be
incorrect to say that every Pakistani, irrespective of gender, age or class,
resents Americas intrusiveness in our domestic and foreign affairs
While it is true that, tragically, many of our policies are reflective
of American policies and interests, it does not necessarily follow that the
national interests of the two countries are aligned or that such an alignment
is in any way good for Pakistan. Pakistans national concerns, be they short
term or long term, ought to be aligned with none other than Pakistan itself.
Madam Ambassador goes on to say: I suspect that those who oppose
American engagement in Pakistan have a limited understanding of how our
partnerships economic assistance and financial interactions changed the
lives of everyday Pakistanis in real and positive ways. I assure Her

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Excellency that such is not the case and that we are not an abysmally
ungrateful bunch
Americas manna comes from a poisoned chalice. Years of
American aid and financial assistance have had a corrosive effect on
Pakistans institutions and its society. It has made America perhaps the most
powerful force in Pakistan and has severed the natural links of accountability
between governments and people. While American money may have fed
thousands of hungry in Pakistan, it has also fed violence, alienation and
distrust in our society.
In the elections of 2008, the people of Pakistan gave General
Musharraf and his cronies the order of the boot. In no uncertain terms, the
message given by the people of Pakistan was that they no longer want a
military rule which does not empower the people, which does not put
national interest first, and which is exceedingly obedient to foreign orders.
Being seen as close American ally cost Musharraf and his cronies heavily.
However, once again, the will of the people was vetoed by America, and
regardless of the fact that the majority of the people would like to see the
back of Pervez Musharraf, he remains seated in the presidency, probably
sending thank you emails to President Bush every morning.
Another example of how American involvement in Pakistan has
created strife and instability in the country is the never-ending judges
saga. The people of Pakistan have very courageously taken a stand for the
reinstatement of the judges illegally and unconstitutionally deposed by
General Musharraf on Nov 3. But the US continues arm-twist Pakistani
leaders into acquiesce and is pressuring the coalition government into
making an unpopular decision.
If America genuinely wants to help Pakistan, then it must show
respect for the will of the people of this country. If the war on terror is
really a war on terror and if America is committed to winning it, then the
best thing it can do is help create a stable and moderate Pakistan. This
can only be done if America distances itself from the governance of the
country and alleviates the feeling of alienation and helplessness amongst the
people by allowing them to play their rightful role in the political process.
Ahmed Quraishi was of the view: The expanding US influence in
Islamabad the quite cleansing of Pakistani nationalist elements from
the foreign and information ministries, the latest being the sacking of Dr
Shireen Mazari from her position and the appointment of an employee of

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Voice of America, a US government agency, to head Radio Pakistan is

causing consternation in many circles.
Washington has successfully exploited the trust deficit and the
rifts between the political elite and the military institution to weaken
Islamabad and ensure its compliance. With the failure to restore political
stability in the country three months after the general election, the new
democratic experiment is teetering on the verge of collapse. This is the time
for both Pakistani politicians and the strong military institution to forget the
past for the sake of the homeland and enter into a strategic mutual
accommodation to restore stability.
A weak Pakistani political system has allowed the US to play
Pakistani leaders against each other. The initial idea was to teach a lesson
to President Musharraf whom Washington thought was a reluctant ally in
Afghanistan. This unstable system is one of the glaring failures of President
Musharrafs eight years in power, a failure that has almost demolished many
economic and foreign policy success of his initial years.
A dangerous trend to emerge in the past few weeks is Washington
bypassing Islamabad and directly dealing with provinces, political parties
and even tribal leaders. These tribal chiefs are now being directly contacted
by the Americans for recruitment into the American agenda for Afghanistan
and for NWFP.
Some of our politicians, city mayors, and party leaders are receiving
direct private invitations to visit Washington, all expenses paid, where the
itinerary includes tours to US military sites to impress the guest and
meetings with administration officials. Recent visitors include the mayor of
Karachi and the head of the third-largest party in the ruling coalition that
now controls the tribal regions. Some mayors of cities in Balochistan are
also reported to have received such invitations.
To survive in the 21st century with an uninterrupted economic growth
and stable domestic politics, Pakistan needs some difficult restructuring of
its political system. The risk of not doing so is clear in President Musharrafs
eight years Mr Musharraf delayed reforming the system and almost
paid the price for it.
The News saw the US making last ditch effort to safe its man.
Washington appears to be engaged in a last ditch effort to persuade the
PPP to allow President Musharraf to retain office, even if it is without his
powers, or else to work out a face saving minus two formula under which
both the president and Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry would make an
551

exit The senators have been meeting key figures in Islamabad, including
the president, the prime minister and the PPP co-chairperson, Asif Ali
Zardari. Indeed it is Mr Zardaris latest attacks on Musharraf that seem to
have prompted Washington to begin a new effort to rescue its floundering
friend. The senators have also discussed bilateral trade and the war on terror
during their visit.
While Washington has made its gesture, it is also becoming clear that
the Bush Administration is ready to accept that, as far as Musharraf is
concerned, the writing is ready on the wall. Asif Ali Zardari is said to
have told the US senators that, given the opinion of the Pakistani people, no
room is available to allow Musharraf to stay on. Indeed, the US is said to
have moved to a point where it is ready to accept that a new person will
move into the presidential slot.
On judicial front the dispensation of instant justice by the residents of
a locality in Karachi was widely commented upon. Fariha Arshad from
Lahore wrote: There are two aspects to this disturbing incident that we
must think about: firstly, why this trend of mob justice is emerging, and
secondly, if it is justified in our context Theres a difference between selfdefence and meting out justice extra-legally. But then comes the important
task of assessing why it is happening in the first place.
Any frustrated society will always resort to mob justice when the arm
of the law is hopelessly short. Kenya is a prime case in point Mob justice
is a response to government failure, and even though it is not acceptable, it
is an indicator of the governments malfunctioning more than anything
else.
Adnan Khan opined: This is what happens when people do not get
justice at home. This act is tragic and condemnable but it shows the
desperation in the minds of the people of the country in their quest for
justice. When dictators are not punished for committing treason against the
nation, when some army generals are not persecuted for mass wealth
hoardings, when criminals and murderers get amnesty under reconciliation
ordinance, when courts are filled with PCO judges, this is what happens
when people do not have faith in the courts.
For the first time in the history of Pakistan a chief justice was loved
by the people. He took brave steps and served justice with impartiality and
completeness. When he was removed and punished for his principles by a
usurper, people gave their verdictyet Zardari does not restore him. It may
be only a matter of time before the people take down the Camp Office
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and Zardari/Bilawal houses to receive justice. It may not happen too soon
but the desire to do so has been lit.
The News wrote: In Saturdays incident, the enraged mob did not
spare even the police which unlike the first instance, tried to intervene
and beat up one policeman in uniform and another in civvies. Seen in the
larger context, this extreme mistrust of the public in the judicial and
executive functions of the state and its inability to deliver justice and/or to
apply the law uniformly to everyone, one could argue, also explain the wide
public support that people have given to the movement for the restoration of
the deposed judges and for an independent judiciary.
Having said that though, while one can to an extent sympathies with
ordinary people who are constantly being done in by the law, and have to
live in a society where two sets of laws are in place (one for the poor and
unprivileged and another for the rich and influential, where the application
of the rules and regulations of society seem to be horribly slack), such acts
of mob justice cannot be condoned. The simple reason for that is that if
everyone were to take the law into his or her own hand then the law of the
jungle would prevail. What else the editor expected in the presence of
Musharrafs, Pirzadas, Qayyums and Dogars at the helm?
With two such incidents happening in a few days, this system of mob
justice could well spread unless faith in the judicial system is quickly and
comprehensively restored by the state. A senior police officer had a valid
point he said this could be used by people to settle personal scores It is
thus imperative that the judges issue must be resolved as quickly as
possible and in a way that confidence of the people begins to be restored.
Kamal Siddiqi was of the view: It is a matter of perception and
priorities. Ask Mumtaz and Mushtaq Ahmed, a middle-aged couple from
Chishtian, what they think of the appointment of Salman Taseer as the
new governor of Punjab and they have nothing to sayfor the people of
Pakistan, this is not an issue.
These are not unconcerned people. Ask them about the
reinstatement of the judges and their eyes light up with hope. Mumtaz, with
tears in her eyes, tells her tale of woe. In October 2005, the couple only
daughter, Farah, was allegedly kidnapped by three young men of their
village and murdered after being assaulted.
In 2007, Anti-Terrorism Court awarded the three men the death
penalty. Within ten months, the Lahore High Court, citing weak evidence,
acquitted them of all the charges. At an appeal in the LHC, the family of the
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victim was not even informed of the case, let alone heard. It does not take a
genius in Pakistan to understand what may have transpired for the case to be
overturned.
Today Mumtaz asks how she can live in a village in full knowledge
that her daughters killers are roaming free in the same vicinity. She wants
justice. The family has also hinted that if they do not get justice, there are
some who say that they should then get their own justice in their own way.
This trend is increasing in Pakistan.
This week, three robbers who barged into a house in Timber Market
in Karachi, an old bustling part of the city, were apprehended by a mob,
beaten to death and then torched. It was a public spectacle that reminded
one of the lashings of the Zia era
People cheered and took photos on mobile phones. Later, the police
raided homes to catch those who were involved in the lynching. People on
the street openly say that the robberies take place in connivance with the
local police now the police, they say, want to set an example (by lynching
the innocent victims of the bandits) so that other people do not lynch robbers
only hand them over to the police. In most instances, these robbers are
then set free. Another interesting aspect of this case was that one of the
robbers was the nephew of a high government official.
Zardari and company have to understand that people are not
interested in who is prime minister or finance minister or governor. They
want justice, law and order, rule of law and a system that gives them
education, health people also want a chance to earn a decent living and
live a comfortable life. Is this asking too much?
There are many who question the credentials of the judges who were
dismissed by President Musharraf in November 2007. Others argue that the
time has come to move forward, and therefore the judges who signed away
their loyalties to President Musharraf should be allowed to stay on. There is
much debate.
For their part, the people are looking for justice. Possibly the
reinstatement of the judges would give Pakistanis a last glimmer of
hope. If this does not happen, then Taliban-style justice, glimpses of which
we are already seeing, will take over. You cannot deny people their right to
justice.
This is a toothless government. It has too many leaders and no
one to lead. Promises are broken and people of questionable backgrounds

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are given important positions on the basis of personal loyalties and

friendships. We saw this happening in the Musharraf government. What
have we done to deserve a repeat?
Shireen M Mazari wrote: After waiting for decades to see effective
and fair governance, promises of better life fulfilled and basic decency, it is
hardly surprising to find mobs taking justice into their own hands,
venting all the their rage through a barbaric violence and watching with a
vengeance the burning of fellow human beings. The total lack of faith in the
law enforcers has never been so chillingly reflected and it is ironic that all
this has happened after Mr Suddle was sent to Karachi
But then why blame the ordinary Pakistani who has witnessed the
elites abandoning them when the going gets rough and creating safe havens
for themselves abroad only returning through scandalous deals and when
the scent of power is strong. Worse still, they have had to see indifferent
rulers themselves brutalize and psychologically violate the people when they
rise against injustice and tyranny. Just a year ago, the officially sanctioned
carnage in Karachi on May 12 took officially practiced brutalization to new
levels
That is why from the urban centres of civil society elitism to the
humble abodes of ordinary Pakistanis living their increasingly miserable
lives in the rural areas and urban slums, the clarion call for justice and rule
of law that was led by Chief Justice Iftikhar and the lawyers movement
found an unquestioning resonance.
For the ordinary citizen who cannot hope for NROs and other such
salvations, it is higher judiciary that is the last hope for justice and protection
against state tyranny. It was the support of the people that created a
scenario whereby the government of the day increasingly lost credibility
and forced the need for a new political dispensation which in turn had to
begin with fair and free elections
When Mr Zardari expresses his gratitude to the US, UK and EU
for pushing the country to democracy, that is not entirely correct. It was
the street power of the lawyers movement and the upsurge of civil society in
its support that forced the move towards a new democratic dispensation.
However, it was certainly the US and its allies that pushed a particular
democratic dispensation on to the country. That has been the negative aspect
of the post-electoral scenario where the elected people are increasingly out
of the loop as unelected returnees from overseas implement certain
agendas
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For instance, the US continues to kill our citizens indiscriminately

through it missile and helicopter gunship attacks but we are either told
there was no such attack the presumption being we are all blind or
that the killings by the US were not an attack. This last claim was made by
Haqqani, our new rep in the US, who declared in the face of clear evidence
and US media reports to the contrary that the US has not attacked Pakistan.
Then what were the missiles launched against the tribals in Bajaur a
gesture for love through friendly killings? Or is Bajaur not regarded as a
part of Pakistan so that the attack on Pakistani territory?
There are lies, big and small, these days and they are being fed to
the people as a daily diet. The British, in their usual games, now tell us that
while the British officials at our airports can grab a Pakistanis passport, it is
not confiscation but mere retention. A forced retention can hardly be
different from a confiscation and it is a shame on our successive
governments for allowing the Brits this non-reciprocal authority in our own
country.
Lies have become so endemic in the psyche of the ruling elite,
regardless of who they may be, that in all probability they do not see it as an
issue. Look at our prime minister declaring that the judicial issue was
complicated because of the problem of one seat, two chief justices. This is
one of the deliberate confusions being created at the official level to
continue keeping the judiciary under executive control
Our state has created a dehumanized population that has been
terrorized and suppressed and has now unleashed its own terror within
society. Today it is robbers who are facing mob justice through public
burnings. Who will be tomorrow?
Kamila Hyat observed: More shocking are initial findings, based on
interviews carried out by television channels and casual discussions with
people at various places, that many, even the educated, appear to largely
favour such action, arguing that there can be no hope of a corrupted system
delivering on the need of citizens for protection under the law. A more
scientific survey into opinions regarding such rough and ready justice,
Wild West style, is much needed and is likely to produce eye-opening
results which show how little faith people have left in the capacity, ability
and commitment of the State towards its citizens.
The reality of life seems to be that we have descended into mob
rule and a kind of order in which the strongest prevail. There is a very
real risk that the trend may continue or even accelerate It is evident that
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the situation we are seeing now is the direct result of a failure on the part of
governments to act over the past many years.
In essence, the agreement between citizens and State, which stands
as the basis of the modern entity we call the nation-state, has broken down.
With the State unable to provide citizens with basic needs, including security
of property and life, citizens are unwilling to accept the authority this body
represents, or should represent. This breakdown in relations extends beyond
the realm of law and law keeping
To prevent complete descent into a Darwinian rule of the jungle,
where the weakest die and the strongest prevail, the State must reassert its
writ. Without the rule of law there can be only more chaos and mayhem.
To have any worth in a country as crisis-ridden as the Pakistan of today,
governance must touch lives through food subsidy schemes, social security
benefits, the protection of law-abiding citizens and even-handed punishment
for those who violate the law. People today are indeed desperate for justice.
It is this sentiment that has been captured by the struggle for judicial
restoration, for people have come to equate justice, rightly and wrongly, with
the deposed chief justices.
Anjum Naz pondered as to who should have been lynched.
Individuals seated on gilded chairs of power are the villains of this piece.
They and not the helpless bandits should be lynched and torched alive.
They have looted the state and not been punished for it. They have whisked
away billions to foreign lands and bought themselves palaces, leaving
Pakistan and its 70 percent les miserables living under $2 a day.
In a society where justice is dead and the judges sacked, the
wretched poor take the law in their hand. The May 12 anniversary came
and went, but the killers whose faces we the TV viewers saw the whole day
are still at large; why? Go ask President Musharraf who was tap-dancing in
Islamabad along with the Chaudhry clan and chamchas of the PML-Q
celebrating their popularity with rent-a-crowd, while Karachi was burning
and gun-toting criminals killing at random.
The mob would like to kill the powerful, but the powerful live in
fortresses and ride in bullet-proof limousines, buffeted by beefy security
men showing off their automatic guns as they ride in open pickups glaring
menacingly at motorists and the rest of humanity as though they were dirt.
The return of the nawabzada, wadera, mian and khanzada is back after Feb
18. Welcome to democracy and the horse trading it has started in Sindh and
now in Punjab.
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Make us the laatsahib (governor) or give us cabinet posts; people

be damned. This is the message of our political parties. And these are men
who already have so much wealth (legal and illegal) that they can buy
anything other than the Governors House. One day, I will make a list of
men who have lived in the Governors Houses of our provinces at the cost of
selling their souls to the devil. Some of them are dead, others living and still
dreaming of their days as the laatsahib.
Any social scientist or psychologist will tell you that the poor have
reached the end of their survival. While they cannot hit out at the
authorities responsible for keeping them baking in heat and vacant darkness;
denying them drinking water and affordable food; depriving them of
livelihood and in general forcing them to subsist in a subhuman state while
suckering them with empty slogans of roti, kapra, makan, the poor have
taken to the streets whipping up mob hysteria.
Zardari has been the main hurdle in restoration of the judges. G Omar
from Peshawar wrote about the man. Zardaris recent press statements have
left the nation in a state of bewilderment. Perhaps it would have been better
had he refrained from issuing these controversial statements because they
endorsed Musharrafs take on the judiciary and other issues. Mr Zardaris
criticism of the deposed chief justice was egocentric and myopic. His oftrepeated argument that two wrongs dont make a right shows that that Mr
Zardari is more autocratic than President Musharraf. His statements
suggest that the Musharraf-PML-Q-MQM alliance suits him better than the
one with the PML-N which has a principled stand on the Constitution and
judiciary.
Nazir Narejo from USA urged: One should have a look at the
hypocrisy of another PPP federal minister when he said that the
constitutional amendment package contained an amendment to the Treason
Act that would make judges raking oath from a dictator liable to prosecution
and punishment. What about working under a dictator, becoming his
partners, sabotaging democracy and subverting the restoration of judiciary
to pre-emergency position?
Saleh Usmani from Jakarta wrote: It has been reported in the press
that Asif Ali Zardari has directed the law ministry to pay the deposed judges
their salaries for the last five months. Is the payment of salaries to the
deposed judges not an acceptance of the fact that, constitutionally, they
are still judges? Then why does the PPP government continue to stop them
from performing their constitutional duties?

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Asif Ezdi observed: When Nawaz Sharif held his meetings with
Zardari in London, the apprehension was that in order to save the coalition,
the PML-N might agree to a restoration of the dismissed judges on
Zardaris terms. This would have involved a constitutional amendment to
keep out Iftikhar Chaudhry or clip his powers as Chief Justice and the
retention of all the PCO judges, including those handpicked by Musharraf
after Nov 3 for their reliability and subservience.
A clause making the NRO a permanent law would also have been
sneaked into the constitutional package. Such a deal would have mounted to
a validation of Musharrafs election and his second coup. That danger has
now been averted, at least for the immediate future. Not an occasion for
rejoicing, but certainly one for a sigh of relief that the worst has not come
to pass.
By agreeing at Dubai to the retention of the PCO judges, Nawaz
Sharif gave away too much and got little in return, except for a shadowy
promise that the judges issue would be settled by May 12. What Nawaz
Sharif does not seem to have realized is that by agreeing to keep in office
judges appointed after Nov 3, he also implicitly accepted that that the
decisions given by the PCO judges were judgments of a validly constituted
court. One of those judgments upheld the legality of the PCO. Another ruled
that the election of Musharraf was constitutional. Most important from
Zardaris point of view was the decision declaring the NRO to be a valid
piece of legislation.
Those who argue that restoration of the judges is not a priority issue
for the public forget that the PML-N did so well in the elections, despite the
short preparation time, mainly because it took a clear and forthright stand on
this issue. Despite this, the partys stance on the retention of the PCO
judges has flip-flopped But given the PML-Ns recent record, there is no
guarantee that its position will not shift again.
The PML-N position on the NRO has also changed. When the
Ordinance was first promulgated, the party immediately challenged it in the
Supreme Court but now Shahbaz Sharif wants the amnesty extended also to
him and his party. We do not know if the deal that was being negotiated
between the two sides would have included a mutual absolution from
charges of corruption.
The empire is already striking back. The freedom of the media is
again under attack. Sherry Rahmans Information Ministry is talking of a
code of conduct for the print media. Few would believe Zardaris denials
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that he is behind the refusal of PEMRA to give a license to Geo English. The
attempt made by the Supreme Court to restrict TV reporting on the judges
issue is also unthinkable without the knowledge of the PPP leadership.
There is a maxim which says that when someone wants to do
something, they find ways, but when they do not want to do something,
they find reasons. The PPP has given 14 reasons why it cannot stand by the
commitment it made in the Murree Declaration. But there is actually only
one reason, and that is that if the Chief Justice is restored without a
constitutional amendment the PCO goes, and if the PCO goes, so does the
NRO.
The plain fact is that the PPP is being used by Zardari for his
personal agenda and that the party leadership, many of its member
beneficiaries of the NRO, is going along. Let us be honest. The hotbed of
conspiracies against the judiciary is no longer the Presidency. It is
Zardari House, with the Presidency watching approvingly.
Babar Sattar talked about the packaged justice. Pakistan has not
suffered martial laws because our law is badly written, nor have our dictators
gone unpunished because Article 6 has loopholes. The malaise afflicting us
is that as a nation we lack a culture of legalism; we treat law as nicety,
which, if it gets in the way, could be disregarded or bent to serve the whims
of the powerful. Those in power exhibit an ability to persuade or coerce
others to bend the law and defy fundamental principles of fairness and by
making our peace with such ground realities we help entrench such lawless
culture. It manifests itself at the highest level in exercise of state authority
when a Gen Musharraf overthrows an elected government by force of
illegally detains our highest judicial officers, or in everyday life when
someone gets ahead of you in a line because he knows the clerk and the
person objecting to such impropriety get mocked for being unreasonably
pedantic.
This culture of extra-legalism continues to thrive in part due to
social acceptance. The one breaking the queue at a traffic signal always
knows that he will be accommodated ahead of those who have waited
longer. Likewise, judges who eagerly swore an oath to the Generals PCO, or
others like Ahsan Bhoon of their fraternity to purchase a ticket for personal
advancement, feared neither legal reprisal nor social isolation. And their
judgment has been largely vindicated with the PPP bending over backwards
to accommodate them in their present positions.

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The PPP wishes to fix the tenure for the office of chief justice
while also increasing the retiring age of judges. The reasons given seem
simple enough. It is reasonable for the office of the chief justice to have a
fixed term as all executive and legislative offices also have predetermined
terms. And an increase in the judges retiring age is desirable for it will
enable the country to benefit from their experience and expertise for longer.
In principle, however, there is no need to have a fixed tenure for a chief
justice
The policy choices being favoured by the PPP are not fundamentally
flawed. But what makes them objectionable is (i) their timing and
proposed outcome; and (ii) the selective enforcements of the choices
being advocated. There would be no outrage over the changes proposed by
the PPP if they did not result in Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry retiring
prematurely and Justice Dogar taking his place
Selective application of ideas also casts doubts on PPPs
intentions and priorities. While PPP lawyers favourably cite lifetime
appointments of judges in the US and UK as examples to be emulated in
enhancing the retiring age of judges, they forget to mention that the same
logic also applies to the office of the chief justice in such countries. For
example, Justice Stevens of the US Supreme Court is 88 years and has been
on the bench for the last 33 years. But similarly John Roberts was appointed
as chief justice in 2005 when William Rehnquist died after serving that
position for 17 years
The PPP seemed miffed at missing the opportunity to score brownie
points for restoring the judges. But all is not lost. It can make restoration
of judges the beginning of an all-encompassing reform process that
focuses equally on the lower judiciary and truly aims at fixing our broken
system of justice. For example, it is common knowledge that the conditions
of service of the district judiciary are appalling. Yet, despite all the hoopla on
the judiciary we havent seen any political party take up the challenge and
advocate a reform package that would (i) result in attracting the brightest
legal minds to the judicial service, and (ii) make the district judiciary
independent as well and lead to its integration with the superior judiciary.
A new civil judge who has jurisdiction to rule on cases worth
millions gets paid a paltry sum of Rs 20,000 per month. And yet we expect
him to be oblivious to consideration of fear or favour and mete out justice
conscientiously. True, we cannot put a price tag on honesty or cure greed,

561

but we must pay him enough so the he need not rely on graft to make ends
meet.
Likewise, the colossal number of pending cases and the years lost by
an average litigant in pursuit of justice are the banes of out legal system.
And yet we have some 12,800 judges all over the country to service the
judicial needs of a population of over 160 million. How can one expect a
judge to thoughtfully decide cases on merit when he is required to hear up to
200 cases during an average workday?
There is tremendous opportunity for the PPP to initiate institutional
reform, strengthen the judiciary, transform our justice system and also derive
political mileage from this only if it has the vision and the sense to act
on its professed good intentions.
Ayesha T Haq opined: Our Constitution, like all written constitutions,
is open to change but at great effort. If it were altered too easily it would
be mere temporary law not a document for all ages. Change requires two
elements, consensus and necessity. There must be substantive national
agreement that an urgent problem exists and cannot be remedied any other
way. From accounts appearing in the electronic media at the time of writing
this piece it appears that we have sixty-two urgent problems that cannot be
resolved any other way
Constitutions are not static documents; they do require
amendment from time to time to reflect changes in policy, attitudes,
political structure and the like. Because our Constitution can be amended we
can repair the tears in our social fabric and try different strategies and tactics
to resolve problems. Because our Constitution cannot be easily amended we
are able to preserve the stability and continued required to sustain
democratic government.
Nothing is perfect. We have not perfected our Constitution so as to
suggest that it is unchangeable. Change is the choice of the living; todays
generation has the same right to self-government as the past one exercised
for itself. However, this change can only be effected by authority of the
people through their elected representative and those elected
representatives need to act responsibly, they need to understand and debate
every single word these sixty-two amendments, they need to be cognizant of
the consequences and impact of each of these amendments and most
importantly they need to think about how they would like future generations
to remember them as champions of democracy or collaborators of antidemocratic forces.
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The News wrote: It is quite probable that both Nawaz Sharif and
President Pervez Musharraf will be privately laughing and celebrating the
great political jugglery performed by Asif Ali Zardaris team of legal
experts and advisers. The changes so far proposed in the Constitution,
though not fully revealed to the public yet, do need to be made and it is
satisfying that the party which received the largest share of the popular vote
will introduce and pilot them through parliament. It could be argued that the
package contained something for everyone.
As for the president, while the package does significantly curtail the
powers of the post he occupies, it also seeks to implicitly indemnify his
actions of Nov 3. Furthermore, it attempts to link the restoration of the
deposed judges to its (the packages) passage, something which probably
will not be accepted by the PML-N and the lawyers movement. However, it
allows the PPP to make the plausible claim that at least the Charter of
Democracy is being put into practice.
It may well be the case that each of its provisions may now be hotly
debated by the various stakeholders. And because of the likelihood of all this
happening, it could be said that in reality it may not really pose too big a
threat for the president. In any case, the two-thirds majority that the
government would require in both houses of parliament for the constitutional
amendments to carry currently, at least on the face of it, does not exist in the
Senate.
Hence it is unlikely that the political stability and certainty that the
nation and its economy both desperately need will not be achieved any
time soon the PPP government will not get the time and space to handle the
issues that agitate the public mind the most these days. What could be done
is perhaps to achieve agreement on the clauses and provisions that do enjoy
widespread approval between the various political parties
The PPP co-chairman would come out with flying colours as well
because he could claim to take the lead in taking a stand, through his party in
parliament, against the president and this would help change the current
public perception that the PPP was acting in cahoots with the presidency.
However, credible reports suggest that Mr Zardari remains convinced that
the Americans and the establishment are still backing the president and that,
in his estimation, the president is not going anywhere any time soon.

REVIEW
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When residents of a locality in Karachi were busy dispensing instant

justice to dacoits caught red-handed, the Police rescued the dacoits from the
mob that had taken the law of the land of pure into their hands. In other
words, the mob had challenged the writ of the state in a country where the
dacoits rule.
The justice administered on a Karachi street was quite contradictory to
the norms of justice prevalent in Pakistani society. In Pakistan, law enforcing
agencies are supposed to protect the life and property of looters not of
ordinary law-abiding people. Those, who try to lynch the criminals at the
scene of the crime, are quite like the obscurantist, extremist, or Islamic
fascists.
Musharraf had joined as frontline mercenary in Bushs holy war that
was waged to push the Muslim World back to Stone Age. His contribution
has been commendable. Through his repressive rule he has singlehandedly forced the people of Pakistan to seek justice through means similar
to those of the Stone Age.
As if his oppressive rule was not enough, Musharraf blessed the
Pakistani people with Zardari. Like Musharraf, Zardari too is certain about
the place from where the sun rises. Both strongly feel that all the good things
that have happened in Pakistan have been because of them.
At the national level, the prime criminal had yet to decide about the
judges which can deliver the justice to his liking. To this end he has been
stalling the settlement of the issue of restoration of judges. The package
strategy was working well in delaying the settlement for indefinite period;
even the lawyers could do nothing more than giving another three weeks to
Zardari.
The inclusion of restoration issue in the package containing five to six
dozen of points amounted to throwing a needle in a haystack. Most of the
points included were not urgent in any way. The debate on these points in
the National Assembly will consume considerable time allowing the
debaters could drag their arguments for indefinite period.
If the PPP can muster two-thirds majority for the passage of 18 th
Amendment (affectionately called the package) then why not go for the
impeachment. In fact purely for want of numbers the package would not
pass the test to become an amendment. It is, undoubtedly, a ploy to delay the
resolution of the judges issue.

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In this package the deposed judges (constitutional judges) and PCOjudges are stacked side by side. The arguments put forward for doing so
remind one the memories of Ramjet Singhs era. The word package is,
however, quite appropriate for the collection of variety of issues.
The package is in essence a reciprocation of the NRO. Zardari is
under obligation to payback reconciliatory gestures Musharraf. The only
way to do that is for him to implement his part of the deal struck be his wife.
Hence, all actions other than reciprocation are nothing but Nora Kushti.
Zardari also wants a superior judiciary that acts as a facilitator, not
spoiler, in day to day business of the Executive. The bench headed by Justice
Iftikhar had acted as a spoiler if some cases starting from the privatization of
Pakistan Steel Mills. No Mr Percentage would tolerate such a spoiler.
He also wants to take the credit for whatever is done for redressing the
issue of deposed judges. By dragging his feet, he wants to convey the
message that it is only he who can do or not do; not the lawyers, the PML-N,
or the APDM. This is how the dwarfs get the feeling that they are taller than
what they actually are; Zardari is an ordinary dwarf.
Zardari does not want to restore the deposed CJP; in fact, he wants to
dump him forever. It was because this earnest desire of Zardari that he was
not bothered about PML-Ns withdrawal from the federal cabinet. The steps
taken by him since separation have proved that he may be talking about
reconciliation, but he has initiated the battle procedure for the battle in
Punjab.
To conclude, a few words about the UN probe into Benazirs murder.
Pakistan, a nuclear power, will request the world body for investigation of a
murder case that has already been under hearing in a Pakistani court. Only in
Pakistan, the criminal cases can be heard by the courts before a request for
investigation is made.
28th May 2008

POLITICAL PARALYSIS
The political forces that had emerged victorious in February 18 polls
had pushed Musharraf and his cronies on back foot. That was the time to
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completely rout the presidency. Unfortunately, that did not happen because
the PPP was obliged under the US-sponsored deal not to harm Musharraf
in any way.
This deal adversely affected the performance of the democratic
forces, because the two major parties in the coalition had different priorities.
Both parties badly suffered from trust deficit. Resultantly, they failed to
deliver on their respective electoral mandate.
The inability of the political forces convinced the people not to hurry
in abandoning the presidency. Musharraf saw the golden opportunity in the
political paralysis and the brave commando started popping his head up.
Bush continued providing necessary backing to his buddy.

EVENTS
Addressing a public gathering on 10th Yaum-e-Takbeer in Lahore on
28th May Nawaz Sharif forgave Musharraf for his pains but he insisted that
the nation cannot forgive the dictator for his misdeeds. He urged that
Musharraf must be tried for treason. General Kayani had a marathon
meeting with Musharraf which lasted for about three and half hours. Saleh
Zaafir while reporting said it seemed Musharraf has decided to call it a day.
The Supreme Court was moved to get the Army House vacated; which
had been turned into a hide out by the retired brave commando. PPP lawyers
assure Zardari that they would not join lawyers long march. Aitzaz asked
Musharraf to quit by 10th June.
Musharraf-COAS meeting triggered the phenomenon of wishes
turning into rumours and finally into news items. on 29th May, Gen Qureshi
denied all the contents of the report of Saleh Zaafir, except that meeting was
held. The senior journalist challenged the denial of Gen Qureshi and added
that an aircraft for Musharraf had arrived at Chaklala. At a dinner at night
Musharraf also dismissed reports about differences with the army and his
resignation.
Aitzaz strongly opposed safe exit for Musharraf; he wanted
accountability for every act of the dictator since 1999. MQM and PML-Q
kept their silence over the news about Musharraf. Manzoor Wattoo along
with his clan of former cattle-lifters joined PPP and Zardari welcomed them.
The judge hearing appeal against Nawazs eligibility held back the decision
for 24 hours.

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Next day, cornered Musharraf got a push from Bush. The Yank in
While House assured full support to his buddy in the camp office. Musharraf
blamed Sharif brothers for causing him worries. Zardari kept circling to
catch his tail; he said Musharraf would be impeached once the people and
parliament wanted. Ishrat personally conveyed the message of solidarity
with Musharraf. Pagara also reiterated the support. Wajihuddin wanted trial
of Musharraf to prevent future interventions by Army. Wattoo-Taseer duo
was set to sort out MPL-N in Punjab.
On 31st May, two-member Election Tribunal gave split decision on
nomination papers of Sharif brothers and referred the case back to the CEC;
the Chief Commissioner now held the sword and waited for orders. The PM
ordered release of funds to friends of Musharraf.
The package was delivered to coalition partners. The deposed CJP
received warm welcome in Peshawar and in cities en-route. He claimed that
people were with the lawyers. Aitzaz urged the people to come out of their
houses and join the long march. Kurd warned of tussle after June 10.
Next day, CEC declared Sharif brothers qualified to contest polls. The
package aimed reciprocating the NRO by proposing selective indemnity to
illegal and unconstitutional acts of Musharraf. Shaikh Rashid pulled out of
by-poll in NA-55 but formed a party to contest next general elections.
In an interview to the New York Times Aitzaz Ahsan criticized Zardari
for dragging his feet on restoration of the judiciary because he doesnt want
independent judges. He also said that most of the charges of corruption,
kidnapping for ransom and murder against Benazir and Zardari were
justified.
On 2nd June, Shahbaz Sharif was elected unopposed from PP-48,
Bakkar-II. PML-N leaders expressed concerns over scrapping of Kalabagh
Dam. PCO Supreme Court discussed the laws dealing with contempt of
court while hearing the appeals of seven officials who were punished by the
deposed judges. Aitzaz said New York Times misquoted him on cases
against Zardari. Lt Gen Jamshaid Kiani said the briefing on Kargil was
arranged for the COAS and not for the then prime minister.
Next day, Zardari and Nawaz met and agreed to form another
committee to examine the so-called constitutional package. PPP lawmakers
complained of not receiving the draft of the package, which now contained
70 items. Pervaiz Elahi said the PPP must acknowledge publicly that
continuation of Musharraf as president is part of the reconciliation.

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Nawaz Sharif demanded inquiry into Kargil fiasco with reference to

Lt Gen Jamshed Kianis statement. Musharraf came under intense criticism
in National Assembly. Pakistani Foreign Minister talked to his Danish
counterpart after the embassy bomb blast. Did the Danish minister talk to his
Pakistani counterpart when blasphemous cartoons were published?
The idea of reforming the local government instead of abolishing it
gained support in the National assembly. On 5 th June, Sharif brothers were
summoned by a full bench of LHC to appear on 18 th June for hearing of
petitions challenging the decision of ECP in which they had been allowed to
contest by-elections.
Musharraf urged the government to focus on economy. Lawyers held
protest rallies across the country. General Aslam Beg addressed Lahore Bar
Association and said Benazir was murdered for defying the US and in 1999
Nawaz had to pay for carrying out nuclear tests.
Next day, the UN was formally asked to hold probe into murder of
Benazir Bhutto. The PPP decided to gain political mileage by exploiting the
countrywide food shortage and high prices. Benazir coupons will be issued
from national exchequer. The Supreme Court declined to issue a stay order
stopping Shahbaz from taking oath. Shahbaz Sharif was sworn in as member
of Punjab Assembly. British High Commissioner in Pakistan met Altaf
Hussain in London.

VIEWS
On political front the withdrawal of PML-N ministers from federal
cabinet continued to be commented upon. The News wrote: While the
PML-N has still not delivered any definite verdict on the constitutional
package, there seems to be no dispute about most of its provisions. Also
encouraging is the fact that the leaders of both parties seem eager to
maintain a united front. The common goal of removing Musharraf is a
bonding factor in this regard and the PPP and the PML-N both realize the
need to retain their link for the present at least.
It is also known that plenty of behind-the-scenes activity is on, with
at least one senior PML-N leader having publicly stated that the restoration
of the judges is a more complex legal issue that is being portrayed in some
quarters. In Islamabad meanwhile, conjecture is also on that the PML-N
ministers may very soon resume their disrupted role in the federal cabinet,
and that this may indeed happen before the budget, enabling Ishaq Dar to
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present it. The strong endorsement by the ANP for the constitutional
amendment package also helps build support for it.
Challenges to the coalition of course come everyday and it is being
reported that President Musharraf, for one, remains convinced it will
eventually crumble. The controversy that has opened up in Punjab over the
Kalabagh Dam issue also brings with it problems for the PML-N. But we
must hope that the two parties making up the main body of the coalition will
be able to ensure it is kept intact. Pakistan at present needs more unity and
less division.
Musharraf-COAS meeting aroused the curiosity of the observers.
Shafqat Mahmood commented: Rumours start when there is a gap in
information; that is why the best media policy for any government should be
a high degree of transparency. The problem in our environment is that we
exist on two levels of reality. There is the visible aspect, in which politics
and governance take place, if not transparently then at least at a level that
can be understood and analyzed.
Then there is the subterranean world of behind-the-scene intrigues in
which plots are hatched, conspiracies unfolded, and in which shadowy
players and intelligence agencies become dominant actors. This happens to
countries where rule of law or dictates of the constitution are not worth the
paper they are written on and can be set aside on a whim. It is here that raw,
naked power creates its own reality. We are condemned to live in such a
place
I think Musharraf called Gen Kayani because he wanted to assess
his options. I dont think he has any desire to quit unless circumstances
force him to, and he wanted to find out that in case the coalition parties
decide to impeach him, can he rely on the armys support.
He would want the army to enforce his order in case he decides to
dissolve the assemblies and dismiss the government. He may also have
explored the option of another emergency or martial law, and this is not
possible without the help of the army. Remember he is a desperate man
and has been known in the past to take reckless steps.
What would have been General Kayanis response? This is where the
change in command of the Triple One Brigade becomes important.
Musharraf still posses the power to sack the army chief and the fact that
some such stories have surfaced in the recent past is not just a happenstance. It must be something that he may have considered. But now, with his

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loyalist no longer in command of the Triple One Brigade, his ability to

enforce this decision has eroded, if not finished altogether.
In this backdrop, General Kayanis response is not difficult to
decipher. He must have said, Sir, leave the army out of politics and dont ask
us to enforce any steps against the democratic norms. Why would Kayani
say this? Even if one is not willing to concede that he is a professional
soldier who truly wants the army to remain out of the political fray, he is not
a desperate man like Musharraf. He understands that the climate in the
country is not in favour of the army supporting controversial and antidemocratic steps. His answer would thus be of a realist, even if one is not
willing to grant any democratic romanticism to him.
If events have indeed panned out in this way, Musharrafs
options have become very limited. He can either hope that the Zardari-led
coalition would not take him on or he can resign with some modicum of
dignity intact. Knowing him, though, I will venture that he will wait to be
unceremoniously shown the door.
Ayesha Siddiqa saw it in the context of overall political scenario.
Already, there is friction between Musharraf and some politicians. And then
there is the lawyers movement which wants the former General to quit.
Certain sections of the media also seem to be calling upon General
Kayani to move against his former chief in order to secure his exit. The
economy appears to be in tailspin.
However, even against this backdrop, General Kayanis most
important task is to save the integrity of his own institution with its
independent goals and ambitions. While President Musharraf is there to
watch over American interests such as the Pakistani military continuing to
fight the war on terror or nuclear weapons not falling into the hands of
unsavory characters, the military is more concerned about a situation where
the US or NATO forces might choose to directly attack Pakistani territory.
The entire peace process with the jihadis is not just the idea of politicians; it
was also conceived and implemented by the military.
This was not just on account of the Islamist influence but also to
create space for the defence forces which were coming under attack
from jihadis. The military could always adopt the option of conducting
surgical strikes in the form of targeted assassination of the jihadi leadership
but then some would argue why kill the jihadis when they could prove to be
a formidable line of defence against external threats, including one from the
US and India.
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Now General Kayani, and not President Musharraf, represents the

interests of the Pakistan Army and he could be getting uncomfortable with
the presidents political game. To reiterate an earlier point, while Musharraf
now plays a political game, Kayani has to look after his organization and his
own interests. It is significant that Musharraf did not take off his uniform
until he had made sure that he filled many key roles in the organization
with people he could trust. Such a move naturally restricts the army chief.
Ghazi Salahuddin found Musharraf as a tragic figure. One focus
would be` on a late night encounter between the retired and the serving
chiefs of staff of the army. It is said to have lasted for more than three-and-ahalf hours, ending past midnight. So, what were General Ashfaq Parvez
Kayani and his former chief discussing?
A reportraised the possibility of Musharrafs imminent departure.
It was suggested that he has himself decided to call it a day. An
announcement was expected at any moment. And this led to a blizzard of
rumours. These rumours, that led to another dip in the stock market
because every sensible person believes that Musharraf has no option left but
to quit.
Well, I am writing these lines in the afternoon of Saturday and
Musharraf is still holed up in his bunker. However, the days newspapers
have headlined another minor development in the story. President George W
Bush, another tragic figure on worlds stage, made a telephone call to
Musharraf and the White House, breaking from its usual practice, announced
the details of this conversation. Otherwise, the White House lets the office of
the leader who receives the call to make a statement.
The general impression, naturally, is that Bush came to Musharrafs
rescue at a critical moment. In a sense, this confirms that the Pakistani
leader is truly under pressure and it is becoming very difficult for him to
hang on to power. This message has also been conveyed by the American
media
We should get out of the way two major issues. The judiciary has
to be restored and Musharraf has to go. Now, I am not suggesting that
General Kayani should invest his considerable authority in dictating these
moves. At the same time, I would hate to even have an iota of doubt that he
realizes these imperatives. After all, he must have thought about the wages
of military interventions in a historical context
Musharraf is a retired chief of army and not a politician. Besides, his
action on November 3 was done in the name of a serving chief. We can
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imagine what would happen to a politician if he or she were guilty of a

lesser digression. A politician, for instance, can never refuse to leave when
the prescribed tenure has expired.
A military leader can get away with a lot more than what they were
accused of. He can break any number of promises and even tamper with the
Constitution. Fortunately, a new chapter has opened in our history with
the defiance of Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry on March 9, 2007, and the
refusal of the majority of the Supreme Court judges to take oath under the
PCO. It is the duty of every patriotic Pakistani to defend this induction of
morality in our national affairs.
So how these twin goals restoration of judiciary and removal of
Musharraf would be achieved? Did they talk about these issues on
Wednesday night? What do we make of Asif Ali Zardaris remarks last week
that Musharraf is a relic of the past and that people are telling his party that
they want Musharrafs ouster more than they want bread or electricity? And,
finally, what will become of Nawaz Sharifs rejection of a safe exit to the
president? This tragedy, then, is waiting for its finale.
The News expressed its views on rumours about Musharrafs
resignation. Even as a whirlwind of rumours swirls around him, President
Musharraf seems to have taken Pakistan into a breathtaking grasp that
he is unwilling to relinquish. The fact that this grasp is rapidly strangulating
the country and draining it of what life it still has left seems not to have
struck the man who speaks so often of acting in the national interest. There
can be no doubt at present that this interest demands that Musharraf quit.
It is now apparent that key institutions in the country are no longer
willing to back him, both Asif Ali Zardari and Mian Nawaz Sharif have
lashed out against him, there is a very real threat of impeachment even if the
PPP remains diplomatically reluctant to use these words, and by staying on
the president is contributing to the sense of instability and uncertainty
that he claims he is anxious to correct. The suggestions from the
Presidential camp that he will resign only when events in the country are
less turbulent make no sense.
The impact of the sense of unease has been visible in falling stock
markets. There has been a persisting paralysis in governance. This will come
to an end only once political calm is restored, and, given the way the things
stand now, this can be possible only once the president leaves the scene
enabling murky waters to be cleared out and opening the way for the
elected government to get on with the many tasks that urgently await it.
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It is now obvious that the presidents refusal to resign is intended

only to serve his own interests. The former commando, who describes
himself as a stubborn man, is also quite evidently, an exceedingly selfish
one. Even though every day that he remains in office brings new problems
and exacerbates the crisis the country is mired in, he is still unwilling to act
for the sake of the nation and step down.
It is unclear who is, at present, advising Mr Musharraf. Reports say
he is surrounded by a small band of so-called friends who have persuaded
him not to step down. Others say he still retains US support, though this,
quite obviously is flagging. All those who hold Musharrafs ears would be
doing him a great service by making it clear to him that he has almost
no option but to resign.
Karamatullah K Ghori discussed whether Musharraf deserves safe
passage or not. An explosion hit Islamabad on Monday. In fact, there were
two The other explosion could be heard, later that evening, not only in
Islamabad but also throughout the country. The man who detonated it during
a television talk-show was Lt Gen Jamshed Gulzar Kiyani, General
Musharrafs former colleague
Kiyanis no-holds-barred critique of Musharraf and his appalling
failures both as a military commander and as a self-anointed national leader
wasnt all that novel or earth-shattering. But what added real punch to
Kiyanis diatribe against his former boss, and made it look unusual, was his
categorical demand that Musharraf must not be given a safe passage out of
Pakistan and, instead, should be tried for all his lapses and called to book for
whatever injuries he may have inflicted on the body politic of Pakistan.
Quick on the heels of Kiyanis initiative, the ex-servicemen, through
their spokesman, Brigadier Mohammad Yusuf, in Lahore, have now
called for Musharrafs trial on at least two counts: The disastrous Kargil
adventure, of which he was the principal author, and last summers wanton
bloodletting at the Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafza, where, according to Kiyani,
a barbaric operation took place, with the use of phosphorous grenades and
shells. These weapons fall under the category of chemical weapons. If true,
that should place Musharraf at par with Saddam Husseins use of chemical
weapons against the Kurds of Halabja.
In its uniquely feudal-military milieu, power is regarded as its own
justification to be held on to, no matter how loud, clear and categorical a
leaders (mostly a usurper) denunciation by the peoples will may be. The
people couldnt have been more open in their demand that Musharraf
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must go. But the latter, as Kiyani also articulated in his remarks, is a pastmaster of foot-dragging. The man simply refuses to see the writing on the
wall.
But if Musharraf made up of a different mettle than a more
honourable man like Ayub Khan, for instance, who threw in the towel the
moment he realized that his game was up seems ready to take the battle to
the enemy and fight it to the end, as per the gut instincts of a commando,
then those arrayed against him appear equally up to the task of calling a
spade a spade. They are going to retreat either.
The stark truth is that hes no longer required, has become the
most controversial man in Pakistans chequered history, and is simply adding
to the agony of the people who are already facing numerous challenges to
survive as a nation.
If Musharraf thinks he has the undiluted backing of his mentor,
George W Bush, then hes not only being unrealistic, to say the least, but
purblind to the changing scenario. Bush is a fading commodity; the
countdown for him has begun, and with him of that policy too that has
brought nothing but ignominy and ruin to the American people. So
Musharraf is hanging onto a rope that may still seem long and sturdy to
him but could, very quickly, become the noose around his neck.
Its no longer Nawaz Sharifs call that Musharraf shouldnt be
given a safe passage out. The call has now been joined in by those the
men-in-uniform who have been the only constituency of Musharraf, much
against his self-gratifying claim that he has been popularly elected. This may
be a devastating development for Musharraf but is good news for his
adversaries and the people of Pakistan whose will is writ large on the wall
that he refuses to see, now increasingly at his own peril, it seems.
The charge sheet against Musharraf has a lot written on it. It
starts with the costly Kargil blunder that nearly drove us into a nuclear
Armageddon with a much more powerful India. The surrender of Pakistan to
Bushs dubious war on terror; the bloody spill-over of this senseless sell-out
in the tribal area, which had been a model of tranquility and calm until that
Rubicon was crossed; the rape of the judiciary; the butchering of Pakistans
Constitution; the raid against the occupants of Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafza;
and the most recent crime of the emergency imposed last November to
shield himself against the long arm of the countrys law.
Give him a fair trial, by all means: a free trial in full view of the
nation and the world. But the colossal mistake of letting our villains go
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without any accountability must come to an end. No wonder Zardari and

minions are so tongue-tied in regard to making Musharraf accountable. They
would hate to set a precedent.
But this nation must close the book on the past, once and for all,
and start throwing the book at its villains who have caused so much pain and
suffering to the people. The bottom line is that Musharraf, because of his
own arrogance and hauteur, has lost the chance to exit with dignity. In the
larger interest of Pakistan, take the battle to his ramparts if hes so desperate
for one, and make him pay for his hubris.
Dr Farrukh Saleem wrote: In Pakistan, de facto power belongs to
the person who wears the uniform of the chief of army staff. Musharraf
has accumulated a lot of de jure powers but one of these can be exercised
without the consent of the de facto power yielder. Musharrafs de facto
power left him on November 28 and now it is in the interest of both the PPP
and the PML to snatch Musharrafs de jure powers away from him.
In essence, Musharraf would be able to deliver nothing; neither to the
Americans nor to anyone else (is that why the MQM and the PML-Q have
also distanced themselves from Musharraf?). For someone who has yielded
absolute power for eight long years, Musharraf should now be completely
divorced from reality and thats only human. As a consequence,
Musharrafs fate including his resignation is no longer in his own
hands. All his decisions, from now on, shall be made for him not by him.
The de facto power holder shall decide Musharrafs time as well as his mode
of departure.
The box that Musharraf has boxed himself in is getting tighter by
the hour. June 10 is a mere 216 hours away, and the PML provincial
government is in league with the lawyers to besiege the Army House.
Packing within the Army House is, therefore, in full swing. PPP cards, in the
meanwhile, are about to be exposed in terms of how they treat the lawyers
in Islamabad.
Whether the PPP and the PML realize it or not, Pakistan will be
the same never again. And, that is so because of the development of two
other power centres the media and civil society. Executive dictatorship will
be tolerated no more. And, that is so because of the development of two
other power centres the media and civil society.
Whether the PPP and the PML realize it or not, Pakistan is being
transformed. March 9 was a landmark and February 18 was another one. As
far as the Islamic World is concerned, it is history in the making power is
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changing hands through the power of the ballot box and not the sword. What
would the lawyers do once they get the judges restored? My man with ideas
has one for the lawyers: Organize to hold power accountable. That will
be another first not just in Pakistan but all through the Muslim World.
Rahimullah Yusufzai said: Journalist colleagues in their excitement
have raised false alarm on quite a few occasions in the recent past about
Musharrafs resignation. All their reporting turned out to be wrong. It is true
that majority of journalists, like most Pakistanis, want the discredited
president to step down but to expect him to voluntarily resign appears
unrealistic. He will have to be forced out of his ill-gotten job. And going
by his record, he will listen to only the Pakistan Army and the US.
There should be little doubt that President Musharrafs days are
numbered. One day all those news stories about him would finally turn out
to be true and he will be gone. It will surely happen before the expiry of his
new, unconstitutionally obtained five-year term as president. It will be
difficult for him to exercise all those extra-constitutional powers that be
grabbed in the hope of using them to keep elected civilian rulers in line. The
time is past for him to threaten dismissal of an elected government and
dissolution of assemblies. He cannot co-exist with the new democratic setup
that is settling down as a result of the remarkable February 18 general
elections. There are no takers for his numerous offers to work with the
newly-elected political parties as the democratically-empowered lawmakers
dont want to earn the ire of voters who voted for a change. The people
would like to turn against any party and leader who tried to befriend
the unpopular president and helped prolong his rule.
This certainly is the reason that even Asif Ali Zardari, beholden to
the president for withdrawing all cases of misuse of power and corruption
against him and his colleagues under the inappropriately named NRO, is
distancing himself from Musharraf and referring to him as a relic of he
past
Lust for power isnt something unusual but there comes a time
when one has to decide to call it quits for the sake of ones family,
institution and country. The armed forces, the institution that gave him
honour and power, would be relieved if he were to go voluntarily as showing
him the door would be painful for the gentleman Chief of Army Staff
General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani.
Any hopes that Pakistan would become a better place once Musharraf
is gone would be misplaced. Though that doesnt mean that we should keep
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the unconstitutional president in office, it ought to be kept in mind that

except a few exceptions the ruling political parties are status quooriented and monopolized by the rich and the powerful. Right now, the
PML-N is ahead of other parties in doing issue-based politics and genuinely
campaigning for a change.
In a strange turnaround, the PPP is seen as resisting change and
maintaining the status quo. Allowing Manzoor Wattoo, Anwar Saifullah
and others who until recently were in the rival camp to join the PPP speaks
volumes about the changeover that the party of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto has
undergone in recent years. Mr Zardari may think he is playing smart by
delaying the resolution of the judges issue by advocating the passage of his
governments 62-point package of constitutional amendments.
But the move could backfire if it doesnt get the required support in
parliament and continues to face resistance from the lawyers and their
supporters in the civil society. The sympathy and goodwill for Mr Zardari
generated by the tragic assassination of Benazir Bhutto cannot last long
and already references are being made to his past. His long stint in the jail
did wash away some of his real or imagined sins but soon the knives would
be out and his decisions and policies be out and his decisions and policies as
Pakistans new most powerful man would come under public scrutiny.
Couple of days later, The News found the leech sticking on. President
Musharraf is undoubtedly a great survivor. Backed by President Bush,
who put in a phone call to him at a critical juncture, the president has made it
clear he intends to hang around for now. Indeed, he has lashed out at a
Lahore-based party that he maintains is spreading rumours about his
dismissal, and has been quoted as saying he would quit only when an
impeachment resolution against him is tabled
The reality, whether or not President Musharraf is willing to face
it, is that most citizens ardently wish to see him depart. They see no logic
in his decision to hang on and indeed believe that, sooner or later, whether
through his own will or through impeachment, Musharraf will have to leave
the presidency.
The president and his team though do not seem to realize that
President Bush is interested only in being able to say, as his tenure in office
draws to a close, that his stint in the White House was a success. If
Musharraf was now seen as being forced out of office, this would be a blow
to the Bush-led war on terror, in which Musharraf was cast in the role of a

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good guy ready to back the US. The element of undying loyalty, that the
Musharraf camp seems to believe is being shown, exists nowhere.
While the continued presence of a clearly unwanted President adds to
the sense of frustration and volatile uncertainty prevailing in the country,
matters are not being helped by the political parties. The PPP co-chairperson
remains coy, and refuses to state clearly what his partys plans are regarding
an impeachment. The PML-Ns Mian Nawaz Sharif has meanwhile adopted
a position of all-out hostility making the possibility of any kind of coexistence between his party and the President unlikely. Once more then,
Pakistan faces a crisis.
And, Ikram Sehgal wished well for the leech. We should not allow
Musharraf-specific emotion and prejudice overwhelm our good
judgment, Article 58-2 (b) and the National Security Council should be
retained. Without these the Armed Forces would have to declare martial law
(thus committing treason technically) when the situation spins out of control.
Any presidential move should be qualified, if imposing 58-2 (b) fails due
judicial scrutiny, the president should resign.
Cyril Almeida observed that rumours had turned transition into
political paralysis. Want political paralysis? Then try a game of will-heor-wont he. First, pick your option: sack the president; replace the army
chief; amend the constitution; impeach the president; restore the judges;
break the coalition; dissolve parliament; declare martial law; or spill state
secrets. Then pair your choice with one of these men: Asif, Nawaz,
Musharraf, Kayani, A Q Khan; confused? Not sure who wants what? Dont
worry thats the paralysis part.
Madness has descended on Islamabad. The already faint line
between fake and real news is now invisible; rumours of news now pass for
the real thing. Off the record, media executives admit freewheeling news
channels are damaging the industrys credibility; on air, their channels are
rabid competitors in the lucrative race to the bottom. Anonymous sources
purvey opinion as fact and hope as reality and the channels lap it up.
Hold your nose for a minute and assume you are a Musharrafbacker. The president is your guarantor of stability in the last resort, a link
with the establishment, home and away. Remember that you are not too
concerned about democracy; what matters is national security, political
stability and economic growth. And the fact that so much mud is being
thrown at Musharraf isnt too bothersome; after all, better him than you, the
person behind the faade.
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Now peek over the fence and see what the civilians are up to. The
newly supremacized parliament is idle, only different to the last one in
where its orders come from Zardari House or Raiwind as opposed to Army
House. CJ Iftikhar is waddling from one district bar to another, fulminating
against CJ Dogar & Co. and all but calling for them to be sent to the
gallows. Nawazs Musharraf allergy is getting worse by the day, with few
fresh governance ideas emerging from the Punjab Assembly.
And the economy? Best not to think of that. The Zeitgeist was
captured at the back of a smugglers truck: bootlegged foreign liquor
concealed along with wheat flour. Forget who bequeathed this crisis to the
nation. Remember, youre a Musharraf-backer. Do you advise the president
to leave now or to wait it out until the civilian clowns put their house in
order? The answer is obvious. Chicken or egg debates Musharrafs exit or
smooth transition are for philosophers, not guardians of a state in crisis.
This is the reality of our transition. However, could the difference
between the theory and praxis of transition be one of rationality? Analysts
have consulted their game theory texts, academics have pored over their
democratic transition tomes, and right now everyone argues that this time
the two leading parties will work together because they must.
But could this be news to Nawaz I-will-never-take-dictation Sharif?
The consensus suggests that Nawaz must back down and Asif must play
nice. Then again, the coalition took a month to be formed; the Murree
Declaration had a month to be fulfilled; May 12 has come and gone; and
constitutional reform will take an unknown amount of time. And still the
constitutional amendment or a parliamentary resolution debate is not
resolved. The optimists suggest that the repeated rounds of negotiations are
an indication of a commitment to making things work. The pessimists
wonder whether success can be salvaged from a string of defeats.
It comes down to power. Everyone agrees that all politicians want it.
But theres a secondary position, the answer to which may not always be
clear: will politicians always choose the certainty of power today over the
possibility of power tomorrow? Its not hard to imagine Asif and Nawaz
connecting the dots wrongly: dictators, army chiefs and presidents come and
go, they may conclude, but only civilian politicians live to fight another
day. Letting the chips fall where they will is only a small step away then.
Kargil was revisited during the period. The Dawn wrote: Why is it
that after so many years of Mr Musharrafs being in power so many exservicemen have ganged up on him, as it was? Taking his cue from Gen
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Kayani, former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has called for an investigation
into the Kargil conflict, which is not surprising given his desire to punish
President Musharraf for overthrowing his government in October 1999 in
the aftermath of the episode.
However, this is at a time when the country is facing a crisis of
governance due to the ruling coalitions differences over the reinstatement of
the judges who were sent packing under the PCO Nov 3 last year. The PPP
has refused to honour its commitment made in the Bhurban Declaration
The demand for a probe into Kargil may pressure the PPP but given the
tacit US backing of the party, it has sustained such pressure so far.
The people are more interested in getting their pressing issues
resolved rather than letting a former general or a politician, howsoever
popular, settle a vendetta, as Mr Sharifs demand for a Kargil probe may
well be seen at this time.
The newspaper also commented on the so-called scrutiny of defence
budget. It really doesnt say much for the democratic credentials of the
current government when its defence minister indicates that military
spending would not be s subject of parliamentary debate in the current
budget session. In economic terms at least, this means that the military
retains its status as a sacrosanct institution that is above accountability when
it comes to explaining defence costs
Unfortunately, so entrenched is the notion of impregnable defence
(despite having nuclear weapons) that the welfare of the people has ceased
to matter. What use is it to protect the people from external enemies but
allow hunger and disease to wipe them out? There is no government
reflection on how limiting military expenditure could reduce the budget
deficit, or allow more funds to be released into the socio-economic sector,
making the pinch of projected subsidy removal more bearable.
And little thought is given to serious, long-term political solutions
to external threats which would automatically reduce the role of the
military and hence the high cost of maintaining it. Sadly, in a situation where
a military institution like the army is a business empire unto itself, it is
unlikely that curtailment on spending would be countenanced by the men in
uniform. This makes it all the more necessary for our legislators to raise a
strong and unified voice for civilian supremacy over all institutions,
especially the military.
Wasi Zaka talked of PPP and Zardari. Whether it is the PML-N or the
PPP which holds the reigns doesnt matter at this sensitive time, but what is
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absolutely crucial for the country is that the PPP remained a national
party of significance. Unfortunately, it all ties up to Zardari. Without him
bearing the torch of the legacy politics that defines this party, it will become
factionalized, and ultimately regionalized. Which is why, more than
anything, the PPP needs to muster strength and keep him in the background
since he started to lose the plot. If Zardari becomes a persona non grata in
the eyes of the public, then there is no second tier that will be able to keep
the party together without a power grab that will disintegrate it.
Analysts and media had gradually turned their guns towards
politicians and rightly so. Nasim Zehra was of the view that onus of
prevalent instability lied with politicians. The restoration question has not
only not been tackled, it has been further complicated. Now it seems to
have become a part of the 62-point constitutional package to be tabled in the
National Assembly. Paradoxically, the unresolved judicial question has led to
another fresh round of the Go, Musharraf Go, chant. This time it includes
the PPP co-chairman too.
To a great extent the current Presidency can fairly be marked as a
contributing source to political instability, political intrigue and political
confusion. Key moves that cause instability intrigue and confusion can be
traced to the Presidency, admittedly, though, not without some civilian
partnership.
The country is now in the midst of a three-dimensional political
volatility. One is the power struggle which involves the president and the
parliament Two, there is the struggle to restore the judiciary Three, the
latest is the 62-point political package. While its passage may not be
possible for months it will generate much debate and merely generate
additional political nervousness without resolving any of the outstanding
political issues.
Significantly, the 62-point package presented by the PPP in
consultation with its minor coalition partner, the ANP, raises many
questions. Will it resolve the question of the presidents future? No. Will it
deal with clipping the presidential powers within the immediate context?
No. Will it resolve the restoration of the judges? No. Will it contribute
towards creating political stability within the immediate context? No.
Clearly, a 62-point constitutional package will take at least a yearplus for passage. Both the required time for parliamentary discussion and
debate and for the entire process of the elements of the package going to
various Standing Committees would take a long time. If there is some other
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speedy fast-track process that the ruling coalition may have worked out, then
we shall soon know about it. That, however, seems unlikely.
So, ultimately, where we stand today is a national political
complex which is somewhat wobbly and uncertain. It generates panic
especially among the investors, it is hitting hard at an inherited economy
which was already troubled and the final target of all this are the suffering
Pakistan.
The only way to arrest this continuing political stability is for the
leaders of the ruling coalition to decide on the future of the president and on
the best way to resolve the judicial crisis. Divided opinion and inaction on
these two issues will mean continuing political instability and also
worsening of the economic crisis. A quick and wise decision is a must.
Pakistan and its people cannot afford indecision or intrigues against
democracy by the elected representatives.
Mumtaz Bhutto termed reconciliation a hoax. The level of politics
and governance in the country has hit rock bottom and it is no surprise that
even their Yankee sponsors choose to deal with them at the level of assistant
secretary of state. In this miserable scenario it is no wonder that the only two
firm commitments the new government has been able to make so far are to
approach the UN to investigate the murder of Shaheed Benazir and to restore
the sacked judges in thirty day, which it is now at pains to escape taking
refuge behind hollow declarations. Beyond this the government is
rudderless and without direction preoccupied with the huge task of
staying in power. How the government which is incapable investigating the
murder of its leader can come up to the expectations of the people.
Even in this much mischief is afoot and the grand reconciliation
has already become difficult to sustain. Not only the PML-N but also the
ANP and the JUI-F have found cause for complain at being left out of
decision-making, while the MQM, to no nones surprise, has already drawn
its dagger over the control of the lucrative Karachi Building Control
Authority, the Karachi Water and Sewerage Board, the anti-dacoit operation
in Lyari which could not last for more than one day leaving the area in
greater peril, and transfers of officers.
So fragile is the coalition that as a measure of insurance the PPP
appears to be repairing its fences with the PML-Q which it branded Qatil
League. The country is buried deep in enormous difficulties and those at the
helm are way out of their depth. The vanished masses are even angrier than
before at the much trumpeted reconciliation turning out to be a hoax and
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another name of intrigue and back stabbing, possibly paving the way for
a new military takeover or a bloody revolution.
Ayaz Amir thought the nation was expecting miracles from jackasses.
Zardari, to his credit, is being the man that he always was: interested in
power and money. Courtesy of the deal struck with Musharraf (through the
Yanks) he has just won himself the biggest reprieve in Pakistani history, all
cases against him and it was not easy counting them having been wound
up. The people of Pakistan may yet be awaiting their miracle but he has
received his.
My Lord Dogar, presently adoring the highest chair in the Supreme
Court, is the agent of this miracle. And the people of Pakistan, chumps as
ever, expect Zardari to put Dogar in the doghouse while My Lord Iftikhar
Chaudhry, symbol and hero of the lawyer-cum-judicial movement, sweeps
into the Supreme Court. This wont happen in the real world as long as
Zardari is around
So the nation is being fed a series of fibs as extended as the thousand
and one tales of the Arabian Nights: all about constitutional packaging, etc.
Zardari misses not a step when reciting this litany. Farooq Naek, the law
minister, as he goes through the same paces looks a deeply unhappy man.
And what is that other great party of the people, the PML-N,
doing? Heaping fresh imprecations on Musharrafs head when Musharraf is
no longer the problem. Far from being a den of conspiracy, the erstwhile
Army House where he is still holed up has now a house of sorrow, another
lesson what happens when the pomp and glory of power have fled. yet the
PML-N keeps harping on Musharraf as if with him gone or better still
impeached, the bright morning Pakistan has long awaited will have finally
arrived.
The PML-N runs the risk of being perceived as a single-issue
party. It has boxed itself so much into a corner over the judges issue that it
has drastically curtailed its room for manoeuvre. We will restore the judges,
the party and its leaders thunder at every opportunity, when it lies not in their
power to do so. The key to the restoration of judges is in Zardaris pocket
and he other games to play and other accounts to settle.
It will have to break free from the shackles of the judges issue.
Perhaps it would if it got some help from the legal fraternity or even My
Lord Chaudhry. But the legal community has run out of ideas while My
Lord Chaudhry no longer seems capable of thinking outside the box
someone with true greatness in his soul would have said by now all right I
583

am ready to step aside provided Musharraf goes too, Dogar also goes, and
the Nov 2 judiciary is restored thus sacrificing self for a higher cause.
Shaheen Sehbai wanted someone to stop this rot. Lack of
confidence, and initiative, both in the political and military leadership
has pushed the country into a blind alley while a defeated but a stubborn
president seems determined to avenge his humiliation by destroying the
political system which he has failed to control.
The political leadership is failing dismally to grasp the damage
caused to its own capacity to take control of matters as a flip-flop coalition
of all kinds of apples and oranges muddled together, directionless and
cluelessWhile the mandate was absolutely clear and resounding
against President Pervez Musharraf, he has refused to admit it and
continues to assert himself, hoping that the others would commit mistakes
and give him the opening to regain his lost power and credibility.
That this fatalistic approach is against the national interest and
could cause grievous damage to the country is beyond his imagination or
understanding. The political parties have formed a wishy-washy coalition
but their commitment and sincerity is tested everyday and with each passing
day its capacity to take decisive action diminishes.
The mistakes being made by the political leaders, especially Mr Asif
Ali Zardari, are already costing him his credibility and image. The flip-flop
cavalier manner in which he is conducting the affairs of the State will soon
turn into a laughing stock with no one to trust his word or credibility
The military leadership, which has the heaviest responsibility and the
biggest stake in the system, and the country, is going too easy or avoiding
taking tough decisions just to show that the army is no longer involved in
politics, it is politics of sorts.
The fact is that its non-involvement may cause more harm than
good to the country because the crunch time is already here and not much
would be left if tough and collective decisions for the country are nit taken
now. A political coalition fighting a desperate president with a divided
establishment and a sidelined army will mean that no decisions will be
possible.
One example is the ultimatum given by the World Bank to the
economic managers to raise the electricity tariff within a few months by
almost 110 percent, from Rs 5.50 a unit to almost Rs 12.50 a unit. This is not
a suggestion but an order. What would this hike mean politically is clear.

584

The fleeting hours, days and weeks require a strong and stable
government which can tackle the real issues but the recipe which is being
tried is a mish-mash of a discredited president on the top, deeply obligated
and compromised political leadership in parliament and a pliant judiciary to
cover up every misdeed. This is not going to work.
But those who have to make the decisions, President Musharraf,
General Pervaiz Ashfaq Kayani, Asif Ali Zardari, and Chief Justice Iftikhar
Chaudhry are not on the same page, with each player on his own ego trip
and in the process making a mess of the so-called democracy that everyone
was yelling for. This is the big conspiracy against the people General
Kayani must make up his mind where he stands and clearly and quickly
let the nation know it. It is him who is keeping the pot boiling and not letting
the new system settle down.
S Akbar Zaidi saw the need for the elected government to be pushed
into further action. At the moment, while the elected government needs to
be supported, it also has to be pushed into further action to remove those
numerous individuals and groups who continue to hinder the further
democratization of society The longer the delay in taking action regarding
the president and the judiciary the more difficult it becomes.
It is more than 100 days since the elections were held, and after a
resounding defeat for anti-democratic authoritarian forces, each day of delay
continues to work in their favour and strengthens them. By not advancing
at the moment when the establishment was in crises and at its weakest,
elected forces have weakened their own position, losing both the goodwill
of those who elected them and by allowing their adversaries the time and
space to regroup.
While the elected representatives in parliament are busy coming up
with their numerous constitutional packages regarding the president and the
judiciary, those who feel that the government is dragging its feet on
substantive and urgent issues need to push harder on the elected
government to take action quickly. The June 10 call by the lawyers needs to
be actively supported, though sadly, partisan party politics is undermining
this broad democratic movement.
Those who are playing party politics are alienating themselves from
the larger democratic process and need to realize that winning elections is
merely one of many planks to strengthen democracy and democratization.
Importantly, each day in the delay in completing the two most important
items of the Feb 18 agenda and strengthening democracy only reinforces
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anti-democracy forces who sit waiting on the sidelines. It is time to push

ahead, not hold back.
Kamran Shafi urged politicians to stand by their word. While it is
absolutely right that the country has been left in such an unholy mess by the
Commando and Friends (Pvt) Ltd, that there is much wrong with it which
demands immediate attention, why is sticking to ones word now a matter
of denigration? Are we that changed because of repeated interventions by
the army that we no longer have any sense of right and wrong, honour and
dishonour?
Or are we to think that it is correct for politicians to say one thing
and do entirely another? Are we to consider, then, that the shifting stand of
the PPP is correct and beyond reproach? That Asif Zardari was right when he
said that the PPP had merely signed a political statement in the Bhurban
Accord, not written Hadees. And that Nawaz Sharif was wrong in standing
by his word.
Why cannot those who criticize the politicians that stand by their
promise to see to it that the judiciary is restored to its Nov 2, 2007, position,
appreciate the fact that the real problem is the almost decade-long
dictatorship that has to be got rid of in very many more ways than one?
And that the real culprit in this whole drama is the Commando and his
foreign masters aided and abetted by certain politicians, led ably by those
that today lead the Peoples Partys leadership by the nose?
Here we are still saddled with him; with the quite sorry-looking
George Dubya Bush phoning his tight buddy and assuring him of his
undying love and support. While Dubya himself is embattled and disgraced
like never before as all of his lies and half-truths are caught out, the latest
knife in his side coming from none other than his own former press
secretary, he still has the gall to telephone the Commando and interfere
so blatantly in Pakistans internal affairs.
The PPP created a hurdle in restoration of the deposed judges in the
form of so-called constitutional package. Naeem Malik from UK wrote:
The government should restore pre-November 3 judiciary at the earliest.
After that, parliament can establish its supremacy over other state
institutions through a constitutional package. After restoring the judiciary,
parliament will be strengthened and can then proceed to impeach the
president. A constitutional package at this juncture will do nothing to bring
democracy, end dictatorship or bring justice to the people of Pakistan.

586

Mr Zardari and the current administration are doing their best to

divert peoples attention away from the judiciary issue. Those who think
that Mr Zardaris attempt to contain the movement for the restoration of the
judiciary should be supported because of some nice-sounding constitutional
amendments are making a grave mistake.
Babar Sattar opined: The theory of trickledown effect might have
remained unsubstantiated in the realm of economics, but violation of the
Constitution by the rulers has certainly depraved the rule of law in
Pakistan at all levels. And the nightmare of constitutional deviations will
not end until one who was wronged the Constitution is brought to justice.
This is no novel argument, but one over which all the criminal justice
systems of the world are founded.
When someone murders another human being, we dont suspend
accountability till we have reformed the system and the society that breeds
violence. We hold an individual responsible for his personal wrongs and
simultaneously try to plug the loopholes in the system. Strange logic, then,
that when the fundamental law of our land gets repeatedly mutilated the
ruling political elite huddles together to find ways to offer the
perpetrator an honourable exit.
Is there anything honourable about the manner in which General
Musharraf subverted the Constitution, molested the democratic institutions
of the state, poked a gaping hole in our justice system, and tried to snuff out
the hope and spirit of this nation? He might be a good son and a loving
father, a loyal friend and someone who meant well for the country in his
own warped way. But none of that is relevant. What is relevant is that the
General annexed state authority unconstitutionally, abused the office of army
chief and president, exacerbated the civil-military imbalance in the country,
caused immense harm to our political institutions, political processes and
political culture and his legacy is a state where rule of men trump the rule of
law. In nutshell, the General broke the law and he should be held
accountable, just like any other citizen of the state.
We all agree that subverting the Constitution is a felony under Article
6. And in any civilized country where all men are equal under law, a
felon must be brought to justice. By offering General Ayub and Yahya safe
passage, this country made a mistake that has come to haunt us twice
since
We have emerged as a society that largely coheres over the idea of
upholding the Constitution and rule of law, and strengthening an
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independent judiciary that can protect and defend the Constitution. The
problem is that our elected PPP government is refusing to give effect to such
an unmistakable societal consensus. This refusal seems to be rooted in some
false assumptions made by the PPP leadership.
First, it has been argued that the General cannot be removed or
the judges restored (which is considered by many as synonymous with his
immediate removal without impeachment) because the Americans still back
him. Unfortunately in Pakistan we have a tendency to treat America as a
monolith
The second flawed assumption of the PPPs leadership is that
Musharraf has the support of the army and the establishment and any
attempt to remove him could lead to another martial law. If there was
ever a time in the countrys history, when an army chief gave unambiguous
signals that the army would stick to its legally mandated role and not
intervene in politics, it is now.
The demoralized PPP loyalists and supporters got a morale boost last
week when Asif Zardari called Musharraf a relic of the past and heated up
rhetoric against the Presidency. Yet the PPP leadership remains as
ambivalent about the future of the Presidency as it is about the
restoration of the judges: all words and no action.
The PPP has opted for the constitutional package route for
reform, even though it is obvious that without getting the generals cohorts
in the Senate on board, there is no possibility of amending the Constitution.
On the contrary, the PPP and its allies have the requisite two-thirds majority
in a joint parliamentary session to impeach the president. And with
Musharraf gone, there would be no hindrance in the way of revamping the
Constitution to rid it of the various distortions inked in by dictators over the
decades. Such approach would also allow the parliament to debate the
constitutional package at length without the urgency to produce immediate
results, such as restoring judges or creating a neutered presidency.
It is either terrible or a well-conceived plan to sabotage the
coalition governments stated objectives of restoring the judges and
bidding farewell to the Musharraf era that could explain the PPPs choice of
impossible modalities to pursue worthy goals.
The Dawn wrote: The PPP seems to have no reservations about a
wholesale reinstatement of all the judges, including Iftikhar Chaudhry, if it
were sure that the NRO would not be repealed by the Supreme Court.
Obviously, a repeal of the NRO would take Asif Ali Zardari back to the
588

courts and possibly exile, if not prison. On the other hand, a concession is
being made to the president that may eventually have the way for his exit for
he is not likely to leave office faced with the prospect of prosecution. There
can only be two sorts of people who would oppose this package: those who
believe that the president needs to retain powers such as those to dissolve
parliament and appoint services chiefs in the name of checks and balances,
and those with vendetta on their minds.
Admitted that the restoration of the judiciary was pledged through a
resolution in parliament and it is now being proposed through a
constitutional amendment. But should this fact be a show-stopper even
when the same amendment promises to deliver almost all that was
agreed in the Charter of Democracy including a drastic cut in presidential
powers?
To indemnify an all-powerful president would have been one thing
but wouldnt it be parliamentary democracys sweet revenge to have a
lame-duck incumbent, in the presidency? One wishes an expeditious
conclusion to this phase so that all the attention can be focused on the
miseries of the common Pakistani.
In a subsequent editorial the newspaper added: Those who wrote the
draft of the Eighteenth Amendment constitution bill ought to take note
of its criticism by the Sindh High Court Bar Association. In a resolution
passed on Wednesday, the SHCBAs managing committee raised objections
to the proposed amendments to such vital articles as those concerning the
trial on charges of high treason of those who violate the Constitution as well
as the judges who validate these actions. The changes in Article 6 and the
insertion of Article 177-A, amending Article 177, have been, in the
SHCBAs opinion devised to legitimize all the unconstitutional and mala
fide acts and decisions of President Pervez Musharraf and were therefore
not acceptable. The SHCBA, therefore, dismissed the entire Eighteenth
Amendment draft as a measure calculated to maintain the status quo and
delay the reinstatement of the deposed judges.
There is no denying the competence and sincerity of those in the
SHCBA who studied the draft amendment package and came out with an
opinion. Now that the differences between the PPP and the PML-N over the
judges reinstatement are no secret it appears that the SHCBAs stance is
partisan. The point to note is that amendments to the countrys basic law
deserve to be studied not from the point of view of transient political
controversies but how they will stand the test of time.

589

If some elements of the package betray an attempt on the PPPs part

to advance its political interests, the lawyers should identify and reject them
or propose amendments. In the draft of its package, the PPP acknowledges
that it is not a sacrosanct document and changes can be proposed and made
in it. The SHCBA resolution, however, rejects the draft of the Eighteenth
Amendment in toto. This is Pakistans tragedy. If generals have abrogated
constitutions or mauled them, the have also found accomplices among
politicians, judges and lawyers. Even now, when the sacred document is
proposed to be amended, political considerations, rather than the sanctity of
the Constitution and the interests of future generations, seem to guide all
parties, whether politicians or the legal community.
S G Jilanee wrote: The current agitation is actually not so much for
judicial independence as it is a vent for the seething anger against
Musharraf. It is a fig leaf for vendetta. And it is not Nawaz Sharif only who
is obsessed with settling scores. There are others as well, equally aggrieved.
Even the media is after him, tooth and claw, to avenge the draconian
restrictions he imposed on its freedom on Nov 3.
Dr Masooda Bano observed that there has been much talk, but little
action. The reason it is unlikely that the PPP will translate the tough talk
vis--vis Gen Musharraf into action is that on the judges issue the PPP
has shown that it is also taking cues from the US Further, the
recognition within a US congressional committee meeting that the PPP is
doing well but Nawaz needs to be watched, and measures like the
appointment of Salman Taseer, who is very close to Gen Musharraf, as
governor of Punjab, show that the PPP could not be in the mood to take a
tough stance against Gen Musharraf, given that he still continues to retain
US support.
Why then is PPP engaging in anti-Musharraf talk right now is
obviously to distract attention from the real issues, be it the reinstatement of
the judges or its failure to initiate any reform momentum since coming into
power. Knowing that the public is watching and is disgruntled at partys
ever-shifting position on the reinstatement of the judges, this antiMusharraf talk appears more a means to regain some public
credibility.
Ironically, Zardari has also started doing what Musharraf did
best, which is fear-mongering. Gen Musharraf and his ministers kept
playing on the fear of a Taliban takeover to justify many of their
unconstitutional actions. Now Zardari is increasingly referring to fears of

590

another military coup or hidden attempts to divert the democratic process, to

justify what is clearly wrong: the delay in the reinstatement of the judges.
In fact, if Zardaris fear of threat to the current democratic system is
genuine, then the first move he should be making is to reinstate the judges
without any further delay or complication. It is only an independent
judiciary, which can act as a check against any attempt to subvert the current
parliament, be it a military coup or Gen Musharrafs decision to dissolve
the assembly. It is only a judiciary constituting of the deposed judges that
will have the courage to declare such moves null and void. The judiciary
full of PCO judges will never resist these extra-constitutional moves.
Thus, if Zardari really fears a threat to the survival of the current parliament,
he should be doing reverse of what he is doing. All this indicates that much
of his fear-mongering and anti-Musharraf speeches are a cover all for some
behind-the-scene understandings with the establishment.
After all, who is the PPP deceiving when it presents the issue of
reinstatement of the judges as a part of a 62-points constitutional package?
This is an easy way of further complicating and delaying the
reinstatement process. A package consisting of a 62-point agenda is not
only going to demand a lot of debate, it is more likely to find difficulty in
passage as to build consensus with coalition partners on one issue is always
going to be easier than to build it on a 62-point agenda. Thus, the proposed
constitutional package is just another was of further delaying the
reinstatement of the judges.
All this is a bad omen for the future as it shows that the PPPs
leadership is not committed to genuine reform. The question really is that
how long people can take more of the same. What the PPPs leadership must
remember is that if it kept going down this route, it will be the public itself,
and not just General Musharraf who will be asking for dissolution of
the current parliament and holding of fresh elections. People who voted
for PPP definitely did not want to suffer more of the same inefficiencies and
deception that marked the era of Gen Musharraf.
Ghazala Minallah said one gets what one deserves. My head is
bursting with questions, and I want my cries to be heard and answered.
Firstly, why is Farooq Naek suddenly the biggest authority on the
Constitution? (For being co-author of the Deal and NRO) Why is there a
conspicuous absence of veterans like Justice Fakhuruddin G Ibrahim, Justice
Wajihuddin, former chief justices and judges of the Supreme Court and
Aitzaz Ahsan? Is he the next Sharifuddin Pirzada in the making?

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The recent unexpected verbal attack on Musharraf was eyewash

meant to distract us and pave the way for the unconstitutional package. The
package intends to reduce the chief Justices tenure. It is ironic that such a
ludicrous idea can even be considered by a party which claims to have
its roots in peoples hearts.
I am sick and tired of the lame argument that after all Iftikhar
Chaudhry also took oath under the PCO in 1999 Iftikhar Chaudhry took
oath under the PCO eight years ago and therefore he is doomed forever. So if
a kid fails in a school exam and goes on to graduate from Harvard with
distinction, he doesnt deserve a degree?
What happened to the civilized universal principle that the law is
never retrospective? Laws are always for the future, particularly if one is
detrimental to an individual. But, of course, who said we are civilized
country which punishes its heroes and rewards those who should be tried for
treason. There are claims that the reforms are designed to punish future
dictators and collaborators, so the present lot are exempt with Mr Naek
bending over backwards to reward them
Why dont the conscientious people within the PPP ask why the
US and Musharraf want Iftikhar out of the way? Was it because he had
the audacity to ruffle the feathers of our class-conscious society, where no
one dares mess with authority? Especially when the other party is an
insignificant five-year-old girl at the mercy of a wadera-headed jirga, or, in
the words of the chairman of the CDA, dirty Christians living in a slum and
who dared to use a public park, or preventing the sale of a national asset
worth billions for peanuts, or dare summoning heads of our intelligence
heads? Obviously he was treading on too many toes and hence these
powers are to be taken away too.
In contrast, the present Supreme Court has also exercised its suo
moto powers, first by summoning journalists for daring to use their right to
free expression, and more recently, by ordering FITs to be filed against a
group of civil society activists who dared protest peacefully outside the
Supreme Court.
The announcement of the package extinguished my last spark of
hope, and I feel angry and betrayed. The joy and relief we felt on Feb 18
was short-lived. Mohtrama Benazir Bhutto had announced outside Chief
Justice Chaudhrys house and that the Pakistani flag would once again be
hoisted on his house. I do not believe that she could have meant a
compromised reinstatement in which case a torn and tattered flag would be
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more appropriate. In fact, if she were alive, she would have concocted
hundred-one excuses for not restoring the CJP.
Ansar Abbasi talked of Zardaris fears. Asif Ali Zardari has the fear
of the known, more than the fear of unknown. He takes one step forward,
two steps back. He has already done so on the issue of judges restoration
and now is doing the same in case of President Musharrafs impeachment.
Those, who know the co-chairperson of the Pakistan People Party
personally, including his friends and close aides, say that Zardari fears the
worst so he is extremely careful and overly calculated. There is no
dearth of people advising him to be bold but he believes more in the
proverb: fools rush in where angels fear to tread.
The PTI statement, it is said, was issued after days of deliberations in
the Zardari House. The PPP co-chairpersons direct onslaught on
Musharraf thrilled his party and others alike. It mounted the pressure on
President Musharraf and ignited anti-Musharraf sentiments but it all
evaporated in the air within no time. Soon it was back to square one.
Early this week when Zardari met Nawaz Sharif at Punjab House,
Islamabad, he was found enthusiastic to get Musharraf But as soon as he
was out of the Punjab House, Zardari had reverted to a cautious
politician. Later he never repeated the I words and ignored the questions
posed by the media.
It is argued that the ruling coalition has the best chance to get
Musharraf now. It may not have the muscle to do the same in a few
months time. But Zardari House sees it as a confrontation, which, the fears
are, might wrap up the whole system. Othersdisagree but they all know
that nothing would happen unless the man, Asif Ali Zardari, who matters,
starts thinking in the same way while overcoming his fears.
On the judges restoration issue, the NRO haunts him. He has
apprehensions that the NRO issue would be re-opened by the Supreme Court
as soon as the deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry is
restored. It is because of these fears, Zardari insists on the Minus One
Formula.
Zardaris dilemma is that besides being the topmost beneficiary of the
NRO, he is also encircled by a group of NRO beneficiaries, who are
believed to have their important role in pushing Zardari back from his
pledge to restore the deposed judges through a parliamentary resolution
within 30 days of the commencement of the federal government.

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To the hard luck of many in the country, Zardari is encircled by a

group of opportunists and sycophants who will take him in one direction
downward. They wish he would change the company he keeps, rather
than the company which keeps him.

REVIEW
The amount of condemnation to which Musharraf has been subjected
over an extended period and his ability to absorb that has been amazing.
Even the beast known for the faithfulness would have abandoned his
masters house long time back, had it been treated like that. Indeed, the
tolerance exhibited by the brave commando has been commendable.
Rahimullah Yusufzai and others like him talked of false alarm about
Musharrafs resignation. The print media wrote editorials and electronic
media conducted talk-shows, but the man remained steadfast to serve the
nation at all costs. The participation of ex-servicemen in anti-Musharraf
movement increased significantly but the brave commando did not care and
instead ridiculed them.
In case of ex-servicemen, the media inadvertently served the cause of
Musharraf. Their views were generally brushed aside for two reasons: First,
it was alleged that the reality of consequences of militarys indulgence in
politics did not dawn upon them during active service. That too happened
only in some cases after the retirement. The prevalent anti-army sentiment
had lot to do with this criticism.
Two, the nation seems to be in punishing mood as was witnessed in
Karachi where dacoits were burnt alive. They could not do this to Musharraf
and resultantly they vent their anger at ex-servicemen. This was as if you
punish Ali Ahmed Kurd for what Bhoon has done.
Zardari considers himself much impregnable to feel the need to learn
lesson from the deeds of Musharraf. He, however, seemed scared of the
guarantor of the PPP-Musharraf deal. He has reason to do so because
assassination of her spouse is too recent to be forgotten.
Despite the above mentioned scare, Zardari is far more cunning that
Musharraf. Musharraf promulgated PCO to have judges loyal to him.
Through Package Zardari wants that judges should now change their loyalty
to him; the de facto executive or the civilian dictator.
7th June 2008

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SCARED! NOT SHY

It has become quite clear that democratic leadership is not shy of
change in the context of Americas war on terror. In fact, some of them have
earnest desire for change. Unfortunately, Musharrafs desire to hang on and
Zardaris (Benazirs) undertaking to the US come in the way of change.
On 18th May, Bush informed Gilani that time was ripe for the solution
of Kashmir issue. He was indirectly asking Gilani to accept the status quo.
Two days later, Indian Foreign Minister arrived in Islamabad and smelled
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Kashmir solution in the wind. Mukherjee pinned hopes on the new

government.
On home front, the tussle between the enlightened moderates and the
obscurantist forces continued. Instigations from outside through
blasphemous acts continued as well. Sectarian killings were also reported
from D I Khan and Karachi.

WESTERN FRONT
The bloodletting on the behest of the United States continued. On 10 th
May, militants in Swat denied their involvement in yesterdays suicide
bombing. Next day, dead bodies of ten Taliban killed in Paktika province
were brought to Wana for burial. On 12th May, a 500 KV power supply tower
was blown up near Peshawar. General Dempsey met COAS, CJCSC and
Secretary Defence and announced that the US help against terror would
continue.
A policeman was killed in rocket attack near Khar on 13 th May. Army
started pulling out of South Waziristan; ISPR termed it troops readjustment.
NWFP government and Fazlullahs team held talks and reportedly reached
consensus on most of the issues discussed.
Next day, the US spy planes struck Damadola again killing at least 15
people, including women and children. A Levies man and a militant were
killed in exchange of fire in Bajaur Agency. A pro-government elder of
Kukikhel tribe was shot dead in Peshawar. A spy was beheaded in North
Waziristan. The government and Baitullah militia exchanged prisoners; 25
militants and 12 soldiers were set free. The ANP government promised
promulgation of Shariah Law in Malakand division within a month. NATO
was concerned over pacts between militants and the Pakistani government.
On 15th May, Foreign Office spokesman declined to comment on
Damadola bombing saying that it was too early to comment as no one has
accepted the responsibility so far. MNA from the region said attack was
aimed at sabotaging peace talks. Tribesmen vowed to take revenge of
Damadola killings. Jamaat-e-Islami demanded expulsion of US envoy. How
could it be done? Such strikes are part of the BBs deal with the US.
On 16th May, one soldier was killed and three wounded in roadside
bombing in Kohat. Dead body of a soldier was found in Bajaur. Despite the
Damadola strike more prisoners were exchanged in South Waziristan; 25
militants and 8 soldiers were freed.
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The US admitted responsibility of Damadola strike leaving no room

for the Foreign Office to make excuse for not protesting the molestation of
Pakistans sovereignty. The strike was widely protested in the province.
Hussain Haqqani arrived in Washington and admitted, we cant limit ties
with the US.
Next day, Ambassador Tariq Azizuddin was freed; the government
claimed recovery through an operation details of which were held back and
Taliban claimed a deal behind it. One security man was killed and three
wounded in landmine blast near Kohat. NWFP government took two days to
muster the courage to resent Damadola attack. Gilani reassured the US about
Pakistans commitment to the war on terror.
On 18th May, echo of Damadola was heard in PRC Mardan; 13 people
including five soldiers were killed and 23 wounded in suspected suicide
attack. ISPR said troops from South Waziristan wont be withdrawn. Karzai
met Gilani and reposed confidence in his government.
Next day, three people were killed in a blast outside a mosque in
Bajaur Agency on 19th May. TTP claimed the responsibility of Mardan blast.
Afghan governments involvement in kidnapping of the ambassador was
reported. It has been reliably learnt that the kidnappers had been acting on
the instructions from across the Durand line.
In a rare move on 20th May, the authorities detained 49 elders of jirga
after failing to restore peace in Kurram Agency. Four security men were
among 9 wounded in a blast in Kohat. Two rockets each hit Peshawar and
Warsak. A 45-member Mahsud jirga met the Governor and got all their
demands approved by the government.
Next day, One policeman was killed and two girls schools were
bombed in Swat. ANP-led NWFP government signed a deal with the
militants of Fazlullah in Swat. The agreement included disbandment of
militia, renouncing suicide attacks, stopping targeting security forces and
government installations, cases of prisoners would be reviewed, foreign
militants would be handed over to the government, the government will act
against the criminals and Imamdheri Complex will be converted into Islamic
university. Washington refused to comment on the deal but asked Pakistan to
nab Baitullah.
On 22nd May, gunmen shot dead a journalist of Express News in
Bajaur Agency when he was returning after interviewing Mulla Omar, the
spokesman of TTP. UN decided to monitor Swat peace deal. The US asked
Germany not to strike a deal with Pakistan for sale of 800 APCs.
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An in-camera briefing by the US Embassy on American securityrelated assistance to Pakistan to a Senate body was blocked after some
senators saw it as a US effort to micro-manage Pakistans internal affairs.
Next day, nine missiles were fired at Kohat garrison; a girl was hurt.
On 24th May, Taliban killed a US spy in North Waziristan. One FC
soldier and two Afghan security personnel were wounded in a clash over
smuggling of flour near Landi Kotal. One person was killed in a blast in
Bara. A CD shop was blown up in Miranshah.
US spy planes violated Pakistani airspace in North Waziristan on 25th
May. NATO alleged that Pakistans deal has put its soldiers in Afghanistan at
risk. Next day, militants and elders in Mohmand Agency signed a peace
agreement after which the authorities released tribesmen who had been taken
into custody on charges of terrorism. Reportedly, Osama was hiding in K2
Mountain (on mountaineering expedition) and the US was planning a
massive operation.
Eight militants were released as result of peace accord in Mohmand
Agency on 27th May. Militants of Darra also showed willingness for
dialogue. Mian Akbar reported that Mulla Mansoor Dadullah was released in
exchange of Tariq Azizuddin. The US drones continued violating Pakistans
airspace.
On 28th May, eight militants were killed in a blast in Bajaur Agency.
Militants of Darra Adam Khel announced ceasefire. Visiting Senator,
Feingold opposed peace deals with Taliban. Next day, five people were shot
dead by unknown gunmen in Kurram Agency. Two US jet fighters violated
Pakistans airspace. NATO asked Pakistan to resume military action against
militants. Dr Khan said curbs on his movement had not been relaxed and
soldiers still guard his residence.
Affected people in South Waziristan would get compensation. The
compensation will be distributed through Baitullah and his close aides.
Artillery fire spilled over to South Waziristan in a clash opposite Angoor
Adda. Dr A Q Khan blamed Musharraf for betrayal and regretted reading out
a written confessional statement.
Four people were killed in a bomb blast in Mohmand Agency on 31 st
May. Music shop was blown up in Nowshera. Talks were suspended and
militant group claimed that US pressure forced the government to go slow.
Four people were killed when a pick-up hit a roadside bomb near Parachinar
on 3rd June. Four Afghan children were killed in accidental bomb blast in
suburbs of Quetta.
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A militant was killed in a clash in Bajaur Agency on 4 th June. Video

and music shops were blown up in Miranshah. The US Congress approved
delivery of ten refurbished F-16s. Next day, 64 militants were freed in
Timergara, Swat. Two policemen were among six people wounded in an
encounter with militants in Nowshera.
Foreign Minister, winding up debate on the US missile attack on
Damadola, admitted that use of military means alone is not the right strategy
in war against terror. He said that the government has sought help from all
the parties for framing new anti-terror policy. Foreign office said blast in
front of Danish Embassy wont affect talks with the militants.
The industrialist/businessman Defence Minister concocted a unique
explanation of violation of space. He said the use of drones by the US for
launching missiles to attack targets inside Pakistan did not constitute a air
space violation. Admiral Mike Mullen during his visit to Islamabad said
Pakistan was fighting terrorists bravely.
Four policemen and a civilian were killed in a bomb attack in D I
Khan on 6th June. The government claimed foiling a terror plot in Islamabad;
six people and three vehicles were held. Eleven militants were freed in
Mingora. Shah Mahmood Qureshi visited Kabul and assured Karzai of no
talks with terrorists. Bush assured Pakistan to help combating ideologies of
hate (Quraan has been repeatedly alleged of preaching such ideology). EU
countries were urged to help Pakistan to fight against terror.
Next day, FC personnel foiled an attempt to smuggle large quantity of
flour to Afghanistan near Qila Abdullah in UN vehicle. Seven police
officials were kidnapped in Darra area. Six more militants were released in
Swat, while a girls school was blown up in Timergarha.
Four FC men were wounded when their vehicle escorting TNSM
leader was attacked near Timergara On 9 th June. Four boys were killed when
a shell exploded at the site of Afghan refugee camp in Swat. Rehman Malik
announced demise of Swat deal and then denied saying so. A US report
alleged that Pakistan was providing arms and funds to Taliban.
The second strike on Damadola was widely criticized and
strongly condemned. Rahimullah Yusufzai observed. Damadola was
attacked by the Americans once more 28 months later on May 15 but this
time Islamabad is feigning ignorance as if nothing has happened.
There cannot be a better example of the loss of sovereignty of a
country. And Pakistan isnt just another country. It is populated by more
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than 160 million proud people who would have fared a lot better had they
not been repeatedly short-changed by their self-serving rulers.
One cannot think of another country and government that keeps
quiet and feigns ignorance when its air space is violated and its villagers
are attacked and killed. Villagers, or call them militants, in Bajaur and
Waziristan cannot be blamed for taking it upon themselves to avenge their
losses after realizing that the Pakistani state and military is unwilling or
incapable of providing them protection. Each air strike fuels this sentiment
and provides ready recruits to the Taliban. Those resorting to aerial bombing
and missile strikes may be able to minimize their own casualties in the socalled war on terror but such arbitrary military tactics in variably kill
civilians and stoke the fire of revenge among the aggrieved families.
Pakistans reaction to the violation of its airspace and
infringement of its sovereignty has undergone a big change in recent
years. It not only lodged protest with the US over the Damadola missile
strike in January in 2006 but President Musharraf, then a general in uniform,
publicly complained that the Americans didnt trust him by not taking him
into confidence before launching an attack on Pakistani soil
After being rebuffed by the US, the Musharraf government tried
another method to do damage control when Bajaur was attacked again
with missiles fired by a pilot-less plane on October 38, 2006 The
government claimed responsibility for the attack that everybody knew it had
been organized by the US military and the dubious credit for destroying the
Islamic school and an adjacent mosque and killing seminary students was
given to the Pakistan Army.
It was obvious that both policies proved a failure. Protesting to the
US over its acts of aggression in Pakistani territory may have given the
impression that Islamabad cared for it couldnt stop the Americans from
firing missiles on targets in Pakistans tribal areas. Claiming responsibility
for attacks launched by the US in turn exposed Pakistans security forces to
retaliatory strikes and suicide bombings by the militants.
Subsequently, Pakistan militarys spokesmen after every US missile
strike in Pakistani territory would simply say that those killed were
making bombs. It was a laughable explanation because bomb-makers in
every case did a poor job with the explosives exploding and killing and
injuring each one of them. Also, in every case bomb-making was done
during the night even in remote hamlets that served as militants hideout.

600

They could easily have performed the task of putting together bombs in
daylight
The new policy now in place is to feign ignorance about such air
strikes in Pakistani territory. The new Damadola attack took place on May
15 but the Pakistani authorities are still trying to figure out as to what
happened in the village that is barely 10 kilometers from Khar, the
headquarters of Bajaur where the personnel of the paramilitary FC and
Bajaur Levies are present in strength.
The interior ministry, now headed by the bureaucrat-turnedbusinessman-cum-politician Rahman Malik, opted to remain silent (as if
nothing happened). As for the Foreign Office, its spokesman Muhammad
Sadiq made the strange comment that nobody had claimed responsibility
for the Bajaur attack and, therefore, it would not be correct to make
any speculation. He made it look as if this was a terrorist attack for which
someone would eventually claim responsibility.
As the US air strikes in Pakistan would continue in future until its
troops are withdrawn from neighbouring Afghanistan, wouldnt it be
prudent for the democratically-elected PPP-led government to tell the
nation about the terms of engagement with Washington in the latters
war on terror as agreed by Musharraf? More pertinently, when the US
facilitated the BB-Musharraf deal, what was rate fixed for each strike in
terms Dollars in BBs (now Zardaris) foreign accounts.
Syed G B Shah from Peshawar criticized Taliban for their reaction to
the strike. The reaction of the Taliban to the Damadola incident was
revealing. They vowed to take revenge for the Damadola bombing, knowing
well it was initiated by the Americans. So far so good, but instead of going
for destruction of an American facility in Afghanistan or New York, the
Taliban chose to kill a para-military Pakistani soldier who was in their
captivity and attacked a commercial market in the Mardan Cantonment
killing 13 Muslims to take revenge on the Americans. How will the killing
of a few innocent Muslim Pakistanis by the Taliban hurt America or its
interests? The reason behind Talibans act is very obvious: Those killed by
them were frontline mercenaries of the Crusaders and if some civilians were
killed so it happened in Damadola.
Usama Shaikh from Rawalpindi observed: Prime Minister Yousuf
Raza Gilani vehemently vowed to support the US in the war against
terrorism during his recent meeting with the American president in Egypt,
saying that the war was in Pakistans own favour. I doubt if the prime
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minister also took up the issue of the recent air-strike by an alleged US

drone in Damadola in Bajaur with President Bush. I wonder if any
Pakistani will approve of bombing a whole village to kill a few terrorists
besides scores of innocent civilians. Since we did not hear of this, it seems
that the prime minister ignored the issue and returned without highlighting
the public concern.
Brain Cloughley wrote: The recent attack on Damadola, in which US
drones fired missile inside Pakistans territory for the fourth time this year,
killing several of its citizens, isnt worth a yawn in Bush America. Even
the Times, a reasonably liberal newspaper with no admiration for the regime
in Washington, relegated the incident to an inside page along with a equally
in-depth item about the effects of global warming of the supply of truffles in
France.
There is no moral ground for Washington to claim that its killing of
Pakistani civilians in the most recent case a woman and at least two
children was justified because they were allegedly in the vicinity of
suspected militants. This was a war crime. Further, the very word
suspected indicates the illegality of killing anyone of that description,
never mind women and children. It is nonsense to aver that a person
suspected of being a member of al-Qaeda or any other band of fanatical
thugs can be killed murdered without internationally recognized
evidence and without recourse to even the most rudimentary process of
international justice.
In any event, US intelligence concerning the presence of alleged
terrorists in villages in Pakistan has proved ludicrously faulty in the past.
Ayman al-Zawaheri was supposed to be in Damadola in January 2006. So
the US fired four Hellfire missiles into the village, killing civilians. But he
appeared two weeks later, vowing revenge.
And no matter who becomes US president it cannot be expected
that these attacks will cease But what would happen if US intelligence
thought that Ayman al-Zawaheri or any other person of similar persuasion
was in China and Russia? Would a US missile be fired into Chinese or
Russian territory? Certainly not; so why blitz Pakistan?
There is a curious set of double standards being applied, and it is
appalling that Pakistan should suffer the indignity of having its
sovereignty violated and its citizens killed in the name of freedom. Apart
from any other consideration, these attacks have rallied the Frontier tribes

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and, it seems, indeed, the majority of Pakistanis to the ever-welcoming

banner of anti-Americanism.
The democratic government wanted to tackle the militancy through
peace talks and peace deals, the US strongly opposed the change in policy
adopted by Musharraf. The PPPs own deal for its leaders to return to
Pakistan came in its way. Majority of people wanted change, but some
analysts and media men urged the government to do more as desired by the
United States.
The News wrote: The US has made clear its displeasure over ongoing
attempts to reach deal with militants in FATA The fact of the matter is that
it is in Pakistans own interest to ensure that if at all a peace deal is to be
considered with the militants, then the latter should be made to stick to
their end of the bargain, and should include the condition that no attacks
should be launched in or outside Pakistan. of course, this also means that a
system for monitoring that this in fact happens needs to be put in place as
well, and this may be a task in itself given the rugged and inhospitable
nature of the long and winding Pakistan-Afghanistan border.
The entire policy, in this regard, needs to be reviewed carefully.
Whereas such ceasefires may offer temporary relief to the military, which
has suffered losses in Waziristan over the past years, they offer no lasting
solutions especially since recent history has shown that they are indeed used
by the militants to regroup and to gather their energies and resources to stage
attacks across the border. This then angers NATO and ISAF both of whom
have troops in Afghanistan.
In the longer term, the only way that a peace deal can work is that
(a) it should be strictly enforced and that (b) the region is placed on a
priority footing in terms of socio-economic and infra-structure development.
It is this longer-term eradication of militancy that the state of Pakistan must
strive for.
Aimal Khan opined: Some of the stated reasons for entering into
such deals are to neutralize the local militants; to register foreign militants
and subsequently ensure either their expulsion or isolation; to check attacks
on government installations and personnel; and to create an enabling
environment for political, economic and development activities to take off in
tribal areas. Such deals usually have two components: public and secret.
More often than not, the secret commitments are in direct contradiction to
the public one. It will be nave to think that after the signing of any peace

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deal with the government, the militants will agree to expel foreign militants
or stop cross-border attacks or scrap their parallel administrative structures.
Keeping in mind the track record of such peace deals, the
government always plays on a weak wicket while the militants gain a lot by
securing the release of their prisoners, getting compensation for their
material and human losses, and the freedom to run parallel administration.
The government also often faces strong criticism from the US and its allies
for making deals with its arch-enemies. Why the authorities need to strike
deal with nearly the same elements time and again?
Whether the government lacks a strategic vision or capitulates to the
external pressure or appeases the militants, the deals so far have failed to
check the specter of militancy. A successful peace deal must ensure peace
in the tribal area, decrease in the cross-border illegal movement, neutralize
foreign militants in the tribal areas, establish the rule of law, ensure and
protect citizens fundamental rights, and scrap parallel administrative
structures run by the militants.
The News commented on Swat deal. People will naturally be
overjoyed if the agreement leads to an improvement in their lives, as one
must hope it will. However, the caveat that much of what the agreement
seeks to achieve should, anyway, have been the responsibility of the
government stands. Besides this, there are other aspects of the accord that
are alarming. These include the withdrawal of cases against militants, the
permission given by the government to Maulana Fazlullah to continue to run
his illegal FM radio station and the promise to establish Shariah Law in the
area. The editor of newspaper with largest circulation in Islamic Republic of
Pakistan considers alarming even a promise to establish Shariah Law.
The last point is particularly problematic because it means that the
elected government and one which makes it a point to say that it is the
opposite of the previous MMA-led one is willfully bartering away the
rights of citizens of the province to have access to justice of the mainstream
political system. Allowing the militants to demand political changes in
this manner completely undercuts the legitimacy of the elected
government and will be seen by the militants as a victory in their efforts to
turn the whole country into a Taliban state.
It must be recalled that similar concessions to militants have in the
past made it possible for them to grow stronger and more dangerous, mainly
because such agreements were never enforced and monitored The

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concerns being voiced in Washington are therefore, in some ways at

least, understandable.
But, despite these reservations, the accord needs to be given time.
If it succeeds, it will bring an improvement over the existing situation in the
area. For this to happen, close monitoring is required over the weeks ahead
to ensure militants keep their side of the bargain and do not violate the
agreement, as has repeatedly happened in the past, destroying efforts to
establish peace in various tracts of Pakistans turbulent northern areas.
Rahimullah Yusufzai observed: The 16-point handwritten accord in
Urdu is a comprehensive document of give-and-take by the two sides. The
militants, grouped under a faction of the TNSM, have renounced militancy
in return for acceptance of their long-standing demand that Shariah, or
Islamic law, be enforced in Swat and the rest of Malakand region by
amending the two similar ordinances promulgated in response to the earlier
militant uprisings in 1994 and 1999.
Though it is not yet announced, a general amnesty by the government
for the militants will cover their leader Fazlullah and his top lieutenants. The
government also gave in to the militants demand to retain control of the
factions sprawling mosque and madressah complex in Fazlullahs
village, Mamdheray, and establish an Islamic university here and allow them
continued use of their FM radio channel.
Though an 11-member joint committee of government officials,
assembly members and militants representatives has been formed to
monitor and implement the accord in Swat, there are worries that problems
will arise with regard to the still undecided timeframe for eventual
withdrawal of the more than 20,000 Pakistan Army troops from Swat Valley
and punitive action against those violating the terms of the agreement.
Moreover, some of the more radical elements among the militants
appear unhappy about the accord, and it is feared they will not abide by it.
The Swat peace accord also earned criticism from the Afghan
government and the US, which has pledged to monitor its effectiveness in
preventing attacks by the militants. Swat does not have borders with
Afghanistan and thus there should have been no concern regarding a hike in
cross-border infiltration by Taliban militants to launch attacks against USled coalition forces in the wake of peace accords in Pakistan. Still the Bush
Administration and President Hamid Karzais government in Kabul were
unhappy that the Pakistan Army after the peace accords would no more be

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actively involved in anti-terrorism operations against militants suspected of

links with al-Qaeda and the Taliban.
Even more alarming for the US and its allies were the ongoing
peace negotiations by the Pakistan government with militants in the
tribal areas of Waziristan, which border Afghanistan and are known as an
abode for foreign fighters The criticism would be annoying for the
Pakistan government and military, which obviously would not like being
asked to consult Washington and Kabul before taking any policy decision
regarding the tribal areas.
The secret peace talks with Baitullah Mehsud, head of the TTP and
the most powerful Pakistani Taliban commander, have yielded results the
Pakistan Army troops withdrew from certain contested areas in South
Waziristan as demanded by the militants and defended the move as
repositioning of its forces. Roadside checkpoints have been dismantled on
the demand of militants and the government has agreed to facilitate return of
displaced tribal families and award compensation.
The unilateral ceasefire announced by the TTP, an umbrella
organization for militant groups operating in tribal areas on NWFP, is
generally holding. The Pakistan Army hasnt launched any new military
action since February. Army Chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani is keen
to have the politicians from the ruling coalition on board to take
ownership of the war on terror and has, therefore, sought guidance from
the government on the future strategy of tackling the issue of militancy and
extremism in FATA and rest of NWFP.
However, the peace accords now being signed would not be easy
to implement due to domestic and outside pressure and already the recent
US air strikes in Bajaur tribal region killing 20 people is an indicator of
American displeasure over Pakistans policy of making deals with militants.
The retaliatory strike by the militants through a suicide bomber attacking a
military base in Mardan and killing five soldiers and eight civilians was
evidence of how things could go wrong if the US and NATO were not on
board with regard to Pakistans peace overture to the militants.
Khalid Aziz wrote: The inability of the government to dominate
the space provided by agreements will be eroded soon and matters,
unfortunately, are likely to return to the pre-peace-deal situation. It is a
negative projection but indicates clearly what needs to be in place, if we are
not to lose our way altogether. However, there are other mysterious
happenings which need consideration.
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Reports from South Waziristan indicate in characteristic reticence on

the part of the militants. Kohat too reports calm. In Swat also there was
something of urgency on parts of the militants to get a peace agreement
signed quickly, rather than break the talks the government negotiators were
surprised at the relative ease with which they were able to persuade the
militants
It seems that there is a strategic shift in the deployment of the
insurgents. They had concentrated in the present locations for depleting
official security assets arrayed against them, as in a guerrilla war. Why is
this strategic shift occurring? The answer lies in our strategic thinking.
The three-core Pakistani defence concerns are, firstly, to contain
Indian hegemony in and around Pakistan; secondly, not to permit
development of pressures which would threaten retention of nuclear
weapons by Pakistan: it is thought that if Pakistan stabilizes there will be
new pressure on Pakistan to destabilize. The third Pakistani strategic
compulsion is to retain leverage over political developments in Afghanistan
through proxies until a pro-Pakistani government is installed.
Both in the case of Swat and South Waziristan, there is haste on the
part of the militants to achieve an early end to hostilities. Such a situation
has arisen because I believe that Pakistan has come under intense US
pressure to contain the militancy and prevent the militants from re-entering
Afghanistan. It is feared that while the peace process may have brought
internal peace to parts of Pakistan, it has increased militant activity in
Afghanistan.
US analysts describe the peace deals as tactical moves by the
militants to gain advantage from the government without change in their
violent attitudes. They feel that such deals weaken Pakistani state institutions
and prolong the insurgency rather than curtailing it
What is distressing is the reported resignation of four hundred Swat
policemen after the peace deal. Perhaps they fear reprisals at the hands of the
militants. Also worrying is a report that the Swat militants have said that
they will not abide by the peace agreement if a similar agreement was not
reached with the TTP in Waziristan, a stipulation which is not included in the
Swat peace deal.
On the other hand, reports from Peshawar indicate the presence of
tribal criminal bands readying to strike Peshawar. A couple of nights ago,
two ground-to-ground rockets landed in peoples backyard. In Khyber
Agency the pattern of Waziristan is being repeated.
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Two conclusions can be drawn from this analysis. Firstly, that

some hardcore militants have become engaged in activities on the LoC in
Kashmir and in Afghanistan. Secondly, the local militants are taking
advantage of the peace deals to regroup. The likely target of such threats will
be Peshawar.
It is therefore apparent that unless the Swat militants are kept
engaged as a result of the space provided by the peace deal, they may lapse
into violence again. To prevent such an eventuality the provincial
government must improvise quickly and develop plans to defend the
province against a new wave of terror.
The US has been threatening Pakistan over any change in its policy on
western border. Zeenia Satti observed: There is an approaching danger on
Pakistans western front in the form of extensive US bombardment
which could unleash a socio-political upheaval. This danger can be
discerned from the statements made by key US leaders as well as the
imperatives of American domestic politics. Capturing al-Qaeda through an
attack on Pakistan could be viewed by the neocons as a good strategy to gain
public applause during an election campaign.
Pakistan, en masse, is exhibiting a collective obliviousness to the
danger. Its government and opposition are engrossed in contemplating
palace intrigues and its media and civil society are lamenting domestic
political let-downs of various kinds, while the clock is ticking on Pakistans
sovereignty.
Pakistans ambassador to the United States, Hussain Haqqani, is
talking of a new strategic partnership between the US and Pakistan akin to
NATO. The foremost avenue of such partnership, war on terror inside
Pakistani territory, is bereft of any initiative by the government that
Haqqani represents that would ensure Pakistans sovereignty during the
course of this year.
As Damadola exemplifies, Pakistans peace deal with the
militants in FATA is meaningless if Islamabad cannot ensure the security
of FATA against US aerial attacks. Removing its forces from the area means
nothing if a much larger force allied with Pakistan, is going to strike with far
more lethal weapons instead. Troop withdrawal in such a situation in fact
jeopardizes Pakistans sovereignty
In an ironic twist of fate, the least educated Taliban and the
decentralized Afghan resistance are both exhibiting a more scientific
strategy than the US, its Pakistani allies and NATO forces are revealing
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during their collaborated war on terror. Sun Tzus classic principle of

attacking the enemys strategy and disrupting his alliances is being
successfully utilized by the Afghan resistance and the Taliban
Because NATO faces a decentralized enemy in Afghanistan which is
gaining strength in numbers by the day, its strategy to counter that must be a
robust civil development programme both inside Afghanistan and in FATA
that will deprive its enemy of recruits and allies. The US should
collaborate with Islamabad in introducing robust political and economic
measures in FATA.
The US carpet-bombed Afghanistan prior to landing its troops in
2001. It saw that aerial bombing does not annihilate the enemy. Being in
control of Afghanistan, Washington is now in better position to attempt
political measures that would deprive the Afghan militant resistance of
its relevance. FATA being relevant to the Afghan resistance and being
smaller in size and population is perfectly suited for this strategy.
The initiative for this has to come from Islamabad itself. It must
utilize its strategic leverage as a vital US ally to bring all parties to the
Afghan dispute to a negotiating table and obtain the consent of each in
giving robust economic development backed by a security infrastructure that
serves as a watch dog instead of an enemy combatant a chance in FATA.
Such a strategy can deplete the Taliban and drain out the al-Qaeda from the
region.
Tariq Fatemi wrote: Most Democrats have major misgivings about
the manner in which this administration has molly-coddled Musharraf.
Foreign policy advisors to both Obama and Clinton told me that they are
convinced that Musharraf was never sincere in his claim that he was
determined to root out the radicals. But it is Obamas people who have a
greater degree of skepticism, accusing the military dictator of pursuing a
duplicitous policy on domestic extremism as well as combating foreign
terrorists.
The Democrats are also critical of the administration for not
recognizing the significance of the February elections and not distancing
itself from Musharraf thereafter. What explains this? For one, Bush is loath
to give up on any policy, however unpopular, if perceived as being done
under pressure. He may also have other shortcomings, but cannot be
faulted for abandoning friends.
Let it be forgotten, the administration never expected elections to
bring Musharrafs foes to power. After all, it had worked assiduously to
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craft a new political setup in Pakistan that while attractive, would

nevertheless involve little change in substance. In other words, Musharraf
would retain overall authority over issues relating to national security, while
the civilians would be left to occupy themselves with the economic and
social sectors. The ugly features of the authoritarian regime would thus be
wrapped up in the attractive packing that Benazir Bhutto constituted.
Unlike the past when the State Department was usually in favour of
adopting more liberal positions, it is the Pentagon this time that appears
to be more cognizant of the changes that have taken place in Pakistan.
its current assessment is that the US can now distance itself from Musharraf,
without damaging the operations against the militants, that was being
handled by the army chief about whose professional ability and commitment
to the war on terror the Americans are in no doubt.
It is also true that the US intelligence is currently sounding more
confident of its eventual success. For the first time, it is portraying the
terrorists as having suffered major reverses in Iraq and Saudi Arabia and
being on the defensive throughout the region. This, however, is in sharp
contrast to the National Intelligence Estimates issued last August which had
described the border areas as an al-Qaeda safe haven for terrorists
reorganizing themselves for attacks against the West.
In any case, Washington is not prepared to reduce its pressure on
Pakistan, as borne out by the recent remarks of General Dan McNeill, until
recently NATO commander in Afghanistan, who charged that Pakistan had
not only failed to follow through on promises to tackle militancy on its side
of the border but that in recent months it had stopped cooperating with
NATO and Afghan forces. He echoed the misgivings being voiced by other
US officials over Islamabads peace overtures to the tribes, claiming that
dialogue with them has always led to an increase in attacks against US and
NATO forces.
Not surprisingly, I was warned that though this administration is the
lamest of lame-ducks, having only a few months to go, its ability to do
mischief should not be discounted. Its embrace of the domestic government
in Pakistan is at best a tactical retreat, while it preferred option remains an
authoritarian dispensation that does its bidding. The real test, therefore, is
that of our own political leaders who have to recognize where the
countrys real interests lie.
Khalid Aziz opined: It is not going to be easy to win the ground
back from the militants since their slogan now is introduction of the
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Shariat instead of a reformed FCR. It is also likely that their future demand
will be for a separate province. That will be extremely destabilizing for the
region.
Kamran Shafi wrote: According to one Swati academic, the liberal
intelligentsia is pitched against the Taliban backed by the agencies to enforce
Wahabi Sharia in the entire Malakand division. As a result there is a stifling
silence and suffocating fear. In fact, Sufi Mohammad never signed the
peace agreement but many others did on his behalf as Mullah Fazlullah
was on a special umrah visit to Saudi Arabia. Armed vigilantes are defying
the ban on weapons display and still targeting their opponents.
According to another source, the government made commitments
to the militants some of which have not been made public. As a result, the
militants have started roaming around freely and are doing what they had
done previously. Very few residents in Kabal, Kanju, Matta and Mingora are
convinced that militants would abide by the guarantees given in clauses 3-16
of the agreement.
Talking to the people of Swat, I found that they resent the fact
that a few unrepresentative hardcore militants should decide their
future. They feel that by acquiescing to the demand for complete Sharia, the
provincial government may further erode the credibility of the already
vulnerable state institutions. No relief has been provided to the victims of
the upheaval
Closer to Peshawar in the Khyber Agency Mangal Bagh
representing the Lashkar-e-Islam is consolidating his position after
eliminating all opposition. The recent gunning down of several followers of
MNA Noorul Haq Qadris relatively peaceful Qadriya silsila in equally
disturbing with hardcore Taliban backers and notorious drug barons of the
region having openly sided with the menacing Mangal Bagh brigade. The
political authorities always look the other way.
When the killers of Qadris men were nabbed by the authorities, they
were immediately freed within hours through high level contacts. People
living in the area also say that whenever a new killing spree takes place,
the security personnel conveniently disappear from the scene. A
representative of the Shia Toori tribe in Parachinar also reported the political
authorities pressure to give safe passage to the Taliban into Afghanistan
after the peace deal was struck in FATA.
Banned FM radios go on and off sermonizing to the people on
their dress code, religious rituals etc. The presence of over 200 brand new
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vehicles is tolerated by the political authorities and no action is taken against

them. The Lashkar-i-Islami has virtually taken over Bara tehsil and the
public is subjected to heavy fines for missing a prayer
For this reason, the ANP-PPPs role has come in for a lot of flak from
opponents for making a deal with hardcore Islamists. But Dr Minhaj ul
Hasan who heads the history department of Peshawar University has another
view. He finds this approach to be in line with atamam-i-hujat, which,
according to the Quraan, is the last step to avoid a full-scale catastrophe
which is the alternative to the peace agreement. If peace fails this time we
are in for big trouble, he remarked.
Dr Fazl ur Rahim, who accompanied Dr Minhaj to Kabul to
participate in the Bacha Khan Peace Conference, agreed, saying, what we
gathered from NATO officials there is worrying. If Pakistan does not get
the Taliban to put their act together it may not be just preemptive
missiles from across the border that we will get but the total obliteration of
FATA and perhaps more, he said.

EASTERN FRONT
The so-called composite dialogue revolved around confidence
building measures and that which suited the strategic partner of the
Crusaders. On 11th May, Sarbajits family thanked Gilani for showing soft
corner and urged him to request Musharraf for pardon; he promised to do
so. Six days later, India handed over 14 fishermen to Pakistan.
Pakistan and India signed accord on consular access to prisoners on
21 May. Three days later, Pakistan released 99 Indian fishermen; three more
than promised. On 26th May, Janoon Group held a musical concert at Dal
Lake; Gilani criticized the act as it helped India to show to the world that all
was well in IHK.
st

Steps negative to confidence building were in plenty as usual. On 10 th

May, Pakistan received yet another dead body from India and Ansar Burney
was missing at the time of handing over ceremony. Next day, the
postmortem report revealed that internal body parts of Muhammad Akram
(heart, kidneys, lungs and liver) had been removed by Indian authorities.
On 13th May, Jaipur, the Pink City, was rocked by seven bomb blasts
in succession; at least 80 people were killed and more than 150 wounded.
For a change Bangladesh was blamed instead of Pakistan. Next day, India
accused Pakistan of violating ceasefire along LoC; Pakistan denied.
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India killed third Pakistani prisoner on 18th May. Next day, two
Pakistanis were arrested in East Punjab. On 23rd May, India test fired Pirthvi
Missile. A week later, Ansar Burney was told to go back at New Delhi
Airport; one spy one trip, Nusrat Javed aptly remarked.
On 1st June, Pakistan formally proposed a timeframe of three months
to resolve Kishan Ganga Dam issue. Next day, India refused to accept
Pakistans viewpoint on Kishan Ganga Dam. Talks ended with a plan to
perform the ritual of composite dialogue in July before Pakistan opts for
arbitration like Baglihar Dam issue. Later, it was reported that India had
planned to speed up construction work on Kishan Ganga. On 9th June, Indian
PM ruled out regional nuclear disarmament.
Kashmiris freedom struggle seemed to have been almost crushed
with the explicit cooperation of Musharraf. However, some incidents were
reported during the period. At least ten people, including two soldiers were
killed on 11th May in clashes in the Valley. Five days later, security forces
martyred six freedom fighters in a clash south of Srinagar. On 21 st May, life
in Srinagar was paralyzed because of APHC strike to protest killing of two
Kashmiri leaders 12 years ago. Six days later, Yasin Malik during his visit of
Pakistan said failure of five-year Indo-Pak dialogue to produce any solution
has disappointed Kashmiris.
The News commented on foreign minister s meeting. Despite the
lack of a big breakthrough, it is important that both foreign ministers seem
to have struck a highly cordial note, with much optimism being expressed
about the next round of talks, about a month from now, in New Delhi. Both
sides seem to be hoping they can make progress ahead of a planned visit to
Pakistan by the Indian prime minister later this year. The talk of attempting
to tackle Kashmir at later rounds of talks is also encouraging, as is the fact
that recent blasts in Jaipur have not damaged the determination of both
countries to establish closer ties.
As far as the peace effort goes, Pakistan again seemed to have
taken the first step forward by offering India a grand reconciliation .
Though details have not been provided, the suggestion apparently involves
an offer to put the past behind and move towards a resolution of all key
issues. It must be hoped that India will respond positively to this gesture and
also take the steps forward necessary to move out of stalemate on various
matters so that these can no longer bar the growth of a new relationship
between the two nations.

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HOME FRONT
On ideological front the battle between obscurantist and enlightened
moderates was mostly confined to the PCO-enlightened courts. On 13th May,
Maulana Abdul Aziz secured bails in all the 26 cases registered against him
in terrorist courts; except the one related to illegal custody of Childrens
Library.
On 2nd June, Lt Gen Jamshaid Kiani confirmed use of phosphorous
based weapons in operation against Jamia Hafsa and added that there was no
foreigner inside the Lal Masjid complex. Musharraf can be tried by an
International Court for using prohibited weapons even if it was done against
the most dangerous breed of Danda-wielding girl students who were
threatening the global peace and challenging Americas global domination.
Herein two accomplices of the brave commando cannot be ignored.
One, the present COAS who has been hyped by the West and a large section
of Pakistani media as a great pro-democracy professional soldier. He was
then the incharge of the ISI which played sinister role in Lal Masjid episode.
Two, it was the media which kept urging the regime for a crackdown
against these girls who were likely to pose threat, at some stage, to the type
of enlightened moderation spread by the media and thus causing an
incalculable damage to their economic fortunes.
On 5th June, a contractor started reconstruction of the Jamia Hafsa
under a contract awarded by CDA in pursuance of an order of the Supreme
Court. Once it was reported by a TV channel, police arrived at the site and
stopped the work.
Encouraged by the dispensation of street justice by residents of a
locality in Karachi in which dacoits were burnt alive; the residents of
another locality in Karachi turned their attention towards the sources of
enlightened moderation. They raided a native massage centre and got hold
of the massagers and the massaged to get free massage from the cops.
The duo of Enlightened Moderation, Musharraf and the PPP, which
had led and supported crackdown on students of Jamia Hafsa, showed no
intention of taking any action against this new brand of Islamic fascists.
Perhaps they have not received any direction from Bush to do that?
The media too lacked the exuberance that was shown by it during Lal
Masjid episode. One expected that media should have urged the regime to
act against the obscurantist forces as ruthlessly as was done last year. The
TV channels and print media should have asked for eint sey eint baja doe
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to establish the writ of the state; because the raiders of massage centre had
posed serious threat to their business of advertisement as most of the women
recovered claimed that they had come to the city for modeling.
Side effects of war on terror continued to be felt. On 14 th May,
Rehman Malik promised good news on missing persons soon. The news
did not come till 2nd June when car bomb blast near Danish Embassy killed
eight people and wounded 25 others.
Norway closed its embassy in Islamabad and the US cautioned its
citizens about visiting Pakistan. The US reacted by saying that terrorism
remained a real threat. Danish PM said anti-terror policy would continue.
Two days later, Danish team arrived to join probe into the car bombing;
while al-Qaeda accepted the responsibility via internet.
Sectarian violence also continued. On 10th May, three people were
shot dead in D I Khan. About a fortnight later, six more people were killed in
two incidents of sectarian violence. A worker of Sunni Tehrik was shot dead
in Karachi on 3rd June. Meanwhile, the author of Pakistan ka matlab kia;
la-ellaha el-llilah, who had died in Sialkot, was buried on 18 th May. The
enlightened moderates had been buried his Pakistan slogan years before his
death.
Low-intensity insurgency in Pakistan continued in Balochistan.
Following insurgency-related incidents were reported during the period:
Security forces killed two suspected militants in Dera Bugti area on
10th May. Three days later, a policeman was shot dead in Quetta.
Gas pipeline was blown up near Dera Bugti on 14th May. Four days
later, gunmen killed three, including one intelligence official, in Hub.
Zain Bugti, grandson of Akbar Bugti was freed on 23 rd May. Six days
later, tehsil office was damaged in a blast in Khuzdar.
Five boys were shot dead in Quetta by gunmen on 30th May. Two
women were killed in landmine blast in Kohlu area. Next day, one
security person was killed in Kohlu.
Two people were killed in landmine blast near Sui on 4 th June.
Sanaullah returned to senate after 19 months in self-exile.
Two children were killed in a blast near Quetta on 5 th June damaging
railway track and severing link with the rest of the country. Next day,

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Senator Sanaullah resigned from the Senate to protest injustices

against the people of Balochistan.
A suspected militant was killed in Dera Bugti area on 7th June. Next
day, FC troops arrested 29 Bugti tribesmen while crossing into
Pakistan from Afghanistan.
Arif Tabassum opined that governments new moves in Balochistan
might prove counter-productive. Why are the people of Balochistan so
suspicious about the reconciliation in the province? Seeking an answer to
this question is not easy. It seems that none of the steps taken are going to
solve the fundamental and real problems of the province, which include
control over resources, self-determination and autonomy. Thus Baloch
nationalists, in particular, are seemingly disengaged from the reconciliation
process. The arrest of leaders and workers, disappearance and military
operations are considered as the many parts of the main problem. Now most
of the Baloch nationalists are demanding legal actions against those behind
the military operations and are not ready to sit with previous government
stakeholders in APC.
Balochistan is the most complex province. It is a resource-rich but
most deprived and poor part of the Pakistan There are also fundamental
political issues of Baloch and Pashtun populations. Pashtuns are struggling
for their political identity and term the Pashtun districts of North Balochistan
as Southern Pashtunkhwa.
The present reconciliation process rather lacks the understanding
of the issues or is deliberately ignoring them. It seems that the present PPPled federal government is merely interested in peace-keeping and improving
the security situation in the province. Thus the people of Balochistan suspect
this process and are of the view that by improving the security situation the
intention is to exploit the resources in a more secure manner.
The recent actions of Akhtar Mengals release and removal of FC
check-posts can be termed as confidence building measures; it can create
some flexibility in nationalists to come close to the overall reconciliation
process, but if these actions are propagated as the solution of problems, it
will prolong the distance and create new resentment.
If the current government is really serious to reconcile with the
people of Balochistan, it needs to do more. it must solve the issue of
disappearances with immediate effect, the overdraft of the province should
be paid from the federal resources, the cantonment constructions should be

616

dismantled and levies system be restored and remove the actors from the
present power structure who remained behind military operations in the
province. Such CBMs can move forward the reconciliation process and it
can pave way to discuss the fundamental problems of the province.
Nationalist forces in smaller provinces also made a deadly move to
fulfill their hegemonic designs against the bigger province. Zardari regime
cleverly used a minister from Gujar Khan to announce that Kalabagh Dam
has expired and the government has laid it to rest.
Some of the arguments against the KBD quite clearly convey the
goodwill of smaller brothers for the big brother. A person from NWFP said:
We have Warsak Dam; why construct KBD. Punjab wants to steal our water
and store it, said another from the same province. They sold their water to
India and now they want to misappropriate ours, said a Sindhi.
Opposition to construction of KBD is part of the blackmailing by the
smaller provinces of Punjab which population-wise is more than 60 percent
of Pakistan and much more than that in terms of ideological convictions of
its people. It also fits into the Indian design of turning Pakistan into desert. If
KBD is constructed, this design cannot be implemented; hence the lobbies
working against this project. Who knows what amounts are paid as rewards
for the every statement issued against this project?

CONCLUSION
Second strike at Damadola by the United States was the first after
broadening of its alliance from Musharraf to Zardari. It happened at a time
when ANP was trying hard for reconciliation. The message was clear: No
peace strikes; only bloodletting.
There was an interesting development in which the ANP government
agreed to promulgate Shariah Law in Swat. If the outgoing government
MMA had done that, media and others of the same ilk would have accused it
of pushing the people back to Stone Age. However, there was no objection
now, perhaps the new Shariah Law had been enlightened or secularized.
After a suicide attack in the vicinity of the Danish Embassy the
government officials rushed to condemn the blasphemous act even before
establishing the real target of the bombing. Their heads hung in shame for
the act; none of them dared mention the reason for this retaliatory act. Such
attitude reflected the degree of fear of the Crusaders have created.

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Most issues, in which Punjabis show interest, from the CJP to the
KBD, are being dumped. KBD is good for 60 percent of the Pakistanis who
happened to be Punjabis; therefore 40 percent of Pakistanis living in three
units of the federation oppose its construction. Benefiting 60 percent of
Pakistanis is not good for Pakistan.
11th June 2008

LONG MARCH NO SIT-IN

Long march organized by the lawyers movement was the major event
of the period of two weeks commencing 7th June. The march, which started
from Multan, raised expectations of the people about restoration of deposed
judges. But, it failed to come up to the expectations of the people and instead
added to the disappointment because of its lack-luster end sans sit-in.
A period of three-and-half months was enough for the brave
commando to recover from the blow delivered by the ordinary people of
Pakistan. He summoned the selected editors and senior journalists to
Presidency on 7th June. He appeared confident while reminding them that he
was constitutional president of Pakistan.

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He vowed not to resign and expressed his dissatisfaction over the

performance of the new government. He also said that if anything has to be
done about him that would be done by the Parliament and pledged to accept
all the decisions of the Parliament. The record, however, negated his
statement.
The same day, and only a couple of days after Ch Nisar had
announced the imposition of ban on begging in Rawalpindi, a team of his
coalition partners converged onto Saudi Arabia from Islamabad and Dubai to
beg. A gang of nearly hundred looters-turned-beggars was led by the prime
minister and Zardari.

EVENTS
On 7th June, brave commando as usual indulged in boasting about his
courage. He said one needs more courage to compromise than resorting to
confrontation. Indeed, these are golden words but only until such courage
is exhibited at right time and in the right case. Unfortunately, he has been
showing his courage to the contrary.
Musharraf asked Gen Jamshed Kiyani to look at his family
background before talking about army (him). He has defamed the army.
Here, the brave commando forgot the damage he has caused to the image of
army in his eight years of rule. He also alleged that what kind of General
Jamshed was who did not know what the chemical weapon is made of. He
disdainfully said: I have seen many Kiyanis but never seen such a Kiyani.
While talking on the Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafza, Musharraf rightly
took his enlightened moderate partners frontally. He asked the senior media
men to show him one channel or newspaper which did not curse him for not
cracking down against Lal Masjid. It can be said with certainty that the
audience, like the speaker, must not have felt ashamed of their (mis)deeds.
He claimed: I have not done a single wrong act. About Armys
loyalty he boasted: The people whom I have commanded for four decades
would never act against me. About his patriotism he said that he wont be
part of undoing of Pakistan, but while saying that he forgot that he could be
a cause of that.
Retired army officers strongly reacted to statement of Rashid Qureshi
in which he threatened that the option of court martial of Lt Gen Jamshed
Gulzar was under consideration. They called Rashid morally and physically

619

corrupt. HRCP feared that PPP package would deepen the judicial crisis.
King Abdullah assured Zardari and Gilani over oil price concession.
Next day, the PML-N prepared a charge sheet for Musharrafs trial.
The list of charges included: imposing martial law twice; planning and
executing Kargil operation; using army as his private force; pushed the army
in war against own people; blackmail, torture and abuse of his opponents;
killing of Akbar Bugti; disappearance of thousands of Balochis; attacking
Lal Masjid under external pressure; handing over of Pakistanis to the US in
return for dollars; and setting new examples of cronyism, nepotism,
corruption and favouritism.
Lawyers announced the schedule of long march from 9th June
onwards. As the date of Long March neared, Rehman Malik and his agencies
rounded up terrorists with huge quantities of explosives from Rawalpindi.
This unusual display of efficiency was not meant for security of the long
marchers but to scare them.
Shahbaz Sharif was sworn in as Chief Minister of Punjab. Exdiplomats joined forces with the lawyers and demanded reinstatement of the
deposed judges. The group that demanded this included Shamshad Ahmed
Khan, Riaz Khokhar, Akram Zaki and others. Imran said the people could
swallow NRO but not at the cost of deposed judges.
On 9th June, caravans from Karachi and Quetta set off to participate in
Long March starting from Multan. PPP-affiliated lawyers remained divided
on Long March. National Assembly was informed that Rs60 billion loans
have been written off since 1999. Shahbaz Sharif secured vote of
confidence.
Lawyers from Sindh and Balochistan converged onto Multan on 10 th
June, PPP Regime instructed Rehman Malik to follow the precedent set by
MQMs Ishrat Ibaad in Karachi on May, 12, 2007 to stop the long marchers
from entering Islamabad. Malik ordered the liberal use of barbed wire and
containers. Surroundings of Constitution Avenue were turned into Faisal
Road. Aitzaz said the government was in panic. Authorities raised bomb
alarm in Multan Saddar.
The increase of Supreme Court judges to 29 was proposed in the
annual budget on 11th June. Chief Justice Iftikhar was awarded warm
welcome in Lahore. The Long marchers also arrived in the city after
midnight. Nawaz Sharif urged all out participation in the Long March. He
said coalitions fate depended on resolution of the judges issue.

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Next day, the government and lawyers reached an agreement in

Islamabad on Long March. The deposed CJP addressed marathon reception
in Lahore. As long marchers moved from Lahore to Islamabad, Zardari spent
the day in Karachi with Ishratul Ibaad. Salman Taseer termed Long March a
fiasco. Imran asked Nawaz to move a resolution in NA for judges
restoration. Nawaz ruled out safe exit for Musharraf while sending off the
Long March from Lahore. Rashid Qureshi met Sherry Rehman to complain
about TV coverage.
On 13th June, the routine life in twin cities of Rawalpindi-Islamabad
came to grinding halt as the residents turned out to receive the long
marchers. Exactly one year, one month and one day after the military
dictator hired a crowd through the auspices of PML-Q to show his strength,
the people from across the country gathered at the same venue in hundreds
of thousands and remained peaceful throughout.
They had come to kotta bhaganey; (to beat the dog out) according to
one of the slogans shouted by the participants. They urged the footdragging parliament to restore the deposed judges. Barring the PPP, ANP,
MQM and JUI-F, all political parties participated. Athar Minallah declined
to accept the food from PPP accusing the party of hypocrisy. Nawaz Sharif
said no safe-exit for the criminal who denied the same to students of Jamia
Hafza. Imran Khan urged Nawaz to move a resolution in the parliament to
expose those playing on either side of the wicket.
Amin Fahim termed the Long March a good show. Rehman Malik
calculated the strength of the rally with his monitoring computer to be about
15 thousand which was quite large and by the grace of Allah the
administration managed it well. Even Musharraf, being a gunner officer,
would have been less mean in his calculations than Rehman Malik. But
Sherry Rehman fully agreed with Maliks figure-work.
Zardari chose to spend the day in Karachi to chalk out plans for the
fate of Steel Mills. This pie, which had been saved by the Supreme Court,
is too large to be ignored by man like him. Zardari regime pressed for
closing of TV programmes anchored by Dr Shahid Masood and Hamid Mir.
Next day, Fazlur Rahman strongly criticized Nawaz Sharif for taking
part in the Long March. He also said that Charter of Democracy and Murree
Accord were between two parties and therefore not binding on others.
Number of PPP leaders owned the Long March and claimed credit for it
peaceful ending.

621

Syed Irfan Raza reported that the Long March ended on a bitter note
after a group of lawyers and political activists insisted on staging a sit-in
outside the Parliament House and accused Aitzaz Ahsan of striking a deal
with the government. Reportedly, the sudden decision to abandon sit-in was
taken as result of Nawaz-Zardari and Zardari-Aitzaz contacts. Did Zardari
once again succeed in dragging the issue without making any commitment?
Altaf Hussain urged Zardari not to be scared of anybody and should
do anything he wants. Altaf also threatened those who demanded trial of his
younger brother residing in Army House. He demanded trial and hanging of
all the generals since Ayub era. Members from opposition and treasury
benches in the Senate criticized the attempt to amend Constitution through
finance bill.
On 15th June Ishratul Ibaad condemned ex-servicemen for criticizing
Musharraf; he threatened to go to the court against them. Ex-servicemen
carried out sit-in in parade ground. Lawyers sent a delegation to request
them to end sit-in. Ex-servicemen refused to oblige until they were informed
about reasons for abandoning sit-in by lawyers.
Lawyers held a demonstration in New York. Aitzaz promised more
rallies but found it hard to explain the sudden unexpected end of the Long
March. PML-N announced in the National Assembly that it would move
presidents impeachment motion soon.
Next day, Pakistan Bar Council asked the legal fraternity to forgive
their leadership for an honest mistake made when the long march was
called off without staging a sit-in. The deposed CJP in a tele-conference told
the US audience that his struggle is for the rule of law. Speaking at a
gathering of party workers in Governors House in Lahore Zardari mocked
lawyers long march. He vowed that soon the PPPs jiyalas would dance in
Presidency.
The deposed Chief Justice and all the judges received the salaries on
17 June. For the first time in the history, details of defence budget were
placed before the Parliament. Zardari claimed that it was his spouse who
forced Musharraf to shed his second skin. Bush and Musharraf were among
the three least trusted leaders in the world according to a survey.
th

Next day, exactly four months after their thumping victory, Zardari
and Nawaz discussed judges issue and presidents impeachment but failed
to bridge the differences. APDM warned Zardari of exposing his
corruption. ANP strongly denied Zardaris statement that it was opposed to
impeachment or restoration of judges. Islamabad High Court rejected a
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petition against the increase in number of SC judges. Taseer vowed making

Punjab a bastion of the PPP; the jiyala governor rejected the theory of
impartiality for the man residing Governor House. Babar Awan said
accepting salaries meant accepting the package.
On 19th June, LHC bench refused to grant the right to defence to
Sharif brothers for not appearing in the court. Lawyers held weekly boycott
of courts across the country and showed complete trust in their leadership.
Zardari once again vowed occupation of Presidency by PPP workers and
shout slogans on Jieeay Bhutto. Two-day APDM meeting failed to finalize
its plan of protest, which will now be finalized in first week of July. The
alliance, however, asked Musharraf to resign.
Next day, Nawaz and Zardari once again met at Raiwind but failed to
agree on any of the issues. They decided to pursue composite dialogue by
meeting again in July. Survey carried out by Washington-based think-tank
found popularity of Nawaz rising.
Zardari regime made some moves to change Pakistan; Murree Road
and Islamabad Airport were renamed after Benazir on the eve of her
birthday. Soon Rawalpindi will be named Garhi Khuda Bakhsh and Lahore
as Larkana. Prisoners were granted 90 days remission. The victims of
Zardari in the PPP, Amin Fahim, Aitzaz Ahsan, and others, organized a
public gathering in Liaqat Bagh.

VIEWS
On political front the re-emergence of brave commando was a major
event. Ashraf Mumtaz commented: The question is what is it that has given
the dormant president so much confidence Apparently, the president is
capitalizing on the differences between the PML-N and the PPP, the two
major coalition partners. While the PML-N wants to remove the president
within no time, the PPP has not a very clear policy about him.
The PML-N leadership advised the PPP many a time to rid the
country of the dictator in the presidency, but the PPP is yet not very clear
as to what it should do. Some times the PPP leaders start attacking the
president and call him a relic of the past and advise him to quit or face
impeachment. But then the party changes its tone and says that Musharraf is
an elected president
It appears that the PPP has no intention to remove the president
through parliamentary proceedings. Had the political will been there, the
623

ruling coalition has the required two-thirds majority in the bicameral

legislature to oust him. And had there been any possibility of the ruling
coalition going for impeachment, the president would not have dared the
legislators to go for it. He is relying on PPP support. Maybe, President
Bush who had phoned Musharraf a few days ago and expressed his all-out
support for him has told the PPP leadership to cooperate with the staunch US
ally on war against terror.
The Dawn wrote: Musharraf has confidently scotched all rumours
of his imminent resignation that were doing the rounds of late. Talking to
senior journalists in Islamabad yesterday he looked and sounded more selfassured than what appeared to be his wont since the February election. He is
here to stay for now, he says, and willing to work with parliament which he
holds supreme.
Mr Musharraf is back in his element, evidently, knowing once again
what he is talking about. Is it for good reason? Has he been assured by his
interlocutors that he has little to worry about the constitutional package
the PPP-led government has proposed? Even as parliament will debate the
82 amendments when it does, none of these suggest the presidents
impeachment. Instead, the package offers indemnity, even if limited, to
many of the controversial provisions of the Nov 3 PCO promulgated under a
presidential decree imposing emergency rule. Emergency was not imposed
by Musharraf as the president but as the COAS.
There is little chance that the PML-N, which the establishment sees
as the only spoilsport in parliament, will be able to convince the rest of the
coalition partners to help it settle scores with President Musharraf by
impeaching him. If nothing else, the PML-Ns avowed commitment to the
judges reinstatement is likely to consume its energies before it can get on
the other matters.
It is ironic and sad in equal measure that at a time when the country
is caught in a cobweb of so many pressing issues, politicians should find it
hard to come to grips with their own and the peoples democratic aspirations.
Runaway inflation, the energy crisis, the threat posed by extremism and
terrorism and the fear of economic instability are factors that affect
everyone, everyday; these must surely be addressed first and foremost. This
is not to say that the concerns expressed by those who wish to see the back
of the president sooner than later, for reasons all too obvious, are any
less worthy of the governments attention. Unless Mr Musharrafs poise and

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calm, as seen on TV only yesterday, is a big bluff, he does not seem under
pressure to go away in a hurry.
M Waqar Aslam from Quetta was not impressed by the reappearance
of Musharraf. I have called you to dispel rumours about my quitting; was
all how Musharraf spoke to select group of journalists on June 7, however,
what he referred to as rumours is, in fact, the writing on the wall. Anyhow,
it was there that he made two (as if) not-known-before groundbreaking, epoch-making and earth-shaking revelations. One was that he
is not quitting and the other one was that he is not an unbalanced person.
Lets read the writing on the wall to find out the viability of the
two. The not-quitting premise stands knocked out by the popularlyconferred titles as the relic of the past and the one at the exit-door. And
not-an-unbalanced-person stance can best be understood by quoting Mr
Musharrafs own words at the same gathering. For the ongoing judicial
crisis, he said: I didnt dismiss the judges. They themselves did not take the
oath under the PCO and quit their offices.
And for ex-servicemen society (ESS), which represents all of his
senior officers, he remarked, ESS is a private organization and it has
nothing to do with the Army. Each word of the above two quotations
graphically depicts the true meanings of the not-an-unbalance-person
stance. Hence, no further comments.
If candidly analyzed, this meeting appears neither as a show of mettle
nor a move to counter the talk of town (or towns). It was ill-timed too. Just
four days prior to the long march, was it not like showing a red flag to a
bull? As a matter of fact, this discourse with chosen journalists is likely to
be Mr Musharrafs swan song.
Syed Sharifuddin found a useful purpose being served by Musharraf.
In a dictatorship there is no such thing as a team. For as long as the King
rules, there is no shortage of countries praising his every move and taking
advantage of his favours. Once the King is deposed, all those courtiers, save
a few foolish loyalists, jump the ship and join the side of the rising Regent.
No wonder then that a number of retired generals who benefited under
Musharraf with positions and extensions in their service are today eager to
spill the beans in the name of clear conscience.
There are also numerous well looked after politicians who are eager
to leave the Kings party and join the rising powers in parliament. In this
grand march of shifting opportunity, all prominent professions are on
parade politicians, military chiefs, former diplomats, lawyers, bankers,
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media and civil society leaders. This is the way of the world and President
Musharraf should have known when he was in total control that this is how
power falls.
Some more want him to be accountable for the hard strategic
decisions that were taken during the last eight plus years, costing precious
lives in Kargil, Balochistan, North Waziristan and Lal Masjid operations.
Whatever their gripe, they are united in their hatred for Musharraf. As long
as he is in office as president, the nation stands united even archrival
political parties whose leaders suffered so much at each others hands have
decided to ignore their half healed wounds. The have become brothers just to
take on Musharraf.
This is a great achievement for a man who said in 1999 that the army
intervened in the political process because the politicians did not play their
cards right. Musharraf said the political institutions were under-performing,
inefficient and corrupt; political parties were at each others throats; the
opposition pleaded with the army chief in every government to overthrow a
working prime minister. By keeping them united and not making any
mistakes this time, Musharrafs presence has acted as a catalyst for
respect, tolerance and liberal traditions among the political parties in
order to reinforce democracy and political ascendancy over the institutions
of state. But will this survive his exit whenever it takes place?
Kamran Shafi took on pro-Musharraf analysts. Some of them, aghast
at our stupidity, ask if we did not know that the Pakistan Army considers
Pervez Musharraf the legitimately elected President of Pakistan! And
that it would therefore do what it had to do to ensure that he stays president
for all of his (so-called) term! They do not explain, of course, why the army
should be in so exalted position, and if indeed it is, why it should be allowed
to maintain it so that it is the arbiter of what is constitutional or not,
legitimate or not.
Others tell us that if there was any move at impeaching the
man/hauling him up before a court of law, the army would consider it was
being tried as an institution, and would therefore, act! They leave the
rest to our imagination as Pakistanis who have seen army intervention all of
our miserable lives.
They do not explain how the army would have the gall to go against
as clear a verdict as that against Musharraf on Feb 18, 2008. What utter tripe
and nonsense! In so many ways, that it isnt even funny. For, just look at

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the four army interventions and what state the country were left in after
respective dictators left the scene
Did one of the official sources, read the Presidents Lodge (one
Army House), not say as recently as April 6, that Musharraf was only
staying on in the Presidents Lodge because if he were to leave office the
Americans would attack FATA! So what was this attack (Gora Prai) all
about then? Could it have been a warning from Dubya that his buddy should
be let alone, or else?
The country is engaged in a costly power struggle, observed Ahmed
Farooqui. Musharraf flatters himself into thinking that his decision
making is on a par with that of Napoleon Bonaparte. He frequently draws
inspiration from Napoleons maxim that two-thirds of every decision is
based on analysis and one-third is a leap in the dark.
Musharraf has done his analysis and concluded that he wont be
impeached since the coalition government does not have the necessary twothirds majority in the combined houses. But he also knows that the current
political order is fraught with uncertainty and that is where he has leapt into
the dark.
Yes, he has made a deal with Asif Zardari that drops all legal charges
against him and, in turn, presumably obtained a commitment to (a) delay
indefinitely the restoration of the judges and (b) not to pursue
impeachment. But he also knows that Zardari is not the final arbiter of what
happens on the political stage.
There is first of all the army that Musharraf no longer commands.
His at-risk status is analogous to that of President Iskandar Mirza in
October 1958 when he made Ayub, his army chief, the chief martial law
administrator. Ayub himself became at risk in March 1969 when he asked
Gen Yahya to declare martial law.
And then there is the pesky lawyers movement. Even though the
long march did not culminate in a parliamentary sit-in that could have
decided the fate of the judges, it sent a very strong and visible statement
that reverberated throughout the globe, that the people of Pakistan
wanted the parliamentarians to fulfill their electoral promise. Until the core
issues of judicial independence is addressed, one should expect to see more
protests and long marches and possibly parliamentary sit-ins and wheel-jam
strikes.

627

Asif Zardari knows that without the lawyers movement, he

would simply have been Mr Ten Per Cent and Musharraf would still have
been occupying the office of the army chief, not just his residence. It is
unfortunate that some leaders of the PPP have taken to black-balling the
lawyers movement. They are questioning the motives of the deposed judges
and of the attorneys calling for their restoration. Some are seeking to
discredit the movement by saying it includes people with a questionable
pedigree.
Others are saying; dont resort to agitation on the streets unless you
wish to invite another coup. Still others are saying, stop raising the issue of
restoring the judges because the restored judges will immediately go about
invalidating Musharrafs presidency, triggering political mayhem, annoying
the White House, stopping American aid and cause an economic meltdown.
But the new economic survey tells us that the meltdown has already
begun. Ties with the US are frayed and not just because of the confusion
over Musharrafs future role but because of the ham-fisted way in which the
war on terror is being waged. And as for the lawyers movement, it is not
about the lawyers but about the restoration of the rule of law. So what if
there are a few bad apples in the movement
Because of Musharrafs refusal to step down voluntarily, the country
is engaged in a costly power struggle. This could have been avoided if
Musharraf had made the building of civilian political institutions a priority
instead of dissembling about restoring genuine democracy. But hubris
blinded him and he focused on extending his rule, using the war on terror as
a convenient excuse.
Enough of posturing; time to resolve the issues, wrote The Dawn.
True, posturing is an essential element of statecraft but our politicians need
to be reminded that it is now getting on peoples nerves. In fact, one
wonders whether the overdose of political rhetoric is meant to serve as a
smokescreen for the failure to draw up pragmatic policies that could give
some relief to the people. Four months after the euphoric Feb 19 morning,
the national scene remains dangerously chaotic.
Confrontation is in the air, the principal players seem to be reenacting the post-Zia anarchy of the 90s and there is no evidence that any
side is willing to compromise for the greater good of the nation and end the
sense of crisis. Yesterday, the lawyers began their march from Karachi to
Rawalpindi to achieve two objectives to have Iftikhar Chaudhry reinstated
and to get President Pervez Musharraf to vacate the Army House.
628

Barring an agreement between the two major parties, the issue is

unlikely to be settled politically in the near future, and that means that one
can expect more confrontation which in our part of the world could lead to
tear-gassing, baton charges, demonstrators being dragged and hauled into
police vans, and the media having a field day. In brief no respite from the
crisis, while food prices soar.
The big question is: who is responsible for perpetuating this crisis?
If President Pervez Musharraf is doing what he has been accused of doing
conspiring against a system he himself fathered what stops the antiMusharraf forces which control parliament to throw him out by legal and
constitutional means? The truth is that the change in the PPPs stance on the
judgers has added to the political confusion.
The PPP and PML-N today are in the corridors of power because of
the peoples vote. Would they care to rise above partisan considerations
and do something for the peoples good? The true indication of their concern
or lack of it, for their voters will be the budget. Will it be people-friendly?
Ashaar Rehman smelled conspiracy. Everything that the PPP cochairman has done over the last few months has been diligently and
meticulously painted as being part of some conspiracy. He plotted the
sidelining of the partys chosen candidate for prime minister and
eliminated challenges from a few able men to sneak in his own choice for
the post. He has been proudly introducing one important appointee after
another as my fail companion. The refrain led the nation into believing that
he was talking about the future until someone did some research and
concluded that he was actually talking about incarcerations of the past.
Mian Nawaz Sharif wants to go over the man whereas Asif Zardari
has been saying he prefers to go around him. This is understandable given
the old feeling that the individual who may have facilitated the PPPs
coming to power is the one who has for eight long years stood between the
PML-N and the establishment. It is in the course of a comparison of the
short-term and the long-term that Mr Zardari risks losing ground
especially in Punjab to his friend Mr Sharif.
The PPP leader was under no moral pressure to restore the judges as
his party had emerged as the single largest entity in the Assembly after the
Feb 18 polls. The party was not committed to a restoration of the judiciary
and it did not raise the slogan of restoration in its poll campaign. But didnt
things change after he had signed the Bhurban declaration with Mian Nawaz
Sharif in March this year? It was after he had made this commitment that he
629

realized that it was imprudent to give a timeframe for accomplishing a

job as complicated as this.
There is no doubt that in the midst of so many big issues confronting
the government, its distance from the free-judiciary procession is costing the
PPP in terms of popular support. All mistakes and errors committed by
other politicians pale before this very visible flaw in Mr Zardaris
politics. As Pakistan watches, the people are finding it hard to toe the party
line.
Ayesha Siddiqa took on the ex-servicemens opposition to Musharraf.
The retired servicemen seem to have rebelled against President
Musharraf calling for his impeachment and trial for planning the Kargil
operation. In a press conference held on June 4, a group of retired
servicemen demanded Gen Musharrafs trial, restoration of judiciary,
revision of the Kashmir policy and the revoking of the controversial NRO.
While an audit of military operations by the government is certainly
needed, the important question which must be asked is that is this press
conference just a rebellion of civilianized army men against the
former army chief in defence of democracy and higher political values in
the country?
But before we get into a systems analysis, lets look into the actors
who are part of this rebellion and whether it is true that they merely acted
in defence of democracy and independence of judiciary. It is interesting to
note that this club of old soldiers struck at the time when Musharraf is
engulfed with criticism from all sides.
Notwithstanding the importance of the movement for restoration of
judiciary, the intent of the ex-servicemen, especially some of its members
should be more than strengthening a civilian institution. So, the onlookers
have to be careful in distinguishing between the need to investigate the
Kargil crisis and the actual intent of people like Gen Jamshaid Gulzar
Kiyani and others in telling the story now.
One of the features of popular or semi popular movements is that
they throw up all sorts of personalities who join a political race for their own
goals. In fact, the dialectics of the political movement of these exservicemen winnable heroes denotes two interesting issues.
There is a rift within the deeper establishment and this group of exservicemen is just a glimpse of the internal friction. Contrary to the
argument that these retired generals, brigadiers and colonels are innocent

630

civilians, the fact of the matter is that they are part of the military fraternity
which includes serving officers, retired officers and some civilians as well
who are linked with or dependent upon the militarys power. The retired
ones, hence, are as much part of the larger institutional politics as the serving
officers
The retired officers serve the purpose of airing views that the serving
cannot. While representing one view or the other, these officers represent
differing points of views rather than an independent voice. So, while some
would air the concerns of the pro-democracy lobby, others speak for the proUS, pro-China or pro-Islamist views within the defence organization. The
reason for these voices have become louder now is because the friction has
increased.
But why should these people be treated as informal
spokespersons of the internal lobbies? This is because the military suffers
from the lack of a strong institutional mechanism for internal dialogue
Then there is the problem at another level which is the services themselves
were different groups and lobbies have to convince the higher command of
their point of view. This is where the voices of the retired officers become
part of the din. The Kargil crisis itself is an example of the absence of string
internal mechanisms for debate and analysis. The retired Gen Kiyani says
that even the ISI was not informed about the operation. However the fact is
that a major war-like operation was launched without sitting officers
seriously objecting to it
This discussion, nevertheless, is not about what is a real officer but to
make a simple point that the winnable heroes amongst the retired officers do
not necessarily represent an alternative. They have during the course of their
careers been part of questionable decisions and it will be sad if they become
heroes by aligning themselves with the lawyers movement. There should
certainly be a trial for Kargil but for all the other sins as well which
were committed by many in the course of the countrys history. What is even
more important is creation of institutions within the state and the deeper
establishment so that we can be saved from unwanted heroes.
Aqil Shah opined: No wonder yesterdays praetorian generals and
brigadiers have become principled democrats overnight. They want Gen
Pervez Musharraf to vacate the army house. They want him to resign.
They are not wrong. For almost nine years, Musharraf had his way and must
be made to pay. But this is no brainier. The problem is that Musharraf never

631

operated alone in any of the stellar acts for which his former colleagues are
holding him almost solely responsible
By targeting Musharraf, these ex-soldiers seem to be
conveniently washing their hands of their own culpability in his actions.
Of course, they would like us to believe that they were always conscientious
objectors against his disastrous policies. It is just that as serving soldiers
their hands were tied. They had to stand united with their chief
But it is not easy to ignore an inconvenient truth: consent can be as
incriminating as direct involvement. There are no higher crimes than
following unlawful commands to subvert the public will by rigging elections
or by hatching criminal conspiracies against elected governments for which
our generals are universally notorious.
The generals obviously do not stand alone in the hall of shame. Civil
servants have been their willing partners in crime. Many have been
proud accomplices to a variety of dictators, actively conspired against
democratic governments and faithfully executed the unlawful commands of
unlawful regimes. They are now in a sulk about the sad state of Pakistan. Yet
they conveniently fail to acknowledge that the country went down the tube
on their watch. And surprise, surprise, their defence is usually nauseatingly
identical to that given by the soldiers
While we are at it, lets not forget the politicians. They too have to
varying degrees aided and abetted military authoritarianism in the notso-distant past. It is rather ironic that the Jamaat-i-Islami, legitimator-inchief of dictators Zia and Musharraf, is marching alongside the lawyers for
the restoration of the judiciary. While the PPP, the quintessential left of
centre pro-democratic party, has painted itself into a corner by privileging
political expediency over its public commitment on the issue.
On course, the main catalysts for our drastically changed political
environment are the judges. It is they who have probably shamed many
civil and military bureaucrats into belated action. Of course, the higher
judiciary has committed more than its fair share of heinous errors
The judges have finally vindicated their institution. Whether they
intended it or not but when Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry openly defied
the generals on March 9, 2007, he radically altered the course of statesociety relations in Pakistan. He and the other judges who refused to take
oath under Musharrafs second PCO of Nov 3, 2007 had to pay a heavy
personal and professional price for upholding the Constitution in the face of
brute coercion. But then history is rarely made by men (or women) stalled in
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their professional adolescence by a perpetual obsequiousness toward

authority legal or not. Here is a lesson we can all take to heart.
Zardari and his allies remained a major hurdle in restoration of
judges. Anwer Syed observed: Maulana Fazlur Rahman said at a press
conference on May 26 that General Musharrafs actions of Nov 3, 2007,
including the dismissal of certain judges, could not be undone by the
adoption of a National Assembly resolution and the issuance of an executive
order.
Fazlur Rahman also stated that the PPP and PML-N did not see
eye to eye on issues relating to the judges (a fact now well known). Mr
Zardari says he will provide for their reinstatement in a constitutional
amendment (consisting of 80 items) that will be moved in parliament on an
undetermined date. Mr Sharif wants a National Assembly resolution
requiring reinstatement now.
Mr Zardari does not want to go Mr Sharifs way. He may be
apprehensive that the reinstated judges will invalidate the NRO, which
allowed the withdrawal of criminal cases pending against him. If that does
come to pass, these cases might come back to haunt him.
The Assembly resolution would mollify Mr Zardaris coalition
partners. But it may turn out that the desired resolution will not do and a
constitutional amendment is, after all, needed. To be on the safe side, an
amendment dealing only with the judges may be moved at the same time
that the resolution is. Still another amendment to protect the NRO and
implement all the other 79 items in Mr Zardaris bag may be introduced at
some appropriate time.
Unless Mr Zardari and his associates are enthusiastic and have a
sense of urgency about the package (which they may or may not have), the
proposed amendment may fall short of a two-thirds majority support in the
Senate (if not in both Houses) and fail, in which case the deposed judges
will stay deposed. This outcome will suit Mr Zardari well.
It is possible that all of this has been a part of his design all along. He
is emerging as an expert in killing projects with a blunt and rusty knife one
side of which is indecision and the other inaction. Knowing that time can be
a silent erosive, he may have been expecting that the powerful tide of public
opinion in favour of the judges will one day subside and the issue of their
reinstatement will eventually go away.

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The Dawn commented: It is not that difficult to decipher. On the face

of it, much of what Mr Asif Ali Zardari has been saying these days is
repetitive, with a new, odd idea thrown in here and there to arouse interest.
Occasionally, he drops hints that appear pregnant with possibilities.
Aware of the popular feeling about the judges reinstatement and the
inflexible position adopted by the PML-N, Mr Zardari has been performing
quite a balancing act. While he takes a dig at President Pervez Musharraf
a relic of the past and says his party does not recognize him as a
constitutionally elected president, he makes it clear that he does not
believe in impeachment either.
PPP co-chairman makes two things clear: he is keen on keeping the
coalition going, and he does not believe in getting rid of President
Musharraf. Differences are inherent in democracy and politics, he says, and
points out that Balochistans PPP chief minister had not accepted the police
chief nomination by Islamabad. This way he wants the PML-N too to accept
the reality of the two parties divergent positions on the judiciary. Benazir
Bhutto, he said, gave her life not for Iftikhar Chaudhry but for an
independent judiciary.
It is time Mr Zardari stopped equivocating: let him make it clear
once and for all that he regrets his party is not going to upset the present
arrangement, based as it is on the PCO and NRO. Elucidating the PPPs
position will not shell-shock the Sharifs: they already stand thoroughly
disillusioned. But such a categorical statement will be a signal to the
coalition allies and the confused bureaucracy at the centre and in the four
provinces to put the judiciary issue behind them and get on with the job of
governing Pakistan and working for giving the hard-pressed people some
relief from food inflation and blackouts.
Kunwar Idris focused on the package. The changes now being
proposed by Asif Zardari through his Eighteenth Amendment far
exceed the combined number of all amendments made so far. Though
numbered 80 in the draft text, the changes proposed are more numerous. The
exact count would be a tedious undertaking.
The package now prepared by Asif Zardari, the self-proclaimed
soon-to-be founder of a new order, might, in fact, land the country in
greater chaos. Its provisions relating to the judiciary have been rejected
outright by the lawyers. It would be nothing short of a miracle if they and
their civil society companion, call them political agitators if you will, led by

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Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry and marching in the blazing sun, are able to keep
their cool even if they intend to.
The necessity and merit of the amending plethora aside, it is surely
going to make the revised constitution more cumbersome and difficult
to understand and interpret. Already with its multiple footnotes the
Constitution makes for exasperating reading.
Instead of amending so many articles which have already suffered
amendments more than once, it would make greater sense to rewrite the
whole Constitution. In any case even with all the amendments incorporated,
the Constitution is not going to satisfy every political group, province and
community as it does not address the more vexatious long-lingering issues
of provincial autonomy, status of the tribal areas, security of civil servants
and bringing fundamental rights clauses in conformity with Pakistans
international commitments.
Discontent among the provinces, communities, tribes and people as a
whole would persist, perhaps even worsen. The feeling is that Asif
Zardaris career in politics is going to be short-lived. The knives are
already out. He can become a leader in his right, and not by mere default or
by virtue of Musharrafs reconciliation order, only if he genuinely fulfills his
promise of a new order that is also equitable.
The constitutional package, even if the whole of it were to be
approved, would not herald a new order; a new constitution adopted after
free debate might. Empowering the prime minister and reducing the
president to a figure-head more powerless than Chaudhry Fazal Elahi and
Rafiq Tarar would satisfy none.
The package focuses only on the powers of persons. The people
expect the institutions of the state from top to bottom to be responsive to
their needs. They are not concerned with who gives jobs, plots and loans but
that they receive them justly. No government has ever done that, whether the
executive authority has been vested in the president or the prime minister.
Though it is still struggling to stand on its feet, this government is also
embroiled in the fight over jobs and spoils.
Restoration agreement, Zardari and now long march, remarked
Cyril Almeida. Asif Zardari could have cut this saga short. Instead, he gave
a kid box of crayons and asked him to re-write the Constitution. Forget the
spirit of the draft given its progenitors it was never going to be a panacea
but indeed it has been drafted so shoddily? Ambition isnt one of the defects

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it suffers from though: eighty changes proposed to a constitution with two

hundred and eighty sections. All worked out in secret, away from the
supervision of parliament. If Asif had been around to guide the Constituent
Assembly perhaps it wouldnt have taken nine years to draft the first
constitution.
The rift with Asif is nearly total. Sherry Rehman was supposed to
share a stage with Aitzaz at an apolitical event in Karachi, but Asif grounded
her. When Khuro turned up instead, Asifs displeasure was vented through
the media. I watched Aitzaz closely that afternoon as he sat impassively
through a wretched programme of tuneless singers and childrenhe was
unruffled, smiling on cue and presenting bouquets when called upon all
afternoon.
The next day I watched his speech on tape. Aitzaz invoked the spirit
of Jinnah and lamented the failure of the state. It was measured and peaceful.
The people would never receive justice, the poor would never escape
poverty, and the vulnerable would never be protected if things didnt change.
Aitzaz believes hes at the vanguard of a movement that has the potential to
change history. Musharraf is but the first hurdle; Chief Justice Iftikhar
and Aitzaz are out to remake Pakistan itself.
A parliamentary resolution can bring the whole edifice of transition
crumbling down. Chief Justice Iftikhar and six other deposed judges have
already declared Novembers coup illegal. If they are summarily
reinstated, they will summarily strike down everything done since
November. In fact, so fearful is the Asif-Musharraf axis of this possibility
that it has suggested a new clause in the Constitution to specifically prevent
the Supreme Court from questioning the legality of the February elections.
The parliamentary resolution is a non-starter then. For before
parliament could yell, Stop Amendment! Iftikhar will simply sweep away
the PCO, the president, the judges and everything else with the existing
powers of the court. It will be wrenching period, a time of intense
uncertainty and paralysis. And dont expect Aitzaz to advice caution. Its
precisely what he wants.
Which is why Musharraf was back on the airwaves? The marchers
are closing in on him and he was trying to fend them off. One word stood
out: pathetic. Pathetic was the officer who was airing the armys dirty
laundry in public. Then, unwittingly, the combative generals argument
boomeranged. He could spend an hour dishing the dirt on the latest general
to turn on him, he said. And with that the humiliation was complete his
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anger blinding him to the fact that as army chief it was his responsibility to
ensure discipline and honesty. Is it any wonder that the rats are jumping
ship?
Nobody knows what will happen after the long march. After the
weekends performance, Musharraf is going nowhere for now; nor is
Chief Justice Iftikhar on the verge of being reinstated. The standoff will
continue. But pause for a minute to take in a marvelous show a rainbow
coalition of liberals, mullahs, constitutionalists, peasants, feminists,
socialists, Islamists, capitalists, provincialists and activists; all marching
under the banner of the people.
What a wretched country this is. The march should have given goose
bumps to every person with an iota of romance. Instead, it has raised the
hairs on the back of the neck for the many who fear what confrontation will
bring. Not for decades have ugly reality and dreaminess collided so
forcefully. The skeptics believe they are on the right side of history. But
there is no joy in parting with the lawyers. Unfortunately, there are no
Hollywood endings in Pakistan, only bitter truths.
The News wrote: The decision by the organizers not to stage an
indefinite sit-in in front of parliament and instead disperse after they had
made their point was a prudent one. This should give the federal government
the face-saving it so desperately sought as the crowds swelled through
Friday and into Saturday morning. The time for parliament to take up the
issue of the judges reinstatement is now. Stretching it any further will not
benefit anyone, least of all the PPP which is increasingly seen as dragging its
feet on the issue despite having made commitments to the contrary.
Mercifully, the stage has not come just yet when ordinary people
regardless of whichever party they voted for but reeling as they do under the
burden of economic hardship, the energy crisis and so many other issues that
affect them everyday, will join anyone out to rock the boat of democracy.
The over-abundance of piled up issues, many of which the current rulers
have inherited as a legacy of bad governance that preceded them, is waiting
to be addressed.
As parliament takes its time debating the judges issue or the
presidents impeachment, if at all, there is little justification for not taking
on menaces like load-shedding, the flour shortage, spiraling crime rate and
food price inflation, for instance. Also, the making and breaking of peace
deals with extremist elements the US-led NATO forces are chasing inside

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Pakistan calls for a clearer policy the lack of which has added to the
governments predicament in FATA and elsewhere.
Kamran Shafi commented on accusations against Aitzaz. How is it
that Aitzaz Ahsan is now being vilified by op-ed writers mentioned above,
and who side openly and subjectively with the dying (or is it?) dictatorship
and its henchmen? I thought Aitzaz stood up for what is right and moral
and constitutional when he opposed the acts of a uniformed general to sack
the superior judiciary! A general, mark, who admits he acted illegally and
unconstitutionally!
As to the behaviour of the Peoples Party, silly constitutional
package and all, all one can say is that it is shameful beyond words; and
that unless its downward spiral is halted immediately if not sooner the party
will simply disintegrate.
Finally, even if you take Sherry Rehmans assurances that the
government of the Citadel of Islam had nothing in the world to do with the
re-banning of two talk shows as the truth, shame on the federal government
for allowing the Dubai authorities to do what they have done, and therefore
giving the PPP a bad name.
Raza Rumi tried to locate stars of Long March. This time it was
different, complex and refreshingly path-breaking alas with similar
results: pressurize the beleaguered PPP government still trying to find the
proverbial power-ground beneath its truncated legs. In that sense, the march
was a roaring success. From the sloganeering against the much maligned
Zardari, to de-legitimizing three decades of PPPs valiant struggle against
dictatorship culminating in the assassination of Benazir Bhutto.
Irony, that all is now forgotten snippet of history. What is indeed
more pressing, as we are told time and again, are the sacrifices made by the
honourable judges. Indeed they have altered the parameters of the state and
perhaps buried the subordination of the judiciary to the all-powerful
executive. Well, one may ask what about Asif Zardari and his eleven and a
half years in jail without a single conviction? Therefore the vilification of
Zardari by anti-Musharraf sections of the media and by the historical
long march is symbolic. It is a treatment to the deep-seated middle class
trend of demonizing politicians and party politics that are the prerequisites
for democracy and means to establish the rule of law.
The opportunism of individuals and groups jumping onto the
lawyers bandwagon is also alarming. It is most convenient to have been
all-powerful army chiefs, heads of the ISI and former honchos of the civilian
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bureaucratic monolith and once the party is over, rechristen yourself as

firebrand democrats. The patriotic Hamid Guls, Aslam Begs, and Faiz Ali
Chishtis and the neo-constitutionalist Roedad Khans and right-wing
ambassadors must be questioned by the anti-Musharraf movement for it was
their historical culpability that undermined civilian governance
The Puritanism of the lawyers movement and pitching it against the
civilian government is unwittingly making things easier for the invisible
hand in Pakistans political marketplace. The establishment could not
have it better. The crumbling of the PPP-PML-N coalition, the continuation
of a distorted constitution and resumption of 1990s political polarization is
the best formula for business as usual. Hence for any rule of law
movement, the stakes are bigger than the individuals that the movement is
targeting.
Thus the need for a shift in the strategic focus of the movement
arises. What is wrong with a refined constitutional amendment if it is
backed by parties and the lawyers movement? Once enacted, Musharrafs
exit will be certain. This would be an unraveling of the authoritarian
insertions and triumph of the legal and democratic system.
Karamatullah K Ghori opined: The Long March was a phenomenal
thing in many respects. It was remarkable for its orderliness and discipline.
The mammoth cavalcade of people that rolled across Pakistan, from Karachi
to Islamabad, had dynamics of its own: crowds much smaller than this have
a history of going rowdy and berserk.
The lawyers provided convincing evidence that they were not
only capable of remaining civilized themselves but had the moral grain to
keep the men-on-the-street likewise in tow behind them: calm and orderly.
They proved beyond a shadow of doubt that point could be made without
breaking anybodys bones, or getting their own crushed. But more creditworthy was their clarion call that sent a message, crystal-clear, to anyone in
the corridors of power in Islamabad inclined to listen to it.
Those tens of thousands, who milled about on the wide boulevards
and leafy streets of Islamabad, wrote with their feet the final words of what
has been for sometime a categorical writing on the wall for Pervez
Musharraf: the people of Pakistan are fed up with him and want nothing
short of seeing the back of him, for good.
From day one of the lawyers protest which quickly snow-balled
into a mass movement of Pakistans civil society and also triggered the rush

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of anti-Musharraf political forces on board the demand for Musharraf to

go has been an essential and inseparable part of the equation.
The question is how is the House of Musharraf getting the message
of the civil society, if at all? The fact that Musharraf is still stuck to his
stance that he will not resign and fade away because, in his blessed wisdom,
hes an elected president, is proof enough that hes not getting the message
of Pakistans civil society that its time he disappeared from the scene. Why
is Musharraf so adamantly refusing to see the writing on the wall could
have a number of explanations?
One is the combative nature of the man priding on his training of a
commando for whom the entire philosophy of survival is geared to fighting
the odds and jostling with the enemy all the rime. Thats why the
Venetians, the god-fathers of modern theory of diplomacy and politics,
didnt mince their words in pronouncing soldiers to be least qualified to fit
into either slot of a diplomat or politician: because they are incapable of
seeing the shades of grey other than black and white.
The other is the mans megalomania. This scribe had done a
parallel study in these columns a few weeks ago between Musharraf and
Mugabe and found a great many attributes in common between the two
power addicts. Just look at the gait of the two men, leaving no doubt in
anyones mind that both regard themselves as the axis on which the world
revolves
In regard to the restoration of judges, Musharraf has good reason to
be smugly confident. Despite the Long Marchs show of peoples power,
Musharraf may take comfort from Asif Ali Zardaris equivocation and
annoying zigzag. Their common dislike of independent judges with the
national consensus that only an independent judiciary provides the best
guarantee for the flowering of genuine democracy.
But the cutting edge of Musharrafs pernicious game to deal
himself back into the national equation of Pakistan comes from the
relentless support of his foreign mentors, most notably the US. There is
visibly no let up, or diffusion, in George W Bushs ardor for Musharraf, for
the sole reason that his vision of Pakistans role in the so-called war on
terror is a uni-focal with Musharraf occupying a pivotal position in his
clouded lens.
This scenario clearly puts Musharraf apart from the rest of the
Pakistani nation, in terms of value and asset, in the eyes of those waging the
war on terror. They wouldnt like to be deprived of their capital asset, and
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couldnt care less what the people of Pakistan might think of their man. A
whispering campaign, initiated by mealy-mouthed partisans of Musharraf
among the Pakistani Diaspora in North America, is making regular rounds to
the effect that if Musharraf is eliminated, or fades, from the scene in
Pakistan the nations nuclear assets would become a target for its enemies.
So Musharraf is being painted as a modern-day Biblical Samson.
It doesnt matter whether Musharraf has any part in this calibrated
abuse-of-information campaign. But his mere presence at the top of the
Pakistani establishment makes him a party to it. He is simply adding to the
agony of the Pakistani people by hanging tough. For the Pakistanis, the
equation is simple, though increasingly painful: It is one man, a sore loser,
pitted against the rest of the country.
Cyril Almeida also attempted at assessing the impact of Long March.
The Asif-Musharraf axis has won We now know how the judicial crisis
will end: the PCO judges will stay; Chief Justice Iftikhars powers and
tenure will be cropped; and Dogar will be CJ again one day. Its been Asifs
roadmap for a while now, but he hadnt figured out how to get his partners to
compromise. Turns out they had no real stomach for confrontation.
Nawaz is the medias latest darling, delighting them with his
fulminations against Musharraf. But the significance of his sound and fury
was lost in many. By refusing to send his workers over the barricades and
the coalition government into oblivion, Nawaz demonstrated a degree of
political maturity many doubted he had
Structural ambivalence is the new game in Islamabad. The N-League
will keep its foot on the presidents neck even as it learns to live with an
Asif-Musharraf axis. Its a messy arrangement, but Asif must be happy. His
perm-a-grin could only have widened as the marchers dispersed peacefully.
After the Bhurban gamble failed, Asif must have wondered if his
governments last rites would be read on Parade Avenue. Instead, things
have moved back inside the relatively sober walls of parliament where the
numbers are in his favour.
Right now there are winners on many fronts; Musharraf keeps the
presidency, Asif keeps the centre, Nawaz keeps Punjab and Aitzaz keeps
alive the hope of a triumphant return to party politics. This particular
configuration may not last long, so the constitutional package needs to be
sliced up. Get the judicial amendments out of the way first and return later to
correct institutional imbalances.

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The big loser of the long march is Chief Justice Iftikhar. His
dream of returning to the Supreme Court to vanquish his nemesis,
Musharraf, is gone. The biggest threat in the lawyers arsenal the long
march has been deployed and it didnt even quell talk of paring the CJs
powers or tenure. In fact both seem more likely than ever, as Aitzaz and
Nawaz have all but yielded to Asifs roadmap.
The problem for Chief Justice Iftikhar was that he needed to play
politics while appearing not to be politicized. His strategy was to allow
Aitzaz and later Nawaz to take up his cause, using the bar associations and
the N-League party workers to swell the numbers of protesting for his
reinstatement. It was a strategy born of necessity and suffered from an
inherent weakness: he was at the mercy of the political calculations of
Aitzaz and Nawaz
Chief Justice Iftikhars supporters are only two-thirds correct. Yes,
illegitimate power must be rejected and it must be rejected at the earliest.
But illegitimate political power must be opposed politically. If Nawaz
harangues Musharraf into resigning or Zardari quietly slips a knife in the
presidents back while embracing him, then let the nation rejoice.
There was another, more practical reason for the chief justices
Supreme Court to step back from its catastrophic challenge to the
president. The chief justice and his band of avenging judges had an array of
small devices at their disposal to systematically reduce the presidents sphere
of influence. As army chief, Musharraf had only one tool to cut a recalcitrant
judiciary down to size: a second coup.
Irfan Husain talked of vested interests of long marchers. Let us be
clear that many in the ranks of the marchers are seeking to benefit,
whatever the outcome of this movement. These elements have no concern
for an independent judiciary, and their game is purely political. The sudden
presence in their movement of retired generals, who were once the lynchpins
of past military governments, should give activists a reason to pause and
reflect.
Some of the most vocal players in this drama are the Jamaat-i-Islami
and Imran Khans Tehreek-i-Insaf. Significantly both parties boycotted the
February elections, and thus have no stake in the system. Indeed, after the
results were announced, members of both parties must have felt rather
silly, as they had insisted that both an independent judiciary, fair elections
were simply not possible. Imran Khan repeated this mantra ad infinitum
before the elections.
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Another boycotter was Aitzaz Ahsan, an old and valued friend. I had
lunch with him before the elections, while he was under house arrest. We
talked about a number of things, but the conversation kept returning to the
issue of the judiciary. I pointed out to him that his fight for an independent
judiciary was not compatible with a wider struggle for democracy, so his
boycott of the elections was unnecessary.
The idealists out on Islamabads streets make the point that we
cannot have real democracy without an independent judiciary. True, but
equally, we cannot have an independent judiciary without democracy.
So if the long marchers succeed in toppling the frail democratic government
that is struggling to establish itself in Pakistan, who gains?
Fortunately, we seem to have an army chief who genuinely wants
to keep out of politics. But things can change. If the crisis is not resolved
soon, and the economy continues to slide, there would be pressure on the
army to step in. Alternatively, there could be a demand for fresh elections on
the grounds that the present dispensation has become non-functional. The
third possibility is that the coalition would collapse, and the PPP would go
into partnership with the PML-Q, the ANP and the MQM.
In all these scenarios, Asif Zardaris position within the PPP
would be weakened. Some senior members would blame him for the
collapse of the government, and make a bid for control of the party. Indeed,
without Benazir Bhuttos presence, the PPP could divide along provincial
lines. Once again, the big winner would be Nawaz Sharif. And we know
from his partys storming of the Supreme Court during his second stint in
power just how committed he is to the independence of the judiciary. So
without wishing to sound cynical, or to belittle the idealism inherent in the
lawyers movement, I would urge everybody to think about the
consequences of their actions.
S M Naseem tried to assess the fate of the lawyers movement. The
lawyers themselves were divided as to whether the march should have
ended as anti-climatically as it did Some of the non-lawyers groups,
especially the JI and TI, as well as the PML-N, were inclined to get more
political mileage from the march than the lawyers could ill-afford to do.
Some even called it a sell-off; others thought its agenda had been
hijacked.
For those who had little or no sympathy with the lawyers
movement as a resolution to the countrys mounting political problems, the
long march was a failed exercise, if not a fiasco and an admission of
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defeat by the lawyers who were forced to call off the indefinite sit-in threat
that some of the more fire brand leaders had given.
Many, including Mr Rehman Malik, assigned by the government
to camouflage its opposition to the march with a display of indulgence
towards the participants, put the number participating in it at a few thousand,
rather than a few hundred thousand to half a million, as claimed by the
organizers. Whatever may have been the exact count, it was undoubtedly the
most impressive rally ever held in Islamabad Its ambience, bonhomie and
cultural and class diversity, stood in marked contrast to an evening thirteen
months earlier in the same location
The memories of that vulgar display of power, authority and
insensitivity stand erased after the long march. While the Zardari regime
may be accused of hypocrisy and equivocation on the judges issue, it has at
least demonstrated the difference between a democratic and a dictatorial
regime in dealing with public protests.
On its own merit, the long march has achieved much that the
lawyers movement can be justly proud about. But questions are being
asked about the possible political ramifications of the lawyers movement if
its immediate goal of restoring the judges dismissed on Nov 3, 2007 is soon
achieved and if it expands its agenda to becoming a movement for social and
economic reform.
The political landscape has under gone a sea change since the
epic struggle that began 15 months ago. It is not unlikely that PPP-PML-N
coalition in the interests of its survival may accept the restoration demand in
some convoluted form, spelling the demise of the existing lawyers
movement.
Such a sudden death would be unfortunate both for the lawyers
movement and society at large. The movement has now changed its goal
posts well beyond its initial objective. It now aims at achieving a social
revolution and changing the mindset of the rulers and the character of the
state.
Laudable as these objectives are, it is questionable whether these can
be achieved by lawyers without coalescing with other professional and
political groups Lawyers can at best play a catalytic role in bringing
about a social and political revolution.
The Dawn urged lawyers to maintain unity. The lawyers long march
may have ended on a bitter note but the show, impressive for the most

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part, thankfully did not degenerate into a major law and order
situation. Aitzaz Ahsan managed to placate those who were accusing him of
striking a deal with the government on the judges issue, and the authorities
in Islamabad showed commendable restraint in the face of clear provocation
by a few disgruntled protesters.
As it turned out, the government did not impede the lawyers in their
long journey to the federal capital and the demonstrators, save a few
amongst tens of thousands, dispersed amicably after registering their protest.
So far so good. Now, as the dust settles, it is time for the lawyers
representatives to step back and reassess the situation. It should be clear
to Mr Ahsan and company that there is a minority element within the legal
community that is not averse to taking the law into its own hands.
The government, for its part, needs to deliver on its
commitments. Asif Zardari and his Peoples Party publicly declared at
Bhurban that the deposed judges would be restored and even specified the
mechanism by which this would be achieved. But a parliamentary resolution
is yet to be tabled and the PPPs stand on the issue has been frustratingly
vague
In these troubling times it is imperative that the coalition partners
come together as quickly as possible and present a unified front on all issues.
Contrary to what some would have us believe, the restoration of judges was
just one of many concerns that influenced voters in the choice they made on
Feb 18. Yes, they are interested in justice but surely the same cannot be
delivered if the courts remain shut.
Ameer Bhutto urged the masses to awaken. Sooner rather than later,
people will have to understand that they, not the rulers, are the masters.
They must realize that the succor they crave from burdens and hardships
comes not from degrading themselves by begging and crawling before
unworthy rulers This can only come about by taking a firm, principled
stand against all that is wrong and making rational, sensible choices at the
polls rather than being swept away by emotions and sycophancy.
Left to the devices of corrupt, incompetent and self-serving
leaders, this ship will inevitably sink. The masses must awaken and
become masters of their own destiny. No one should expect that changing
the course of a nations destiny will be an easy affair. Of course it will
involve hardship and sacrifice. As the saying goes, revolutions are not made
with rose water.

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This is where the problem lies: everyone wants something now and
no one is prepared to bear hardship and make the requisite sacrifices. But the
alternative is far more painful and ruinous. Plato wrote, the price good
men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men. We
have had more than our share of evil over the last six decades. Time has
come to clean house. This is a task no one but the masses can fulfill.

REVIEW
The end of lawyers long march without a sit-in created an
impression of an anti-climax. The lack-luster end of a grand event had to
cause a degree of disappointment proportionate to the expectations of
various elements linked to the movement. The younger lot of the lawyers
was disappointed the most.
The situation so created suited the rumour mongers and those who
opposed the lawyers were provided an opportunity to sabotage their
movement by causing disunity in its ranks. To this end, the leadership of
lawyers was blamed for backing out from sit-in and obviously Aitzaz Ahsan
was singled out.
The aim was to break some lawyers away from the movement. The
forward block so created could then join hands with PPPs jiyalas in black
coats led by Latin Chose. It could then challenge the Aitzaz-led movement
quite effectively.
In fact, the decision against the sit-in was taken on the spot when
leaders were delivering their speeches. During this period some young
participants of the march had twice crossed over the containers to march
towards the Parliament building. Most probably, the lawyers leaders were
perturbed by these incidents and they decided to end it peacefully.
The leaders had no means to control if some participants resorted to
violence. They must also have anticipated that agencies too could create an
ugly scene. An incident of violence could result in criticism of the
movement and lawyers would have lost the moral ascendancy. In short, by
any yardstick, this was a prudent decision with meakish outlook.
Musharraf, in his press conference, pledged to accept all decisions of
the Parliament, including his impeachment. The record, however, negated
his statement. In fact, it was an open challenge to the politicians: catch me if
you can. Not only that, he also coaxed the democratic forces to restore the
judges, if they can, by saying that Parliaments decision would be acceptable
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to him. He may be luring them into a trap; once Parliament reinstates the
judges, it might be stayed through a Supreme Court decision.
The secret of brave commandos boldness is in NRO-laundered
Zardari. Since general elections the Zardari-led PPP has defended
Musharraf far more determinedly than the PML-Q had ever done. Zardari
and his aides have abided by the deal in letter and spirit. During the Long
March, Malik and Sherry proved worthy successors of Sher Afgan and Mr
Ghalatbiani.
It has been often said that there is no dispute between PPP and PMLN on the issue of restoration, except the line of action to be adopted. This
impression has been deliberately created and propagated by the PPP with the
connivance of Musharraf.
The so-called line of action of respective parties is in fact a difference
very difficult to be surmounted. It seemed that coalition government was
formed by Zardari and Nawaz let each other down, rather than doing the
same by heading the House and the Opposition.
It will be foolish on the part of the government and the COAS
(Musharraf does not care what happens to Pakistan or its army) to ignore the
sentiment/viewpoint of retired servicemen. Due cognizance has to be taken,
not because of possibility of any kind of threat from these teethless and
nearly life-less individuals, but for the reason that their viewpoint would
soon start affecting the serving soldiers if it has not already happened.
22nd June 2008

CONFIRMED ENROLLED
In the case of dictator, brave commando, a telephone call was enough
to scare him because he understood the horrendous implications of
Americas military might. To make political leaders of Pakistan understand
this wisdom, a demonstration their might was considered necessary.
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The US forces attacked border post of Gora Prai in Mohmand Agency

on 10 June; killing 11 soldiers including a major. Whatever the immediate
cause of the attack may be, it was meant to send a strong message to the
democratic government in Islamabad. Musharraf had volunteered on
telephone call and Zardari did so simply after reading writing on the wall.
Thus, Zardaris enrollment as new mercenary stood confirmed.
th

On eastern front, foreign ministers of India and Pakistan held fourth

round of talks in New Delhi on 27 th June and agreed to hold fifth round in
July. Manmohan Singh promised to visit Pakistan before the end of the year.
Two days later, Zardari called for autonomous Kashmir.

WESTERN FRONT
The war for the peace of occupation forces in Afghanistan was
intensified. On 10th June, the US forces attacked FC post in Mohmand
Agency; reportedly, dozens of soldiers including an officer were killed.
Four persons were wounded in a blast in internet caf in Bannu. Baitullah
Mehsud ordered Taliban to allow government officials to resume their duty.
ISPR denied that FC and ISI provided any aid to Taliban.
Next day, on a pointing out before the budget speech; PM told the
House that he had directed the Foreign Secretary to lodge a strong protest.
No protest, no matter how strong, could match the strength demonstrated in
the attack. Therefore, a prayer was held for grant of Jannaatul Firdous and
Bolundi-e-Darjaat of those killed. That should mark end of protest on the
part of Frontline state. No sooner the NA completed this ritual, the US
forces carried out a mortar attack in Angoor Adda area.
In Washington, Ambassador Haqqani announced a list of new
conditions that Pakistan would impose in any deal with militants, including
that the fighters would be asked to pledge not to carry out cross-border
attack/movement. US claimed that the attack on Gora Prai check post had
been coordinated with Pakistan Army. A woman spying for the US and an
ex-official of the Levies were killed in Khar area.
On 12th June, the US spokesman said attack on Gora Prai was justified
act. Having killed the Pakistani soldiers, the US refused to issue death
certificate saying that it was not known how many of them were killed.
Pakistans Defence Minister said we cannot do anything to stop NATO
attack but can demand cash. Meanwhile, report on the attack was sent to
President and Prime Minister for their pleasure.
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US invited Pakistan to joint probe into the attack. Foreign Minister

protested to NATO over senseless attack. Haqqani repeated the statement
of his predecessor; Pakistan will hit Osama if found. US Ambassador in
Islamabad said that it was time to move beyond Musharraf. It indicated that
the US was now satisfied with Zardari as replacement of the fatigued brave
commando.
Pro-government elder was among five people killed in Miranshah area
on 13 June. Accord with militants was not acceptable, said a US official.
Next day, eight people, including five government officials, were kidnapped
from Mohmand and Bajaur agencies. Three missiles were fired from across
the border landed inside South Waziristan; casualties were not known. Next
day, Taliban walked out of talks in Mohmand Agency. In South Waziristan,
the government in a move aimed at easing US pressure, introduced a clause
in the draft peace agreement to stop cross-border activities.
th

Reportedly, America and the UK finalized the plans to attack inside

Pakistans tribal areas to capture Osama by the end of the year. Sunday
Times claimed that the PPP regime has assured of all out cooperation as and
when the Crusaders decide to attack. The New York Times reported that the
US has acquired complete details of A Q Khan network.
US gunship helicopters intruded into Khyber Agency on 15th June; air
space was also violated in South and North Waziristan. Five people were
killed in two blasts in Kurram Agency. Karzai said Afghan forces will enter
Pakistan to hunt Taliban leaders. Pakistans Defence Minister should not
rush in issuing a statement in reaction. He must bear in mind that the force
behind Zardari and simply repeat his last statement with slight change:
Pakistan cannot do anything to stop Americas dog from barking.
Next day, Foreign Office summoned Afghan Ambassador and Bush
backed Karzai over his threats to attack inside Pakistan. Karzai said that his
hot pursuit remarks were not directed at Pakistan. Rahman Malik said he had
enquired through his sources and found that the US did not attack the
village near Makin in South Waziristan. White House expressed concern that
the Khan Network might have distributed the designs of nuclear warhead.
On 17th June, Taliban threatened to scrap peace agreement in Swat, if
the provincial government failed to implement all its clauses within a week.
AQ Khan denied selling blueprints of nuclear weapons. After successfully
probing the attack on a village near Makin, Rahman Malik established
through his sources that the US forces had not attacked Gora Prai post.

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This was an attack which the Defence Minister had regretted that he could
not defend and Rice had termed it tragic.
Next day, a student refused to accept award of Harvard University
scholarship from the US Ambassador in protest against the US attack on
Gora Prai post. The US Ambassador regretted the attack. Did Patterson and
the boy try to put Rehman Malik to shame for his denial of US involvement
in the attack? No, some people cannot be put to shame. Incidentally, it
happened in the presence of wife of General Kayani. The Americans have
reasons to praise the General for his professional competence; he prefers to
protect the US interests over the lives of the soldiers he commands. Of
course, the young Samad Khurram has no such priorities and that was why
the media was stopped from contacting him after the incident.
A NATO truck overturned in Quetta killing four children. The US said
four engines of helicopters went missing during transportation by a Pakistani
truck company. Chief of Interpol said Pakistan shared files of 169 most
wanted terrorists belonging to al-Qaeda and its affiliates in Pakistan.
A convoy, reportedly carrying supplies for NATO forces, was
ambushed near Parachinar on 19th June; army gunship helicopters were
called in for help; 15 people were killed and 35 wounded. Two US aircrafts
violated air space in South Waziristan. Mastermind of a suicide attack was
arrested in Rawalpindi.
Brave commando said that his masters have conveyed to him that
Pakistan would be held responsible, if there is another 9/11-like attack. Rice
said Pakistan was high on the US agenda. Rehman Malik allowed NWFP
government to strike a deal with militants.
Clashes in Kurram Agencies continued on 20th June bringing the death
toll to fifteen. FIA arrested five terror suspects in Lahore. Next day, fighting
between two religious groups erupted in Tirah Valley killing at least 22
people. At least 20 Christians were kidnapped from areas around Peshawar
by militants as a warning to the Christian community to mend its ways
regarding liquor. US officials alleged that a new breed of terrorists has
been trained in Pakistan.
Fifteen people were killed in factional fighting in Khyber Agency on
22 June. Rehman Malik alleged that third party was fanning sectarian
militancy in FATA. Next day, eight abducted drivers were found dead in
Kurram Agency. Armed men attacked a post near Landikotal and abducted
17 Khasadars. Nine people were killed when Baitullahs men attacked F R
nd

650

Jandola. Kabul claimed arresting two Pakistanis. Gilani said the government
wont make peace with militants.
On 24th June, fresh clashes in Swat left ten people dead. Militants
pulled back from Jandola area. Meanwhile, the militants were reported to
have set sights on Peshawar. Rehman Malik told the National Assembly that
the government would launch an operation within a week to cleanse NWFP
of militants. The US released $523 million in aid to Pakistan.
Pakistan was placed among ten most dysfunctional states in the world.
It is yet another feather in the cap of Musharraf as Pakistan was now in the
company of banana republics of Somalia, Sudan, Zimbabwe, Chad, Iraq,
Congo, Afghanistan, Ivory Coast and the Central African Republic.
Pro-Baitullah militants killed 22 rival tribesmen after kidnapping in
Jandola on 25th June. High-level meeting chaired by the Prime Minister
decided to follow stick and carrot policy to eradicate militancy from
NWFP. The COAS was given vast powers to restore calm in the province.
Four F-16s were delivered on 25th June. Kabul blamed ISI for the April
attack on Karzai.
Three people were killed in Swat on 26th June and Malam Jabba motel
of PTDC was set on fire. Amid incidents of violence, NWFP government
and Taliban in Swat pledged to protect peace agreement. G-8 agreed to
undertake 150 projects for Pak-Afghan border areas.
Washington endorsed governments strategy for FATA; but Robert
Gates criticized Pakistan for not putting pressure on Taliban over crossborder movement. Gilani told the visitors from Britain that militants wont
be allowed to impose their version of Islam on enlightened moderate
majority. He seemed to be repeating Musharrafs lines.
On 27th June, Taliban in Bajaur Agency executed two Afghan refugees
in public after finding them guilty of spying for the US. Taliban in Tank area
freed 8 tribesmen. Robert Gates appreciated Pakistans decision to empower
the army to deal with militants in tribal areas and said it created an
opportunity for the US to defeat terrorism. The US released $ 150m of
economic assistance for Pakistan. General Kayani met Musharraf and the
two mercenaries vowed defeating the terrorists. Islamabad and ISAF
reactivated tripartite commission.
Battle for the defence of Peshawar began on 28 th June. FC troops
demolished the residence of Mangal Bagh near Bara as army tanks remained
standby in Hayatabad area. Baitullah Mehsud suspended talks with the

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government till ending of Peshawar battle. Four people were killed in Swat;
a barbershop was also set on fire. Gilani said his government stood behind
all peace deals in NWFP. Four F-16s arrived to make Pakistans defence
impregnable. The New York Times said Taliban had tightened the noose
around Peshawar.
Security forces pressed on their offensive on 29 th June and continued
destroying the buildings used by the militants, who had pulled back timely
to the safety of Tirah Valley. In the absence of any resistance the security
forces could claim accomplishing the task with minimum of bloodshed.
Reportedly, blood was spilled away from the battleground on Bara where
fighters of Mangal Bagh clashed with their rivals killing 15 people.
Rehman Malik claimed that it was an action against criminals, but his
boss, Gilani, said the operation was launched after the Taliban violated the
agreement. To date, presence of Taliban in Khyber Agency was seldom
reported. A shura of TTP endorsed Baitullah Mehsuds announcement about
suspending all peace agreements and negotiations with the government in
FATA and the NWFP. In Swat, militants pulled out of talks. The US urged
Pakistan not to repatriate Afghan refugees as it would have a destabilizing
effect on the Afghan government.
Thirty soldiers were taken hostage in Kurram Agency on 30th June and
dead bodies of six kidnapped people were found near Hangu. Six militants
were killed and 15 wounded in safe house near Bara when explosives kept
there were blown up accidentally. The government vowed continuing Bara
operation till achievement of objectives. Rehman Malik proudly declared
Peshawar totally safe.
Two Taliban groups in South Waziristan joined hands to fight against
occupation forces in Afghanistan. PML-N kept cribbing over not taking it
into confidence about the ongoing operation. Boucher arrived and met
prime minister, the COAS, Rehman Malik, Aftab Sherpao and Mahmoud Ali
Durrani. He expressed concern over the situation in FATA.
The three-week period under review started with the US attack on the
border post of Gora Prai which was manned by FC troops. The attack carried
a strong message to scare the already scared front-line ally. The Dawn
wrote: The air strike came after the militants launched an attack on a target
inside Afghanistan. But the Pakistani soldiers were killed in what has been
described as a counter-offensive. It is significant that this is the first
major US air strike since the democratic government began negotiations
with the Taliban to end the insurgency in FATA.
652

The episode serves to highlight the lack of coordination between

security authorities on both sides. At a higher government level, it is the
distrust between Islamabad and Kabul that is the root cause of the
confusion among the officials on the spot. Not a day passes without some
NATO official accusing Pakistani authorities, especially the ISI, of helping
the militants.
An added problem is Pakistans domestic political situation, for
the democratic government has still not settled down. There is a sense of
uncertainty, the focus of political power appears to be weak, and foreign
governments must be wondering who to talk to. This has disastrous
consequences for the situation in FATA and the peace negotiations. One does
not even know who is talking to the Swat militants and with what specific
objective. A federal spokesman says the talks have been scuppered, while the
provincial government denies this. Before we expect Kabul and others in
Afghanistan to accept our point of view we must first set our house in order.
In another editorial the newspaper added: Many questions linger
and the people of Pakistan expect their government, not the Americans,
to provide answers. For one, what precisely are the rules of engagement
agreed upon by the two sides? NATO forces claim that hot pursuit of
known militants into Pakistani territory is perfectly legitimate, adding that
the Pakistan Army has advance knowledge of intended strikes against
Taliban hideouts in the tribal areas.
This does not square with what Rawalpindi and Islamabad have been
saying publicly over the years. Every time a NATO missile is fired at a target
in Pakistan, the authorities here are quick to condemn the move as an
unacceptable violation of national sovereignty. So what precisely is the
understanding? Do such attacks have the blessings, or at least the
approval, of the Pakistan Army or is NATO acting unilaterally?
Given that a recent study by the US defence department stated that
elements in the Pakistani security apparatus are aiding the Taliban it can also
be asked whether the Americans have enough trust in our military to share
vital information. The facts must be placed before the public. A
democratic dispensation is now at the helm, not a military ruler who could
do so long as it was in keeping with US diktat. America must also realize
that such mistakes will only swell the ranks of its enemies, not win hearts
and minds. The US has made a mess of Iraq and is in danger of spreading to
Pakistan the chaos it has aired in the Middle East.

653

After the US offer of joint probe, the newspaper commented: There is

realization now that the incident should be allowed to affect Pakistan-US
relations. After meeting Condoleezza Rice on the sidelines of the Afghan
donors conference at Paris, Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi called
for greater American cooperation with the Pakistan military. He observed
that incidents as the one at Mohmand not only helped the extremists; they
also undermined his governments efforts to enlist the cooperation of the
local population in the fight against terrorism. While the two foreign
ministers agreed on the need for seeking the tribesmens cooperation for
FATAs security and economic development, Mr Boucher said the American
side had misgivings about Islamabads talks with the militants though
Mr Qureshi has assured his American counterpart that Pakistan had not
given up the military option to ensure peace in FATA.
It is significant that the US has expressed regrets over the
incident but has not apologized to Islamabad. In fact, as revealed by Mr
Boucher, American officials dispute the Pakistani version on the incident.
This is not going to help matters. FATA cannot be pacified and terrorism
crushed if the two major allies fail to develop a political understanding on
their war aims and see eye to eye on the strategy to be adopted. The basis of
the misunderstanding is the belief in some American quarters that Pakistan
does not regard the war on terror its own war. This is absurd. Apart from the
over 1,000 military casualties; thousands of Pakistani civilians have been
killed and injured at the hands of the militants. As for NATO-led security
forces, they have avoided ground fighting and pin the blame on Pakistan for
their own weaknesses. Let the two sides conduct a joint probe into the
incident, identify the errors in their strategy and develop methods to avoid
similar tragedies in the future.
Eric S Margolis opined: The killing of eleven Pakistani soldiers by
US air and artillery strikes last week shows just how quickly the Americanled war in Afghanistan is spreading into Pakistan. It also shows
Washingtons growing readiness to attack old ally Pakistan.
Pakistans military branded the air attack unprovoked and
cowardly. However, the unstable PPP-led government, which depends on
large infusions of US aid, later softened its protests. The US, which used a
B-1 heavy bomber and F-15 strike aircraft in the attacks, called its
action self-defence.
In the recent months, attacks by US aircraft, Predator hunter-killer
drones, US Special Forces and CIA teams have been increasing steadily

654

inside Pakistans FATA. US Defence Secretary Robert Gates has been

openly advocating major ground and air attacks by US forces into
Pakistan. Pro-Israel neoconservatives in the Bush Administration have been
denouncing Pakistan as a rogue state and a sponsor of international
terrorism, and are calling for US air and missile strikes against Pakistans
nuclear weapons and reactors.
The US is emulating Britains colonial divide and rule tactics by
offering up to $500,000 to local Pashtun tribal leaders to get them to fight
pro-Taliban elements, causing more chaos in the already turbulent region,
and stoking tribal rivalries. The US is using this same tactic in Iraq and
Afghanistan.
Last weeks deadly US attacks again illustrate the fact that the 60,000
US and NATO ground troops in Afghanistan are incapable of even holding
off Taliban and its allies, even though the Afghan resistance has nothing but
small arms to battle the Wests high-tech arsenal. US air power is almost
always called in when there are clashes. In fact, the US and NATO
infantrys main function is to draw Taliban into battle so the Afghan
mujahideen can be bombed from the air.
These air strikes, as we have seen in the recent weeks, are blunt
instruments. They kill more civilians than Taliban fighters. Mighty US B-1
bombers are not going to win the hearts and minds of Afghans. Each
bombed village and massacred caravan wins new recruits to Taliban and its
allies.
Now, the US and its NATO allies are edging ever closer to open
warfare against Pakistan at a time when they are unable to defeat Taliban
fighters due to lack of combat troops. The outgoing commander of the US
and NATO forces in Afghanistan, US Gen Dan McNeill, recently admitted
he would need 400,000 soldiers to pacify that nation.
Widening the Afghan war into Pakistan is military stupidity on a
grand scale and political madness. But Washington and its obedient allies
seem hell-bent on charging into a wider regional war that no number of
heavy bombers will win. Unfortunately, the PPP-led government in
Islamabad seems unable, or unwilling, to warn Washington to avoid a
conflict with Pakistan that would be a disaster for both sides.
Gora Prai attack was followed by hurling a threat that Afghan troops
could do more that what the US forces did. The Dawn commented: Does
President Hamid Karzai realize the harm he is causing to the war on
terror by spewing venom against Pakistan? The threat to send Afghan
655

troops into Pakistan, coming on the heels of the Mohmand incident, will
surely vitiate the geopolitical atmosphere in the region and playing to the
hands of those who stand to profit from such scenario.
What is shocking is the scurrilous nature of Mr Karzais harangue at
this Sundays press conference. He should know that it is not Afghan
blood alone that is being shed; Pakistan has suffered no less at the
Talibans hands. If he is angry at Mullah Omar of Pakistan, Pakistanis are
angry with him. Karzai has been at the helm now for nearly eight years but
has done pretty little to give peace and security of his people and improve
their wretched economic lot
Pakistan is doing its level best to check the militants operating from
its side of the Durand Line. True, Pakistan has had a history of close
cooperation with the Taliban. But that is a thing of the past. Now the
Pakistan Army has been waging a war against them and has suffered heavy
casualties in the process. If its strategy has not proved to be effective, it must
be given chance to work out a new carrot and stick approach that might
work this time since an elected government is in office and carries more
credibility with the people living in the border region. But for Pakistans
policy to have a minimum chance of success it is important that
Afghanistan and the United States should work in tandem with
Islamabad.
Unfortunately, this is not happening. On Sunday a US helicopter
intruded into the Khyber Agency, though mercifully neither side opened fire.
To avoid such incidents, the tripartite commission ought to do its job
more thoroughly. Given the tone and tenor of Mr Karzais language, it
appears unlikely that the two sides will reach a level of cooperation where
President Bush will have the satisfaction of declaring a successful close to
the war on terror.
Jehangir Khattak wrote: Without dissecting the competence and
capacity of Mr Karzai to make good on his bellicose statement, one is
compelled to think not about the contents, but the reasons behind his
statement. When Karzai claims that militants are crossing over into
Afghanistan and fighting the Afghan and coalition forces, he is telling the
truth, but only the half truth.
Gen Daniel McNeill, the American general who commanded NATO
forces in Afghanistan till recently, came closer to whole truth when he
spoke in Washington last week: Theres no Pakistani miscreant behind
every tree in Afghanistan. Its simply not so. Gen McNeills honesty is a
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rare element in western capitals these days. The norm is to heap blame on
others to escape embarrassment to oneself.
Karzai dilemma is that if he tells the whole truth, he could fall
out of favour with his western benefactors. His anti-Pakistan rhetoric thus
has internal dynamics as well. American media has been flooded with
reports in recent weeks indicating an increasing US uneasiness with Karzais
performance. Karzais reality check came at the recent donors conference in
Paris where he was pressed to control corruption that has seeped deep into
his administration. He has been accused of failing to arrest warlords and
drug barons
Only the external dynamics of Mr Karzais allegations hold some
ground. Even President Pervez Musharraf has acknowledged the presence
of foreign militants in Pakistans tribal areas and cross-border attacks many
times. The Pakistan Taliban have frequently named the suicide bombers sent
across the Durand Line. The talk of rogue elements within the Pakistani
military supporting the Taliban is no longer unfamiliar. Frustration in
Washington and elsewhere has been increasing over Pakistans less-thanacceptable action against militants.
Pakistani diplomacy, true to its tradition, has failed yet again to
convince its supporters in the West that all its actions are aimed at securing
not only Pakistan but also Afghanistan. The Pakistani establishment has
failed to come up with a unified strategy to allay the concerns being voiced
by Hamid Karzai on his behalf or on behalf of his foreign backers. Pakistan
has done little to put its house in order, when it comes to dealing with
Afghanistan
The use of rhetoric from Pakistan and Afghanistan cannot wish
away the challenges both countries face. They cannot avoid each other,
and non-cooperation between them cannot be an option. They have to
effectively work together to bring peace. A stronger, more stable Afghanistan
is in the best interests of Pakistan.
Afghanistan could be the biggest threat to Pakistans security.
Reason: Islamabad cannot save itself from the spillover effect of Afghan
instability, as is already being witnessed. Thus, Pakistan has a greater
responsibility in helping Afghanistan to stabilize. This situation puts the
greatest responsibility on the key interlocutor in the region the United
States. Washington has to strike a delicate balance in dealing with the two
countries.

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Too much arm-twisting of a nuclear armed and relatively stable

Pakistan could accelerate the spillover of Afghan instability. US planners
have to understand that a stable Pakistan is the only hope for stabilizing
Afghanistan. Thus it needs to encourage the two countries to wok in
harmony. Pakistan should be allowed a chance to try its home-grown
strategy for dealing with a phenomenon that was never seen before in this
region. Collaboration, cooperation and mutual trust are the only avenues to
success for both countries.
As Pakistan was subjected to attacks and threats of attacks from
across the border, there was no respite from internal militancy. Khadim
Hussain analyzed the situation in Swat: Irrespective of how the deal was
portrayed in the western, Indian and Afghan media, not to speak of the
American corporate media, unstructured interviews with a cross-section of
the population from different parts of Swat depict two apparently
contradictory scenarios. It seems a majority of the population in Swat has
already formed its own opinion about the deal almost a month after it was
signed by the NWFP government apparently with the consent of the federal
government.
The first scenario: the urban centres are open, suicide bombing has
stopped, mobility of people in the towns has increased but very little
business activity is taking place. Hotels have recorded a loss of Rs3bn since
May 2007 in the length and breadth of Swat. If you assume that a tourist
spends ten times more than that what he/she spends on his boarding the
figure for the loss suffered by only the tourist industry goes up to Rs3bn,
says Zahid Khan, President All Swat Hotels Association. Khan doubts if
there will be a revival of the industry considering the vulnerable security
situation caused by the confrontation between the Taliban and the security
forces.
The second scenario: the Taliban have strong control over the upper
parts of Swat and some parts of Kabal. They continue to hold trials for trivial
disputes in a village of Matta called Budegram while the complicated
disputes among the people are transferred to Peochar, the present
headquarters of the hardliner militia of Maulana Fazlullah.
The Taliban continue running training camps in the maze of
interlinked hills of Shau-Peochar-Deolai and then to Khar, Dir a district
neighboring Swat, where they have recently been reported to have burnt a
few schools for girls. These days one hears more of Syed Agha, a Taliban
commander and trainer of Afghan origin, and Bakht Farzand Khan, the

658

reported governor of Matta of the Taliban militia, more than Muslim Khan
and Ali Bakht who represented the Fazlullah militia in the talks with the
provincial government.
The Taliban in the meanwhile have been instrumental in stopping the
deforestation in the hills of Sakhra and have exhorted the local population of
Bamakhela, a village in Matta, to construct a proper drainage system. They
had even initiated the distribution of the hills of Sambat, previously claimed
by local Khans, among the landless population of the village, but just fell
short of implementing their system of redistribution. The Taliban seem to
have replaced the local Khans in dispensing speedy justice to the landless
population of the area.
In Upper Swat, the local elite have yet to claim their captured
orchards. The locals claim that the Taliban stay in those orchards in the day
time and climb the hills in the night. There is strong indication that even the
male civilian functionaries of the government are yet to resume their regular
duties. Matta, Sambat, Namal, Nokhara, Shaur, Peochar in Upper Swat and
some parts of Kabal are actually being governed by the Taliban.
The provincial government had assumed that it would be able to
break up alliances and networks within the Taliban Salafi jihadist
organizations. Evidence on the other hand shows that the Taliban
networks are capable of breaking up alliances in the government. The
recent controversy between the provincial and central governments amply
proves the point.
Some local analysts point out even a more sinister aspect of this story
of peace and peace deals. Keeping in view the common perception of the
people about the presence of men of Jaish-i-Mohammad and Islamic
Movement of Uzbekistan in Swat Valley, they believe that the peace deals
might give an open space to militants of all huesto expand their
bases.
The result of this process would be an attack from the US either
directly or through the Afghan government. This, if it happens, will
undoubtedly lead to the disintegration of certain areas from mainstream
Pakistan belt. this proposition may look far-fetched but keeping in view the
recent attacks by the US drones in the border regions of Pakistan and the
aggressive comments by Afghan President, Hamid Karzai, one is tempted to
take this analysis seriously.
The general impression one gets from observing the situation on the
ground is that if the deal was meant to obtain a temporary respite from
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suicide attacks and attacks on government installations, the objective has

apparently been achieved. On all other counts, the implementation of the
deal seems to have run into serious trouble.
The Dawn observed: The tentacles are spreading and the ideology of
the Taliban is claiming new ground across the country The militants
network must necessarily be covert but exist it does across the land.
Although a stand-off as vicious as the one in Islamabad is yet to be seen in a
major urban centre, the Taliban have their supporters and areas of influence
in almost every large city. Where Talibanization once crept, it now slithers.
There is a palpable fear in Peshawar these days that the recent
abduction of over a dozen Christians coupled with threats to city
shopkeepers and others may be a precursor to a more coordinated assault by
militants. In Karachi, the Tehrik-i-Taliban are handing out leaflets warning
transporters and drivers of brutal consequences slaughter, to be precise if
they persist with trucking supplies to the Christian Army in Afghanistan.
Back in the tribal belt, militants have been operating with
impunity over the last week or so On Tuesday, the Taliban seized a girls
school in Bajaur and renamed it Jamia Hafsa, the Lal Masjid seminary that
was at the heart of the July 2007 clashes. Other girls schools are also on the
militants radar. They plan to convert these schools into madressahs because,
according to a Taliban spokesman, the western system of education is not
good for girls. From Karachi to Bajaur and beyond, ordinary citizens are
helpless before the military might of the Taliban. Taking them on is a job of
the state.
In another editorial, the newspaper added: One derives little comfort
from Thursdays announcement by the Frontier government that the peace
agreement with the Taliban in Swat still holds. Unless the menace of
extremism and its encroaching evil remain a stark truth, how can the
peace deal be welcomed? The fact is that the acts of lawlessness on the part
of the militants never fully ceased even as they engaged in talks with the
government or military commanders.
Some rethinking is in order on the strategy of appeasing militants
while they hold the people hostage to an obscurantist agenda. True, there
may be fringe groups indulging in violence who are not under the control of
those negotiating with the government. But then those among the Taliban
seeking a deal must disown their colleagues who refuse to respect their
commitment and exert pressure on them. Innocent, law-abiding citizens

660

cannot be left at the mercy of armed zealots who commit heinous crimes in
the name of enforcing Sharia.
The meeting held on Wednesday between the prime minister and the
army chief, which was also attended by the Frontier governor and chief
minister, was a good start in that the government made its intent clearer in
dealing with the extremists henceforth. It is not a question of furthering the
objectives of the global war on terror any more. It is Pakistans own war
because the victims of the militants actions are Pakistani citizens.
Delawar Jan opined: Due to unnecessary delay in implementation,
security forces and the Taliban operating under the command of Maulana
Fazlullah skirmishes last week after the suspension of talks and put an end
to the 44-day ceasefire. As a result, the clashes claimed several lives putting the
future of the peace accord in danger

The government accused the Taliban of continuing armed patrol in

certain parts of the district, moreover, there were fresh reports regarding the
establishment of courts in Matta tehsil and whipping of criminals. A highly
placed source informed this scribe that the militants had also set up main
court in Peochar and sub-courts in Mian Kalay, Namal, Barthana, Fazil
Banda However, Muslim Khan denied the establishment of courts: We
have only reconciled between disputing parties as jirgas in other parts of the
province do, so we acted as jirga and not court, he said.
There were no signs of dismantling the training centres where suicide
bombers were trained and explosives prepared. The attacks on girls schools
are also a flagrant violation of the deal. They are still fully equipped with
sophisticated weapons, having the ability to strike any time. The
government, though, has taken some measures towards the enforcement of
the accord, but the process of implementation is dead slow
After attack in Jandola by Baitullahs men the newspaper wrote:
Strong and decisive action is needed without delay for the situation is
spiraling out of control. Baitullah Mehsud captured and then withdrew
from Jandola at will, setting houses ablaze and killing pro-government tribal
leaders by the dozen. After fresh clashes in Swatthe peace deal struck in
May with Fazlullahs Taliban now exists largely in name.
Besides the death and destruction seen in the past week or so, what is
perhaps most chilling is the consummate ease with which militants are
going about their business. Their operations have shifted up a gear,
possibility to exploit the chaos that passes for governance in Islamabad these
days. At the same time, this latest spate of violence in the tribal belt may
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also be linked to the recent surge in Taliban attacks across the border in
Afghanistan.
Peace had its chance but the Taliban blew it. True, there was a
brief lull in the violence but the storm is now raging out of control. Maybe
the militants were just buying time to regroup, as they did in North
Waziristan in 2006. How, it may be asked, well the military option succeeds
where it has failed in the past. One, it is hoped that lessons have been
learned from earlier mistakes, in the theatre of conflict as well as the
corridors of power, and that the government will close ranks and gets act
together quickly. Two, we now have a full-time army chief who is not
distracted by politics and can focus on the job at hand. Three, failure is not
an option.
The News criticized the execution of Afghans who were accused of
spying for the US. As for the grisly drama seen in Bajaur on Friday, reports
suggest that as many as 5,000 people may have gathered about 10
kilometers to the west of Khar to watch the public murder of two Afghan
nationals who had been found guilty of spying for the Americans. They were
found guilty by a local jirga working as Sharia Court and we must assume
that it is unlikely that either man had the benefit of representation by a
defence lawyer.
It is said they confessed their crime but we do not know by what
means their confession was extracted, though we may assume that violence
played a part in their admission of guilt. The means used for extracting
confession could not be more sophisticated than those used in Guantanamo
facility.
The images captured will doubtless find their way into the media
outlets approved and run by those who created them. Still pictures of the
killings were published by every Pakistani newspaper and many foreign
newspapers were carrying both story and imagery in their online editions
This will of course serve to consolidate the view in other minds that this
is a nation of barbarians a view that is increasingly difficult to gainsay.
Darakhshan Saher from Islamabad commended Samad Khurram for
his bold action. I am really glad to know about the courageous young man
Samad Khurram who refused to accept an appreciation certificate from the
American Ambassador to Pakistan, Anne W Patterson, in protest against the
NATO attack in Mohmand Agency. In fact, Samad Khurram has made the
whole nation proud by recording his protest so vehemently at the dastardly
act of terrorism carried out by the US and European nations.
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Culminating point of the scare game played by the US came in the

form of the so-called Bara Operation. Dr Farrukh Saleem observed:
Peshawarnow stands encircled. Haji Mangal Bagh Afridi controls most
of what is west of Peshawar, Darra Adam Khel, a mere 35 kilometers south
of Peshawar, is controlled by Baitullah Mehsuds loyalists. Charsadda and
Shabqadar, both less than 30 kilometers north of Peshawar, are controlled by
Commander Umar Khalid, TTPs leader in Mohmand Agency. Two weeks
ago, Javed Aziz Khan of The News reported that Sheikhan, Sarband, Regi
and Nasir Bagh were under Mangal Baghs absolute control while Mathra,
Michni, Daudzai and Khazana were under Umar Khalids control.
Is Peshawar under siege? Athar Minallah, my dear friend, insists
that there are Taliban in Bradford and in Birmingham. Question: What really
prevents Bradford from falling into Talibans hands? It is not the 10 th
Battalion West Yorkshire Regiment; it is the civil administration apparatus.
Cripple the civilian administrative machinery and Bradford Taliban will take
over the City Hall, Bradford Cathedral and also the National Museum. And
in the absence of an effective civilian administrative setup, almost all
residents of Bradford will rush towards the Taliban for protection as well as
well as for dispensation of justice.
South Waziristan now belongs to Baitullah Mehsud. Hafiz Gul
Bahadur is the Taliban supreme commander in North Waziristan. Maulvi
Faqir Mohammad controls Bajaur. Mangal Bagh and Haji Namdar reign
over Khyber. Commander Umar Khalid is the boss in Mohmand. That is
some 20,000 sq-km of physical Pakistan terrain.
Is this terrorism or is it an insurgency? Should the state of Pakistan
devise counter-terrorism or a counter-insurgency strategy? Violence is the
common denominator in terrorism and insurgency. But rarely will terrorists
attempt to actually control physical terrain. In essence, what the state of
Pakistan faces is not terrorism but an active insurgency.
How do we get out of it? It is obvious that jirgas are meaningless
and so are peace agreements. The best suggestion that I have heard so far is
as follows: give the militants every sort of indemnity that they ask for.
Forgive each and every one of their past crimes. Accept a hundred other
conditions put up by the militants; all in exchange of just one. And, that
condition is that no one absolutely no one will be allowed to run a
parallel administration.
Where is the government going wrong? Well, the government
blinks while the Taliban the governments ex-proxies freely exhibit their
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muscle. Remember, tribal loyalties belong to whoever has the muscle. Act
now or sayonara Peshawar
Irfan Husain wrote: The present government finally seems to have
grasped the gravity of the situation. In a recent meeting chaired by Prime
Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani in Peshawar, and attended by the top army
brass as well as provincial leaders of the NWFP, a number of decisions were
taken to tackle the threat faced by the province. How effectively these will
be implemented remains to be seen. Thus far, our troops, especially those
from the various militias and the Frontier Constabulary, have shown little
stomach for a fight. Even regular soldiers have shown an embarrassing
propensity to lay down their arms rather than face the militants.
Psychologically, a civil war is one of the hardest conflicts to fight
as it pits brother against brother. One reason our officers and soldiers had
no compunctions about shooting at Bengali civilians in 1971 was that they
saw them as enemy aliens, and not our own kith and kin. Much of the army
is drawn from Punjab and NWFP, and because of family and tribal links,
using them in these provinces is tricky.
The other problem is that our soldiers believe the insurgents are
fighting in the name of Islam: mullahs leading prayers across the country
have been urging their followers to reject their leaders and accept the rule of
the Taliban. This skewed ideology has gone unchallenged by the
establishment, making soldiers and officers susceptible to the blandishments
of self-styled religious leaders.
At the recent meeting in Peshawar, it was recognized that the threat
from Islamic militants was the most serious one being faced by
Pakistan. And yet, little effort has been made over the years to convince the
public of the reality of this danger. The result is that there is huge ambiguity
on how to counter it. Anti-western sentiment has gained ground, and has
made it correspondingly harder to fight the common enemy.
Given the altered threat assessment at the highest level of
government, it makes strategic sense to reorient our defence posture.
Keeping the bulk of our army on our border with India is now out of sync
with our security requirements. It does take a Napoleon to work out that it is
in Indias interest for Pakistan to win its existential struggle against the
Taliban and al-Qaeda.
The Dawn commented: The operation against the militants in the
Khyber Agency raises questions that are germane to a successful
culmination of the war against the Taliban. One question concerns what
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appears to be the ambivalent attitude of officialdom toward the militants.

Conversely, the Taliban are absolutely clear about their war aims. After the
army action began they have scrapped the previous deals and suspended the
talks. Baitullah Mehsud has even threatened attacks in Punjab and Sindh.
This clarity is missing on the government side.
There are several parties involved in the crackdown: the federal
government has ordered it, the actual operation is being conducted by the
paramilitary forces under the command of the army, and the provincial
government is a stakeholder as well considering that some of the operation is
in its territorial jurisdiction and the now defunct deal in Swat was negotiated
by the rulers in Peshawar. Is the coordination among all sides adequate? And
do they see eye to eye on the issue? It is time the ANP-led government came
out with a clear policy it deems best in the given situation. If the federal
government is the key decision maker one presumes that the army is
taking the cue from Islamabad it should take the NWFP government on
board.
This is also the time for an open debate on the war on terror in the
national and provincial assemblies, so that we know exactly who stands
where. The operation that is on now is a continuation of the anti-terrorist
operations that have been carried out in the past and will continue into the
future. For that reason it must have a national consensus behind it.
Kamran Shafi opined: The situation will soon be out of our hands
if we do not stop the madness right now. It is clear that the state of affairs
there is well beyond the capabilities of the present set-up. How in the world
can the Pakistan Army be expected to normalize a situation which it helped
create in the first place?
It has been suggested before by others; let me suggest it again with
all the force and persuasion at my command. Make an all-powerful
committee of seven good men. Call them the Czars of Peace in the
frontier. Let them, who know the Frontier and the tribes and their
mannerisms and their mores, be responsible for every facet of the operation:
from supervising the political wallas to ordering military action, to granting
monies/compensation, to prioritizing development work. They should
answer only to the parliament.
The situation is far different from when they were in the field, I
know, made different by a quite numbing foolishness on the part of army
commanders over the last eight years; made different by our very own

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agencies: Mangal Bagh, Baitullah Mehsud and Mullah Radio did not just fall
out of the sky. Still, if anyone can make a difference, these men can.
Iqbal Akhund was of the view that Pakistan was always suspected as
an ally. Indeed for all the praise that was lavished on Gen Musharraf as an
ally and the talk about a long-term strategic relationship, there has always
existed an undercurrent of disquiet in the US on where Islamic Pakistan
really stands and how reliable a partner it is in the war against Islamic
terror. The settlements the new government is trying to negotiate in Swat and
FATA have sharpened these doubts and concerns.
The former commander of US forces in Afghanistan went so far as to
suggest that men of the Frontier Constabulary may be in cahoots with the
Taliban. If, nevertheless, for the moment new government is being given the
benefit of the doubt, it is thanks in part to the ambiguity and double-speak
that characterize the US-Pakistan relationship.
But perhaps due also to the fact that neither side knows exactly
what to do in the alternative and that the available alternatives may make
matters worse. The fact is that Americas trouble in Afghanistan goes beyond
its problems with Pakistan. Essentially, it comes from the fiction underlying
the concept of a war against terrorism
The new government has decided to rely more on dialogue, economic
and social development, etc, than on military force in order to resolve the
situation. This is the right approach but this new approach is not all that
new since under Musharraf it was tried twice and failed. The government
claims that this time, having taken military control of the areas, it is
negotiating from a position of strength.
The fact that they are giving ultimatums to the government, holding
public meetings, going about fully-armed, does not bear out the
governments claim of being in control of the area. Nor do Islamabad and
the NWFP seem to be on all fours on the matter. The situation is
reminiscent of the Musharraf governments hesitation and
indecisiveness during the Red Mosque crisis. At the heart of it all is the fact
that those who govern and rule Pakistan have not been able to decide
whether the country they want is Jinnahs Pakistan or Maududis.
Afghanistan is today a bubbling cauldron of ethnicity, nationalism,
sectarianism, with drug barons and warlords and Taliban stirring the pot.
Whatever happens there cannot leave Pakistan unaffected. How it will
all end is difficult to tell. It is not very likely that the US would stay to the
end or that the democratic system they have installed would outlast the
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American presence. As things stand, the chances do not look very promising
that it would end well for either Afghanistan or Pakistan or the relations
between them.
Pervez Hoodbhoy commented with grudge against Taliban and
sympathy with Americans. Compare the response to Gora Prai with the near
silence about the recent kidnapping and slaughter by Baitullah Mehsuds
fighters of 28 men near Tank, some of whom were shot and others had their
throats cut. Even this pales before the hundred or more attacks by suicide
bombers over the last year that made bloody carnage of soldiers and officers,
devastated peace jirgas
These murders were largely ignored or, when noted, simply
shrugged off. The very different reactions to the casualties of American and
NATO violence, compared to those inflicted by the Taliban, reflected a
desperate confusion about what is happening in Pakistan and how to
respond.
Hoodbhoy lacked the moral courage to mention an important factor
while carrying out the above comparison. Gora Prai was the site of friend
killing friend; the allies in a war. Baitullah has been doing it against the
enemies. People of Pakistan are sensible enough to understand the
difference, despite the intellectual dishonesty of experts like Hoodbhoy.
Pakistanis tolerate these narrow-minded, unforgiving men
because they claim to fight for Islam. But the Baitullahs and Fazlullahs
know nothing of the diversity and creative richness of Muslims, whether
today or in the past The state, at both the national and provincial level,
must assert its responsibility to protect life and law rather than simply make
deals. State functionaries, and even the khassadars, have disappeared from
much of the tribal areas. Pakistan is an Islamic state falling into anarchy and
chaos, being rapidly destroyed from within by those who claim to fight for
Islam.
Pakistanis must not be deceived. This is no clash of civilizations.
To the Americans, Pakistan is an instrument to be used for their strategic
ends. It is necessary and possible to say no. But the Taliban seek to capture
and bind the soul and future of Pakistan in the dark prison fashioned by their
ignorance. As they now set their sights on Peshawar and beyond, they must
be resisted by all possible means, including adequate military force.

EASTERN FRONT
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The PPP-led government seemed prepared to do anything for securing

peace with India. On 24th June, India and Pakistan signed an accord on
exchange of terror information. A few days later, Zardari said terrorists
camps in Pakistan were a great threat to the peace process with India.
The peace process referred to by Zardari had different meanings for
India. On 13th June, two more dead bodies of Pakistani prisoners, a woman
and a man, were handed over to Pakistan at Wagah exchange point.
Foreign Office bravely lodged a protest risking damage to peace process.
Five days later, Ball Thakeray supported formation of Hindu terror
groups. He gave an impression that no such thing existed already. In fact, it
was there in hundreds of thousands like those perpetrating terror in IHK
from where following acts of state terrorism and retaliatory actions by
Kashmiris were reported:
On 13th June, two Indian officers and two soldiers were killed in an
ambush in IHK. In another ambush five construction workers were
killed. At least 12 people were wounded in a grenade attack in
Baramula.
Indian troops ambushed a routine foot patrol in Pattan area of Azad
Kashmir on 19th June; four Pakistani soldiers were killed. Pakistan
Army was unable to determine the facts about the incident.
Indian troops killed three freedom fighters in two incidents on 20 th
June. Two days later, occupation forces killed four fighters.
On 24th June, Kashmiri Muslims protested transfer of land to Hindu
shrine. Three days later, thousands of Kashmiris demonstrated against
transfer of land alleging that it was part of the Indian plan to change
the demography of the Valley. The rally called for intensifying the
struggle for freedom.
Yasin Malik was among scores of people injured in clashes between
police and protesters in Srinagar on 28th June.
Next day, as result of the week-long protests, the authorities revoked
the decision of land transfer to Hindu shrine.
Kashmiri leaders kept voicing their viewpoint with hardly anybody
listening. On 21st June APHC delegation, led by Mirwaiz arrived in Lahore;
he urged that talks on Kashmir should be held in the Valley. Before leaving
for Pakistan he and Gillani formed a committee for unification of APHC. On

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23rd June, Mirwaiz met Zardari and the latter promised to project the voice
of Kashmiris.
The News commented on handing over of two dead bodies by India.
It is ironical that only a few days after the Pakistan-India Judicial
Committee on Prisoners visited jails in Karachi to ascertain the condition of
Indian inmates, the bodies of two Pakistani prisoners were sent home by
Indian authorities. The cause of deaths of Abdul Aleem and Rashidan
Bibi will remain unclear until doctors carry out planned autopsies on their
bodies. But Indian jails, like their counterparts in Pakistan, are notorious for
the use of torture and the families of both victims have said that the latter
were not spared in this regard.
As prisoner issue is being highlighted frequently by the media, there
is more public awareness about it now than before. This means that the
maltreatment of prisoners by either country can result in a surge of
public anger even as the two governments employ standard rhetoric as
it did in the case of Khalid Mehmood, and create misgivings about the peace
process.
Moreover, an agreement between Islamabad and New Delhi last
month, providing for, amongst other things, the humane treatment of Indian
and Pakistani prisoners in each others country, should leave no room for the
torture of inmates. The agreement that is primarily meant to give consular
access to the prisoners is an important confidence-building measure and its
violation will only denigrate other components of the peace process.
But given the deep distrust that still governs India and Pakistan
ties, it will take more than words and signed agreements to ensure the
welfare and rights of prisoners. At the moment, there is not even agreement
on the number of prisoners in each others jails. It is hoped that Indian and
Pakistani human rights activists will exert pressure on their respective
governments to ensure that the accord is implemented. Until they do,
hundreds of innocent people, who inadvertently crossed the border, will
continue to languish behind bars in deplorable conditions.
Anwar Syed wrote on latest round of non-productive talks. In the
fourth round the foreign secretaries and the foreign ministers of the two
countries conferred for two days. They did no better than agreeing to
provide consular access to the citizens of one country languishing in the
others jails. This was a non-issue and its insignificance can be seen in the
fact that Indian consular officials in Islamabad paid no heed to one of their

669

spies who had been imprisoned in Pakistan for nearly 30 years in spite of his
repeated appeals to the Indian embassy.
No agreement on any of the known disputes between the two
countries was announced, but the atmosphere of their relations was said to
have improved. There were rumours that they might have come close to
settling the Siachen and Sir Creek disputes. But even these were left for
further consideration during the fifth round scheduled for mid-July.
This, I think, is the crux of the matter: Pakistan wants to expand
cooperative relations with India after the major disputes, especially the one
relating to Kashmir, have been resolved. India will not accept any
significant change in the status quo in Kashmir and possibly in other
disputed situations as well. It wants Pakistan to put the Kashmir issue in the
freezer and pursue cooperation in areas in which it is feasible and mutually
advantageous. In sum, each side wants normalization on its own terms.
Even the two governments do not seem to regard the existing state
of affairs as intolerable. This is evident from the fact that the CBMs to
which they had agreed sometime ago are not being fully implemented. The
opening of an Indian consulate in Karachi and a Pakistani consulate in
Mumbai is by no means a big enterprise, but it has not been done in spite of
president demands from people who want to visit friends and relatives in the
other country.
Then, why the periodic meetings to pursue the composite dialogue?
It may be partly to calm the outside world which is more scared of a violent
conflict between Pakistan and India than the governments or the people of
these countries are. Second, the exercise does not cost much. The visit need
not last more than a couple of days. Delegates can not only talk with their
counterparts but meet the elite in various spheres of life in the host country,
and have good food at the dinners to which they are invited.

HOME FRONT
Low intensity insurgency-cum-lawlessness in Balochistan continued.
On 13 June, militants kidnapped 28 Iranian border guards. Reportedly
Ghulam Haider Raisani, accused of involvement in terrorist activities in
Iran, was to be handed over to Tehran. Next day, four Jundollah men were
handed over to Iran.
Two soldiers were killed in rocket attack in Sui area on 23rd June.
Chief Minister claimed 43 missing Baloch persons had been traced out. An
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employee of FWO was killed in landmine blast in Nasirabad area on 30 th

June.
One incident of sectarian and ethnic violence was reported. Four
people were killed in a bomb attack at Shia mosque in D I Khan on 16 th
June. Death of MQM activist in Hyderabad on 23rd Junes created chaos.

CONCLUSION
Gora Prai attack proved beyond any doubt that to scare Pakistani
rulers, military dictators or elected politicians, was no big deal for the United
States. The difference could only be that in case of a dictator a long-distance
call was needed and for politicians show of force was necessary to
comprehend the point properly.
The commitment of the politicians to defend sovereignty of Pakistan
was quite adequately reflected in their statements in response to the
unprovoked attack. These statements utterly lacked national pride, honour
and self-respect; the characteristics of a free nation.
The Defence Minister of Pakistan was the first to surrender by
admitting that Pakistan cannot do anything to intercept the US warplanes
which fly too high. He said it before establishing whether any warplane was
used in the attack or not. One did not expect that he should have challenged
after all there has to be difference between Ahmad Mukhtar and Omar
Mukhtar yet he could have avoided such a demoralizing truthfulness.
The people of Pakistan must bear in mind that the capabilities similar
to those of the US will soon be acquired by India; or, may be provided by
the US when so needed. The PPP led government better have the surrender
document ready; after all, the party had played major role in previous
surrender also.
The attack came after US officials, including Admiral Mullen, had
alleged presence of al-Qaeda in tribal areas and that agencies were helping
the Taliban. This was enough for General Kayani to keep mum after the
attack; because the attack had been coordinated with the most praised
general knew. There has to be a reason for US to declare Gora Prai attack
legitimate. Despite these realities Pakistan, astonishingly, accepted the US
offer of joint probe; to establish what?
Attack also coincided with statements threatening Pakistan that it
would be held responsible, if there was another 9/11-like attack. Musharraf

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kept quiet, because with years of experience as mercenary, he knew that

when the US would want to attack Pakistan, it wont wait for something to
happen; instead happening would be arranged. Moreover, if the US
continued pursuing its present biased approach, another 9/11 would recur; no
ones papa could stop that.
The PPP-led government in consultation with ANP launched a major
operation in the vicinity of Peshawar. Soon after its launching, Rehman
Malik proudly declared Peshawar totally safe. It was a matter of shame that
the government felt the need to assure the residents of provincial capital to
feel safe; but safe from whom?
The regime and the enlightened critics have been accusing Taliban of
blowing up the peace. This grossly wrong accusation was hurled despite
acknowledging the fact that the Crusaders have been against the peace right
from the start. Unfortunately, Pakistani experts and media, following the
lead set by the West, waste no time in blaming the militants in spoiling the
peace process.
The lull in the violence after general elections was not because of the
arrival of Dove called Democracy. It was because the militants wanted to
read the mind of deal-makers. Once it became clear that the politicians too
were bent upon pursuing Musharrafs policy in war on terror, they reverted
to the obvious option.
2nd July 2008

STAGED A COMEBACK
After having felt his existence by holding a press conference in the
Presidency, Musharraf went to his home ground at the end of the month of
June. The interaction with journalists seemed to have helped Musharraf in
regaining the confidence.
He decided to make a fully-ledged comeback and his home crowd
encouraged him to do so. On 28th June, he expressed his concern over law

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and order situation. Later on, he pledged to take Pakistan out of the turmoil.
Richard Boucher also came to tell Pakistanis that their real problem is not
Musharraf, but food and militancy.
Earlier, during hearing of the case of disqualification, the defence had
alleged that a panel consisting of Pevaiz Elahi and Manzoor Wattoo formed
by Musharraf was busy pressurizing the court. A few days later, PML-N
members walked out of National Assembly in protest against Nawazs
disqualification. PPP government decided to move the Supreme Court
against the verdict of LHC and the Supreme Court stayed polls in NA-123
on governments appeal.
The PPP Government did not refrain from further complicating the
issue of judges. National Assembly passed the law for expansion of the
Supreme Court packaged with the Annual Finance Bill. This method of
legislation could only be adopted by NRO-laundered politicians.

EVENTS
On 21st June, National Assembly observed two-minute silence;
strangely, it was on the occasion of her 55th birthday. Death penalty of all the
condemned prisoners was converted into life imprisonment.
Commemoration of BBs birthday was marked with establishment of blood
donation camp.
A judge on the LHC bench hearing the case of Sharif brothers refused
to sit on the bench after the defence objected to courts vulnerability to
pressure. The defence had alleged that a panel consisting of Pevaiz Elahi and
Manzoor Wattoo formed by Musharraf was busy pressurizing the court.
Aitzaz rejected all reports about division of lawyers over handling of Long
March. He also announced holding an international conference of
lawyers/Bars.
Next day, the National Assembly passed the law for expansion of the
Supreme Court packaged with the Annual Finance Bill. Rice said Musharraf
was elected president of Pakistan and the US would deal with him
accordingly. Asif Zardari announced that a PPP man from Sindh would be
president soon.
On 23rd June, full bench of the Lahore High Court barred Nawaz
Sharif from contesting by-election. The court, however, was pleased to place
Shahbaz on probation; allowing him to remain as CM pending the decision
of the tribunal. The court was constituted only about 48 hours earlier and it
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was its first sitting. Members of Punjab Assembly protested the decision and
the party termed the court decision as political. Zardari and Gilani discussed
plans to deal with PML-N workers if they turned rowdy in protesting the
Court verdict. Rice called Musharraf author of his troubles.
Next day, PML-N members walked out of National Assembly in
protest against Nawazs disqualification. PPP government decided to move
the Supreme Court against the verdict of LHC. PML-N said the government
was filing the plea on its own. The decision was widely criticized and
condemned. Qazi said the court verdict was a reward for Nawaz for
supporting the finance bill.
On 25th June, senior coalition partner pretended of rescuing Nawaz
from the jaws of the PCO judges. The Supreme Court stayed polls in NA123 on governments appeal. The applicant had not sought immediate
decision for ruling out the verdict of the LHC; the AG when asked by the
court had suggested the postponement of polls. Next hearing was fixed for
30th June and during the hearing Justice Moosa Leghari had said that the
case can be decided in two minutes if Nawaz Sharif appears before the court.
On 26th June, by-polls were swept by major coalition partners with
PML-N putting up better show than PPP; some incidents of violence were
reported and in most cases PPPs jiyalas were involved. Payment of salaries
to deposed judges was challenged in the Supreme Court by a petitioner who
was once told to get out of premises of the court. Lawyers held their weekly
protest.
Next day, PML-N held rallies to protest against disqualification of
Nawaz Sharif. Pakistan Bar Council representatives met law minister and
informed him about their reservations on judges issue. Law minister gave
Rs50 million to the PBC. They criticized the abrupt end to the Long March.
Aitzaz Ahsan warned that lawyers movement could get violent. United
Nations human rights chief during his visit to Pakistan urged the government
to solve the judicial crisis as soon as on priority.
On 28th June, Musharraf expressed his concern over law and order
situation. The PPP government agreed to remove IGP Suddle under pressure
from MQM. Gilani said disqualification of Nawaz was a stunning blow to
democracy. Hussain Haqqani was forced to leave the meeting of APNA, an
organization of Pakistani American doctors. The participants shouted antiHaqqani slogans and demanded probe into May 12 killings in Karachi. Next
day, Amin Fahim said new PPP was running the government which has

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pushed old PPP leaders aside. Shahbaz Sharif vowed to defeat the
conspiracies hatched in the Presidency.
On 30th June, Wajihuddin was heckled by PPP workers in the meeting
held in New York. In Washington, organizers apologized to Haqqani over
similar heckling. Amin Fahim called on Pir Pagara. Next day, Boucher
called on Nawaz Sharif in Lahore. The host told the visitor that world
powers should not interfere in internal affairs on Pakistan.
At the end of his four-day royal visit Boucher told the Pakistanis on
2 July that their real problem is not Musharraf but food and militancy. In
fact, Musharraf has been the cause of both the problems mentioned by
Boucher. Lawyers announced that the next long march would end with sitin; the date of long march would be decided on 11th July.
nd

Next day, PML-N yet again complained that coalition partner did not
consult it on oil prices. PML-Q issued a white paper on governments 100day performance in which it was alleged that none of pledges made by the
Prime Minister has been fulfilled.
Lawyers observed boycott of courts and vowed to continue their
struggle. LHCBA barred its members from attending US Independence Day
function in protest against Bouchers remarks that Musharraf wasnt an
issue. Traders observed strike in Quetta to protest lawlessness.
On 4th July, the Supreme Court took suo moto notice of news reports
about government plan to commute death sentence. The PCO CJP asked
attorney general to send written replies. After having been declared No
Problem, Musharraf come out of the hibernation and croaked. Talking to
business community in Karachi he boasted that he had remained silent as
part of his political strategy. He claimed that the army cannot abandon him.
He also repeated his past statements on terrorism, insurgency in Balochistan
and other issues.
On 5th July, Musharraf pledged to take Pakistan out of the turmoil.
Zardari said both Musharraf and Nawaz Sharif were responsible for Kargil
operation. Cracks were reported in ANP-PPP coalition in NWFP. Gilani
planned to take the nation into confidence over 100-day performance.
Bars recommended court lockouts in a bid to boost lawyers
movement. PPP-led government moved the Supreme Court against LHC
verdict against Nawaz. PPP-led government denied having abolished the
death penalty. JUI-F had remained silent on the issue.

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On 7th July, counsel of Dr A Q Khan asked the Attorney General to

instruct Gen Kidwai and Sherry Rehman not to issue scandalous
statements against his client failing which he would file a suit against the
three officials. He also said that his client had not given any interview to
Japanese news service; some paid journalists were publishing fake material
to disgust of his client.
Next day, Zardari summoned Prime Minister and senior party leaders
to Dubai for consultation on expansion of the cabinet and other issues. PMLQ expelled Kashmala for her statements against the party. Salman Taseer
wanted more powers for local governments.
Zardari and PPP leaders discussed key issues in Dubai on 9 th July.
APDM decided to launch movement and vowed to block Musharrafs
address to the Parliament. Newly elected Bar Council of Sukkur invited
PCO chief justice, Dogar, to address the bar on 14th July.
On 10th July, lawyers held Thursday rallies and in twin cities they
marched up to the Supreme Court defying the regime. Aitzaz Ahsan
criticized the Pakistan Bar Councils stance in the ongoing lawyers
movement thereby admitted division in lawyers community. Karachi Bar
Association condemned Aitzaz for his damaging remarks. European
Parliament invited the deposed CJP for exchange of views.
Next day, the UN agreed in principle to probe Benazir murder; the
decision came as result of meeting between Shan Mahmood and Ban Ki
Moon. PML-N now wanted judges issue to be resolved in 4 to 6 weeks. PPP
wanted PML-N back in the cabinet.

VIEWS
On political front, the people of Pakistan started feeling the pinch
of democratic dispensation. Syed Iqbal Ahmad from Karachi seemed
completely fed up of NRO-infected cruel rulers. The sustained bad
governance (in this country of pure) reminds people of religious sermons
where they are told loud and clear that cruel rulers are punishment of God.
In this age of white-collar crimes, I think it will be not wrong if the
words NRO-infected are affixed in the religious sermons to read: NROinfected cruel rulers are Punishment of God, the consequences of which
may be far-reaching and more devastating.

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The gift of NRO, which was authored by the then Army Chief and
President, Pervez Musharraf, under a US and UK brokered and backed deal,
was duly approved only by the top leadership of the PPP. The sole purpose
of the bitterly criticized ordinance was and is to save Mr Musharrafs
presidency in the name of national reconciliation.
Kunwar Idris talked of the role of non-elected and non-representative
party chiefs in the governance. Whenever Asif Ali Zardari finds himself
surrounded by his slogan-raising party menhe tells them not to worry
about the judges and the president. The new order he is working on will
take care of both and forestall all such crises in the times ahead. It sounds as
menacing as did Musharrafs devolution order.
Under the new order, the presidency too, he assures, will reverberate
with Bhutto slogans as the Governor House did on that day. What new
order he has in mind, Asif Zardari doesnt disclose. But as always on that
day too, in the very next breath, he recalled a Pakistan of the dreams of his
martyred father-in-law and martyred wife.
Mr Zardari, in these changed times should not be relating his new
order to the dreams of either Zulfikar Bhutto or Benazir Bhutto. Their party
now stands much diminished and he lacks the charisma of the Bhuttos;
hence he must rely entirely on the institutions of the state and the rule of
law to sustain himself in power for five years. The same is true for Nawaz
Sharif
Both Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif, the former more than the
latter, look set on a course where their personal and party interests
appear to supplant institutions. When that happens inadvertently or when
party chiefs control the institutions of state by design, even democratically
elected governments tend to become totalitarian.
The authority continuing to reside outside the institutions after the
elections would be like following the pattern set by the previous regime
where President Musharraf exercised all power even after the prime
minister was notified as chief executive in the constitution. Three prime
ministers in succession owed their office to him and served in subordination
to him.
Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif, again the former more than the latter,
must take note that the power of the state that they usurp by virtue of their
popular standing or party position will surely erode the institutions which
are there to underpin the stability of their governments. It is common
knowledge that Mr Zardari is the de facto prime minister. Why doesnt
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he become de jure when nothing in law or propriety stands in the way?

Likewise, why shouldnt Nawaz Sharif become leader of the opposition,
when he is the only one who can credibly fill that position?
Surely, Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif are not unaware of the
disappointment of the people with the state of the affairs both at the
centre and in the provinces. Nor do they see the behaviour of the leaders and
performance of the governments improving in the long run. Lack of policy
direction (there is really no policy in place) and divided leadership are the
basic reasons behind this. Another treason is the plentiful number of
ministers
These examples mirror the conflicts and confusion caused by the
police and district government system introduced by Musharraf over which
he directly presided. Uncertainty now surrounds its future. Politics may be a
fascinating game but the new rulers must find time to attend to the
administration of public affairs which is all but paralyzed at the moment.
Let them pose this question to the provincial governments: who is
responsible for maintaining law and order and who is accountable for their
breach? They would surely draw a blank.
The Dawn wrote on PPPs decision of not taking into confidence the
major coalition partner before launching of Bara Operation. The PML-Ns
position is anomalous. By insisting that it had not been consulted on the
current operation, it seems to give an impression that it is in the government.
Actually, it left the coalition for all practical purposes on May 12 and was
in such a hurry that the finance minister belonging to the second largest
party ditched budget-making halfway down the road.
In any case the party is so focused on the judges restoration and
President Pervez Musharrafs impeachment that other issues appear to
have lost significance for it. During its meeting with Richard Boucher, the
PML-N leadership made it known to its American interlocutor where its
priorities lay. Given this ambivalent political relationship between the two
major parties, it is not clear how the PPP and the PML-N will work out a
consensus on the key issue of the day the fight against militancy.
I A Rehman reviewed 100-day promises. After the first hundred days
in office the PPP government has been receiving most uncomplimentary
notices, possibly less charitable than it deserves. The reason perhaps is not
so much its failure to deliver on its promises, as the public impression is
that it has not tried seriously enough. Besides, authority and the common
citizen seem to be operating on different wavelengths
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These modest initiatives, however welcomeare not enough to

convince the masses of a positive change, particularly when a steep rise in
the cost of living caused by huge jumps in food prices and gas and power
tariffs have pushed them to the edge of despair. Coupled with the fact that
militancy is still threatening to hijack the state and tear the social fabric into
shreds, the common citizens are getting the feeling that the government
lacks the capacity to enforce its will in their interest.
A few lapses in the areas of democratic management have
compounded the governments problems. There is need to ensure the
initial show of rule by consensus among democratic-looking parties
continues. Authority must throw up the image of a self-reliant collectively,
and erase all signs of absolutism, active as well as dormant. It should
discourage solo flights in favour of broader platforms of action
However, nothing has harmed the new government more than its
prevarication on the twin judges and presidency issues. There seems to
be little room for speculation on its hazy line of action. The judges are not to
be restored in a hurry and not in the manner demanded by the lawyers, and
President Musharraf is to be worn down to a point that he throws in the
towel in disgust. The assumption is that while the judges issue can be solved
in a jiffy that means the president will have to depart and that is something
the PPP high command cannot afford or does not at the moment want. There
is good reason to re-examine this vacuous thinking.
As regards the presidency too, the PPP leadership may be wrong in
assuming that it could beat the president at a game of attrition. Indeed,
Gen Musharraf has gone on the offensive. He chose Karachi and the
company of his fellow street-fighters to sound the bugle for a battle royal (or
perhaps a police encounter). Not content with announcing that the army will
never discard him, he chose to discuss the national economy and the
prospects for a government of like-minded parties
Governments do not always rise and fall by their deeds and
misdeeds alone. A more important role is played by public perception of
matters. The public perception last Sunday was determined by two events
the blast in Islamabad, which revealed the grim challenge to the state, and
the clubbing to death of three small children by their miserable father in a
village in the prosperous and educated Punjab, which showed the abyss of
hopelessness Pakistans poor find themselves in.
The staging of a comeback by Musharraf was also commented upon.
The News opined: Musharraf on Friday night have launched what can be
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described as a frontal counterattack on the elected leadership of the

country and its failures with regard to the current political uncertainty and
economic crisis His main thrust was aimed at political leaders whom he
said should forget the past, look towards the future and adopt a policy of
reconciliation. He said that politics of agitation needed to stop because the
country was suffering as a result of this and that the real issues were being
ignored while peripheral matters were being pursued.
The fact of the matter is that it is unfair and unethical on the part
of the president to blame the new government for all the problems
confronting the country and to portray himself and the previous government
of Shaukat Aziz as saviours, as if they were running the country in an ideal
manner and that they would do so again if given a chance again. The fact
also is that many of the problems that the country faces today are the
consequence of the mis-governance that characterized the rule of the
previous PML-Q dispensation.
Mr Musharraf admitted that he had remained a silent spectator for
four months because he believed that the political leadership would fail.
His argument that for eight years he kept Pakistan strong and that the
derailment of his rule by the Feb 18 elections hurled the country towards
its present crises is a thoroughly flawed should one say dishonest reading
of events. no one, including the president, should expect that a new
government, just 100 days old, would be able to wipe the slate of eight years
of his misrule and leftover disasters clean and bring economic and social
stability overnight. The president hopes that with the support of the Pakistan
Army he will be able to revive his doomed fortunes and hang on
Democracy needs time and it will find its foothold sooner than later
but because it is taking time, that should be no justification whatsoever to
support a return to military rule or even to the misrule of Mr Musharraf
Mr Aziz may not return but since Musharraf is here and has vowed to stay
here, he should be the one to answer for all the years that he was in
power.
Just because the first 100 days of the civilian elected rule have not
achieved much by way of targets does not mean that the discredited
Musharraf-Aziz regime stands vindicated in any way or that it deserves
another chance. It would indeed be a grave folly if the Pakistan Army or any
one else for that matter were to support this absurd notion.
Mrs Anjum Eshrati from Islamabad wrote: I watched part of his
speech on TV. What he actually said was that he was trained as a commando
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and his strategy was to be always on the offensive, rather than being
defensive Alas! The former general and others like him seem to have
learned the tactics that work only on well against Pakistani citizens but
fail to impress an enemy.
Zamir Ghumro analyzed the prevailing political crisis and the need for
taking remedial steps. At present, Musharraf is representing the interests
of the military and the ruling government stands for the feudals. Their
presence is attacking the fundamentals of the federation with each passing
day, as both do not believe in the rule of law or the constitution. The rule of
law empowers the lower and middle classes, the weak and the vanquished. A
military general or the parties representing feudalism cant adopt it.
The Pakistani state is being forced not to stand on its feet by
embracing a strong political system and its dethroned judiciary. The
forces denying these tools to the state want to impose their own order, which
will lead to further anarchy and mayhem. This is not the failure of the state
but the betrayal of the ruling classes denying the country its right to exist,
when the federation badly needs to exercise that right.
The state cannot carry out its present policies of war on terror as well
as pursue its nuclear policy unless it puts its own house in order and
strengthens itself to face regional and international challenges. The
borrowed strength on the basis of temporary political tactics will only
delay the process of decay. It cant be counted as the real power of the
state.
The conflict between the military and the feudals over authority
and power to save their interests is another contradiction. The tussle is
turning ugly. The president representing military establishment, in his recent
address to industrialists and traders in Karachi, took exception to his recent
role. He announced to break his silence which clearly meant that final
authority to send a government packing rests with the military and it will not
forego it for the sake of the nation.
Similarly, the PPP-led coalition has refused to restore the judges
as it loathes any checks on its governance. Though the judiciary may not
be a holy cow in this land of the pure, its principled stand against the
usurpers of state authority and power, for the first time on such a large scale,
infused hope and confidence among the masses. It strengthens the belief in
the collective destiny. If this hope is allowed to evaporate, the ship of the
state cannot be salvaged.

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In the context of restoration of judges the long march continued

to be commented upon. Muhammad Waseem talked of lessons of the long
march. The great show of solidarity with the judiciary from June 10 to 15
ended not with a bang but with a whimper. Nothing can be more offensive to
the leaders and organizers of the long march than being blamed for turning
back from their commitment to lay siege to the corridors of power till they
achieve their objectives. They never promised that.
The marchwas a tribute to the intellectual, organizational and
financial commitment of the lawyers community to the noble cause of the
restoration of the judiciary. The march exhibited a superb sense of
collective leadership, and a sense of shared responsibility on the part of
the leaders and their followers. The picture fitted the frame.
In hindsight, one finds two things missing in the whole spectacle:
firstly, there was no strategy to achieve the goal of putting the judges back in
the courts in the form of either a sit-in or a blockade or lobbying as a
pressure group or conducting negotiations. Second, there was no policy on
the target of the long march, whether it was the President House or
Parliament House or Army House.
In terms of strategy, the black coats movement failed to devise a
plan beyond a show of street power. No sit-in was on the agenda, possibly
because it would have been difficult to sustain it after a while in terms of
numbers, momentum and news-worthiness. To lay siege needed a
commitment of a much-higher order, such as in the case of Shia activism in
1980.
In the light of a long delay in the restoration of judges, protagonists
of the cause wanted to put their entire weight behind the long march to
achieve their objective. Others, especially from the media and political
parties, cautioned the lawyers against measures that could weaken
parliament and harm democracy. The leadership seemed to take two steps
forward and one step back.
Who was the target of the long march? President Musharraf did it
all. But, he was already relegated to a secondary role in the power structure.
He could not bring the judges back to their positions even if, in theory, he
wanted to do so. Why was parliament projected to be the target? Was a new
law to be passed or a new amendment sought? It was amazingly nave to
target the parliament. In the end, even the parliament was not really targeted,
unless gathering in the parade ground can be construed to mean that.

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In the first phase, the movement upheld what was essentially a legal
cause. The case in the Supreme Judicial Council, later Supreme Court,
against rendering the chief justice non-functional remained a constant point
of reference in the movement. Lawyers were able to make a common cause
with the civil society, the media to some extent the political community.
In the second phase after the emergency, when sixty judges were sent
home in an overtly extra-constitutional measure, the movement widened its
scope to join the political parties in protest. The third phase after the
formation of governments in the centre and provinces from April onwards
obfuscated the whole situation. Partners of yesterday stood opposite each
other. Partners within the coalition spoke with two faces.
What will happen now? Will the bar associations be able to
mobilize lawyers and the public at large within a few weeks or months? Loss
of momentum on June 15 is critical in this respect. People saw no tangible
gain after their huge mental and physical input. PPP lawyers are caught
between two loyalties. Meanwhile, other issues such as inflation and
shortage of food items and electricity are potential competitors when it
comes to attracting peoples attention and energies.
All this poses a great challenge to the leadership of the legal
fraternity in terms of its credibility; and the judges issue is staring it in
the face. Will it or will it not deliver on this count? Will it reconcile with
halfway measures such as the provision for 29 judges of the Supreme Court
and other soft provisions in the envisioned constitutional package?
Alternatively, do lawyers have other strategies up their sleeve to restore the
judges to their rightful positions, and the country to a respectable position in
the comity of nations?
Interestingly, Cyril Almeida wrote about unlearnt lessons. The law is
not a joke. It is serious business and requires dedicated study. Neither is the
entire Pakistani constitution a joke. But the fact is that this particularwas
precipitated for no other purpose than to create a specific set of people out
and another set in. Thats it. There was no higher cause or logic. If you want
to call it a charade, go ahead. It is. And a farce, a joke and daylight robbery.
Musharraf and company are dancing on the graves of jurisprudence.
It is galling. Worse, it is galling to be told that fighting beyond a
point is bad. Why should one side play by the rules when the other side
the Musharrafs and their collaborators refuses to do so? What good is
working for stability if the other side is creating instability? Well, thats how
a democratic system, even a highly developed one, works. You cant
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pummel the other side into obeying the rules. You nurse your wounds, you
campaign, you lobby, and you lie in wait until the next elections.
The fact is that a space has been created in Pakistan for indirect
civilian rule through elected representatives you regular, vanilla
flavoured democracy the world over. The whys of this reality are for
political scientists to debate. It could be that the military is suffering from
governance fatigue. It could be that the people have found their democratic
voice. It could be that the Americans want it. It could be all of the above.
Whatever the reason, there is no doubt that this space exists.
We have had relatively fair elections; we have a National Assembly
that is relatively representative of the electorate; we have two genuinely
popular political parties that dominate the assembly; and we have two
leaders of those parties who are unquestionably in control and are talking to
each other. The lawyers genuinely want to add another element to this
reasonable mixture: a relatively independent judiciary.
We would all like to add the elements of democracy as quickly as
possible and must constantly look for opportunities to do so. But the issue is
also one of trajectory are we headed in the right direction or not. And
while undiluted, unconditional reinstatement of the judges is a course, it isnt
the only course. In fact, given the vehemence of Musharraf and
reluctance of Asif, its sure to send the trajectory of democracy into a
downward spiral. And there is no doubt that waiting in the wings are
people who can inflict new lows and new forms of damage on the country.
The lawyers have expressed what most Pakistanis feel: a deep
unease about who we are and what we have achieved. But those mocking
the lawyers for failing and counseling them to raise the stakes arent pinning
their hopes on democracy; they are hoping for change brought about
somehow, anyhow. Eight years ago the winds of change blew in Musharraf;
today it is Chief Justice Iftikhar; but why not the politicians?
Dr Faqir Hussain expressed his views on constitutional package. The
proposed constitutional package, alas, furnishes no answer to resolve the
legal conundrum. The package is an ambitious wish list, apparently
designed to prevent or pre-empt its passage in the foreseeable future. It is
perhaps meant to achieve some ulterior motives. Ignoring ground realities,
discarding practical experiences and devoid of intellect, the package
unwisely proposes wholesale amendments to the Constitution. Many of the
proposals are expression of raw thoughts and nave plans; some contrived to
hit the basic structure of the Constitution, notwithstanding successive rulings
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of the Supreme Court to the contrary. And while lacking even a simple
majority in the Upper House, the proposers hope to get it passed by a twothirds majority of the National Assembly and Senate.
What to do then? The answer lies in following the letter and spirit
of the Constitution. One has to be realistic, practical and pragmatic. What is
wise, practicable and doable should be undertaken and the rest scrapped or
kept for some future date. The package should be divided into parts: the
passing issues upon which there exists consensus should be taken in hand,
like presidents power to dissolve Parliament, appoint governors and chiefs
of the armed forces and the chief election commissioner. The rest can wait
till sufficient discussion has taken place
Meanwhile, the judges should be made functional, without further
loss of time. Parliament should then proceed to consider granting ex post
facto indemnity to limited acts i.e. laws actions and decisions taken bona
fide and in the larger interest or for greater public good. This task can be
more appropriately be assigned to Supreme Court, which after thorough
judicial scrutiny can determine the validity of each such law and action.
Perhaps, the revitalized Supreme Court enjoying public confidence, is the
best suited to accomplish the job.
This is a politically difficult but legally correct course and should be
followed; expediency can rest for a while. This is time for taking wise and
courageous actions. Let us secure our country against future military
adventurism and political opportunism. Let us establish ourselves as a proud
nation, immersed in constitutionalism and followed democratic dispensation.
This alone can ensure our survival as civilized people and honourable
nation.
Faisal Siddiqi wrote: What is Asif Ali Zardari and the PPP up to in
relation to the issue of the restoration of the judges is the million dollar
question? There are various answers given by the anti-PPP and prostration
groups, some argue that Asif Ali Zardari, Pervez Musharraf and the
Americans are part of a deal which involves the retention of Pervez
Musharraf and as a consequence, the non-restoration of the deposed judges.
Others argue that, irrespective of what happens to Musharraf in
the future, Zardari doesnt want to restore the judges at all because he
thinks that they will strike down the NRO 2007, and deny him the benefits
of his alleged corrupt practices. The common element in both these
answers is that it reduces this political problem to the personality of Asif
Zardari and his personal problems.
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Faisal went on to comment on the contents of the package with special

focus on the restoration of judges. He wrote: restoration of the judges is
now conditional on the following elements:
First, it implicitly recognizes the legality of the current PCO judge and
as a consequence, proposes to control the non-functional judges
through the greater numbers of the status quo-oriented judges under
the PCO.
Second, it proposes an intrusive executive presence in the hiring of the
judiciary and monopolizes executive control of the firing of the
superior judiciary.
Third, it creates a limited, ineffective and mere mouthpiece,
fundamental rights jurisdiction of the Supreme Court.
Fourth, the present and future chief justices of the superior courts are
proposed to be controlled through restricted tenures.
Therefore, the Eighteenth Amendment Bill does imply a
continuity with the romantic love affair of the Murree-Bhurban
Declaration Why has the romantic love affair of the Murree-Bhurban
Declaration love affair or a proposed one-sided pre-nuptial agreement? Is the
PPP simply acting evil when it comes to the judiciary?
After attempting to answer these questions, Faisal offered following
political observations on the package: First, after March 9, 2007, and
November 3, 2007, the genie and disease of the idea of an independent
judiciary which has inflicted and infested the historicity and mindset of the
judges, lawyers and the common man, cannot be reversed. This disease of
independence is here to stay
Second, no constitutional modern state has been able to avoid
structural constitutional conflicts with the judiciary because they arise
out of inbuilt structural constitutional contradictions. The judicial history of
modern states tell us that constitutional conflicts with the judiciary can only
be managed until these conflicts are resolved historically by developing
consistent constitutional relationships between the various organs of the
state. The PPPs proposed bill cannot bypass history.
Third, the PPP does not have a two-thirds majority needed to pass
these amendments. Opposition members of parliament are unlikely to
support amendments which will help the executive control the judiciary

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because they recognize the importance of independent judicial power against

a repressive Pakistani state.
Fourth, a constitutional state with fundamental rights, without an
independent judiciary to enforce those fundamental rights is like having a
democracy without political parties. Why not just get rid of the pretence
that we are a constitutional state with fundamental rights.
Fifth, will the PPP want such an executive-dominated dependent
judiciary when it is in opposition and appealing for either bail in a criminal
case or contesting a false criminal charge?
Sixth, isnt an imminent structural conflict with Pervez
Musharraf unavoidable because he is like an irritant illegal trespasser
always looking to dislodge the rightful repository of public power? Why not
fight this imminent political conflict with a recently tested anti-Musharraf
judiciary on your side?
Seventh, if there is an inevitable and unavoidable choice between a
political conflict with Nawaz Sharif because of the non-restoration of the
deposed judges and between a political conflict with Pervez Musharraf or
the PCO judges, shouldnt the PPP avoid the former, rather the latter,
conflict. Surely, the guarantee to any kind of political stability in
Pakistan is in the continuation of this contradictory and incompatible
coalition between the PPP and PML-N.
Regardless of the above intellectual diatribe, Farooq Naek, the
intellectual brain behind these amendments, our legal czar and an
experienced parliamentarian, must know that the biggest Constitutional
Amendment Act passed in the history of our Pakistani parliament was
the Constitution (Eighth Amendment) Act, 1985, which contained only 19
amendments
The Constitution (Eighteenth Amendment) Bill, 2008, contains 79
amendments. Is Mr Naek trying to create history? May be, world
constitutional history. Surely, if he realistically wanted to pass these
amendments, a more intelligent strategy would have been to have many
constitutional bills with fewer amendments to be passed in a piecemeal
manner.
The Constitution (Eighteenth Amendment) Bill, 2008, really looks
like a beautiful shell. Beautiful from the outside but empty inside. At
worst, it is a fantasy and, at best, a maximalist position on which the PPP is
willing to compromise e.g. it may be willing to go back to the tactical

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solution of the good old romantic days of the Murree-Bhurban

Declaration
Or may be it is merely a political strategy to delay a solution to
these problems so that the PPP can consolidate its power before taking
on these difficult political problems. Sadly, the issue of the restoration of the
judges is a major cause of persistent instability in Pakistan and in the
fractured and transitional democratic politics of Pakistan, political instability
and power consolidation are dangerously incompatible notions.
The romantic journey from Murree to the constitutional package has
shown us that irrespective of the fights within our democratic constitutional
family i.e. between the PPP and PML-N and the judiciary, there is at least
consensus among all its members about the source of our common
political and constitutional woes the system of military dictatorship in
Pakistan.
Amjad Bhatti wanted that lawyers movement should be redefined.
Some analysts believe that in the post-long march scenario, the whole
judiciary has become politicized to the extent that each judge has some
political group, party or a clout at his back. The acceptance of official
protocol of Chief Justice subsidized by a provincial government and
distasteful remarks expressed by a coalition leader adds into polarizing not
only a person but leads to an explicit division of the judiciary into many
groups and sub-groups. We need to accept this reality that a coalition or a
split judiciary would bring more disgrace and distrust to the
institution. Court rooms would turn into branch offices of respective
political parties and this movement is likely to expedite the crumbling
collapse of incumbent legal system in the country.
We have seen in the recent judgment by the Lahore High Court on
the disqualification of Mian Nawaz Sharif which was widely interpreted
as a covert move by the PPP leadership. The legal dimensions of the case
were outrightly dismissed; rather in such a charged situation no one was
ready to give a dispassionate consideration to emerging issues in Legal
discourse on the basis of so-called legal rationality.
What is the way out? Perhaps this movement had given this rare
opportunity to revise and rewrite the grundnorm of judicial dispensation in
the country. This can be done by outlining and broadening the base of
judicial discourse by involving the people at large and review the process
and procedures of justice sector for a massive change in the way of judiciary
has been functioning for decades now. Also, there is a need to include issues
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relating to lower judiciary which have more direct and immediate bearing on
the people at large for their everyday rights and access to justice.
It also has to be decided at this historical juncture as to how
judiciary can be made accountable in the larger interest of the people.
How can it become a pro-poor institution by adhering to the injunctions of
distributory justice? How the trend of juristocracy could be addressed by
disallowing judiciary to intervene in the process of fixing legitimacy to rule
or assuming the role which is attributed to people and their representatives.
There is perhaps a need to go beyond the restoration rhetoric now and
look for some ways and means for our judiciary to write a different
history for the future not through individual impulses but through
predictable system. The sacrifices incurred in the lawyers movement could
then be rewarded meaningfully.
Ayesha Tammy Haq commented on attempts to break up the
movement. Mr Farooq Naek and Mr Latif Khosas visit to the Pakistan Bar
Council, the promise of Rs50 million as a grant, noises by the PBC which
sound strangely like an endorsement of the constitutional package and a loud
broad hint at a complete turn-around on how to continue with the lawyers
movement at a time when Aitzaz Ahsan and Munir Malik are out of the
country is nothing but a desperate attempt to break up the movement.
One cannot even begin to fathom what runs through the mind of
someone sworn to uphold the law but seeks to destroy the very institution. In
doing so they have created a vacuum, which not just allows extremist forces
to operate in, it allows them to occupy that space.
Engr S T Hussain from Lahore made an interesting suggestion. The
best solution to make an independent judiciary is that it should be headed by
a judge of impeccable integrity, honesty and high moral courage. There is
no harm in employing foreigners as a Supreme Court and high court
chief judges. At least a foreigner will be having no personal interest. If a
foreigner coach can be engaged for cricket team, why not a foreign judge for
the sake of making the institution of judiciary independent.
The lawyers movement is now a political movement depending on
political parties, Nawaz Sharif has gained politically by making Barrister
Ahsan to accept that in future all decisions of the lawyers movement
should be made with his consultation. This means that the lawyers
movement will now be managed by PML-N, which will promote its own
political agenda. Due to the hijacking of lawyers movement by political
parties, the movements original objective is dead and the restoration of
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judges will be done on Asif Zardaris terms as he is proving to be a shrewder

politician than Nawaz Sharif.
The Dawn wrote about the plight of the major political party that has
been supporting restoration of judges. Is there any other country besides
Pakistan where law and constitution are a source of such chaos? Double
trouble: that is what the Sharifs now have. Mondays LHC judgment that
went against Nawaz Sharif is less unsettling for the PML-N than the
implications of Shahbazs election to two seats in the Punjab Assembly.
Also a source of embarrassment to the PML-N is the issue of
enhancing the number of judges in the Supreme Court to 29. The party
voted for the budget and for the 29-judge provision and now seems to be
regretting it. Its members have a point. Voting for the budget does not mean
an approval of the concept behind having 29 judges. If that is so, they should
put the issue behind them instead of letting it become a source of acrimony
in their ranks. It is time the PML-N leadership realized the ground they have
lost over the last four months.
What the Sharifs should know is that the more they focus their
attention on one point the restoration of the judiciary the more they play
into the hands of Asif Ali Zardari. The PPP co-chairman has used his
position effectively and often kowtowed to the Sharifs to advance his own
agenda carefully.
The only way out of this legal tangle is adopt a political approach
in other words go in for a democratic version of the NRO. If President
Pervez Musharraf could frame a national reconciliation law by decree for the
benefit of the PPP and hundreds of MQM convicts and under-trials, there is
no reason why the coalition government cannot enact a similar law through
parliament for the Sharifs benefit?

REVIEW
Nawaz Sharifs disqualification can be linked to Musharrafs public
pronouncement of No Benazir, No Nawaz, which he made few years ago.
It is also the result of recent warning of US think tanks which cautioned
Washington to take care of Nawaz Sharif.
The decision has to be viewed as an achievement of the panel made
by Musharraf. Wattoo and Pervaiz Elahi have been the front line soldiers of
the King since February elections. The former is presently an advisor to the
Prime Minister, while Zardari is committed to uphold the spirit of NRO.
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Nawaz might have realized by now that why Zardari had been very
keen to have him as coalition partner. Zardaris criminal instinct and
experience had told him that stabbing from the back can be best performed
while standing in files as friends; instead confronting each other face to face.
PPPs unexpressed reaction seemed to have been of rejoicing over the
kick at the back of its partner. Even the sympathies expressed smelled of
indifference. Its leaders said that they would help Nawaz if he requests for
that. Zardari and Gilani preferred to deal firmly with those PML-N workers
who decide to protest by taking the law into their hands.
PPP had been denying its involvement in the decision given by PCO
judges. The fact that the party has been insisting on retention of these
conscienceless judges for months now; was ample proof of its involvement.
Moreover, Manzoor Wattoo, who has been accepted as advisor to Prime
Minister on the recommendation of the Presidency, has been working hard
on softening the judges along with Pervaiz Elahi.
By appealing against the verdict of LHC the PPP preferred
postponement of the polls in NA-123. It meant suggesting to the LHC that
Nawaz Sharif has been roped in and now the Supreme Court should drag
him around for a while to make him realize the powers of PCO judges. The
remarks of Justice Moosa Leghari indicated exactly the same.
The PPP, the superior court and Musharraf through the AG had
teamed up for taming the obstinate Nawaz Sharif. He must realize, and
realize it soon, that elsewhere in the world the judges might be deciding the
fate of criminals, but in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan criminals decide
the fate the judges.
At the end a few words about 100-day promises. Prime Minister
Gilani has decided to inform the nation about the progress made on 100day agenda. Maybe he has planned to tell the people of Pakistan that his
announcement about hundred days ago was also a political statement, like
the one made by Zardari in Bhurban.
It should be clear to PML-N leadership that it can hang onto the
coalition and at the same time escape the negative fallout of the
governments failings and not fulfilling the promises it made. It cannot keep
making excuses like that they were not consulted or taken into confidence.
By the way what is the use of reaching any agreement with a man or a party
that has no shame in going back on a pledge made, simply saying that that
was a political statement.

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13th July 2008

IN THICK OF IT
The raging war on terror reached the vicinity of Peshawar. Operation
against criminals continued in Khyber Agency. Sherry Rehman told the
media that the operation had been launched with the consent of all the allies,
including PML-N.
The statements counter-statements about Gora Prai missile attack
were still being exchanged when the US-led forces attacked a post with
mortar fire in Waziristan near Angoor Adda; six soldiers of army were
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wounded. For a change and in violation of the policy of the government and
the army, the battalion commander on the spot retaliated.
On 7th July, a series of seven blasts, mostly in Pashtun localities,
terrified Karachites. A few days later, Gen Hamid Gul warned that
movements in Arabian Sea indicated that the US planned to attack Pakistans
tribal areas in the garb of hot pursuit.
Dr Khans wife moved IHC against her husbands detention. Her
husband gave a statement which was like a bombshell for Musharraf. This
resulted in Musharrafs men like Gen Kidwai resorting to an allegationbout with Dr Khan.
Status quo continued prevailing on the eastern front in the name of
composite dialogue. However, on 7th July, Ghulam Nabi Azad resigned after
facing trust vote. Four days later, governor rule was imposed in IHK. At
home, low-key insurgency in Balochistan continued.

WESTERN FRONT
Operation in Khyber Agency continued on 1st July, but no encounter
was reported till the 4th day of operation. However, demolition of hideouts
was carried out and 24 suspects were arrested. Kabul demanded expansion
of the operation. Tribesmen of Kurram Agency freed 44 kidnapped FC men.
Police arrested seven suspected militants in Peshawar and in Rawalpindi
agencies held 12 suspects.
Washington appreciated Islamabads stance on FATA. The US
regretted Gora Prai missile attack; Rehman Malik had already accepted the
apology in advance by saying that the US had not carried out the attack.
After a meeting with Musharraf, the US lawmakers said Musharraf and
Gilani have no differences and he should continue as President. Zardari
blamed the West for helping the military, not the people.
Next day, Sherry Rehman told the media that the ongoing operation
had been launched with the consent of all the allies and on the request of
NWFP government. Mullen said the US has the authority to hit al-Qaeda
targets inside Pakistan. Pakistans Foreign Minister said any strike inside
Pakistan would be considered an act of war.
Eleven men of Mangal Bagh and 20 tribesmen were arrested in Landi
Kotal for violating curfew. Police arrested 44 people in a crackdown in

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Peshawar. One soldier was wounded as a rocket hit a post in Bajaur Agency.
Two people were shot dead in Swat.
On 3rd July, Foreign Office rebuffed the US claim about action in
tribal areas and Defence Minister had already exposed the worth of such
rebuffs when he had admitted Pakistans helplessness against US attacks.
An operation planned for Mohmand Agency was postponed temporarily.
Minister from FATA threatened to resign. Dr Khans wife moved IHC
against her husbands detention.
Next day, operation in Bara was halted and a jirga was sent to Tirah
Valley for talks with Mangal Bagh. In Jandola area, nine militants were
arrested in search operation. Dr Khan made some revelations about
Musharraf and other senior army officers involvement in transferring
nuclear technology to North Korea. In a telephonic interview to Associated
Press Khan told that Musharraf and the army sent centrifuge to North Korea
in 2000. He claimed that he was made scapegoat in 2004. The court
summoned the attorney general and allowed the advocate Iqbal Jafri to meet
Dr Khan; the latter refused to meet him in bugged room and in the presence
of men of intelligence agencies.
Six people were reported killed in the ongoing factional fighting in
Tirah Valley on 5th July. Two detained journalists were freed in Mohmand
Agency. Mangal Bagh agreed to accept the decision of 35-member jirga of
eight sub-tribes of Afridis led by Haji Amal Gul. The ongoing operation was
suspended.
Gen Kidwai resorted to counter allegation against Dr Khan. He
threatened that if Dr Khan continued violating the agreement, the
concession of exemption from arrest could be withdrawn. He also vowed
producing before the court the copy of agreement for which Dr Khan had
begged to escape the trial. The general claimed that all that was said by
Musharraf was true and Dr Khan has been telling lies.
Dr Khan said the government must produce the copy of agreement
before the court and he vowed not to remain silent any more and hit back at
his detractors. Gen Hamid Gul hailed Dr Khans revelations and urged the
government to take stand against Wests onslaught on the issue of alleged
nuclear transfers.
Next day, Imran Khan in a joint press conference with British
journalist Yvonne Ridley called for release of a woman kept in isolation at
Bagram detention center. They believed that the woman was a Pakistani
doctor who was kidnapped years ago. The regime was considering making
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public some evidence of nuclear proliferation. Taliban set up Shariah Courts

in Bajaur Agency.
A series of seven blasts mostly in Pashtun localities on 7 th July
terrified Karachites; two people were killed and 40 wounded. Altaf
summoned immediate meeting. Taliban and tribal elders in South Waziristan
agreed to expel Uzbeks. Bush said Pakistan, not Iraq or Afghanistan, would
be the biggest challenge for his successor.
Next day, four soldiers of FC were killed in an ambush in Khyber
Agency. In Kuala Lumpur, Gilani sought help to defeat militancy.
Afghanistan sent life-saving drugs to Kurram Agency. G-8 pledged
assistance to tribal areas.
Taliban besieged Police Station Doaba in Hangu on 9th July; army
troops were sent to rescue policemen. Reportedly, more than twenty people,
including 7 army and 2 FC soldiers, were kidnapped from Kurram Agency.
Administration and Lashkar-i-Islami signed a peace agreement; the latter
agreed not to enter Bara area.
On 10th July, six people were killed in two landmine blasts in Kurram
Agency. Four members of polio vaccination team were kidnapped near
Peshawar when returning after days work near Mohmand Agency. An
official kidnapped in April was found dead near Miranshah. Seven people
were killed in mortar fire in Tirah Valley. US gunship helicopters violated air
space in North Waziristan. Talks for release of 17 kidnapped officials were
underway. Curfew in Bara was lifted.
Rehman Malik vowed to restore peace in three months. The US
official said terrorists from all over the Islamic World were converging to
Pakistans tribal areas. Two containers containing radio-active material were
found buried in a compound used by OGDC.
The US-led forces attacked a post with mortar fire near Angoor Adda
on night 10/11th July; six soldiers of army were wounded. The battalion
commander of Punjab Regiment ordered retaliatory fire in which some
Afghan troops were killed and wounded.
Taliban demanded end to army operation in Hangu failing which they
threatened to kill 27 officials held by them. Operation in Hangu continued
on third day in which about 30 people were detained. Eight people were
killed in the ongoing factional conflict in Tirah.
Pakistan lodged a strong protest with NATO, but it Foreign Minister
in Washington avoided say anything unpleasant which could annoy the US695

led Crusaders. Instead he asked the US not be perturbed by the talks as these
are restricted to tribal elders. Taliban are not included in the talks because his
government does not consider them Muslims.
Hamid Gul warned that movements in Arabian Sea indicated that the
US planned to attack Pakistans tribal areas in the garb of hot pursuit and
capture these areas. Increased aerial activity over tribal areas and knocking
out border posts constitute preliminary activities related to major operation.
Militants ambushed FC convoy near Hangu on 12th June; 17 soldiers,
five militants and four civilians were killed. Violation of Pakistani air space
by US planes continued. General Mirza Aslam Beg hailed battalion
commanders response to attack on Angoor Adda post. If I were the army
chief, I would have honoured the battalion commander with SJ for his
bravery, he remarked. Mike Mullen arrived on unscheduled visit, met the
COAS and top officials and went back. Reportedly, he accused intelligence
agencies of Pakistan giving comprehensive support to Taliban and al-Qaeda.
Next day, Taliban handed over dead bodies on 15 FC soldiers killed in an
ambush on 11th June.
On 14th July, militants in Shinawarai area attacked an FC fort, looted
arms and ammunition, let the soldiers go and then blew up the fort. Taliban
in Swat suspended talks with the government. TTP set up Qazi courts in
Mohmand Agency. Gilani vowed to continue operation in tribal areas to
prevent 9/11-like attacks. Even Bush could not have spelled out American
interest better than Gilani. Afghan cabinet decided to suspend all meetings
with Pakistan.
Operation launched in Khyber Agency was widely commented upon.
The Dawn wrote: The state may be making its presence felt in Khyber
Agencys Bara area, which after all is right outside Peshawar, but it is all too
clear that pro-Taliban militants still call the shots in the less accessible areas
of the tribal belt. The Bara operations place in the overall scheme of
things is also unclear. Is it simply a side issue or part of a larger strategy for
establishing the writ of the state wherever it is challenged? The signs are that
it may be a one-off move with limited objectives in mind.
The operation could be deemed a success if the main road to
Afghanistan is secured, for the benefit of travelers as well as movement of
goods, and if kidnappers operating out of Khyber Agency are brought under
a measure of control. Still there is no knowing whether such security gains,
if they are indeed achieved, can be sustained over time. Many believe that

696

once the troops pull back, Mangal Baghs Lahkar-i-Islam and other militant
outfits will return to Bara just as easily as they left the areas last week.
In any case the likes of Mangal Bagh and Haji Namdar, leader of
Amr-bil-Maroof wa Nahi-anil-Munker, are mere irritants compared to
Baitullah Mehsud of South Waziristan and Swats Fazlullah. True, they
have their nuisance value but they are hardly major players in the Taliban
game plan. In fact, motivated as they are less by ideology and more by the
rewards of criminal activity, Mangal Bagh and Haji Namdar are not even
Taliban in the political sense.
In stark contrast, the Tehrik-i-Taliban is a force to be reckoned with,
if not a veritable army. The root of the problem lies not in Bara but in places
like Swat, Kurram and South Waziristan. The fight against militancy,
irrespective of the form it ultimately takes, must begin there. Success will
elude us as long as such havens exist for those bent on destabilizing our
country, providing refuge to foreign sympathizers and helping insurgents
across the border.
Ayesha Siddiqa termed it circus. Surely, it is bad approach to kill
ones own people and it is important to negotiate for peace. However, the
ANP, one of the primary promoters of dialogue with the warlords in tribal
areas, never ruled out military operation. The party has proposed a mix of
dialogue and military operation where need be. There are many ways such as
surgical operations (not carpet bombing) through which these elements
could be eliminated.
The problem gets out of hand, however, where exogenous factors (in
terms of peace process) such as the intelligence agencies use militants and
militancy as tool to get greater American support and funding. It is
absolutely bizarre that Peshawar is besieged by the Taliban despite the
presence of an army corps and military operations conducted under
Musharrafs command. Surely, the Taliban havent just grown stronger in the
past six months.
When it comes to dialogue, a question we must ask ourselves is that
does the state really want to encourage other elements to share in the use of
violence. The military of a state becomes a symbol of its strength and
integrity (anywhere in the world) due to its ability to monopolize violence. A
state which allows others to use violence, hence, becomes weak. This is
an argument which Islamabad uses in the case of Balochistan. Then why not
apply it in the case of tribal areas and Punjabi Taliban?

697

As for Islamabad, it encouraged the militants to create strategic depth

which now appears to be an inverse process. The Taliban are trying to
create strategic depth inside Pakistan. The general public seems equally
confused about how to treat the Taliban. It is not just the issue of defending
American security objectives or American-style freedom but the freedom of
the people of Pakistan to live their lives as envisioned by the father of the
state
The confusion regarding the war in the tribal areas reminds one
of a joke about a bunch of people trying to determine Hanumans religion. A
Muslim said that he was a Muslim and a Hindu claimed that Hanuman was a
devotee of Ram and thus a Hindu. Similarly, a Christian claimed Hanuman
to be of his faith and a Buddhist as his own. Finally. A Sikh said that
Hanuman was a sardar. His logic was that what else you would call a deity
who set his tail on fire and then burnt a village because someone kidnapped
someone elses woman. Here we are confused about our future just because
the American call it their war.
Rustam Shah Mohmand observed: The military operation, currently
underway in Bara area of Khyber Agency was preceded by a deliberately
orchestrated campaign of raising the spectre of an imminent attack on
Peshawar. Who will attack Peshawar with what weapons and, more
importantly, with what objectives and goals was not spelt out in the
doomsday scenario painted by the protagonists of such a potent threat.
Hype was created as if a force of pro-Taliban elements, by the
thousands, was ready to invade Peshawar. There were even reports that
Mangal Bagh, the local chieftain of Bara had collected a force of 5,000
armed men who would come into action as soon as orders are given. As it
turned out the chieftain had a handful of followers who quietly left,
along with him, for Tirah, the largely inaccessible Afridi country.
The hype was created ostensibly to induce the federal government to
provide massive assistance and agree to a substantial increase in the
provincial security forces. It was also a ploy to create a jurisdiction for an
ingress into Bara, by far the easiest target to hit, because Mangal Bagh had
declared, in most unambiguous terms, that if attacked, he would not strike
back and retaliate against government security forces and installations.
Yet another objective of the operation was to send a positive
message to external mentors of our government that action is finally
underway. It was not realized that Bara had nothing to do with the Talibanlike insurgency that is sweeping parts of the tribal areas.
698

What was intriguing is that the path of dialogue, as an instrument of

engagement with the tribes in Waziristan, Bajaur, Mohmand and Swat was
abandoned in the case of Bara. The fact of the matter is that with lawlessness
growing, institutions breaking down the fear of institutionalized retribution
waning, the citizens feel more and more vulnerable. In this state of growing
decline of order, certain elements, driven by religious frenzy, have, from
time to time, attacked video shops, cinema houses But such activists can
be counted on fingertips. It was baffling therefore to read statements
about an impending assault on Peshawar.
There is a certain sinister motive behind this wholly unfounded
claim of an attack on major cities. It had more to do with generating a sense
of insecurity and in the garb of such a climate of fear and alarm launch an
operation to dislodge Mangal Bagh, the chief of Lashkar-i-Islam from his
position as a de facto administrator of Bara.
It must be recognized that the activity in area had nothing to do
with the Taliban movement. Secondly, the movement had considerable
local support and following. That does not imply that the government should
allow or tolerate any parallel system of administration to emerge. But the
operation would be seen by many as a deviation from the half-hearted policy
of engaging with the resistance in the process of dialogue.
Now that the operation is underway the government must ensure:
a) There is no collateral damage. b) The operation must be ended since the
chieftain has left the area and his houses have been destroyed. c) The
political agent assumes full control over and total responsibility for dealing
with any possible backlash or reaction from those that have been hit hard in
the operation. d) The process of dialogue with the disenchanted groups of
tribesmen in FATA must continue.
Omar R Quraishi called it eyewash. Earlier this weekarticle by
Mohammad Malick on the operation to root out militancy in Khyber
Agency. Titled quite courageously The Bara Operation is a lie, plain and
simple, the article quoted from the writers own account of having traveled
through part of Khyber Agency and coming with the conclusion that the
operation was more or less an eyewash apparently to appease the
Americans and to make Pakistanis think that the government and the
military were finally getting tough on rooting out militancy.
The writer also quoted an officer posted with the paramilitary
Mehsud Scouts, with whom he had had a conversation at a check-post on the
Tirah-Jamrud road, who told him, anonymously of course, that the security
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for the commandant of the force was usually provided by Haji

Namdars men, the very militants that the government was attempting to
remove from Khyber Agency.
Going beyond these observations, several questions come to mind,
and they relate to events both prior to and after the launch of the operation.
For instance, on June 30 a mysterious explosion blew up a safe house used
by Haji Namdar and his men in which at least seven people were killed,
mostly militants. However, quite strangely, the authorities kept on insisting
that the house was not targeted by them and that the explosion occurred
because of explosives stored in it. But a spokesman for TTP claimed that
the house had been attacked by a US drone.
Even when the government did claim to go after such elements, all it
did was blow up some housesbut neither he nor any of his senior
commanders, or even foot soldiers for that matter were anywhere close to
these structures. Of course, how can you possibly expect the target of your
operation to be in his home when you announce several days in advance
that you will launch an operation against him this is precisely what the
government did when several of its senior functionaries kept saying for days
that an operation in Khyber Agency was about to happen. No wonder that by
the time Mangal Baghs house was blown up, he was said to be far away in
Tirah Valley.
As for other operational issues, the government had said that the
army chief would be the overall in charge of the operation but as of July 1
no army units were seen to be participating in the offensive other than
pictures of army tanks positioned outside Hayatabad and the operation was
being conducted by the paramilitary FC. As for the FC, its chief, a majorgeneral, told a press conference on the day that the operationwould last
around five to six days again details that did not necessarily need to be
given to the media
Unless the operation targets the real problem in Waziristan, Bajaur,
and increasingly Mohmand and Kurram agencies, it is not going to be of
much use in tackling increasing Talibanization. The point being made by a
growing chorus of skeptics that this noora kushti was more to placate a
visiting senior US official and to ready the environment, so to speak, for the
prime ministers visit to America at the end of this month, is now beginning
to sound credible at the very least and not yet another conspiracy theory.
Javed Aziz Khan had similar views: The paramilitary operation,
Sirat-e-Mustaqeem, launched in the Peshawar and Bara sub-division of
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Khyber Agency since June 28, does not seem to have served the purpose
which was to secure the main city of the Frontier province from any
militant attack. The groups are still very much around and their members
can be roused into unity anytime. However, the deployment of contingents
of Anti-Terrorism Squad and Frontier Constabulary on boundaries between
Peshawar and the tribal areas was a good omen and it could serve to ward
off attacks from the outside. In addition the forces are now equipped with
sophisticated weaponry and armoured vans to stop any incursion from
Khyber Agency in the West, Darra Adamkhel in the south and Mohmand
Agency in the north
Rehman Malik, advisor to the Prime Minister on Interior is
optimistic that Peshawar has been secured from any threat from militants.
The objectives of the operation have been achieved to a great extent. Now,
there is no threat to the capital city, remarks the top security official of the
country.
Security forces are still moving forward in Bara while others are on
red alert in rural Peshawar. But the elements against which the operation has
been launched are very mush present in the areas, now under the control of
the Frontier Corps. Instead of conducting eyewash of an operation, the
government should adopt a clear-cut policy towards FATA and the
Frontier, which should not be to please the US and the West but to improve
the life of the people of these areas.
Rahimullah Yusufzai opined: The government had little choice but
to act against the militants operating out of Khyber Agencys Bara area
following the forays by the latter into Peshawar and the abduction of people,
including Christians, from the city. It was under pressure to secure the
Frontier metropolis even though it soon became apparent that the threat to
the provincial capital was exaggerated.
The action by the paramilitary Frontier Corps isnt the tough
assault that the US and some Pakistanis expected would target the
Pakistani Taliban. There are Taliban sympathizers in Bara and the rest of
Khyber Agency but they arent organized and havent been involved in any
significant anti-government or anti-state activity. The three main militant
groups based in Bara and the remote Tirah Valley have never identified with
the Taliban and have refused to join the Baitullah Mehsud-led TTP.
The military operation had limited objectives. It primarily aimed at
clearing Bara town, sited about 12 kilometers from Peshawar, and its
surroundings of militants and re-establishing the governments writ in the
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area. The government, some months ago, lost control of Bara to the Lashkari-Islam group led by Mangal Bagh, who sent his armed men to patrol the
town and the outlying village and implement the strict code of Shariah. The
militants also provided security to Bara traders and shopkeepers
In due course of time, Mangal Bagh began receiving
representations from citizens in and around Peshawar seeking his
intervention in their disputes or requesting him to fight crime and vices.
This also amounted to an indictment of the police, which doesnt inspire
confidence among the people and is often suspected of being in league with
criminals. Ambitious as he was, he gradually extended his area of operations
to Peshawar.
It appears that the ongoing FC operation in Bara would be halted
in the near future. The government could even try and establish secret
contacts with the militants and seek peaceful co-existence. At this stage, the
government doesnt want to take on the Pakistani Taliban militants operating
in other tribal agencies such as South Waziristan, Mohmand and Bajaur
agencies. However, it is trying to split the groups of Pakistani Taliban by
creating differences in their ranks.
It would be nave to think that Baitullah Mehsud has been
sufficiently weakened and rendered vulnerable. He is still the most
powerful commander of Pakistani Taliban. His TTP enjoys allegiance of a
number of Taliban groups in tribal and settled areas. It could lose ground to
the new and rival group of Taliban over a period of time, provided the
government made available the resources to win over bands of militants. As
for Baitullah Mehsud, He was pragmatic enough to allow the Swati militants
to resume peace talks with the NWFP government as continued violence in
Swat was depriving Maulana Fazlullah of whatever little support he had
The government, on its part, has also given up the option of
negotiating peace with militants. It no doubt is under tremendous pressure
by the US and its NATO allies to carry out military operations against
the likes of Baitullah Mehsud. This pressure is being applied through various
means including frequent visits by US government officials, NATO military
commanders, media leaks and reports compiled by Western think-tanks.
The Pakistani military right now doesnt seem interested in
carrying out more operations in the dangerous tribal areas. Instead, it
wants the PPP-led coalition government in the centre and the ANP-headed
administration in the NWFP to shoulder greater responsibility in tackling

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militancy and pacifying the violence-hit tribal and settled areas through
political means. The militarys patience hasnt run out or so it seems.
Mahir Ali observed: After the incursion by the Frontier Corps into
Mangal Baghs zone of influence, the federal governments security
factotum Rehman Malik advised the residents of Peshawar to sleep easy
tonight because we are awake. They are unlikely to heed that advice if
they share the apprehension of the ANPs Afrasiab Khattak, who believes
that Bagh and his not particularly merry men are creatures of the ISI
The Washington Posts correspondent, meanwhile, quoted a senior
Pakistani government official in Peshawar as saying that high-ranking
military intelligence officials in Islamabadhad ordered authorities in
Peshawar to allow Bagh to continue operating his shadow government.
Such reports do not necessarily lend credence to longstanding concerns
that elements in the military intelligence have continued consorting with
elements of the jihadi variety in violation of their superiors orders. They
provide considerably greater cause for alarm, given that rogue junior officers
would hardly have the gumption to issue instructions to senior government
officials.
It is all very well to accuse the new government of being out of its
depth in the context of the so-called war on terror, but the old one
which lives on despite Asif Ali Zardaris sporadic exclamations to the effect
that a Sindhi jiyala will shortly be ensconced in the presidency can hardly
claim much credit.
It is annoying, of course, to hear Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani
repeat ad nauseam that his government will negotiate only with militants
who lay down their arms, when he must be aware that all manner of contacts
exist without this condition being met. But Gilani can plausibly plead
ignorance in some cases, given that the army doesnt keep the civilian
authorities informed of all its activities. This luxury isnt available to
Pervez Musharraf or at least it wasnt for as long as he was army chief.
Now that full authority in matters related to military operations has
been handed to Musharrafs successor Gen Ashfaq Kayani, it remains to be
seen whether he is inclined to dismantle the khaki-jihadi nexus, and whether
under his command the combination of negotiations and military force can
be implemented intelligently, in a manner that establishes the governments
writ in frontier regions without further alienating those sections of the
local population that desire little more than a peaceful existence and means
of sustenance.
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It is a huge, but not insurmountable challenge. The alternatives are

exceedingly unpleasant to contemplate, even if one is disinclined to swallow
wholesale Maulana Fazlur Rahmans warning about the complete loss of
government control in the NWFP, let alone permanently exiled MQM chief
Altaf Hussains visions of doom about a Taliban takeover of Karachi. At the
same time, the temptation to follow the preferred US prescription of massive
attack must be resisted
It is inevitable that, in the wake of Mondays dastardly attack on the
Indian embassy in Kabul, fingers will once again be pointed in Pakistans
direction, and it may well be the case that the accusation is not entirely
without substance. It is vital, however, not to lose sight of the bigger truth
that, ultimately, stability in the region is contingent on Afghanistan regaining
its sovereignty. Thats still a remote prospect and Pakistan must, in the
meanwhile, soldier on but not in the direction dictated by the likes of
Mangal Bagh or Baitullah Mehsud.
Karamatullah K Ghori saw it as US-friendly operation. The latest
visit, in comparison, must be relaxing to Boucher, giving him the
reassurance that all is well and the new elite, with a civilian faade, is doing
exactly as was expected of it. Thats the magical effect of the Pakistani
establishments America syndrome. Change of faces in the Pakistani
oligarchy doesnt make much of a difference in terms of policy. Even a
popularly elected government cant sustain, for even a few weeks, its claim
of being its own master and determined to forge policies free from alien
influence and dictation.
The Gilani government had assumed its office by minting the slogan
of a break with the past. It had vowed that it would shun the path of
confrontation with the Pakistani militants and accord priority, instead, to
reconciliation and dialogue. What has so radically changed in three month to
impact the government policy so heavily and switch its radar back to the
path of confrontation?
To the abiding dismay of the people of Pakistan the greatest regret is
that nothing has changed in the mindset of the rulers. This is despite the
fact that the so-called militants havent challenged the governments writ to
the extent where a security crackdown against them could become the only
option left with the government
What was it, then, that so rankled the ruling elite that it decided to
abandon its own peace initiative and fall back on the tried and tested option
of force? For an answer to this riddle, revisit the reaction from
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Washington to the very announcement of the new governments intents

to talk with militants. There were howls of protest, from Bush downward,
as if the civilian government was committing an act of sacrilege. Washington
quickly got down to sabotaging the deal by recklessly sending its drones
and, later, missiles slamming into the tribal territory,, killing innocent
people.
This policy was coupled with bouquets of camaraderie with Pervez
Musharraf, whom the Washington cabal still revered as an elected leader.
In addition to Pakistans defence establishment being solidly pro-American,
Washington can also call upon the services of legions of influential
supporters of its policies within the ranks of the new civilian hierarchy.
The most prominent of which is the interior advisor, Rehman Malik. Another
is Hussain Haqqani, whom one would be hard put to describe clearly
whether he is Pakistans envoy to US or the neocons factotum in their own
capital? The Pakistani Diaspora in America can see through him; he was
booed out of a recent gathering of Pakistani physicians in Washington.
Let this be clearly understood that peace in Afghanistan is not on the
neocon agenda of an endless war. The Americans are there on an
indefinite haul, because Afghanistan is vital on so many counts. Its
crucial as the conduit they so desperately seek to exploit the gas and oil
resources of Central Asia.
By the same token, peace in the tribal areas of Pakistan is not an
option for the warmongers because tranquility on the Pakistan-Afghanistan
borders would diminish the incentive for Pakistan to remain a frontline
soldier in Bushs war on terror.
No surprise, therefore, the tribal area is lit up with fireworks when
least expected. Pakistanis must have become fully accustomed to such
fireworks being staged whenever an envoy of George W Bush is about to
visit Pakistan or, alternatively, an emissary from Pakistan is about to embark
on the pilgrimage to Washington. At this juncture its both
Cyril Almeida opined: His (Nawazs) idea of supporting the
coalition from the outside is to disown everything the government does. The
N-League has become the political life from hell, nagging the government
on every issue it can think of, micro and macro.
Militancy, rather than doing something to stop the militants, is the
Leagues biggest peeve. Nawaz and company tell us that the militants
should be engaged in dialogue. Yes, if dialogue was the name of a new
weapon. Its absurd. There exists in this country of ours a TTP, Swat
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chapter. As if its an international philanthropic organization or a sports club.

But the N-League wants us to hug and kiss the militants. And talk politely.
The tough talk is reserved for its coalition partner, the PPP.
Siddqul Farooq, mouthpiece of the League, was a phone-in guest and
was spouting his partys usual line of wanting peace and lambasting the
government for not consulting his party on the Khyber operation. When
Farooq repeated ad nauseum that dialogue was the way ahead, I asked him
an elementary question: what do Mangal Bagh, Ansarul Islam and Haji
Naamdar want? Surely if the N-League knows how to deal with this issue,
they must know something about these men. The Leaguers wouldnt
suggest a solution without knowing the problem, would they?
They would. Or at least thats what they are saying publicly. Farooq
couldnt tell me what Khybers bad boys wanted because, well, the record
hadnt been placed before parliament. Heres an idea for the N-League: read
a newspaper. Or pick up a phone and dial Bara. What they will find is that
the government is trying to pass the appearance of doing something
against militancy for actually doing something against militancy.
The Khyber war that the paramilitary forces have gone in to stamp
out is a festering Deobandi-Barelvi dispute. In the black corner are the
Deobandi, Mufti Munir Shakir, and his Lashkar-i-Islam. In the green corner
stand Barelvi, Pir Saifur Rehman, and his Ansarul Islam. The two are
amongst the original crop of Mullah FMs who used their illegal radio
broadcasts to spew venom against each other.
Predictably, violence erupted in Khyber. Equally predictably, the
state was tardy in asserting its authority. The dueling preachers were
finally forced out of Khyber in 2006, but not before passing on the torch of
bigotry and intolerance to their followers. Enter Mangal Bagh, a little man
with big aspirations, who donned Mufti Shakirs mantle of the selfproclaimed defender of the local Deobandi population against foreign,
mystical Barelvi preachers. To any one familiar with Mr Bagh, the man is a
thug. But since he has wrapped himself up in the cloak of Islam, the NLeague thinks we must hold his hand and listen to him. Almeida could not
mention so many other thugs in variety of cloaks, perhaps, for want of
column space allocated by the editor.
There is a third character up in Khyber. Sitting pretty is one Haji
Naamdar. He is one of the promotion-of-virtue-and-prevention-of-vice
groups. Of the three groups, the only one which is genuinely believed to
have connections with the Taliban is Mr Naamdars. But Naamdar has
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made himself useful by lately turning on the Taliban and Baitullah Mehsud,
making him a state favourite for now.
The farcical operation in Bara should be criticized. The N-League
though has grabbed the hind legs of reason. While its well and good to put
down thugs and stamp out religious wars, its dangerously disingenuous to
foist it off as a battle against Taliban. However, Nawaz was cynically
calculated that he needs to distance himself from everything unpopular the
government does, so that he isnt tarred with the same brush in case things
go wrong. Tough times call for statesmen, but Pakistan is blessed with
snivelers.
The menace of bomb blasts had re-surfaced. Kadar Khan wrote about
the one that occurred in Islamabad. The suicide blast in Islamabad is very
tragic! However, the question is, what is the elected government in Pakistan
doing? Coalition parties in the government prior to getting in power
promised the Pakistani people and the rest of the world they will take care of
extremism rather effectively since they have their roots in people. What
happened?
They are in power more than several months now! Seems, the
downward spiral for Pakistan started soon after they go into power and now
his downward turn is gaining strength by the days. Are they really interested
in solving problems? Or the so-called mandate is to place and transfer
SHOs and SOs of their choice? Are these failures pointing out that the
current set-up is only good for making money out of transfers? And, wasting
the nations precious time meanwhile taking it to the brink for an ultimate
disaster?
The Dawn commented: Since the bombing coincided with the
anniversary of last years crackdown on Lal Masjid, it is widely believed
that the suicide bomber and those behind him have extracted a revenge
on the government. More than the death and destruction they have caused,
the brains behind the attack on the police party have announced triumphantly
that they are not only back with a vengeance; they are also capable of
striking anytime, anywhere.
Whatever has been happening in FATA and Swat for the last many
years, and the vehemence with which the Taliban have been killing Pakistani
soldiers and civilians, makes it clear that what we are witnessing is more
than terrorism; it is a full-fledged rebellion against the state. Either you take
the enemy head-on or shirk duty and let the Taliban threaten the very state
structure society itself.
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Going by the wounds the Taliban have inflicted on the Pakistani

people, the innocent men, women and children they have killed and the
brutality they have demonstrated, the government has to treat this war as
Pakistans own war. But any observer of the scene will be struck by what
appears to be a lack of resolve on the governments part to crush this
mischief that by any standards is the greatest threat to Pakistan.
There are Taliban sympathizers in the establishment, especially the
army. In society, too, powerful sections even though in a minority and
utterly indifferent to the nations long-term interests tacitly approve of this
blood-letting. But then the government has no choice but to make an
obvious decision to fight this rebellion. For this the security agencies must
equip themselves with the training and scientific methods to fight terrorism,
which has assumed the deadly form of suicide bombing.
The Dawn also wrote on serial bombings in Karachi. Certain
characteristics about Mondays terror attack stand out: the fatalities
were low because the explosive devices did not have the devastating
lethality of the kind seen in terrorist attacks by the Taliban in the north.
Secondly, they were planted away from crowds and triggered at places
designed to sow and spread panic and terror rather than kill. Third, the
targets chosen were not ethnic-specific. Clearly, the blasts do not fit into any
given pattern. The third characteristic is tangent to the ground realities.
It is true that Taliban leader Baitullah Mehsud threatened to carry
terror into Punjab and Sindh, but the Taliban-sponsored attacks have a
signature about them, for they invariably have a specific target, of late
they have been targeting security personnel, even though they do not mind
civilians also being killed as collateral damage. Besides, most of their terror
attacks use suicide bombers. No suicide bomber was involved in Mondays
blasts, for they were not target specific.
Because of the mysterious nature of the blasts, some comments can
be made with a degree of such accuracy as is possible under the
circumstances. The attacks have been carried out by a well-organized
group. It has kept its strength in reserve, and Mondays blasts can be
interpreted as a warning that the performance can be repeated the next
blast could be deadlier.
The terror comes at a time when Sindhs two major parties the PPP
and the MQM are trying to work their coalition, and they have removed
some irritants, like the KWSBs control. Is any hidden hand trying to disturb
the citys peace and wreck the coalition that in the past had proved to be
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quite fragile? It would be a pity if the security sleuths fail to lay their
hands on what obviously is a big group well organized, well funded and
adequately armed. It must be smashed before it strikes again.
Tahir Iqbal Jadoon from Islamabad opined: The recent bomb blasts in
Karachi and Islamabad have proved to be another failure on the part of
the intelligence agencies. Throughout the world, the intelligence agencies
are meant to counter terrorist acts but in case of Pakistan they come and
inform about the site of bomb blasts, the number of casualties and injured. Is
this the job of professional people?
Although the Government of Pakistan has rejected such coward acts,
mere lip service will not do anything. We need to revise our policies and
formulate our foreign as well as domestic policies according to ground
realities. The biggest reality today is that one cannot win wars with force.
Dialogue is the best solution.
Moez Mobeen from Islamabad wrote: The recent series of bomb
attacks in Karachi are yet another proof of the extremely high cost of the
war on terror which the Pakistani government is fighting at the behest
of America and Britain. Eight years before, not many among the Pakistani
masses were aware of the fact that this war would one day bring destruction
and catastrophe at their very doorstep, as many saw the war as an Afghan
problem, although they still disapproved of it.
However, the policy makers, on the other hand exactly knew what
was in store for Pakistan. anyone having a fair idea of the geo-politics of the
region knows that the Durand Line is more of a provincial division than an
international border, meaning an attack on Helmand, Khost, Kandahar,
Paktika, Nangarhar and Kunar would be considered by tribal Pakhtuns as an
attack on NWFP and Balochistan. However, the policy makers chose to
ignore this fact conjuring up the most unrealistic policy ever towards
the Afghan populace, the policy of Pakistan First and unnaturally dividing
the Pakhtuns within the borders drawn by the colonial British Empire.
Pakistan must accept that the war on terror was waged against
itself, as much as it was against the Afghani Muslims. What the Americans
want Pakistan to do is to continue this war for many decades to come, where
Pakistan is expected to bomb, kill or arrest its own citizens or let them be
bombed, killed or arrested by NATO and American forces. No matter what
the Pakistani government and policy makers say, the fact remains that the
war on terror is not our war. America is not in a position to coerce Pakistan
into submission after the Iraq debacle and what we are witnessing in
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Afghanistan. It is high time we part our ways from this immoral, inhumane,
self destructive and anti-Islam war.
Rustam Shah Mohmand, former ambassador to Kabul, expressed his
views on Kabul Blast. The blast has exposed the fragile administrative
structure that has been in place in the country for some time now. The
breaskdown of institutions remains one of the biggest impediments to good
governance in matters of security, law and order, intelligence gathering In
the absence of adequately trained and sufficiently motivated civil servants, it
remains a gigantic task to put in place viable institutional mechanisms that
could deliver on vital fronts such as the collection of timely intelligence a
failure that we share with the Afghans.
The allegation of Pakistani involvement, although a routine
diatribe, is wholly inconsistent with the ground realities. Firstly, why
should Pakistan choose to be a party to an incident for which it would
inevitably be blamed by the Afghans? What would Pakistan gain as a result
of such a dastardly attack? Thirdly, the United States wields enormous
influence in both Afghanistan and Pakistan. How could Pakistan encourage
such an act which runs totally contrary to US policy?
The most recent development in the context of the insurgency in
Afghanistan is that a growing number of Tajiks, Uzbeks and Turkmen are
joining the Taliban movement. It is impossible that some of these new
entrants to the attack. Taking advantage of their non-Pakhtun identity, they
may have organized the logistics for the blast.
There are also strong groups within the Afghan government that
have serious differences with the president on many issues, mostly personal.
They too could have engineered the attack. Such is the scale of their anger
and acrimony that it would not be illogical to assume that elements indeed
had a hand in the blast.
Pakistani policymakers and diplomats are confronted with a huge
damage-control challenge. Islamabad must firmly see out this very
difficult phase in its relations with Kabul as well as Delhi. In doing so, it
should not place total reliance on official contacts. Once the spadework has
been done and the dust has settled, Pakistan should seek to promote peopleto-people contacts as a means of a sustainable and constructive engagement
with its two vital neighbours.
The Dawn wrote: It is instructive to note that New Delhi itself has
not yet blamed Islamabad for Mondays attack on its embassy, even though
India is the aggrieved party and has lost five personnel. But it was brother
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Karzai who rang up Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to say

that the attack had been carried out by the enemies of good relations
between Afghanistan and India.
Because of the presence of the US-led forces in Afghanistan and the
kind of situation that exists on both sides of the Durand Line, what is needed
is an effort to step up coordination and reduce areas of friction and
misunderstanding rather than contribute to tension with wild allegations that
play into the Talibans hands. In the wake of last months attack on Pakistani
security personnel in the Mohmand area, it was decided to activate the
tripartite commission. The authorities in Kabul should have taken up the
matter with the commission and later raised the issue with Islamabad
instead of going public with unsubstantiated allegations.
The visit of Richard Boucher was another event which drew attention
of the analysts. Alizeh Haider wrote: Richard Bouchers trip to Pakistan
has been but a sad reaffirmation of the flawed American policies which,
for years, have only gained dividends by way of Anti-American sentiments
not only in Pakistan but in many other countries over the world.
True to character, America is not listening. It is not listening when
Pakistanis tell them that we would like America to stop interfering in our
internal matters. It is not listening when we tell them that they must stop
financially and politically cosseting our army so it becomes a parallel force
within the state and loses all accountability to the government. It is not
listening when we tell them that we do not wish to be treated as a colony.
And it is certainly not listening (and God knows we have run our throats
dry!) that Musharraf does not have the peoples mandate to be the president
of our country, he is not acceptable to us and he must go.
Mr Boucher claimed that the US had a policy of developing
friendship with the people of Pakistan, instead of individuals.
Unfortunately, the political history of Pak-American relations proffers
evidence to the contrary. Far from developing friendship with the people,
America has consistently and purposefully funded and supported
autocratic and dictatorial regimes in Pakistan which have worked tooth
and nail to ensure that democratic processes are never established in
Pakistan and democratic governments never gain a strong foothold.
Mr Boucher tells us that frankly, President Musharraf is not the
issue right now. He further advises us to focus on curbing militancy and
control rising food prices instead of wasting energy over Pervez
Musharrafs political future.
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What Mr Boucher has ignored, perhaps deliberately, is the fact that

these problems are directly sourced in the eight years of misrule by
Pervez Musharraf and his so-called financial wizards. The warped
phenomenon of religious militancy threatening to possess our country and
the bloody horrors of suicide bombings striking at the heart of our cities
were previously unknown to us. There is strong evidence that Musharraf not
only failed to effectively curb the spread of religious fanaticism and
religious militancy in Pakistan, but through our malevolent intelligence
agencies was in many ways patronizing it.
Moreover, it is hard to see how Mr Boucher has disconnected the
existence of a divisive president from the atmosphere of instability,
uncertainty and hostility created by his presence. Contrary to Mr Bouchers
statement, Musharraf is very much the issue
By not withdrawing its support for General Musharraf and by not
amending its failed policies regarding this so-called war on terror, America
has damned the people of Pakistan to suffer the unprecedented and
unchecked growth of religious fanatics, extremists and militants in its
homeland.
It is clear that America has made up its mind to continue with its
myopic policies and is going to continue to shut out the people of
Pakistan from the most important decisions regarding their own country. Mr
Bouchers message is clear: America will continue its support for dictatorial
military rulers in Pakistan, because curiously, it thinks that that is where its
interest is best served.
Masood Hasan observed: Long, boring discussions on the state of
the country leave most distressed viewers further distressed, and no one
after hours of low-grade intellectual bombardment is any wiser. To add to
the tidal wave of confusion that already has brought down the electricity
poles, turned cities into swamps and caused mayhem far and wide, the
arrival of this hotchpotch of philosophers adds more misery and clouds even
on issues that, miraculously, still retain some distant clarity.
Truth has taken a big hit in all this. A few nights ago, a war image
from besieged Hayatabad in Peshawar flashed across millions of homes in
the country. It showed a steely-eyed jawan of the Bahadur Fauj staring dead
ahead with a vicious looking machinegun keeping him company. Behind
him, on a gaily painted road marking a section of a main Hayatabad
boulevard rumbled a convoy of APCs and jeeps overflowing with armed-toteeth commando types. The commentary said that things had returned to
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normal in Hayatabad! If this was normal, had Pakistans think tanks

manufactured a new language, or was it the same old lies dressed up as
second-hand truth?
But wait, Pakistan Army is not in Hayatabad, so say senior
government functionaries perhaps it was the prime minister who uttered
this polished gem that is if he got some time off from laying floral wreaths at
the mazaars of saints and dervishes. If its not the Pakistan Army in its many
disguises, who is it? More confusion, more tearing of hair, more gashing of
teeth. This is a strange operation since all it seems to do is blow up
empty and deserted homes with not a single piece of furniture or any
evidence that these were indeed occupied at one time. If anything, they look
like having been uninhabited since the time of Alexander.
But maybe Mr Boucher is happy to count the demolished bricks and
report success to DC. It is now an established fact that he arrives with more
regularity than the sun rises in Islamabad, and when he does, we put a songand-dance extravaganza complete with fireworks and demolition
handymen showing off their skills. When he is gone, the actors melt into
the shadows, only to return when a new dance routine is to be presented.
The News commented on Qureshi-Condy meeting. US Secretary of
State Condoleezza Rice and Pakistani Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood
Qureshi have had what Querishi has described as a candid meeting in
Washington. As would be expected, the issue of the war on terror occupied
prime place during the talks. Reports from Washington say Qureshi was
given a harsh tongue-lashing by the secretary of state, who made no
bones about US displeasure over the Taliban resurgence in Pakistans
northern areas. The policy of holding talks with militants also met with stern
US disapproval.
The lack of agreement between Islamabad and the US over the
militant issue naturally complicates the task of defeating terrorism. But
the US needs to recognize that over the past seven years, when it has,
through its ally President Pervez Musharraf, been firmly in charge of
strategy and been able to dictate policy in some cases even at the micro
level the militant problem has expanded at alarming speed. Instead of
receding, extremist militias hold sway everywhere and it seems obvious that
the tactic of force alone has not worked.
In the final run the resurgence of militancy in the country is its
problem. The biggest threat it poses is to national security. Pakistans foreign
minister and others on his team need to persuade Washington to take its cues
713

from Islamabad in fighting the ongoing war. But at the same time, Pakistan
must be certain it has an unambiguous policy, so that it can convincingly
persuade others to back it and ensure there is a common front against the
looming menace of terror.
The war along western border continued to be commented upon in
general. The Dawn saw it as US-Pakistan dilemma. The US is a country
Pakistanis love to hate. In the keynote address to the Socialist International
Congress in Athens, Asif Zardari claimed that Pakistan is a Petri dish of
international terrorism which was a product of failed international politics
and not our own creation. While Mr Zardari did not specifically point a
finger at the US, it was clear which country he was referring to. While most
would agree that the US does share the blame for militancy here, there is a
propensity to blame America for all that ails this country.
On the Pakistani side, it must be understood that the primary
American concern is militancy in Pakistan. While the US has 35,000
troops in Afghanistan who are in the crosshairs of militants regionally,
Pakistans tribal areas are considered a likely source of the next 9/11; and a
matter of concern to Washington is that Pakistan has nuclear weapons. From
the American perspective, these facts demand firm and conclusive action
against militants inside Pakistan. Although for its own sake Pakistan cannot
afford to postpone any longer the day of reckoning against militants on
home territory. Its strategy tends to be ambivalent. That no doubt provokes
America.
America must understand that Pakistan needs the carrot as much
as the stick to pass on to its people. Islamabad also must not appear to be
taking orders from Washington. Hence public reaction to Richard Bouchers
statement expressing concern at the cold war among coalition partners and
not enough being done in FATA may not be so positive.
American soft-power can and must be used to achieve more.
Fighting the war against militants militarily and politically requires the
cooperation of the Pakistani state, but it will all come to naught if the public
continues to see the real enemy as the US. America must help Pakistan help
itself, even if previously the Bush and Musharraf administrations did not see
the virtue in doing so.
To Adil Zareef it was nothing but sponsored anarchy. A leading antiglobalization scholar, Michel Chosudovsay, in his book, Americas War on
Terrorism considers the prevailing and perpetual chaos in international
politics as sponsored anarchy by the neocons. This is in line with the
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imperial doctrine of creating crises in pursuit of Americas geopoliticalstrategic interests. To achieve these, the US needs bogey personalities,
bogey issues, and bogey events. It is in this light that one must see the
unfolding events in NWFP.
Zareef briefly mentioned the events of distant and recent past to prove
this point and then added: The PPP-ANP-MQM acceptance of Musharraf
as a de facto ruler on the instructions of the US, with virtually no control
on the state apparatus since Pakistans unenviable embrace of the US
strategic interests, would not allow an elected government to make
independent decisions on economy, security and foreign policy what Tony
Benn considers, the purse, the sword and sovereignty. Pakistan never
possessed control of these vital matters.
Amazing but true, Mangal Bagh is vying for peace again and the
political administration will predictably accept his demands, compensating
him heavily for damages during the army action primarily geared to deflect
the agonized public over spiraling prices, the restoration of judges besides,
of course, to placate either a restless NATO or choreographed rehearsal
for NATOs intruding forces is open to speculation as there are many
conspiracy theories.
The ongoing hyped operation will bear no positive results as
Mangal Bagh and Haji Naamdar took cover along with their paraphernalia,
ahead of the military action; rockets raining on vacated housing. As in Swat,
after a truce and an official pardon they will reorganize to stage more
mayhem with greater ferocity.
As their lives and livelihoods get ravaged, the irony of helpless war
victims is that they are being arrested under FCR in the absence of human
rights bodies. Even more gruesome is the deregulation and structural
adjustment regime, the hamstrung government has agreed to on
Washingtons terms. Our choice to either live or even die is decided in the
echelons of power far away, with billions of aid money pouring in for this
so-called war against terror amid perpetuation of poverty and hunger
ANP and PPP have sadly done a U-turn on their electoral
idealism. The resolve to tame the presidency and empower the parliament
has become irrelevant. Whats worse is that the electoral pledge to integrate
FATA into the NWFP or grant it an autonomous status seems forgotten.
The News read change in Americas tune. General Kayani is hearing
a different sort of music. Unlike his predecessor, General Musharraf, he is
not in the loop when it comes to the US keeping the Pakistani military
715

informed at to impending over-flights, artillery and mortar strikes. The

euphemistically phrased trust deficit is a clear indicator of a shift away
from a quasi-collaborative relationship to now more closely allied to
military expediency American military expediency and had the
consequences.
There is a build-up of NATO and US forces, both at sea with the
movement of the carrier Abraham Lincoln from the Gulf to the Arabian Sea
and abutting the northern borders with Afghanistan that hardly sounds
like a gentle lullaby either. The carrier movement is of particular
significance as it stretches the American operational envelope and strike
potential to cover the entire country. This is not to suggest that we are going
to see American carrier-based aircraft bombing Wana in the near future, this
is unlikely, but it adds a heavy note to the tune now coming our way.
The top US military commander, Admiral Mike Mullen, is being very
blunt when he says: Theres clearly not enough pressure being brought to
bear, particularly on the Pakistani side of the border. Theres more freedom
there. Unpack the statement and run it alongside the trust deficit and you
get the diplomatic equivalent of a poke in the eye with a sharp stick. Hot
pursuit the chasing of targets into Pakistan by foreign forces is in all
probability being signaled by these tonal shifts, and given the volatility of
the Tribal Areas, the virtual anti-Americanism in many parts of the country
and the political fragility we are currently experiencing, such a move could
have severe negative consequences.
Dr Farrukh Saleem saw the Yanks coming. He enumerated ten events
of the recent past as proof of his assessment and then said: Pakistan is on
fire. The chief fireman is in Dubai. The fire platoon chief is in London. All
other fire lieutenants are either in Kuala Lumpur, New York or just put up in
the sky floating around at state expense. When was the last time Sonia
Gandhi invited her party to Dubai?
The Dawn wrote: The chorus of American voices calling for action
against militants in Pakistan continues to grow Two things must
happen for a disaster to be averted. First, the US must cool the talk of
military action inside Pakistan. Second, Islamabad must act more firmly
against the militants, especially the Taliban redoubts inside FATA.
A disingenuous debate on whether Pakistan is fighting an American
war or our war has clouded the fact that no state can tolerate militants who
obey no authority other than their own on its soil. The only people who
ought to be welcomed from the Middle East, North Africa and Central Asia
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in Pakistan are tourists, businessmen and academics, not militants out to

remake the regional order to their own liking.
Talat A Wizarat opined: In spite of stronger reaction from Pakistanis
the Pentagon continued to insist that its forces were justified in acting the
way they did. There was no indication of regret or guilt which was
disappointing for an average Pakistani. The question is why are the US and
NATO forces resorting to such naked aggression at this point in time?
One explanation is that the resistance against the occupation is
gaining greater strength with every passing day. Reasons for this
development are to be found in the internal situation of Afghanistan and the
ethos of Afghan people. Since the occupation of Afghanistan by the US-led
coalition, the country has been bleeding constantly. The foreign troops have
shown little regard for human lives. They have killed with impunity
The US has been ignoring the internal causes and focused rather
exclusively on external factors. They believe that without support from proTaliban elements in Pakistan the resistance movement would not have
gathered momentum. The memories of 1980s still haunt the US policymakers when they used Pakistan to fight the Soviet forces occupying
Afghanistan. In their calculations if Pakistans role was instrumental in
defeating the Soviet forces it must be of the essence today as well.
The US has long-term objectives in the region, one of which is to
strengthen Afghanistan at the expense of Pakistan. They assume that
Afghanistan can be more easily used against rival powers. However,
Pakistan would be less vulnerable to these pressure tactics if it succeeds in
achieving the confidence of tribes living in the FATA region as well as the
people of the NWFP and Balochistan.
A number of steps need to be taken if Pakistan desires to prevent or
resist the UN/NATO aggression. Naturally no Pakistani would like to
provoke a military confrontation with the NATO forces, but neither
should these forces be allowed to trespass into Pakistan with impunity.
Pakistan could reduce its cooperation with the US in selected areas. The oil,
food and equipment for the NATO forces pass through Pakistan. The US
should realize that Pakistan risks the displeasure of local people by allowing
this facility to them.
Secondly, the peace process should not be jeopardized. These talks
have been undertaken with the tribal leaders in order to establish peace in the
tribal belt as well as the rest of Pakistan. It has had very positive impact so

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far. There is need to follow the Mehsud model in other parts of the tribal
belt. The process should also be extended to the settled areas
One may recall that the Afghan administration and the western
occupation forces have themselves been holding a dialogue with Taliban.
There is, therefore, hardly any justification for them to oppose the peace
process launched by Pakistan. The current turmoil in the tribal belt is the
result of NATO policies in Afghanistan and their frequent attacks against
civilians in the border areas. Another factor that has complicated the
relationships between various tribes was the policy pursued by Musharraf
government which used tribes to fight against other tribes. The
democratically elected government has a challenge which though difficult is
not insurmountable.
Yasir Ali Khan from Attock demanded prudence in dealing with
Taliban. The tribal areas of Pakistan constituting the Pukhtoon elements
have an abiding interest in the well-being of their kith and kin living on
the other side in Afghanistan. The massacre at the hands of NATO and US
forces is indeed a matter of great concern to them It is, therefore, nave to
expect that the Pukhtoon on our side of the border will see the bombing by
the US and NATO forces, in which many Afghans have already perished,
lying down. To remain a silent spectator to this tragedy is not in the blood of
the Pukhtoons.
The Taliban are indigenous people and they may be poor, illiterate
and deprived of modern amenities of life but they love to be independent.
This is their way of life. The problems of tribal areas spill over from the
problem of Afghanistan. The insurgency in Afghanistan cant be
controlled unless the Afghan people are provided a sense of dignity and
freedom.
The global community must rebuild their infrastructure, which has
been destroyed to serve the US strategic objectives to control the oil wealth
of the Caspian Sea. Tribal people are not our enemies and as such
innocent Pukhtoon (Taliban) should not be subjected to military
operation as it would be a strategic blunder.
Aasim Sajjad Akhtar observed: As the situation in the tribal Pakhtun
areas worsens, a clear divide has emerged within progressive circles as to
the appropriate response to the conflict On one side of the divide are
those who say that the biggest enemy of the Pakistani people and a
progressive vision for Pakistan is the American Empire, while on the other
are those who argue that, even if imperialism is an anti-people force and is
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intervening in the region for its own self-serving reasons, religious

extremists are at least as big a threat to civilized society and in fact are
the most immediate menace that Pakistan faces.
As such therefore, the military operation that is ongoing in the
Khyber and other agencies is completely rejected by the first camp,
because it clearly represents Washingtons agenda and is said to be targeting
large number of innocents.
Conversely the latter group supports the operation under the
guise that it is high time that Talibanization be stopped. Indeed those
opposing the military operations are called apologists and accused of not
having the stomach to stand up to the Taliban.
Khalid Aziz wrote: Recent reports from North Waziristan and
Kurram indicate the movement of joint NATO, US and Afghan military units
to the Pakistani border. Kurram and North Waziristan villages report
disruption of cell phone communications, which is a precursor of military
operations. Alliance aircraft also bombed Pakistani border posts on the
South Waziristan border, injuring nine Pakistani soldiers.
There is also a report, although unconfirmed, that the Shia tribes in
Kurram have petitioned NATO forces for protection against the Taliban
who have made their lives miserable. Around 130 years ago the Shias made
a similar petition to the British, who then annexed Kurram. Is history
repeating itself?
If this report proves true then it is a huge condemnation of the
government and its weak policies. The Shias may have been approached
to present such a petition as a justification for intervention. It also
suggests that the government is not able to protect the lives of its own
people. In this context, arguments about sovereignty do not hold water.
It has been said that the duality in Pakistans security policies,
which deal with the Taliban and Kashmiri Mujahideen with kid gloves, has
now rebounded on the country. Pakistani government and media have
been critical of violation of its airspace by allied forces. However, alliance
forces have disregarded such protests.
It is likely that air attacks on FATA will escalate, forcing Pakistani
forces to withdraw from the border to prevent the embarrassment of fighting
its supposed allies. This will likely be followed by simultaneous aerial
reconnaissance and raids to pick up villages for intelligence gathering. The
last phase will predictably be attacks on militant camps in Waziristan. It

719

is important to note that alliance forces have advanced to the border to block
the funneling out of the militants into Afghanistan.
This deployment will initially cause problems for the Taliban.
However, after a few weeks the novelty of the move will lose value as the
Taliban discover how to deal with it. One of the lessons of frontier warfare
is that the moment you become predictable you are in serious trouble.
It is now obvious that the period of the phony peace in FATA and the
NWFP is over. It also shows that the weakening of institutions can lead to
very serious consequences. If the allies intervene in FATA it will generate
a situation which would have very serious consequences for national
solidarity. Regrettably, Pakistan lacks a cohesive leadership to get on top of
this crisis. She is also isolated and friendless.
Cyril Almeida wrote: Let the Americans bomb us. In FATA,
northern Pakistan, where ever they think militants are hiding with their
predators, supersonic bombers and gunship helicopters. Let them pummel
militant hideouts and sanctuaries until they have fired their last cruise
missile and bunker buster. This was the recommendation of a retired
bureaucrat and scholar with encyclopedic knowledge of Pakistan.
If this war is militarily un-winnable but American expediency
demands that the militants be bombed, self-interest demands that we let
the Americans do it themselves, he explained. If Pakistan wants to be
around to pick up the pieces after the Americans leave, he reasoned, its
essential that we have a disciplined, unified army
If the militants need to be hammered and hammered quickly
maybe the Americans should be ones to do it after all. Our home-grown
options are not very encouraging. Counter-insurgencies, we are told, are best
fought by some combination of paramilitary and police forces in
coordination with political and administrative officials. By all accounts,
these forces are not up to the task her. When the Frontier Constabulary rolls
into town or the first police checkpoint is set up, the militants melt away,
only to return later to wage a sophisticated war of attrition that frightens our
troops and saps morale.
Meanwhile, the politicians are abdicating their duties. The ANP
has become a peace-monger, desperately avoiding decisiveness because it is
divisive. The Peoples Party is fighting an internal war without an interior
minister. The man tasked with protecting the homeland, Rehman Malik, has
spent months trying to secure a peace deal with Baitullah Mehsud, the man
who ordered the murder of the woman, Benazir Bhutto, Malik was meant to
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protect. Nawaz is obsessed with the judges and his right-wing proclivities
lead him to spout woolly talk of Islam and peace.
Which leaves the army in Rumsfeld speak; there are a few known
unknowns and other unknown unknowns here. The army high command
acquiesced to the civilians demand that the government negotiate with
militants, but the generals reasons for not doing so are not known. Some
believe that the army needed a breather. Others argue that Gen Kayani was
trying to convince his generals that the army needs to be re-orientated
towards counter-terrorism rather than its current, India-centric vision.
Who has won this battle we do not know. We do know that violence
briefly flared up in Kashmir recently. And we do know that the government
has handed over to the army operational control of the latest thrust against
the militants. But its not at all clear that the army is itself up to the task.
The Pakistan Army went into Swat last year promising that by Dec 15 the
resort of Malam Jabba would be open for business. Last week, the
abandoned motel there was burned down.
So if no one is going to or can do anything about it, then let the
bumbling Americans go in and put a new kind of fear of God into the
militants. A pounding will not bring peace. But as the militants have grown
bolder and are looking to grab territory, this is the time to hit them and hit
them hard.
As if Americas war raging on Pakistani soil was not enough,
Musharrafs misadventure of seeking soft image for Pakistan in general
and for himself in particular; by making Dr A Q Khan scapegoat, kept
echoing time and again. This time it began with a statement of A Q Khan.
The News wrote: Even as the government was considering how to
tackle the rather delicate issue of Dr Abdul Qadeer Khan, who had been
making some rather controversial statements since restrictions on his access
to the media were relaxed by the PPP government a few weeks ago, the man
still considered by many to be the countrys top scientist has stirred up
further controversy Dr Qadeer, who remains under house arrest in
Islamabad, made some effort to tone down his remarks by stating late in the
day that President Pervez Musharraf had already made public these secrets
in his book, the damage, in the eyes of the Pakistan establishment, had
been done.
The alarm bells ringing in government and establishment circles are
quite understandable. There is renewed talk of imposing a tough gag
order that would prevent Dr Qadeer from speaking to the press. The
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possibility of releasing the detailed contents of the confession he made in

2004 in which he accepted responsibility for involvement in sending nuclear
technology outside Pakistan is also reportedly being discussed at the highest
levels, as a means to counter Dr Qadeers allegations. Dr Qadeer now says
he was coerced into making a false confession, on the grounds of
protecting national interest and promised freedom in return. These promises
were, the scientist alleges, not kept.
Taboos that still prevent reports on army involvement in any kind of
wrongdoing appearing in the media have been a key factor in the fact that
the many questions that arose with Dr Qadeers dramatic, televised
confession four years ago were not voiced more loudly and persistently. By
breaking this taboo, Dr Qadeer has in one way served a useful purpose.
The government needs to investigate the whole affair for which, no doubt,
it would be able to obtain support from Washington.
It is impossible to deny that the whole issue threatens to add to the
problems Pakistan already faces. This it can ill-afford at this stage, with its
economic woes seemingly mounting by the day. There is also the issue of
public perception, with Dr Qadeer built into a hero by some political parties
and presented as such to people even though his true role in developing
Pakistans troublesome nuclear bomb is somewhat dubious. But the fact
that Dr Qadeer enjoys such a status makes the task of dealing with him
all the more complicated.
Kamran Shafi felt the need for determining the real guilty. I have
over the years written much about how the pardon, shown so stupidly on
television with Musharraf looking stern, class monitor-like, and A Q Khan
sitting hands folded looking bad-boy contrite, will simply not help. And that
the issue will haunt us for decades because we did not take it head-on.
By head-on I mean take it on as a nation, and not make a scapegoat of just
one man.
Can you even begin to believe the following paragraph taken
from page 287 of Musharrafs ludicrous book In the Line of Fire: We
were once informed that a chartered aircraft going to North Korea for
conventional missiles was (sic) also going to carry some irregular cargo on
his behalf. The source could not tell us exactly what the cargo was, but we
were suspicious. We organized a discreet raid and searched the aircraft
before its departure but unfortunately found nothing. Later, we were told that
AQs people had been tipped off and the suspected cargo had not been
loaded.

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I mean, really! What was Musharraf then? A scout-master instead of

the emperor himself, wearing three hats at the time: CAOS, CJSC and Chief
Executive? And what was A Q Khan? The President of the United States,
that Musharraf organized a discreet raid, so the sole superpower would not
find out? Humayun Gauhar, STAND UP! The big-eyed Gauhar had acted as
Muharrar in writing of this FIR in the above named book.
Aqil Shah opined: Nuclear proliferation is not childs play. Nuclear
weapons are not toys. But our generals have behaved like little children
and treated nuclear proliferation as a game. When the heat was on, they
simply denied involvement, blamed it on Dr A Q Khan and locked him up.
Chapter closed.
Wishful thinking. Skeletons can be shoved into a cupboard but they
can pop back out any time. So they have. After four years in virtual captivity,
Dr Khan has come out guns blazing. He has made bombastic statements
targeting Pervez Musharraf against whom he understandably harbours a
grudge. In the most outrageous claim, Musharraf is accused of plotting
with the United States to break up Pakistan by 2015. In a first, though, Dr
Khan has settled scores with his tormentors in khaki by directly implicating
the army in nuclear proliferation.
The veracity of Dr Khans statement can only be proved through a
neutral inquiry. It is no state secret that Dr Khans spectacular rise and fall
from grace was orchestrated by the military establishment. The man who
stole nuclear blueprints for his country was turned into a cult figure above
reproach. Eulogies were written, awards were conferred on him. When
the crunch came, however, he was discarded by the military in a flash.
Of course, A Q Khan is no angel. He is believed to have run Kahuta
Research Laboratories with more than justified autonomy.
Dr Khan has since tried to absolve himself by claiming he was
coerced into a confession and promised full freedom in return for admitting
his guilt publicly. Obviously, he did not have the mettle or the clear
conscience to stand up to the army at the time. But since the generals
apparently failed to live up to their side of the agreement by denying him
his freedom for more than four long years, he sees no reason to stick to his.
Not surprising then that the military came back swinging at Dr
Khan for slinging mud at the army. The SPD chief Khalid Kidwai delivered
a Bond-esque version of the proliferation story exclusively to a group of
patriotic journalists summoned to the divisions headquarters. According to

723

him, the military reportedly got wind of Dr Khans suspicious activities

somewhere in the year 2000
Kidwai tried to bolster the credence of all his claims by assuring
reporters that the government was in possession of irrefutable evidence
implicating Dr Khan in the proliferation of nuclear materials. Kidwai added
he was willing to share this proof in camera with neutral persons, or
present it in court if need be. Claiming that proliferation was a closed case,
Kidwai cited as evidence the determination made by the United States
in north Korea and the IAEA in Iran that proliferation in each case was an
individual act. The implication is that if only Dr Khan had had kept his big
mouth shut, everything would have been alright. If only things were that
simple.
Of course, A Q Khans incriminating statements will reinforce the
wide-spread perception of Pakistan as a fragile state fraught with the threat
of loose nukes falling into terrorist hands. When the architect of the
countrys atomic bomb hurls grave accusations of nuclear wrongdoing at its
military and vice versa in the full glare of the global media, we have a grave
situation on our hands that must be resolved once and for all. We must
face the issue head-on by holding the guilty accountable rather than burying
our head in the sand and wishing it will all go away
Ultimately, nuclear command and control must be taken out of
the militarys hands if Pakistan is to assure the international community
that its nuclear weapons are not up for grabs. The entire world seems to have
figured out that weapons of mass destruction are too dangerous and
important to be left to the generals.
Ansar Abbasi opined that there was need to apologize to Dr Khan.
Whether there is any truth in what Dr Khan is reported to have told a
foreign wire service or not, the top nuclear scientist has done no service by
uttering what would have come as music to the ears of the enemies of
Pakistan and its nuclear programme. But those who pushed Dr A Q Khan
to the wall to such an extent that the man has started screaming at the top of
his voice, not caring who would pay the ultimate price, have also to be
equally blamed in this sad episode.
Undoubtedly Khan is a national hero for what he has done for
Pakistan. He is respected for the same reason by the masses no matter
what President Musharraf did to him and in spite of his confession on the
state television that he was involved in the smuggling of nuclear designs to

724

some foreign states. People demand the lifting of all kinds of curbs imposed
on him
If his outcry in utter desperation has provided the West and the
enemies of Pakistan another whip to bash this country, it has to be admitted
that the FIR on this issue was written by no other than the presidentcum-army chief of Pakistan. Why he had to do so has never been seriously
questioned.
And why, after Dr A Q Khan was made the scapegoat, dumped with
all the blame, quarantined for years from the outside world, was he not
handled properly so that he may have spent his remaining years of life in
quiet comfort, is another case of massive incompetence, immaturity and
mishandling.
Perhaps out of his personal hatred against Musharraf, who
grossly wronged him for years, A Q Khan lost his nerve as he is a sick
man. But the kind of blame game unleashed now would hurt President
Musharraf less than Pakistan itself in addition to providing the international
vultures a fresh opportunity to come after our nuclear programme.
Dr Khan should now be handled with utmost care. He must get all
the freedom and comfort that any national hero deserves but he should also
be given proper security and protection as he carries the knowledge and
details which any country in the world would try to obtain, even through the
most expensive and covert spy operation.
To start with, Pakistani government must offer Dr Khan an honest
apology for the treatment he has received, compensate him and his family
in any way he wants, anywhere in the world but he should also be kept away
from the enemies who will always keep trying to reach him. He should
himself announce that he would never interact with the media, local or
foreign
We must be ashamed of treating him like dirt but if that has
rescued our programme and saved the country from immense damage, it
should be accepted as another sacrifice of Dr Khan for the country. He
should be thanked for the humiliation he accepted, and not insulted
publicly.
Ayesha Siddiqa criticized Dr Khans statement. Dr A Q Khan recently
spoke about the great American conspiracy to destroy Pakistan. He was
of the view, aired in a television programme, that an American think-tank
had predicted the break-up of the country by 2015. Furthermore, the frontier

725

province will join Afghanistan, Sindh will find its own way and Balochistan
will opt out as well.
This will leave Punjab which according to the great scientist
represents about 60 percent of Pakistan and has the nuclear weapons as well.
Since Punjab does not have any animosity with India or Afghanistan, it will
be forced to sign the NPT and thus surrender the nuclear weapons.
Interestingly, Dr Samar Mubarakmand, who is another shining star of
Pakistans nuclear establishment, also subscribed to the theory that there
is a conspiracy to destroy the country
Referring to Dr Khans prediction, there are a few points in his
claims which are highly interesting such as his belief that the nuclear
weapons will eventually be retained by Punjab in the new dispensation. To
reiterate his opinion, Punjab will be forced to sign the NPT and give up its
nuclear weapons once it is all that remains of Pakistan. Logically speaking,
the concentration of 60-70 nuclear warheads in such a small territory will be
dangerous and the international community will feel nervous about it.
According to Ayesha Siddiqas logic Punjab is small territory as
compared to Israel.
Dr Khan believes that since Punjab does not have any animosity
with India or Afghanistan, it will have no reason to retain the nuclear
weapons. One would like to remind the great doctor of a couple of things.
First, in this scenario, Punjab will feel more insecure and thus will have a
greater reason to retain its weapons Second, Dr Khans statement does not
reflect any understanding of our national history. For instance, he has
completely forgotten that bad relations and friction with India is a fetish of
Urdu-speaking and Punjabi elite In fact, as of today it can be said that it
is only Punjab which has animosity with India.
The institutional memory of the military and civil bureaucracies does
not look at its traditional rivals sympathetically. The belief is that India will
never leave any stone unturned to destroy Pakistan. Furthermore, the
belief is that it has now paired up with the US to harm Pakistan.
But the more important issue is the ease with which Dr Khan has
assumed that the other federating units will secede from the union. Is this
just an individual thought or the thinking of the deeper establishment as
well? The statement reflects an utter lack of trust in the smaller
provinces. The message between the lines is that since these people are
lesser Pakistanis they will leave the federation at the first opportunity. Such
thinking is problematic because it does not address the problems faced by
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the people of the smaller provinces. It is neither a thought of Dr Khan or

thinking of deeper establishment; it is a design formulated by think-tanks
of the West and India as well.
It may be a fact that external forces are involved in pinpricking in
Baluchistan but this does not address the larger issue of the disenchantment
felt by the Baloch people. For so many years the state has ignored its own
people and partnered with tribal leaders who are now being blamed for the
lack of development in the province. The same applies to Sindh and the
Frontier. Despite the fact that a lot of Sindhi landowners have always
remained part of the government, the people were punished severely during
the 1980s and the 1990s. if Dr Khan and the rest of the establishment look
hard they will see that the federation and its nuclear weapons can be
saved if the powers that be were to show lesser callousness and greed.

EASTERN FRONT
Nothing positive happened in two weeks, but plenty happened which
was negative to confidence building. On 2nd July, Ram Parkash, who had
trespassed into Pakistan, was taken to Wagah where Indian authorities
refused to accept him for want of documents. On 11 th July, India accused
Pakistan of supporting infiltration and Indian army chief alleged that ISI had
its hand in Kabul attack. Two days later, Pakistan rejected Indian accusations
and its intentions for destruction of the ISI.
Perpetration of state terrorism continued in the occupied Valley. Three
freedom fighters and an army officer were killed in a clash in Kupwara on 1st
July. The decision to give land to Hindus was formally revoked. Indian
troops killed a commander of a group in gunbattle in Pulwama on 3 rd July.
Next day, five Indian soldiers were killed in a clash in area of Kupwara.
India violated ceasefire along LoC when its army fired mortar and
small arms on a post in Rawalakot on 10 th July; Pakistan protested and India
said its troops engaged suspected militants. Kashmiris in IHK protested
against pro-Indian politicians on 13th June.
Nadeem Iqbal called the so-called composite dialogue as composite
inertia. Despite the fact that four rounds of composite dialogue, spread over
four years since their initiation in January 2004, have been held and some
progress made on a few minor issues, the main issues having the potential
of escalating into full-fledged hostilities still remain off the table.

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Although there has been a talk of some behind-the-scene diplomacy

going on that would bring forth some formula to resolve the Kashmir
dispute, nothing has come out so far. The secret diplomacy, if it has done
anything, has brought both the parties to the negotiating table and kept
them engaged.
India cites the political situation in Pakistan as being the main
factor in the slow process of dialogue. But the inception of PPP-led
coalition government seems to augur well for India-Pakistan relations. Now
the elected political government is comfortable in following the militarys
initiative on Kashmir.
Gilani, in a policy statement soon after taking over in March this
year, told Kashmiris that their sacrifices would not be wasted and
emphasized the need to accelerate the dialogue process to resolve the issue.
The CBMs will only be beneficial when the Kashmir issue is resolved
according to the aspirations of the Kashmiri people and under the set
international principles, he had said.

HOME FRONT
Following insurgency-related incidents from Balochistan were
reported during the period:
Power pylon was blown up on 1st July which disrupted supply to
Mastung and Kalat. Next day, gunmen killed three people in Quetta.
One FC soldier was killed in attack on a post in Lehri.
Four people were wounded when a team of UK-based TV channel
was fired at near Mastung on 3rd July. Next day, a girl was killed and
13 people were wounded in a bomb attack in Quetta.
A policeman was killed in attack in Khuzdar on 6th July. Main gas
pipeline was blown up near Pirkoh.
Two soldiers were wounded in mine blast near Jaffarabad on 8th July.
Four days later, gunmen hijacked a bus with 20 people on board in
Kharan.
Skirmishes on ideological front also continued. On 3rd July, MQM
saw bid to Talibanize Karachi. Next day, Altaf said Taliban were trying to
occupy Karachi. On 5th July, security in Islamabad was tightened on the
anniversary of Lal Masjid massacre.

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Next day, thousands of people, mostly linked to madrassas, gathered

in Islamabad on the anniversary of Lal Masjid Operation. The Ulemas with
last names like Osmani, Ludehanvi and Jullundhri, who had abandoned the
innocent female students last year, were now on the forefront to mourn the
Shuheda. The conference demanded implementation of the Supreme Court
decision judicial and an inquiry to apportion blame for Lal Masjid
Operation.
About half an hour after the end of Lal Masjid anniversary
conference, an unknown close relative of an unknown Shaheed struck back
with vengeance at Melody Market in Islamabad. At least 19 people, mostly
policemen, were killed in bomb blast and fifty were wounded. As usual the
attack was followed by statements condemning the attack, promising
payment of compensation, declaring attackers as non-Muslims and pledges
made to take the criminals to task: No protection of any NRO.
Police and Rangers launched a concerted crackdown in Liyari on 8 th
July; not a single criminal was killed, wounded or captured. The security
agencies had allowed safe-passage to these heavily armed gangs because
they were not Islamic fascists like the danda-bardar students of Jamia
Hafsa. ANPs Shahi said the recent bomb blasts were the work of those who
vowed saving Karachi from Talibanization. They want to prevent
Talibanization by sorting out Pukhtoons in the mega city and also check
their further inflow.
Next day, the regime allowed assembly of students of Jamia Hafsa
with full media coverage. At the same time it held a meeting with lawyers of
Rawalpindi district to deny them organizing a rally next day in view of terror
threat. The meeting vowed to continue its struggle for enforcement of the
Shariah.
On 11th July, Islamic fascists held a rally in Islamabad for reopening
of Lal Masjid seminaries. Two days later, four people were injured in suicide
attack near a place where a religious conference was held in D I Khan. Altaf
proposed formation of defence committees in Karachi to counter
Talibanization.
Robina Saigal was of the view that ideological options on people of
Pakistan were being forced upon from outside. The people of Pakistan are
being presented with three political, ideological and moral choices, each
one an unsavory path that can lead to the social disintegration of our society.
One, Pakistanis are being asked to support the US war on terror, in spite of

729

the dubious moral base of this adventure and its catastrophic impact on
countries, peoples human rights and the global economy.
Second, an equally unacceptable option, being favoured by some
political parties and ideologues, is to support the Taliban and their
destructive attempts to establish an archaic theocracy within the State. Third,
there are calls to support a decadent and divisive dictatorship that has
entrenched itself by appearing as the antidote to the dreaded Talibanization
of the country. All three choices are fraught with serious dangers of which
our people need to be aware so that they can mount resistance
It is for this reason that the movement for rule of law, an independent
judiciary and human rights has to be supported. Rule of law must replace the
law of the ruler, and democracy must replace dictatorship, if Pakistanis are
to break the terrifying grip of a deadly pact between global imperialism,
transnational fundamentalism and national militarism. All three choice need
to be rejected for our citizens to live a peaceful life.
The man who had boasted of making Peshawar safe, after the blast in
the capital cried that militants had played foul. He did not realize that the
way he made Peshawar safe led to making Islamabad unsafe. The much
polished minister, Sherry Rehman, issued a fatwa that those who carried
out the attack were not Muslims because Islam does not allow killing
innocent civilians including women and children. She conveniently forgot
that her deceased leader had rejoiced over killing of women and children of
Lal Masjid seminaries.
In this attack the children were mostly wearing police uniform. Like
her partner, Rehman Malik, she had also ignored that the girl students of
Jamia Hafsa because they had been declared terrorists by her so-called
Shaheed leader. She also failed in comprehending that the other side had
already declared her and those of her ilk as non-Muslims. Do such
declarations matter except adding fuel to the fire.

CONCLUSION
Gilani vowed to continue operation in tribal areas to prevent 9/11like attacks. This statement was clearly in pursuance of Bibi Sahibas
overtures in which she had promised to allow US to carry out strikes in tribal
areas of Pakistan. This was also in the spirit of the dirty deal facilitated by
the US. Bush must have been pleased to hear this from the newly enrolled
mercenary.

730

Continued meting out of mistreatment compelled Dr A Q Khan to

throw few hints about the involvement of senior officers of the army in
alleged nuclear proliferation. Had he been treated humanely he would not
have come to the point of triggering fresh controversy and endangering
Pakistans nuclear assets which were his proud creation?
Dr Khan may be corrupt man but unlike the most corrupt men in
Pakistan his contribution for his country has been commendable. Gen
Kidwai and his boss should also know it better than anyone else that Khan is
being punished to save others who deserve to be punished severely.
After having been humiliated for four years Dr Khan has nothing to
lose at this stage. In the interest of Pakistan they must avoid mud-slinging
on him. The man who made Pakistan a nuclear power and then was
humiliated to save many thick necks should not be cornered to the point
where he may decide to undo what he has done with pride.
The regionalism or nationalism has been heightened to the extent that
it could pose serious threat to the federation. In an appearance on Waqt TV
channel, the chief minister of NWFP refused to condemn Karzais statement
in which he had threatened to strike inside Pakistan; instead, he praised
Karzai for doing a wonderful job for Afghanistan. When asked about KBD,
he arrogantly told the host to forget about it.
The occurrence of serial bombing should be seen in conjunction with
the recent statements and events. Of late, the MQM leaders, in Karachi and
in London, have been issuing frantic warnings about militants intentions to
take over the city. The bombings occurred only hours after a blast in front of
Indian Embassy in Kabul. And more importantly, the attackers targeted
Pashtun localities with the intention of triggering ethnic clashes. The tension
so raised could result in halting further influx of Pashtuns; thus averting the
threat of out-numbering the community that claims Karachi as our city.
The regime allowed assembly of students of Jamia Hafsa with full
media coverage on 9th July. At the same time it held a meeting with lawyers
of Rawalpindi district to deny them organizing a rally next day in view of
terror threat. The former were allowed to hold meeting because attired in
black, even without dandas, they served the purpose of projecting to the
West the ugly face of Islamic fascism. The assembly of lawyers, however,
had to be resisted as it would unveil the uglier face of enlightened
moderates.
16th July 2008
731

TOWARDS DIVORCE
Zardaris clandestine and illicit relations with Presidency became
talk of the town. No marriage, even political, can survive when extra-talk of
extra-matrimonial relations of one of the spouses with third person become
so public. Certainly, PPP-PML-N relationship was in danger.
The better half of the coalition has resorted to spouse-bashing. Asif
Ahmed Ali, who bears a look of Ayatollah-Taliban cross, accused Nawaz of
aping Ahmedinejad. Zardari himself complained to Nawaz about statements
of PML-N leaders.
Musharraf during his eight-year tenure has proved that he has
mastered the art of spitting-then-licking. He seemed to have been enjoying
the dividends of this art. He has now assigned the task to Malik Qayyum and
NRO-buddies to find some spatter-lickers from the lot of deposed judges.

732

During the last days of July, Gilani went to present himself before
Bush. On the eve of this visit his government tried to make him more
presentable to the man in White House. A notification was issued to place
the ISI under interior ministry; it misfired and was cancelled as suddenly as
issuance of the notification.

EVENTS
On 12th July, Ansar Abbasi reported: The PPP-led Law Ministry has
refused to provide details of the billions of rupees paid by the military
regime of President Musharraf to favourite high-priced lawyers who
represented the regime, arguing that the information would open a Pandoras
Box.
A PPP leader said Zardari has gone to Dubai to bring good news. PM
held a meeting to review 100-day performance. Sherry told media that the
regime has done wonders in 100 days. Stephen Hadley assured US support
to Pakistan during a meeting with Shah Mahmood.
Nawaz summoned senior party leaders to London. Ex-servicemen said
the recent statements of Musharraf in Karachi indicated that he is in
unbalanced state of mind. The deposed CJP told Aitzaz, who called on him,
that lawyers would achieve their objective.
Next day, PML-Q blasted PPP for seeking UN probe and holding
party conference in Dubai on government expense. As directed by Zardari in
Dubai, Gilani contacted party leaders of PML-N, ANP and JUI-F for
consultation on expansion of the cabinet. Foreign Minister said it was too
early to blame Baitullah for murder of Benazir. Governor Sindh and City
Nazim Karachi went to London to report progress to Big Brother.
On 14th July, Shahbaz Sharif visited Quetta to assure Balochs that
Punjabis stand with them in fight for justice. He proposed formation of
committee of chief ministers. The government informed the Supreme Court
that it has taken no decision on commutation of death sentence. The hearing
of the case of Nawaz Sharifs disqualification was adjourned till 11 th August.
Aitzaz Ahsan proposed sit-in on every Thursday.
Next day, Gilani chaired ECC meeting in Lahore flanked by Taseer
and Shahbaz. PCO chief justice arrived in Larkana, the home district of
Bilawal Zardari Bhutto as part of the ongoing efforts to show legality of his
appointment by Musharraf and his acceptability to Zardari.

733

On 16th July, PCO chief justice visited Dadu Bar and promised raise in
salary of judges. A judge in Lahore issued non-bailable arrest warrants for
Pervaiz Elahi, Fazlur Rehman and others for falsely implicating a doctor in
rape case in 2005.
Weekly lawyers protest rallies were held on 17 th July. In Islamabad,
victims of last years bomb blast were remembered. The CJP laid wreath at
the site. Lawyers clashed with police in SHC when PCO CJP arrived to
attend a function arranged by PPP-MQM lawyers. Small investors resented
continuous slump in stock exchanges; in Karachi they turned violent.
Findings of survey carried out during first half of June by US-based
IRI were released: 86 percent thought Pakistan was heading in wrong
direction; 83 percent wanted the government to remove Musharraf; 67
percent supported Dr A Q Khan as the next president; 71 percent wanted
dialogue with militants; and 82 percent liked Nawaz Sharif.
The PCO CJP addressed gathering of law-men in Karachi on 18 th July
and promised increase in judges at all levels. A survey by a US-based think
tank showed that PPP was losing ground to PML-N over dilly-dallying on
issues of Musharraf and judges. Rehman Malik met Altaf Hussain to thank
for support on policy in tribal areas; or perhaps, for giving the tips for
dealing with opponents.
Next day, Gilani addressed the nation to tell progress made on 100day agenda. He blamed dictatorship for creating hurdles and promised
good news on judges soon. Lawyers set August 14 deadline for restoration
of judges, failing which threatened lock up of court rooms, long marches,
sit-ins and civil disobedience. Zardari returned and Musharraf shifted his
workshop to Murree temporarily and summoned the Foreman Taseer.
On 20th July, fuel prices were increased fifth time in as many months.
The democratic regime increased fuel price fourth time in as many months;
petrol price was fixed at Rs86.66 per litre. Gilani-Zardari meeting in
Islamabad lasted for seven hours; 31st July deadline to PML-N to return to
the cabinet was considered. The COAS met Musharraf in Murree to discuss
bloodshed in tribal areas over a nine-hole golf outing. Next day, Zardari said
strategy to combat militancy has been worked out. Musharraf continued his
interaction with his men in Murree in the presence of Salman Taseer.
On 22nd July, PML-Q leaders called it a government in exile. They
hoped formation of national government in two months. Sheikh Rashid
wanted snap polls before Ramazan. The UN probe into BBs murder will

734

cost Rs7 billion. Zardaris chief security officer, Khalid Shahanshah, was
gunned down in Karachi. Will it be another case to be referred to the UN?
Four coalition partners held a lengthy meeting to formulate policy for
dealing with militancy in tribal areas. The COAS and security chiefs briefed
the meeting about the participants about the situation. The leaders opposed
use of force and decided to resolve the conflict through negotiations. Asif
Ahmed Ali said PPP and PML-Q should part ways to allow a new workable
coalition to run the government smoothly.
On 24th July, two senior officers of NAB, including one retired Lt Col,
were arrested on orders of the Supreme Court for beating an accused within
the premises of the court. The incident occurred during hearing the case of
Punjab Bank Scam which now ran to Rs13 billion. The main culprit had
escaped, reportedly, with the connivance of Rehman Malik and the man
beaten by NAB officials was believed to be possessing important
information about the people who benefited from the scam. Interestingly the
court passed the order of arrest on moving of an application by Sharifuddin
Pirzada, Babar Awan and Wasim Sajjad a team of distinguished lawyers
who has been in forefront in defending looters and usurpers.
Finance secretary, Farrukh Qayum was sacked and Dr Waqar Masud
was appointed in his place. Only a few months back Qayum had replaced
Waqar. Did it mark the beginning of cleansing of bureaucracy of PML-N
condemnation? After attending the Urs of Waris Shah, Salman Taseer said
impeachment of Musharraf would be unconstitutional. He must have been
inspired by some verse of Heer describing her dedication to her lover. He
also told PML-N that no rose is without thorn.
Prime Minister appointed 14 parliamentary secretaries. Musharraf
offered full support to the government. A meeting of PPPs CEC from
Punjab was marred by altercation between Aitzaz and Babar Awan over
judges issue.
Next day, the deposed CJP visited Multan and said strong Parliament
cannot be built on debris on Judiciary. Raza Rabbani said that Ministry of
Law was working out new formula for resolution of judges issue. Attorney
General met Taseer to discuss Punjab. COAS met Musharraf and Gilani on
the eve of Gilanis departure for Washington.
On 26th July, notification for placing IB and ISI under Interior
Ministry was issued and then cancelled. During the journey of deposed CJP
from Multan to Bahawalpur Aitzaz said the deposed judges were united
despite the effort of Malik Qayyum and others. Farooq Naek said the
735

deposed judges were welcomed to take new oath. Musharraf gathered his
band of judges under the banner of PCO and now PPP intended to introduce
its brand of PCO.
On 27th July, Shaheen Sehbai reported from Washington that failed
coup against ISI was meant to please the US. Hamid Mir reported that the
incident caused embarrassment to Gilani at the wrong time. No one owned
the notification regarding ISI; it became yet another case of
misunderstanding like the postponement of by-elections. The deposed CJP
said that many PCO judges now regret their decision to take unconstitutional
oath. Qazi criticized PPP for its attempts to divide the deposed judges.
Next day, APDM leaders met in Islamabad and discussed plan to
launch movement against the government, but failed in finalizing it. Pervaiz
Elahi said ISI-related notification was aimed at weakening the army. Gilani
said that war on terror was Pakistans war and our leader was killed by
terrorists; despite that the PPP wants a UN probe. Zardari regime borrowed
Rs325 billion from the central bank in 13 weeks breaking all records; it
comes to 25 billion a week and more than 4 billion a working-day.
On 29th July, the deposed CJP received warm welcome in Karachi. His
address to bar council was cancelled when senior lawyer from Sukkur, who
was driving CJPs vehicle, died of heart attack. The CJP also met the
deposed judges to discuss future line of action. ARD gave 28 th August as
deadline for reinstatement of judges. Nawaz wrote a letter to Zardari and
called for reinstatement of judges. Naek now insisted on new oath for the
deposed judges. Latif Khosa threatened to take over bar associations across
the country. US military aid bill was linked to Pak Armys fighting against
Taliban and non-interference in politics and judiciary.
On 30th July, the deposed CJP said independence of judiciary was the
key to economic progress. The Supreme Court accepted apology of NAB
officials and ordered their release. Next day, lawyers boycotted court and
urged Nawaz to quit coalition by August 14. Aitzaz attended funeral of
Imdad Awan and said victory was in sight. Khawja Asif, however, said PPP
would never reinstate the judges because its policy on the issue is the same
as that of PML-Q.
Zardari seemed to be in no hurry to meet Nawaz. PML-Q alleged that
PMs US visit was marred by incompetence. Raza Rabbani ruled out alliance
with PML-Q. next day, Zardari called party men on a meal and told them
that time was needed to clear decades mess.

736

VIEWS
Out of the views expressed during the three weeks, first those that are
event-specific. The News wrote on the acceptance of the request for the
UN probe. The UN secretary-general has agreed, after a meeting with the
Pakistani foreign minister, to set up a commission to probe the December
2007 assassination of Benazir Bhutto.
The PPP had, of course, been demanding UN-led investigation
virtually since the day Benazir died. The modalities for the commission
will be determined after further talks with Pakistani officials and other
organizations.
It is uncertain as yet quite how the UN body will be structured or
what it can, realistically, be expected to achieve. The fact is that the
investigation seems, over the past months, to have run into rather a
dead end. It is in fact unclear whether any police probe is even taking place.
At least one suspect held in the weeks after the murder has been released.
The Scotland Yard team which was called in early this year admitted it was
handicapped by the fact that there had been no post-mortem and that
forensic evidence from the scene has been hosed down
It must be hoped that the UN commission will be able to offer some
insight into a political killing that continues to give rise to much conjecture
and rumour. As the US representative to the UN has said, it would be
unfortunate if this lingered for years. One must therefore wish the UN all
possible success as it begins its task of setting up a commission, and
possibly enlists key investigative organizations to assist in its efforts.
Cyril Almeida expressed her views on the speech of Gilani. A triple
crisis of politics, militancy and the economy is the battering ram at the
door of Pakistans government While the vultures may be circling, the
victim, the government, is prostrate and making it easier for them. Each
week brings a new candidate for the leader of the incompetent our political
class. Last weekend the country bumpkin in the PM House staked his claim.
So ghastly was the PMs performance that damage control has overshadowed a speech that was itself meant as an exercise in damage control of
the governments evaporating reputation. The speech itself though wasnt the
problem but a symptom of what is wrong in Islamabad right now
The political problem boils down to this: Nawaz wants the judges
in and Musharraf out; Asif wants the judges out and Musharraf in. Sure, Asif
may not indeed cannot really care about the judges and Musharrafs fate

737

more that his own, but political commitments have forced him to hitch his
star to their fate. It is what it is.
Asifs strategy has been to wait it out in the hope that Musharraf or
CJ Iftikhar will do something stupid and make their positions untenable or
that Nawaz will yield. Neither has happened so far. The problem is the
economic and militancy crises have not stayed still. But this was entirely
predictable. What has been disastrous for the transition is a government that
has vacillated in response to its problems
Assume Gen Kayani genuinely intends to have his army follow the
political leaderships directions in the war against militants. Policy confusion
will encourage him to think twice now assume Gen Kayani does not
genuinely intend to have his army yield to the civilians. Policy confusion
will give his army the excuse it needs to exert wider, and maybe more direct
control. Either way, the transition to civilian, elected rule is in trouble,
fuelled by the governments deficit of trust and confidence.
Politics affects the economy and militancy; the latter affect
politics. Right now all are pulling each other down. But if its so obvious,
why are the politicians behaving so recklessly? Whats wrong with Pakistan?
The answer: clearly plenty. Depending on who you speak to, the diagnosis
will range from the triple crisis to poverty and illiteracy and from politicians
to the judges and Musharraf. And befitting a nation of talkers, there are
plenty of people with a prognosis, gloomy or otherwise.
But, like our reckless politicians, few seem to recognize that often
half the solution to a problem lies in asking the right questions. When the
coalition leaders meet, the nation will demand answers on the judges,
Musharraf and the price of fuel. But before working on those answers, the
leaders should reflect on what the right questions are for Pakistan right now.
The transition to a more democratic future for Pakistan may depend on
which set of questions they choose to address the obvious one or the
important one.
Saleem Jadoon from Jeddah wrote: Speaking to the nation at
tumultuous times through a halting delivery, least confidence, vision or a
stately foresight, he catapulted us and perhaps the nation in ever greater
abyss of hopelessness and uncertainty, to say the least. How I wish Mr
Gilani may not have addressed the nation, something should better be left
undone!
Gilanis maiden visit to the US will be discussed for quite some time
to come. Meanwhile, The Dawn wrote: These are testing times for US738

Pakistan relations, and verbal support is often belied by intimidating

actions. As a case in point, President Bushs assurance to Prime Minister
Gilani on Monday that Washington was committed to Pakistans sovereignty
was preceded by a US missile attack on a suspected militant target in FATA.
Such attacks have been condemned by Pakistan. but it is clear that even as
Washington urges the government to do more to counter terrorism it has no
qualms about taking unilateral action where it deems it necessary.
Mr Gilanis trip is not likely to reverse this propensity and the visit
should be taken more as US acceptance of a post-Musharraf, civilian
set-up than a new beginning. It is evident that cooperation is needed to win
the war on terrorism, and in this context both Mr Bush and Mr Gilani
expressed their commitment to maintaining security. Nevertheless, one
hopes that the prime minister will not come away without making it amply
clear that unilateral strikes inside Pakistan will not be tolerated instead of
taking refuge in mealy-mouthed references to Washingtons impatience.
Although good bilateral relations demand that territorial sovereignty
be respected, the path to stronger ties also lies in areas not linked to
military cooperation as the joint communiqu issued at the end of the
Bush-Gilani meeting shows. Apart from military aid, there is relief for
common Pakistani in these times of inflation through American food
assistance
All this would be of tremendous help if US funds and expertise
came with few strings attached and were employed judiciously with
honesty of purpose. But the reality of donor-driven aid is grimmer than it
appears on paper. Pakistan is no stranger to financial irregularities in the
disbursement of funds or flawed expertise on the part of foreign consultants.
There must be greater accountability of how such funds and expertise are
used if trust is to be maintained.
Pakistan must also ask itself for how long it intends to receive
such aid and thus remain indebted to a country whose dictates it is forced to
accept. In the long run this not only harms its interests, it also impacts
negatively on its self esteem and on bilateral ties.
The most stunning event came just on the eve of Gilanis US yatra;
the ISI was placed under Rehman Maliks interior ministry and the
notification was hastily cancelled. The News commented: The fact that the
second press release had to be issued few hours after the initial story that the
ISI had been placed under the interior ministry, saying that the intelligence
agency was already under civilian control because its chief reported to the
739

prime minister may have to do with negative feedback but also suggests
some level of confusion and an apparently ham-handed attempt to resort
to some of damage control.
As for the governments clarification and eventual reversal, it needs
to be pointed out that under the old arrangement, where the agency would
report to the prime minister through the defence or cabinet division, the wide
perception amongst most people was that it tended to be an institution
unto itself and very much under the control of the army chief, who may
or may not have had a good working relationship with the executive. To that
extent, the transfer to the interior division would have been beneficial
PPP chief Asif Ali Zardari said after the decision was made public
that the move will improve the image of the military, since the past it had
received much flak for being the sponsor of devious doings and of pursuing
a foreign policy independent of the elected government. However, there is
one valid criticism of the decision and this is that placing the agency under
the control on the interior ministry may make it even more vulnerable to
being misused to suit a governments political and ulterior ends.
The key is for the ISI and also the IB to be made answerable to
parliament, and that their roles be restricted to within the ambit of the
Constitution and focused on gathering information and intelligence on those
involved in terrorism and not to harass innocent citizens or a governments
political opponents. The misuse of agencies to spy on politicians must end
but it should also not be handed over to unelected politians to use it for their
own political ends.
The ISI in particular is seen by many as a state within the state,
pursuing its own agenda. This perception needs to be corrected. While
there are questions over whether the Interior Ministry control can cut it
down to size, the effort should be to keep the countrys most notorious
agency on the tight leash, under existing civilian control. How it works out
in practice will depend on the competence and collective wisdom of our
ruling political class.
The Dawn opined: There is no doubt about the need to bring it
under civilian control urgently; however, clandestine, surprise moves of
the kind attempted by the government on Saturday only backfire and further
undermine the governments authority. The humiliating back-pedalling of
the government has also cemented its reputation for lurching from crisis to
crisis, many of them self-made.

740

On paper, the ISIs brief is external counter-intelligence and it reports

to the prime minister. In reality, the ISI is known for meddling in
domestic affairs and takes it cue from the army high command. Given
this reality the government ought to have taken a very different path to the
one that it chose. The starting point should have been a debate on the
function and role of the ISI in the state apparatus. The debate needed to
include all the stakeholders: parliament, the cabinet, coalition partners, the
armed forces and the intelligence agencies. Then proposals for change
should have been solicited, the differences squared and a reforms package
developed. This is how good, inclusive, stable governance functions.
There are many reasons to give the government a reprieve: it is
operating short-handed while the PML-N works out if it wants to remain a
part of the coalition; there is an economic crisis headlined by inflation and
food shortages; and militants are rampaging across large swathes of
Pakistan. Missteps and errors are to be expected, especially from a political
class that has never been allowed to be comfortable in power. Yet such grave
and elementary errors of judgment suggest that the government is not
learning from the mistakes of the past. This does not bode well for the
transition to democracy.
Cyril Almeida wrote: For a few short hours the ISI had a new
boss: Rehman Malik. Yet, the hyper-powerful, state-within-a-state, Talibanloving, government-slaying, election-rigging, tool-of-the-establishment ISI
was going to report to a civilian, unelected adviser to a lame duck prime
minister.
So confident were Messrs Gilani and Malik of the scheme that they
scampered out of the country before the news was broken. It may have been
meant as a gift to appease the gods in Washington, who have long been
suspicious of the ISI and were preparing to flog our hapless politicians. Or
maybe Gilani and Malik were hoping to hide behind Bush
The ISI was blindsided, some will assert with confidence, else it
would have dipped into its legendary collection of files in the Joint
Intelligence Bureau and paid a visit to its nemeses. The conquerors of the
mighty Soviets will never be the whipping boy of this government. They
would sooner stage a coup. Others will argue that the ISI can never be
tranquilized into submission
Some will see it as Kayanis way of undermining Musharraf by
humiliating his buddy, ISI chief, Nadeem Taj. Yet others will speculate that
the folks in the PM Secretariat got so sick of spies popping into their offices,
741

putting their feet up on tables, lighting up cigarettes and ordering the PMs
staffers to make tea that the staffers thought it best to transfer the cowboys to
Rehman Malik. One look at the hapless Malik and you will be inclined to
believe this theory. He does seem like a bit of a masochist, trying as he is
to fight a directionless counter-insurgency.
The more esoteric will mull the connection between Nadeem Taj,
planes and changes in the army. He was a mere brigadier assisting
Musharraf when the two were kept up in the air while Nawaz sought to end
their careers. Eight years later, Tajs job was being tinkered with again, this
time by people flying off in a hurry.
Only of this can we be sure: we will not learn the truth of what
transpired last weekend. As with the postponement of the by-elections, the
disqualification of Nawaz and the CNG pricing fiasco or, on a grander scale
and further back in history, the deaths of Zia and Liaqat Ali Khan, the truth
is never uncovered. In a week another fiasco will occupy and agitate the
minds of the people.
Yet, unwittingly, the government has exposed one of Pakistans key
problems: the absence of readily identifiable locus of power. Yes, we know
the ISI won this round and the government lost Was it Musharraf,
protecting an old buddy and the keeper of many of his secrets? Was it
Kayani, soldierly and professional but unwilling to tinker with army
institutions at this stage? Was it Taj, furious at being kept out of the loop and
swatting away any attempt to wrench control of his fiefdom? Was the
original scheme cooked up by the PM, Malik or Asif or even Kayani or
Musharraf? The grocer at the corner is just as likely to have an answer as the
men in the corridors of power. This amorphous locus of power is not just
dangerous; it is inimical to any sort of governance.
In a subsequent editorial The Dawn added: The international
pressure on the ISI continues to build. President Bush is reported to have
told Prime Minister Gilani in Washington that elements in the agency were
passing on information to terrorists that helped them avoid attacks by
American and Pakistani forces. The New York Times, meanwhile, has
revealed that a deputy director of the CIA secretly traveled to Pakistan last
month to confront Pakistans top officials including President Musharraf,
Gen Kayani and Lt Gen Taj, with evidence of the ISIs involvement in the
Afghan insurgency.
According to the NYT report, the CIA assessment specifically
pointed to links between members of the ISI and the militant network
742

led by Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani, which has close ties to senior figures of
al-Qaeda in Pakistans tribal areas. The Pakistan Army has reacted angrily
to the allegation and its spokesman has rejected this report as unfounded,
baseless and malicious.
What is to be made of these allegations? First, the notion of rogue
elements in the ISI acting of their own accord needs to be done away with.
The majority of the ISI employees are soldiers on secondment from the army
and it is next to impossible that systematic, regular support to any group can
be given by mavericks within the ISI following their own agenda. Second,
the ISIs long-standing links to militants is unquestionable. It was after all
the ISI that ran arms and money from the West and the Middle East to
mujahideen fighting the Soviets.
But the US allegation that the Pakistan state is supporting militants in
Afghanistan today should require the presentation of substantial evidence.
After all it defies all logic that the ISI should be helping the militants who
are engaged in killing our own soldiers. The assumption that the ISI is
supporting the Taliban and assorted militants in Afghanistan today would be
predicated on the misguided belief that Pakistan will eventually have a
friendly government on its western borders were the US to pull out of
Afghanistan.
This view overlooks the disastrous consequences a pro-militancy
policy has for security and peace inside Pakistan given that militants are
ideologically driven and not Afghan nationalists committed to staying inside
its borders. Moreover, this would forever prevent Pakistan from moving to a
path of stable, long-term development. Self-interest demands that Pakistan
says no to militancy and one can assume that the ISI understands the
countrys strategic and political interests well enough to refrain from
undertaking such unwise adventures.
Ayesha Siddiqa pondered: Why did the government act at this
juncture, why did it reverse the decision, and should Islamabad have made
such a move are the three pertinent questions which will be considered in
this space. There are two reasons why the government tried to bring the
agency under a different control regimen.
First, considering that the ISI is notorious for destabilizing
civilian governments, it was logical to take such action. The only problem
was with the timing the constitutional head of the government, Yousuf
Raza Gilani, could not defend the decision as he was not in the country at
the time.
743

Second, there should be little doubt that this was done under
pressure from the US which appears extremely unhappy with the agencys
involvement in Afghanistan and other places. Sources say that even the army
chief, Gen Kayani, admits that relations between the ISI and CIA have
nosedived, which makes a US attack on Pakistan probable rather than
possible.
Some might call it a conspiracy against Pakistan but considering
the countrys historical dependency relationship with the US, doing what
every other civil and military regime has also done is certainly not a sin. The
US cannot be pushed out as long as we seek military and economic aid. So
why blame Mr Zardari alone for catering to the US?
The reversal of the decision is less of a mystery because it would
certainly have been done at the behest of the military which was
uncomfortable with the change, especially when it was being seen as the
result of US involvement. The only odd thing about the decision was putting
the agency under the interior ministry. It would have made greater sense and
less of a shock had the operations and finances been shifted to the prime
ministers office.
There are quarters who are not comfortable with the closeness of
the ministrys higher management to both the British and American
governments, especially their intelligence agencies. The reversal yet again
exposed the problems of the PPPs over-centralized decision-making
apparatus.
Given the ISIs chequered history, it is not odd for the people within
or outside the government to ask for greater accountability of the
organization or its restructuring. Governments create new organizations as
well and the ISI needs to be restructured to take away its bite. The fact that
the ISI is technically under the prime ministers office has never made any
difference to how the agency operates. This means that there was a need for
something more radical which, unfortunately, the government could not
achieve.
This brings us back to the timing of the decision. Had Benazir
Bhutto been alive she might have done it differently, perhaps when her
coalition was strong rather than when there are rumours every day of the
governments imminent break-up. Including Mian Nawaz Sharif in the
decision would have made greater sense
Also, the move would have gone down much better had the
government earned the moral authority to take this big leap by first
744

taking other tricky decisions such as restoring the judiciary. Moreover, the
series of recent faux pas which has proved expensive in terms of the
governments credibility has made it hard for people to swallow yet another
reversal.

General views on the lingering political stalemate were in plenty.

Adrain A Husain reviewed the performance of Zardaris PPP to date. Let us
take it then that there is more to Zardari than meets the eye, that he is a
natural survivor and that his apparent dilatoriness over what has come to be
known as the judges issue is part of a well thought out strategy of attrition.
He is, in other words, seeking to consolidate himself while playing
for time. There is a relevant caveat here though. Besides the fact that he is
engaged in a form of political Russian roulette, time may not be altogether
on his side and be favouring the more conscionable and rooted Nawaz
Sharif instead.
Whatever the case, the overall impression of the PPP government
affording a purely token presence or going through the motions of
governance is all but universal. There are two possible reasons for this. One
is what while political change seemed to come about in the wake of
elections, a disquieting gap between expectancy and fulfillment nevertheless
persisted since the nation was never actually released from the chill embrace
of the status quo.
The next has to do with the war on terror. This is an area with its
own peculiar obscurities and capacities which no merely well-intentioned
policy of dialogue such as envisaged by Zardari after his electoral victory
was going to succeed in encompassing. The appropriate protocols had long
since been in place and there wasno scope for innovative headway here.
As a result, such utopian ventures as the Swat peace agreement
destined to fail from the very outset just as the operation in Bara in Khyber
Agency was little more than an exercise in counter-terrorist orientation for
our untutored democratic incumbents. The bargaining chip idea had now to
be accepted for what it was by these newcomers to the scene. So whereas
first the PPP government was simply at sea in this particular context, today
it stands effectively marginalized by our far more pragmatic military.
Anwar Syed criticized the remote-controlled governance. Mr
Zardaris present connection with the government is not only extra-legal but
also gross. If it cannot be terminated, a way should be found to

745

legitimize it. He might be given some kind of a post in the state apparatus:
roving ambassador, minister without portfolio, adviser-in-chief?
He is not the only party chief who summons associates to
meetings requiring travel within Pakistan and abroad. Benazir Bhutto
used to call her party leaders to Dubai, London and at times even New York.
Nawaz Sharif did the same with his party notables. One may want to know
who paid their travel and related costs: each one of them personally, the
party chief, or the party.
There is not much for us to say in the first two cases. Interestingly
questions do arise if the money comes from the party coffers. I happen to
have on hand approximate figures (in rupees) of income and expenditure
that several parties reported to the Election Commission for the fiscal year
2003-04. the MQM collected and spent nearly Rs4m; the PML-Q collected
Rs256,000 and spent nearly Rs6m; the JI received Rs3m and spent a little
less; the PML-N collected and spent a little less than Rs2m; the JUI-F
collected and spent exactly the same amount which was Rs1,138,408 (this
exactitude being surely a thing of wonder). The PPP Parliamentarians
opened and closed the year with cash balance of Rs1000, collected nothing
and spent nothing (also an enigma).
If four PML-N notables made three trips to London to confer with
Nawaz Sharif, traveled first (or even business) class and stayed in a decent
hotel, they would pretty much exhaust the partys kitty (Rs2m in 2003-04).
Note that Mr Sharif asked his associates to travel to London several times
during his stay there. The same would hold for other parties such as the
MQM and PPP. The MQM leaders have been presenting themselves
before Altaf Bhai almost on weekly basis.
Consider also that parties have other expenses such as those relating
to workers compensation, organization of election campaigns, public
meetings, rallies and demonstrations. We must conclude then that the
reports filed with the Election Commission were incomplete or false, and
that the parties have additional funds tucked away in hidden places.
It is possible that the better known persons in the major parties are
independently wealthy and capable of bearing their travel costs, in which
case we have the paradox of the wealthy managing a party, such as the
PPP, that claims to be the party of the poor and the deprived.
It may be assumed that parties have bank accounts in which their
declared funds are kept. It remains to be asked if there is a unit in each party
that approves its budget and authorizes disbursements, and to which the
746

designated disbursing officer renders an accounting. If that is not the case,

are we to assume that the party president or chairman is the keeper of its
funds and disburses them as he deems fit? Needless to say, the latter
situation does not provide for accountability. It may then be said that the
party chooses to operate on the basis of a personality cult, and that it
has little interest in converting itself into an institution.
Ghazi Salahuddin observed: Pessimism at the popular level is rising
and palpable. There is a growing fear that the very existence of the country
may be at stake. It is becoming more and more difficult to comprehend the
reality of power politics in the country. Asif Zardari, who did make some
statesman-like moves after the February elections, is now losing credibility.
There is a leadership vacuum. No one is there to respond to questions that
are rising in the minds of concerned Pakistanis.
Izzud-Din Pal came out with a brief Zardari-Nawaz comparison. The
image of the government is not helped much by the strange relationship
that Asif Ali Zardari has developed with it. If he is the prime minister in
waiting then he should take necessary steps to accomplish his goal.
Otherwise, the government should be allowed to do its business in an
autonomous manner. In India, one does not hear much about what role Sonia
Gandhi is playing in influencing the policies of the Manmohan Singh
government.
Mr Nawaz Sharif (dishonest and a convict according to the case
filed against him in the LHC) has so far redeemed his reputation and
public opinion seems to recognize this fact. It is possible that Pakistan may
continue to face the current transition until the next elections, unless the
general decides to take an early retirement, in the name of national interest.
Kamran Shafi opined: Barring a few needed and very laudatory
actions which the government took at the very beginning of its tenure,
nothing seems to have changed. You only have to look at the ongoing efforts
of super adviser, some say de facto prime minister, Rehman Malik, to get
a hang of how things are going. Not a day passes when the man does not put
his foot in it the latest being his loud statement that the most stringent
action needs to be taken in Khyber Agency; this, mark, during the efforts of
the jirga to bring peace to the area.
A mere two days before this gem, he goes and says that
demonstrations and protests in Islamabad will be limited to just one spot
which will soon be chosen by the police and notified. How can the

747

government possibly take away a citizens right to congratulate with his or

her fellows at a place of HIS or HER choosing?
Kamran then discussed the plight of the relatives of missing persons
who have established a protest camp in Islamabad and then added: They say
the Americans have Asif Zardari by the neck because of the deal, will
get rid of him as soon as it is clear that the PML-N has finally got fed up and
has walked away from the coalition? I mean, they have a dagger through
the heart of the party with the murder of Benazir Bhutto.
Meanwhile, back at the Commandos ranch, the most incendiary
language was used by Karachis nazim, Mustafa Kamal, a recent VVVIP
visitor to Foggy Bottom and Langley, USA, whilst Musharraf sat on the dais
at a recent Karachi gathering. Not only did Kamal bad-mouthed with the
PML-N, he also told businessmen not to take their money out of Pakistan
for when they returned after six months or one year the region and its
geography may not be the same or words to that exact effect.
Musharraf was not moved, choosing only to say, and I kid you not,
words to the effect: I am a commando and know offence. Now Asif can put
whatever connotation he likes on this; I can only advise extreme caution;
and immediate action. And can he please stop grinning? There is nothing to
smile about in the Citadel of Islam; not yet anyway.
In another column Kamran Shafi added: Why in Gods name should
Asif Zardari go to the White House to beg Dubyas indulgence to impeach
Musharraf? And why in heavens name should Nawaz Sharif accompany
him so that Dubya is moved enough to allow the elected government of
Pakistan to impeach Musharraf?
If Asif Zardaris aides are to be believed they leaked such stories
to the press two days running last week Asif had asked Nawaz Sharif to
accompany him to DC so that they could, the both of them, stand in The
Presence of possibly the most inept, most dangerous leader the US has
ever had, and ask his permission to impeach Musharraf.
If the aides are to be believed, NS has refused to go. Well, bully for
him. What does Dubya have to do with this matter anyway? The aides also
let slip that Asif Ali Zardari is upset that Nawaz Sharif let him down in the
past too: that when Asif Zardari asked him to accompany him to Saudi
Arabia to plead for oil on deferred payment, Nawaz Sharif said he would go
but refused at the last minute.

748

Hang on a minute though. A source extremely close to Raiwind told

me a month ago that whilst Asif Zardari had mentioned to Nawaz Sharif that
they would go to Saudi Arabia together, when the time came Asif Zardari
marched off on his own. I believe this version of events because my source
is more than impeccable.
This is not the way to do business, sirs, it just is not. The coalition
will simply not be able to take the pressures being put on it by irresponsible
leaks to the press by aides. As it is, the coalition that most Pakistanis
including I fervently hope will stay together and defeat the dictatorship once
and for all is already under huge pressure, especially, you guessed it, because
of the PPPs one step forward, five back approach to the impeachment
and the judges issue.
Tariq Fatemi observed: According to credible analysts it is its
conduct of war on terror and handling of the economy that has exposed
the governments fundamental weaknesses and set alarm bells ringing. On
the first count, the Gilani government appears torn between its desire to be
tough with the militants, especially as this would improve its credentials
with the Bush Administration, and the need to cater to its coalition partner
the ANP which favours a policy premised on negotiations with local
extremists. We have therefore alternated between launching military
operations and announcing ceasefires, leaving both sides equally confused.
The situation on the economic front is no less worrying, as it has
impacted most negatively on millions of people who are barely surviving.
Observers fear an economic meltdown, spurred no doubt by galloping
inflation that has sent prices of essential food items through the roof The
much-hyped foreign exchange reserves have also fallen from $16.5bn in
October 2007 to about $11bn to day while the trade deficit has soared to
$20bn. Not surprisingly, international credit rating agencies have
downgraded Pakistan and it currently ranks 87th in the list of countries with
business prospects.
As if in confirmation of this trend, Gen Musharraf has reemerged, chest thumping, from his self-imposed break which he claims
was the result of a well thoughtout strategy. He is obviously delighted at the
negative press coverage of the democratic government, which he believes
could help burnish his own record. Frequently referring to his commando
past, he denies any intention of quitting office while asserting that the army
would not abandon him. His performance was classic, Musharraf
contemptuous as ever of the people and their views.

749

While the need of the hour is unyielding resolve and

uncompromising commitment, sadly the government is lacking in both.
There even appears to be a failure to recognize the dangers stalking it. Let
the politicians recognize that they are on trial; their mistakes and errors
could discredit democracy itself. If the people were to become disillusioned
with the politicians, their faith in the democratic dispensation could be
seriously shaken, in which case it will be the country much more than the
politicos that will be grievously hurt.
Cyril Almeida endeavoured to agitate the nation to act. Hope is this
nations enemy. If it wasnt for hope and its distant cousin inshallah,
Pakistan would be a very different country today a better, more agreeable
land. Why you ask? How Scrooge-like to turn on hope? The trouble with
hope is that it delegates, leaving the real, hard work of getting things done to
others. Hope is the black box in which place all our problems and then wait
for them to emerge resolved. With hope there is no need for planning, let
alone a plan B. God willing, Pakistan will be a democracy. We hope that CJ
Iftikhar will fix this nation. We hope to provide kapra aur makaan to the
people. Hopefully Pakistan will be a prosperous nation.
Innocuous, innocent, cuddly hope has infected this land for so long
that, though we may not realize it, we are beyond hope, a nation of nohopers dreaming of success and achieving failure. But if we were to do
away with hope we would be left with is a will to succeed.
Nothing focuses the mind as knowing that there is no one to rely on
other than ones self. Tough choices would be made pragmatically and
fortnightly, instead of shoving them in the hope box in the hope that answers
will emerge. What our country needs is a hypodermic needle full of realism
punched straight into its heart. For too long the placebo of hope has made
us think that Pakistan will get better while its innards have slowly
vanished. Not convinced?
The evidence abounds. After Feb 18, we hoped that a new day had
dawned. Paeans to democracy we sung, the peoples will was admired, and
everyone hoped that things would be better. Except the few who glanced
at the numbers in parliament and then at Asif, Nawaz and Musharraf and
scratched their heads and wondered how it would work.
Analyst went on to discuss as how the nation suffered at the hands of
hope and added: What would we do without hope? We would get
things done. Look at any portrait of Jinnah. Does he look like a man who
was lifted to greatness on the wings of hope? His austere demeanor suggests
750

otherwise. BB wasnt one for hope either. Determinedly working her

contacts in Washington she dragged herself from political oblivion to the
threshold of power. Yes, the stars may have lined up in their favour as
Washington looked to tweak its Pakistan script, but she didnt wait for luck
to come knocking at her door. Make what you will of her politics, but she
had a fierce spirit.
The indefatigable Shahbaz does not reek of hope, which is the secret
to his success. A methodical, no-frills chief minister, Shahbaz set about his
work and soon produces results. If only other politicians learned from his
example, especially Nawaz, the sinner-in-chief when it comes to hope.
Shahbaz may look a little unsure nowadays, but anyone would if they didnt
know if they would have a job tomorrow.
So lets stand up to hope, which for too long has seduced this country
and held us in its deadly embrace. What we need is a slap to the face, a
bucket of cold water over the head or a kick to the shins something to
make us sit up and take notice of our plight rather than the generous
liberation of hope that have dulled our senses. Is there anyone to lead us
out of the desert of hope? Step forward, brave one. You will have at least one
follower.
In spite of the above views, Shaheen Sehbai saw silver lining in the
growing dark clouds. There is, in fact, a determined will and even a quiet,
persuasive and persistent effort to make the political players realize that
they have to take charge of the situation, develop national policies, put
their heads together and chalk out plans and strategies which the other arms
of the state are ready to implement without any questions asked.
The effort is to let the elected representatives come up with
solutions, which they should own, instead of throwing back the ball in the
court of implementing agencies, as was recently done after a full briefing to
the entire political leadership in case of operations in Khyber Agency and
NWFP.
The bottom lines and the red lines on each issue, with clearly defined
pros and cons are being explained to the political leaders but there is a
decision in principle that any option adopted by the political government
would be accepted and fully implemented, as it may be ordered, with
whatever consequences.
Having said all that, though key players are not prepared to come
on record or discuss in detail the available options on internal terrorism,
economic revival, national integration and American war against terror (read
751

Pakistan) besides other important domestic issues, they expect the political
leadership to rise to the occasion and start governing, sooner the better. But
to be fair, there is no sense of desperation or restlessness which may pose
even a far-fetched threat to the system.
These power circles, especially of the khaki kind, are more worried
about the threat to the country from the western borders as much as from
internal terrorism, a term which is being repeated with increasing emphasis
because it is a considered view that redefining the global war on terror is
critical if a national consensus is to be built to fight this internal threat.
Fighting the global war on terror is taken by all and sundry as
fighting the American war and it is, and it is rightly considered, as a deeply
divisive issue instead of the terrorism unleashed by our own people within
our own society.
But consensus needs to be built on fighting internal terrorism,
there is a more urgent need to build a national consensus on the American
designs on Pakistan, especially in the dying days and weeks of the Bush
presidency, desperately in need of some high value military success to boost
the partys election prospects in November.
As the US strategy and tactics get aggressive, Pakistanis at all
levels, political and military have been advising caution and even
pointing out at the basic faults in the US strategic thinking in dealing with
the region, specially Afghanistan, but there is no receptive ear in the dead, or
dying, Republican Washington DC.
Since that thinking is not going to change and will get more
offensive, Pakistani strategic thinkers are preparing for the US onslaught.
There is a talk of what leverage Pakistan has if US military strikes get
nasty in FATA thus causing a massive public uproar within the country.
There is mention of the 90,000 US containers that cross Pakistani territory
every year to provide supplies, arms and ammunition to the NATO alliance,
which is then used against Pakistan But while all this is happening at a
particular operational level, the biggest missing factor is the appearance of
an effective political government in Islamabad which can move on from the
issues it has been bogged down for months without any result.
The main responsibility of this state of affairs rests with the PPP
and its leader Asif Ali Zardari who has astounded his critics, and
supporters, by adopting an almost irresponsible attitude, for reasons not yet
known publicly, though there is a lot of talk and buzz that he was having
some serious intra-family problems, specially with his own children in
752

Dubai. In his current visit he took both his sisters Faryal and Azra that was
seen as a sign that he needed family help
This deadlock has to end quickly and both Asif and Nawaz Sharif
were to get over the pending issues of the judges and President Musharraf
to come to grips with the real threats to the country. Mr Musharraf has to be
blamed a lot for this continuing uncertainty as he did not have the grace to
admit that he was now a problem and the sooner he got out of the way, the
easier it may be for the countrys political system to settle down. He has
uselessly wasted his time and energy to hang on to a broken branch which
may snap at any moment but in the process he has dragged the system down
and consumed whatever positive momentum the new government had to
tackle major issues.
But given his state of mind no one should have expected him to
show grace and should have been booted out earlier. According to all the
signs emanating from his old constituency there would not have been a
single soul worried about his departure had it been done properly and
quickly. Even now no tears would be shed if a surgical operation gets him
going out of the country or in a safe house within
There is no reason for Nawaz Sharif to stick around in the
coalition waiting for something to happen or Mr Zardari to change his
mind. That will not happen so Mr Sharif quickly move out declaring that he
would never let the PPP government fall but would sit in the Opposition and
keep making efforts for an independent judiciary until the political parties go
back to the electorate for another election and get a mandate. If he gets that,
he can restore the judges and vindicate himself. The bottom line for him
should be that he would not let the system go down, but PPP should rule,
even as a minority government, until the next election, he should concentrate
on Punjab in the meanwhile.
For the PPP, the only option left is for Mr Zardari to come back
to Pakistan, if he can get over his family problems quickly. He must head
for the PM House, get himself elected and assume the charge as PM because
Mr Yousaf Raza Gilani cannot deliver anything nor can he be blamed for not
doing so.
Hussain H Zaidi wishfully kept finding ways to punish the guilt of
high treason. The fact of the matter is that constitutional provisions,
though exceedingly important, are not in themselves an effective
bulwark against martial laws. The only effective bulwark against
unconstitutional steps is strong and stable democratic institutions. Building
753

such institutions is a difficult and drawn-out process and requires politicians

to subordinate their personal or party interests to those of democratic
institutions and strengthen these institutions rather than their own positions.
In fact, no constitution can guarantee punishing the guilty of high treason as
long as there are law experts like Sharifuddin, Hafeez Pirzada and Qayyum
Malik and politicians like Shujaat and Zardari keen to acquire their services.
However, it does not mean that those guilty of subverting the
constitution should be allowed to go scot-free in the name of reconciliation
or for any other reason. Since they have committed the most serious offence,
they must pay for that. True, they cannot be tried as long as they wield
power. But once they lose power, they need to be taken to account for
their unconstitutional acts.

REVIEW
The divorce has been gradually becoming ominous. The bitterness
surfaced clearly before and after the meeting of coalition partners. PPP
leaders while talking to media blamed the PML-N for adversely affecting the
performance of the government.
For example, Asif Ahmed Ali, ex-minister and now hoping to be one,
said Nawaz was aping Ahmedinejad. Nusrat Javed linked his remarks to
recent exchange of views in a workshop organized by Musharraf in Murree
which was attended by Foreman Salman Taseer.
Asif also accused Nawaz of joining the lawyers long march which
according to him was an assault on the Parliament. The marriage of
convenience has fast turned into a marriage of inconvenience, despite the
statements to save it at all costs.
In fact the marriage solemnized under the Charter of Democracy has
been far less convenient than the illicit relationship established under the
auspices of NRO. When BB used to claim that she and her party would
perform better in war against terror; she never meant doubting Musharrafs
commitment to war on terror.
What she meant was that her party could prove a better partner for
Musharraf than PML-Q. She is no more but her party has stood by her
words. It has resisted restoration of judges far more than PML-Q ever could.
Resultantly, today Sind and Punjab seemed to be virtually having their own
chief justices: Dogar and Iftikhar respectively.

754

The notification regarding ISI has to be viewed from two angles;

first, in the context of war on terror. Soon after the launching of Crusades,
the US and India realized that they must cooperate closely to defeat Islamic
fascists in the region. They embraced each other by forming a strategic
partnership. This was no secret move; instead it was made public right from
the outset without caring for any concerns of the frontline mercenary.
In the context of the region in general and Pakistan in particular the
strategic partners determined the goals to be achieved to defeat the so-called
Islamic militancy. The first goal was to crush the spirit of Jihad as both India
and the US have seen the lethality of this concept in Kashmir and
Afghanistan respectively. This has been accomplished commendably well
with the help of the Musharraf regime. Today nobody dares even talking of
this concept because it has been demonized as terrorism.
The second goal was much broader in its scope and so were its
implications. It was to ridicule Islam as preached by Quraan and Sunnah.
They launched two-pronged manoeuvre. Exterior move was primarily based
on propaganda to demonize Islam. Interior move was again assigned to the
mercenary called Musharraf and his enlightened companions.
Its major implication was to obliterate the ideological identity of
Pakistan which Pakis consider to be the Citadel of Islam and bulk of Islamic
world tends to agree with them. To this end hype of secularism gained
unprecedented intensity under the patronage of Musharraf.
The aim was that once Pakistan loses its Islamic identity, Pakistanis
cease to be a nation; they simply remain a hotchpotch of numerous
nationalities. This task has also been accomplished well. Today, Pakhtoon
and Baloch nationalisms have been revived strongly; even MQM has started
dreaming of redrawing the map to have a state of its own. Sindhi
nationalism, however, remains dormant because Sindh-based PPP is in
power in the centre.
The third goal pertained to destruction or weakening of armed forces
of Islamic countries. In Iraq, these have been completely destroyed but the
same could not be done in case of Pakistan because Musharraf played
smart by stepping to the side of the Yanks.
The US decided to exploit the obtainable situation. It forced Pakistan
Army to fight against own people. No army could be weakened more than
by seducing it to fight against its own people no matter what is the crime
committed by the people. The unending raga of do more is part of this
design and Pakistani rulers have been submitting to these demands.
755

Resultantly, Pakistan Army has alienated itself from the nation that it is
supposed to defend.
The latest move regarding ISI reveals the fourth goal which is entirely
Pakistan-specific. Both India and the US have first-hand of knowledge of the
capabilities of ISI to deliver on tasks related to organizing, training, guiding
and supervising an armed resistance. Once the two strategic partners decide
to deliver final blow on the Citadel of Islam and destroy its armed forces
through a massive air assault, the ISI could organize a resistance movement
against occupation forces; hence; the move to deny this capability by
undoing the ISI.
Secondly, ISI related notification has to be viewed from the viewpoint
of the ruling party, the PPP. The Crusaders goal of demolishing ISI fits in
PPPs design. The party, like its strategic partners, feels threatened from this
establishment; thus the issue of the notification and the rest could be
accomplished by Rehman Malik.
The so-called bureaucratic mistake of issuing a notification showed
the intent of PPP leaders who are in control of the party. Zardaris wife and
his father-in-law had an ambition to keep the armed forces under their thumb
which remained unfulfilled. He now found the international scenario
favourable for the fulfillment of this long-standing ambition.
Zardaris immediate statement in which he had emphasized the need
for close coordination between all intelligence agencies was nothing more
than a smokescreen to conceal the evil intentions. The smiling scoundrel
tried to fool three in one go; the nation, the army and the coalition partners.
It is of little significance to probe as to who took such an important
and so drastically wrong decision about ISI that it had to be reversed within
few hours. The notification was nothing but a notice spelling out intentions
of Zardari-led PPP. Under the pretext of war on terror Zardari tried to get
hold of Political Wing of ISI. The time was ripe as Kabul had frequently
blamed ISI, the US expressed its concerns about some ISI officials and India
wanted its dismantling altogether.
ISI should carry out security check on Zardari and Rehman Malik - in
fact such checks should be obligatory for all politicians. When a candidate
for grade-16 job has to be subjected to security checks, then why not
Rehman Malik and Zardari, who have even dodged the check-by-ballot? ISI
may find that during their exile in New York and London both of them could
have been enrolled by hostile intelligence agencies. Both may be on the payroll of CIA or RAW.
756

If it is left to the present leadership of the PPP it would place all the
three armed forces under Rehman Malik. And, justify it by arguing that
future war would be fought within territorial limits of Pakistan; therefore,
the armed forces should operate under supervision of advisor to the ministry
of interior.
Hamid Gul too has a point when he termed it a gift for the US which
Gilani wanted to carry to the White House. Gilanis US visit will be
discussed for long time to come. The kind of comments it would invite can
be judged from the level of concerns expressed in statements attributed to
him and his ministers; two of them are worth quoting. Talking to a TV
channel he said the whole world would benefit from operations in tribal area.
It amounted to saying that Pakistani tribesmen were threat to entire world.
Another lowly statement was about resumption of direct flights to the US.
2nd August 2008

NEW MERCENARIES
After having placed the man of their choice as head of the Pakistan
Army, who happened to be the guarantor of the US sponsored BenazirMusharraf deal; the Yanks did not face any problem in requisitioning
services of PPP leaders for their war on terror. Pakistan was now neck-deep
in the quagmire.
During the period the US tried to make new inroads on another front;
attempt was made to place ISI under Interior Ministry or under Rehman
Malik. The US in alliance with India and the puppet Karzai seemed
determined to dismantle this institution and PPP-leadership was inclined to
facilitate their task. This issue has been discussed in other articles.
Having seen the aptitude and uptake of Gilani to the dictates, Richard
Boucher flew to Colombo to give tips to Gilani before his meeting with
Singh and Karzai. After the meeting on 2nd August, India claimed that
Pakistan has agreed to probe Indian Embassy bombing in Kabul.

757

Saarc countries once again agreed to fight terror and hunger. The same
day, 150 yatris were killed in stampede in a temple in Himachal Pardesh in
which involvement of ISI was not as yet claimed by India. However, next
day, Karzai and Singh met in New Delhi and vowed to fight terrorism
emanating from Pakistan.

WESTERN FRONT
The war for the peace and security of occupation forces in
Afghanistan continued with enhanced vigour of freshly employed
mercenaries. Five soldiers were wounded in rocket attack on Timergara Fort
on 15th July. Jirga failed in striking a truce in Doaba area. Two policemen
were kidnapped in Swat. TTP condemned Gilanis statement regarding 9/11like attacks emanating from tribal areas. Concentration of NATO forces was
reported along troublesome tribal areas; ISPR denied.
The US and NATO termed situation in Pakistan dysfunctional. Bush
said the US would investigate charges against Pakistani intelligence
services involvement in series of attacks inside Afghanistan. Obama
threatened direct action in FATA. Bill to triple non-military US aid to
Pakistan was moved.
On 16th July, forces entered Zargari area of Hangu and secured Naryab
Dam. Reportedly 4,000 militants, including Uzbeks, were resisting. NATO
artillery and helicopters engaged targets inside Pakistani area and Pakistan
Army provided assistance. Five people were killed in factional fighting in
Tirah Valley. A policeman was killed and 12 people were injured in bomb
blast in Mastung; police arrested 55 Afghan refugees.
The US denied reports of troop build-up for operation in Pakistans
tribal areas. In the conference chaired by Gilani in Lahore, the CM NWFP,
Hoti spoke for three hours about resentment of people of his province over
cross-border attacks by NATO forces and federal governments failure to
respond appropriately.
Clashes in Hangu area continued on sixth day of the operation on 17 th
July. Baitullah alleged that the NWFP government was not sincere in
restoring peace. He asked the government to resign in five days or face the
consequences. In London, Rehman Malik vowed to maintain writ in FATA.
On 18th July, gunship helicopters targeted militants hideouts in
Hangu area; ten militants were reported killed; three US spies were

758

executed in South Waziristan. Pakistan, Afghanistan and the US differed

over findings of the probe into Gora Prai attack.
Next day, Taliban killed four hostages in Mohmand Agency. Four
people were injured in grenade attack in Garrison cinema in Kohat. Thirteen
more people were killed in factional fighting in Tirah Valley. Pakistan
handed over 65 Afghans at Chaman border crossing. Al-Qaeda may be
sending men to FATA, said Petraeus. In Pakistan Senate body called for
closure of Guantanamo Bay prison. The reason for this demand in hurry
was not stated.
On 20th July, five militants were killed in an attack on a post near
Hangu. The scope of ongoing operation was extended. Obama, during his
stay in Kabul, told Pakistan to close terrorist camps in tribal areas. Next day,
a pro-government tribal elder of Momand tribe and his son were killed in an
ambush. An Afghan and his son were killed in Lawara Mandi for spying for
the US. Two militants were killed in Swat. Hangu operation ended as
militants left the area. Five Taliban were killed by criminals in Peshawar. A
Taliban leader was held in Quetta.
Gilani addressed tribal elders in Peshawar and sought their help to
curb militancy and as reward of that he talked of granting more Longis etc
as was done by the British. The court allowed Dr Khan visits to relatives and
friends but prohibited him to talk about nuclear proliferation. Dr Khan
termed the verdict disappointing.
By 22nd July 19 militants were killed and 60 wounded in Hangu
operation. Taliban warned NWFP government of attacks on the expiry of
five-day deadline. Qazi accused the PPP-led government of fueling the fire
set by Musharraf on the behest of Musharraf. A review petition was filed in
IHC begging for withdrawal on restriction imposed on Dr Khan not to speak
on proliferation issue.
Next day, four people were killed in incidents of violence in Swat.
Hangu operation was halted. Jirga led by Maulana Dr Sher Ali Shah
negotiated release of 70 captives in Mohmand; 35 of them were released
immediately. Taliban commander of Helmand Province did not surrender,
but was arrested by security forces in Quetta. His arrest has raised hopes of
the West.
On 24th July, grand jirga signed Hangu ceasefire accord. In London,
foreign minister defended new strategy to combat terror. The US agreed to
upgrade aging F-16s by transferring $230 million from counter-terrorism
fund. Next day, girls school and 13 shops were destroyed in Swat. Taliban
759

occupied three posts recently vacated by troops in Bajaur. In Orakzai

Agency, Taliban freed eight government employees. Rehman Malik claimed
that in recent operation in Hangu area 40 al-Qaeda commanders, including
Amjad and Rafi, were arrested. Rice asked Pakistan to do more to stop
militants infiltration. Gilani vowed to foil any bid to destabilize tribal areas.
Brother of Hangu nazim was kidnapped on 26th July. Before
embarking on Washington yatra Gilani said terror fight was Pakistans own
war. UNHCR wanted extension in Afghan refugees stay. Next day, a boy
was killed and seven people wounded in a blast in Swat. Fazlullah
threatened to restart suicide bombings if army operation is re-launched. Two
people were wounded when oil tankers heading to Afghanistan were
attacked near Landi Kotal. Shireem M Mazari reported that Pakistan, under
pressure from the US, stopped it nuclear diplomacy in the context of USIndia nuclear deal.
On 28th July, the prime minister of Pakistan presented himself to
President Bush as a friend and ally of the US in war on terror. The guest
requested the host not to hurry in carrying out attacks across the border and
instead rely on Pakistan for doing the needful. The host assured the guest
that the US would respect sovereignty of Pakistan.
Only hours earlier the US forces in occupation of Afghanistan had
carried out missile attack inside South Waziristan and killed six people,
including three children; CJCSC expressed concern over attack. Three
security personnel were killed in Matta, Swat. Afghan accused of spying for
the US was killed in Bajaur Agency. An Afghan was caught in Hangu with
bomb material.
Next day, militants attacked a post in Deolai area and killed two
security men and kidnapped 30 others. Security forces retaliated and claimed
killing two and capturing seven militants and curfew was imposed in the
area. In Khar, militants took over PRV relay centre and a girl was killed
when security forces fired at militants. In Waziristan, security forces locked
a madrassa of Haqqani, a day after a US general visited army headquarters
in Miranshah. Three terror suspects were arrested in Lahore for involvement
in attacks on NATO forces in Afghanistan. Arrest was made on tip-off from
those captured in Bara operation.
Gilani said Pakistan did not need guarantee for its sovereignty from
the United States but he saw no harm if they volunteer such an assurance.
The White House reminded Pakistan that it has an international obligation to

760

fight terrorism, and besides protecting its own people it also has an
obligation to protect its neighbours.
Violence flared up in Swat on 30th July; five troops, including an
officer, and 25 militants were killed. Curfew was imposed in entire valley.
Rockets fired from across the border landed in Waziristan as Pentagon said
attacks on militant sites would continue. Afghan woman was killed in North
Waziristan for spying. In Orakzai Agency, militants released two hostages.
Gilani resorted to counter-accusations by citing US failures in
Afghanistan. Malik blamed Afghanistan and India for unrest in FATA. He
asked India to severe its links with Baitullah. Truthful defence minister said
Bush was angry during meeting over ISI and asked who controlled the
intelligence agency.
On 31st July, 18 civilians, including women and children, were killed
in artillery fire. Security forces claimed killing 40 militants in two-day
fighting; some dead bodies were displayed before media men. Authorities
decided to convert FC fort in Laddah into a hospital. FATA MNAs met
Musharraf.
CIA chief Hayden had presented a charge-sheet against ISI to Gilani.
The allegations included in the charge-sheet were almost identical to what
the New York Times had reported a day earlier. Hayden had categorically
demanded reining in of the ISI.
Operation in Swat continued on 1st August; 20 people were wounded
in artillery and gunship fire and death toll on 3 rd day of fighting rose to 79,
including 11 soldiers and 23 civilians. Two security persons were kidnapped
in Bajaur Agency. Governor, chief minister and corps commander met and
decided to continue military operation in Swat till restoration of peace.
Pakistan rejected allegations against ISI and instead handed over evidence
about Indian involvement in tribal areas.
Eight security men were killed in Swat on 2nd August when militants
blew up their vehicle with remote-control device. Rocket was fired at
Timergara Fort; in Mardan three people were wounded in a similar attack.
US media claimed that Zawahiri was killed or wounded in a missile attack;
Islamabad was unaware of missile attack. Mazhar Tufail reported that Mulla
Fazlullah was funded by Western diplomats.
On 3rd August, security forces killed tend militants and militants burnt
five girls schools. Two security persons were gunned down in drive-by
shooting in Dir. A girls school was attacked in Quetta. Afghanistan agreed

761

to resume talks after Richard Bouchers dash to Colombo. Next day, four
more schools were burnt in Swat as death toll in the ongoing operation rose
to 138; 94 militants, 14 soldiers and 28 civilians.
The Dawn wrote: The fog of war along the Durand Line grows
thicker. Troops, gunship helicopters, tanks and armoured personnel carriers
of the NATO-led ISAF have arrived on the Afghan side of the border along
the North and South Waziristan tribal agencies to what appears to be
preparation for attacks inside FATA. A spokesman for ISAF has denied that
plans are afoot to enter Pakistan.
Events in Afghanistan also suggest that the US may be ready to
set aside restraint. The death of nine US soldiers on Sunday in an
audacious attack by the Taliban on an ISAF outpost in northern Afghanistan
was the worst loss the Americans have suffered in American since June
2005. The 32,000 American troops in the country remain very much in the
Talibans crosshairs.
However, US or ISAF troops must not cross over into Pakistan in hot
pursuit of al-Qaeda and Taliban militants or otherwise. Doing so will be
irresponsible in the extreme and will only fuel the cause of militants in
Pakistan and Afghanistan while undermining the political process in
Pakistan
Already the ominous troop build-up on the borders of FATA has
stirred opportunist political dissent that threatens to paralyze the
government. However, it must also be acknowledged that frustration
amongst the Americans and ISAF is on the rise because the perception
of political drift in Islamabad. What is missing and is urgently required in
Islamabad is a coherent policy for dealing with militancy in FATA and
northern Pakistan that goes beyond the vague three-pronged strategy mooted
by the prime minister Time to act is running out very fast.
Khadim Hussain opined that it was insurgency not Talibanization.
The talk these days in Washington about raiding FATA and the recent visit
by US Congressmen who wanted to convince the Government of Pakistan
that such raids should be allowed are the culmination of this so-called antiAmerican war by the Taliban in Pakistan and Afghanistan. A large number
of people living in the affected tribal areas have already started aspiring
for US intervention as the reality of the Taliban movement and the failure
of local security apparatus to put a stop to it is all too clear to them.
The Taliban movement in Pakistan and other parts of the world is
bent on disrupting state institutions without providing for any alternative. It
762

seems to be a full-fledged insurgency which has to be debated in parliament

and dealt with accordingly. It is important to keep the following questions
in mind while debating the issue of Talibanization in the Pashtun belt.
Do we want to keep the nation state on the assumption that it will in
due course of time develop institutions that will do away with structural
violence? If we suppose that nation states like the US, Pakistan, China, Iran,
Russia, India, etc are part of the problem then what is the alternative? If we
think that nation states have the right to use force against non-state actors to
establish their writ and the rule of law, what will be the intensity of the force
used? Is it possible for the Pakistani state to single-handedly fight militant
organizations that are out to obliterate whatever worthwhile is left in the
Pashtun belt? Should we allow the militants leeway on the assumption that
they represent a revolutionary force? Do we want the US to stop all kinds
of intervention in the Pashtun belt?
Afrasiab Khattak was concerned about FATAs growing disconnect. It
is only natural that we are perturbed when attacks are launched from across
the border. But should we not be equally sensitive to the loss of our
sovereignty over FATA to militant groups? Strangely enough we do not
seem to be bothered about the militants total control of FATA. When the
international media carries reports about this situation we dismiss them as
enemy propaganda against Pakistan. We have failed to grasp the fact that in
the post-Cold War world there is a universal consensus about two things.
One; that all assault weapons that can be used for launching a war
cannot be allowed to be kept in private possession. Two; that no state will
allow to use of its soil by non-state players against another state. The entire
world is astounded by our fixation with the Cold War mode. We have
developed an incredible capacity to live in unreality. This is indeed
dangerous for any state system but it can be catastrophic for a state dancing
in a minefield.
Where does all this leave the people of FATA? They are victims and
not perpetrators as some people would like us to believe. They are in fact in
triple jeopardy. Firstly they are groaning under the draconian FCR of
1901. They have no access to fundamental rights enshrined in the
Constitution of Pakistan since they are not justifiable outside of the
jurisdiction of the higher judiciary.
Secondly the tribal belt has almost been occupied by foreign and
local militant organizations that are better equipped, better trained and
better financed than the local population. More than 160 tribal leaders have
763

been killed by terrorists in North and South Waziristan who operate with
total impunity. Todays FATA is not dissimilar to the Taliban and al-Qaeda
controlled Afghanistan before 9/11.
Thirdly, the people of FATA get caught in the crossfire between
militants and security forces from both sides of Durand Line. The so-called
collateral damage has seen a cancerous growth in FATA. The people of
FATA have lost the support and protection of the state. They have no access
to the media, courts and hospitals or to humanitarian assistance. The only
intervention by state players takes place through their armies and air forces
in which people of the tribal areas are mostly on the receiving end.
For any informed and sensitive Pakistani, the situation in the tribal
area is the top-most priority when it comes to policy formation and
implementation. We must realize that the question of dismantling militant
sanctuaries in FATA and taking short-term and long-term measures to
open up the area and integrate it with the rest of the country needs
urgent national attention if we are to avoid the impending catastrophe.
Mahmood Shah commented: Talibanization is taking over the
country rapidly due to the lack of any tangible counter-strategy from the
governments side. The religious extremists are openly challenging the
governments writ every day and personnel of the police, Frontier
Constabulary, Frontier Corps and other security agencies are being killed or
kidnapped by the dozens. The government appears to be clueless about how
to respond to the crisis.
The government is resorting to shadow boxing in the media. It is
constantly debating whether negotiation or the use of force is the best
option. Is the threat to Peshawar real or imaginary? These are actually
irrelevant discussions at this point in time. While we just talk, on the other
side of the border the US-led coalition forces have redeployed themselves
in Afghanistan.
They are massed across the Durand Line facing Pakistan. USS
Abraham Lincoln, the aircraft carrier, has moved closer to our shores. Scores
of foreign journalists are swarming all over Peshawar as they probably
expect some military action in the near future
The problems are enormous but not insurmountable. This is the time
for the elected leadership to rise to the occasion and mobilize the people
behind it. There is need for a debate in parliament with all the political
parties participating irrespective of their affiliations.

764

All the agreements Pakistan, as a front-line state, has reached

with the US in this war on terror must be brought into the open and
debated. Only those commitments which are in the best interest of Pakistan
should be retained while the remaining need to be scrapped with the
contempt that they deserve. The policy thus worked out for dealing with
internal strife and external threats should be implemented by all the agencies
of the state including the army and the ISI.
Pakistan is the only nuclear state in the Islamic world and it is felt
that the centre of gravity of the war on terror in Afghanistan is being
pushed towards Pakistan with a purpose and under a plan. After all the US
is the senior-most and most powerful member of the tripartite commission.
Why cant it coordinate with the other two members on vital issues?
Afghanistan is an occupied country for all practical purposes and the
statements by President Hamid Karzai should not be taken lightly because
he may be speaking in his masters voice. The blast outside the Indian
embassy in Kabul cannot be attributed to the ISI so easily because the time
selected is most inopportune from Pakistans point of view. It appears,
according to some circles, that some big game is being orchestrated from
somewhere and that the target is Pakistan.
Dr Farrukh Saleem wrote a pen-picture of Mangal Bagh. Nargis
Bibi, a widower, has been fighting for her inheritance for years. The police
have been acting dumb, judges deaf and lawyers greedy. Three weeks ago,
Nargis Bibi went to Haji Emir Mangal Bagh. Mangal Bagh, the leader of
Lashkar-e-Islam (the army of Islam) in Khyber Agency, immediately
summoned the offending parties and ordered them to return Nargis Bibi her
sharia-compliant inheritance within two weeks. Only at the risk of death
does an offender dare not follow Mangal Baghs decree.
Two weeks ago, Ali, an offspring of a Pashtun Diaspora family
settled in Britain, while vacationing in Pakistan, got kidnapped. This time
around our police acted deaf and intelligence agencies clueless. Mangal
Bagh was approached who had Ali recovered within two days, family
reunited.
Just outside Hayatabad, the posh Peshawar suburb named after Hayat
Muhammad Khan Sherpao, a dozen kiosks have long been openly selling
grade A heroin for Rs180 per gram and grade B for Rs150 per gram.
Hayatabads youth have been getting their daily fix for just Rs90, or $1.25.
The police on the take Hayatabads elders turned to Mangal Bagh. Latest
reports have it that Mangal Baghs men have shut down all kiosks except for
765

two and the two that are left continue pushing their lethal black tar but
covertly.
In April, Mangal Bagh served a notice on members of the Kukikhel
tribe to end their un-Islamic businesses of selling liquor and drugs. The
Kukikhels did not comply. There was a fierce battle between Mangal Bagh
and the Kukikhels. The resulting peace agreement between Mangal Bagh
and the Kukikhels now stipulates the end of illegal businesses in the area.
Who dispensed justice to Nargis Bibi? Mangal Bagh. Who recovered
Ali? Mangal Bagh. Who is saving our youth from heroin? Who rescued the
kidnapped Christians of Peshawar?
Last month, in an exclusive interview to CBS Broadcasting Inc.,
which is one of the largest radio and television networks in the US, Mangal
Bagh said: we have rid Bara of drug-traffickers, gamblers, kidnappers, carsnatchers and other criminals and we want to cleanse Jamrud and all of
Peshawar of those selling drugs and liquor and running gambling dens. And,
the PPP-ANP regime launched operation against Mangal Bagh terming him
a criminal.
Somehow I thought that ridding Pakistan drug-traffickers,
kidnappers, car-snatchers and other criminals was the job of the government
of Pakistan. Obviously not. If theres a ghost or a demon in your
neighbourhood who you gonna call? Mangal Bagh! When your government
fails who you gonna call? Mangal Bagh! When you want quick and
affordable justice who you gonna call? When theres anarchy all around you
who you gonna call? When your government can protect you no more who
you gonna call?
Intriguingly the lifeline to the US and NATO troops in Afghanistan
passes through an area controlled by Mangal Bagh. In March, 42 trucks
transporting fuel to NATO forces were blown up. When smoke rose in
Washington whom do you think Bush called? Mangal Bagh!
Yes Mangal Bagh believes that woman should be no more than black
tents. Yes, Mangal Bagh believes that women have no right to education,
yes, men must grow beards. Yes, music is evil, television devilish. Yes,
Mangal Bagh is the judge, jury and the executioner three in one.
Remember, when your government fails to secure your life and limb
who you gonna call? Mangal Bagh. When your government fails to dispense
justice who you gonna call? Mangal Bagh. I say restore Mangal Bagh. To be
sure, Mangal Bagh is coming soon to a theatre in your neighbourhood.

766

PS: On July 29, a mere 3 kilometers from where Prime Minister Syed
Makhdoom Yousaf Raza Gilani lives and a mere kilometer from the all
powerful Zardari House, robbers broke all historical records. Thursday at
11:30 a.m., the biggest robbery in the capitals history took place; 10
kilograms of gold, Rs20 million worth of jewelry and diamonds were looted
from a guarded private residence. I urge the prime minister of Pakistan to
contract out Islamabads security to Mangal Bagh & Company and then
flutter around the globe in PIAs 300-passenger Boeing 777-200LR, the
worlds longest-range commercial jetliner, napping in peace that no such
incidence will ever take place, ever again, not in the now jittery Islamabad,
not a kilometer from Zardari House.
Kunwar Idris suggested political reform for tribal areas. The question
now is not of enforcing the writ of the government as the politicians of
Islamabad assert they will one day. The writ of the government, in the
sense it is normally understood, didnt run in the tribal territory even in
the best of times. Mutual recognition of the rights of the tribes and authority
of political agent is the historical bias and still can be the only workable
basis of administering the tribes.
The war on terror is an extraordinary, hopefully short-lived, activity.
The normal administration of the tribes should not become a casualty to
it. All that can be demanded of the tribal councils and maliks is not to
harbour fighters who are not from among them.
To keep the tribes out of the war on terror, it would help if their
administration were to be made a responsibility of the provincial
government. The tribal agencies and the adjoining settled districts are
inhabited by the people who speak the same dialect, belong to the same
clans and share each others joy and grief Tribal members should sit in
the provincial assembly with members from the settled area. The
members from Hangu district, for instance, should not be raising their
concerns about lawlessness in one assembly and of the neighbouring Kurram
Agency in another.
The war on terror can be won only if the unhindered movement
of armed fighters across the international border is checked. The border
is long, rugged and unguarded but the crossing stretches are well identified.
The Americans should fence and guard them on the Afghan side
Investment in fencing and attention to the welfare of the people in the course
of time will put an end to terror. Blaming or threatening Pakistan, inciting
the clerics or putting up stooges as leaders of the Afghans will not.

767

On the eve of Gilanis visit to the US, The News wrote: It is hoped
that the prime minister during his visit will explain to his hosts the
difficulties Pakistan faced in controlling the movement of militants into
Afghanistan. It is extremely challenging for Pakistan to effectively man this
difficult 2,200 kilometers of the border. It does not have the required force to
enforce such quarantine. Secondly, the approved Pakistani strategy of
negotiations preceding military action needs to be supported
As the prime minister undertakes this virtually important visit to the
US, he must not be on the defensive but should feel confident that he
dealing with a friendly country which has stood by Pakistan since its
formative years. He is visiting a people who have helped Pakistan tide over
the Indus Water dispute with India These are fraternal contributions and
cannot be denied.
Pakistan may be facing difficulties, yet the prime minister must
define and protect the countrys national interest. While Pakistan is willing
to help and work towards ending cross-border interference in Afghanistan, it
must protect its sovereignty and its own well-being first. Both countries
need to find the space to work within these limitations.
The newspaper also commented on Indo-US nuclear deal. In the
latest development, the IAEA, the UNs nuclear watchdog body, has backed
the deal at a meeting of the agencys 35-nation at Geneva. The IAEAs
approval is a crucial step in finalizing the deal. It is also evident that US
pressure has been a factor in Indias success in winning it. Under the accord,
India will be able to purchase atomic materials and technology from the
world market, despite the fact it has not signed NPT. The conditions of
the deal state these materials must be for civilian use only. So far, signing the
NPT has been a pre-condition for all nations that form a part of the 45-nation
Nuclear Suppliers Group
In a strongly-worded letter to the NSG, Pakistan has warned the
agreement threatens to include the chances of a nuclear arms race in the
subcontinent. Given that the region has already been identified as a potential
nuclear flashpoint in various reports, and in fact is seen by some analysts as
the site where a nuclear conflict is most likely to occur, these are very
genuine concerns.
Whereas India has stated it needs nuclear technology to meet energy
needs, critics warn the entry of increased quantities of sensitive materials
into the country could allow a portion to be siphoned of for use in weapons
development. Manipulating rules, to meet specific interests, is almost
768

always a risky business. This holds even truer when nuclear technology is
involved.
The accord has brought a flurry of anti-nuclear protests within the
country. As the nation that is most likely to face Indian hostility, Pakistans
fears regarding the deal and the manner in which it has been pushed
through are legitimate. One must hope the NSG is able to see this, and, at
the very least, put in place adequate checks on India to prevent the
possibility that access to US and world nuclear materials could allow an
extremely dangerous situation to develop within the region.

EASTERN FRONT
Ahmed Mukhtar while announcing annual trade policy on 18th July
argued that widening of imports from India was necessary to benefit from
the neighbours rapid economic progress. The same day, Pakistan and India
agreed to expand people-to-people contacts for Kashmiris on both sides of
Line of Control.
On the eve of fifth round of composite dialogue Advani said politics
should not derail peace process. On 21st July, the composite dialogue in New
Delhi, however, ended on bad note as Indian foreign secretary warned his
counterpart that recent attack on embassy in Kabul could put future talks
under stress. He also talked of increase in cross-LoC activity. On 1 st August,
Shiv Shankar said Indo-Pak peace talks had dipped to its lowest.
As usual, the acts and utterances negative to confidence building were
in plenty. On 25th July, seven blasts in Banglore killed three and wounded
15 more. Next day, Ahmedabad was shaken by 17 serial bombs; killing 38
wounding dozens more. Pakistans involvement in both cases was suspected
though it was not formally blamed.
India and Pakistan exchanged fire along LoC in Battal Sector on 26 th
July. Two days later, India reported another clash. The same day, ISI was
accused of plotting against Indian projects. On 29th July, Pakistan rejected
Indian claim of cease fire violation and said Indian troops had crossed LoC
and wanted to establish a post when Pakistani troops were constrained to
open fire. Three days later, India rejected Pakistans observations on
Kishanganga Dam; while IAEA approved US-India nuclear deal.
Perpetration of state terrorism in IHK by occupation forces
continued unabated. Following incidents of state terrorism and retaliatory
acts by Kashmiris were reported:
769

 At least 30 people were injured in a bomb blast in Banihal on 18 th

July. Next day, a convoy of Indian Army hit roadside bomb north of
Srinagar; ten soldiers were killed and 14 wounded.
On 20th July, two Indian soldiers were among eight people killed in
gun battles and grenade attack.
Indian troops claimed killing two militants on 21 st July. Three days
later, nine people, including women and children, were killed in
incidents of violence. A bomb was defused on a highway near
Srinagar on 31st July.
Kuldip Nayar commented on attack on Indian embassy in Kabul.
Apparently Islamabad did not know how angry New Delhi was over the
suicide bomb attack on its embassy in Kabul that killed 54 people,
including two senior Indian officials. Pakistans hand was seen straightaway.
Still New Delhi did not react officially until Afghanistans President Hamid
Karzai himself confirmed that it was the doing of the ISI.
Spelling out retaliation, the National Security Adviser has mentioned
two things: one, India will not let the attack go unpunished and, two,
the ISI needs to be destroyed. We have made this point whenever we have
had a chance through interlocutors across the world. Significant are the
words: There might have been some tactical restraint for some time;
obviously that restraint is no longer present. India has never been under
restraint in the context of perpetration of terrorism against Pakistan.
Even though the Manmohan Singh government was engaged in a
battle for its survival it found time to tick off Pakistan. The cancellation of
CBI Director Vijay Shankars visit to Islamabad, along with a delegation
of officials from the ministries of home and external affairs, appears to be
Indias first step. The meeting was to discuss anti-terrorism.
What the cancellation of the trip seeks to convey is that New Delhi
has no faith in the joint tackling of terrorism. I wish the delegation had
gone to Islamabad and confronted it with a fair amount of intelligence to
put it on the mat. Even a walkout from the meeting in protest would have
been appropriate. Probably, New Delhi had the pressure of public opinion in
mind. The general perception is that the ISI is involved in bomb blasts or
acts of sabotage within the country.
The reaction in Pakistan, from what I have gathered through TV
channel interactions and telephone calls, is quite the opposite. The general
comment is that India is unnecessarily dragging in the ISI when Pakistan
770

itself is a victim of terrorist attacks. Their belief is that RAW is behind acts
of violence in their country. My impression is that the intelligence agencies
of both countries have been active in supporting dissidents and
insurgent elements in each others territory.
One way to silence the criticism of Pakistan would have been to
make the fair amount of intelligence public. Narayan said last year that
they had concrete evidence of the ISIs involvement in the Samjhota
Express bomb blast. Despite Islamabads repeated requests, the concrete
evidence was not made available to it, or to the public in either country.
Mistrust of India is Pakistans predicament. It has not yet looked
at Afghanistan beyond its strategic depth potential. Kabul has always
resented it and has alleged that the Taliban are the instrument that Islamabad
uses to push this policy. The ISI comes into the picture because this is the
machinery Pakistan allegedly uses to put policy into motion
True, Islamabad has a problem the Taliban domination in FATA,
Pakistans territory. But even during the British period, this area was never
administered closely. Jirgas owing allegiance to different families were left
to sort out problems among themselves as long as they stayed under the over
all tutelage of the British. Americans were the first to vitiate the power
dynamics of the area, to bleed the Soviet Union to death Today we are
paying for Washingtons sins
All this, yet again, underlines the same point: India and Pakistan
must normalize their relations. I thought that both Nawaz and Zardari
would attend to it immediately. But for some other compulsions they have
not done so. Both countries in South Asia, should realize that they can rise
through amity and cooperation. But if they do not get this point the
mindset bureaucrats are there to sabotage every conciliatory effort they
may go downwards to live in poverty and extremism perpetually.
Rajmohan Gandhi opined: If New Delhi had found evidence of the
ISIs role in the destructive act in Kabul, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
and Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee should have confronted their
Pakistani counterparts with it. If the evidence was confirmed, the Indian
premier should have solemnly presented it to the Pakistani and Indian
peoples, and to the world.
Given the power and secrecy of the subcontinents intelligence
agencies anything, it is true, can occur. Yet if extremist pro-Taliban groups
in Afghanistan and in Pakistans tribal areas have on numberless occasions
targeted Pakistani leaders and its security forces for supporting the US-led
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war on terror, the Indian embassy in Kabul would also be a natural target for
them.
Apart from the fact that Indian backing for the war against terror has
been unambiguous and well known, Indias role in reconstruction of
Afghanistans infrastructure also invites the Talibans hostility. Therefore
assertions in New Delhi (or Kabul) that a Pakistani agency rather than one of
Afghanistans Taliban-related extremist groups attacked the embassy have to
be backed by solid evidence
In fact the Kabul incident should trigger a much-needed
partnership between the people of Pakistan and the people of India.
Pakistanis should demand from Islamabad the truth about charge that an
intelligence agency was involved, and Indians should likewise as New Delhi
that how its agencies quickly reached the conclusion that not pro-Taliban
extremists but the ISI was responsible.
People on both sides of the India-Pakistan border (and on both
sides of the Pakistan-Afghanistan border) have the right to know the
facts about the embassy bombing, for their security is at stake. And if
security agencies are engaged in dirty work or in disinformation, then the
peoples of Pakistan and India must jointly take up the daunting yet
inescapable task of putting the agencies in their place
We should acknowledge, in both India and Pakistan, not only the
divisive roles of the agencies but also the hegemonic character of our
societies. The arrogance of the high-born, the high-placed and the man with
the stick is known to both countries. While Pakistan may not formally accept
caste hierarchies the way India continues to do (despite progressive laws and
the emerging political power of the so-called lower or untouchable castes),
Pakistani society seems to tolerate armed elites and private jails.
In India and Pakistan alike, muscle-power or gun-power is
celebrated in posters and movies. In real-life interactions between the
citizen and the policeman or the government functionary, the citizen usually
comes off second best in both countries. Correcting this equation, and
honouring the listening policeman or politician rather that the macho one,
has to be part of our sub continental manifesto
Should we be betting on the subcontinents civil society, on the sanity
and energy of our peoples? Though not permanent, hates and fears can after
all continue for long, especially when politicians feed those fears and hates
instead of working on education and healthcare. Still it may be a good idea
to be on our peoples and on their willingness to become partners. Better to
772

be thus and lose than concede that mutual destruction in the

subcontinents destiny.
M Asif Dar commented on Ahmad Mukhtars logic of cheaper
imports. Allowing imports of over 1,900 items on various concessions from
India is the trade policy of the government of Pakistan in order to have
cheaper imports to enhance exports. True it may be, but the Indians are not
that unwise to let Pakistan improve its export at their cost and thus
confronting unnecessary competition. There could be hidden agenda
which our industrialist commerce minister kept undisclosed from the
nation. This was in pursuance of the US directions for increasing political
and economic inter-action with India.
On the eve of fifth round of composite dialogue, The Dawn wrote:
Positive news on Kashmir and India must always be welcomed. Tomorrow
the foreign secretaries of India and Pakistan will kick off the fifth round of
the composite dialogue. Although progress in the first four rounds has been
slow, it is good that the two countries remain committed to the process.
On Friday, the Working Group on Cross-LoC Confidence Building
Measures announced the commencement of trade and increase in people-topeople contacts between the divided parts of Kashmir. The commerce
minister, Ahmad Mukhtar, has meanwhile announced an increase in the
number of items that can be legally traded with India. What is not made
of these steps? In the context of the long-running compromise dialogue, they
are not new ideas and are simply an incremental extension of past measures.
However, in the context of recent events that have strained relations between
India and Pakistan, they come as reinforcement of the process of
rapprochement.
The signs from Islamabad then are for better ties with India.
Indeed, one of the few things that the fractious coalition in Islamabad agrees
on is to push for a measurable improvement in our relations with India. How
to get there remains another issue. Hawks in the Pakistani establishment
remains wedded to the idea of Kashmir first the demand that
normalization of ties with India be predicated on a resolution of the sixdecade-old Kashmir issue. But that is harmful to both Pakistan and India,
whose economies and people have many synergies. In that context, the
agreement to expand ties between Kashmiris on both sides of the LoC is
significant.

HOME FRONT
773

Low-key insurgency in Balochistan continued.

insurgency-related incidents were reported during the period:

Following

One soldier was killed and two wounded in an attack in Dera Bugti
area on 15th July. Two days later, three soldiers were wounded when
their vehicle was blown up by a landmine in Kahan area.
Police opened fire on people protesting killing of a man in Hazara
area of Quetta on 19th July, two persons were killed. Seven militants
were killed in an encounter near Sui; three FC soldiers were also
wounded. One FC man was killed near Dera Bugti.
Next day, security forces carried out an operation in Uch area of Dera
Bugti; nine security men and 33 militants were killed and nine
wounded militants were arrested. Pilot engine of a train was attacked
by rocket fire on Sibi-Jacobabad section.
Two persons were killed in bomb explosions in Dera Bugti and
Jaffarabad on 21st July. Next day, 19 more militants were killed in
ongoing operation in Uch area bring the toll to 47. Chief engineer of a
construction company was shot dead in Khuzdar on 23rd July.
On 26th July, five FC soldiers and fifteen militants were killed in a
clash in Dera Bugti area. Two more security men were killed in
separate incidents in Quetta and Pir Koh.
Four officials were kidnapped in Mastung on 28 th July. Next day,
gunmen killed a policeman in Quetta. Security check post was
attacked in Sibi on 30th July.
On 2nd August, 21 people, including six security men, were killed in a
clash near Sui. Gas pipeline was blown up near Dera Bugti. Next day,
an FC soldier was killed in Quetta.
On 4th August, Musharraf arrived in Quetta and said he was 1000
percent sure about Indian involvement in Balochistan insurgency.
I A Rehman stressed upon the need for pacifying the Baloch. The
installation of a coalition government in Islamabad and the chorus of
democratic rhetoric from the citadels of power revived hopes of
reconciliation in the moderate political parties. Many of them defined a set
of preconditions for negotiations with the centre.
These included: Recovery of all missing persons; release of all
political detainees and withdrawal of cases against political activists; return
774

of IDPs to their homes; replacement of the Frontier Constabulary with the

traditional Levies; cessation of the handing over of Baloch people to Iran;
and end to military operations and land grab designs.
Once these demands were met talks could begin on substantial
issues, such as review of legislative lists and emergency provisions of the
constitution, revision of royalty rates for gas. Balochistans say in federal
policies and its right to seek foreign investment and trading partners, and a
new NFC award
It may still be possible to win over the minds and hearts of the
Baloch by meeting the preconditions for negotiations mentioned above and
encouraging a discourse on the imperatives of a durable federation The
task of drawing up a comprehensive package on provincial autonomy
may be assigned to a special committee comprising representatives of the
centre and all the four provinces. This committee will succeed only if the
powers that be are prepared to guarantee Balochistan (and other provinces,
for that matter) a place in the federation compatible with its right to dignity,
justice and self-governance.
Sanaullah Baloch suggested following the Aceh model.
Confrontation between the centre and the provinces in Pakistan is on the
rise. Islamabad has lost credibility and has failed to retain its control
over the provinces and their people because of its resort to the use of brute
force.
The people of Balochistan have been persecuted repeatedly for
their demand that they be given control over their natural wealth.
Indonesia agreed that Aceh will have jurisdiction over its living natural
resources in the territorial sea surrounding Aceh, and the region was entitled
to retain 70 percent of the revenues from all current and future hydrocarbon
deposits and other natural resources in the territory, as well as in the
territorial sea surrounding Aceh.
Political stability, peace and economic development will remain a
pipe dream if the rulers continue to ignore Balochistans political crisis.
Countries have achieved their goals through learning from successful
experiences. The Indonesian lesson and peace strategy may provide
guidelines for a sustainable solution to the Baloch-Islamabad conflict.
Resolving Balochistans conflict through political means and
accepting the Baloch as genuine owners of their wealth and destiny is the
only way out of this quagmire. Peace in the province will pave the way for
long-lasting peace and economic development in the region.
775

Two events in the context of ideological confrontations that

occurred during the period are worth mention. The first incident related to
the missing persons. The issue of missing persons is linked to war on terror,
but it is included herein as has been done previously.
On 22nd July, Amnesty International asked Pakistan to reveal details of
missing persons. As the media in Pakistan started mentioning the name of
Aafiya after the hue and cry raised by Yvonne Ridley; on 3 rd August FBI
conceded that Aafiya Siddiqui was in US custody. She had disappeared from
Karachi with her three children in March 2003. Fate of her three children
was not known. Next day, JI asked authorities to stop harassing relatives of
Aafiya Siddiqui. Reportedly, Pakistan asked for consular access to the
detained doctor. The militants of MQM raised another kind of hue and cry
on 2nd August. It was about Umme-e-Hassans visit to madrassas in Karachi.
They warned Karachites of Talibanization and blamed establishment for
involvement.
Next day, Altaf Bhai ordered MQM terrorists to be prepared to take on
Taliban who have in-fluxed Karachi. On 4th August, opposition leader of alKhidmat group drew the attention in City Council meeting towards the
bogey of Talibanization being created in the city and demanded serious
action against this propaganda campaign.
Mrs Marium R from Karachi in her letter mentioned few facts about
Aafiya Siddiquis case. I had heard the BBCbroadcast of July 24 that it
believes Dr Siddiqui is not only imprisoned there but has been tortured so
much that she has lost her mental balance. On top of that, the prison guards
are also sexually molesting her.
I would also like to recall what the British female journalist Yvonne
Ridley, who became a Muslim a couple of years back, had come all the way
to Pakistan to bring this to the notice of us Pakistani, had said We dont
know her identity, her state of mind, the extent of the abuse or torture. What
I do know is that this would never happen to a western woman. Dont they
value a Muslim woman, is her life worthless?
I have some questions. First, if an American woman and her children
were being treated like that, would Mr Bush and the other Americans remain
silent? Second, as far as I recalled Siddiqui was alleged to have advocated
jihad against America at a gathering in the US, after the onset of American
carpet bombing of Afghanistan that killed many innocent Afghans as well.

776

This burst of emotion seems to be the only reason she got into all this
trouble. My question is: when some US politicians had suggested that
Makkah must be nuked to punish the worlds 1.4 billion Muslims for the
doings of the terrorists, were those politicians treated like Dr Siddiqui;
certainly not!
Third Mr Musharraf has written in his memoirs that Pakistan got a
bounty of millions of dollars from Washington in return for handing over the
al-Qaeda and Taliban militants. How many dollars were received for
handing over Aafiya Siddiqui who had already been cleared by the
Pakistani intelligence agencies of having any links to al-Qaeda and her
three children, one of whom was only four months old and what was the
kids crime?
Fourth, one correspondent had requested in a letter that the then
interior minister Aftab Sherpao should disclose whatever information he has
about her case. But he still hasnt responded. Another correspondent had
made an impassioned appeal to the PM at the start of his US tour, to take up
her case at the highest level and try to ensure her release.
He could have made millions of Pakistanis happy by doing that but
he has apparently done nothing. I regret to say that some non-Pakistan like
Yvonne Ridley and the Asian Human Rights Commission have shown far
more concern for this Pakistani lady than our past and present governments.
Wasim A Malik from Rawalpindi, without saying it directly, reflected
upon the extent to which the army of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan was
scared of their fellow countrymen. The old and newly recruited mercenaries
who have the privilege of commanding the army can feel proud of the
state of civil-military relations.
He wrote: At the time of Maghreb prayers I was passing through The
Mall in Rawalpindi and decided to offer my prayers at the nearest mosque
located in the premises of the Artillery Mess. When I tried to enter the
mosque to offer my prayers, I was bluntly refused entry by the guard posted
at the main gate
The reason for not letting me in to offer prayers was that I was a
civilian and only armed forces personnel were allowed in that mosque. Is
this discrimination or what? Cant a Muslim offer his prayers in a mosque he
wants? Doesnt he have the right to pray? Although this might not have been
such a big issue, still refusing entry to someone in a mosque is what I
believe a clear sign of discrimination done by our armed forces even in
matters related to religion. It is not a matter of discrimination. It is the
777

impact of a brave commandos command which has brought the army to this
level of scare.

CONCLUSION
In the context of war on terror, the PPP remained determined to
implement the deal struck by its late leader. It must have been quite
heartening for the parties and the guarantors of the deal within and out side
Pakistan. It was for this that the US gave ten years guarantee by promising
funding the democracy; almost the entire remaining life of Pakistan
according to some US think tanks.
Musharraf visited Quetta and said he was 1000 percent sure about
Indian involvement in Balochistan insurgency. Baloch people were equally,
if not more, sure that Musharraf has been responsible for creating the
situation in which they and the nation find themselves.
It is matter of shame for the people of Pakistan in general and the
government in particular that for years Aafiya remained on the list of
missing persons but no one was moved even to disclose her whereabouts
despite the orders on the Supreme Court. It was to the credit of a woman
from far off land to find out her whereabouts and inform Pakistanis about
her plight.
Altaf Bhai ordered the followers of his cult to be prepared to take on
Taliban who have in-fluxed Karachi. In their exuberance the militants of
MQM seemed to be inclined towards committing the mistake of challenging
the religious forces in the name of waging holy war against terrorism.
5th August 2008

778

CONSOLIDATING GAINS
The intensity of insurgency in Iraq dissipated to a great extent,
allowing the occupation forces to contemplate pulling out some troops. In no
way it meant that the US was thinking of ending the occupation. It now
wanted the consolidation of its victory through diplomacy and deals.
The UN mandate for Iraq was also nearing its expiry, which
necessitated striking a vague deal with Iraq to serve as pretext for presence
of the US troops in Baghdad for indefinite period. Iraqi government,
however kept insisting on definite pullout timeframe.
The western sponsors on Israeli terrorism kept pretending that they
remained keen in securing the Middle East peace. Bush, Brown and Obama
visited the region to issue similar statements in this regard. The last visitor
termed Israel miracle and promised all possible help for fulfillment of its
designs regarding Palestinians and Iran.

IRAQ
Bloodletting continued; on 14th May, at least 18 people were killed
and 35 wounded in suicide bombing in Baghdad. One US soldier was killed
779

in suicide attack carried out by a 17-year-old girl. Crackdown in Mosul,

similar to the one in Basra, was in the offing. By 17 th May, occupation forces
had arrested 1,100 suspects in crackdown that was launched four days ago.
On 18th May, it was reported that a soldier used a copy of Holy
Quraan for firing practice; the US apologized. Two days later, eleven
soldiers were killed in an ambush near Mosul. Occupation forces launched
fresh operation in Sadr City.
On 21st May, 11 people were killed in incidents of violence.
Occupation forces defended detention of more than 500 children. Next day,
at least 22 people, including children, were killed in strike by the US
helicopters at people fleeing their houses because of the ground operation;
the occupation force regretted the killings.
Six people were killed in suicide bombing in Fallujah on 23 rd May.
Next day, three persons were killed in minibus bombing in Baghdad. On 25 th
May, Bush strongly opposed pullout of troops from Iraq arguing that such
move would be a serious blow to the US plans to dominate the region.
Six people, including two policemen, were killed and 16 wounded in a
suicide attack north of Baghdad on 26th May. Next day, six more people were
killed in incidents of violence. At least 35 people perished in violence on 29 th
May; 20 of them were killed in a suicide attack in Mosul. Next day, CIA
Chief claimed that al-Qaeda was nearly defeated in Iraq. Two days later, six
people were killed in a bomb blast in Anbar province. Two persons were
killed in car bomb blast in Baghdad on 1st June.
Ten people were killed in incidents of violence on 2 nd June. Two days
later, At least 11 people were killed in attack on the residence of a
government official in Baghdad. On 7th June, 25 people were killed in
violence across the country.
On 8th June, at least 12 persons perished in incidents of violence. Two
days later, head of Saddams tribe was killed in a bomb blast near Tikrit. One
US soldier was killed in roadside bombing on 13 th June. The US demanded
permanent bases in Iraq and immunity for its troops and civilian contractors
from Iraqi law; Maliki declined.
A police chief was killed in roadside bombing on 15 th June. Bush
arrived in the UK amid protests and urged Brown not to issue the schedule
of pullout of British troops from Iraq. Two days later, at least 51 people were
killed and 75 wounded in bomb attack in a market in Baghdad.

780

A female suicide bomber killed 15 people in Baqouba on 22 nd June.

Iraqi court ordered release of 20,000 prisoners under amnesty law. Two days
later, four Americans and six Iraqis were killed in a blast in Sadr City. On
25th June, three US soldiers and five Iraqis were killed in violence and ninety
others were wounded.
At least 40 people were killed in various incidents of violence
including an attack on a tribal council on 26th June. Next day, seven people,
including two US soldiers were killed in incidents of violence. On 29 th June,
seven policemen were killed in car bomb attack in the town of Dhuluiya. A
US soldier was killed in roadside bombing.
One person was killed in roadside bombing on 5th July. Next day, six
persons were killed in incidents of violence. UAE scrapped $7 billion debt
of Iraq and named an envoy for Baghdad. On 7 th July, Iraqi PM demanded
pullout timetable before finalizing defence pact with the US. At Iraqs
request, the US military recently transferred hundreds of metric tons of
yellow uranium from Iraq to Canada in a secret operation.
On 9th July, five people were killed in suicide bombing. Next day,
during Tayyip Erdogans visit to Baghdad, Iraq and Turkey agreed to boost
ties. Five people, including three policemen, were killed in roadside
bombing in Fallujah on 13th June.
On 15th July, two bombers attacked a recruiting centre in Fallujah
killing 28 and wounding 55 people. Bush refused to pullout US troops from
Iraq. Next day, 12 Iraqis and two US soldiers were killed in incidents of
violence. Control of Diwaniyah Province was handed over to Iraqi security
forces.
On 19th July, Sunni group ended boycott of government. Bush at last
agreed to pullout some troops from Iraq and some of those would be sent to
Afghanistan. Next day, the US-led forces killed son and nephew of governor
in Tikrit. On 23rd July, Talabani rejected a bill for provincial elections.
Seven people were killed in a bomb blast on 27 th July. Next day, three
women suicide bombers attacked in Baghdad and another in Kirkuk; killing
56 and wounding about 200 others. The US forces launched a major
operation in Baquoba area on 29th July.
Three persons were killed in bomb blast in Mosul on 31 st July. Next
day, two persons were killed in a bomb blast in Kirkuk and occupation
forces arrested 20 suspected al-Qaeda men. On 2 nd August, occupation forces

781

arrested 265 Iraqis in anti-Qaeda offensive. Next day, 12 people were killed
and 34 wounded in a series of bomb blast in Baghdad.
A pro-US Sunni tribal leader was shot dead along with six others on
5 August. Six people were wounded in roadside bombing. Two days latter,
8 people were killed in a blast. On 8 th August, 16 people were killed in a
bomb blast. Iraq proposed timetable withdrawal of US troops. Sadr said its
militia would disarm if the US withdraws on timetable. On 10 th August,
seven people were killed and 25 wounded in bomb blasts in Baghdad. Iraq
demanded very clear US troop timeline.
th

Ahmad Faruqui observed that neocons were betraying their own

principles. Fukuyama rose to prominence in 1992 with a book that
extolled the end of communism, The End of History and the Last Man. Two
years ago, he wrote America at the Crossroads. In this masterpiece, he
shows that the Iraq war betrayed neocon principles.
The war was fought on seven false premises. First, Iraq had
weapons of mass destruction. Second, Iraq was connected with the terrorist
attacks of 9/11. Third, it posed an existential threat to the US. Fourth, that
US troop level would be reduced to 60,000 in six months after the invasion.
The fifth premise was that the transition to post-Saddam Iraq would
be relatively painless, like that in Japan and Germany after the Second
World War. In the heat of advocacy, the neocons forgot that a fundamental
tenet of their movement was that social engineering was a high-risk
endeavour. Japan and Germany had viable political institutions before the
dictatorial interventions that plunged them into war. Iraq had none.
Sixth, radical Islam posed a serious threat to world peace and the best
place to decimate it was in Iraq, which was claimed to be the central
battleground in the war on terror. The Bush Administration conflated the
jihadis, who were a post-Gulf War creation, with Arab nationalists like
Saddam Hussein who were a post-colonial creation.
Seventh, the world would accept the preventive war doctrine on
which the invasion of Iraq was predicated. When it became obvious that the
world opinion was strongly opposed to the war, they dismissed it as
misguided and irrelevant. Not surprisingly, the world was appalled that the
US had given itself a right that it was unwilling to grant other nations. It was
not simply asserting a right to engage in a pre-emptive war to ward off an
imminent attack but a right to engage in a war against a threat that had not
yet materialized from a remote corner of the globe.

782

Fukuyama has clearly distanced himself from the rest of the

neocons who continue to blind the White House from reality. Speaking to
17,000 troops at Fort Bragg last week, President Bush said, the terrorists
and extremists are on the run, and we are on our way to victory. And
presumptive Republican presidential nominee, John McCain, has forecast
that victory will be achieved in the year 2013.
When a new administration takes over the White House in January, it
should tell the world the hubris-laden doctrine of American
exceptionalism has been put to rest. America will no longer set itself on a
higher plane from all other nations and call itself exempt from the
international laws that apply to other countries.
Just as the US constitution calls for checks and balances in the
exercise of power domestically, the smooth flowing of order around the
globe also calls for a similar system of checks and balances. If unbridled
power is corrupting domestically, why would it not be corrupting
internationally?
Ali Gharib commented on a report that proposed for withdrawal of US
troops. The report, written by the organizing committee after meetings of
the more than 20-member Task Force for a Responsible Withdrawal for
Iraqlays out a comprehensive plan for withdrawal of US forces by
internationalizing what is currently the US role as the centre of political
power and humanitarian aid in Iraq, engaging in regional dialogue to stem
outside interference in Iraq and convincing neighbouring friends and foes
alike to take a constructive role in reconstruction and development, and
fomenting Iraqi reconciliation with international and regional support.
Part of the plan is to create a true national reconciliation between
the sometimes fighting and always feuding Iraqi sectarian and political
factions to be accomplished by a US-endorsed process of a UN-led panIraqi conference that would draft an Iraqi national accord.
The Task Force also called for robust diplomacy with all of Iraqs
neighbours, including US regional adversaries Syria and Irandespite their
important role in the region and particularly with Iraq, have yet to be
meaningfully engaged by the Bush Administration.
The report also calls for a short-term extension of the current UN
mandate for the presence of foreign troops as a means to cover US troops
from prosecution as they prepare to withdraw. The Bush Administration, in
contrast, plans to sign a controversial bilateral agreement with the

783

government of Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki to continue the status

quo of US troops as an occupying force.
Bill Delahunt, said on the press call, a longer-term UN mandate
would be drawn up that would cover the withdrawal and ensuing
international involvement. Part of that, in the even farther long-term,
could be a blue-helmeted peacekeeping force referring to UN
peacekeepers by the distinctive colour of their helmets. But that prospect is
clouded by Iraqi resentment of the UN after corrupt programmes that
benefited the dictator Saddam Hussein and UN sanctions that crippled the
country in the 1990s.
Asked by IPS about the call, Task Force advisory group member Carl
Conetta of the Project on Defence Alternatives said that US withdrawal
serve to alter the spin on blue helmets and troops on the ground. He said
that peacekeeping forces would be invited by Iraqi authorities.
Rossiter, whose boss, Delahunt, has been one of the most vocal
opponents of the Bush-al-Maliki security agreement, said that the US will
need to be able to operate as a new force directly with the Iraqi
government, as opposed to the current set up that has the UN now operates
through the true force of 160,000 US troops.
Patrick Cockburn discussed Sadr militia. All over Baghdad and
southern Iraq, supporters of Muqtada al-Sadr, the anti-American Shia cleric,
are harassed, on the run or in jail. The black shirted gunmen of his Mehdi
Army militia no longer rule in Shia parts of Baghdad, Basra and Amara
where once their control was total.
A great survivor of Iraqi politics, Mr Sadr is living in the Iranian holy
city of Qom, where he is studying to elevate his position within the Shia
religious hierarchy. It was from there, to the dismay of many followers, that
he ordered his Mehdi Army fighters to go home and allow the Iraqi
army to penetrate their strongholds The Iraqi government is doing its
best to liquidate or cripple this Sadrist movement before the provincial
elections in October. An American military intelligence assessment this year
suggested that Mr Sadrs followers would win 60 per cent of the vote in
Baghdad and southern Iraq.
They are unlikely to do so now; though the government of Prime
Ministry Nouri al-Maliki pledged to Mr Sadr when he ordered his gunmen
off the streets that it would not persecute his movement. Anybody who
belonged to the Mehdi Army in Sadr City is liable to arrest. In Basra, shops

784

that used to sell CDs with songs in praise of Mr Sadr now sell gypsy
music and have been told by soldiers to throw their old stock away.
Many Mehdi Army members blame Mr Sadr for letting them
down when his men were holding their own. They also wonder why he did
not set up monitoring committees to ensure the government implemented the
terms of the ceasefire. Iraqi politicians speculate about whether withdrawal
is permanent. Remember, Muqtadas men were not militarily defeated,
warned one Iraqi leader.
With the ebbing of sectarian strife, the Shias in the capital feel less
need for militiamen to rule their streets. Mr Sadrs decision not to fight to
the finish against the Iraqi army offensives in the first half of the year was
motivated by two reasons. Ever since his militiamen suffered heavy losses
fighting US marines in Najaf in 2004, he has tried to avoid fighting the
US Army directly, or his Shia rivals when backed by the Americans.
And Mr Sadr learnt during the fighting that Iran was supporting
Mr Maliki. The Iranian ambassador to Baghdad, Hassan Kazemi Qumi,
said: The idea in the government was to fight outlaws. This was the right of
the government and responsibility of the government. Without Iranian
support, Mr Sadrs militiamen were bound to lose; even with it they would
have had no answer to US firepower.
The Iraqi army by itself was getting nowhere in Basra and Sadr City
before it was backed by the US military. Even in Amara today, there is a US
battalion waiting to support Iraqi military forces. Nobody knows how the
mainly Shia, 500,000-strong Iraqi security forces would respond if
ordered to fight a resurgent Mehdi Army without US support.
Robert Burns talked of US success in establishing control over Iraq.
The United States is now winning the war that two years ago seemed
lost That does not mean the war has ended or that US troops have no role
in Iraq. It means the combat phase finally is ending, years past the time
when President Bush optimistically declared it had. The new phase focuses
on training the Iraqi army and police, restraining the flow of illicit weaponry
from Iran
This amounts to more than a lull in the violence. It reflects a
fundamental shift in the outlook for the Sunni minority, which held
power under Saddam Hussein. They launched the insurgency five years ago.
They now are either sidelined or have switched sides to cooperate with the
Americans in return for money and political support.

785

Shia militias, notably the Mahdi Army of radical cleric Muqtada

al-Sadr, have lost their power bases in Baghdad, Basra and other major
cities. An important step was the routing of Shia extremists in the Sadr City
slums of eastern Baghdad this spring now a quiet though not fully secure
district.
Al-Sadr and top lieutenants are now in Iran. Still talking of a
comeback, they are facing major obstacles, including a loss of support
among a Shia population weary of war and no longer as terrified of Sunni
extremists as they were two years ago. Despite the favourable signs, US
commanders are leery of proclaiming victory or promising that the calm
will last.
Systematic sectarian killings have all but ended in the capital, in large
part because a tight security and a strategy of walling off neighbourhoods
purged of minorities in 2006. That has helped establish a sense of normalcy
in the streets of the capital. People are expressing a new confidence in
their own security forces, which in turn are exhibiting a new-found
assertiveness with the insurgency largely in retreat.
Statistics show violence at a four year low. The monthly American
death toll appears to be at its lowest of the war four killed in action so far
this month as of Friday, compared with 66 in July a year ago. From a daily
average of 160 insurgent attacks in July 2007, the average has
plummeted to about two dozen a day in this month.
The questions facing both Americans and Iraqis are: What kinds
of help will the country need from the US military, and for how long? The
question will take on greater importance as the US presidential election
nears, with one candidate pledging a troop withdrawal and the other insisting
on staying.
Iraqi authorities have grown dependent on the US military after
more than five years of war. While they are aiming for full sovereignty with
no foreign troops on their soil, they do not want to rush. In a similar sense,
the Americans fear that after losing more than 4,100 troops, the sacrifice
could be squandered.
US commanders say a substantial American military presence
will be needed beyond 2009. But judging from the security gains that have
been sustained over the first half of this year as the Pentagon withdrew five
Army brigades sent as reinforcements in 2007 the remaining troops could be
used as peacekeepers more than combatants.

786

As a measure of the transitioning US role, Maj Gen Jeffery

Hammond says that when he took command of American forces in the
Baghdad area about seven months ago he was spending 80 per cent of his
time working on combat-related matters and about 20 per cent on what
the military calls non-kinetic issues, such as supporting the development of
Iraqi government institutions and humanitarian aid.
Now Hammond estimates those percentage have been almost
reversed. For several hours one recent day, for example, Hammond
consulted on water projects with a Sunni sheikh in the Radwaniyah area of
southwest Baghdad, then spent time with an Iraqi physician/entrepreneur in
the Dora district of southern Baghdad an area, now calm, that in early 2007
was one of the capitals most violent zones.
Although Sunni and Shia extremists are still around, they have
surrendered the initiative and have lost the support of many ordinary
Iraqis. That can be traced to an altered US approach to countering the
insurgency a Petraeus-driven move to take more US troops off their big
bases and put them in Baghdad neighbourhoods where they mixed with
ordinary Iraqis and built a new level of trust.
Army Col Tom James, a brigade commander who is on his third
combat tour in Iraq, explains the new calm this way: Weve put out the
forest fire. Now were dealing with pop-up fires. Its the end of fighting.
It looks like the beginning of a perilous peace.
Ahmad Faruqui termed it a futile war. Amidst all the chaos and
destruction, the Iraqi farmer tends to his sheep and drives his herds through
the US formations. Five years after the war; many of the soldiers who fought
in the Iraq War are despondent. More than four thousands of their buddies
are dead. They won the war but lost the peace. Along the way some of them
burned villages in order to save them. The crazier ones just fired guns to
blow things up. Even the sensible ones were anxious to get in the game as
if war was a game too good to miss out on.

PALESTINE
The western sponsors of Israeli terrorism kept pretending their
keenness for the Middle East peace. On 14th May, Bush arrived in Israel to
push for the peace process. Bush addressed the Knesset and showered

787

praise on Israel while almost ignoring Palestinians; Abbas said Bushs

speech angered Palestinians.
On 12th July, Abbas and Olmert met in Paris under patronage of
French President to push the peace process ahead. The meeting was held on
sidelines of launching of Mediterranean Union of 43 nations. Eight days
later, Gordon Brown during his visit to Israel praised Olmerts yearning for
peace. On 23rd July, Obama termed Israel miracle and promised all possible
help in the context of its designs regarding Palestinians and Iran.
Visits and utterances regarding peace had nothing to do with
perpetration of terrorism by Israel. Following incidents were reported during
the period:
Four Palestinians were killed in Israeli air strike on 20 th May and
Israel planned to construct 884 more houses in east Jerusalem.
Three Palestinians were killed in a blast in Gaza on 12 th June. Next
day, 12 more Palestinians were killed in Israeli strikes.
Israel planned to build 1,300 new settler homes in occupied territories.
Rice said Israels settlement were hurting peace process.
On 17th June, Israel and Hamas agreed to ceasefire in Gaza. A week
later, Israeli troops killed two Palestinians.
A Palestinian brought a bulldozer on to a busy road on 2 nd July killing
three people and wounding dozens more.
Palestinians protesting against the Wall clashed with Israeli troops on
9th July. Nine days later, Israeli troops shelled Palestinian protesters
near Ramallah.
A Palestinian, who rammed a construction vehicle into three cars and
a bus in Jerusalem, wounding four persons, was shot dead by police
on 22nd July.
Five Palestinians were killed in Gaza in suspected Israeli attack on
25th July. Next day, Hamas arrested 160 Fatah men after the blast toll
rose to seven.
Factional clashes broke out in Gaza on 27 th July. A week later, Israel
killed 4 Palestinians. Hamas arrested 30 Fatah men who had returned
from Israel. One Palestinian was killed by Israelis on 4th August.

788

Peter Hirschberg criticized Israels criminal strategy against Hamas.

Israeli military officials have identified Hamass civilian infrastructure in
the West Bank as a Major source of the Islamic groups popularity, and have
begun raiding and shutting down these institutions in cities like Hebron,
Nablus and Qalqilyah.
Last week, troops focused their efforts in Nablus, raiding the city hall
and confiscating computers. They also stormed into a shopping mall and
posted closure notices on the shop windows. A girls school and a medical
centre were shut down in the city, and a charitable association had its
computers impounded and documents seized.
This policy, officials say, is meant to deny the Islamic group, which is
committed to Israels destruction, the ability to use these institutions as a
pipeline by which money is channeled to finance attacks on the Jewish state.
But the main goal of this campaign is to stem Hamass growing
popularity in the West Bank, and ensure it does not seize control of the
area as it did in Gaza a year ago, when its forces vanquished the more
moderate Fatah movement headed by Palestinian President Mahmoud
Abbas.
In Gaza, Hamas was able to capture the hearts and minds of the
residents not just because it offered an alternative to corruption-tainted Fatah
leadership, but also its network of schools, clinics, summer camps, after
school activities and charitable associations and welfare alternatives that the
Palestinian Authority failed to.
As part of the campaign, Israeli defence Minister Ehud Barak
recently issued orders outlawing 36 NGOs that function abroad because
he said they were raising money for Hamas. According to estimates by
defence officials, anywhere between $120 to 200 million has been funneled
to institutions associated with Hamas in Gaza and the West Bank over the
last year. The money has come from institutions in Saudi Arabia, Jordan, the
Gulf States, Europe, South America and the US.
In recent months, the army has also closed down an orphanage, a
bakery and other institutions in Hebron, which Israel believes are associated
with Hamas. In Gaza, meanwhile, Israel and the Islamic group are observing
a truce, but this does not pertain to the West Bank where the Israeli military
operates freely.
The Dawn commented on Rices remarks on peace talks. Even
though the US media has called it harsh, Condoleezza Rices criticism of
Israels plan to build 40,000 new housing units in occupied Jerusalem is
789

rather mild. Reacting to the Israeli governments approval of the housing

plans for the next decade in the citys occupied part, the US secretary of state
said it would cast a shadow on the peace talks. In the first place, there are
no peace talks in the accepted meaning of the term. They remain
suspended with full American backing. Occasional meetings between
President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and periodic
visits to the region by American leaders cannot be called peace talks because
well-structured and goal-oriented negotiations have remained frozen
Hopes for peace were revived last year when the US, Israel and the
Palestinian Authority signed the Annapolis document that called for an
independent Palestinian state by the end of this year. Within a week of the
signing of the agreement, Olmert declared that his government was not
bound by the Annapolis timetable. In the meantime, Israel has continued
its settlement activity in violation of the Annapolis accord. Rice, thus,
admitted the obvious truth when she said Israel had increased the pace of
housing activity in the occupied territory since the Annapolis summit.
Israels greatest asset in the current situation is the polarization
of Palestinian politics and society. The hostility between Fatah and Hamas
has turned the Gaza Strip and the West Bank into two cantons, with both
sides unable to resist Israeli attacks on Gaza every now and then. In fact the
Palestinian movement is passing through one of its worst lows. Without
Palestinian unity it is difficult to see how Israel or America will get serious
about the peace talks.
On the eve of Gordon Browns visit to Israel Ghada Karmi wrote:
Israels alleged reason for building the wall is to prevent Palestinian
terrorism. In fact the aim is clearly to annex the major illegal Jewish
settlements to Israel. The wall will enclose 83 percent of the West Bank
Jewish settlers in 69 settlements. It will also grab the best Palestinian
agricultural land and the major water sources. A map of where these are sited
shows how the wall snakes round to enclose them on the Israeli side of the
barrier.
Trapped in the areas between the old Green Line and the wall there
are currently some 10,000 Palestinian villagers. These poor people are cut
off from their land, and need permits to leave this no-man-land for their
basic needs on the Palestinian side of the barrier. And most ironic of all,
they require residency permits to simply stay in their own homes. The
Jewish state regards them as resident aliens, as if they had been recent

790

migrants and not people who have a natural right to be there. When the wall
is completed, there will be 60,000 more Palestinians in this position.
Every one of these actions is illegal under international law. They
are also cruel and inhumane. Amidst a catalogue of abuses that Israel has
committed against the Palestinian people, the wall is distinguished by being
the subject of an ICC ruling, a rare event for the record of any state. If ever
there was a case of misbehaviour for action by the western world it is this
one. Had action been taken, it would have demonstrated a respect for the
ICC and the rule of law.
Instead Israel has got off scot-free. Nothing was done to force
Israel to halt its wall-building programme and no censure or penalty was
ever enacted or proposed. While the practice of western double standards is
well documented the western attack on Iraq is the most blatant the
impunity accorded to Israel is unique. This has allowed Israels vicious siege
of Gaza to continue, causing widespread starvation, poverty and untold
suffering.
It has permitted the routine assault on ordinary Palestinians, the
theft of their land and the destruction of their homes to go unnoticed
with scarcely a comment. With such licence, it is not surprising that Israel
feels free to do whatever it deems necessary for its well-being. That includes
an attack on Iran with untold consequences.
The prospects of peace in this scenario are not promising. In the
attempt to resolve the Palestine-Israel conflict and stabilize the Middle East;
western states have focused on the wrong targets. The current discourse is
about Palestinian division, terrorism and corruption, moderates and
extremists, al-Qaeda and Islamic fundamentalism. The real obstacle to
peace is none of these but rather a reckless western indulgence of Israel that
puts it beyond the reach of law, justice ort morality.
The Dawn talked about Obamas miracle. Barak Obama of FATAfame has now given us his wisdom about Israel, calling the Zionist state a
miracle. He has not threatened to invade Gaza yet, possibly because Ehud
Olmerts jackboots do this job from time to time quite efficiently. But, given
the presidential hopefuls proclivity for acting on actionable intelligence,
the Gazans should better keep their fingers crossed.
If Israel is a miracle, it is a miracle drenched in human blood
the blood of Palestines sons and daughters on whose writhing bodies in Deir
Yassin and Sabra-Chatilla the Zionists built up their immigrant empire. It is
a miracle that began with go-ahead given to the Zionists by the Balfour
791

Declaration in 1917 to turn the Palestinian majority by importing Jews from

Europe and America.
Today, with the exception of Sinai, Israel remains in possession of the
territories it conquered in the 1967 war. In defiance of international law and
scores of UN resolutions it has annexed the Golan Heights and Jerusalem.
All efforts by the UN and various peace moves, to which Obamas
country is party, have failed to effect the miracle that a withdrawal will
be. Maybe, Obama made an indirect confession about Israel as a miracle is
something drastically different from natural things/phenomena; so is Israel.
On his visit to Israel, Obama did not talk about the two-state solution.
This is a concept enshrined in the Oslo Accords, the 2003 roadmap and last
years Annapolis Summit. The agreements were shredded by Israel. The
Annapolis document visualized a Palestinian state by the end of this year,
even before the ink was dry Olmert said he was not bound by the Annapolis
agreement. President Bush kept quiet, because he wouldnt like to
torpedo John McCains chances in November.
Now to expect Obama to remind, much less, chastise Israel on the
withdrawal issue at a time when he would need Jewish votes and the support
of the powerful Zionist media in the US is to expect a miracle. Miracles do
happen in this world, but they are wrought by men better than Obama
like Lincoln and Mandela.

OTHER FRONTS
Factional militancy persisted in Lebanon. Following incidents were
reported during the period:
Clashes between Hezbollah and Druze supporters continued in Beirut
bringing the death toll to 46 on 11th May.
Next day, fighting broke out between supporters and opponents of the
government in Tripoli and at least six people were wounded.
Lebanese leaders struck a deal on 21st May to end 18-month long
crisis. About a month later, three Lebanese were killed on 22 nd June in
a clash in Tripoli.
By 25th June, at least 40 people had been wounded in clashes. A
fortnight later, fighting again erupted and four people were killed and
more that fifty wounded.

792

 Two Palestinians were killed in factional fighting in Lebanon on 20 th

July. Five days later, five people were killed and 22 wounded in
clashes in Tripoli. On 26th July, nine more people were killed.
Hezbollah and Israel at last made progress on prisoners issue. On 1 st
June, Hezbollah spy was released in exchange of the remains of a deceased
Israeli soldier. Four weeks later, Israeli cabinet approved prisoner swap with
Hezbollah. On 7th July, Israel and Hezbollah signed a deal for exchange of
prisoners. On 16th July, Israel freed five Lebanese in exchange of remains of
two Israeli soldiers.
Meanwhile, in mid-May Arab League brokered a deal to end fighting
in Lebanon; it included lifting of Hezbollah-led blockade of sea and airport,
end of armed presence in the streets and a pledge not to use weapons to
settle political disputes. Syria and Israel held talks in Turkey on 22 nd May.
Lebanon formed 30-member cabinet unity government which would include
11 Shiites ministers.
The row between the US and Iran continued. On 23rd May, US
warned of imposing more sanctions on Iran. On 11 th June, Bush once again
said all options were open against Iran. Bush and Sarkozy sent warnings to
Syria and Iran on 14th June when Solana was in Tehran. Iran rejected
Solanas package of incentives for stopping nuclear programme.
On 19th June, Mottaqi said Iran was ready to negotiate on nuclear
incentives. Nejad said Wests new nuclear game would fail. Next day, US
Defence Department said recent military exercises carried out by Israel
seemed part of the preparations for strike against Iran. Tehran warned of
strong blow. ElBaradei said attack on Iran would spell disaster. Tehran
accused the US of backing Sunni groups in Iran.
On 2nd July, a US general warned against opening of third front. Iran
hoped that it would reach an accord with major powers. Three days later,
Iran offered talks without nuclear freeze and also threatened of shutting Gulf
oil lane. On 9th July, Iran carried out test fire of long range missile. More
missiles with special capabilities were tested next day.
On 11th July, Israel warned the international community to take action
against Iran failing which it would act on its own. Iran warned that it would
destroy 32 US bases and Israel if attacked. Reportedly, Saudi Arabia offered
$ 2.4 billion to Russia to stop supporting Iran.
America announced change in its Iran policy and attended dialogue in
Geneva on 19th July. Iran refused to discuss enrichment in future talks. Two
793

days later, Brown warned Iran over nuclear standoff. On 23 rd July,

Ahmedinejad refused to budge from stand on nuclear programme; Bush
threatened more sanctions and Obama said Iran posed grave threat.
On 24th July, Iran remained hopeful of fresh start in nuclear talks.
Russia opposed giving deadline for response. Israel reiterated that all options
were open against Iran. Next day, Obama visited Paris and asked Iran to
accept the offer without waiting for next US president.
On 26th July, Ahmedinejad declared possession of 5,000 centrifuges.
Three days later, Iran urged developing states to fight UN biases. On 4 th
August, Iran test-fired anti-ship missile with 300 kilometers range. Four
days later, EU imposed additional curbs on Iran.
The Dawn commented on threat of more sanctions. Once again
President George W Bush, along with the European Union, has issued a
stern warning to the Iranians to freeze their nuclear programme or else face
consequences in the form of harsh sanctionsHowever, Iran has shown no
signs of apprehension over the US-EU stance, or that of Israel where a
senior minister recently said that his country would attack Iran if it
continued with its nuclear programme.
It is apparent that years of animosity and the lack of trust that exists
between Iran and the western world will not be forgotten unless there is a
sincere effort by both sides to bridge their differences. For its part, Iran will
have to show that its nuclear programme is peaceful, even if this means
delaying the up-gradation of its assets.
The US, too, has to be blamed for its inflexible attitude and its
vengeful interest in seeing Iran being brought to its knees. With the
Iranian star rising in the region, a spirit of greater accommodation might also
be advisable for reasons of realpolitik. Iran must be made to feel a useful
member of the world community before its perceived nuclear ambitions can
be tamed.
The newspaper also wrote about Israeli exercises and attack plan.
Reports that Israel is rehearsing an attack on Irans nuclear installations
should surprise no one Attacking a distant target is no problem for
Israel. It has practiced and honed this craft over the decades and has
received a pat on the back from America and most European governments. It
carried out a long-range mission at Entebbe in Uganda in 1976 to rescue
hostages and in 1985 it air bombed Arafats headquarters in Tunisia. Earlier
this month Israel rehearsed with 100 F-16s and helicopters to simulate
surgical strikes on Iran, the confirmation of this exercise coming from the
794

US defence department. Unfortunately, Israel is impossible to restrain. In

fact, it must have felt encouraged when President George Bush the other day
threatened force against Iran by saying that all options were open.
There are now two very harsh realities which threatened to
enlarge the war theatre and push the Middle East toward greater
destruction: president Ahmadinejad seems unperturbed by the danger to
which he is exposing his country and the region, while Israel and America
seem equally determined to destroy Irans nuclear installations. While Iran
has every right to develop nuclear technology for peaceful purposes,
Ahmadinejad continued pursuit of weapon-grade uranium is giving America
and Israel a ready-made pretext for attacking it.

CONCLUSION
The US seemed confident that fighting in Iraq was nearing the
logical end, but it wasnt prepared to let the situation affect the status of
occupation. Bush Administration has started pressing the puppet regime to
finalize an agreement allowing its troops to stay there indefinitely.
The US and the UK leaders praised Israel for what it has done since
its creation in general and since the start of the ongoing holy war in
particular. None of them seemed least pushed about the plight of
Palestinians. The Arab and Muslim leaders were no better than the western
leaders.
The hoax of Axis of Evil and subsequently the hype against Irans
nuclear programme was to keep Iran under constant pressure to deter it from
supporting insurgency in Iran. Apparently, Iran withstood the pressure
steadfastly but in fact America achieved its aim quite successfully; Iran did
not dare interfering in Iraq.
11th August 2008

795

IMPEACH HIM
The coalition government has been constantly giving surprises, mostly
unpleasant, through their act or neglect. The larger party in the coalition
excelled in making and breaking the promises. As nations morale dipped to
the lowest level, Nawaz and Zardari came out with another surprise; they
decided to impeach the President.
The political duo literally pulled the cat out of the bag and threw into
the pigeons of Presidency causing unprecedented flutter. Musharraf
summoned his schemers for consultation to tackle the cat called
impeachment. There was no new face in the rank and file of the schemers.
Firstly, the legal advisers like Sharifuddin Pirzada who were always
ready for the gold hunt by giving new meanings to the letters of law. The
second category was of the well-known terrorist leaders of the MQM. The
last but not the least was the Gujrat mafia or Rasagirs from the land of
Chenab.

EVENTS
796

On 2nd August, Musharraf expressed concern over stock market crash.

Ahmed Mukhtar said Bush had reservations against ISI but no evidence.
PCO CJP went to Makkah to participate in Ghusl-e-Kaaba. Zardari and
Nawaz agreed to meet on 5th August. Ansar Abbasi saw PPP-PML-N alliance
on the rock. An OIC observer gave new turn to ISI issue. He claimed that the
notification was aimed at giving free hand to UN investigators to probe
Benazirs murder.
On 3rd August, Musharraf talked to traders in Karachi and said:
economy was down to 1999-level and terrorist from all over the world were
converging onto Pakistan. He suggested all parties round-table conference
for recovery of economy, but wanted to use it for returning back to the
mainstream. He also said that there was danger to democracy if the
government did not take appropriate action. PML-Q planned to file a
reference against Shahbaz Sharif, Chief Minister Punjab.
On 4th August, PML-N leaders discussed the future line of action
about judges issue, impeachment and fate of the coalition. Zardari met his
party leaders to work out plan to defend his plan on the issue, but
reportedly most of them advised restoration of the judges. Farooq Naek gave
a glimpse of PPP mind by saying that the deposed judges have to take oath
from Musharraf at the time of reinstatement. Musharraf arrived in Quetta
and elected MPAs avoided protocol events except those belonging to the
PPP. LHC suspended Punjab governments notification for dismissal of three
prosecutors.
Next day, Zardari and Nawaz met and seemed to have agreed to act
against Musharraf; however, talks remained inconclusive for want of
consultation with ANP and JUI-F leaders. Shahbaz and Raza Rabbani went
to Karachi late at night to meet Asfandyar. Farooq Naek kept quiet about
who would swear in the Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry.
Musharraf loyalists made ISI their cause in Senate debate. Zardari,
Malik and Haqqani were blamed for the move. It was also alleged that
Haqqani had links with Indian embassy in Washington some time back.
Prime Minister ordered holding the notification in abeyance.
PPP-PML-N resumed talks on 6th August. Meanwhile, the President
returned from Quetta and decided to strike back. He met his Masheers which
included; Sharifuddin who reminded him about 58-2(b); Pervaiz Elahi who
assured him political support; Manzoor Wattoo for conspiring and he later
met Amin Fahim; and the COAS to demonstrate armys loyalty to the

797

supreme commander. Governor Sindh also met Musharraf most probably in

connection with oath taking of reappointed judges.
Musharraf fired his first salvo by signing a summary for
reappointment of eight deposed judges of Sindh High Court. The salvo
achieved the desired effect as it disrupted the enemy forming up. The talks in
Zardari House were progressing well till then; but once Nawaz saw that as
usual Zardari has been talking to him whereas working with Musharraf; he
walked out of talks along with his team.
Fazlur Rehman who had joined the talks went to Punjab House for
mediation and PML-N later sent a message that talks would only be resumed
if action on reappointment of eight judges was with-held. Zardari also talked
to Nawaz on phone and talks were resumed after dinner. Reportedly, some
kind of breakthrough was made late at night.
ANP remained unrepresented but Asfandyar assured that his party
would abide by the decisions made by the PPP and the PML-N. MNAs from
FATA also met Zardari and reportedly he agreed to vote for impeachment of
Musharraf provided operation in Swat was halted.
Both Musharraf and Zardari cancelled their visits to China; the latter
nominated his son to lead the PPP delegation and the former, reportedly
change his mind and decided to go to China. Meanwhile, Army House was
declared as Presidents lodge and the US said joint efforts were being made
to saddle ISI.
On 7th August, PPP and PML-N leaders decided to take on the bull by
the horn. Musharraf will be asked by national and provincial assemblies to
seek vote of confidence as his lawyers had promised in the Supreme Court
before his re-election. If he failed to do so impeachment motion would be
moved against him.
Zardari and Nawaz shrugged off the threat of 58-2(b). Lawyers
slammed the relegation of reinstatement issue and attempt to sabotage their
movement. Balochistan parties and FATA MNAs decided to support the
impeachment move. MQM and PML-Q remained faithful to the king. The
US and Britain termed it an internal matter of Pakistan.
Figure of 295 became a magic wand in the number game. The
coalition leaders seemed confident of having more than 300 on its side.
Musharraf camp largely banked on disgruntled elements within PPP led by
Amin Fahim. Musharraf remained firm on defending himself. He continued
consultations on second day with his legal advisers and like-minded

798

politicians and those contacted by him included Shujaat, Chattha, Pir Pagara,
Sherpao and Shaikh Rashid. Meanwhile, President was asked to decide
within three hours about his visit to China; he cancelled the visit and Gilani
went to attend the opening ceremony of Beijing Olympics.
Punjab Assembly unanimously passed a resolution demanding
scrapping of 58-2(b). Reportedly, Farooq Naek had cheated Gilani in
sending the summary to Presidency for reappointment of eight judges. He
had lied that he had consulted Nawaz as instructed by Gilani. Naek could not
have done that without backing of Zardari.
On 8th August, PML-N joined the cabinet and handed over the list of
its representatives signed by them for use with the impeachment motion. The
committee headed by Zardari finalized the plan for completing the
impeachment process. Zardari talked to Achakzai and was to inform Qazi
Hussain and Imran Khan about the impeachment move. The government
assured the Senate of fair process. The US feared that impeachment motion
would have negative impact on the war on terror. A US official met Zardari.
Aitzaz Ahsan strongly criticized the deferring of reinstatement till
after impeachment. He said that if Presidency were to make a plan for
deferring the issue of judges, it would not have better plan than this. In
case impeachment motion is defeated all actions of November 3 would be
automatically legitimized and reinstatement would be buried forever.
On 9th August, Musharraf signed the summery NA session from 11th
August. PML-N claimed that coalition had the support of 325 members and
PPP said that 350 members have supported. Musharraf was reported to be
waiting for the charge sheet before deciding his course of action. This
implied that the brave commando knew that there was lot to pick and choose
for framing of the charge sheet.
PPP lawyers in Pakistan Bar Council prevailed to postpone the
deadline of August 14. Some of them also demanded removal of Aitzaz
Ahsan. PML-N urged lawyers to soften their stance on judges issue. Imran
Khan feared that impeachment could harm judges case.
Shujaat first said that use of Article 58-2(b) had become necessary
because PPP wanted to make Zardari the President which was not acceptable
to Army. Later he met Musharraf and advised him not to use the infamous
article. Mushahid called Musharraf Mazloom while talking to a channel.
On 10th August, Musharrafs aides ruled out his resignation. Kings
men led by Mushahid decided to go all out to defend the king. Mushahid, a

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straight talking journalist after joining politics has degenerated to a

hypocrite. Fahims son resigned from Sindh cabinet to join his father to pay
Zardari in the same coin.
The charge sheet against Musharraf will comprise of hundreds of
pages containing charges of misconduct, financial irregularities, and
violations of the Constitution and criminal acts that could lead to open trial.
Ex-servicemen urged Musharrafs impeachment and no safe exit. The US
warned honourable stay for Musharraf in Pakistan. Zawahiri also issued a
charge sheet against Musharraf which included the charge of betraying
Muslims by supporting the US. He also criticized General Kayani.
On 11th August, Punjab Assembly adopted a resolution asking the
president to either obtain a vote of confidence or resign. The resolution
called upon parliament to serve an impeachment notice if the president failed
to accept the demand. The resolution was adopted with 321 to 25 votes; yet
the PML-Q said majority of people in Punjab were against impeachment.
The coalition partners seemed to be closing in on Musharraf in an
organized manner. The committee faced difficulty in framing the charge
sheet because of the long list of offences committed by the president. Zardari
spent busy day in meeting party members. He was still in the meeting when
rumours about his killing were spread through SMS.
Presidents camp made moves to counter the offensive of democratic
forces as Musharraf celebrated his 65th birthday. Destabilizing the Sindh
government seemed to be the first priority of the conspirators. In Dubai,
Hafiz Pirzada met Amin Fahim to entice him with new offers from
presidency. But in Islamabad only 12 PML-Q MNAs attended a meeting of
its parliamentary group. Patterson met Musharraf on return from the US,
Presidents camp denied. Reportedly, Brigadier Niaz contacted Shahbaz for
securing safe exit for his friend. Lawyers demanded trial of Musharraf after
impeachment.

VIEWS
The issue of ISI notification remained under focus. The News on
Sunday felt the need to bring the agency under some kind of civilian oversight. All those who cried foul after the change and were relieved when it
was reversed need to understand that this may be a good way to at least
nominally bring the agency under some kind of civilian over-sight. Of
course, the best approach would be to bring it under the appropriate National
800

Assembly and Senate standing committees but here one should remember
that some years back, even the heads of the armed forces welfare
organizations had point-blank refused to appear before parliament.
This tendency to consider it below oneself to appear before
parliament has quite unfortunately become part of the psyche of some senior
men in uniform and stems from the perception that they and their
institutions are either above the law or that there is a separate law for them
and hence there is no need to appear before a group of elected
representatives and answer their questions.
This kind of system where parliamentary committees have the
authority to, and do, exercise considerable over-sight over law-enforcement
and intelligence agencies is the bed-rock of a genuine democracy and can
be seen in the way this system works in the US or the UK.
Nadeem Iqbal observed: He (Zardari) said that, in future, the enemies
of Pakistan would not be able to defame the ISI. Media reports suggest that
the notification was withdrawn on the intervention of no less than the
president and army chief.
It was not an abrupt decision as media reports appeared in May this
year quoting PPP sources as saying that the party would soon take legislative
action to disband political wings of all intelligence agencies and that the
government was considering amendments to the rules of business to hold the
security agencies, including the ISI and the MI, accountable to the elected
government.
The Charter of Democracy that PPP signed with PML-N clearly
mentioned this But the reversal of the notification on the eve of Prime
Minister Yousaf Raza Gilanis visit to US has sent a strong message to
the international community that intelligence agencies are not under the full
control of the civilian government and that establishment is still intact.
It seems the PPP-led government wanted to revive the
recommendation of Air Chief Marshal Zulfiqar Ali commission by
establishing joint intelligence committee with Advisor to PM Rehman Malik
as its head but it has once again been resisted. The message is loud and clear.
Although the military-led establishment wants to stay away from
politics, it does not want to surrender itself to the command of its political
masters.
Ghazi Salahuddin opined: Whatever else the ISI may be able to do,
with its fearful capacity to pull off clandestine projects, it does not seem to

801

have the power to perk up Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilanis performance
as a traveling salesman for Pakistan. In fact, its real or perceived
shenanigans in forbidden territories did painfully add to Gilanis
discomfiture during his engagements in Washington DC. And now he is in
Colombo, carrying his jet lag and also the lingering shadow of the ISI.
We know that a formal visit to America by a new Pakistani leader is
designed as a foreign policy extravaganza. It is very much like a theatrical
production in which the stage, the props, the lighting and the background
music are carefully orchestrated to glorify the main character. But here was
a lead player who did not have very impressive lines to speak. Did the
ISI, with its past experience of destabilizing governments of its own country,
write the script?
Be that as it may, the invisible presence of the ISI was the
highlight of the Gilani visit. As for the prime ministers own tangible
presence, its impact was visibly diluted by his less than satisfactory
performance. Some embarrassing details of his encounter with the Council
of Foreign Relations, with specific respect to his answers to questions, have
been published
It is also unfortunate that the prime ministers visit began and ended
with reports that alleged that the ISI had a key role in the suicide
bombing of the Indian embassy in Kabul. On August 1, The New York
Times reported that American intelligence agencies have concluded that
members of Pakistans powerful spy service helped plan the deadly July 7
bombing of Indias embassy in Kabul, Afghanistan.
Earlier the same newspaper had reported that a top CIA official had
traveled to Pakistan to confront senior Pakistani officials with
information about support provided by members of the ISI to militant
groups. In Fridays report the NYT said that India and Afghanistan share
close political, cultural and economic ties, and India maintains an active
intelligence network in Afghanistan, all of which has drawn suspicion from
Pakistani officials
Incidentally, Gilanis US visit was launched under the ominous
shadow of the ISI and this had nothing to do with what the ISI has been
doing. There was this sudden and surprising decision to put the ISI under the
complete control of the Interior Ministry, headed by Rehman Malik. The
timing of this notification was somewhat intriguing.
This episode, with some hints about how covert operations are
conducted, raises a number of questions about the present governments
802

relationship with the ISI and the military establishment. More confusion
emanates, for instance, from the fact that the Cabinet Division has not
formally withdrawn the original order of transferring the ISIs control from
the Defence Ministry to the Interior Ministry
What we must immediately face up to is the rise of extremism
and militancy not just in the tribal areas but across the country. This would
also call for a review of the role that the ISI has played in defending our
national security. The irony here is that the forces of militancy have gained
strength during the same period in which we were supposedly fighting the
menace. What was initially defined as Americas war on terror has now
become our own war for survival. But there is still great confusion in the
minds of our rulers about how to deal with religious extremism, with its
breeding ground in the tribal areas. Does this confusion also extend to what
the ISI is supposed to be doing?
Anwar Syed commented: ISI operatives are posted in Pakistani
embassies abroad as attaches, usually military or commercial. They watch
Pakistani officials serving out there, and their colleagues at home watch
foreign diplomats, businessmen and important individuals working in
Pakistan. ISI agents abroad are expected to gather intelligence and,
when appropriate, undertake covert operations.
Some observers believe the ISI is not performing these functions
well. Even with regard to India, which is its principal concern, its knowledge
of the countrys military capabilities, planning and dispositions, its political
and social dynamics, and its industry and technology is said to be
inadequate. Its information concerning Pakistans domestic politics, and its
covert operations in that area, may be more newsworthy than its
accomplishments abroad.
The ISI is a huge organization. It employs nearly 10,000 persons,
including hundreds of serving and former military and police officers, a
number of researchers and analysts, administrators, and even some scientists
and technologists. Its financial resources and its expenditures remain
unpublished for the most part but one may be sure that they are far greater
than those shown in its official budget.
What kind of control can the prime minister, or even the army
chief, exercise over an agency so large and powerful, so abundantly
resourceful? Let us take a quick look at its American counterpart the CIA
The CIA, along with 15 other intelligence agencies, reports in the first
instance to the director of national intelligence, but as and when necessary
803

its director may report directly to the president. The president aided by his
national security adviser, defence secretary and occasionally the secretary of
the state gives the CIA its mission set forth in broad terms for the world
generally and, when necessary, with reference to specific countries. Within
this general framework the CIA director, his deputies and officers in charge
of various country sections made their own determinations of the actions to
be taken from day to day. They do not seek the presidents permission for
each operation they intend to undertake and they do not report all of their
doings to him. Nor does he want to know all of want they do.
The likelihood is that the ISIs modus operandi in Pakistan is
pretty much the same as that of the CIA in the United States. The ISI,
like the CIA, is a state within a state, an invisible government and a law
unto itself. That the elements in the ISI are supportive of the militants,
means either that the government doesnt really object to their activities, or
that the Zardari-Gilani combination is too fragile to control them.
Aqil Shah was of the view that the government should have
carefully weighed and deliberated its options before taking the decision
on the ISI and then struck to its guns. But effective leadership and
governance do not arise overnight in countries with long histories of military
rule and entrenched military influence. The spectre of military vetoes and
pressures haunts governments in post-authoritarian contexts. Where national
leaders are routinely dismissed from office, jailed, exiled or killed, expecting
the miracle of instant statesmanship from politicians is a fools dream.
Even as doubts about the coalition governments survival abound, the
PPP and the PML-N appear close to an agreement on the modalities of
resolving the two key issues straining the coalition: restoration of the
deposed judges and Musharrafs impeachment. Their resolution will
represent an important move towards strengthening democracy and civilian
supremacy over the military, as will the repeal of presidential powers to sack
governments and appoint military services chiefs. Once these critical
bottlenecks are removed, the coalition government should be in a better
position to expend more time and resources on the pressing economic,
security and governance challenges facing Pakistan.
Regardless, we must not lose patience with democracy which is a
cumbersome process. Mistakes are common, policy-making can be slow and
often stalled, and even when its kinks are removed over time, democracy
becomes less imperfect at best. But to repeat the truism, any nondemocratic option is hardly ever better. The patent failure of Musharrafs

804

authoritarian rule, if not those of his military predecessors, is here for all of
us to see and it should serve as a dreadful lesson to anyone itching for yet
another dose of good governance under military auspices.
I A Rehman wrote: The government certainly deserved a spanking
for behaving like an urchin who runs away from school after planting a
safety pin on his teachers seat. It could not have been unaware of the need
for explaining its portentous move The fact is a debate on the role of the
ISI has been pending for decades.
The agency continued to attract uncomplimentary notices at
home and abroad. What probably proved to be the last straw was the
government statement in the Sindh High Court in 2006, in regard to a case
of disappearance that the ISI was not under its operational control. From that
point of view of the functioning of the ISI has been unexceptionable.
Since all intelligence agencies work in the name of the state there
should be some way of ensuring that they do not step outside their mandate
and do not, by accident or by design, cause any harm to the national interest.
These guarantees should be discussed, subject of course to the requirements
of discreetness and circumspection.
The lack of knowledge about the laws and rules under which the
ISI operates has caused much confusion and unhappiness. The common
view that the ISI has become a state within the state can be repelled if the
people can be sure that it is bound by a functional code as to what it can do
and what it cannot. Any newspaper reader knows that situations do arise
when states are obliged to enlarge or curtail the responsibilities of
intelligence agencies
Then statements to the effect that the ISI reports to the president or
the prime minister are meaningless. Although Pakistans claim to be a
parliamentary democracy has no basis in fact, one may venture to point out
the principle that the head of state must not be directly accessible to any
state service and that all official information to him should come through the
cabinet. And what is meant by reporting to the prime minister? Does it mean
anything more than informing the PM of the agencys accomplishments?
The essential questions are: Who sanctions the agencys operations? Who
allocates it financial resources and what is the system of audit,
administrative as well as financial?
It is not impossible that the new government wishes to streamline the
ISIs decision-making procedures with a view to making the agency more
efficient and less vulnerable to the charge of freedom from any discipline. If
805

that is the idea there is no harm in taking the people into confidence about
collective decision-making proposals. The creation of a special cell
comprising responsible representatives of both civil and military wings
of authority could well be considered. After all, management of
intelligence matters should not be incompatible with institutionalized
governance. Or is it otherwise?
Analysts also kept commenting on Gilanis US visit. Karamatullah K
Ghori wrote: On his maiden venture into high-stakes, Gilanis deck of
cards had a number of aces missing. Those supposed to be smoothing the
kinks out of his way had, actually, ended up littering it with more nails and
thorns for the novice statesman. The Bush Administration, on its part,
didnt exactly roll out the red carpet for him, either.
Barely hours before Gilani landed in Washington, CIA-operated
predator drone unleashed another barrage of deadly missiles into a border
village Irrespective of how many were killed, the message for Gilani
couldnt be more unambiguous and categorical: US was getting close to the
end of its tether with Pakistan, as far the strategy on combating the
menace of al-Qaeda and the Taliban was concerned.
The Bush Administration, never known for its diplomatic finesse,
couldnt be more undiplomatic in telling Gilani that it attached zero
significance to the consensus among coalition partners in government that
dialogue was their preferred option in dealing with the terrorists and their
threat to Pakistan. Instead, it remains committed to a policy of brazen use
of force, even if it means violating Pakistans sovereignty, which, in any
case, it has been doing with impunity for a long, long time.
Gilani didnt flinch in telling the Americans, to their face, that
they were being impatient. He held his own against a media bully like Wolf
Blitzer and even if not as articulate as Musharraf or Shaukat Aziz, still
managed to put across Pakistans philosophy of a peace approach to combat
the groundswell of terror rather than deploying force in a purblind of
arrogance of power.
The Americans in what is a worst-case scenario to many a hawk in
the Bush Administration have no choice but to stay in lock-step with
Pakistan, if they want to take their involvement in Afghanistan, or the war
on terror, to any logical conclusion. Short of nuking Afghanistan, they have
no better strategy than to have Pakistan on board with them, for without
Pakistan their fire power would take them nowhere.

806

Washingtons stick of choice is the endemic visitation of its

predator drones on Pakistans soil to keep the denizens in awe of US
firepower. But if the Pentagon had any sense of the psychology of the tribal
people, it should have been forewarned that the antics of no other imperialist
power in history ever succeeded in sowing fear in their hearts. Instead, it
only makes the Taliban or al-Qaeda to find fresh recruits for their cause,
whatever it might be. But Washington seems to be also trying to soften the
impact of its stick by blending it with carrots, for both the military and
civilian power brokers in Pakistan.
Both Gilani and his hosts in Washington may have reason to claim
success at the conclusion of his visit. Bush may draw satisfaction from the
fact that a civilian government hobbled by all sorts of challenges, some
apparently too grave for its limited capacity to handle, would strive ever so
hard to retain the goodwill of the foreign power, and mentor, that has
always mattered so much to any Pakistani government. He has thrown some
toys and trinkets in its lap to keep it contended.
Gilani, on his part, may congratulate himself for not faltering, or
falling out of step, in his first major exposure to the outside world. Getting
Washingtons cachet of endorsement has always been regarded a plus point
in the dispensation of power in Pakistan.
Aasim Sajjad Akhtar could not find anything to boast about.
Summits between Pakistani and American leaders are always stagemanaged by the Islamabad establishment, but on this occasion the whole
affair starting with the prime ministers pre-departure announcement to the
embarrassment during his engagement with Washingtons think tank
establishment was nothing short of soap opera material. It was telling that
the all regular visitor to Islamabad, US Assistant Secretary of State, Richard
Boucher, remarked at the end of the visit that this is the best Pakistani
government that we could hope for.
The fuss was all about the ISI; and understandably so, since the Bush
Administration has finally been forced to admonish publicly the spy
agency for supporting militancy in the Pak-Afghan border region. That
Washington has only now openly acknowledged the ISIs activities despite
knowing about them for much, much longer reflects the growing
contradictions of the war on terror and the Americas refusal to put its
relationship with Pakistani military at risk.
As if the Pakistanis knew what was coming, a badly disguised preemptive measure was undertaken in the shape of the announcement
807

transferring control over the ISI to the Interior Division the day before
Gilani left the country. Bear in mind that the ISI has always officially been
subject to civilian authority and the attempt to make the administrative
change was nothing more than eyewash
In Washington, the prime minister repeatedly made feeble
requests for Pakistans sovereignty to be respected; and, on cue,
American missiles started raining on South Waziristan. More such attacks
can be expected in the coming days as the Bush Administration attempts to
prove that it is not unwilling to take the flight to Pakistan regardless of the
fact that the countrys military remains Washingtons blue-eyed boy.
After discussing political and security situation in Pakistan and the
bearing it had on the visit, Aasim concluded: Gilani is correct when he says
this is not just Americas war insofar as it is a war that is taking place inside
Pakistan. But what he neglects to mention is that the war that is unfolding in
front of our eyes is a product of the machinations of the military
establishment and its imperial patron. The common people are caught in
the crossfire between antagonists that they cannot even fully identify. If
the prime minister and his party want to distinguish themselves from the
powerless puppets of the past, they should stop pretending they have a say in
the matters and then take a stand on the side of the people. This may not stop
the downward slide, but will at least end the charade of popular sovereignty.
Farah Zia observed: The testy and harsh reception that some US
officials were predicting for the Pakistani delegation did not quite happen.
Obviously the sticky issues were complex, with Pakistan having a different
set of expectations than US but, by and large, the visit bode well for
democracy in Pakistan. The declaration about restoration of judges and
impeachment of President Musharraf may not be the immediate
consequences of this visit but the $15 billion non-military aid over the next
ten years, to be spent on education, health and development, envisages a
longer term engagement than the US is used to having with Pakistan.

Other aspects of the persistent political standstill were reflected

upon continuously. F S Aijazuddin criticized the delay in reinstatement of
the CJP. President Musharraf has stopped asking for advice on it. Asif
Zardari would prefer not to be given a solution to it. And Mian Nawaz
Sharif, when confronted at the conclusion of the lawyers long march on
June 14, shied away from a definitive resolution. A chief justice delayed
meanwhile continues to be a chief justice denied.

808

Chaudhry Aitzaz Ahsan, as president of the Supreme Court bar

Association, squandered a chance for victory when, in an error of
judgment that Mahatma Gandhi once described in another context as a
Himalayan miscalculation, he disbanded the long marchers instead of
leading them in a Bastille charge against the official barricades in Islamabad,
or in a passive Gandhian sit-in.
Putting aside for a moment the mechanism by which the nonfunctional chief justice and other judges could be rendered functional again,
now or in the near future, the public has a legitimate reason to speculate
about what would happen afterwards
To those Pakistanis to whom the law is still something to look up to,
no matter how far it has been made to fall, such an act would provide a very
necessary affirmation both of the restored independence of the judiciary and
its refurbished dignity. Most importantly perhaps, it would send a message to
the public that although the law (to quote Charles Dickens) may be an ass,
and that some politicians do on occasions behave more stubbornly than
mules, what matters most to the public is the supremacy of the law and
the dispensation of justice.
Mohammad Waseem talked about the use of Article 58-2 (b). We can
outline four major features of the recurrent pattern of the use of Article
58-2 (b) to dissolve the parliament. These features can be characterized as
prerequisites for taking blatantly anti-democratic measures against the
parliament by the extra-parliamentary forces led by the president.
First, the timing is crucial. A mass mandate provides legitimacy to
the newly elected government. The president cannot, straight away, afford to
act against the popular sentiment. He has to wait for months or even years
for the right moment to strike. A reasonable period of time must pass before
he can send the elected representatives back home.
The second condition for dissolution of parliament relates to
deficit performance. President Musharraf will think twice before striking
down a government which enjoys popularity for good performance. In other
words, the performance deficit must first sink into the public mind.
Thirdly, a good strategy is to hit when and where it is least
expected. The myopia of the ruling dispensation is a pre-requisite for a
strike. The government must feel secure, confident and sure of its popularity.
Junejo did not imagine in his wildest dreams that he would be dismissed

809

The fourth condition for bringing the axe down on parliament is

that the government should crack from within and thus create a profile of
weakness vis--vis the mighty force of the establishment. Benazir Bhuttos
government could never recover from the deadly exit of the MQM from the
ruling coalition in 1989 as a result of the latters secret deal with the
president.
What will happen if the much dreaded Article 58-2(b) finally
comes into operation? It will be a black day for democracy in Pakistan. The
balance between the civil and military wings of the state will be further
upset. However, fifthly, there will be no constitutional crisis. The ruling
party has already agreed to keeping the controversial article in the statutes
book, at least pending a comprehensive initiative to delete it. The president
would then claim to be within his constitutional rights to strike again.
Skeptics might think that this scenario is too clean to be real. In the
case of new elections, the PML-N as an alternative may not suit the
president. The large scale mobilization by lawyers and civil society in
general would be reactivated from its current position of recess. Washington
would be shy of seeing Musharraf swim through the muddy waters of street
agitation and public anger. Moving away from a situation of relative political
disorder to one of uncertainty and potential disorder may not be an American
priority.
But this underestimates the latent hostility of various elite sections of
the population towards what they consider a bunch of uninitiated,
unimaginative, uneducated and unsophisticated politicians. They see the
failures of democracy itself. This smacks of a negative attitude towards
societal input in the business of the state. If Musharraf strikes again, he
will do so with the support of this unrepresentative and career-oriented
elite which is imbued with a supremacist ideology rooted in paternalism.
E Anwar criticized the dictatorial ways of Zardari. Zardari House,
located in a posh sector of Islamabad, has become the actual hub of all
activities with its occupant taking all the important decisions, which
otherwise should have been taken by the parliament. Cabinet members as
well as top state functionaries depend on Zardari House for continuation in
their respective offices and seek instructions from the same, instead of doing
so from the Prime Ministers Secretariat.
Still worse is the fact that the prime minister himself is not
interested in asserting his authority and seems fully contended with
whatever he is having now He seems to be forgetting that he, and not
810

Zardari, is the chief executive of the country, in which capacity he is

supposed to take decisions in the best interest of Pakistan with the only
requirement of consulting the Parliament in the process.
Virtually each and everything was named after the late Benazir
Bhutto and even December 27, when the twice former prime minister was
assassinated, was declared as a national holiday, yet Gilani did not bother
to follow the prescribed procedures or consult the Parliament
Similarly, death sentences are awarded to perpetrators of most
heinous crimes, yet the prime minister commuted these sentences to life
imprisonment in the same go, again without consulting the National
Assembly of which he is the leader. His only concern seems to be the will
and the desires of Zardari When even seemingly insignificant decisions
are not being taken in the Parliament, what to talk of the vital ones, such as
operation in tribal areas, cooperation with the United States, the proposed
constitutional package, the local government system, etc?
Take, for example, the devolution plan. The issue was debated at
length in the National Assembly a couple of weeks ago. As overwhelming
majority of parliamentarians demanded the abolition PPP members were
at the forefront of making this demand, but one fine morning the newspapers
carried the statement of Zardari that he wanted to continue the current local
government system.
Within no time, the tone and tenor of PPP members changed
One would like to know from Zardari that who is the decision-making
authority in the current set-up? In a parliamentary democracy, the parliament
represents the will of the people and takes decisions on their behalf. Then
why does Zardari thrust his decisions on the representative body of the
people of Pakistan? In other words, what else is dictatorship?
Similarly, Kalabagh Dam was considered as the thorniest issue the
country was faced with, but instead of having discussed it in detail in the
Parliament, the relevant minister chose to declare the fate of such an
important project in an ordinary press conference. Zardari has maintained so
much hold on the decision-making that whenever he goes on a foreign trip,
which he does very often, the decision-making comes to a virtual halt in
the country.
Even the diplomatic community in Islamabad is clueless as to
whom should they consult in times of need and this fact was also pointed
out in one of the recent editions of The New York Times. The adventurers
having long-term ambitions within the folds of the Pakistan Army must have
811

been laughing up their sleeves: was this the democracy people of Pakistan
had been longing for years?
Afiya Shehrbano opined that Pakistan had democratic rule of
unelectables. There is something unique about Pakistan, where nonelectable individuals can continue to be president, run ministries, architect
legislative and constitutional packages and get embedded as governors all
this, under a supposedly democratic government.
One rung lower on the ethics hierarchy reside their advisers, who
hold no delusions of being representatives of the people. Instead, they
convince themselves that theirs is a job for which they are accountable only
to their benefactors many of whom, as it stands, are technically not
accountable to anyone.
Last year, the revived debate on transitional vs transformational
democracy ended with a seeming victory for the pragmatists who wished
for a trickle-down democracy rather than the uncompromised return to
civilian democratic rule. They even defended the call for reform rather than
the restitution of the constitution or judiciary
There are two central points that surfaced in the debate cited above
and are pertinent as they play themselves out today. One of the points
raised against the transformation argument was the need for transition
through elections rather than a principled boycott. This was based on
realpolitik, the understanding that political mobilization had its limitations
and a negotiation with Gen Musharraf was the only viable guarantee against
future military intervention and a safeguard against abandonment by the
Americans.
The second was a more convoluted justification for the NRO deal
which suggested this should not be analyzed on its merits for individual
benefits; rather it should be judged for its political moral ends or
something like that.
Within this argument, however, what got lost were the democratic
goals we thought we were struggling for. Restoring the constitution and
judiciary seemed like rational starting points but instead, it seems that unresolved individual motivations did in fact seep right into the political
morality framework after all. Any good feminist could have told you, the
personal is political and they overlap without warning.
The botched attempt to bring a military agency within a
democratic framework is merely symptomatic of the broader

812

constitutional crisis that lingers on. The juxtaposition of military and civilian
rule is a ridiculous and unworkable competitive process, which will only
serve to dilute an already precarious democracy characterized by paralyses
rather than transition. So accommodating Musharraf may theoretically
prevent the military from directly taking over the political reigns but, as
weve seen, it certainly will not tolerate any civilian attempt to democratize
the role of the military or its agencies.
Are we in transition or in a trance then? Since when did pragmatic
politics depend on hope, prayer and patience to bring self-corrective change?
The clash of institutional purposes is inevitable and, for their survival,
political parties ought to retain the trust and faith reposed in them on Feb 18
so that the people support political democracy rather than succumb to
despair from the parochialism and failed sense of purpose demonstrated by
the government today
The role of advisers to government is interesting because it is not
as transparent or traceable as that of an elected legislator. For example,
much social policy advice is drawn from an elite force that elusively refers
to itself as consultants and are often multi-disciplinary in their talents. If
pressed, an experienced consultant can advise on economics, health,
womens issues, labour policy and the environment all by himself
Going by the current trends of political decision-making in
Islamabad, it seems this government is not too concerned about reelection or accountability either. More importantly, advice, no matter how
informed, is no substitute for peoples support, goodwill and votes. It is
obvious that institutional reform, forget change, is a difficult task. But that
the very obstacles to change are accommodated for personal ends disguised
as political necessity is a morality no voter will accept in the future.
Perhaps the best free advice for the government today would be to
avoid decision-making by the unelected and focus more on collective
decisions towards enforcing hard-core institutional changes. The
unelectables are merely buffers who are delaying institutional resolution and
making challenges more insurmountable than they already were.
Amid the atmosphere of despondency Zardari and Nawaz pleasantly
surprised the nation by announcing impeachment of the president. The
Dawn wrote on the possible fate of Musharraf. The two days of marathon
meetings in Islamabad between the leaders of the PPP and the PML-N have
apparently ended in some kind of understanding at the presidents expense.

813

The final act in what appears to be a gripping political drama is

still far away, but things seem to be moving. Undeniably, President
Musharraf is one of the most unpopular leaders in the country Whatever
the legal manoeuvrings resorted to by the presidents opponents, it is morally
and politically clear that he should step down.
To the presidents defenders the few that remain he is the wise
hand at the helm of the state that has guided this country through some of its
most perilous internal and external crises. That accumulated experience is of
immense value to the country, the presidents supporters suggest, whether
the people realize it or not. Yet politics is not about the past; it is about the
present and the future. And by any measure the president is now an
impediment to governance.
Three crises afflict the state today: an economic downturn; an
unstable transition to democracy; and an explosive cocktail of militants
rampaging across the country. It is true that none of these will be resolved
simply by the presidents resignation. However, it is also true that they will
not be resolved if the president remains the focal point of the politicians and
publics ire.
Arguably, in the murky waters of Pakistani politics, the president was
entitled to see if he could ride out the storm. After all, the leaders meeting in
Islamabad have undergone astonishing political rebirths of their own.
However, now that the presidents prospects to ride out the storm seem to
have disappeared, one hopes things will not go as far as impeachment.
The non-functional judges of the superior courts must also be
reinstated. It too is a crisis that has refused to subside, despite the best
efforts of the president and PPP cochairman Asif Zardari to prevent or delay
the return of the judges. The judges issue too must be put in perspective
The return of the judges will be a start towards reviving the judicial process
that has been hobbled for the past 17 months. Everyone agrees that Pakistan
deserves better; now is as good a time as ever to begin to deliver.
In another editorial The Dawn added: Unless something out of the
ordinary happens, President Pervez Musharrafs political fate has been
sealed. After marathon talks that often aroused bewilderment if not
contempt, the two major parties and their allies in the grand coalition
announced on Thursday in Islamabad that they thought it was imperative
to impeach the president. No Pakistani head of state has so far been
impeached. The move, if successful, will take the country into new political
territory.
814

There are now three issues of utmost importance. First, let all
sides stick to the Constitution, and let not the impeachment process become
a long-drawn-out affair that will eclipse all other issues and cripple the
governments ability to deal with the peoples problems.
Second, the president should weigh his chances. There is no doubt he
will fight back, but given the odds against him and the unity shown by his
political opponents inside and outside parliament he would be well advised
to decide to bow out gracefully.
Third, the two major coalition partners might have often dragged
their differences too far but ultimately they have shown a surprising degree
of unity. This should give the right signal to a possible Bonapartist waiting
in the wings.
What the PPP and PML-N leaders should know is that President
Musharrafs removal from the scene will merely remove a perceived
hindrance in the way of good governance. Unfortunately, there is no
evidence that the coalition partners have bothered so far to draw up a
comprehensive development strategy focusing on long and short-term goals.
On the contrary, the public impression is that over the last five months the
two major parties have done nothing but hold marathon talks in cities from
Islamabad and Murree to Dubai and London.
Who showed greater flexibility and who has gained more is a matter
of opinion, but given the faux pas about the ISI and about the notification on
the judges reinstatement on Wednesday evening, we hope Thursdays
agreement will hold and nobody will have second thoughts about it. In
the aftermath of yesterdays announcement, the nation expects the
governments in Islamabad and the four provinces to start ticking.
For Murtaza Razvi the announcement was too good to be true. One
doesnt have to be a complete cynic to read into Thursdays grand
declaration made by the ruling coalition what it really means, threaten as it
does President Musharraf with impeachment unless he seeks a vote of
confidence from parliament. There is nothing in the constitution that requires
the president to do so.
The reaction issued by the US State Department takes cognizance of
this fact, emphasizing the need to stick to the constitution as parliament
convenes on August 11 to start proceedings as per the declaration. While
many a media pundit back home hails the move as proof that the ruling
coalition by forging a consensus on the issue has come out stronger than
expected, it remains unclear how far it can carry the threat of
815

impeachment. Theres more than meets the eye. Mr Zardari has done it
again. And so has Mr Sharif by falling for it. So whats next?
The word impeachment as pronounced by a chuckling Mr Zardari
under the full media glare came out as a bit of a tongue-twister. It looked
carefully choreographed and rehearsed for the intended effect. While Mr
Sharif walked away with the satisfaction that the PPP and he were finally on
the same wavelength, reiterating the pledge to restore the sacked judges after
impeaching the president, he missed the point that impeachment may only
be considered after a vote of no-confidence fails to convince the president to
step down. As the debate opens, the constitutionality of the vote as the
mechanism to oust the president will become the point at issue; the
proceedings may just drag on, dulling once again the prospect of the
judges reinstatement.
Mr Zardari must be happy, having braved the storm that the PML-N
had whipped up as it threatened to leave the coalition if its demands were
not met. But deep down he must also be worrying how to stage the
challenging act of recoiling from yet another stated position. Despite
what he said, Mr Zardari is not very likely to go the whole hog against his
benefactor
The president has been meeting his own allies and legal aides just in
case. There is ample time between now and Aug 11 when parliament
convenes. One is not sure if Mr Zardari, after the posture he assumed on
Thursday, will be able to wriggle out of it in good time if it is indeed only
a posture. He has pitted himself against one mighty president armed
with the infamous Article 58-2(b), which is not a weapon of defence but a
weapon of aggression. It is being conjectured that the army may remain
neutral while a crisis begins to unfold between the presidency and
parliament. But is it informed conjecture?
Ambitious generals in the past have taken advantage of
deadlocks between civilian political players even as the latter showed the
ability to turn back from the brink When has regard for the rule of law
been a hurdle in the way of those bent on enforcing their writ over and above
the law? Welcome to the circus this Independence Day. Everyone is invited
and its all on the house.
The Dawn stressed upon the need for getting over it. Certain
questions crop up. If the PPP co-chairperson had to make common cause
with the PML-N, why did Mr Asif Ali Zardari have to wait for all these
four months? He agreed to sign the Murree Declaration, which visualized
816

an April 30 deadline for the restoration of the judges, extended it to May 12

and later appeared to be going back on it again. If he had agreed to stick to
the Murree Declaration the nation would have been spared several unsavory
developments like the PML-Ns withdrawal from the federal cabinet while
the budget-making was on and the lawyer long march.
Now that the grand coalition looks determined to go ahead with
Musharrafs impeachment all sides need to keep in mind the overriding
need for ending the agony that has gripped the nation since March 9 last
year when Chief Justice Iftikhar was made non-functional. Unfortunately, it
is Pakistan that has been non-functional for 17 months, the who sill go to
Beijing controversy itself announcing to the world the kind of ludicrous
politics that exists in the country.
The lawyers are unhappy with Thursdays announcement, because
they wonder what would be their fate if the impeachment move fails.
Besides, sections of the people still doubt that the grand coalition will
finally clinch it. The constitution does provide for impeachment, but the
procedure has not been spelt out. The National Assembly Speaker has to
make rules for what is going to be the first and an unfortunate
constitutional move in Pakistans chequered political history. We thus hope
that the Speaker will make the rules at the earliest.
The president has resolved to fight rather than seek an honourable
exit, and there are reports he is being advised recourse to the Supreme Court.
This could prove to be a harrowing development, and the crisis could drag
on indefinitely, the ultimate sufferer being the people. The onus is on the
coalition partners to take the impeachment process to its culmination as
quickly as possible. Pakistan has virtually come to a halt, and the nation
feels as if there is no government which could tackle such problems as the
deteriorating economy and the insurgency in Swat and FATA.
In another editorial the newspaper discussed the impeachment and
judges issue. Where does the impeachment of President Musharraf
leave the non-functional judges of the superior courts? According to the
joint communiqu issued by the partners in the ruling coalition last week the
judges are to be restored strictly in accordance with the Murree Declaration
immediately after the impeachment of the president. The statement has been
met with some dismay by leaders of the lawyers movement.
For those wanting the non-functional judges to be restored, the joint
communiqu has indeed given rise to fresh uncertainties. First, the joint
communiqu did not clarify the mode of restoration a key sticking point
817

between the PML-N and the PPP for months. Reference to the Murree
Declaration is no good because the declaration itself did not clarify if the
judges were to be restored directly by a parliamentary resolution or if a
constitutional Amendment is possible.
Second, what if the impeachment motion fails? The communiqu
only says the judges will be restored after the impeachment of the
president. Does this mean the process of impeachment, whether
successful or not? Or does the communiqu only pledge restoration if the
president is successfully impeached? If its the latter, the politicians have
clearly spelled out that failure is not an option. In the world of Pakistani
politics, this may be a stretch too far for the judges and their supporters.
The lawyers movement is also worried about the possibility of
President Musharraf using Article 58-2(b) to dissolve parliament.
Constitutionally, the president is required to refer dissolution to the Supreme
Court. Mr Khan pointed out that, unless the judges are immediately restored,
it will be in a court where Musharrafs handpicked judges are working,
implying a fair judgment may not be forthcoming. The PML-N, however,
rejects this charge. The president should be impeached first, because if he
stays he would conspire against the restoration of judges, Ahsan Iqbal has
stated. The problem for non-functional judges, however, is that the lawyers
movement is struggling for traction with the public.
The day before the joint communiqu was issued, the APDM
announced a country-wide strike on Sept 1 to protest the governments
failure to, inter alia, restore the judges. In the wake of the communiqu, the
APDM component parties lauded the bid to impeach the president and
suggested the strike would be called off if the coalition keeps its promise of
impeachment first and then restoration. Nine months since their dismissal
by President Musharraf, the judges would be forgiven if they are skeptical
of more promises.
In yet another editorial the newspaper urged for justice instead of
vendetta. Going by what responsible members of the grand coalition have
been telling us, President Pervez Musharrafs impeachment could be
followed by his trial on a wide variety of charges, including financial
corruption, murder and seditionIf Musharraf is tried he will be the first
president-general to stand in the dock.
In case Musharraf goes on trial, the judicial process should not
only be transparent, it should be free from any trace of political vendetta.
To repeat a clich justice should not only be done, it should be seen to be
818

done. Against this principle we see leading PPP and PML-N members
making statements that constitute downright propaganda rather than a
serious attempt at accountability
It is ironical that the author of the NRO is now being targeted by
the beneficiaries of the infamous law. Not only did the NRO enable
politicians of all hues to cleanse their often dirty hands within the country, it
also facilitated the whitening of millions of dollars stashed away in foreign
banks. Would anyone blame the people for being cynical about the
credentials of those, who lead them whether in civvies or in khaki?
Riffat Hamid Ghani opined: The parliament did not take up the
issue at will; it waited for a signal from Mr Asif Zardari, the man who now
holds the strings of the new executive. The issue eroding his partys coalition
with the PML-Nbut the tension was dissipated by announcing the
intention to impeach the president.
It could be a long haul or a very swift one. A much simpler formula
by far was the restoration of the deposed judiciary based on the fact that the
dismissal and what followed thereafter had no standing in the existent law.
Impeachment opens a different can of worms. Uncertainty prevails and
suspicion abounds.
Impeachment motions and proceedings could fall between the
stools of two PCOs or procedural controversy cutting away the ground from
under the feet of impeachment. If proceedings prolong, ancillary
developments in administrative terms of national security and the economic
meltdown could justify proclamation of emergency rule; albeit by a civilian
government. And what happens if the impeachment goes through as it
should: effortlessly impelled by truth? That other matter of the independent
judiciary may be buried in the wrapping of the triumphant parliaments new
constitutional packaging.

REVIEW
The nation had been completely disappointed by the political leaders
inability to reach a consensus and initiate action to solve the multiple
problems by it. In less than six months, Zardari and his men seemed to have
made the people to forget about Musharraf and his cronies.
Amid the atmosphere of despair and disappointment the two coalition
partners reached an agreement to impeach President Musharraf. The news
failed to stir any jubilation because it was too good to be believed. The
819

manner in which Zardari has been playing double in the last six months
prohibited them from trusting the words of their leaders.
Why the decision to impeach Musharraf despite the NRO? It is an
intriguing mystery. Gilanis visit to Washington may have boasted the PPPUS mutual trust to the extent that Bush Administration regime might have
finally decided to abandon Musharraf.
Musharraf had said that he had decided to remain silent as part of his
strategy. Then he went wrong in determining the duration of the silence and,
perhaps, opened his mouth bit too early. The political leaders realized that
they have to act with urgency, otherwise the man could strike. They decided
to beat him in time. Secondly, Musharrafs recent overtures during his visits
to Karachi and Quetta might have indicated to the PPP that it must act
against the commando before he strikes.
What are the chances of success of impeachment motion? Coalition
partners seemed confident but two factors go against it; first, Zardaris recent
track record of treating the promises made by him as mere political
statements. Secondly, the PCO judges could play their role in saving
Musharrafs sinking boat in which they happened to be the co-travelers.
The decision of impeachment surprised and obviously angered
Musharraf; yet Presidents camp seemed quite confident. The confidence of
Musharraf camp oozed out through Barrister Saif who participated in
Hamid Mirs talk show. He repeatedly called Zardari and Nawaz as monkeys
with razors in their hands and they were most likely to harm themselves.
What could be the reasons of this confidence, which apparently
appeared to be unfounded? First, Musharraf believed that Zardari would not
risk the demise of NRO at any cost. Secondly, he had complete faith in
abilities of his team of intriguers to cause split in the coalition and Zardariled PPP when so needed.
They wasted no time in this regard. Amin Fahim went to Dubai to
meet Hafiz Pirzada; the latter could most likely be a representative of
Musharraf, but he could also be acting on behalf of Zardari. In case he
carried a message from Musharraf, the Zardari must be praised for rejecting
Fahim as candidate for prime ministers post. Fahim, however, could boast
sometime in the future that he was offered premiership one more time.
Thirdly, he still believed that the army led by General Kayani would
never abandon him. Fourthly, being a distinguished spatter-cum-licker; as
reconfirmed when he signed the summary of reappointment of eight judges;

820

he was confident that some spatters-cum-lickers could be found amongst

judges, lawyers and politicians.
Fifthly, his own team of intriguers (like Wattoo and Taster) can be
reinforced by Zardaris team (like Naek and Chose) and that of MQM (like
Dishrag and others). Fifthly, he trusted his team of legal advisers, who could
(mis)interpret the letters of law to kill the spirit of the law. Sixthly, the PCO
judges would come to his rescue when needed.
If the impeachment motion succeeds, Chaudhry Brothers should feel
pound of bringing disgrace to the King just as he had done to them in
general elections. Contribution of Humayun Gauhar has also been
commendable in drafting the charge sheet in the form of In the Line of
Fire. The title of Musharrafs biography aptly summed up the entire story.
12th August 2008

BEYOND AFGHANISTAN
Insurgency or Pakhtun resistance to occupation of their homeland
continued, but did not cause any serious problem to the Crusaders. They had
the means to extend the counter-insurgency operations or battle for
consolidation of occupation of Afghanistan beyond the Durand Line.
The United States has been contemplating plans for Iraq-like surge
of troops in Afghanistan since it showed the signs of success in Iraq.
Recently, Robert Gates approved in principle the deployment of
reinforcements comprising fifty thousand troops. As regards the ferocity
with which force is being used as part of the surge strategy; that has been
practiced since day one of the invasion of Afghanistan.
Karzai the puppet was selected to bully his own people, but he has
failed to deliver. The Crusaders found another task for him; bark at the
neighbour whenever something happens at home. Of late, Karzai has been
doing that quite frequently.

OCCUPATION
Armed struggle of Pakhtuns against occupation of Afghanistan
continued. One Afghan soldier was killed and two NATO soldiers were
wounded in an attack in Kandahar province on 16 th May. US-led forces
821

killed two militants in an air strike in Khost province. Next day, three
civilians were killed in roadside bombing in Paktia. A boy was killed in
cycle bomb in Kandahar city. Occupation forces bombed a militants hideout
in Farah province killing eight militants.
NATO soldier was among 19 people were killed in incidents of
violence on 18th May. Next day, four Afghan soldiers were wounded in a
blast in Paktika. At least 11 people, including a NATO soldier, were killed in
incident of violence in Farah, Nimroz and Kabul on 20th May.
Two NATO soldiers were among 18 people killed in violence on 21 st
May. Next day, an Afghan soldier was killed in Kandahar and dead bodies of
three guards were also found. Five people were killed in suicide attack in
Khost on 23rd May and five Taliban were killed Musa Qala in explosion of
their own bomb.
Five Taliban were killed in southern Afghanistan on 24 th May. Next
day, ten Taliban and NATO soldier were killed in various clashes. One
British soldier was killed and two wounded in a blast near Sangin. At least
24 people, including 13 policemen, were killed in roadside bombings and
insurgent attacks on 27th May in provinces on Kabul, Logar, Farah and
Kandahar.
On 29th May, 3 civilians were killed in a suicide attack and 30 Taliban
died in air strike. Taliban shot down a helicopter of a US Company in Khost;
two persons were killed but Taliban claimed 15 were dead. Next day, 100
suspected militants were killed in Farah province. Two NATO soldiers were
killed and four wounded in suicide bombing in Nangarhar.
Hekmatyars son-in-law was freed in Kabul on 31 st May. Next day,
British commander claimed putting Taliban on back foot after a series of
operations in Helmand province. Karzai during his visit to New Delhi
accused the Western forces of mismanaging the war in Afghanistan.
A new US General took command of NATO forces in Afghanistan on
3 June. French reinforcements comprising 700 soldiers would be deployed
in Kapisa province. On 5th June, nine suspected Taliban were killed in an air
strike. A Pakistani was kidnapped by gunmen from a road construction site
near Kandahar on 7th June. The New York Times reported that the US
officials were getting frustrated with Karzai.
rd

At least 11 policemen were killed in attack on a convoy in Ghazni

province on 8th June. Three British soldiers were killed in Helmand province.
At least 40 people were killed in air strike on 12th June. Four people,

822

including a US citizen were killed when an oil tanker exploded near Sarobi.
Donors pledged more than 50 billion dollars for reconstruction of
Afghanistan while urging Karzai to fight corruption.
Eight coalition soldiers were among 15 killed on 13th June. Two
British soldiers were killed in a clash with militants. Kandahar jail was
attacked and reportedly 1,150 prisoners including 400 Taliban escaped; 15
prison guards were killed in the attack. Next day, four coalition soldiers were
killed in Farah province.
On 16th June, occupation forces claimed killing 35 Taliban in two
clashes in Zabul and Helmand provinces. Two days later, NATO-led forces
launched offensive near Kandahar and encounters took place in Zabul; in all
36 militants, four British soldiers and two other coalition soldiers were
killed.
NATO forces cleared the villages near Kandahar in a major operation
on 19 June. The occupation forces claimed killing 56 Taliban. Next day,
Russia and the US signed an accord on supply of weapons for Afghan
troops. On 21st June, six NATO soldiers were killed in various incidents of
bombings. NATO forces and Taliban clashed near Pak-Afghan border.
th

Rockets fired from inside Pakistan killed four people in Khost on 22 nd

June, alleged Kabul. Next day, the US-led forces claimed killing 55 Taliban,
including three key leaders in two-day operation in Paktika province. The
US sources also said that troops shelled Pakistani territory.
A NATO soldier and 24 militants were killed in clashes in Paktia on
24 June; warplanes were used to kill the militants. Three policemen and
about a dozen militants were killed in an attack on a post. Reportedly more
than hundred militants had been killed in the recent operation in Khost.
th

On 28th June, the US-led forces killed 32 suspected Taliban in

Uruzgan. Next day, at least 23 people were killed in various incidents of
violence across the country. The US-led forces launched an operation in
Khost in cooperation with Pakistan on 1 st July. More than twenty people
were killed in air strike and when others fled across the border they were
taken on by Pakistani forces, killing 11 of them.
On 2nd July, governor of Nimroz escaped a suicide attack; four people
were killed. Taliban claimed bringing down a US helicopter in Logar. Next
day, neighbours were urged to help stabilize Afghanistan. Britain planned to
double the aid for Afghan neighbours.

823

An Afghan parliamentarian was shot dead in near Kandahar on 5th

July. Elsewhere, ten Taliban and 16 civilians including women and children
were killed in air strike by the US forces. Next day, the US forces carried out
air strike targeting a wedding party in Nangarhar Province killing 22
civilians mostly women and children. Hamid Karzai ordered an inquiry.
Occupation forces claimed killing 22 Taliban in Helmand.
Forty-one people, including Indian military attach and a political
counselor, were killed and 150 wounded when a suicide bomber attacked
Indian Embassy in Kabul on 7th July. The western media and Kabul regime
pointed finger towards Pakistan even before the site was cleared of
casualties. New Delhi reacted angrily but vowed not to change course in its
policy towards Afghanistan and Pakistan. Next day, the US said the
extremists were behind bomb blast in Kabul. Puppet regime blamed a
regional agency for embassy blast.
On 9th July, bomb blast in front of Indian Consulate in Jalalabad killed
six people, including two Indians. More than 400 Taliban had been killed
in District Garmsi of Helmand province alone since induction of US
Marines in early 2008. About 250 people were killed in clashes during last
five days. The US planned to send more air power to Afghanistan. Robert
Gates ruled out foreign hand in Kabul blast. Next day it was reported that the
resources not needed in Iraq were being moved to Afghanistan.
A Pakistani driver was killed when a convoy carrying supplies for
occupation forces was attacked near Chaman on 11th July. At least 64 people
were killed in two air strikes; 17 in Nooristan and 47 near Pakistan border
opposite Waziristan. Most of the dead were women and children.
Eight people were killed in incidents of violence on 12 th June. Two
women were executed in Ghazni for running prostitution den for occupation
forces and Afghan officials. Next day, Taliban attacked a small US base in
northern Kunar Province; ten US soldiers were killed and 15 wounded, four
militants and 19 civilians were also killed. Elsewhere more than 20 people
were killed in suicide bombing and clashes. Bush was urged to send troops
pulled out of Iraq to Afghanistan.
Eight persons of a US security company were killed in roadside
bombing and six people were killed in attack by Taliban on 14 th July. Danish
soldiers in Afghanistan complained of wasting their time. Next day, police
claimed killing eight rebels in a clash.
Taliban shot down a helicopter in Paktika on 16th July and in
retaliatory air strike scores of people, including women and children, were
824

killed; two US soldiers were killed in roadside bombing. Jon Hemming

reported from Kabul that the killing of civilians in air strikes was shattering
Afghans support for keeping international troops in Afghanistan.
Nine civilians of a family were killed in air strike in Farah on 15 th
July. Next day, Afghan authorities in Ghazni claimed arresting a woman
suicide bomber from Pakistan. Taliban banned entry of vehicles from
Pakistan in Shorawak district of Kandahar province and asked people not to
deal with the trade centre at Poti Mandi.
On 19th July, two Afghan soldiers were among three people killed in
suicide attack on NATO convoy near Spin Boldak. Three US soldiers were
among eight killed elsewhere and Taliban also claimed knocking out two
tanks and killing the crew. Obama arrived in Kabul and met US commander.
Next day, nine policemen were killed and four wounded in US air
strike in Farah Province; they were mistaken as Taliban. In Paktika, four
civilians were killed in mortar fire by ISAF. Afghan authorities seized 44
tonnes of drugs in last three months. The US planned to send 11,000 more
troops to Afghanistan.
At least 30 people were killed or wounded in air strike in Farah
Province on 22nd July. Mullah Rahim, a top Taliban commander of Helmand
Province, surrendered to Pakistani authorities and hours after his surrender
the British missile attack killed another commander Abdul Razaq and three
others near Musa Qala.
At least 15 Taliban were killed in Ghazni in an operation conducted
by US-led forces on 23rd July. Next day, the death toll in Ghazni air strike
rose to 40. Two NATO soldiers were killed in separate incidents in Helmand
on 25th July. ICG stressed upon the need to counter effectiveness of Taliban
propaganda.
NATO troops gunned down four Afghan civilians in two incidents in
southern Afghanistan on 26th July. Next day, gunship helicopters were called
after a clash in Khost; the strike killed 70 Taliban. A suicide bomber killed
one policeman and wounded six in the same province.
NATO soldier and five policemen were killed on 30 th July. Next day, a
blast near Pakistani Consulate in Herat wounded three persons. Twenty
Taliban were killed in air strike in Ghazni. Four NATO soldiers were
wounded in roadside bombing. New Pentagon plan for Afghanistan called
for shift from conventional to irregular warfare.

825

Four NATO soldiers were killed in roadside bombing in Kunar

Province on 1st August and one more was killed in similar attack in Khost.
Several people were killed in an air strike in Farah province. Next day, ten
people were killed when a bus carrying a wedding party hit a landmine in
southern Afghanistan. Ten people were killed in an air strike in Uruzgan.
A coalition soldier was killed in bomb blast in Kabul and a judge was
gunned down in southern Afghanistan on 3rd August. Al-Qaeda confirmed
killing of Khubab along with four others. Next day, four policemen were
killed in an attack in Ghazni; security forces claimed killing several
attackers in retaliatory action.
On 5th August, occupation forces killed 16 people in southern
Afghanistan. Next day, a US Marine and five Afghan police men were killed
in separate incidents in Farah province. On 7th August, 22 militants and
seven policemen were killed in violence.
On 8th August, 20 Taliban were killed in Ghazni. Robert Gates
approved deployment of 50,000 troops in Afghanistan. Next day, 20 Taliban
were killed in southern Afghanistan and a bridge on Kabul-Kandahar
Highway was destroyed by Taliban.
On 11th August, 25 militants and eight civilians were killed by
occupation forces in Uruzgan. Three people were killed in a suicide attack
on NATO convoy in Kabul. Taliban claimed shooting down a NATO
helicopter in Jozjan in which four soldiers were killed. Next day, Afghan
forces recaptured Ajristan district in the south. At least 14 people were killed
in violence across Afghanistan on 13th August.

COMMENTS
Mahir Ali observed that Zardaris failings have turned him into a
neighbourhood bully. The Afghan president has argued over the years
particularly since 2006, when a surge in violence attributed to the Taliban
made it progressively harder for the western intervention in Afghanistan to
be portrayed as the good war, in contrast with Iraq that the insurgents in
his country rely on sustenance and supplies from militant redoubts and
training facilities across the border. The charge is not without foundation,
but it also serves as a convenient excuse for the deplorable state of
Afghanistan for more than six years after the Taliban were overthrown.
Karzais weaknesses are commonly acknowledged by western
officials in private. They include a remarkably conciliatory attitude towards
826

corruption Karzai isnt, of course, the only culprit in this contest: the
NATO presence that maintains him in power has frequently proved equally
clueless. As the International Crisis Groups Nick Grono said in a speech in
April, the invaders were keen on a quick cheap war, followed by a quick,
cheap peace.
Pakistan has invariably been able to assert that if the combined
NATO and Afghan forces are unable to police the long and traditionally
porous border between the two countries; Pakistani troops can hardly be
expected to ward off infiltration. That argument does not, however, offer a
credible defence against claims that Pakistani paramilitary and military
outfits are sometimes complicit in militant operations.
The new government has been attempting to strike peace deals
somewhat different from those that failed spectacularly under the aegis of
Pervez Musharraf, and it has evidently been doing so in the face of strong
pressure from the US, which has little time for anything other than military
solutions.
Echoes of the not-so-distant past abound. A couple of years ago,
Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, a formerly mujahideen commander particularly
favoured by the CIA as well as the ISI, provided particular cause for angst.
Nowadays attention is focused on Jalaluddin Haqqani, whose ability to
attract finances and personnel from Arab countries ostensibly in an effort
to combat the occupation of Afghanistan is, for some reason, no longer
appreciated.
Meanwhile, an even more profound irony lies in store for those who
have never quite ceased crowing about the role of the Afghan bear trap is
facilitating the demise of the Soviet Union. A report in The Independent last
April dwelt on how one steady source of weaponry for the Taliban in the
Russian mafia, which is behind a deadly barter conducted just inside the
Tajikistan border. One kilogram of heroin is evidently worth six
Kalashnikovs...
Beyond that its barely necessary to reiterate the undeniable fact that
in various respects the aims of Afghanistans western occupiers are not all
that different from one-time Soviet aspirations. It is difficult to discern any
strings of logic in the contention that the Soviet intervention was a crime
against humanity but NATOs occupation is somehow a humanitarian
endeavour. The 8,000 lives lost, according to the official count, in 2007
alone testify to the contrary.

827

Were Karzai to make good on his bluster, the consequences would be

singularly disastrous for Afghanistan and Pakistan alike. Cooperation
between the two countries is remedying the circumstances that give rise to
militancy would be an ideal way ahead. But that hope will remain
chimerical for as long as one country is occupied and the other faces the
threat of similar transgression.
Shamim-ur-Rahman discussed implications of Afghan war and the
way forward for Pakistan. The weapons and troop transfer plan from Iraq to
Afghanistan, and repositioning of a carrier-borne force in the Gulf, ahead of
the upcoming American presidential elections, the intense blame game
between Afghanistan and Pakistan and on the other hand between the US
and NATO-led coalition with Islamabad; has led to serious deterioration in
the security environment, despite Pakistans controversial efforts to strike
deals with the militants in its troubled western borderland.
The impunity with which the Americans, and the international force
led by them in Afghanistan are violating Pakistans territorial boundaries,
launching missile attacks and conducting intrusive surveillance missions,
has given rise to the fear that the Americans have decided to take
military action in FATA in the near future. As a consequence the situation
has turned from bad to worse.
While the ruling coalition of the so-called moderates in Pakistan is
engaged in bickering and the foreign minister is being ushered into frank
and candid talks with Americans, there is no indication that Pakistan is
taking the much needed multilateral initiative to offset American moves,
which have become amply clear after the new Centcom chiefs remarks that
next 9/11 type attacks on the US could originate from the troubled and
heavily militarized FATA, where, according to Washington, more foreign
fighters have regrouped themselves and were allegedly involved in cross
border terrorist activities.
Pakistan must insist on that (repatriation of Afghan refugees),
because the presence of 2.5 million Afghan refugees here is increasing
security problems as these people provide a safe haven to the militants
operating across the border. On the one hand, they invite the coalitions
backlash while on the other they are engaged in gun running and narco-trade
across the country. Perhaps this could have been one of the important items
on the bilateral follow up jirga.
Ironically the Afghan government is reluctant to take its nationals
back because it would disturb the rule in Kabul. Even the UN agencies
828

have not done much for their return. The US is fixated on the Taliban and is
opposed to the return of the refugees. The Paris donors conference also did
not commit itself to the repatriation of refugees
The US-led coalitions policy of pacification in Afghanistan and its
cross border attacks inside Pakistans troubled FATA areas have exacerbated
the anti-American sentiment among the Pakhtoons who believe that
Washington is in fact engaged in their genocide under the garb of fighting
Taliban and al-Qaeda. The general perception in the area is that the US is not
only trying to divide Afghanistan along Pakhtoon and non-Pakhtoon
lines, but it was also covertly trying balkanization of Pakistan, which is
the frontline state in the US-led war on terrorism.
The US policy in Afghanistan has not succeeded and instead has
given a boost to the Taliban, who are now better organized and equipped
with heavy weapons, with plenty of funds available to them from the huge
poppy crop which has reached and an alarming level.
Both Afghanistan and Pakistan need to go beyond rhetoric of
peaceful intents and take some hard decisions. The problem is that
Islamabads efforts to conclude the so-called peace agreements with the socalled Taliban and groups linked up with them, according to analysts in
Kabul; threaten to complicate policy options for Washington and President
Hamid Karzai. They fear that these agreements would allow these elements
to regroup and fortify themselves on their bases in FATA
Meanwhile, some analysts believe that as Kabul does not recognize
the Durand Line, divided loyalty among Pakistani and some Afghan
tribes is being exploited by President Karzai in an attempt to encourage
the US to take cross border action. It could also be a ploy to muster US
support on Kabuls stand on the Durand Line. Pakistans rhetoric of
condemning the June 10 attack in Mohmand Agency was not sufficient.
There is a perception that Pakistan should have immediately called
for a meeting of the tripartite commission and made it clear in
categorical terms to the American friends that if they failed to desist from
such tactics, Pakistan might opt out of the coalition and continue to fight
against terrorism in its own way.
Some elements also suggest that Pakistan should unilaterally pull
out of the tribal areas and let the US face consequences. This was not
only nave but also an unrealistic approach because; a) it would have
amounted to an abdication of sovereignty over the territory; and b) leaving

829

the people at the mercy of the American-led coalition; therefore a cascading

effect on the whole of Pakistan.
Some of the experts I talked to in my recent visit to Afghanistan
believe that it was time Pakistan told the Americans and Karzai
government that they should take immediate steps for the repatriation of
Afghan refugees back in their country to eliminate the so-called safehaven and sanctuaries for the militants. Islamabad should also insist that it
should be decided whether we are enemies or partners in the war on terror.
They pointed out that while the Afghan President and the Americans were
criticizing deal with Baitullah Mehsud, he, according to sources, was not on
the hit list of ISAF.
A way must be found to ensure that the Americans and al-Qaeda
leave Afghanistan and the region is free from the western stranglehold.
There is a feeling that as long as the Americans impose their will in this
war, the region will remain volatile and dangerous.
Ihsanullah Tipu from South Waziristan criticized massacres of
Afghans. The killing of innocent Afghans in Nangarhar province by NATO
forces is a slap on the face of self-proclaimed civilized western world.
Coalition forces have continuously been involved in massacre of innocent
Afghans, including women and children.
According to the ICRC, nearly 260 Afghan civilians have been killed
or wounded in insurgents attacks or NATO-led military operations in the
last week. The puppet regime of Hamid Karzai has failed to stop the mighty
westerners from killing of the poor non-combatant Afghans. Now, it has
been crystal clear that the West, following the Mussolini doctrine, needs
Afghan land, not the people.
Germany is the only coalition partner which differs with the US
strategy for occupation. Dr Moonis Ahmar explored the reasons of German
dissent and its likely impact. After almost seven years of its involvement in
Afghanistan war, Germany is seriously thinking either to withdraw its
troops or change its role in that country where frequency of violent and
terrorist acts is constantly on the rise.
Germany supported Washington in its war on terror in Afghanistan
by sending its forces to participate in counter-insurgency operations against
the Taliban groups. But, after some time, the German government
expressed its reservations over the manner in which the US pursued the
Afghan policy focusing on controlling the country rather than winning the
hearts and minds of people.
830

So far Germany has faced 26 casualties but the fear in Berlin is that
with the passage of time its forces may come under more attacks from the
Taliban fighters. Its troops are leading ISAF efforts in northern Afghanistan
and some are part of reconstruction efforts and are providing security to aid
agencies. German reconnaissance planes are engaged in aerial surveillance
of Taliban-controlled areas but their combat role is quite limited as
compared to the US, British and Canadian forces in the southern parts
There is also a legal hitch in expanding German military
presence in Afghanistan as the 2007 parliamentary vote limited the number
of German personnel in Afghanistan to 3,500 and that too to perform peacekeeping duty in the northern provinces while allowing in emergency
situation. As a result of the limited role of German forces in Afghanistan,
there is an adverse reaction in other NATO members particularly the United
States, Britain and Canada as they expected Berlin to substantially
contribute to counter-insurgency operations in other Afghan areas as well.
The German focus is primarily on adopting a non-military approach
to deal with the critical situation in that country because of ample historical
and empirical evidence to prove the futility of using force in a country
which has a track record of successfully resisting foreign occupation. For
that matter, the German government while outlining its Afghan policy
clearly mentioned its commitment to cooperate with other countries to
encourage the Afghan government practise good governance and curb
corruption and nepotism. It has also urged the Karzai regime to appoint
suitable, capable and non-corrupt officials in the north where the German
soldiers are doing special duties.
On the issue of Pak-Afghan relations, the German government is
in favour of promoting dialogue and cooperation between the two
neighbours for border control management, the return of refugees, measures
to promote the economy in border regions and the development of civil
society and government contacts at all levels. In a nutshell, Berlin is more
forthcoming and supportive than the United States for encouraging
indigenous efforts for peace and stability in Afghanistan and purposeful
dialogue among warring parties for effectively dealing with the prevailing
phase of violence.
There is however a great degree of concern in Germany on the
resurgence of Taliban and other anti-western groups in Afghanistan and
Berlin realizes the fact that sooner or later its military contingent deployed in
northern Afghanistan will come under heavy attacks. What should be the

831

strategy to deal with the looming threat? Or should Germany withdraw its
forces if its casualty figure rises?
It has been suggestedthat a three-pronged strategy should be
pursued by Berlin in counter-insurgency operations. First, greater willing
ness on the part of German forces to take on equal risk-sharing within the
Alliance. Second, German commanders on the ground need to deal with a
wide range of political key leader engagements to secure the vital support
of local groups. Third, more efforts have to be made in the realm of strategic
communication to seek the support of people at home because according to
them counter-insurgency operations are primarily lost at the home front.
In view of political considerations and overall reservations held by
different German political parties and civil society groups on deepening their
countrys involvement in Afghanistan, it is certain that Berlin will pursue
a cautious approach and continue to support reconstruction and
rebuilding efforts rather than getting bogged down, like the US, British and
Canadian forces in the Taliban strongholds in the southern parts of the
country.
There is also an anxiety in some sections of German society that if
further overseas military engagements were carried out in Afghanistan, it
may contribute to the resurgence of militaristic mindset which may be
counter-productive for the people of Germany.
After a daring attack of Taliban in Kunar Province The Dawn wrote:
What was surprising was that it was not a hit and run attack typical
of guerrillas. The Taliban not only attacked the US base, the battle with the
American forces lasted the whole day. The weapons used by the Taliban
ranged from machine guns and mortars to rocket-propelled grenades. This
makes us wonder what the American and NATO-led security forces have
achieved in that country since October 2001.
The Taliban not only exist in strength in Afghanistan, they have
their command and control structure intact, they continue to find new
recruits, and their sources of arms supplies remain unbroken. What is more,
the battle theatre is not the entire country but selected pockets like
Helmand and Kunar which border Pakistan. This geographical proximity
to FATA provides the American and NATO forces high command with a
ready made pretext for blaming Islamabad for all their ills.
The truth is that European forces are there in Afghanistan only
grudgingly. They want to avoid casualties, and they have a long list of
caveats for doing their job. Many NATO commanders do not send their boys
832

on night patrol, many insist that they are there on security duty, and others
say their job is to protect development projects and aid personnel.
This has worked to the Talibans advantage, for as statistics show,
American and NATO casualties for May and June in Afghanistan are higher
than those in Iraq. If Pakistan must do more it is time the US-led forces
in Afghanistan re-assessed their performance and tried to determine why
the seven-year war with the Taliban has failed to produce results.
Bronwen Roberts observed: Afghanistan has been hit by a surge in
attacks that show more skill and planning than routine Taliban violence,
suggesting the influence of more hardened militants, perhaps from Iraq,
analysts say. The spike has raised alarm, with Afghan officials accusing
Pakistan of being an exporter of terrorism and US presidential hopeful
Barack Obama saying more troops and equipment should be sent to battle
the militants.
A suicide attack on the Indian embassy in Kabul a week ago was the
deadliest to hit the city with around 60 people killed, including two senior
Indian diplomats. In June the Taliban staged a spectacular jailbreak in the
southern city of Kandahar, and two months earlier President Hamid Karzai
survived an assassination attempt at Afghanistans largest annual military
parade.
Karzai and his government have directly accused Pakistans
Inter-Services Intelligence of a role, particularly in the blast on the
embassy of India a friend to Kabul but foe to Islamabad Pakistan has
hotly rejected accusations that it is supporting the insurgents, saying it is
doing what it can to stop them. Afghan officials have in particular spoken
out against Pakistans peace talks with extremist militants on its soil, who,
despite the government discussions have said they would continue jihad
(holy war) in Afghanistan.
The attack on Indian Embassy in Kabul has been covered at length in
articles related to Pakistan. Herein excerpts from the comments of S
Mudassir Ali Shah are reproduced. No group has so far accepted
responsibility for the suicide car bombing. Taliban insurgents often move
swiftly to claim suicide attack and bomb blasts across the country. But their
spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid says the rebel movement does not know
who conducted Mondays assault
With the military still persisting, Afghan Foreign Minister Dr Rangin
Dadfar Spanta blamed the massacre on peace deals the Pakistan
government recently signed with local Taliban. He told a special UN
833

Security Council meeting on Afghanistan that Taliban and al-Qaeda militants

enjoy sanctuaries outside his country. India wasted no time in joining
Afghanistan and the United States in excoriating the peace agreements
A senior aide of President Karzai said in rather indecent haste: The
sophistication of this attack and the kind of materials used as well as the
specific targeting all have the hallmarks of a particular intelligence agency
that has staged similar terrorist acts in Afghanistan in the past. The
atrocious assault, like other attacks and explosions in recent months, has left
behind evidence and witnesses, claimed Hamayun Hamidzada.
After being tipped off a fortnight ago about a possible terrorist
strike, the Indian embassy beefed up security by installing huge dirt-filled
blast walls in front of its entrance. Police also stepped up security measures
including individual frisking and vehicle searches at both ends of the road, a
stretched measuring less than 500 metres.
Besides raising disquieting questions about the effectiveness of USled coalition troops, the terrorist act exposes the credibility of the security
measures taken by Afghan forces in the wake of the intelligence warning
and also reflects the Talibans ability to strike targets even in the most secure
neighbourhoods in the heart of the capital.
Of late, the guerrillas have shifted their warfare tactics, moving
away from brainless violence to attacks on significant targets that may put
the western-backed government under greater pressure. Audacious assaults
on the luxury Serena Hotel, a public meeting addressed by President Karzai,
the Indian embassy, a couple of Afghan National Army buses and a US base
in Kunar illustrate the tactical change.
The ominous resurgence of the Taliban is amply underlined by the
killing of 46 American and allied forces in June alone a death toll higher
than in any other month over the last seven years. The grim statistics
suggest that more than 50,000 NATO and 24,000 coalition troops have been
unable to prevent a resurgence of the fighters, much less bring security to
Afghanistan.
The Dawn commented on the briefing on Afghanistan conducted in
London. In what indeed was a very candid press briefing in London, an
ISAF spokesman said things that must come as a shock to all those who
want to see an end to the fighting in Afghanistan and the countrys return
to normality. Some of the observations made by the spokesman for the ISAF
were claims to success.

834

We perhaps no quarrel with some of his remarks like the security

situation being normal in three of the five regions, the Taliban staging only
four spectacular attacks in recent month, and 70 percent of the insurgency
being confined to 10 percent of the country. However, what matters is the
overall picture and that is where one must question the ISAF strategy. The
biggest blot on the US-led forces is their inability to cut off the Talibans
sources of funding and arms supply.
It is amazing to note the excuses ISAF can come up with to explain
its unwillingness to fight. The ISAF spokesmans briefing for the Londonbased media from Muslim and Asian countries attributed its failure in
eliminating the opium trade to the forces composition. All decisions must be
unanimous, for ISAF cannot adopt any course of action if even one member
country objects. In all fairness to ISAF commanders, such issues go beyond
the military realm and concern the ISAF governments. ISAF must sort this
out. Unless it makes a determined war on the drug trade, the Taliban
will continue to get funds for all the arms they need.
The US-led forces have bothered to establish check-posts along the
Durand Line to the extent necessary, and the spokesman went on to draw
comparisons between Kosovo and Afghanistan to infer that the job in hand
would not be possible without the troop level reaching 800,000. If this is the
precondition for Afghanistans pacification, then frankly one has
reasons to be pessimistic.

CONCLUSION
The Taliban continued obliging the Crusaders by resorting to tactics of
capturing some districts and attacking the enemy forces in larger numbers.
These tactics suited the occupation forces to use their airpower with
devastating effects. Taliban commanders must resist such damaging tactics
merely to show some temporary success.
The planned surge of troops does not mean that the occupation forces
have felt any serious deficiency in numbers. For application of the strategy
of indiscriminate use of airpower the present number of ground forces is
quite sufficient. The reinforcements, as and when deployed, would be meant
for hot-pursuits into tribal areas of Pakistan.
The regime in Pakistan would escape the fallout of Islamabad and
Karachi bombings by finding limbs of attackers and issuing their sketches,
but it wont be that simple in case of blast in front of Indian Embassy in

835

Kabul. This incident has been and would be used to coerce Pakistan by the
Axis of Evil: Washington, New Delhi and Kabul.
15th August 2008

IMPEACH HIM-II
The trend was set by Punjab Assembly with the passage of a
resolution calling upon Musharraf to seek vote of confidence and within
three days other provincial assemblies also demanded the same. In Sindh
and Balochistan assemblies, not a single MPA voted against the resolution.
Any moral ground that Musharraf thought of standing upon had been, thus,
pulled out from under his feet.
The sympathies of Musharrafs foreign fans remained in place, but
their voices in his favour had died down considerably, except that of Indian
National Security adviser, Narayan. He opposed the impeachment of
Musharraf by expressing fears that his departure would create a vacuum in
which extremism would flourish.
The nation kept its fingers crossed. In view of the record of the ruling
coalition, the expectations of the people were somewhat overwhelmed by
apprehensions. Imran Khan feared the impeachment move was aimed at
fooling the nation. It was move that, if failed, would accept him as legitimate
president.

EVENTS
836

On 12th August, NWFP Assembly voted for a resolution calling upon

Musharraf to either take a vote of confidence or quit his office. The
resolution was passed with 107-4 votes in which PPP-S abandoned
Musharraf. MQM decided to support Musharraf Bhai in impeachment. FATA
legislators met Zardari and pledged support. US experts predicted failure of
impeachment.
Next day, Sindh Assembly unanimously (93-0) adopted a resolution
calling upon the president to seek vote of confidence. Opposition and MQM
abstained. Saleh Zaafir attributed this success to Zardaris strategy. Ansar
Abbasi reported that charge sheet might not come as Musharraf was being
pushed to resign before reaching the point of no return. Fifteen Senators
were reported to have ditched Musharraf and even PML-Q leaders were
reported to be in contact with PPP.
Musharraf camp held Independence Day celebrations in Presidency;
almost all the prominent Masheers, including Shujaat, Pervaiz Elahi, Ishrat,
Hafiz Pirzada, Khalid Maqbool and Owais, attended the proceedings.
Musharraf urged everyone to avoid confrontation and adopt reconciliatory
approach. M K Narayan expressed concern over Musharrafs impeachment.
The COAS celebrated the Independence Day in Pakistan Military
Academy, Kakul. He said Army would rise to the call of nation. ANP
minister Muhammad Khan Hoti tendered his resignation to Gilani in protest
over the appointment of a PPP leader as Chairman Pakistan Baitul Maal. The
Supreme Court adjourned Sharifs case till August 26.
Ahmed Mukhtar, while presiding over the ceremony of renaming
Islamabad Airport on 14th August told the media-men that most of the
matters with Musharraf have been settled. Sherry performed a similar ritual
of renaming Rawalpindi General Hospital.
The deadline for restoration of deposed judges passed quietly. Aitzaz
said impeachment was also one of the demands of the lawyers. Hamid Khan
said lawyers would wait and see the impeachment process. Nawaz rejected
safe exit for Musharraf. Musharraf was disappointed over attitude of his
allies in Sindh. Americas civil rights leader urged Musharraf to resign.
On 15th August, 57 members of Balochistan Assembly unanimously
adopted a resolution asking President to seek vote of confidence.
Resignation can avert impeachment, said Zardari. Lawyers set new deadline
of September 15 for restoration of judges.

837

Saudi Prince and intelligence chief stepped in to secure safe exit for
Musharraf. Presidents spokesman, however, denied meeting with anybody,
including Chaudhry brothers. General Qureshi said the President has been
and would continue performing his duties in accordance with the
Constitution.
On 16th August, the two Pirzadas, or simply zadas, advised the
president to challenge the governments impeachment move in the Supreme
Court. Both seemed focused on scrounging a few millions more making use
of their ability to misinterpret the Constitution. The Attorney General said
that blocking the impeachment move would be too much to expect even
from the PCO judges of the Supreme Court.
Thirty-point charge sheet was finalized and handed over to Law
Ministry. Shah Mahmood Qureshi said Musharraf has 24 hours to quit.
MNAs from tribal areas threatened to stay away from impeachment and set
three-day deadline to government to halt Bajaur operation.
Reportedly, no country was willing to accept the brave commando.
Delhi-born Musharraf, like a typical bania, sought assurance that Justice
Iftikhar wont take up any case against him if restored. Rauf Klasra reported
that A Q Khan-like security for Musharraf was proposed.
On 17th August Tariq Aziz arrived in London for talks with Altaf Bhai.
The coalition appeared to be dallying with the impeachment process with the
hope of extracting a resignation from the President Musharraf. Rice denied
that the US was considering grant of asylum to Musharraf. Ghaus Ali Shah
of PML-N returned from London after six years in exile and received warm
welcome.

VIEWS
Cyril Almeida was critical of impeachment move. First Asif was
against impeachment; now he is for it. What justifies the flip-flop?
Nothing. Unless being checkmated by a junior coalition partner counts as a
justification. Nawaz might as well have dragged Asif by his collar and
flogged him in front of the cameras until he whimpered his consent to
impeachment.
Impeachment or no impeachment, by forcing the issue Nawaz has
made the Peoples Party hostage to the party of the people the N
League. No 2 is calling the shots. Junior is the new senior. A pathetic Asif

838

was reduced to publicly pleading with Nawaz to let his men rejoin the
cabinet.
Asifs political ineptness has been devastatingly exposed by his
amateurish mistakes The talks themselves were a public relations trap
that Asif walked right into. By holding the summit in the glare of the
cameras, Asif didnt realize failure wasnt an option. The N League had
played its cards perfectly: it was the principled, wounded interlocutor
coming with clean hands. The frenzied, breathless media played their part,
salivating at the thought of Musharraf being thrown to the wolves
So what if Asif was bludgeoned into submission, some may argue.
History will look kindly upon him, an accidental hero who ended up slaying
a dictator. History will salute him; perhaps. But what if you are more
concerned rightly about Gen Kayani and his band of generals
continuing to salute the prime minister?
What will the military do, the media asked innocently after goading
the politicians into this confrontation? Yes, indeed what will the born-again
democrat Gen Kayani do? Even as they line up to throw stones at the ISI, the
politicians have fallen over themselves to praise Kayani. For the record,
Kayanis last job was the ISI chieftainship. But since every one knows this,
they must be assuming that Kayani was just doing his job, being a good
soldier and following orders. In which case you must necessarily wonder
about career ambition: corps commander, ISI chief, COAS, full stop or
next stop?
So what do our politicians do with our born-again democrat Kayani?
They poke him in the eye just to make sure hes asleep while they paralyze
the country politically. Impeachment will not lead to martial law. But it
wont be a surprise if some months later it is referred to in another special
address to the nation.
What purpose does impeaching Musharraf serve? For one, it will
satisfy Nawaz whose bitterness is palpable. But beyond that? Nothing. A
good precedent? Musharraf is dictator No 4. One was blown out of the sky;
the other two were chased out of office. We have had powerful presidents
before who have been chucked out, their careers ending in tears.
The belief that this time it will be different, that this particular ouster
will be a game-changer is pabulum nonsense that appeals to the
romance rather than the reality of grim politics. To say this invites
opprobrium. But those trying to punish Musharraf for confusing the
individual with the office are themselves guilty of obsessing over the
839

individual at the systems expense. Whether Nawaz gets his man or not will
not make the coalitions decision right. Knowing what we know and
especially what we do not know it is dangerous and irresponsible to try to
unseat the president right now.
Does the country need Musharraf? No. We didnt in 1999 and we
certainly dont today. Can this country afford a political crisis in order to
push out Mushasrraf today? No. That is the gap between hope and reality.
Zardari was right when he originally chose to coexist with the president.
Now its clear that he was not doing so out of any strategic understanding
he just did it because Musharraf leaned on him enough. When Nawaz leaned
on him more, he swung the other way. But Asif must at least be relieved that
no one has noticed his mistakes. Indeed the more he unleashes against
Musharraf, the more the people cheer. But thats what we do when
politicians lead us up the garden path we cheer.
Ali Eteraz urged: Please impeach him! Now that the coalition
government is seeking to impeach President Musharraf many people are
calling on him to save everyone a headache and just step aside. I am not one
of these people. I would like to see all the sewage and rhetoric of a bitter
impeachment flow in public view. It would be good for health of the
Pakistani democracy.
Over the last sixty years Pakistans military has turned itself into a
form of royalty. It exists above the law and the tax man. It trades in land
and nepotism. It interferes with parliament and politics with whimsical
regularity. It has a long legacy of inculcating and incorporating militants
(otherwise called mujahideen) into its achizophrenic plans. It makes all these
mistakes and then cocoons itself in the rhetoric of privilege.
It is time that the military realized that just as in the rest of the
Muslim world, the days of royal privilege are coming to a close. In Kuwait,
where the royalty is far more royal and has been royal far longer than our
military, a member of the royal family is going to be executed for drug
smuggling. If the Kuwaitis can hang an al-Sabah for something like drugs,
surely the Pakistanis can push their version of royal out of his usurped
office by way of a constitutional impeachment.
Retired General Musharraf, though, doesnt quite get that. When
people ask him what he plans on doing now he says that he will defend
himself by showing that the PPPs Asif Ali Zardari and PMLs Nawaz Sharif
are crooked and corrupt. Musharraf is telling his loyalists that he has

840

sufficient official records to expose the four month old coalition

government. This is nothing less than royal privilege in action
Pakistan needs this impeachment. The primary one is that the
judges have no chance of reinstatement if Musharraf is sitting on this side
opposing them. But it is in the realm of long term democratic stability where
this impeachment matters most. The vast majority of Pakistans problems
have to do with there being no stable mechanism for resolving political
disputes. Further, no mechanism has ever been devised because anytime
things get hoary the royals go beyond their assigned duty of protecting the
borders and become politicians. Then they unilaterally change the
constitution and call it amendment.
This impeachment, with all that manipulation, backstabbing and
Machiavellianism that has led up to it, will perhaps make the military
realize that politics sullied their good name; that it degrades the
commandos station in the eyes of the people; that it blackens brass. The
military needs to see how disgusting is the muck in Islamabad for them to
become permanently allergic of it. There are no two men better for that
inglorious job than Zardari and Sharif. Let there be impeachment.
Mahir Ali opined that it was time to go. A common foe can often
persuade disparate political forces to make common cause. Commonly
enough negatively focused unions of this sort fall apart once their primary
objective has been achieved. If Musharraf were to resign tomorrow, it could
be construed, among other things, as a mischievous attempt to derail the
alliance between the PPP and the PML-N. However, regardless of its impact
on the coalition, it would be an eminently sensible move.
In various aspects and not least in terms of the national interest
resignation is the presidents least worst option. The alternative
Musharraf reportedly intends to pursue, that of defending himself before
parliament, many on the face of it appear to be a more honourable course,
but it could entail a drawn-out political drama with polarizing
consequences.
It has been suggested that the novelty of impeachment is intended
to serve as a distraction from the governments failures on various other
fronts, from prohibitive food prices and power shortages to the restoration of
the Supreme Court chief justice and other judges. Is it really the presidents
interest to collude in such a masquerade, particularly amid indications that
the government will have little trouble in drumming up the parliamentary
numbers required to humiliate him?
841

His remaining options are even more unpalatable. Dismissing the

government and the assemblies would seem absurdly self-serving; besides,
another bout of elections would probably produce an outcome broadly
similar to the February results. The fourth alternative that of instigating a
coup would for a number of reasons be tantamount to sheer madness
It would only be fair to note that, however questionable Musharrafs
status as an elected president might be, absolutely no one has voted recently
for either of his two tormentors the Alif and Noon of Pakistani politics,
Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif. If Musharraf goes as he certainly ought to,
preferably without too much of a fuss and is succeeded by a PPP nominee
rather than Alif (or, for that matter, Noon) himself, the cosmetic stature of
the prime minister will in all likelihood be balanced by an impotent
presidency. For the first time in the nations history, neither the head of
state nor the head of the government will wield real power. Thats
something to ponder over while marking Independence Day, a
commemoration traditionally characterized by selective amnesia.
Kaiser Bengali wrote: The charge sheet is likely to list allegations
that are specific violations of specific legal and constitutional provisions.
That will be the legal requirement. However, the damage that the general
and his collaborators have wreaked on the country goes over far beyond
legalities.
The generals departure is now irreversible. However, his painful
legacy will stay on. Of the many scars his regime has inflicted on the
country and the people, two are fundamental. One is the damage to the
institution of the rule of law and the other to the economy of the country as
well as to that of households.
After giving arguments in support of his above observation Kaiser
concluded: The sheer injustice of the Musharraf regimes policies may
not find legal expression in the charges he will be presented with.
However, the judgment on his legacy is being delivered everyday by women
and men who have despaired enough and have chosen to end their lives. Will
General Musharraf be charged for their deaths?
Khadim Soomro from Dadu opined that the impeachment was very
much needed. Many rulers and generals in Pakistan have grabbed power by
dirty and cheap means, and enjoyed and exploited power and humiliate
elected democratic governments. Now this is the time for a general to pay
for their deeds and this is going to happen for the first time in our history.
We all being Pakistanis should support this process.
842

Nadeem Iqbal wrote: The February general elections gave a clear,

popular verdict against him. But he was characteristically adamant about
staying in power. Many believe that Musharraf is playing into the hands of
the USA which wants an unconditional commitment to its war on terror.
However, the increasing complications being faced by the government in
running the affairs of the state forced the PPP-led coalition to get rid of
Musharraf and complete the process of transfer of power that was long
impending.
F S Aijazuddin criticized the indecision on the part all concerned. At
this juncture, it surely no longer matters whether one is for Musharraf
or against him, for any political party opposing him or against it. What
matters to every citizen of Pakistan today is the state of Pakistan and the
office that symbolizes the unity of our republic i.e. the presidency. We
have allowed it to be debased and reviled. It is time, all the more so after the
recent Independence Day celebrations on Aug 14, to heed Quaid-i-Azams
tearless laments from the silence of his grave.
President Musharraf must be receiving a barrage of advice from those
close to him, and those who now wish they were ever close to him. While he
is man who prides himself on making his own mistakes, he might like to
take consolation from the words of another similarly besieged army
general many years ago. US General Douglas Macarthur was relieved by
President Harry S Truman in 1951 for insubordination.
Macarthur had written almost as if addressing his fellow Pakistani
general: The world is in a constant conspiracy against the brave. Its the
age-old struggle the roar of the crows on the one side and the voice of
your conscience on the other. And for Musharrafs opponents who have
declared war on him, a separate phrase of advice: Wars very object is
victory, not prolonged indecision. Can any country, especially one that is
at war within itself, afford the price of such prolonged indecision?
Irfan Husain wondered: Would any neutral observer really believe
that a nation of 165 million would deliberately chart such a suicidal
course? For the last 18 months, we have been on a roller coaster ride, unable
to get off. As we flip through a series of hair-raising bends and dips, the only
ones who seem to benefit from our discomfort are the multiplying TV
channels whose anchors positively beam with glee, rubbing their hands at
the prospect of yet another political drama.
The latest episode in our ongoing political saga is the impending
impeachment of Pervez Musharraf. Why is this happening? Why has the
843

president put himself and the rest of the country into this position? Does he
not see this is one battle he cannot win, not that he has won any in the
past?
Even if by some miracle, he does survive the legal and parliamentary
struggle ahead, he will be so mortally wounded that he will be a spent force
for the rest of his political life. So whats the point of subjecting himself
and the rest of us to this debilitating diversion?
If, as he keeps repeating endlessly, he has only the good of the
country in mind, why does he not see that the biggest favour he could do
for Pakistan is to quit, resign, go? Please Mr President, what part of go
you dont understand.
The problem with dictators is that they surround themselves with
sycophants, who benefit greatly their proximity to the supreme leader. As it
is to their advantage to have the dictator continue in the office he has
usurped, they shield him from the true picture, and keep reinforcing his
delusions of being a saviour, and therefore indispensable.
As the years go by, and the chorus of praise from the inner circle
becomes louder, the dictator convinces himself not only that he is doing a
great job, but that the country would go to the dogs without him. And even
when one person in the inner circles gives him sane advice, it is drowned out
by the others in the group
Whatever their personal likes and dislikes, both Asif Zardari and
Nawaz Sharif realize that if their coalition breaks up, the major winners
would be the likes of the Chaudhries of Gujrat, Altaf Hussain of London and
Musharraf of Kargil. Thus, they have decided to test the un-chartered
waters of impeachment.
While the way forward seems clear, the master scriptwriter has
some twists left for the endgame. For instance, while there are provisions
regarding impeachment in the constitution; it is unclear what the precise
mechanism is.
If formally impeached, does the president have the right to the
Supreme Court? While he be given a fair hearing in parliament? What are
the rules of evidence? Can he be impeached on the grounds of economic
mismanagement? But there are many people involved in the forming and
implementation of economic policy. And so on.
If Musharraf does not, even now, take the graceful way out, he will
open a Pandoras Box. But perhaps this is his intention. By dragging out
844

the whole process, he might bring the whole country to a grinding halt, not
that it is leaping forward anyway. As judges are dragged out of their
retirement to solemnly hold fort on TV, and anchors hand us their uniformed
and second-hand opinions, we will sit slack-jawed before our screens as we
get a blow-by-blow account of the proceedings. But clearly, this is
something that has to be done and put behind us. Exorcism often involves
painful rituals, but the body becomes whole again when the evil spirit
occupying it has departed.
Qazi Faez Isa answered some of the questions of Irfan Husain. The
process of removal/impeachment starts after a resolution is submitted in
either the National Assembly or Senate setting out the charges against the
president. If the resolution has the support of half the members of the House
in which it originates it is sent to the president by the speaker. Yet hereafter a
joint session of parliament is convened after seven days.
The joint session may investigate or cause to be investigated the
charges or may proceed to directly vote on the resolution. If it elects to
investigate, the president has the right to appear and to be represented. In
either case two-thirds of the total numbers must declare that the president is
unfit to hold the office due to (physical or mental) incapacity or is guilty of
violating the constitution or of gross misconduct. Upon passing such a
resolution the president shall cease to hold office immediately.
The charges are not required to be adjudicated as in a criminal or
civil case. The people announce their verdict through their chosen
representatives in parliament. Nor is the verdict subject to any appeal or
challenge before any court of law. No court, including the Supreme Court,
has any jurisdiction in the matter nor can it set aside or suspend the
resolution.
Musharrafs actions of Nov 3, 2007 violated the constitution and
could only be sustained if validated by parliament, by amending the
constitution with the required two-thirds majority (Article 238). Since this
did not happen Musharraf is not the constitutional president of Pakistan and
his abrogation and subversion of the constitution on Nov 3 constitutes
high treason (Article 6).
The High Treason (Punishment) Act, 1973, stipulates that a person
guilty of high treason shall be punishable with death or imprisonment for
life. Section 3 of this Act, however, enables only the federal government to
lodge a complaint with a court. The ruling coalition has, however, elected to
pursue the matter peacefully through parliament.
845

If Musharraf is president of Pakistan, which is clearly not the

constitutional position, then one heeds to examine what charges can be
brought against him under Article 47. Firstly, there is the mental incapacity
provision. It may be contended that his actions, such as those taken on
Nov 3, confirm mental imbalance and a disproportionate importance of
self.
Then there is the ground of gross misconduct. Electronic
bugging of the residences and bedrooms of Supreme Court judges could be
categorized as gross misconduct. During the hearing of the case against the
chief justice one of the documents submitted in court by Musharrafs
counsel showed that this was done Women get raped to go abroad;
Musharraf is seen stating in a recording. Such an utterance would constitute
gross misconduct in any society. However, in Pakistan impinging the
character of a woman is also seen a crime (qazf).
To incite or threaten violence also constitutes gross misconduct.
Musharraf publicly stated on May 12, 2007 that whosoever goes against the
wishes of the people will be crushed. Promoting enmity constitutes an
offence under Section 153A of the Penal Code and is punishable with five
tears imprisonment. Musharrafs propensity for encouraging and condoning
violence against the media has been witnessed on several occasions. If the
president cannot meet the high standard of his office he at least must not
practise thuggery.
The detention and confinement by Musharraf of the Supreme Court
and high court judges, their spouses and children on Nov 3 onwards is
violating the Constitution. This not only constituted serious criminal
offences under the Penal Code but also violated the guarantees extended to
every person by the constitution. The constitution was therefore not only
violated but butchered on Nov 3
Whilst one can understand the desire of the government and their
supporters to lay out extensive and detailed charges it would suffice to
mention just the aforesaid ones, all of which are self-evident and undeniable.
Any single one of these would be sufficient to remove or impeach a
president.
Editorial TNS wrote: We are not quite used to having retired
leaders in our midst. They have disgraceful exits, are sent into exile or
have a violent end. In most cases, the people of this country have no regrets.
Good riddance, they think, and life moves on. Dictators do not have an exit
strategy, anyway. They can either continue to rule or to nowhere.
846

So it was only a matter of time that this announcement about

Musharrafs impeachment came. He sat there alone, sidelined, in the army
house and not the presidency, though a president and not the army chief.
People of Pakistan had rejected him and his party on Feb 18, 2008. No mean
feat the way people stepped out, bomb-scared, to vote out a system that he
represented to bring in their own representatives
But Musharraf stayed put. He did not resign at the shameful defeat
of his party. He did not address the new parliament. He did not seek a vote
of confidence from the new assemblies as promised before the Supreme
Court at the time of decision about his candidature late last year. If anything,
he claimed credit for the free and fair election. And very soon began to
believe that he could undo the system again.
The truth is that the coalition stayed shaky with Musharraf in the
saddle. As he began to flex his muscles, the coalition decided to act.
Many people think it should have gone for the restoration of deposed judges
first, before the impeachment of the president. But thats how they chose to
go about it.
If we heard correctly, and analysts did not tire of saying this, that the
president would not dismiss the parliament using his powers under Article
58-2(b) only because he does not have the armys support, then are we not
assuming that army is very much a player in the power game. It may not be
supporting Mr Musharraf in dissolving the parliament but how
permanent is the decision.
If we gauge correctly, the decision to impeach president must have
been a part of the agenda of the prime ministers visit to the United
States. So what exactly is the status of US influence in Pakistans domestic
affairs? And what does it bode for the status of democracy in Pakistan.
Shahzada Irfan Ahmed pondered over the process and the prospects.
The issue of Musharrafs likely impeachment has caught extraordinary
attention of international media as he has been in headlines for the last eight
years. But its a fact thatscores of parliamentarians are not clear about
the process to be followed to impeach the president.
The clause on how to impeach the president has always been there in
the Constitution of Pakistan but has never been used in the history of the
country. The reason is simple; the president has, most of the time in the
countrys history, enjoyed more powers than the elected prime minister or
the parliament and pre-empted any such move.

847

Had Musharraf been enjoying the Armys support at this critical

time he would have dissolved the assemblies by invoking Article 58-2(b)
of the Constitution. This time he is not even expecting any support from the
US; if he decides to take this drastic step.
So it seems quite likely that the nation will witness the process of
presidents impeachment for the first time. Regardless of the results, the
very execution of this process has a great historic significance one that
can go a long way in making the parliament the supreme forum in a
constitutional setup.
It is clear that the ruling coalition now has the two-thirds majority
needed to impeach him. The ruling coalitions draft committee has also
finalized the charge sheet against President Musharraf. PPP sources claim
that the charge sheet against Musharraf is likely to extend to more than 100
pages listing violations of the presidents misconduct. However,
constitutional experts are of the opinion that the charge sheet should be
brief and compact.
After discussing the demerits of lengthy charge sheet and the
procedure of impeachment Irfan concluded: In case Musharraf succeeds
in defending himself he can face a stronger impeachment motion in
March 2009 when the numbers game further drifts in favour of the
coalition. At that time, many PML-Q senators will retire and be replaced by
new senators from Coalition parties.
Rahimullah Yusufzai explored Pakistan Armys interests/concern in
impeachment. Though an overwhelming majority of Pakistanis wants
President General Pervez Musharraf to quit his ill-gotten office,
everybody is waiting for the Pakistan Army to make up its mind about
the fate of the former army chief. There is a strong belief in the country
that the COAS, General Ashfaq Pares Kayani, will have the final say in
determining whether President Musharraf, otherwise doomed, should stay in
power, be impeached or allowed to quit without facing trial.
This explains the power of the armed forces, or the Pakistan
Army to be precise, because the PAF and Pakistan Navy are normally kept
out of the consultation process when a military coup is being planned or
decisions to make or break a government are taken. The airmen and the
sailors dont enjoy the kind of clout exercised by the more numerous, khakiclad ground soldiers.
Yusufzai went on to prove his point by reviewing the history of
military rules and then added: The army leadership cleverly withdraws
848

from public life when the militarys political role dents the image of the
armed forces. Presently, too, the army under General Kayani has taken a
back seat and pronounced its neutrality in politics after having realized that
public support for it has eroded due to General Musharrafs overt and covert
use of the military to prolong his unconstitutional rule
The militarys image probably suffered the most during General
Musharrafs rule. It is, thus, understandable for the present army hierarchy to
stay out of politics, at least for the time being. However, General
Musharrafs expected exit from the Presidency is unlikely to greatly
diminish the armys influence in the countrys political life. Once the armys
image is rehabilitated and the people have forgotten the excesses committed
by the previous military ruler, there would be opportunities for the present
lot of generals to take over power directly or actively start pulling the strings
of the civilian government. Such opportunities may come sooner rather
than later
Farah Zia talked of Bangladesh model. Some analysts in Pakistan
began discussing the possible alternatives available with the president
which included the use of Article 58-2(b) or institution of a caretaker
government on the lines of Bangladesh. The adoption of Bangladesh model
for Pakistan, though based on a verity like the dominance of military in
politics common to both countries, is preposterous as a solution in Pakistans
current situation.
To refresh peoples memories, Bangladesh has a caretaker
government for about two years now. The last government led by Halide
Zia handed over the charge to the caretaker government (CTG) in Oct 2006.
the CTG has, since then, embarked on a series of political and institutional
reforms, many of them at the behest of the main political parties, and the
holding of elections has been consistently delayed as a consequence
As a matter of fact, both Pakistan and Bangladesh are examples of
weak democratic cultures. Why else would they need a neutral caretaker
government to conduct elections, something that majority of democracies
including our neighbouring India do not have? The elected government
continues as the caretaker government that holds the elections. As for putting
the system back on track, that is a job well left with the elected
representatives of people. In India, the independent election commission
ensures that the elections are held fairly. That is the model the
establishment in both Bangladesh and Pakistan must look up to.

849

Fasi Zaka tried to visualize beyond impeachment. Politics in Pakistan

can be so surreal, who would have ever thought it would be Zardari
charge sheeting someone for embezzlement, or the foreign governments
would be more concerned for Musharrafs honour than Musharraf himself.
There is no doubt that sufficient grounds exist for Musharraf to be
impeached, in fact had he been more concerned for his honour than foreign
elements then he would have resigned right after the elections.
But lets say Musharraf resigns, or the impeachment process is
successful. Then what? The coalition government has done well to
document the presidents past crimes, but they are absolutely shaky when it
comes to describing how Musharraf has been responsible for the failures of
the current government.
Musharraf did not cause Rehman Malik to lie about the security
situation in NWFP so the elections could be delayed, Musharraf did not
make Shah Mehmood Qureshi fumble in the announcement of the CNG
prices and neither did Musharraf push for the ISI to rebel against the
governments move to place it under the Interior Ministry. As far as the price
of fuel goes, place the blame on the PML-Q and Shaukat Aziz for not
delivering constant price adjustments.
Once Musharraf is out, this government can place no guarantee
that it will have the vision to deliver, because its claims of impediments
and conspiracies have been vague. The emphasis is all wrong, Musharrafs
main crimes have been in the past before the elections, not now, he is being
made a scapegoat to cover for recent performance issues of the coalition
government, whereas thats not needed at all because his second emergency
is more than enough to get him out of office
By placing the judiciary second to the impeachment process there is
a dangerous pattern that is emerging, one that sidelines the rule of law.
If the judges were restored outright as once was promised, they would have
declared his re-election illegal, getting the same result as desired now.
So, why the whole impeachment process? Its not the impeachment
that is disturbing, its the reasons behind. The PPP has found a way to
keep the PML-N at bay by dangling a carrot in front of them, and the
substantive issue of the judges away from sight. The PML-N has given in to
the same expediency, as they had done before when they approved the
finance bill that expanded the number of SC judges, for a face saving
exercise by ridding the country of a very unpopular president, but one who
in the present circumstances has become a titular figure.
850

Asif Ali Zardari has already demonstrated an iron hand when it

comes to certain decisions that the PML-N are not happy with, such as the
appointment of Salman Taseer as governor of Punjab. While the 100-days
agenda of the present government has been exposed as wishful thinking, it
will be the 100 days after Musharraf is gone that will truly explain what this
coalition is all about. They will no longer be able to blame the unseen
hand of the presidency, and no longer will they be able to hold off the
judges because the man who dismissed them will have been dismissed.
The fact that none of the issues that will drive the 100 days postMusharraf have been discussed, most obvious of which will be the
modalities of the judges, is a cause for concern. The economy is lapsing, law
and order worsening. What the coalition pulls out of their hat, we wait
with baited breath.
M Aleem Shaikh from Karachi wrote: Now that the president has
been targeted first, he will be extra vigilant to backlash as vigorously as
possible for him to safeguard his position. The whole presidency would
turn into a flurry of activity, including consultation with many legal
experts who would be hired for advice, the presidents foreign mentors and
sympathizers must also do their utmost in every way to prop him up.
Then, the number game in parliament would go interminably
involving expensive horse-trading etc, further draining the public
exchequer. Above all, according to the presidents legal adviser, Hafiz
Pirzada, the president will have the option constitutionally to go to the apex
courts against any adverse parliamentary move against him.
Now, the sitting PCO judges are supposed to be favourable to him
in his predicament. Where will the coalition partners, particularly the
Nawaz League, go? Here recall the APDM ultimatum to the government to
restore the judiciary by Aug 31 or they would start agitation. So, what are
our politicians bent on doing?
In this bleak atmosphere, the only ray of hope emerges in the
shape of the lawyers movement that is predominantly concerned with the
restoration and strengthening of the judiciary a movement unique in the
history of the world. The lawyers have given a new lease of life to the
anemic political spectrum in the country and will, hopefully, keep their
struggle for independent, strong and clean judiciary vibrant till its logical
end in the best interests of the people of Pakistan.
Dr Farrukh Saleem explored the options for a new home for
Musharraf. Brother Bush hasnt been returning calls for the past three
851

weeks. The custodian of the Two Holy Mosques is willing to offer safe
custody but no more. The Mayor of Greater Istanbul is in no mood to attract
al-Qaeda to Anatolia. In Islamabad, the five-foot-one-inch tall woman, the
very face of American awe in this country, is trying to secure security for
Uncle Sams most supple of nephews. An ex-high commissioner, Mark Lyll
Grant, the grandson of Sir Lyll (Lyllpur was named after this lieutenantgovernor of Punjab), is also trying to jump-start his long-lost colonial sway
to get Musharraf legal immunity. Sadly, Chak Shahzad isnt secure to secure
a mortal with a thousand suicidal foes. Then, the chateau at the Chak
Shahzad farm isnt ready yet either.
The capital city of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts would be
nice and cozy. Surely, Haqqani wont travel 393 miles to be in the arrival
lounge at the Logan International Airport but Bilal, Iram and their two kids
would be. Hopefully, Bilal wont have problems with the airport security as
he did in San Francisco when security personnel thought Bilal had diaper
bags lined with TNT. Bilals two-bedroom flat in Canton isnt big enough to
hold a Boston Tea Party but then the guest list has shrunk since the day
Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry (de jure) was made dysfunctional. Barry
Hoffman, consul general at Consulate General of Pakistan wont be
attending either. Shaheen Sehbai may, however, be willing to celebrate.
Politically, America would prefer not to muddy her pure
democratic soil by hosting an ex-military dictator. But, if no one else is
willing to take in Uncle Sams one-time favourite cuddle, Boston or Houston
may have to host his exile.
Living on the coast of the Red Sea would be safe, sound and secure.
After all, Saudi Arabia has hosted the exiles of a dozen Muslim oppressors.
But, Jeddahs Saroor Palace is haunted by the spirit of you know who.
Then there is the climate issue; Jeddah is very hot in winter and extremely
hot in summer. Then there is the lifestyle issue; the Wahabi state may just be
too restrictive, too conservative for the enlightened Musharrafs.
Living right next to the Bosporus Strait would be fun as well as
festive. How exciting, Istanbul is the only major city in the whole wide
world which is on two continents. Musharraf speaks the language and has
childhood memories. Istanbul has a Mediterranean climate and lifestyle
wont be an issue. Istanbul has night life, live concerts, rave parties, jazz,
cocktails, fandango and the whole lot. Musharraf can tell the Chaudhrys and
friends the three that are left to meet him where the continents meet.
But, Tayyib Erdogan is a chicken; too afraid that Musharrafs presence

852

might attract too many suicidal Islamists dreaming of restoring the

Caliphate back to the final seat of the Islamic Caliphate. How about Izmir,
right next to the Aegean Sea?
Could Nahr wali Haveli become a contending host as well? After
all, Musharraf was born there in the midst of Kacha Saad Ullah Mohalla in
Delhi. And, someone intelligent has now said that Musharraf has more
voters in India than in Pakistan.
Then theres London, Abu Dhabi, Dubai and Paris. How about
Karachi; the one-time city of lights? Musharraf has a fully-carpeted
bungalow there currently available for rent with a 100 KVA generator
(that can run at least 20 air conditioner). But Karachi has a large Pashtun
population and securing the bungalow would be a major challenge. Then
theres Bahawalpur? Everyone knows that Musharraf was the chief of army
staff, the chief executive and the president all rolled in on. But, Musharraf
continues to be the numberdar of Chak 13 BC not too far from Bahawalpur.
Then again, Bahawalpur is where Jaish-e-Mohammad is. All right, he is
neither the chief of the army staff nor the chief executive and only three
citizens of Pakistan want Musharraf to continue as the president but dont
forget, hes still the numberdar of Chak 13 BC.
Mrs Henny Khan wife of Dr A Q Khan had a solution to the problem
narrated by Dr Farrukh. So much has been written in the local newspapers
about the problems of Gen Musharrafs security if he should remain in
Pakistan when he is no longer president. There is one very easy solution that
nobody seems to have thought of. Simply put him under house arrest for
his own security in the same way he had done to Dr A Q Khan. Problem
solved!
Ghazi Salahuddin stressed upon safe passage for Pakistan; instead of
Musharraf. We may detect some similarities between commando culture
and cowboy culture. After all, there always seemed something personal in
the bond between Pervez Musharraf and George W Bush. And this thought
may remind us of Hollywoods classic John Wayne westerns. One similarity
could be the tendency to shoot from the hip. In cowboy culture, it would be
to shoot first and ask questions later. Well, are you thinking of March 9,
2007?
In any case, we may also recall John Wayne riding into the sunset,
when the story has ended. In Musharrafs case, another reference comes to
mind: old soldiers never die; they just fade away. But Musharraf seems to

853

be taking his cue from Dylan Thomas: Do not go gentle into the good
nightrage, rage against the dying of the light.
Still, there is nothing poetic about this long painful departure of
President Pervez Musharraf. For all this week, headlines have been
promising a decision within hours. One morning they announce that the deal
is done and the next day that is undone. Analysts, quoting official sources,
keep telling us that the president would have to resign before the agony of
impeachment is set into motion if a safe passage is assured.
The general impression is that the army, though it has evidently
distanced itself from politics, would not want its former chief to be
humiliated. At the same time, so many ex-servicemen remain hawkish,
demanding Musharrafs trial for treason. Meanwhile, hectic diplomatic
activity has gone on behind the curtains.
We are told by mediators from the US, Britain and now also from
Saudi Arabia are making hectic efforts to find a solution to the flaming
political impasse. This newspaper, quoting reliable sources, reported on
Sunday that if the international mediation succeeded, President Musharraf
would leave Pakistan forever.
There are indications that the United States is distancing itself
from Musharraf. The White House has said that President Bush believes
only Pakistanis should decide who they want to lead their country and
observers see this as a signal that the US would not rescue Musharraf from
an impeachment move. But the real issue is whether the US is also
distancing itself from Pakistan.
Perhaps, it is Pakistan that needs a safe passage into a future that
protects its integrity and its democratic dispensation. We do need to worry
about it against the backdrop of dark apprehensions by foreign experts about
Pakistan becoming dysfunctional as a federation
All this would demand that we get the Musharraf issue out of the
way as soon as possible. And it is not just the departure of Musharraf that
has to be hastened but also the restoration of the judges. They belong
together as an obstruction in the path of our democratic arrival. In spite of all
this confusion that surrounds us, we must not forget that it was the lawyers
movement, in close cooperation with the media and civil society, that led to
the outcome of the February elections and the predicament in which
Musharraf finds himself.

854

We will have time, though, to assess and analyze Musharrafs

legacy after he has departed. How many moir hours or days it would take
is uncertain. We continue to hear from his fast diminishing supporters that he
would not resign and fight the impeachment charges. Whatever the army
leadership would like that to happen is also a big question. Indeed, one
keeps on wondering what the army leadership is thinking. Much has
depended on their wisdom and their actions in our unfortunate history.
And when it comes to learning from history, both our army
leaders and our ruling politicians have a lot to ponder. Their wisdom and
their prudence, as well as their intellectual abilities, will charter the course of
our country will take in the immediate future. Musharrafs departure is
foretold but its consequences are very variable. As I have said, we need a
safe passage for Pakistan.
On Friday, all major foreign newspapers suggested that Musharraf
was ready to resign, that the Musharraf era was over. They also seemed to
share the concern expressed by The New York Times: His departure from
office seems likely to unleash new instability in the country as the two main
parties in the civilian government jockey for his share of power. It would
also remove from the political stage the man who has served as the Bush
Administrations main ally here for the last eight years.
The Dawn commented on restoration of judiciary in view of the
impeachment. One must welcome the legal communitys decision to extend
the deadline for the restoration of the judges by a month The
postponement of the deadline is in the countrys interest. Given the rising
wave of militancy, the critical situation in Swat and FATA, and the exodus of
people from the war-ravaged area, another agitation could serve to
embarrass the democratic government, deepen the political crisis and add to
the economic meltdown. We hope Gen Musharrafs fate will be behind us
soon and the judges restored at the earliest.
Anees Jillani did not forget the horses among Pakistani politicians.
It is really sad that the history of Pakistan is full of cases of so-called
leaders deserting their benefactors whom they have stabbed in the back.
They, of course, always have a ready excuse and explanation for their
changed stance but they can never explain their allegiance to a so-called
military and unconstitutional dictator in the beginning.
Have you ever wondered what would happen if the tables are turned
and it becomes clear that Musharraf is, after all, going to be our Hosni
Mubarak and is not going anywhere for the next 10 years? All the forward
855

blocs will have to make a quick U-turn. Jesus said that no man can serve
two masters but our lotas have proven even Jesus wrong.
The News urged that the drama must end through resignation. As
they say, it is not all over till the fat lady sings. As Pakistans bitter political
drama continues the end now seems surely to be approaching. The charge
sheet against President Musharraf has been prepared and handed over to the
law ministry.
As the war of nerves continues, the government is said to be
seeking a resignation from Musharraf before the messy business of
impeachment gets underway in parliament. The vote of no confidence in
Musharraf by all the four provincial assemblies adds moral, but no legal,
weight to the government stance.
Foreign players of all kinds are involved with their arms buried up
to the elbows in the political quagmire. A former British high commissioner
to Pakistan plus a Saudi prince are reported to be playing a key role. From
the White House too, attention is directed towards Islamabad, even though
Washington continues to assert it is neutral.
Essentially, efforts are being made at many levels to persuade the
president to resign and find a way for him to do so with at least some
modicum of dignity left intact. It is understood that in exchange for that vital
letter of resignation, the president seeks indemnity and the right to remain in
Pakistan with full protocol. He is reluctant to quit the country as has been
suggested
It is clear the president has lost the support of almost everyone in
the country. Nothing can justify a decision to stay on. And while it is true
the credentials of some political leaders are dubious, the fact is that their
parties have been voted in by the people and as such represent them. But, for
the sake of the country, it is also important the politicians display maturity
and wisdom. So far this has been sadly lacking. The need is to put the
current sordid chapter behind us as quickly as possible
Musharraf remains adamant that he, over the last nine years, has
made important contributions to Pakistan. He must now make what could
be his most important contribution yet by agreeing to step down and
allowing the curtain to drop over the theatre where the stage play that we are
seeing today, with its combination of melodrama, retribution, hysteria and
occasional comedy, has already dragged on far too long.

856

REVIEW
Musharraf urged the politicians to avoid confrontation and adopt
reconciliatory approach. The virtues of reconciliation had never dawned
upon him during his rule of over eight years. He always threatened his
opponents, which were invariably Pakistanis, to hit them from unexpected
direction. And he did not hesitate in executing his threats from tribal areas to
Balochistan and from the Supreme Court to Lal Masjid.
Zardari-Nawaz combine has virtually isolated Musharraf, who had
claimed that army would never abandon him. But the general who
commanded this army went PMA Kakul for celebrating Independence Day
rather than giving him company in the Presidency.
America, which invariably sent its officials to rescue Bushs buddy
whenever he was in trouble, have not sent any rescue squad to Islamabad. It
seemed that true to its tradition, the US having used our man have finally
decided to ditch him. Uncle Sam has found his suitable replacement.
It has been said time and again that Americans never invite any of the
so-called our man to come and settle in the United States once they were
ousted by their people. The criticism on this count is unfair; instead
Americans should be appreciated for telling the world repeatedly that one
who could be no good for his own people could not be of any use as Green
Card holder.
18th August 2008

857

THE BOLD BOLTED

Exactly six months after the general elections a very long period
even for a person with below average IQ Musharraf realized that he was
part, not the solution of the problems of the country he ruled for nearly nine
years. Once he realized, or was made to realize, he resigned.
The same was true for Zardari that a simple threat of impeachment
would have been enough to extract a resignation from the brave commando.
Powells midnight telephone call had set precedence worth following. As
everyone saw that within two weeks of the coalitions decision to impeach
him, the brave commando rendered the resignation. But, Zardari too wasted
too much time to understand this simple point for reasons quite obvious.
Having achieved the ousting of the dictator, Zardari wasted no time
in getting into the big shoes left behind the dictator. This left Nawaz Sharif
completely out-manoeuvred. He must be rethinking the merits and demerits
of politics of principles in Pakistan, when his political adversaries in the
coalition openly say that everything is fair in politics.

EVENTS
858

On 18th August, nearly thirteen months after the historic judgment of a

Supreme Court bench headed by Justice Ramday; Musharraf resigned in the
interest of the country. Some would say: Better late than never. But, he has
been too late and thus compromising the element of goodness in his
decision. In his farewell address to the nation he, as usual, indulged in
boasting and telling lies.
The country from Gilgit to Gwadar celebrated the exit of Musharraf
by dancing in the streets and distributing sweets. People of violence-ravaged
provinces felt relieved but expected the bloodshed to end. It was a victory of
democracy over dictatorship; jiyalas including the prince Bilawal attributed
it to Benazir, but the credit belonged to Justice Iftikhar and lawyers
movement.
The lawyers demanded reinstatement of judges within three days.
Shujaat warned political opponents that Musharraf was still very strong.
Aitzaz Ahsan demanded trial of Musharraf. Rehman Malik said Musharraf
would get the same security which he got before resignation.
The Speaker National Assembly received the resignation; she was
pleased to accept that. Chairman Senate took over as acting President till the
election of new president. Election Commission announced that the new
president would be elected within one month.
Race for the successor started immediately after Musharrafs
resignation. The leaders of the ruling coalition held a marathon meeting in
Zardari House to discuss post-Musharraf challenges and to find a consensus
candidate for presidency.
India declined to comment on the resignation saying it was internal
affair of Pakistan. Miliband said democratic Pakistan was vital for UKs
security. The US thanked Musharraf for his contribution for the Crusades
against al-Qaeda and other jihadi forces. Boucher refused to accept that
Musharrafs downfall was because of the war on terror. He said new
government was equally committed to the war against terrorism.
Anwar Iqbal reported that Bush was persuaded to abandon Musharraf
during Gilanis visit to Washington. The prime minister took a team of
Musharraf experts with him to the luncheon and they played a key role in
persuading Mr Bush. Once this was done, the Pakistanis knew that the
Americans will no longer try to save Mr Musharraf, so they made their
move, an expert said.

859

On 19th August, a day after Musharrafs resignation, Zardari once

again backed out on his pledge on restoration of judges. Zardari wanted
more time and Nawaz refused. Asfandyar saved the day by offering
mediation and Fazlur Rehman joined him. PML-N agreed to give 72-hours
to the mediators. PML-Q urged the coalition to restore the judges and Amin
Fahim also demanded he same.
The US wanted that Musharraf should be treated with respect.
Rehman Malik said a request from Musharraf has been received and he
would be provided best possible security. Lawyers observed Salvation
Day and celebrations in Sindh continued. Opposition to grant of safe exit to
Musharraf grew. Latif Khosa was named as new Attorney General.
Next day, PPP leaders nominated Zardari as candidate for Presidency.
Asfandyar and Fazl continued their efforts to break the deadlock. Aitzaz met
Zardari. Asfandyar and Fazl continued their efforts to break the deadlock.
Seven PML-Q Senators met Prime Minister. Governor Balochistan resigned.
The Attorney General, Malik Qayyum also resigned. Britain admitted having
played a role in Musharrafs resignation.
On 21st August, PPP in Punjab and Sindh named Zardari as President
saying there was no better candidate for presidency than him. PPPs double
speaking on judges issue continued despite the mediation by Asfand and
Fazl; Sherry talked of drafting of resolution for restoration and another
leader unveiled plan for debate on the issue in NA. Lawyers opposed
indemnity and wanted trial of Musharraf; PPP planned to reciprocate NRO.
Next day, the PPP once again forced Nawaz to change the deadline
to 27 August for restoration of judges. A committee was tasked to prepare a
resolution which would be tabled in NA on 25th August, discussed for two
days and to be passed two days later. Fazl said Zardari apprised him about
the difficulties related to the reinstatement of the deposed CJP and other
judges. One of the difficulty was the reservation of the various powers
which cooperated during the impeachment process leading to Musharrafs
resignation. LHC was moved for placing Musharraf on ECL.
th

PPP leaders were tasked by the party boss to launch a defamation

campaign against the deposed CJP to make him controversial; some people
feared the two-day debate in NA was also aimed at achieving this goal. It has
been reported that Zardari, before signing one-and-a-half page agreement on
7th August, had pledged implementation of this document on Holy Book.
ECP fixed 6th September as polling date for presidential election and

860

nomination papers would be filed on 26th August. PML-Q planned to contest

presidential election.
On 23rd August, Zardari was pleased to accept his nomination as
candidate for presidency. It was shocking to hear from a man like Raza
Rabbani, while announcing the acceptance of candidacy of Presidency by
Zardari; said PPP has not violated any of the agreements on the restoration
of deposed judges.
After the announcement of election schedule and Zardaris nomination
for presidency, Nawaz Sharif realized that he has been out-manoeuvred in
the realpolitick. He, then, asked the future president to reinstate the judges
by 25th August, as per agreement(s). Zardari came out with familiar reply;
political accords are not the words of Quraan. He also referred to Nawazs
rusty knowledge of politics.
Shaheen Sehbai reported that the PML-N felt Zardari would selfdestruct himself politically. Saleh Zaafir reported that PML-N could dissolve
Punjab Assembly to delay presidential poll by making the Electoral College
incomplete. Tariq Butt wrote PPP was all set for divorce notice from PML-N
and courtship with others. Ahmad Noorani reported that Zardaris eligibility
could be challenged in the court.
PML-N called a party meeting in Islamabad on 25th August. PML-Q
decided to field Mushahid against Zardari at the same time the party leaders
met Punjab Governor to make a deal. Meanwhile, it was reported that
Musharraf would be allowed free movement only after presidential election.
Presently he was under protective custody.
Aitzaz Ahsan chaired a meeting of the National Coordination Council
and then announced countrywide sit-in by lawyers on August 28. The
meeting also condemned PBC for accepting financial grant from the
government; some of the decisions of PBC were declared invalid. Aitzaz
also accused UK Envoy of undermining rule of law in Pakistan.
Zardaris message never reached the deposed chief justice as no one
dared carrying that to the honourable judge. Zardari had asked leading
lawyers, including Minallah, to persuade the chief justice to resign in the
national interest or to get ready for conditional reinstatement.

VIEWS

861

The people of Pakistan watched the historic event unfolding with lot
of hope. The exit of the dictator was undoubtedly a rare happy occasion, but
it fell short of their expectation. The moment of joy did not last for long as
could be seen from the comments enumerated below.
Abdul Qayyum Khan from Karachi observed: In his last address to
the nation as President, Pervez Musharraf particularly mentioned a sharp
decline in the value of Rupee and that of the Stock Exchange 100 Index
since the new coalition government took over. However, we witnessed just
the opposite reaction as, with the announcement of his resignation, the KSE
100 Index jumped by 460 points and the value of Rupee jumped by 1.20. It
goes to prove that the adverse affect on the countrys economy that was
seen in the past few months was due to Pervez Musharraf who refused to
step down and let the new coalition government function freely.
Asif Ali Shah from Lahore pointed out: True to form, Musharrafs
resignation speech was graceless and self-serving. It was notable for its
omissions: No mention of Lal Masjid; No mention of emergency; No
mention of deposed judges; No mention of rigging of elections at all levels
up to 2007; and finally; No mention of the USA.
Azahar Hussain Ghumro wrote: In response to President Musharrafs
last public speech on television where in he claimed that he might have
made mistakes but his intensions must not be doubted. All he has done was
in the best interest of the country. Even he claimed to resign in the best
national interest.
I am very mush confused and unable to understand the true meaning
of the best interest of the country. The main confusion is created by the
following actions of former president Musharraf One is unable to
understand the so-called expression of or the best national interests in these
actions on the contrary, it proved to be the other way round. He only
resigned at the very last moment, when all his efforts to stick to power
failed.
Khurram Shahzad Mughal observed: In a few news reports, the
former president himself admitted that a few of his friends left him in the
last days by quoting that when he approached CJ Dogar through a
prominent lawyer to get a stay order from the Supreme Court against
the impeachment motion announced by the ruling coalition to oust him, the
CJ regretted. This disappointed him because he believed in the independence
of the judiciary. Doesnt that sound like a joke?

862

The former president has always emphasized that Pakistan is his first
priority: Pakistan comes first. Then why has he left the country even after
knowing that there would remain a political chaos in Pakistan after he
resigns from his office.
He has stated that it was suggested to him to cancel the NRO and
restore the judges before his resignation but believing that he is always right
he did not act upon the advice, knowing that the deposed chief justice
Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry would become a big problem for Asif
Ali Zardari and this, of course, would pose another problem for the people
of Pakistan to whom Mr Musharraf is so sincere.
He just left the issue as it was, though he was in power to take the
appropriate action favourable to his beloved country. I dont know if his
patriotism also reminded him that not addressing this important issue will
bring little prosperity to this country.
Honestly, we the people of Pakistan are now sick and tired of
hypocrisy on the part of our leaders. They keep changing their statements. I
wish and pray that the law of perjury is strictly implemented and the
offender is awarded the strictest punishment so that people think twice
before they speak.
Dictators safe exit was opposed. Dr Irfan Zafar from Islamabad
wrote: The government seems to be prepared to give a safe exit to the
former president. According to Article 6 of the constitution, any person
aiding or abetting a person who has abrogated the constitution will also be
convicted of high treason. It provides food for thought for all those who
are trying to help Mr Musharraf flee the country.
Asmat Ali from Peshawar expressed similar views. I think that
Pervez Musharraf should not be provided with safe passage. He should be
tried for the wrongs he has done while in power so that no one in the
future should have the courage to play with the destiny of nation. Musharraf
made Pakistan vulnerable both externally and internally. To day our policies
are guided by the US and it is so because Musharraf always remained
subservient to foreign dictates.
S Naqvi from Lahore argued against it. I am neither a supporter of
Musharraf nor of Zardari or Nawaz. I belong to a very small group of people
who are not carried away by the hype created by Nawaz Sharif and his
PML-N cohorts, but try to analyze the problem calmly and without bias.

863

The main objective behind Musharrafs resignation is neither to

strengthen democracy, nor to benefit the people of Pakistan. It is being
done as a personal vengeance for the ignominy he had to suffer of his own
misdeed. The impeachment, trial or punishment, instead of doing any good
to the people of Pakistan and strengthening democracy, will only introduce a
new evil of vendetta to the politics of Pakistan. And the people and
democracy will continue to suffer as now, may be more.
Syed A Ahmed from Karachi opined that by tendering a resignation
Musharraf has put politicians in power on trial. While one is not hopeful
that the current crop of leaders will not repeat their past poor performances,
we hope that they realize that now the country cannot withstand any more
jolts to its shaky structure which can come crumbling down anytime.
There are many pressing national issues that need to be
addressed immediately, and the politicians in power should abstain from
politics of revenge and start to focus on stabilizing the economy, improving
law and order, curbing the rising inflation, gaining public trust and
improving its image internationally.
M Irshad Jan from Karachi urged that having secured his resigned the
nation should move on. It is all history now and a progressive nation has to
look into the future, especially the Pakistanis who are in a dire need to
reverse the current situation they are in. The next logical step is to
immediately reinstate the Nov 2 judiciary through an executive order so
that all heads (especially the rulers) be put together to take the country out of
economic disaster we are currently facing.
Ashraf Siddiqui from Qatar sought change of policy, not change of
individuals. It is a victory for the people of Pakistan. Pakistani nation needs
to be united to get rid from all the barbaric and ill-policies of the outgoing
dictator. If present policies are not changed, it is useless whether
Musharraf was there or not. People need to breathe now.
Col Ram Gulrajani from Chennai talked of the likely impact on the
survival of coalition government. The coalition politics are the same
everywhere. What reason has Nawaz Sharif, an ambitious politician, to stick
to the ruling coalition after the removal of President Musharraf and
reinstatement of dismissed judges? Break up of the coalition is certainly
going to plunge Pakistan into an abyss, the repercussions whereof will be
felt all over the world but more so in its neighbourhood.
The conduct of unbridled al-Qaeda, Taliban, terrorists,
fundamentalists, Jihadis and Mujahideen, besides selfish politicians, will
864

create another fertile ground for the military to take over before
Pakistan either plunges into civil strife or break up. It appears that the
fate of Pakistan is destined in shared tenures between civil and military rule.
I Ahmed viewed the outgoing Musharraf differently. Considering the
chequered history of Pakistan and its politics the nine years on Mr
Musharraf were a kind of blessing for the nation. At least, the rampant
corruption that we saw during each of the two democratic eras of Bhutto and
Sharif government was not obvious.
People who are now championing the cause of justice and
constitutional integrity are the ones who during 1988-99 supported action
against their own current coalition partners and distributed sweets. Do
we expect them to be any different?
The media and analysts, like the people of Pakistan, too felt relieved
after the resignation of Musharraf but only temporarily. Murtaza Razvi
commented on Musharrafs farewell speech. The Khuda Hafiz he bade
betrayed the adieu of a defeated man. Its a shame that despite his
achievements as a once popular leader and the face of the world had come to
know Pakistan by he should have been his own undoing. The man was never
the evil he had come to be portrayed as by his opponents, especially in his
last year in office.
Mr Musharrafs departure from the rowdy political scene should now
leave the ruling coalition with little excuse to drag its feet on the many
issues confronting Pakistan and its people. If ever democracy was allowed to
run its course, it is now. The hope is that the elected leaders Mr Musharraf
has bequeathed his much wronged Pakistan live up to the challenges before
them.
The Dawn wrote: Most will wonder why it took the president so
long; some will rue the lost opportunity to impeach him. What is
incontestable is that the country must move on from this crisis quickly.
The four-party coalition at the centre told the country in no uncertain terms
that governance would be impossible in the shadow of President Musharraf.
Now that that hurdle has removed itself, the field is open for the politicians
to address the most pressing problems facing the nation...
Immediately, however, two issues will need to be addressed. First
is the restoration of the non-functional judges of the superior courts. The
judicial crisis, which was the catalyst of the presidents downfall, needs to be
resolved clearly, unambiguously and quickly.

865

Second is the election of a new president. According to the

constitution the president has enormous powers that reach deep within the
institutions of the state which makes it a highly coveted post. The coalition
must quickly nominate and elect a joint-candidate as a president and avoid
lengthy political bargaining.
The economy was a central plank of the Musharraf era and the
president emphasized the strong macro-economic figures that existed as
recently as last December However, economists point out that the
economic model adopted Mr Musharrafs handpicked technocrats was
a consumption boom that relied on easy credit fueled by the inflow of
dollars and global liquidity. When the spigot was shut off, Pakistan found
itself much more economically vulnerable that it would have been if
headline growth had nor been the focus of economic policy. There is also the
question of the stagnation of the rural economy, which supports over 40
percent of the labour force, on the presidents watch.
The spectacular increase in taxation revenue (from Rs350bn in 1999
to Rs1 trillion last year) is another achievement of the Musharraf era.
However, it has been achieved by indirect taxes, which
disproportionately affect the poor and meaningful tax reform has
remained elusive.
On the development side, the Public Sector Development
Programme (PSDP) registered a manifold increase but the capacity to
utilize the funds remains poor. The space for women and minorities to
participate in the political process has been enhanced over the last eight year,
but no meaningful legal reform to improve their plight took place.
The media has broken new ground in the Musharraf-era, unwittingly
demonstrating this by its vociferous criticism of the presidents attempts to
muzzle it late into his rule. On all these counts President Musharrafs record
has been mixed. However, Mr Musharraf was an unqualified failure
when it came to developing the non-economic institutions of the state.
Few could argue that on the generals watch parliament, the judiciary, the
bureaucracy or the police improved. In the end it is perhaps this failure more
than anything else that led to his downfall.
Ayesha Siddiqa observed: Clearly, the former general made an
effort to draw a wedge between the newly elected rulers and the people
by projecting himself as part of the middle class. In doing so he deliberately
juxtaposed himself with the political class that has traditionally been
depicted as consisting of feudal landowners and big business.
866

The former president foresees a time in the near future when

people might get frustrated on several counts such as the fate of the
judiciary, selection of the new president and the fate of the coalition. The
political parties will possibly have to blame themselves for some of the
frustration. The coalition wasted a lot of time getting rid of the general, and
that worked to his advantage rather than to theirs.
It is true that the regime is being noble in not trying him but
asking questions is another issue altogether. It would be only fair to outmanoeuvre him by at least talking about issues that are critical to Pakistan.
For example, what happened to the US aid the contract for which was signed
in 2003
Asking such questions is important before the former president tries
to assert himself. His speech indicated that he has already tried to
connect himself with the people. Incidentally, many people subscribed to
the theory of Musharraf representing the middle class while he ruled the
country it is fallacy to treat the former general as part of the middle class,
just as it is to classify the military elite as part of the middle class.
The point to remember, however, is that class orientation changes
after officers become part of the organizational elite. A similar thing
happens in the civil bureaucracy. It is not hard to come across civil and
military bureaucratic households where officers, their wives and their
children are either embarrassed of grandparents who appear less
sophisticated or consciously pretend to have no link to their origins.
Such behaviour is part of an effort at upward social mobility. The
military generals and senior bureaucrats are no different from the rest
of the ruling classes who keep a careful distance from those below them.
The organizational machinery is used in different ways to especially enrich
those at the top.
The liberal values that Musharraf and his supporters boast about
are part of the tradition of the ruling elite or the post-colonial
administrative and military structures. General Ziaul Haq was an anomaly
that happened to Pakistan also because Islamabads external partners during
the 1980s such as the US allowed him to breed greater ideological
conservatism that could help fight the war in Afghanistan.
Once the need was over, the Pakistani state and its military machine
were encouraged to revert to older traditions, and the gap created in the
period when Ziaul Haq was at the helm was bridged. So, socially, Ayub

867

Khan, Yahya Khan and Pervez Musharraf represent the same tradition that
many refer to as a sign of middle-class values.
There is also no evidence that the middle class itself is the key to
solving the problems of Pakistans elite politics. It would be sadder still to
let Musharraf launch himself at any point in time as the answer to the needs
of the common man. We will have to keep searching for the answer to the
ills of our system.
The Dawn also wrote about Musharrafs future. It is time to put the
Pervez Musharraf phenomenon behind us. This needs to be reiterated
because there are demands from the powerful personalities for trying the
former president. In principle, one cannot oppose the retired generals trial.
His enemies say the list of charges against him could run up to 200 pages.
But there is need to keep an eye on reality In Pakistan the principles have
always been discarded for the sake of the so-called reality.
If people are to be tried for their acts of omission and
commission, everyone accused of corruption must stand in the dock. We
know that the accountability system put in place by Musharraf nabbed many
high-profile personalities, but it also favoured those who chose to switch
loyalty. Many of those against whom the NAB had framed charges were not
only pardoned, they were also rewarded with key cabinet posts. This
reality should also have been added to the 200-page charge sheet.
At present, too, Musharraf is not the only person accused of
crimes; many sleazy characters in the thick of politics today deserve to be
brought to justice and stripped of the cloak of innocence they have managed
to don because of an opportune turn of events. Deals were actually struck to
withdraw cases in the name of national reconciliation. Deals or no deals; all
of them must be tried and that is what reality demands.
The more forceful argument against a Musharraf trial is its
repercussions. In the first place it is doubtful that in the kind of atmosphere
that exists in the country Musharraf will get a fair trial, since there are hardly
any institutions left in whose impartiality and honesty the people could have
faith. Besides a court trial will merely serve to provide entertainment to
millions and be a source of delight for his foes without giving any tangible
benefits to the nation
What the grand coalition should realize is that, having won a
decisive political and moral victory, it now has the golden opportunity to
launch a blitz for Pakistans all-round development. The democratic
government stands in good stead with the world, and there is no doubt it will
868

get necessary aid and trade concessions if it succeeds in mobilizing the

peoples energies for developing Pakistan instead of frittering away this
opportunity in making a show of what Asif Zardari called a relic of the past.
Dr Adeel Malik commented on the talk of safe passage to dictatorship.
The decisions we take today will have implications for future. Indemnity
sets a bad precedent for future military adventurers. It sends the wrong
signal that you can easily get away even if you have usurped power
unconstitutionally, demolished institutions, rigged elections and sowed the
seeds of national disintegration. Without punishing violators of the
constitution, future transgressors will be difficult to avoid. Laws lose their
efficacy if they are not effectively enforced. What use is the Article 6 of our
constitution if it is set aside each time?
This is all simple, plain logic that any person with a rudimentary
knowledge of law or political science can affirm. Yet, the advice from
learned quarters baffles ones imagination. The Economist has advised
Pakistani leaders to forget about punishing the President. And renowned
think-tank intellectual, Stephen Cohen, has termed impeachment as a
distraction from critical issues. As expected, our own Daily Times has
joined the Western chorus in one of its recent editorials: Our self-interest
today lies in putting Musharraf behind us and moving on to solve the other
myriad problems that beset us institutionally and nationally.
One wonders if there is any greater institutional challenge in
Pakistan than averting recurring military interventions. And, what
would have been the Western response when faced with a similar situation?
The truth is that in Pakistans context western observers are more convinced
on the perils of theocracy and religious fundamentalism than the dangers of
dictatorship. Our fore-founders had envisaged Pakistan to be neither a
theocracy nor a playing field for Generals. It is important then that we must
reject both in unequivocal terms.
Yousuf Nazar was forthright in urging a trial of Musharraf. The
nation is heaving a sigh of relief as one of the most painful phases in
Pakistans history has ended with Musharrafs resignation. Should the
matter end here? Gen Musharraf dismissed judges and violated the
Constitution but all dictators are guilty of that.
His greatest crime was that he compromised Pakistans national
interests to consolidate his power when he was an international pariah and
brought Pakistan to the brink of Balkanization by his dual track policy of

869

covertly supporting the Afghan Taliban while allowing the Americans to

conduct air strikes on Pakistan.
A section of our English-speaking elite believe Musharraf was
trying to save them from the Taliban. This makes you wonder how
ignorant one can be. He secured the evacuation of more than 3,000 Taliban
and militants between Nov 15 and 23, 2001 from Kunduz in Afghanistan,
where they had been trapped, to Pakistans tribal areas from where they were
to later organize and conduct terrorist attacks.
Some so-called pragmatists advocate a cautious approach to
Musharrafs accountability lest the khakis get upset. But Pakistans
history tells us that letting dictators go unpunished for their crimes against
the state and the people has not deterred the Bonapartists and adventurers
from striking again
What right does anyone have to provide safe passage to someone
who committed heinous crimes against the people and handing over
hundreds of Pakistanis, including a young woman Aafiya Siddiqui, to the US
without the due process of law, who allowed the murder of Benazir Bhutto
by withdrawing security and then presided over the cover-up; to one who
should be held responsible for the deaths of several hundred Pakistanis
including those who died on May 12, 2007 in Karachi
But it would be wrong to single him out for Pakistans descent to
the brink of a failed state. Musharraf represents the mindset of those
arrogant and megalomaniac generals who consider themselves a special
breed that is above any law and accountable to no one. This breed was
responsible for the ignominious surrender on Dec 16, 1971
Pakistan cannot repair these deep wounds by pretending that
there is nothing wrong or that Musharraf received bad advice or made
some mistakes. No individual or army can be a substitute for the collective
wisdom that the politicians are forced to choose as the modus operandi
because democracy, no matter how imperfect, cannot function otherwise.
Collective wisdom and decision-making processes may not appear to be
particularly efficient but serve as a safety valve to prevent disasters like the
1971 defeat.
The malaise of military rule is cancerous and deep, and may prove
fatal. It needs a surgical operation and the operation must start at the top. It
must start with an open trial by a judicial commission that should
consist of only non-PCO judges. It will need to be followed by a healing
process but healing does not and cannot start before any operation.
870

Dr Tariq Hassan criticized the tradition of granting indemnities to

dictators. Benazir Bhutto was ready to exchange indemnity with Gen
Pervez Musharraf five years ago. She succeeded in obtaining indemnity
for herself and her husband last year from Musharraf who promulgated the
controversial NRO on the pretext of promoting national reconciliation.
It is not surprising, therefore, to observe the PPP considering
granting indemnity to Musharraf, if, in the words of its law minister, it
is in the national interest even though the PPPs Senate leader, Raza
Rabbani, has categorically stated that the coalition partners had agreed not to
indemnify Musharraf.
The PPPs intention with regard to granting indemnity to
Musharraf is best gauged from its proposed constitution amendment
package. The package includes the text of Article 270AAA, which was first
introduced by Musharraf himself as part of his Constitution (Amendment)
Order in Nov 2007. Article 270AAA is similar to existing Articles 270A and
270AA
The move to introduce Article 270AAA through parliament, which is
now unlikely to succeed, given the fact that the sword of Damocles is no
longer hanging over the parliament after Musharrafs departure. Under the
changed circumstances, the PPP may not be able to muster the two-thirds
majority required for a constitutional amendment. It may consequently
resort to the promulgation of and ordinary law for granting indemnity to
Musharraf as a quid pro quo for the NRO. The question, however, arises
whether it can legally do so.
Parliaments power to legislate is delimited by the Constitution A
nine-member bench of the Supreme Court has in Liaqat Hussain vs
Federation of Pakistan given an unequivocal judgment on the issue of
indemnity. It has held that Article 237 does not cover indemnification for
acts done during the period of martial law
The 2007 proclamation of emergency was a form of martial law since
it was made by Musharraf in his capacity as chief of army staff and not in
the exercise of his powers as the president under the Emergency Provisions
of the Constitution. Parliament does not, therefore, have the power to grant
him indemnity. He would not be entitled to any indemnity despite the
PCO courts feeble attempt to justify such action on the basis of necessity
in the above-noted case.
It is incumbent upon the parliament to ensure that any law it makes
does not disregard, violate or otherwise contravene the fundamental rights of
871

the citizens of Pakistan. In the present case, it cannot be in the national

interest to provide constitutional or legislative indemnity to Musharraf.
On the contrary, such move would not be in accordance with the
fundamental right of the equality of citizens as guaranteed by the
Constitution. It would be discriminatory since it would provide unequal
protection of law to a single individual.
Given that indemnity is not possible, what then are Musharrafs
choices? He could consider self-exile and seek political asylum. His
omnipotent self-image may not, however, permit him to exercise this option.
He may alternatively consider admitting his repeated constitutional and legal
infractions perhaps in part due to the advice of his legal team and seek
reconciliation on the basis of the truth (which principle is incidentally
lacking in the NRO).
Judging from his self-righteous attitude and defiant resignation
speech, it is unlikely that he will resort to this option. The only remaining
option for him is to contest legal proceedings in a manner befitting an
honourable soldier. As such, he must be ready to bravely face trial and, if
found guilty, either suffer punishment or seek presidential pardon under
Article 45 of the Constitution.
Ayesha T Haq observed that the rulers generally fear accountability.
The new government has been in place for five months and has done
little else than give the nation deadline after deadline. It has done nothing
but take us around and around the mulberry bush. Our heads are spinning
and we are looking for answers to all the questions we have asked. The
government for its part has become adept at stalling the issue and the PMLN together with the other coalition partners have been complicit in letting
this happen time after time. Surely its time we moved away from the politics
of old, politics of revenge and of fear and concentrated our efforts on the
politics of accountability, of building and developing institutions, of
everyone being subject to rather than above the law.
Let us find a president who is impartial and has integrity and is
not tainted with financial malfeasance. And more importantly, let us find a
president who is a democrat, who would never invite the army in, who
would never use Article 58-2(b) and who would keep the two coalition
parties together for the next four and a half years so that the people can make
their choices rather than have them made for them as has happened through
the 1990s.

872

We have a brave and fearless judge and we have a party co-chair

who fears his reinstatement. Pakistan is in a bad place and needs clear,
fearless and capable leadership to take it forward. It needs strong
institutions. It needs to lay a solid foundation on which the state can be built.
It needs a democrat for a president. Who, if anyone, should resign? Or is it
possible that we may be fortunate enough to see a coming of age where fear
is lost in the comfort of strong and protective state structures which are the
hallmark of a true democracy.
Murad M Khan observed that the disgraceful exit failed in taking out
the soldier and the dictator out of Musharraf. Many dictators also suffer
from paranoia, a feeling that others are against them and must be
eliminated. Hitler showed many traits of paranoia, as did Stalin and Saddam
Hussein. It makes them more and more isolated and insular and as they near
their political demise they become more and more bizarre both in thinking
and behaviour. We have countless examples
Some of the responses we have heard from our own retired
general reflects this line of thinking. The hosing down of Benazirs
assassination site was inefficiency, Benazir was unpopular with the army,
the West is obsessed with democracy, while the response to a senior
London-based journalist who asked a few uncomfortable was that it was a
good idea to have a couple of people fix him.
A dictators military background, particularly if he has had special
training (special forces, survival course, commando training etc.) makes it
difficult for him to think otherwise. It makes him rigid in his approach with a
never surrender attitude. To him every encounter is a battle and the enemy
must be vanquished. Using terms as tactical, strategic, mission,
operational and campaign; even when discussing issues that have nothing
to do with the military are indicative of this. You can take a man out of the
army; you can never take the army out of the man!
Even dictators physical appearance is important. Dictators
frequently try to look younger than their years. This also contributes to
their self-image and ego. Imagine if dictators stopped dyeing their hair.
White haired, they would look very different and their whole appearance
would undergo a drastic change
Unfortunately, it is almost impossible to change this line of flawed
thinking, as dictators do not think there is anything wrong with their way of
thinking. Hence most dictators are removed either violently or forced

873

out. This is what history teaches us. Let there be no doubt about it. Those
who doubt this need only remember Aug 18, 2008.
Cyril Almeida indulged in assessing his legacy. Now that he is gone,
his legacy will be debated If Musharraf is at fault he is at fault for being a
dictator, not for being a failed dictator which is the crux of critics
complaint. A dictator is a dictator. And no amount of subsequent
goodness can ever overcome that.
But the people cheered on the dictator when he first arrived, so we
need to descend from lofty ideals to more pedestrian measures: was he good
for politics? No. Forget his seven-point agenda, his four-point strategy and
his eight-year regime for a moment. The most devastating, straightforward
assessment of his effect on politics is a statement of fact: his last rites as a
politician were read by the very political leaders he sought to bury eight
years ago. Coming full circle cannot be a success, especially when it is the
opposite of the plan. The three-stage transition to democracy that Musharraf
laid out eventually became a three-step ouster of himself.
After finding Nawaz and the PPP leaders no different from Musharraf,
Almeida concluded: But the public knows that good people can make bad
decisions and bad people can make good decisions. Which does the
country need more: good decision or good people? Both are a luxury the
people know they cannot have. That complex matrix of decisions good and
bad, right and wrong is the only space in which Musharraf can properly
and honestly be assessed. And honesty demands we acknowledge that any
assessment can never be objective because the issues are too important, the
stakes are too high and we are too close to it all.
What is good is that Musharraf is gone. To a genuine democrat he
was never welcome in the first place. But to assess him on the basis of that
ideal is meaningless because the people themselves have rejected that
touchstone. There is a more prosaic reason to welcome his departure though:
Musharraf was producer of our system; his mistake was to believe that its
constraints were not applicable to him.
Tasneem Siddiqui wrote: Now our focus should be on impeaching
the system. The system is like proverbial dog in the village well. It will not
be cleansed if we take out a few pots of water. We have to throw out the dog
first. In order to elaborate this point, let us take three basic areas of our
national life i.e. the structure and functioning of political parties, the
administration of justice and our economy, and see what needs to be done.

874

First, lets take our electoral system. Most of our political parties
are at best personalized institutions. Quite a few of them have been
converted into family dynasties, where the mantle is passed from one
generation to the next. Even if internal elections are held, they are nothing
but a farce as the top leadership remains the same. A common ailment
afflicts them all.
No party member dares to challenge the word of the leader, no
internal debates are encouraged, and there is no merit-based system of
promotion from the junior rungs of the ladder to the echelons. The parties do
not have any active think tanks to try and find solutions to problems like
sustainable growth, social development, housing, health and education.
Most constituencies are family fiefdoms with members of the same
family elected at the tehsil, district, provincial and federal levels, year after
year. They resist any fundamental change that may threaten their power
base. It is not surprising that they are supporters of the status quo, because it
ensures their constant hold on power, and provides them with pelf and
privilege.
Next, take the judiciary and the administration of criminal
justice. The lawyers movement is commendable and we have hardly
witnessed anything like this previously in Pakistan. Their cause the
independence of the judiciary and the rule of law is lofty and noble.
However, hardly anyone is striving for the reform of the entire
judicial system. No one is addressing the ailments that are hampering the
process of the delivery of justice. No one is talking about how judges are
appointed, how cases are fixed, how much money is paid to the staff at every
step, why abnormal delays take place and whether the poor can afford to
seek justice under the present system
Last but not least, take a look at the economy. It is an admitted
fact that we are in dire circumstances and millions of people are facing the
scourge of runaway inflation and rising unemployment. This is not because
Pakistan is a resource-poor country. The basic problem is that our
conventional planning, development and distribution would be deeply
flawed. It has not worked in the past and will not work in the future. We
have to impeach the current paradigm and look for alternative models which
have worked in many countries and changed the lives of the people in one
generation
It is high time we realize that merely a change of face is not going
to work. Our ruling class must redefine the role of the state and the first
875

priority must be to make its writ effective. At the same time, civil society
must exert pressure on those who are in a position of power and make them
accountable on a continuing basis.
S M Naseem asked for looking beyond the general. This became
increasingly credible as, one after another, the provincial assemblies passed
a resolution endorsing the impeachment threat with overwhelming majority.
Yet the president believed it was an empty threat to force him to tender
his resignation and to bully him with the prospect of suffering the ultimate
humiliation, which he presumed the army would not countenance.
The president had played and won these poker games before by
pretending he had a much stronger hand than his opponents. Unfortunately,
this time he was caught short as most of his former colleagues deserted
him. The coalition also finally called his bluff that the US and the army
chief were behind him
Once that happened nothing could save him from the ignominy of
impeachment. While strongly denying the rumours about his resignation,
he cleverly arranged his own deal whose details, like those of other
deals, may remain shrouded in secrecy for some time. Thus he hopes to
escape his inevitable fate.
Ironically, those who let him get away with a modicum of decorum
including a hurriedly arranged guard of honour were the same foreign
actors through whom he had conducted the infamous deal to get
Benazir Bhutto back in Pakistan a year ago. Of course, he reneged
midway on this agreement with the connivance of Dick Cheney as revealed
by Tom Suskind.
In his broadcast announcing his decision to resign, the retired general
was not only unrepentant about his nine-year record of political and
economic mistakes and misdemeanors which have been chronicled and
discussed in great detail by investigative journalists and analysts during the
past few years. He also attempted to justify them as being in the best interest
of the people. Only towards the end of his broadcast did he admit to
being a human being capable of making mistakes and causing hurt to
others, without specifying any in particular
However, it would be wrong to get carried away by empty slogans
of accountability and the prosecution of Musharraf and his cabal for
treason, the violation of the Constitution and for human rights abuses. What
must, however, be done, at the very minimum, is to set up a high-powered
commission of eminent persons (rather than retired bureaucrats) to enquire
876

into the causes and consequences of military takeovers and the means of
fire-walling the democratic framework to protect it from the intrusion of
military and foreign powers.
Much more important for gaining the confidence of the people in
the coalitions earnestness to solve its problems is the agreement to work
as a cohesive team with well-defined ministerial responsibilities. The
challenging tasks of rebuilding the presently dysfunctional institutions of
economic development and reducing elitist biases in public policy on
poverty alleviation, health and social welfare, including education, labour
and womens advancement and empowerment need to be met
For these fundamental changes to be brought about, the major
coalition partners must evolve a common agenda with periodic oversight at
the highest level and with the collaboration of the best available technical
expertise in the country and among concerned expatriates abroad with
commitment to national welfare. Now is the time for all good men and
women to come to the aid of our country.
I A Rehman visualized as to what was awaiting for politicians. The
wave of exultation that swept the country following Gen Pervez Musharrafs
resignation can easily be appreciated. For the first time in the countrys
history a usurper of state power had been obliged to quit through a
constitutional process, an indirect expression of the peoples will.
Mr Pervez Musharrafs exit has given the people the feeling that
it was they who decided the matter in the polling booths on Feb 18,
numerous complaints of unfair means to thwart their will notwithstanding.
They wished the change in the presidency to have occurred soon after the
new government was installed. However, it is no use blaming the coalition
leaders for delaying the proceedings against Mr Musharraf by four months.
One may give them the benefit of the doubt that perhaps what became
possible in the middle of Aug 2008 could not have been accomplished
earlier. If wearing down the powerful Musharraf lobby was their strategy, it
clicked and they are entitled to claim credit for that.
The address was like an accuseds statement in his own defence.
He did not say a word about the 1999 takeover, the sack of the judiciary, the
missing persons, the so-called emergency, or the manipulation to secure his
own re-election. By building his defence wholly on claims of economic
development he betrayed his inability to comprehend the dynamics of
democracy.

877

The problem with Mr Musharraf was his failure to see why his
continuance in office could not be countenanced. The simple fact is he
had become a symbol of the peoples bondage in their own land. He himself
wrote the script of his downfall with the misadventures of March 9 and Nov
3 last year. No ruler can afford to ignore the limits of arrogance.
The ruling coalition partners cannot afford to lose any time on
barren name-calling or futile posturing. No scapegoat is there now on
whom they can fasten their sins of commission and omission. The exit of a
common adversary should not make the coalition partners neglectful of the
need to strengthen their mutual understanding. Nobody should have any
illusions that the crises Pakistan faces today are beyond the capacity of any
single party or any narrow-based alliance to solve.
They will not be overcome until all political groups pool their
wisdom and resources and launch a concerted and coordinated campaign to
salvage the state. From now on the ruling parties will be subjected to
stricter tests not only by the standards of efficiency but also with regard to
the norms of integrity, austerity and concern for have-nots.
The immediate challenges before the coalition government, even
while it sorts out the most urgent issue of the judges restoration, are mostly
related to the peoples basic interests. The militants who are abusing the
religious sentiments of certain groups for their political ends pose a threat to
peoples fundamental rights and no effort must be spared to beat off this
threat. The state must guarantee all its citizens and other persons present in
the country security of life, liberty, privacy and basic freedoms
Above all, a continuous, frank and purposeful dialogue with the
citizens must be maintained at all possible levels because, if nothing else,
the government wont survive without the peoples active support, nor will it
be able to ensure that it has seen off the last of the praetorian adventurers.
Only four days after the resignation, Murtaza Razvi observed that
Pakistani nation has marched back to square one. Five days went by
between President Musharrafs resignation and the ensuing debate on the
restoration of the judges among coalition partners. Now another five are
sought to draft, move and possibly get the resolution approved in the
National Assembly before any, some or all the judges can be hoped to be
restored. Mr Sharif said his understanding was that by Wednesday next
the whole process would be completed, while Mr Khan interjected to say
that once the resolution was tabled the debate could stretch into Friday.

878

It is clear that while the tabling of a resolution in the NA and a debate

on it are pledged, the restoration of the judges sacked on Nov 3, 2007 by
President Musharraf is not. That is why perhaps Mr Sharif was quick to add
that his party would wait until Wednesday; if all the judges are restored the
coalition holds, if not his party would walk out of government.
While Mr Zardaris smooth-operator politics since the Feb election
has come in for a lot of debate, Mr Sharifs strategy of tagging along while
threatening to quit the coalition has attracted little attention. Indeed the
posturing on both sides has invited much scrutiny but substantially little has
been surmised from it. This is because Mr Zardari plays the more
interesting, guessing game, while Mr Sharif seems to say it as it is. But is it
really as it is?
The politics of brinkmanship is painting neither side pretty. Five
months into the government and the coalition has yet to make its presence
felt. Giving his posturing on the issue all this time, has Mr Zardari finally
had what will appear to be a change of heart on the judges reinstatement?
Or has he used it to extract maximum concessions out of the PML-N
securing the presidency for his party, letting Mr Musharraf off without
accountability under foreign pressure and undertakings? So be it. It is time
the government got on with the business of effectively running the country.
But given the PPP co-chairmans persona, these sound too logical,
optimistic and, to many charitable conclusions to be drawn from the events
as they have unfolded since he has taken charge of the partys affairs. Two
of the PPPs most devout and intelligent leaders Makhdoom Amin Fahim
and Barrister Aitzaz Ahsan, respectively, have been giving odd vibes.
While the Makhdoom admittedly has shaky legs to stand on within or
outside his party in the aftermath of his disagreements with Mr Zardari since
after the Feb election, the barrister has been very cautious not to severe his
links with the party even as he vociferously lobbies for the restoration of
Justice Chaudhry. That Mr Ahsan is a man of logic and proven integrity is
the only hope that something good and reassuring may come out of the
debate in the NA over the judges issue. If not, the country will see more
chaos in the weeks ahead.
Ilhan Niaz feared that Pakistan risked descending into gang rule. It is
precisely this arbitrariness and proprietor attitude towards the state, which
manifests itself in efforts by the executive, under civilian and military
regimes alike, to reduce autonomous institutions to the stature of servile
instruments.
879

Unless steps are taken to reform the attitude of the elite towards
power; the risk of Pakistan descending into gang rule and insurgency
will continue to increase. As a process this reform can only be taken from
the top by an enlightened parliament that understands that it stands to lose
everything if the state apparatus continues to be operated arbitrarily.
The Dawn talked of unending judicial crisis. The coalition at the
centre is raven with tensions barely 24 hours after forcing the president
to resign, the ANP and the JUI-F have tried to paper over the cracks and buy
more time for the PPP and the PML-N to work out their differences on the
judges issue but there is no denying that the Friday deadline is being eyed
with dread by politicians and analysts.
This seemingly straightforward commitment is complicated by the
fact that the Murree Declaration deadline passed because the PPP and the
PML-N could not agree on the method for the restoration of the judges. So,
in essence, the debate is back to square one: should the non-functional
judges be restored with the powers they held on Nov 2, 2007, or should a
constitutional package amend the powers of the judiciary at the same time as
restoring the non-functional judges? Understanding this debate is difficult
because it has been conducted behind the scenes and the only comments are
made by anonymous political sources with vested interests.
Some observations are in order though. The PPP Co-chairman Asif
Ali Zardari is playing a dangerous game by saying one thing and doing
another. The transition to democracy is as much a test of the democratic
forces in the country as the undemocratic ones. The importance of an
independent judiciary can not be disputed. Since the sacking of the non-PCO
judges symbolized an attack by an autocratic strongman on the
independence of the judiciary, the judges must be restored and the sooner it
is the better.
If Mr Zardari puts his signature to communiqus, declarations and
other watertight commitments but then turns around and treats them as
political agreements that can be renegotiated he is reinforcing the
stereotype of venal, duplicitous politicians, which drains away so much of
the credibility of the democratic process. Nawaz Sharif, meanwhile, needs
to step back from his politics of brinkmanship. Without a doubt Mr Sharif
has some reason to feel aggrieved, having wrangled commitments from Mr
Zardari on the judges issue to no avail so far.
However, politics ought to be separated from policy-making and
governance. At the moment, by keeping the PML-N ministers out of the
880

cabinet, Mr Sharif is holding governance hostage to politics. The PML-N

ought to demonstrate the same flexibility it had shown earlier. Mr Sharif and
Mr Zardari no doubt aspire to statesmanship; the next few days will tell us if
they are ready for it.
Ghazi Salahuddin despised the dreadful deadlines. It would be
pointless to remind our rulers that they were swept into power, without
any doubt, by the tide that was raised by the lawyers, the media and the
civil society activists after that defiance shown by Chief Justice Iftikhar
Chaudhry on March 9, 2007. It is undeniable that without the lawyers
movement, the outcome that we had on February 18 this year would not be
possible.
It would be a great tragedy if this movement is not fully vindicated
and the consequences are bound to be dreadful in terms of our survival as a
democracy. We still have not come to terms with the loss of East Pakistan.
One aching regret is that our politicians did not mobilize public opinion in
West Pakistan about what was happening in the eastern wing of the country.
This time, though, the people have spoken. But can our present rulers
hear this voice?
The News wrote: There is, at least, a need to take the people into
confidence about what is happening. If the PPP is unwilling to restore all
the judges, it should have the moral courage to come forward and place its
case before the people. If it truly faces external restraints, it must come clean
about these too. The dialogues in drawing rooms have gone on for too long.
As they continue events seem to be spiraling out of control. As was the case
five months ago, there is grave uncertainty over whether the coalition can
survive. More and more people now believe it will break within hours.
This uncertainty could end if the judges were restored according
to the reported written agreement signed by Asif Ali Zardari and Nawaz
Sharif. If this is not done, the fall-out could be ugly. Politicians need to
realize that with each hour and each day that passes, people who face bomb
blasts, crippling inflation and a general sense of despair, grow more distant
from their government. The lack of credibility has now widened to form an
immense chasm. There is now no time left for further dirty politicking.
Pakistans concerns must be put first before all hope in democracy fritters
away leaving behind only staring darkness.
Excerpts from the article of Karamatullah K Ghori are reproduced to
sum up the discussion. While the civilian government was entitled to selfcongratulate itself on having rid the country of the most prominent symbol
881

of a discredited ancient regime the gift sent to it by GHQ that August 18

afternoon had a message written all over the gift packing. Wrapped in the
colourful guard-of-honour, with which his military colleagues sent him off to
retirement, was a missive meant for Pakistans putative ruling elite: dont
forget where the buck stops in the country. Well the buck in Pakistan has
been stopping at the gates of GHQ
Musharraf would have stood his guns and not budged from the hole
hed dug himself into had his two crutches Washington and GHQ not
given up and told him to stop leaning on them. It became an open secret in
Washington that, after last months visit of Prime Minister Yusuf Raza
Gilani, Bush had given him the green light to ease Musharraf out. But
the nod came with a caveat: do it with dignity and grace.
Musharraf had to go but there would be no accountability or
impeachment, because that would have opened up too many Pandora boxes
to the distaste of Bush and his war-on-terror minions. The Sunday Times of
London encapsulated Washingtons umbrage at any kind of trial of
Musharraf in parliament or courts of law succinctly: Bush didnt relish
his dirty linen being washed in the open.
In the end, all that loud thunder and bombastic coming out of the
ruling coalitions two stalwarts, Zardari and Nawaz Sharif, ran out of
steam. It fizzled out because the enormous pressure brought upon them from
within Pakistan, i.e. the GHQ, and from the likes of Bush and the Custodian
of the Two Holy Places in Saudi Arabia.
Zardari wasnt a problem for his handlers. He was, so to speak,
in the bag from the beginning because hed, and still has, a personal
interest in Musharraf being not humiliated or hounded out too brazenly.
Zardari feared, and still does, the spilling of beans robbing him of the preeminent position of the kingmaker that he has become in modern Pakistan.
Nawaz, more pointedly garrulous and insistent in his demand to
bring Musharraf to book for settling various scores with him, no doubt
was taken care of by the emissary from the Kingdom. Its intelligence
chief, Prince Muqrin, was rushed to Pakistan to make sure Nawaz got the
message and fell in line behind the curtain-drop scenario so meticulously
choreographed to the last detail.
George W Bush, to give him credit, did all he could to see to it that
his most reliable and faithful ally in the war against terror wasnt humiliated
or dragged through the mud. Ideally, Bush would have preferred that
Musharraf could have lasted as long as his mentor was in the White House.
882

However, in the maelstrom enveloping Pakistan, this is about the best

denouncement, from Washingtons point of interest, of a frontline soldier
who didnt hesitate to take his country to the pits in order to earn the
accolades from his mentors and minders.
But the icing on the cake for Musharraf was, without an iota of
doubt, the impressive last salute mounted for him by detachments of all the
defence services of Pakistan Why the GHQ military brass elected to
honour and dignify a disgraced president is no riddle. In half a century of
unstinted mastery of the country, including its political fortunes, the army
has become addicted to having its way, whenever it so desired.
Bonapartism is alive and kicking, and there should be no mistake of ignoring
it, especially by those at the helm of the nations affairs.
So there we are at a new cross-roads in Pakistan; not for the first
time, for sure, and not for the last. Musharraf will not stay on in Pakistan
where even the GHQ may not be able to ensure his security of life In all
likelihood, he would end up in the US, where he has family and may feel
more secure than anywhere else in the world, because of it being far from
where his blood-thirsty nemeses thrive.
Its ironic that Pakistans ruling culture that has made horrible, and
repeated, examples of its civilian leadersis so helpless when it comes to
holding a general accountable. And that, too, in the case of a Bonaparte who
made minced-meat of law of the land, trod over its constitution with disdain
and trampled over the sanctity of the high judiciary of the country. That hes
being allowed to go scot-free is the abject ground reality.
Zardari and Nawaz Sharif have been left with the task of picking up
the pieces of Pakistans political mirror trashed by Musharraf, in addition to
licking their wounds. In fact, its only Nawaz thats saddled with the double
jeopardy of licking his wounds and trying to keep his mercurial and
maverick coalition big-brother Zardari in check.
Zardaris interest is well-guarded with the turn of events where
theres going to be no impeachment or accountability of Musharraf,
because his wagon had been hitched with Musharraf for sometime. He has
also been playing catch-me-if-can with Nawaz for months, and flipflopping with impunity. Zardari has been brazenly opportunistic and
unprincipled as far as the sanctity of his numerous pacts and pledges with
Nawaz Sharif is concerned.
The latest victim of Zardaris habitual disregard of accords
reached in faith with Nawaz is the two-page written agreement of
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August 7 that pledged the PPP government to restore the 60-odd superior
court judges, including Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry, within 24 hours of
Musharrafs exit from the presidency. That has already fallen by the
wayside.
Zardaris dismal track record on promises and pledges gives
little hope of this latest somersault bearing fruit. He has a congenital fear
of a rehabilitated Justice Chaudhry puncturing his balloon and bringing it
down to earth. That explains his latest tack to seek a blanket indemnity for
all of Musharrafs ultra-constitutional excesses so that the NRO that gave a
new lease to Zardari remains beyond the reach of a conscientious judiciary.
How would the jigsaw puzzle of Pakistan look now that Musharraf is gone?
There is hardly any hope of an early revival of fortunes, despite the villain
being no longer in contention.
The Zardari-Nawaz entente is a marriage of convenience that will
unravel, sooner than later, because of the constant restrain on its
resilience. Barring the unlikely miracle of Zardari mending his devious
ways, a parting of ways could come as early as next week or fortnight over
who should be anointed to inherit Musharrafs dubious bequest at the
presidency. Sensing that eventually the Q-League and MQM are seeking
ways to ingratiate themselves with the kingmaker; MQM has unabashedly
endorsed Zardari for President.
But all is not downhill for Nawaz and his setup. Because of its
consistently occupying the high moral ground on the restoration of judges,
Nawaz League has gained significantly in public esteem, just as the graph of
the Zardari-controlled PPP has slid downward. Fresh elections would
become unavoidable in the event of a likely impasse in governance as a
consequence of Zardari-Nawaz split. Nawaz would be a sure bet to reap a
rich bonanza from his current pedestal.
So more confusion and quandary galore at the national stage is what
the pundit sees in his crystal ball for the days and weeks ahead. The US, our
quintessential neighbour would be uneasy to the hilt and breathing
down our neck to do more as was unrelenting demand off Musharraf.

REVIEW
In a farewell speech one tends to abide by some etiquettes. Some of
those are that the person bidding farewell generally avoids self-praise
leaving that for others; welcomes the successors saying encouraging words;

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wishes the audience well in general; and above all, tends to reflect on sincere
feelings avoiding telling lies. All of these were missing from Musharrafs
address to the nation.
His speech was a pack of lies; only some are mentioned herein. He
boasted that he had never been vindictive against anyone. He could not be
more blatant in telling a lie than making such a claim; ask Justice Iftikhar
Mohammad Chaudhry.
Two-thirds of his speech was an enumeration of his achievements.
Some of the achievements mentioned were construction of cultural centre
and establishment of an academy of performing arts. What a shame that a
man who ruled the country for nearly a decade had to present achievements
not even worthy of a city mayor.
He felt no shame in blaming the present coalition government for
slump in stock exchange and in the value of rupee. This lie was thrown into
his face immediately after the announcement of his resignation; the rupee
improved against dollar and KSE gained 400 points. Even during his speech
the stock exchange kept fluctuating with the sentence uttered by him.
He did not say a word about March 9, May 12, July 20, November 3
and so on. But, he tried his best to instigate the people against the coalition
government. He claimed that his popularity was at 86 percent; and still
counting. Certainly, he lived in a place beyond the proverbial fools paradise.
His meanness touched new heights when he bid farewell to the nation whom
he was addressing. He said Pakistan ka Khuda he hafiz. These are words
always said sarcastically. These convey no sincere feelings; what a pity!
Musharraf, however, kept the audience guessing throughout his
speech about his future designs. It was full of suspense like a commando
thriller till he came to the point. Alas! He took too long to understand the
obvious that he was not the solution but part of the problem.
Musharrafs resignation raised many questions in the minds of
Pakistanis. First, what did he gain from getting himself elected
unconstitutionally and destroying superior judiciary in the process; nine
months of disgrace before making even more disgraceful exit.
Why did the brave commando bolt in the face of an impeachment and
opted for safe exit of resignation? Musharrafs survival depended on the
support of the United States and Pakistan Army. The former abandoned him
during Gilanis visit to Washington and the latter had to follow the steps of

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the former. Probably, the PCO-judiciary also read the direction of wind
correctly.
Musharraf did not learn from the history of Whiteman of the United
States. He must have now learnt that Americans maintain their slaves as long
as slaves muscles are strong. Once the muscles get weak, like horses, they
cast and destroy them.
Should the crimes of Musharraf be indemnified? Ideally, he should be
sentenced through a fair trial. But, the PPP would never do that because the
party owed its re-emergence to the NRO. Zardari is under obligation to
reciprocate Musharrafs this reconciliatory gesture.
The strength of the arguments against the trial generally revolved
around the gravity of the prevalent situation. Opponents of trial emphasize
the need to look to the future. But, things will never change unless and until
some thick necks are roped in.
The trial would also save the Pirzadas in their energetic eighties from
falling in the category of the jobless. The must be paid back for their
services to Pakistan and its people. The poor old duo has lost a permanent
source of income; they should be helped.
If PPP regime fails to do something in this context, they should entice
Musharraf to file a petition in the Supreme Court to revoke his resignation
that he was coerced to do so. But this time they have to be satisfied with
lesser fees as coffers of public money are no more at the disposal of their
favourite client.
For the people of Pakistan there is not much to rejoice over
termination of the services of Musharraf the Mercenary by the Crusaders.
They have achieved almost all that they wanted in the context of Musharraf.
They have now installed a new team of mercenaries to achieve the
remaining goals which could not be achieved in the presence of Musharraf,
or it was not considered appropriate to do so. Their agenda was made
evident by a US weekly by writing Goodbye Iraq; Hello Pakistan!
While PML-N remained focused on, some call it obsessed with, the
restoration of judges, the PPP scrounged maximum political gains on other
important issues. Zardari cleverly and successfully used this issue as a
bargaining chip. In addition, Zardari also seemed to be getting sadistic
pleasure from dragging this issue.
The latest development was induction of JUI-F and ANP leaders as
mediators also. The induction of Fazl, the hypocrite with broadest beard, and
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Asfandyar, third generation follower of Gandhi, as quasi-mediators wont

serve the cause of judges or Nawaz.
The duo from NWFP has come out with another formula of deadline.
This coincides with the date of filing of nomination papers for the
Presidency; virtually leaving no room for PML-N for political manoeuvring
on this important issue.
Quite astonishingly, the PPP has agreed to restoration through
resolution in NA which it had been opposing for the last many months. This
indicated revision of the plan in connivance of with the forces of hypocrisy
and Gandhism from the troublesome province of NWFP.
There seemed to be two possibilities. One, tabling of the resolution
and then rejecting it, thereby dumping the judges issue for good in a
democratic way; but this could invite severe criticism. Two, resort to
selective restoration on the lines the PPP has been conniving with Musharraf
and a summary to that effect had been signed by him recently.
Fazl said Zardari had apprised him about the difficulties related to the
reinstatement of the deposed CJP and other judges. He said that the forces
that had cooperated during the impeachment/resignation process have
expressed the reservations on this count.
Who could be these powers whom Zardari wanted to oblige even by
going back on his undertaking in writing and pledges made on the Holy
Book? These are Army and the US. The present COAS has been the in
charge of ISI which has been hauling Pakistanis for selling and the US in
turn has detained and tortured these purchased men and women.
The fate of many of these is not known. They are the missing
persons whose cases were taken up by the deposed judges. Army chief and
America would never like the reinstatement of these militant judges. As
regards swearing on Holy Book, in some parts of Pakistan the Books utility
is limited to this and marrying some spinsters with it.
Nawaz Sharif has got himself bitten too many times from the Zardarihole. This is no wisdom. Has he acquired immunity to the venom or has he
become venom addict? He has lost too much of ground to save his political
future (eligibility case), apart from the stand on principle, and Punjab has
also lost in the process. Apparently, PM and COAS are from the largest
province but the former looks after the interests of Zardari and the latter
serves the supreme interests of the US.

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Did the brave commando deliberately deliver the final punch in the
form of Zardari? Possibly, yes. With Zardari in the Presidency; Latif Khosa
as Attorney General; and hordes of PCO judges ever-ready to oblige the
executive; leave future of the deposed judges as well as Nawaz and his party
quite bleak.
Some analysts and leaders of lawyers movement have been
repeatedly quoting Benazirs statements on reinstatement of the deposed
judges and have been arguing that if she were alive she would have restored
them. This argument denies the established reputation of the couple. She
would have been even more treacherous than the lesser part of the couple.
24th August 2008

DIVORCED AT LAST
Exactly one week after Musharraf announced his resignation, Nawaz
Sharif was compelled to opt for dissolution of the marriage of
(in)convenience. The analysts had been predicting that this marriage wont
last for long, but they never expected that divorce would come before the
marriage was consumed. The union bound by the Musharraf-glue had to end
that way.
In no time after the withdrawal of PML-N from the coalition in the
centre, the dams of goodwill, the two major coalition partners had been
building, busted. Short of name calling or using four letter-words the two
sides blamed each other for the separation.
Zardari was fully prepared for this surprise. It was in no way an
unpleasant for him. Separations, political or matrimonial, never caused any

888

worry to the man. He wasted no time in moving on; this time to the
Presidency not to a flat in Manhattan.

EVENTS
On 24th August, the PML-N insisted on timeframe for restoration of
judges; the PPP refused to oblige. PML-N representatives did no attend the
meeting of committee assigned with the task of framing the constitution.
ANP supported Zardari for presidency and JUI-F made it conditional to
ceasefire in tribal areas. Gilani met Pagara, the latter refused to vote for
Zardari but would not oppose. Fazl said the restoration of judges wasnt a
pressing issue.
Next day, Nawaz Sharif announced PML-Ns decision to pull out of
the coalition in the centre in a crowded press conference. He also showed the
agreement documents and the condition under which these were signed. He
regretted that Zardari failed to keep his word repeatedly. He also announced
that Justice Saeeduzzaman would be PML-Ns candidate for Presidency.
The smiling scoundrel pretended shedding tears over Nawazs
decision to part his way from the coalition. He mentioned the internal and
external pressures on him against restoration of deposed judges. He
requested Nawaz Sharif to come back and join democratic forces. Another
scoundrel sitting in London also expressed similar feelings.
NWFP Assembly supported Zardaris candidacy. Balochistan coalition
also backed Zardari. PML-Q named Mushahid Hussain as its candidate for
Presidency. Q and N Leagues established the contact to mend the fences.
Latif Khosa said the summary signed by Musharraf about reinstatement of
SHC judges could be implemented. Lawyers vowed intensifying their
protests. Swiss prosecutor closed probe against Zardari and the money in
dispute would be handed over to Swiss government.
On 26th August, nomination papers of Zardari, Saeeduzzaman and
Mushahid for presidential elections were filed; Mushahid opted for not
having any cover candidate. PPP and PML-N made contacts with PML-Q
but the party preferred solo flight. The regime planned to restore judges in
piecemeal on modalities that had been worked out by Musharraf.
The US administration questioned Khalilzad over contacting Zardari
on telephone. They were reported to be friends. The daily Telegraph report,
based on court documents, revealed that Zardari suffered from serious
illnesses of dementia and depressive disorder. His real disorder is that he
889

forgets the crimes he has committed and promises he made; otherwise his
memory seemed quite sharp.
Next day, eight deposed judges of SHC were reappointed and sworn
in. Earlier, Justice Anwer Zaheer Jamali took oath as the chief justice.
Lawyers community resented governments offer and regretted its
acceptance by the honourable judges.
The PPP regime stepped up efforts to find more judges willing to
indemnify Nov 3 actions by accepting their reappointments; four from
Punjab and two from NWFP were contacted for this purpose. Naek
campaigned for acceptance of the legitimacy of PCO Chief Justice Dogar.
Reportedly, salaries of deposed judges in Punjab were again stopped.
The Laat Sahib, as PML-N leaders preferred to call Punjab Governor,
lost his temper on PML-N over formation of forward bloc in Punjab
Assembly. PPP ministers in Punjab were asked by the party to stop going to
their offices. APDM demanded postponement of presidential election. Imran
Khan and Wajihuddin said Zardari was unfit for presidency. JUI-F came out
with four-point demand regarding Lal Majid and peace in tribal areas for
support to Zardari. Section of US media criticized Nawaz for withdrawing
from the coalition.
On 28th August, papers of three genuine candidates for presidency
were accepted by the ECP. The contacts between PPP and PML-N made at
different levels further widened the gap; instead of reducing it. Zardari
requested Nawaz to withdraw PML-N candidate; Nawaz refused.
Lawyers staged sit-in in all major cities across the country and
demanded restoration of all the judges. Aitzaz warned of more intense
protests if judges were not restored to Nov 2 position. Some young
protesters tore apart the posters of Benazir and Zardari in Islamabad and
shouted anti-Zardari slogans.
A question was raised in the Senate about the legality of hefty
amounts paid to private and government lawyers to defend the case
concerning former President Pervez Musharrafs eligibility to run for the
office of president. The NRO-ed law minister promised (or simply made a
political statement) that he would look into the matter.
Kaira and others of his ilk had no shame in confessing that their
government had received dictation on judges issue from outside. He said
that in a global village one has to listen to others. The same day, Swiss
government released Zardaris $60 million.

890

Next day, Gilani said President and prime minister should be from the
same political party. Sindh Chief Minister arrived in Quetta for securing the
support for Zardari. Mushahid asked Zardari to quit the race for presidency
in national interest. Raja Zafar asked PPP to quit Punjab government. PMLN leader was shot dead in Larkana. Reportedly, Zardari was hiding in PM
House because of threat to his life.
On 30th August, Aftab Sherpao announced his partys support to
Zardari. Fazl fully backed Zardari and said all judges would be restored
gradually leaving Iftikhar and Nawaz alone. Shujaat ruled out any
bargaining over presidential candidate. Zardari said establishment (read
army) was with him and he keeps in mind their sensitivities while taking
decisions. Four deposed judges of LHC were reappointed to join the elite
club oath-takers. Mud-slinging continued while urging that it should not
happen.
Ansar Abbasi reported: Apparently worried, the countrys
establishment has contacted both directly and indirectly, some key political
parties informing them of what it calls its serious concerns over Asif Ali
Zardaris bid for the Presidency. Some serious questions have been raised
about Asif Ali Zardaris success, a fact which now seems inevitable.
One of the key politicians, indirectly approached, however, is
hesitant to react to the alarms raised by the establishment. In a background
interaction, the politician in view of the role of the establishment under
General Musharraf during the last eight years was not sure if the fears
conveyed are a genuine concern or a trap to malign politicians. He too,
however, has his doubts about the credentials of Asif Ali Zardari.
Interestingly, the same establishment, which is today giving negative
signals about the PPP co-chairperson, had played a pivotal role in
negotiating the much condemned deal between Benazir Bhutto and President
Musharraf to the benefit of the latters political future. The NRO that has led
to the withdrawal of all corruption cases against Asif Ali Zardari was part of
the same deal.
He revealed that he has been conveyed that the Americans desire the
removal of several key players of the present establishment. Washington, it
is said, also wants shifting of the ISI and the nuclear command and control
system from under the Defence Ministry.
The source said it is apprehended that the future president would be
asked to make such changes. Several weeks back a senior member of the
Parliament, belonging to the treasury benches, was also asked by the
891

establishment that the latter is getting vibes about the governments intention
to transfer the nuclear command and control system from under the Defence
Ministry.
Both these political sources admit that the establishment including
the Pakistan Army has been neutral and apolitical since the doffing off the
uniform by ex-President Musharraf last year. One of these politicians does
not like to proceed in view of the concerns of the establishment and desires
the political process to take its course.
Let him become the President of Pakistan and if he does anything as
is feared, he would stand exposed through the political process, the
politician said. One of the senior colleagues, who too was present in this
background interaction, wondered if that would not be too late for the
politicians to act.
Political leaders do fear that Asifs eagerness to get hold of all
powers that matter in Pakistan, might become counter productive and end up
in the wrapping up of the whole system. It is alleged that the Americans,
who were behind last years deal between Musharraf and Benazir Bhutto,
have great influence over Asif Ali Zardari. The present governments
decision to protect the ousted dictator from trial and Zardari Houses shyness
to restore the deposed chief justice, were said to be the US dictates, which
are sincerely adhered to.
The dilemma for the political forces, approached by the
establishment, is how to react to the future situation as portrayed before
them. It was discussed that in case the concerns are genuine then whether
paying any heed to the establishments fears would be like encouraging the
apolitical establishment to get politicized yet again.
Or staying inactive would lead to serious threats to the present
system the two politicians, whom this correspondent met in the same sitting,
were found totally puzzled as how to deal with this issue. However, PPP
sources when contacted vehemently denied any American pressure for
changes in the establishment. They also refuted the impression that the
establishment has any kind of fears with regard to the Zardaris role as
president.
The said the PPP was a democratic party and no unilateral drastic
changes in system could be made by a democratic set-up. They said if
America wanted some changes in the establishment, it could have achieved
that objective during the Musharraf rule easily. They said such drastic
changes were easy to be brought in one-man rule
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On 31st August, Gilani succeeded in convincing most political parties

in Balochistan to vote for Zardari. Gilani argued in favour of President and
PM from the same political party. Ex-servicemen demanded postponement
of presidential election till scrapping of the 17th Amendment.
Wattoo said PML-N government in Punjab would collapse if PPP
pulls out. In fact he meant that PPP would pull out only when collapse of
PML-N government would be certain. Malik and PPP ministers called on
Taseer and had constructive discussions on the situation.
Zardari addressed the invitees of dinner in PM House on 1 st
September. He rejoiced over prospects of being President of Pakistan by
taunting that he would carry along with him the siasi nabaligh (immature
politicians). Balochistan Assembly passed a resolution supporting Zardari
for presidency. Eight MPs of PML-Q backed Zardari.
Naek and Khosa delivered a sum of Rs30 million to Punjab Bar
Council as payment of PPP lawyers shouting slogans of shame, shame for
lawyers movement led by Aitzaz, which led to scuffle between PPP and
non-PPP lawyers.
NAB moved an application in court in Rawalpindi on 2 nd September
to reopen graft cases against Sharif brothers. These were the same cases
which Musharraf had reopened before Nawazs first attempt to return to
Pakistan in September last year. Meanwhile, it was also reported that
Rehman Malik has approached Shaikh Rashid for help in sorting out Nawaz
Sharif; perks and privileges for the job offered were not known.
Gilani, who has been hyper active in campaigning for Zardari, said
17 Amendment would be done away. He said that PML-N would be asked
to rejoin the government after reinstatement of all the judges. He ruled out
steps to destabilize Punjab government. PML-N asked PPP to quit Punjab
cabinet; PPP refused. Nawaz said PPP regime would crumble on its own.
th

VIEWS
For people of Pakistan the PPP-PML-N coalition was meaningless
without the restoration of deposed judges. Dr Attiya Maruf from Lahore
wrote: All our hopes and dreams are shattered. The judges issue has been
unnecessarily delayed for one reason or the other. The will to restore the
judges lacks on the part of the government. The reason behind it is the
infamous NRO.

893

The people of Pakistan have been betrayed. The picture looks

gloomy. All this reminds me of the saying from Khalil Gibran: Pity the
nation whose statesman is a Fox; whose philosopher is a juggler; and whose
art is the art of patching and mimicking. Pity the nation divided into
fragments; each fragment deeming itself a nation.
Andrain A Husain opined that political leaders feared the deposed
chief justice because he has become larger than life in their eyes. It has at
least come to light that the chief obstacle in the way of the PPPs
continued alliance with the PML-N was the so-called minus one
formula or, in other words, that the nigger in the woodpile was all along, for
the bulk of the PPP, essentially the non-functional CJP, Iftikhar Chaudhry.
Why? There would seem to be a number of reasons for this. One of
them may simply be the fact that Chaudhry has become a little larger
than life in the eyes of some of our political leaders. After all, it is not so
easy to forget that it was he who took on the countrys former president and
brought about the big bang that finally led to this resignation
The fact that Iftikhar Chaudhry had made the dream of a
government of laws rather than men possible succeeded in earning him
a place in the national pantheon. Consequently, with Musharraf gone and
Chaudhrys fate still hanging in the balance, the question on many thinking
peoples lips is: how can you sideline an icon? And of course the
contradictions between the war on terror and civil rights and NRO
compulsions notwithstanding you cannot.
In any case, Sharif and our crusading lawyers who are fully aware
that this is a moment in Pakistans history that must not be allowed to
slip, will surely see to it that the right thing is done in the foreseeable
future by both Chaudhry and his fellow judges.
The assessment of our lawyers that all our ills are traceable to the
erosion of the rule of law and constitutionality in the country is absolutely
correct. The Musharraf era has amply demonstrated that a politics of pure
power is ultimately self-defeating.
The Dawn observed that PPP regimes moves on restoration issues
have put the judiciary on trial. The reappointment of eight AHC judges
on Wednesday adds a new dimension to the ongoing trial of the
judiciary. The government and the jurists by its side insist that any
restoration of the pre-Nov 3 judges requires fresh oath-taking for it to be
constitutional, as concurred by the eight judges in question. Their equally
qualified opponents, however, refuse to condone this view because in
894

principle it amounts to stamping approval on Gen Musharrafs extraconstitutional action of Nov 3.

Are the best minds in the legal community, on either side of the
fence, so very inept at getting the issue resolved? Is it the lack of will on the
part of the government and the opposition to budge from their stated
positions that is hampering a resolution? Or, is it just bad politics at work
from all sides? Accusing the lawyers movement of politicking and thus
delaying reinstatement of all the judges, the government by its latest,
selective restoration of a handful of them stands charged with the same
allegation.
Its amazing that even after the PML-Ns breaking away from the
ruling coalition and thus out of the question, the PPP is not talking about its
own, drafted constitutional package which it said would resolve the crisis, so
everyone could move on from the sordid episode. The nation and the world
need not behold the drama that has gone on way past the curtain call.
The irony is that the lawyers movement for the rule of law, which is
bringing home laurels from international quarters, is seen with suspicion and
misgivings by a democratically elected government. The least the two sides
can do is to get talking to each other rather than talking at each other,
and be led by constitutionality and law.
The Dawn commented on dissolution of marriage. When Mr
Nawaz Sharif announced on Monday that his party was withdrawing from
the coalition, it surprised no one. The writing on the wall had already come
on May 13 when the PML-N walked out of the cabinet. Since then the two
parties have talked and quarreled publicly and privately but, nevertheless,
surprised friends and foes alike by achieving one of their two major goals
Pervez Musharrafs exit from the presidency.
Two major parties have now parted ways on the other issue the
restoration of the judges, including Iftikhar Chaudhry. In what can be called
a hasty move the PML-N advanced the deadline for the judges restoration
by two days; thus forcing the PPPs hand. It is, of course, obvious that the
Sharifs felt piqued when the senior partners ignored them on the
presidential election. They know that the PPP has enough votes to secure
Asif Ali Zardaris election as head of state even if the PML-N does not go
along, but by boycotting the committee charged with drafting a resolution on
restoration, the PML-N leadership only precipitated the breakup.

895

There is no doubt the PML-N can justifiably accuse its erstwhile

senior partner of bad faith The PPP co-chairman should have either not
committed himself to specific dates, or if he did, should have been true to his
word. The man who is certain to be the next president is now a morally
indefensible position. The issue, however, is not who is to blame more but
the consequences of the grand coalitions break-up. There is no doubt that a
strong sense of vindictiveness has guided the PML-Ns policies on the two
issues. With Musharraf gone, the Sharifs have focused on the judges
issue at the expense of other larger interests such as the economy and
militancy.
The implications for the coalitions break-up are immense. The
people wanted an end to the crisis that began in March last year when
Musharraf sacked the chief justice, but the coalitions collapse has
disappointed them, for they see further uncertainty and blurring of the
national horizon. More frighteningly, besides a worsening of the economic
situation, the political instability could encourage the Taliban to step up their
war on Pakistan.
Ahmad Faruqui was of the view that the nation should not waste time
in shedding tears over the inevitable. The denouncement was swift and
sudden. A man who had won his re-election less than a year ago resigned
when faced with impeachment. Was it the absence of the second skin that
did him in? Was it the studied neutrality of his hand-picked successor as
army chief? Was it the lack of US support? Historians will debate these
issues for years to come and it is too early to say what their verdict will be.
What we do know is that a major sore point in the polity has been
cleared up. It is time to move on. In the immediate future, a new president
has to be selected. He or she should hold the titular position of head of state,
not the executive position that Musharraf wielded. Even then, the choice is
rich with symbolism and should be made with care.
Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani is the man of the hour. He
needs to announce his policy agenda. What should be on it? First and
foremost is the unfinished business of restoring the judges. If this is not
done, the political cauldron will stir again and Pakistan cannot afford more
instability. Beyond this, several other issues loom large on the horizon.
Some demand attention in the near-term, some in the mid-term. All are
front burner issues. Depending on who you ask, you will get different
agenda. Mine comprises five points which, in order of priority are security,
economy, energy, polity and society.

896

Ashaar Rehman wrote: The PML-N has parted ways with the PPP
and the muck has started flying. It is clear that the PML-N enjoys the high
moral ground. The PPP finds itself helplessly mired in a compromise. The
party which has had a history of reinventing itself after every death over the
last four decades is over once again. What survives is its faction headed by
Mr Asif Ali Zardari.
But the separation was not the biggest surprise of Monday. In fact the
breakup of the coalition was a foregone conclusion the moment Gen Pervez
Musharraf was removed from office on Aug 18. The surprise part was
Justice Saeeduzzaman Siddiquis nomination as the PML-N candidate to
challenge Mr Zardaris bid for the presidency.
In these times it is hazardous to venture a statement that appears to be
even in the slightest condoning Mr Zardaris evil designs, yet the PML-N tag
on Justice Siddiqui in the race for presidency does corroborate and
strengthen some old impressions.
The PPP has failed to restore the judges after committing to it more
than once. This will be an open and shut case in a court, a court that is
merely concerned with symptoms and not the causes. And this is how the
media, and maybe the general public in many parts of the country, views Mr
Zardaris betrayal. That he has chosen to describe political agreements
as unholy alliances made in expedient moments is most condemnable.
Politically also it makes little sense since the PPP risks or is almost
certain of losing popularity by dragging its feet on the judges issue. Why
is it then that a scheming Mr Zardari, who is otherwise considered capable
of deceiving a political stalwart of the stature of Mr Sharif and who can
pull a fast one on the clever Maulana Fazlur Rehman, doing all this? The
issue remains largely un-probed.
The PPP has since long been suspicious of the bondage between the
lawyers struggle and PML-Ns politics. It is one thing a political party
drawing street mileage from an association and another when this
camaraderie manifests itself in the power equation. A judiciary in alliance
with the political rivals would represent a real threat to you and any
party, especially the one that is enjoying some power, would be wary of the
partnership.
The lawyers, or at least some members in their movement, have
time and again displayed their partiality to the PML-N. Please recall.
Despite a formal boycott by the lawyers on the Feb 18 election, some
stalwarts of their movement had no hesitation in going over to the PML-N
897

camp and administrating to the partys candidates in the polls an oath that
committed them to the restoration of the judges.
If that incident was an indication of the politics to come, the
Mondays nomination of Justice Saeeduzzaman Siddiqui is a clear proof
of the prevalent political polarization which calls for precautionary
measures on each players part. It will be difficult for anyone to prove
their impartiality from now on.

Zardari became the target of criticism though he felt elated over his
political feats. Cyril Almeida compared the politics of Zardari and Nawaz.
Eight months ago, Asif was in political purgatory and the marital doghouse
and the only largesse he had to dole out were expensive meals in Manhattan.
Fast forward to Defence Day and Asif will be crowned king. Many will be
wondering who will defend Pakistan from Asif and Co.
Musharraf must have enjoyed a quiet chuckle. And the chuckle
would have only grown louder as Asif and Nawaz went their separate ways.
Told them theyd be begging me to come back, he must be thinking. But
what does it all mean, President Zardari presiding over a coalition sans
Nawaz? For one, its goodbye to the judges restoration via a constitutional
amendment or any other device. If the judges want their robes and gravels
back, they will have to obediently get in line and take a fresh oath. Asif has
refused to budge from his constitutional amendment route to restoration.
That does leave Asif the option of the Nawaz formula of bringing
back CJ Iftikhar & Co via a parliamentary resolution. But why should he? It
will only give Nawaz a famous victory, which is hardly the parting present
Asif will have in mind. And it will bring back CJ Iftikhar, who is
straining at the leash, desperate to resume his crusade to fix Pakistan
and become the peoples hero. Forget the NRO and Musharrafs indemnity,
Asif would be mad to have CJ Iftikhar stomping around his fragile
kingdom.
Politics, meanwhile, will return to the tumult and trauma of bazaar
bargaining. It will become more and more difficult to separate the
villains from the heroes. Was this Asifs plan all along? No. He really did
want the N-League back in the cabinet, if only to cop some of the abuse that
will be hurled at his government
But Nawaz has proved that his is an oppositional mindset. Politics
of principles suits those in opposition; principled is nothing more than a
proxy for inflexible, which isnt conducive to getting anything done in a

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fractious polity. And first Musharraf then the judges if Nawaz got his way,
he would see no reason to stop making demands. So a recalcitrant
principled Nawaz made it inevitable for Asif to move on.
In fact, if a divorce was inevitable, then this is the most amicable
way to go about it. A principled, wounded Nawaz will return to his Punjab
fort; a pragmatic, powerful Asif will be the puppet master in Islamabad.
Which is another reason for Asif to preside over an un-amended constitution
the jiyala governor in Punjab will keep a watchful eye on the N-League
government
At one level, the failure of democracy in Pakistan is a simple to
understand: it isnt a failure to get the politicians to agree, but a failure to
prevent them from fighting bitterly when they dont agree. The system
democracy will benefit if Asif and Nawaz figure out how to fight but not
cripple each other. Throwing rockets at each other from their respective
camps is fine, as long as neither storms the others ramparts.
There is a possibility of this working. As the principled figured in
opposition, Nawaz will wrest some compromises from Asif. He has to, for
the fewer levers of power; Asif has his hands on the more comfortable it will
be in opposition.
And it is certainly a more natural arrangement: the largest national
party leading a coalition of like-minded liberal parties; the second largest
national party sitting in opposition. Nawaz and Asif as adversaries should
not automatically fill us with dread for they occupy very different parts of
the political spectrum. What should fill us with dread is the possibility that
they will refuse to draw certain red lines.
For now Nawaz is less of a worry. His politics of no compromise is
clear but hes on the wrong side of the powers that be and needs to
consolidate Fortress Punjab. The real X factor is Asif. Can anyone honestly
claim they know what the man stands for? Away from party positions and
the rhetoric he peddles, who is Asif the politician? Is he tactician or
strategician? When he surveys the Pakistani political landscape does he see
opportunities or threats? Is consolidation of power the means or the end?
And perhaps more importantly, and intangibly, does Asif accept the main
caveat of democracy that democracy will necessarily leave everyone in the
system, including himself, a little unhappy? On the answers to these
questions hinges the future. Stay tuned to that television near you.
Kamran Shafi opined Zardari as president was not a bad idea. Bad
idea, Asif Zardari putting himself for the election as president, and
899

worse, to do it without consulting the PML-N, the other part of the quite
wonderful experiment of the largest parties working together rather than
being at each others throat as in the past.
It is worse still, there being several grades of bad, when the PPP now
prevaricates on the withdrawal of powers vested in the presidency under
Article 58-2(b) powers that the PPP has always opposed now that it
appears that its own will adorn the presidents chair
It is painful to in the extreme to see Asif Zardari repeat ad nauseum
that accords are not the Quraan Sharif or Hadith. Accords, especially those
that impact tens of millions of hapless people jolly well should be
sacrosanct. How else will politicians be respected as better alternatives to
military dictators? More than anything, how good is a man who does not
stand by his word? Answer: He is fit to be the President of Islamic
Republic of Pakistan or a professional witness like those available in courts
for hiring.
A week later Kamran seemed to have slight change of mind. Writing
about his opposition to the candidature of Asif Ali Zardari my old and
respected friend Ardeshir Cowasjee had this to say: Now, let us revert to our
mutilated almost incomprehensible constitution which as far as Article 62
goes is clear.
Tocontest the presidential election, a man must be of good
character and is not commonly known as one who violates Islamic
injunctions, and he must be sagacious, righteous and non-profligate and
honest and ameen. No further comment is necessary. Ditto for Musharraf, I
say; ditto for Ziaul Haq, ditto for Yahya Khan; ditto for Ayub Khan. No
further comment is necessary.
Mr Cowasjee goes on: We must wonder how our armed forces feel
about all this. After all, the president is not only their supreme commander
but he has his finger on the nuclear button Zardari and his sycophantic
supine political party must ask themselves if he truly qualifies to be head of
statedemocracyis not a form of revenge and for him to carry through his
ambitionwould be an act of vengeance upon his country and its people.
The above premise is wrong on every single count, the first being
that President Asif Zardari will not be able to press the bum button all by his
lonesome self and two, because Musharraf did not qualify to be head of
state either If they want to stop Zardari, here is what Mr Cowasjee and
others must do: get on the streets in silent and peaceful protest in your
hundreds of thousands, even in your millions. Hold placards and shout
900

slogans in favour of Mushahid Mandela Hussain since you consider him

the most suitable of all the candidates
There are other voices too, cautioning Asif Zardari that the powersthat-be will hit him on the head sooner rather than later if he insists on
becoming president. Now then, let me make my own position clear. I think
that those egging Asif on to become president of the country are actually
doing him and the Peoples Party a great disservice. Especially because they
have advised him to go all the way without taking his coalition partners and
here I mean the PML-N, with him. Much more than this he has repeatedly
broken his word given to Nawaz Sharif, both verbal and written and shown
on live TV, regarding the restoration of the judges
My advice to Asif even at this late hour is to, even now, restore the
judges according to the Bhurban Declaration; remove Article 58-2(b); stand
back from this election and put his weight behind an apolitical person
acceptable to the PML-N there are ways and ways to have the election
postponed by a month. And therefore woo back his elder brother to keep
the Great Coalition alive. The PPP and the PML-N, hand in hand, can jointly
do what no other combination can.
However, I once again support Asif Zardaris right to stand in
the presidential poll and will protest any move by the establishment to
interfere in the working of democracy. If he goes wrong, I will oppose him
tooth and nail by, yes, protesting peacefully.
Ayesha T Haq tried to assess trustworthiness of Zardari. As a law
student, one read about the importance and the influence of morality,
ethics, culture and religion on law. How the moral high ground is a
revered place, something citizens should set their sights on. How these
ideals are articulated is also important. How a man is only as good as his
word.
A man of his word is trusted and respected. He is someone you
can depend on and do business with. The man who breaks his word may be
charming, funny even likeable. You may invite him to dinner, but you are
unlikely to trust him with your fate or your money
When the co-chairperson of the largest political party can be so
flippant about giving his word, about not honouring commitments to which
he has subscribed his signature, more than once in respect of the same matter
makes one wonder how a man who can renege on his sworn and solemn
promise to and before the entire nation can possibly consider running for
such high public office. In the light of this why should we believe hell
901

honour the oath of office he will swear under the Third Schedule to the
Constitution?
Mr Farooq Naek, acting no doubt on instruction, attempting a googly
bowled the judiciary a no-ball and compounded the problem. Had he the
courage, moral authority and clarity of vision and conscience he would have
taken this opportunity to do the right thing and reverse the damage done by a
dictator. But when you lack courage, honesty, moral authority, vision,
and do not have a clean conscience there is little you can do other than
dig the hole you find yourself in deeper.
Up against a very powerful movement for the independence of the
judiciary led by the lawyers over the last year and a half the government was
faced with no option but to find some way of bringing the judges back. The
manner they have chosen has exposed their mala fides. Surely the
constitutional crisis will only deepen; right deposed judges of the Sindh
High Court have taken a fresh oath and returned to work...
For the moment lets forget about principle and honour, which are in
any event running thin at the moment. In swearing a fresh oath the judges
have acknowledged that they were dismissed on November 3, 2007.
However, as they were not dismissed pursuant to a reference under Article
209 of the Constitution but by the forcible and arbitrary action of the chief of
army staff the swearing of that fresh oath not just legitimizes that action it
indemnifies it.
The News wrote about Zardari and impartiality. The president
should be above politics; not politically neutral for that is impossible, but
able to rise above the hack-and-slash of daily political life. To deal evenly
and fairly with all who come to his or her door and not show favour to one
side or the other. Is the PPP candidate able to do this? Does he possess the
qualities that would mark him out as different to the dictator who preceded
him who never stood before parliament, who favoured his own party above
all others to the immense detriment of the political health of the nation
generally? Will he reach out across the political divide that cleaves the
country from Karachi to Khunjerab? Is he a man beyond reproach, who has
a background that has prepared him for statesmanship for the presidency is
a job for statesmen, and true statesmen the world over are few and far
between. If the answer to these questions is in the affirmative then the PPP
candidate is the right person for the job. If in the negative, then he is not, and
there is yet time to choose another.

902

Pakistan is sorely troubled and desperately in need of a healing

president, a president who can stem the bloodshed, heals the wounds and
soothes the savage beast. This need not be charismatic figure indeed it may
be better were it not but above all must come carrying an olive branch not
a sword and be a figure that has the confidence of the people and the probity
of an honest man. Anything less and we run the risk of moving swiftly into
the abyss a civilian dictatorship.
Maryam Shahad from Muzaffarabad accused him of plundering the
house of his in-laws. Mohtrama Benazir Bhutto died and left her husband to
lead Pakistans largest political party as its co-chairman. However, now it
seems that her in-laws are also planning to lead the party. Mr Zardari is
running for the presidency and his sister is the covering candidate. Word has
it that she will become party co-chairperson in case Mr Zardari becomes
president of the country. I think the party should be renamed as PPP-I
(in-laws).
Muhammad Islam from Lahore felt disappointed. I am an old PPP
supporter. However, I now feel let down by the policies adopted by Asif Ali
Zardari. Not a single person in the hierarchy of the party seems to have the
moral courage to speak the truth. The party co-chairperson has gone back on
his pledges not once, not even twice, but three times and no ones
conscience in the senior party leadership seems to be disturbed.
S Hussain from Karachi wrote: No political parry in the recent
election has mentioned in its manifesto solution to corruption. Perhaps the
pots were in no position to call the kettles black. Politicians cleverly
duped the media, civil society and the people by making the issue of judges
and unfettered democracy as an end to all our woes.
Having manipulated Mr Musharraf to enact NRO, our politicians
have gotten their cakes and are eating them too, proving ourselves yet
again a nation of the blind, by bringing the same self-seekers in our
assemblies, thus denying this nation the economic power and progress that
should have been ours.
The media and lawyers must now get together and make amends
to rescind NRO and relentlessly pressure the corrupt within and without our
assemblies and administration, irrespective of their party or personal
affiliations.
The Dawn commented on prime ministers statement. Gilanis belief
that the president and prime minister should be from the same party to
ensure political stability is not supported by Pakistans history. Benazir
903

Bhutto had Farooq Leghari elected head of state when she became prime
minister the second time, but that did not contribute to stability or to a
greater awareness on the part of the political actors to observe the rule of the
game and demonstrate a greater sense of commitment to democratic
norms
The truth is that both the president and the prime minister can ensure
political stability less by owing allegiance to the same party and more by
refraining from committing the mistakes which the presidents and the PMs
did in the past mistakes which not only led to their fall but spelled
disasters for the country. The head of state interfering with politics in a
parliamentary form of government is unconstitutional.
The man to be elected president later this week has an excellent
chance to make a break with the past. The lodestar for him and the prime
minister is obvious: both should stay within the limits prescribed by the
constitution. This also assumes that 58-2(b) and other articles which have
altered the constitutions parliamentary character must be done away with,
so that the president truly becomes a titular head of state. Shorn of these
draconian powers, the president would be less tempted to intrigue and
manipulate.
As the symbol of the federations unity, the president must by his
conduct uphold the sanctity of the constitution under all circumstances
and act as a father figure guiding the government. Finally, it is important for
the opposition to realize the damage which the politics of vendetta and
ambition has done to the democratic process, for quite often opposition
leaders have felt no qualms of conscience about sabotaging democracy by
asking the president and the armed forces to do their duty.
Tariq Amin Khan saw a Machiavelli in Pakistan. As political
developments rapidly unfold in Pakistan, it appears that Mr Zardari will now
become Mr President. Is this just an existential irony of history or
Pakistans phenomenal misfortune?
The answer lies in whether one regarded the post-Feb 18 period as a
promise for change or a repeat of the same old thing. To an observer from
afar, it is now clear that the poor huddled masses of Pakistan in giving the
PPP a narrow majority to form a government at the centre also desired
political accommodation and a new era of legal and social justice. But this
hope for change has been dashed.
Killing hope, in the Pakistani context, is about the mind-numbing
dexterity displayed by Mr Zardari to turn his narrow win around and
904

effectively achieve absolute majority through cold social engineering moves

in order to have a choke-hold on institutional power. He is sitting in the
drivers seat and will soon control the presidents office, while his party
occupies the offices of the prime minister and the speaker of the National
Assembly and controls the justice system.
But, not content with this kind of absolutism, Zardari and his
henchmen (and one henchwomen) have been playing all kinds of games to
block the reinstatement of deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry in order
to ensure once more that a docile and timid judiciary will quietly
acquiesce to the will of the mighty feudal lord. The current moves to expand
the high court benches and eventually the Supreme Court are all efforts to
dilute the powers of the chief justice, should his restoration ever come to
pass.
In reaching this pinnacle of absolutism, some could argue that
Zardari out-manoeuvred Nawaz Sharif and displayed the skills of a shrewd
politician. Granted that politics is about expediency, but elementary
decency is not usually jettisoned for the instrumental rationality of that
brief gain thereby justifying the means to obtain it. Pakistans convulsive
state, its precariousness, required that political leaders tread the path ever
more carefully. This was not to be
The irony is that the MQM, the party most vociferous about
feudalisms elimination, wants a feudal lord to lead the country! And not
to be outdone with a mere proposal, the partys stalwarts went one further
and trotted off to the Sindh High Court to file Zardaris nomination papers.
Considering the ease with which one coalition was disbanded and
another formed, it is becoming obvious that in Zardaris mind Nawaz
Sharif was expendable in favour of the MQM and the ANP, which also
has quietly conducted itself as the PPPs B-team. In the unfolding of these
developments, Sharif has no one other than himself to blame for his
lackadaisical dealings with Zardari.
Beyond Sharif, political leaders of the PPP and other parties in
short the political elite appear asleep at the switch as the country bleeds,
burns and ordinary people are made destitute It is painful to see that the
PPP, its roti, kapra aur makan slogan notwithstanding, has been callously
unreflective about continuing the neo-liberal economic policies of
privatization, deregulation and the eager embrace of the market of the
Musharraf era

905

Returning to the real possibility of a Zardari presidency, information

is coming fast and loose about our feudal lord. One is about the Swiss
prosecutor who has withdrawn money-laundering changes and has released
the frozen $60m apparently back to Zardari. Then, there is another about the
cozy relationship that the PPP leader has had with Zalmay Khalilzad
The third piece is about Mr Zardaris mental health issues. This is an
area about which one has to be sensitive and non-judgmental. However, the
would-be president needs to come clean not just about his mental
health, but also about how he amassed this enormous fortune, why he
was charged with money-laundering, and the nature of his relationship with
US officials.
Rifaat Hamid Ghani found him controversial. The person of the
president embodies the unity of the federation and is implicitly apolitical.
The incumbent and thereby candidates should be above controversy, let
alone suspicion. To the voters who elected his electoral college, the
president does not represent a constituency: he symbolizes the dignity and
persona of the state and every citizen.
Perhaps no other candidate ever to be nominated by a party is
viewed with as much moral reservation as Mr Zardari The NRO may
give Mr Zardari and others legal coverage; but amnesty and indemnity of the
sort which many deemed wise for Benazir Bhutto, Nawaz Sharif and Altaf
Hussain was never pleaded for publicly in relation to spouses. And it is to
that identity that Mr Zardari owes his remarkable political rise.
For that very reason he has also been demonstrably victimized If
the manner of investigative procedures was scandalizing so was the
manner of its renunciation. To put it bluntly hardly anyone thinks him
innocent of fiscal crookedness and more than a few think of him as
conducive to more serious crimes Rather than command respect, Mr
Zardari inspires fear.
Media savvy, silver-tongued, and politically dexterous Mr Zardari is,
but even these gifts occasion alarm if perceived as masking insincerity of
purpose and unreliability. One of the reasons negotiations between Mr
Bhutto and the PNA were so fraught was that the PNA knew Mr Bhutto
could talk rings round them any time. Being able to outwit the political
opposition does not mean that you have convinced them. It just leaves
them feeling vaguely cheated. How, with the best will in the world, may
common Pakistanis view a President Asif Zardari as possessing the requisite

906

objectivity about what constitutes the supreme national interest that his selfinterested immediate predecessor was reviled for lacking?
As for neutrality: PPP jiyala exultation broke bounds in
Governor House Punjab and their leaders pledged to do the same for the
presidency. But Pakistan is not the equivalent of a PPP fief yet. Nor do its
citizens want it to become one. Mr Bhutto successfully for himself (initially)
but disastrously for the provinces and federation reconstituted provincial
governments that were not PPP-hued. Fears that the PPPs diminished first
family will activate another set of FSF-type goons may prove groundless,
but there should not be the slightest shadow of such apprehensions
surrounding the persona of a presidential candidate.
Dr Farrukh Saleem was for giving him a chance despite his
limitations. Can anyone name a Pakistani soul who has more votes in our
presidential electoral college than does Mr Asif Ali Zardari? To be certain,
presidential-hopeful Zardari is a product of a process a process called
elections. He is also a product of a system of governance a system called
democracy
Mr Asif Ali Zardari, no messiah he is. He surely has his share of
flaws, perhaps more than his share of stains. More recently, he has added
another hefty log breaking another written promise to the already
backbreaking baggage he has been carrying around. But, let him who is
without any flaw throw the first stone.
President-to-be Zardari is certainly not angel remember, angels
dont breathe. So far, Co-chairman Zardari has taken us all on a rough,
bumpy, treacherous, a rather deceptive ride. Not too long ago, I had
asked my readers if they had ever experienced a desert safari in Dubai.
When the desert ranger comes to pick you up from your hotel he isnt really
the type you would normally trust. You discover he is a rash driver. You soon
discover he goes back on his words. Then he, unexpectedly, jumps the red
light. Is he a lawbreaker too! As the sun descends into the horizon, you find
yourself in the middle of a dune field; cresentic sand dunes, linear and
paraboli, moving dunes, reversing dunes and dunes interacting with the wind
(that is present-day Pakistan). The ranger, unexpectedly, speeds the 4x4 to
the top of a dune and you feel elated (thats the Bhurban Declaration). The
ranger then lets the vehicle into a freefall and you feel you are in the middle
of Death Valley National Park (Zardari goes back on his written
commitment). When would this rollercoaster end? Where would this crafty
charade take us? Seems like eternity but your anger finally stops the vehicle.

907

You realize that you are still in one piece and that theres barbecue, henna
painting and belly dancing. You stare back at your ranger but this time in a
different light. Only elite can afford such rides not the poor masses, nor do
the roti-eaters can dream of barbecue.
Mr Zardari has the political right as well as the legal right to
occupy the presidency. Does he have the moral right? Again, let him who
hasnt sinned throw the first stone We have had our share of messiahs
uniformed and otherwise perhaps more than our share. We need no more
messiahs. Processes is what we need because processes deliver, individuals
dont. Systems deliver, individuals dont. Let us, for once, put processes in
place, a system of governance in place. Once we have a strong system it
shall on its own throw all the bad apples out. Presently, Zardari seems
inclined to follow a system that allows bad apples in.
Cyril Almeida prepared a roadmap for President Zardari. The
separation from Nawaz is itself the first clue of Asifs roadmap. Nawaz has
enunciated a very clear strategy to effect the transition to democracy:
reform first, consolidation later. Musharraf out, CJ Iftikhar in, the
Seventeenth Amendment repealed and a non-politician president elected is
Nawazs answer to the riddle of democracy.
Asif has chosen the reverse: consolidation first; reform later. So
far Asifs transition strategy has been to negotiate with the establishment and
incrementally consolidate his power. The ascension to the presidency
planned or not, is one of the final steps in the programme to plant
democracys in Asifs case, the PPPs flag in the key constitutional
offices of the state. When Kayanis term expires in two years, an unamended
constitution will give Asif the right to put his man in the COAS seat. What
will be left is the progressive installation of Asifs handpicked judges to the
superior judiciary with the nod of his governor buddies and chief justices.
But while political expediency may have pushed Asif and Nawaz into
opposing camps, it doesnt mean what is expedient for the majority party is
what is best for the transition. The Nawaz route has some merit. There is
only a small window of opportunity for deep, structural change to be
effected and that window may have already passed. Seventeen amendments
in a 35-year old constitution can be misleading: amendments are notoriously
difficult to pull off without a decisive single-party majority in parliament
Asifs strategy of consolidating power, while certainly easier than
ramming through structural reform at the outset, is not without its pitfalls.
Trying to draw anti-democratic forces into a tight embrace before slipping a
908

knife quietly in their backs is difficult when they know the knife is coming.
The establishment is genuinely paranoid about the PPP Musharraf made an
extraordinarily frank admission about the army high commands dislike of it
so it puts in doubt how real the consolidation of power through the
accumulation of offices can be.
Then there is the fact that Asif is uniquely unqualified for the job.
Forget the dementia and corruption thats red meat for the media. Foreign
policy is Asifs Achilles heel. The obituary of BBs first term is littered with
references to no-confidence votes In those fraught times a babe in a scarf
was judged the wrong symbol of Pakistani power, especially with the BegGIK combine at hand. Today, a grinning Asif may suffer the same fate as his
wife once did.
Kashmir is on a knife-edge again; genuine grassroots dissatisfaction
with New Delhi has even led the nationalistic Indian media to debate azaadi
for Kashmir. The militants will be straining at the leash and some myopic
handler may think its a good idea to distract them from the pursuit of the
Americans in Afghanistan. India has been snapping about cross-LoC
violations for months and every scraped knee it suffers in Afghanistan is
blamed on the ISI. One Mayankote Kelath Narayanan has called for the
agencys destruction. Typical Indian hyperbole you may think but Mr
Narayanan happens to be the national security advisor to the prime minister
of India. Then there is the obvious mess in the tribal areas
There is an additional problem with the consolidation strategy: where
does it stop? Already talk is centred on Punjab and a putsch led by the
Taseer-Wattoo combine there against Shahbaz. The vicious, eat-or-be-eatenfirst logic of consolidation is actually its own undoing. The Musharraf-ouster
proved mercifully short because Musharraf blinked first. Going to them at
tresses over Punjab that is, an all-out war will plunge the centre in crisis
again and half of Asifs successors speech on PTV will have written itself.
No doubt Nawaz must behave himself in Punjab. But Asif must
accept that the bigger you are the bigger will be the target on your back.
When if the time comes, Asif must turn the other cheek, not as an act of
selflessness but as a calculated act of selfishness. If Asif wants to build a
PPP empire, he cant be consumed by fire fighting. An escalating game of
political whack-a-mole always reacting, always behind, never leading
eventually consumes the player.
Comments are concluded by reproducing excerpts from Karamatullah
K Ghoris article. Zardari has kept to his arcane game of breaking
909

promises like chattels. This 21st century incarnation of Chanakyas mantra

of rajnit (statecraft) deceit, deception and duplicity and Machiavellis
guiding light of how the prince must take his subjects on a merry-go-round
as long as he could is a new phenomenon, even to the deeply duplicitous
feudal culture of Pakistan. So Zardari has kept the whole nation of 165
million people spell-bound and literally on a wild goose chase.
Zardaris reservations on account of some of the judges doomed
the agreement even before the ink could dry on it. The PPP supreme,
elevated to the pedestal of his partys kingmaker, didnt want Chief Justice
Iftikhar Chaudhry, in particular, to run to the bench of the apex court for a
variety of reasons, mostly those focused on his past, present and future.
The burden of steering the coalition to a safe landing from the
shoals had all along been on Nawaz the minor of the two partners The
alliance with the PPP was also crucial to the fulfillment of Nawaz Sharifs
other high priority of getting rid of his arch nemesis, Musharraf. He knew
that he couldnt topple Musharraf from his perch without Zardari getting on
board the juggernaut to breach his (Musharrafs) ramparts
'Zardari, in the meantime, had moved ahead of both Nawaz and
Musharraf. His Machiavellian horse sense had guided him to make his
own incursions into Musharrafs erstwhile sanctum in Washington, the
ultimate equalizer in Pakistans political dispensations. His team of court
confidants at home, and one tribune positioned in the embassy in
Washington, got him the audience that he had been seeking. The power
brokers in the capital of the world were finally convinced that Musharraf
had become a liability and that there was a new asset available to run
Pakistan according to their blueprint of priorities. Musharrafs fate was
sealed and delivered.
Putting the two in the balance, in terms of who gained how much and
who lost what, Nawaz may still end up with a better deal, though not in
the immediate sense of time. Taking a morally superior position and
abiding by principles is not what Machiavelli would approve of. But Nawaz
has secured Punjab on his side and the way the chemistry of the federation
works with Punjab being the prime element it doesnt need a political
scientists brilliance and acumen to foresee the future.
Zardari, no doubt, is the prime beneficiary in the immediate
sense. He has, in one stroke hit Musharrafs ball out of the ballpark and got
the presidency all but stitched for himself. Could anyone, in their wildest
dream, have foreseen this cataclysmic change of fortunes, even a year ago?
910

The strange spectacle of the provincial leaderships of the three

smaller provinces of the federation Sindh, the NWFP and Balochistan
handing down ringing endorsements to Zardari as president smacks of three
vs one: Punjab against the rest of the federation. Where would this
drawing of the battle lines take Pakistan to? It doesnt bode well for the
health of the federation, if not, exactly, threatening its utility. The second
quantum of damage, which can be sniffed even at this early stage of the fray,
is the spirit of the Constitution of Pakistan, if not its letter, being mauled in
the ongoing shenanigans to have Zardari elected as president. It defies
common sense that the kingmaker should also double up as the king.
The office of the president, rightly being touted by Zardaris partisans
and apologists as the symbol of federations cohesiveness, demands, in spirit
again, that whoever succeeds to it must stay away from politics and be nonpartisan. Musharraf failed this litmus test, miserably, and so will
Zardari. He will not be none can imagine him as such another Chaudhry
Fazle Elahi, who dwarfed against Bhutto. He would assert himself in
everything, ride roughshod with impunity and flaunt his authority with
gusto, especially with a meek and obliging PM like Gilani ready to do all his
bidding and kowtowing to his commands without so much as a squeak of
demur.
And all those hankering to balance the current power inequality
between the president and the parliament could kiss goodbye to 58-2(b)
being removed from the constitution. In fact, the way the Nawaz-Zardari
entente cordiale is fraying, the spark for a real flare-up between the two
parties they respectively lead would, in all probability, come much sooner
than expected over this very issue: PML-N seeking to undo the blighted
provision that arms the president with doomsday powers, and the PPP
minions resisting this demand in order to keep their man overtly empowered.
This could be more than a catalyst for confrontation between them.
But while Zardari as president may be fractious and divisive for the
nation, the power brokers engineering this deal are happy at their stroke of
genius, in their convoluted sense. In Zardari they have found another prince
of darkness, a la Musharraf, eager and anxious to be their frontline soldier
albeit in civvies in the war against terror. Thats what they expect of any
and all Pakistani leaders, damn the rest of the nations priorities, pressures
and concerns.
Washington has good reason to feel comfortable with Pakistan
under Zardari doing more of the same the Musharraf had been doing, in

911

fact do it with more exuberance and lan. The single minded devotion and
commitment of the civilian government, led by the PPP, to the strategy of
force in Bajaur, Swat and other flashpoints in Pakistan is ample evidence of
the new recruits to the war on terror doing their masters bidding with
flawless commitment.
Any body doubting the shape and contours of the new game of power
politics in Pakistan need only read the lead editorials in the Wall Street
Journal and the Financial Times, both leading exponents of the
establishment elite on both sides of the Anglo-American camaraderie of
interest, appearing on the same day, August 26. Both the editorials have
lambasted Nawaz Sharif for not giving top billing to the terrorist threat and
being lackluster about it. Both have expressed satisfaction that he is not in
power and heaved a sigh of relief at his being out of reckoning at the power
centre. Need any more clues as to where Zardari is steering his newlywon fiefdom in Pakistan?

REVIEW
Since the change-over of executives baton from a military dictator to
a politician in the wake of February elections people of Pakistan witnessed
an interesting and intense contest between Chankiyan politicking and
principled politics. Zardari led the Chankiyan team and Nawaz tried his
hand at principled politics.
Zardaris sole aim of continuing dialogue with PML-N was to keep
the forces insisting on restoration completely side-tracked while pursuing
his political goals. This could be done only by keeping his adversaries
hopes alive, by striking deal after a deal, even if he has to swear on Holy
Quraan for this purpose. He practiced his political beliefs quite competently.
Having forced Nawaz to do what he did, Zardari wasted no time in
announcing his candidacy for presidency. Meanwhile, Election Commission
was also instructed to issue a tight election schedule so that his opponents
get minimum time to react. His moves caused shock and awe effect in
Nawaz camp.
When the observers started talking of clear-cut betrayal and deceit
Zardari made two cover up moves. First, he referred to foreign pressure as if
he was in great pain and grief. He tried to show through his words and voice
that while he has yet to taste a carrot, the stick was already hurting him
badly. In fact, he was feigning as usual.

912

Secondly, he contacted Nawaz Sharif and shed tears over untimely

demise of their political marriage. But, he never desired a patch-up. He only
wanted to create an impression that break-up was not because of the PPP; it
was because of hard-line, non-compromising attitude of PML-N leadership.
No sooner Zardari disclosed his plans to occupy the Presidency,
questions were raised about his suitability for the post. First question was
asked by Daily Telegraph of Britain regarding his mental health. This
opened the flood-gates of criticism but Zardari has a skillful team to defend
him. Some of them are worth mention here.
First, Babar Awan, a practicing lawyer and a competent player of
Chankiyan team, who while appearing on Waqt TV justified Zardaris act of
repeatedly going back on his words. He said promises are of two types; one
those are to be kept and others which may not be kept. It is worth
mentioning that this top lawyer also delivers lectures on Islam.
During one hour programme he lectured instead of answering the
questions while remaining to the point. He also resorted to counterallegations. When an accused party resorts to counter-allegations or simply
keeps harping its line, it fails in hiding its guilt. Instead, it becomes easier
for the observers to assess as to who is right and who is wrong.
Kaira is another skilful player of Zardaris team. He and others of his
ilk have no shame in confessing that their government follows the dictations
from outside. In a TV talk show, he justified it by saying that in a global
village one has to listen to others; in other words, menials cannot afford
disobeying the Numbardar (village headman). His belief of co-existence
has nothing to do with the Asfandyars concept of difference between
mafahmat and beghairti.
Sherry Rehman, no relation of Rehman Malik, denied that her party
was involved in horse-trading. She, however, confessed having contacts with
horses of other parties. Horses over the years have developed the habit of
changing their grazing grounds. Therefore, she could deny horse trading and
she finds nothing wrong with showing the horses the greener pastures.
In a talk-show on Express TV Khurshid Shah rejected the reports
regarding the mental health of PPPs candidate. He said that producing fake
medical documents in courts is a common practice. When the anchor asked
that that meant the document filed by Zardaris lawyer was forged one; Shah
stalled it saying that he would answer that later.

913

There is no dearth of competent players in Zardaris camp; Salman

Taseer, Farooq Naek, Latif Khosa, Rehman Malik and so on. A task like
contacting Shaikh Rashid for help to tackle Nawaz Sharif could be
performed by any jiyala. Similarly, Salman Taseer has been frequently
accused of conduct unbecoming, which too can be performed by any jiyala.
Zardari must be admired for identifying the birds of his feather, which
may be flying around in any guise; Fazl of JUI-F is one. Fazls JUI
represents the religious right in the present assemblies because other
religious parties had boycotted the February polls. It was hoped that he
would uphold religious values; instead his broad beard could not save his
hypocrisy from being starkly exposed.
He teamed up with Asfandyar as mediator and demanded 72 hours to
study the documents of agreements that had been struck between Nawaz and
Zardari. It was shocking that having read the contents of these agreements,
both of them recommended yet another postponement of restoration of
judges this time for indefinite period because debate in NA was demanded.
They made this recommendation knowing that Zardari has been
telling lies all along and turning back on the pledges made in black and
white and one of them was made on the Holy Quraan. In all fairness, both of
them should have pressed Zardari to keep his words.
Instead, they asked Nawaz to show flexibility which Zardari had
been showing by frequently eating his words. This was unfair but not for
those who keep their personal and party interests dearer than national
interests and Islamic values. Their pursuit of party interests did not end
here. Both of them opted to support a man like Zardari as candidate of
Presidency of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. Fazl went a step further to
win favours of Zardari and criticized Nawaz.
Fazl upheld democratic values at the cost of Islamic values.
Machiavelli would have been proud of him. Western political thinkers would
have saluted him for keeping the church (Fazls church) far, far separated
from the state. Certainly, maulana is misplaced in Pakistan; he belongs to the
civilized world.
These views are also relevant in the context of ANP, the follower of
non-violent Gandhism. Asfandyar had teamed up with Fazl as mediator to
facilitate achievement of Zardaris nefarious designs in the context of
judges issue. It was Asfandyar who had said that there has to be difference
between Maslihat and Beghairti.

914

In view of the above, Zardari was justified in rejoicing over his

successes. As chief guest on a sumptuous dinner in PM House, he
sarcastically called Nawaz, without naming him or his party, siasi nabaligh
(immature politician). This showed that he was not at all repentant over all
the lies he has been telling for the last six months. Instead; he believed that
cheating a coalition partner is part of genuine politicking.
The team that opted for principled politics was led by Nawaz Sharif.
It comprised PML-N, APDM and lawyers movement. This team
concentrated so much on pushing Musharraf the intruder out of their home
that it failed to take notice of the thief that slipped in quietly.
Principled politics is a difficult game, particularly when it is being
played after a lapse of sixty years. There is no instant success in a game
played on principles. The race is won by running slowly and steadily.
Hence, Nawaz should not listen to those who tell him: Naa Khuda he mila
naa wasal-e-sanam.
The movement spearheaded by Aitzaz Ahsan is being subverted by his
own political party. The question arises: Is Aitzaz serving the cause of PPP
or lawyers movement? By sticking on to a party bent upon subverting his
struggle and at the same time he leading the lawyers movement, Aitzaz is
serving none of the two causes. He has to make a choice, though belated.
Aitzaz must know that the movement led by him has entered
penaltymate phase. His party is led by a spatter-licker of much higher caliber
and stature than Musharraf. He is now fully poised to get into the
Presidency. How would Aitzaz negate this similarity and its implications?
And from within the ranks of the deposed judges, Zardaris men have
found a dozen of spatter-lickers who had no shame in taking fresh oath.
These distinguished judges had refused to take oath on Musharrafs terms
but agreed to do so on Zardaris terms. Aitzaz can also not afford ignoring
these cracks in ranks of judges for whom he has been leading a struggle.
Mr Ten Percent is set to replace Mr honest, who paid hefty amounts,
(exact amounts yet to be made public), to win his eligibility case, which was
purely a private matter. The money paid in case of reference against Justice
Iftikhar was also a private in spirit, but Musharraf could be given benefit of
doubt that is invariably an integral part of the letters of law. One can imagine
that if Mr Honest could be so lavish with public money, what would be the
new opening rate of Mr Ten Percent.

915

Herein, it is considered appropriate to say few words about experience

of people of Pakistan at the hands of dictators and politicians. A dictator in
their technique of governance is hath chhut and politicians are monh chhut.
In other words, it is intimidation vs deceit. Dictators hunt singly depending
on their inherent strength (military might). Politicians hunt in packs
(political parties) like hyenas or wild dogs.
Dictators generally bear the same hue and shade but with different
agendas. The politicians come in different varities, but with the same
agenda. The former use public money to reward the loyals; the latter plunder
and let their supporters plunder as part of the investment for the future.
Every corrective action of dictators is condemned being oppressive.
Being oppressive by nature dictators ignore the strength of the populace and
resultantly meet their fate at the hands of suppressed people. Politicians
remain mindfull of the strength of powerless people and thus invariably
survive. Therefore, they retain the capability to stage a comeback, unlike the
dictators who vanquish for good. And, in that every wrong action of
politicians is condoned in the name of democratic tolerance.
Dictators enter your home (land) with gun in their hands, but
politicians are invited by the people by posting invitation cards through the
ballot boxes. People soon regret the entry of both. Dictators have the
tendency to destroy everything and everybody suspected of threatening their
rule; politicians avoid destruction and go for better choice of looting and
plundering the house.
Dictators punish politicians for their sins after staging successful
coups, except those who fall in line. Politicians, after their comebacks,
indemnify the crimes of dictators in the spirit of Christs saying about stoning
a sinner. Dictators make promises to show their foresight and the ability of
decision-making. And, the decisions can always be revised. Politicians make
promises simply to make a political statement that need not be kept.
No ruler, democratically elected or emerging through a military coup,
likes a judiciary that tries to show moral courage in applying the law of the
land. All rulers want the judges to administer the justice that facilitates
achievement of their goals. Military dictators and politicians are the same in
this regard from Ayub to ZAB, Zia to Benazir and Musharraf to Zardari.
A political ruler, with peoples power behind him, becomes so
arrogant that he neither understands the ulti nor seedhi ginti. He suffers from
the disease of forgetfulness and that suits him. Daily Telegraphs

916

apprehensions were not worrisome because in Pakistan such illness is

considered a strong point of a political leader.
To conclude, it must be said that the movement for restoration of
deposed judges went wrong right at the outset. The right course should have
been to approach the COAS, General Kayani for issue of reinstatement order
for the reason that they were dismissed by his predecessor; therefore, only
Kayani was the competent authority to do that.
Political polarization in Pakistan has almost completed. Evil forces of
all hues, which could harm Pakistan in one way or others, have joined hands
i.e. nationalists of NWFP and Balochistan; religious hypocrates of JUI-F;
ethnic and linguistic terrorists of MQM with the US-sponsored PPP.
It is up to the people, who have committed the mistake of voting them
into power, to stop them causing any harm to the country before it is too late.
Otherwise no one would pity the nation that elects a president, who believes
only in mafahmat (understanding), rather than keeping his words. More so,
no one would pity the nation where religious forces support such a man.
3rd September 2008

DELIVERING AS PER DEAL

During the month ending 4th September, people of Pakistan saw the
ugliest face of Americas holy war. It began with unprecedented bloodshed
in Bajaur Agency and was followed by suicide bombings in Wah Cantt
culminating in five cross-border attacks in Waziristan in last week.
The attack on 3rd September in Angoor Adda was the first of its kind
wherein the US-led ground forces carried out heli-borne raid. When Defence
Minister was contacted by media men he refused to comment on the
incident. Perhaps, this time he could not say helicopters were flying too

917

high. Later he tried to justify killings women and children by saying that
they must have attacked only after something have had happened.
These incidents proved beyond doubt that the PPP regime was fully
abiding by the pledges made by their deceased leader Benazir. The
democratic regime was certainly delivering better than military dictator on
the war on terror. The same was true in its dealings with India. During this
month the IHK experienced worst of oppression perpetrated by occupation
forces but nobody squeaked in Islamabad.
All this happened concurrently with presidential election in which
Benazirs illustrious husband was main contender. The political exigencies
demanded slowing down of killing spree; hence the regime announced
ceasefire in Bajaur and Balochistan to show respect for month of Ramazan.
During the period an unfortunate issue was raised in the Senate about
three teenage girls of Nasirabad district of Balochistan. They were buried
alive for allegedly wishing to marry by choice. The move was opposed by
Senator Zehri and acting chairman of the Senate, Jamali and they justified
this Baloch custom.

WESTERN FRONT
Intensity of war for the safety of the Crusaders increased considerably.
On 5 August, a woman and a child were killed in artillery fire and militants
burnt four more girls schools. An ASI was killed and 3 constables wounded
in Buner. A soldier was killed in Bajaur Agency. Eight rockets were fired at
Mardan. Eleven Afghans were arrested in Karachi. TTP threatened to launch
suicide attacks across country and vowed making Karachi safe if ordered by
Baitullah.
th

Next day, a key Taliban commander was among 14 militants killed in

Swat. Three people were wounded and 14 arrested in an operation launched
in suburbs of Peshawar. Five people were killed in factional fighting in
Tirah. Afghanistan again accused Pakistan of aiding the Taliban.
On 7th August, 25 militants and six soldiers were killed in a clash in
Bajaur Agency. Four persons were killed in fresh factional fighting in
Kurram Agency. Next day, militants besieged 180 FC troops in Lowi Sam
area of Bajaur. The Army used jet fighters and helicopters to rescue FC
troops and the operation resulted in killing of 27 militants and 5 soldiers;
unofficial resources reported 60 militants killed and 70 wounded. Curfew
was imposed in the area.
918

A police post was attacked in Buner and 12 policemen were

kidnapped by the militants. Ten people were killed in factional fighting in
Kurram Agency. Senior military officers and intelligence officials asked
Bush Administration to permit striking target inside Pakistan more freely.
The US refused to have India-like nuclear deal with Pakistan saying India is
a responsible nation.
On 9th August, militants claimed re-taking Lowi Sam and capturing
two small tanks and heavy arms. The soldiers under siege for the last three
days returned to Khar leaving behind the dead bodies, trucks and a large
quantity of arms and ammunition. Elders were sent to negotiate retrieval of
dead bodies as 22 of them had already been handed over. Eight soldiers were
killed and 15 wounded in the fighting.
Eight policemen were killed in attack on a post in Buner. Four people
were killed in mortar fire near Matani. Two persons were killed in factional
fighting in Kurram Agency. Rice said talks wont help resolve FATA
problem. She claimed Pakistan remained a strong ally of the US in the holy
war against Islamic militants.
Three people, including two women, were wounded in Swat in fire by
gunship helicopter on 10th August. In Kurram Agency, 13 more people were
killed in factional fighting. Thousands fled Bajaur Agency as death toll of
Taliban rose to one hundred. Karzai again blamed ISI and wanted allied
forces to attack terrorists inside Pakistan.
On 11th August, security forces breached the siege of Khar and more
than 50 Taliban were killed in fierce battle. Two persons were beheaded for
spying. In Swat, militants took 23 villagers as hostage. In Kurram Agency,
11 more people were killed in clashes. NATO accused ISI of aiding Taliban.
Next day, 13 people including four Airmen were killed when a vehicle
was hit by bomb blast in Peshawar. In ongoing fighting in Bajaur, 34
militants, including an al-Qaeda leader, were killed in attacks by gunship
helicopters and jet fighters. In Kurram Agency, 35 people were killed in
factional fighting. In Swat, gunship helicopters pounded militants hideouts;
seven people, including three militants, were killed. NATO carried out an air
strike in South Waziristan.
On 13th August, 12 people were reported killed in last nights missile
attack near Angoor Adda by the US forces; some foreigners were reported
among the dead. In Bajaur, 21 more were mowed down by gunship
helicopters. Twenty-eight people were killed in clashes in Kurram Agency.
Two persons were killed in a clash in Khyber Agency. Head of anti-Taliban
919

group was shot dead in Bara. House of ex-minister was attacked in Swat;
local lashkar killed six Taliban and Taliban claimed killing four soldiers.
Eight people were killed and 20 wounded in suicide attack in Lahore; most
of the dead and wounded were policemen.
Gunship helicopters celebrated Independence Day by striking
hideouts on militants. Ten more people were killed in Bajaur and civilians
were told to leave the area. In one of the attacks near Damadola, 11 people
were killed; reportedly they were Maulvi Faqir, his son and his guards.
Seven people were killed in artillery fire in Bajaur. Clashes spread across
Kurram Agency as 18 more people were killed and 30 injured.
On 15th August, 35 more people were killed in Bajaur as exodus
continued. NWFP demanded Rs1.5 billion for displaced people. PM vowed
to establish the writ of the government at all costs. In Swat, a government
office, a school and 46 shops were blown up. Taliban killed five people who
had indulged in criminal activities and their bodies were thrown in bazaar. In
Kurram Agency, 35 people were killed in factional fighting. Rehman Malik
gave 72 hours to the fighters to stop fighting.
Next day, at least 21 more people were killed in artillery and gunship
helicopters firing. Security forces seemed poised for the ground offensive.
Twenty-seven people were killed in Kurram Agency. Nine militants were
killed in Swat operation and five suspects were arrested. TNFJ leader was
shot dead in Peshawar. Four dead bodies were found in Kohat. A post was
attacked in Landikotal. Zawahiri termed Musharraf as enemy of Islam.
On 17th August, 46 more were killed in Bajaur in artillery and gunship
helicopters fire. Hundreds of thousands people continued abandoning their
homes in search of safe places. Imran Khan asked the government to stop
the US troops from operating in the area which have been doing so with its
consent. Robert Gates said al-Qaeda militants were now less secure in
Pakistans tribal areas.
In Swat, eight people were killed and four dead bodies were
recovered. At least 47 people were killed in tribal clashes in Kurram Agency.
One policeman was killed in rocket attack on a post in Shabqadar area. One
person was executed in North Waziristan for spying for the US. Hekmatyars
brother was detained in Peshawar.
Seven more people were killed in artillery and gunship poundings in
Bajaur Agency on 18th August. Thirty-five more people were killed in
Kurram Agency. Next day, General Kayani went to Kabul on a surprise trip
and met Afghan Army chief and NATO commander.
920

A suicide bomber struck D I Khan hospital killing 32 and wounding

55; TTP owned responsibility and threatened more attacks in retaliation to
Bajaur operation. In Bajaur, 25 militants and 5 soldiers were killed; dead
bodies of 7 soldiers killed earlier were handed over; more than fifty
thousand families had been displaced to date. Three persons, including two
FC soldiers, were killed in Swat. In Kurram Agency, 23 more tribesmen
were killed in the ongoing tribal feud between Tori and Bangash tribes.
On 20th August, cross-border missile attack killed six persons in Wana.
In Kurram, 22 people were killed and 23 wounded in sectarian fighting. Four
persons were killed in a tribal clash in Bara. In Bajaur, 17 more people were
killed. Two people were killed in Swat.
The regime talked of tough action against sectarian hate-mongers after
members from both sides in National Assembly assailed it for inaction.
NATO said Talibans hold in tribal areas was growing. Washington urged
Islamabad to focus on terrorism. The US government authorized delivery of
20 P-37 aircrafts to Pakistan.
Next day, at least 70 employees of POF Wah were killed and about
100 wounded in twin bombings; TTP owned responsibility and threatened to
carry out more attacks in retaliation of Bajaur operation. In Bajaur, 11 more
people were killed in artillery shelling and firing by gunship helicopters. Exnazim was among five shot dead in Swat. Five people were killed in missile
attack from across the border in Waziristan. Fighting in Kurram Agency
continued resulting in more killings. A major was shot dead in Kohat by
gunmen riding a motorcycle.
Bush telephoned Musharraf and thanked him for services he rendered
to the holy war against Islamic fascism commonly called as war on terror.
He also rang up Gilani and urging him to perform better than his
predecessor. Gilani promised to take the war to the den of the terrorists.
Death toll in Wah blasts rose to 85 on 22nd August. The suspect
arrested on the day of blast divulged information about the network
operating in Punjab. In Bajaur, four people were killed in gunship attack.
Two FC soldiers and 16 militants, including two Chechens, were killed in
attack on a post in Hangu area. Seven people were killed in Mohmand area.
Policeman was killed in rocket attack in Peshawar. In Swat, one child was
killed in shelling and a policeman was kidnapped. Bilour said the
government did not care about threats of Taliban.
In Kurram, 14 more people were killed and the toll in the ongoing
fighting reached 400. The tribesmen produced two Afghan soldiers from
921

Khost who had revealed that 6,000 soldiers had been sent to the area for
fighting against one of the groups. This was done on request made by the
elders of Tori tribe who met Karzai in Kabul some time back.
At least 70 people, including 45 militants and 16 security forces
personnel, were killed on 23rd August in clashes, suicide attack and bomb
blasts in Swat. In Bajaur, six people were killed when a shell hit their house.
Five more people were killed in Kurram Agency. Baitullah nominated his
deputies because of his poor health. Pentagon commanders deliberated over
direct action inside Pakistan alleging that the new government in Islamabad
had failed to deliver.
On 24th August, militants in Bajaur announced unilateral ceasefire, but
Rehman Malik rejected and demanded surrender. One spy was shot dead in
the agency. A woman was among six people killed in Swat. In Kurram, 42
people were killed in the ongoing fighting. Presence of Afghan soldiers in
the area was denied. US gunship helicopters shelled areas in Waziristan. A
trailer transporting two NATO vehicles was set on fire in Karachi. Three
bombs exploded in Attock City, four people were injured and 24 video shops
were destroyed. The government formally banned TTP.
Next day, ten people were killed in Swat including brother of ANP
MPA. Taliban threatened more attacks on ANP leaders as the party was
blamed for the ongoing military operation. In Kurram Agency, 31 more
people were killed.
Houses of ANP leaders were blown up in Swat on 26 th August; four
people were killed in other incidents. More than 50 percent of Bajaur
population had been displaced. Tori tribe announced ceasefire. Five people
were killed in a bomb blast near Sihala.
On 27th August, at least 23 people, including two soldiers, were killed
in two incidents in Waziristan in which gunship helicopters were used. In
similar use of force in Bajaur, 25 people, including important militant
commanders, were killed. Four people were arrested in Swat and the ritual
of daily artillery shelling of hideouts continued.
Next day, six militants were killed and five captured in Bajaur. A
suicide bomber was shot dead and another captured as they tried to enter
jirga in Salarzai. In Swat, 23 people were killed in three incidents, including
gunship attacks. A driver and a cleaner of a trailer carrying US supplies were
kidnapped near Landikotal. Thirteen people, including nine policemen, were
killed and seven wounded when their vehicle was blown up by remotecontrolled device near Bannu.
922

General Kayani held secret talks with Admiral Mullen on aircraft

carrier ship, Abraham Lincoln in Arabian Sea. (Meetings on a ship through
history have seldom augured well for the visitors.) The US observed and
appreciated that Pakistans focus on terror war was finally correct.
Appreciation was similar to those showered on Musharraf soon after he
stepped on to the Crusaders side. Biden, Obamas No 2 said FATA was a
central front in the war on terror. So, Pakistan has now moved from status of
front line state to central front.
On 29th August, 24 Taliban were killed in gunship air strike in Swat;
six more people were killed in other incidents of violence. Tribal lashkars
and militants were lined up against each other for more bloodshed in Bajaur.
Two drivers were killed and 39 others, including 36 security personnel were
wounded in an unsuccessful bomb attack on an army camp near Kohat
tunnel. Seven more people were killed in Kurram Agency. People started
migrating from Kohat as well. Obama pledged to finish the fight against the
Taliban and al-Qaeda in Afghanistan and end the war in Iraq responsibly.
Jet fighters of PAF pounded militants positions in Swat on 30 th
August and 40 people were killed. Two Chinese telecom engineers were
reported missing in Upper Dir. Three militants were killed in Bajaur Agency.
Police and villagers in suburbs of Peshawar arrested 16 suspected militants.
Two kids were killed when security forces pounded militants hideout in
Darra area. Four people were killed in US missile attack in South Waziristan
Agency.
Rehman Malik announced suspension of operations in tribal areas
for one month. This was claimed as a step showing respect for the holy
month of Ramazan, but in reality it was to satisfy MNAs from FATA areas
to secure their support for Zardari. Malik warned that this should not be
taken as weakness; if a person attacked, the whole village would be
pounded. He also boasted of killing 562 militants in the Bajaur Operation.
On 31st August, 95 people were left dead and more than two hundred
dead in two-day intense tribal clash in Kurram Agency. Six people were
killed in US missile attack on a house in Ghundi village near Miranshah; the
house was rented out to militants. Mangal Bagh vacated his bases in
Landikotal area before the expiry of deadline given by the authorities;
meanwhile, security forces arrested nine militants of his group.
In Khar, lashkar of Salarzai Tribe attacked positions of Taliban and
shelling by gunship helicopters continued killing six more people. Despite
clashes and air strikes, Malik asked the displaced people to return to the
923

area, but they refused to do so for want of peace. Pakistan wanted

repatriation of Afghan refugees to be expedited.
On 1st September, eight people were killed in shelling in Bajaur
Agency. ISPR announced that Bajaur mission has been accomplished; 560
militants and 20 soldiers were killed and 30 went missing, but account of
civilian killings and suffering remained untold. Army spokesman said no
traces of Osama and Zawahiri were found; this denial told all about as on
whose behest the bloodshed was perpetrated. Six tribes in Kurram Agency
announced ceasefire.
Next day, jetfighters struck suspected militants positions and killed
15 people and wounded 35 more. Militants blew up six shops of ANP leader
in Matta Bazaar and shot dead an ASI and a schoolteacher. TTP claimed that
missing Chinese engineers were held by them. One person was killed in
Darra area. Eight people were killed in Kurram Agency.
On 3rd September, the US-led heli-borne forces carried out a raid in a
village near Angoor Adda, South Waziristan; the raiders first attacked a
house and killed ten Pakistanis, including three children and two women and
they then fired at villagers who came out to see and ten more people were
killed. Defence minister of Pakistan said villagers must have done
something to invite trouble. Governor NWFP termed it naked aggression
against sovereignty of Pakistan.
Foreign Office invited US ambassador over a cup of tea to tell her as
to how defence minister feels about it. The US and NATO denied their
involvement in the attack and did not point finger towards anyone else
including Afghan forces, trained and equipped by the US; that left aliens
from Mars as the only suspects. Unfortunately, Pakistan could not lodge
protest at the right quarters as it has no diplomatic contacts with Martians.
Jetfighters and gunship helicopters remained active in Swat; 30
militants, 6 civilians and 2 soldiers were killed during the day. Four militants
were killed in Bajaur. A subedar and five Khasadars were kidnapped from
Ziarat post near Landi Kotal. Twenty-five police cadets were kidnapped on
their way to Hangu. In Kurram, 21 people were killed. Militants looted
banks in Darra Adamkhel. PM motorcade was fired at Islamabad highway
when it was on its way to airport to receive Gilani. It was quite strange that
such a high profile attack was carried out without establishing the presence
of the target. This raised few questions.
On 4th September, Foreign Minister of Pakistan pretended annoyance
in National Assembly while winding up debate on Angoor Adda attack. The
924

US responded by carrying out another missile strike in North Waziristan

killing six people and a spokesperson in Washington said the war against
terror was being conducted in close coordination with Pakistan. In Swat, 17
militants and 9 civilians were killed as troops retook Kuza Bandi area of
Kabal tehsil.
Khadim Hussain commented on the ongoing fight in Swat. The
present round of violence is more deadly and the Taliban and the military
seem to be in a more aggressive mood than before. The number of civilian
casualties, including men and women, and the destruction wrought are
greater. Curfews and unabated firing from both sides have brought all
activities to a standstill. According to the in charge at the Matta Tehsil
Hospital, patients in the hospital are stranded as no attendant can reach them
and bring food and medicines for them.
Charitable hospitals, such as the one set up by the Lyton Rahmatullah
Benevolent Trust in Kabal tehsil, are virtually closed and the staff there is
afraid that the hospitals might be shifted to other areas. Markets in the
upper part of the valley are deserted and amenities are sold at prices
that are 10 times higher than the actual rate because of the non-supply of
edible items. Public and private properties are being destroyed with
impunity.
The common people believe that the present violence is being
orchestrated for the procurement of more dollars from the US, despite
the fact that there are casualties among the Taliban and the military
everyday. Some local people also believe that the military would like the
valley to be plunged into turmoil in order to provide sanctuaries and
infiltrating points to the Taliban to enter Afghanistan through the border
The people of the valley think that the supply of manpower, weapons
and other necessities to Fazlullahs militia could have easily been disrupted
if the security forces had been keen about doing so or had been allowed to
eliminate militancy in the valley. The federal and provincial governments
have failed to launch a substantive dialogue while resorting to the
selective use of force and offering a comprehensive economic development
plan for the rehabilitation of the displaced population. They have also failed
to effectively put into operation the village peace committees. All this has
further eroded the confidence of the people in the state apparatus.
Mushtaq Yusufzai wrote on Bajaur operation. Violence continues
unabated in Bajaur Agency, despite a military campaign that involves aerial
bombing and artillery shelling and also after the biggest displacement of
925

people has taken place in the history of Pakistan. Up to 300,000 people

have already left their homes in Bajaur and put up at makeshift camps.
Still a number of families have been forced to risk their lives and return to
their villages because the conditions of living in these camps are next to
miserable.
The long-awaited military operation was finally launched on Aug 6
against the unbridled, Maulvi Faqir Mohammad-led tribal militants, when
dozens of armed Taliban fighters ambushed the paramilitary FC convoy near
Loisam, killing 22 soldiers Besides inflicting heavy human losses on the
troops, the militants affiliated with the defunct, Baitullah Mehsud-led TTP
also took away ten vehicles of the force including jeeps, pick-up trucks
and even a tank and an artillery gun.
It prompted the government to launch a full-scale military operation
against the militants in which PAF jetfighters and military gunship
helicopters heavily pounded the militants positions in their strongholds
Mamond, Salarzai, Charmang and Nawagai tehsils of Bajaur Agency,
bordering Afghanistans restive Kunar province. This is the real cause of
carrying out bloody operation in the area.
The military has so far resorted to aerial bombings only, using
jetfighters and gunship choppers to pound suspected positions of the
militants. Many innocent people have also become victims of these
indiscriminate aerial strikes by planes in various places of the troubled
region.
Apart from the mainstream local Taliban, led by Faqir Mohammad,
the deputy head of TTP, there are four other major militant groups in
Bajaur One of them, Qari Ziaur Rahman, as mentioned earlier, is an
Afghan Taliban commander fighting US-led NATO forces in
Afghanistans Kunar and Nuristan provinces.
He was caught in Peshawar by the law-enforcement agencies a few
months back, but like several other dreaded militants, he too was released
in exchange for Afghanistans former ambassador to Afghanistan, Tariq
Azizuddin. This explains as to who had kidnapped the ambassador and the
lies told by Malik that he was rescued in an operation the details of which
were not disclosed at that time.
Interestingly, after his release, Qari Ziaur Rahman set up a
separate militant group in Bajaur with (reportedly) support from Arab
fighters and is now giving tough time to the Pakistani security forces

926

engaged in fight against the Taliban militants. He even claimed

responsibility for ambushing the FC convoy
Consistent ignorance on the part of the concerned government
authorities, particularly the political administration and paramilitary Bajaur
Scouts officials based in Khar, gave enough time to militants to strengthen
their positions in the fertile and once peaceful Bajaur region
Fed up with their harsh policies, the tribes people of Salarzai tehsil
have finally raised a Lashkar against Taliban in the area. They have set
up checkpoints and announced a general was against militants, both local
and foreigners. In their first-ever action against Taliban, the tribal Lashkar
Tuesday opened fire on a group of militants in the Barmalley village of
Salarzai and shot down one militant from Mansehra.
It seems before launching its ground operation, the government
wanted the tribes people to come up with such tribal Lashkars and help
purge the villages of the militants. Military authorities are saying that the
operation will continue till all the basic objectives are achieved. Some of
these basic objectives are: restoring the writ of the government, recapturing
the security posts vacated by the FC personnel along the border, and
destroying the militants hideouts.
Rahimullah Yusufzai expressed his views on imposition of ban on
TTP. Now that the PPP-led government has decided to ban the TTP and
refuse dialogue with militants unless they surrender, the only other option is
to carry out sustained military action against them. This is reversal of the
policy that was firmed up when the four-party ruling alliance of PPP,
PML-N, ANP, and JUI-F and the military leadership interacted at security
briefings arranged by the Army Chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani for the
heads of these parties. It was decided that peaceful means would be used to
resolve the conflict in the NWFP and FATA and military action would be
taken as a last resort.
The government had to change its policy not only due to outside
pressure applied by the US and its allies but also on account of the
devastating suicide bombings carried out by the TTP in Dera Ismail Khan,
Wah, Lahore, Islamabad and other places. Though the TTP justified these
bombings as its reaction to the military operations in Bajaur and Swat, the
high number of civilian casualties in the suicide attacks outraged the people
and caused a turning of the tide against the militants.
The ban on TTP wont have any impact as it was never a legal
organization and had neither an office in any city nor bank account. The
927

move was largely symbolic and was apparently meant to send the message
that the TTP would no longer be a partner in any future efforts to peacefully
resolve the conflict in NWFP and FATA. Further hardening of the
government stance became evident when Rehman Maliks announcement
that the government was considering placing head-money on top Taliban
commanders in Pakistan and his insistence that militants must surrender
before peace talks could be held with them. The Taliban would not lay down
arms and it means that the fighting would continue.
The steps announced by Rehman Malik, who isnt a politician and
had served all his life in law-enforcement agencies, are administrative
measures aimed at treating the militants as criminals and terrorists and
attempting to liquidate them. It remains to be seen if the government and
security forces possess the power and stamina to pursue this tough course. In
the past also, the government went all out in ordering military action against
the militants, but its inability to defeat them prompted it to sue for peace by
involving tribal elders and even Afghan Taliban as mediators. Right now the
focus is on punishing the militants but who knows if this is going to be
the final strategy or the process of dialogue would be resumed at some
state in the future.
The News commented on sectarian fighting in Kurram Agency. The
sectarian frenzy in the area, that has also seen Shia-Sunni tensions in the
past, appear to have been aggravated over the past months by the arrival
in the region of fiercely anti-Shia Taliban militants who have come in
from other tribal regions.
The relentless fighting has meant the destruction of hundreds of
homes, countless injuries and damage to land. The still undetermined death
toll climbs by the day. The town of Parachinar has been cut off from the rest
of the country for months, food is scarce Traditional leaders have lost
control over the situation in which extremists on both sides of sectarian
divide have taken charge.
It is unclear precisely what the interior adviser intended when he
made his promise. He has clearly failed to keep it. Because of this, more
people will die, more hatred will take root and more blood will flow
through the valleys of Kurram as the government stands by and
watches with apparent indifference.
The Dawn wrote on Admiral Mullens statement. The American
military leadership is now pleased, so it seems, with the Pakistan armys
role in the war on terror. That is the obvious conclusion one draws from
928

Chairman of US Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullens briefing at the

Pentagon on Thursday. A day earlier he held a secret meeting with Gen
Ashfaq Parvez Kayani on board an American aircraft carrier. Coming in that
meetings wake, the Admirals statement that he believed Pakistans focus
in the war on terror was where it should have been is extremely telling.
It is intriguing why the Americans considered it necessary to
announce this publicly. Equally embarrassing for the army leadership that
has succeeded Gen Musharraf is for the Americans to make a song and
dance of the growing military-to-military relationship between the two
sides. If Pakistans army chief had given the Americans an opportunity to
understand a complex relationship and this was a part of an ongoing
dialogue, didnt wisdom demand that the two sides maintain a discreet
silence on it?
The fact is that Pakistan is trapped in a crisis that is shrouded in
numerous contradictions. The war on terror which is being projected to the
world as Americas biggest challenge of this century is equally, if not more,
a challenge for Pakistan as well. Al-Qaeda and the Taliban pose a threat to
Pakistans integrity, security and way of life. It is ironical that the US as well
as Pakistans intelligence agencies had a hand in creating this monster that
they are now trying to eliminate. But this not a simple battle for them
Admiral Mullens statement conveys the impression that
Washington feels that under its new command the Pakistan Army is
more malleable. This will only help to alienate a large section of the public
without strengthening the militarys hand which is operating in sensitive
areas where the enemy often happens to be its own people. Needless to say,
the biggest loser by this American indiscretion will be the civilian
government in Islamabad.
Jahanzeb Raja expressed his views on Pakistans military strategy.
The Pakistan Armys strategy of eliminating this threat seems to be
confused over the issue of maximum use of force using regular forces or
using parliamentary forces as surrogates who neither have the will nor the
means to destroy the enemy. This is not only prolonging the conflict, it also
risks alienating the very populace we intend to defend because of the
collateral damage and the militants terror policies.
The Pakistan Army is governed by its own rules of engagement
under fire and should not get involved with local jirgas and elders as
political agents are used to establishing their writ by evoking harsh penalties
through collective punishments. Images of senior army commanders
929

garlanding outlawed militants who have mercilessly slaughtered our soldiers

is detrimental to the morale of the officers and men who are fighting and
sacrificing themselves for a cause not dear to their hearts. The army should
give a clear message that it will never negotiate with those who have
slaughtered their comrades, and will pursue them till they have been
eliminated.
Every insurgency has to be tackled according to the prevailing
environment, its players and their supporters. The situation on Pak-Afghan
border has to be seen in the context of its present reality, not in the
perspective of conventional; thinking where the traditional enemy could be
counted in terms of men, weapons, equipment and capabilities.
Unfortunately for many, cold calculations of threat identification havent
changed with the times.
Our reluctance to name countries and tribes and their surrogates, who
are fuelling this war against our very existence, is strange if we claim that
foreign fighters are actively involved. The ISPR has to be par-active and not
apologetic in its response, the lame excuse of passing the buck, is not only
demeaning to the paramilitary forces, who are bearing the brunt of the
casualties, but ultimately reflects a lack of will to act concertedly against
the states enemies. The Pakistan Army has a proud tradition to uphold and
vacillation and inept leadership will not do when addressing matters of
critical national security.
Khalid Aziz wrote: The tribal areas have 20 electoral votes in this
context. The tribal MNAs and Senators have said that they would like the
military activity stopped in Bajaur as a precondition for casting their votes
for the PPP candidate. In short, the presidential contest has become a
negotiable item in the path of security operations. JUI-F, which has more
than 30 Electoral College votes, has categorically asked for a halt to all
military operations.
What will be the consequences if the military action is stopped? It
will not only let down the military but also all those who have accepted the
challenge to fight the militants at the community level. We have seen that
while the government adheres to ceasefires the militants do not. The
militants use ceasefires to retaliate against those who risked attacking the
militants. The governments ascendancy that now prevails will be lost
If you examine the militants narrative it relates to the story of a rich
person, bin Laden, who gave up his wealth, family and privileges to come
and defend the poor, in a world where they believe their religion is under
930

challenge. The valiant bin Laden is seen pitched in a battle against those
who have greater personal and private interest in retaining power for
themselves rather than for the public good.
Clearly under these circumstances the battle for the hearts and
minds will be in favour of bin Laden than the leadership in Pakistan,
which is portrayed as self-centered. This indeed is a huge challenge but one
which is overlooked by the ruling elite. In this battle for the hearts and
minds the side which is moral, fair and bases its policies on principles, rather
than on expediency, will win the battle for hearts and minds.
If Pakistan is to have a fighting chance of coming on top of the
insurgency it must improve governance and help the poor. Secondly, it
must protect its security policies from the vagaries of selfish political
actors. A contrary course will spell disaster.
The Dawn commented on September 3 cross-border attack near
Angoor Adda. The background to Wednesdays raid is the losses that US
and ISAF forces have been suffering in Afghanistan this year. The loss of
45 troops in August was the bloodiest month for foreigners in Afghanistan in
their near seven-year presence there. US losses for the month were nearly
equal to those in Iraq, where the Americans have four times as many troops.
Much of the rising violence in Afghanistan has been blamed on elements
operating from Pakistans tribal agencies, and Waziristan north and south
has been a particular cause of concern.
Confronted by this increasingly lethal threat, the US and ISAF
forces appear to have become increasingly trigger-happy. Afghan
officials have strongly protested a series of recent civilian deaths, most
notably the alleged massacre of 90 civilians in another pre-dawn attack in
Herat province on Aug 22. American officials have denied this claim. In
early July, according to an Afghan governing commission, the US
mistakenly bombed a wedding party in Nuristan province, killing 47
civilians. That incident too was strongly denied by US officials initially,
before it was later accepted that civilians may have died in the attack
though no casualty figure was given.
There is no doubt that the militants operating in Pakistans tribal
areas pose a threat to not just the Americans and other foreigners in
Afghanistan but to Pakistan itself. They must be dealt with and dealt with
forcefully, however, a go-it-alone strategy by the US inside Pakistan will
spell nothing but trouble for everyone.

931

EASTERN FRONT
The blockade of the Valley by Hindus of Jammu stirred protests by
Kashmiris unparalleled for more than a decade. The intensity of protests
forced the muted rulers in Pakistan to speak. The moment they opened their
mouths, India warned that criticism of recent developments in IHK could
harm peace process.
When use of force to check protest rallies resulted in killing of
innocent Kashmiris, Musharraf prayed for maghfrat of slain Kashmiris. The
democratic Government of Pakistan opted for the mildest option of asking
the UN and OIC to help end Indian atrocities in IHK. Ban Ki Moon
responded by offering help to resolve Kashmir dispute.
Pakistan released 34 Indian fishermen on Indias Independence Day.
On 4 September, Pakistan invited India to cross-LoC trade talks and India
accepted gleefully as it could help in defusing tension in the Valley. These
were the only events which could be termed as CBMs; rest all was negative
to confidence building. With utter disregard to recent killings in the Valley
by Indian forces, in his Independence Day speech the Khalsa Prime Minister
said terrorists were harming friendship with Pakistan and urged Islamabad to
do more in this context.
th

On 21st August, India alleged cross-LoC shelling by Pakistan. Next

day, India stopped water of River Chenab to fill newly constructed Baglihar
Dam. Meanwhile, India had blamed Muslims for Ahmedabad blasts, but a
US national, Kenneth Haywoods involvement was suspected. He fled
Mumbai; India demanded his remand and Boucher agreed in principle for
questioning this member of American Christian right.
Perpetration of terrorism against Kashmiris by Indian occupation
forces continued. Following incidents were reported during the period:
Police and protesters clashed in Srinagar on 5th August. The protests
had intensified over attacks on Muslims by Hindus. Next day, Yasin
Malik began hunger strike over land row.
Yasin Malik was hospitalized and protests continued on 7 th August.
Three days later, Mirwaiz and Gilani were placed under house arrest.
On 11th August, APHC leader Sheikh Aziz was killed with 12 others
when Indian forces opened fire at protesters marching towards
Muzaffarabad. More than two hundred thousands had marched to

932

protest economic blockade of the Valley clamped by Hindus of

Jammu. Pakistans Foreign Office condemned the use of force.
Next day, hundreds of thousands attended the funeral of Sheikh Abdul
Aziz. Protests were held in all major towns across the Valley. Security
forces opened fire and killed 12 more protesters.
On 14th August, one person was killed in Srinagar by occupation
forces as protests continued across the Valley. India condemned
statements of Pakistani leaders and termed them as interference in its
internal affairs.
Kashmiris observed Black Day, carried out protest rallies, burnt
Indian flag and chanted pro-Pakistan slogans. On 16 th August,
thousands of Kashmiris carried out rally in Srinagar chanting freedom
slogans.
On 21st August, thousands on Kashmiri protesters called for
independence. Next day, three Indian soldiers and four militants were
killed in a clash near LoC. Hundreds of thousands of Kashmiris
carried out rally in Srinagar for freedom chanting anti-India slogans.
At least 15 people, including an army officer and 12 militants, were
killed in clashes on 23rd August. The strike crippled life in Srinagar.
Hundreds of thousands Kashmiris again protested in Srinagar on 24 th
August; police opened fire killing one Kashmiri and wounding 40
others; several leaders were arrested.
All the key Kashmiri leaders and hundreds of second rank leaders
were arrested in IHK on 25th August.
Two Kashmiri youths were shot dead by Indian troops; Srinagar
remained under curfew on 27th August. Next day, three people were
killed by occupation forces.
Hunt for Kashmiri leaders was intensified and curfew was made more
stringent on 29th August.
On 31st August, the government allowed temporary use of land near
the temple to Hindus; this land had triggered the current protests. Next
day, APHC leaders were freed as anger of Kashmiris festered.
One Indian soldier was killed in firing on a convoy on 2 nd September.
In Srinagar, occupation forces lifted curfew as goodwill gesture.

933

The Dawn commented: The current communal tensions in IHK

have little to do with Pakistan at the moment, but if they persist they may
open up yet another Pandoras Box with devastating consequences for
regional peace. The crisis began in June when Muslims protested against a
move by the authorities to give 40 hectares of forestland to a Hindu shrine
trust for the accommodation of pilgrims. The governments decision to
rescind its decision caused anger among Hindus in Jammu. The resulting
violence, including clashes between the police and demonstrators, has led to
the loss of lives, the destruction of homes and an economic blockade of the
Muslim-dominated Valley which is being deprived of essential supplies. In
this turmoil, there are valid fears that extremist Hindu and Muslim elements
would have no qualms about exploiting the situation to suit their own
interests.
This can harm the composite dialogue between India and
Pakistan. The peace process recently suffered a setback following the
Indian Embassy blast in Kabul the New Delhi blamed on the ISI, and
skirmishes between Indian and Pakistani soldiers along the Line of Control.
Both sides would do well to pre-empt the designs of ill-intentioned
extremists and agencies that could harbour designs to foment trouble in the
occupied state.
Of course, the ultimate responsibility to douse the communal fires in
Kashmir rests with the Indian government that has just deployed an
additional 10,000 troops in the area to keep the situation under control. One
hopes that the Indian Army command is mindful of the Muslim resentment
against its soldiers and that it does not come down with a heavy hand on the
local population as it is routinely accused of doing. In Jammu, there are
complaints that the security forces are not doing enough to prevent angry
demonstrators from targeting shops and property owned by Muslims.
High-handed measures like the detention of prominent Kashmiri
leaders go against the spirit of compromise that New Delhi is desperately
seeking. Their arrest and the worsening condition of Kashmiri leader Yasin
Malik, whose fast-unto-death continues, are deepening the communal rift,
which is also being exploited by political forces like the BJP. Such elements
must be dealt with firmly and the authorities should refrain from taking
further controversial decisions regarding the land transfer issue.
In another editorial the newspaper added: This is an escalation of
Hindu protests in the region that have gone on for weeks since the
Amarnath Shrine land issue strained ties between Muslims and Hindus in

934

Indian-administrated Kashmir. The catalyst for the protests was a decision in

May by the Congress-led state government to transfer 100 acres of land in
the Kashmir valley to the Amarnath Shrine Board, which oversees a yearly
pilgrimage by Hindus. Nine days of protests by Muslims led to the fall of the
state government and the revocation of the land transfer. But this only
triggered counter-protests by Hindus in the Jammu region.
The protests have been a huge set-back for Congress which was
touting an improved security situation in Indian-administered Kashmir as
one of its successes in the run-up to state elections later this year. Indeed
violence was on the decline, tourists had returned to the Kashmir valley and
there was hope that the elections would be a turning point for stability in the
region. But those gains have quickly evaporated and the Muslim protests,
some of the largest seen in two decades, have widened to become proindependence rallies and brought together the fractious leaders of the APHC.
Indeed, New Delhi is so alarmed by the situation that the prime minister has
called an all-parties meeting to discuss the issue today.
What the meeting will have to confront are the sensitive issues of
land ownership, communal identity and relative population strengthens of
Muslims and Hindus in different parts of Indian administered Jammu and
Kashmir that have been laid bare by recent events
As India struggles with its Kashmir woes, the Pakistan
government has remained remarkably quiet on this front. This despite
the fact that New Delhi has accused Pakistan of LoC violations and warned
that the composite dialogue is on shaky ground. In light of this, the
statement by a spokesman of the Jammu and Kashmir government
predicting cross-LoC trade by October should be welcomed. In fraught
times, every small gain in CBMs, that help to ease tensions, should be
appreciated.
In yet another editorial it wrote: The wave of protests and violence in
Indian administered Jammu and Kashmir continues unabated. For a region
that has been racked by violence for two decades, the magnitude of the
latest problems can be gauged by the fact that observers are readily
describing the protests as unprecedented. On Sunday, Indian authorities
imposed a curfew in all 10 districts of the Kashmir Valley to prevent a
massive pro-separatist rally in Srinagar. The rally was meant to be the
culmination of a three day strike called by separatist leaders, who are
demanding a referendum on the future of Kashmir

935

There are no easy answers to these problems. What is clear though is

that the people of Jammu and Kashmir are desperately seeking change.
Moreover, what happens in Kashmir especially if it takes the form of
repression by Indian security forces at this point will determine the future
of India-Pakistan relations. With cross border violence having subsided for
the moment, the unrest in the Valley is of a purely indigenous character. If
New Delhi fails to placate the Kashmiris and the turbulence escalates it
will destabilize the region, drawing India and Pakistan into renewed
confrontation over the state.
The News opined: The most recent upsurge in violence was
triggered as is so often the case by an issue related to religion. The
Amarnath Shrine, a remote place of pilgrimage for Hindus, became the focus
of a political struggle that eventually brought down the state government
What began as a localized dispute has mushroomed into a full blown antiIndia protest and brought together Kashmiri leaders in a united call, once
again, for independence.
There had been a decrease in the tensions that surround
Kashmir, but Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh speaking at
Independence Day celebrations in Delhi spoke plainly when he said that
terrorism and extremism had emerged as the main threats to Indias unity. He
talked about the effects of divisive politics and appealed to political parties
to come together and find a permanent solution to the problems of the state.
Unfortunately, politics is by definition divisive more about defied
polarities than unity and the conflict over who owns Kashmir has taken a
sharp downwards turn at a time when the politics of Pakistan are themselves
in ferment and characterized by anything other than unity.
The fresh crisis in Kashmir could not have come at a worse time for
Pakistan as its leaders remain distracted by the internal strife that has
crippled governance for six months. Now is not the time to take ones eye off
the ball, as dropping the Kashmir ball now or failing to hit for six the
burgeoning aspirations of Hindu extremists in the occupied valley, will mean
another dot-ball over for a government that has little enough on the
scoreboard as it is.
Dr Mubashir Hasan observed: The struggle has achieved new pitch
of intensity and fervor as the leaders of the people showing unprecedented
unity of objective and action. The government of India has acknowledged it
by throwing all principal leaders like Ali Gilani, Umar Farooq, Yasin Malik

936

and Shabbir Shah in jail simultaneously. Unprecedented demonstrations all

over the state have erupted.
A crisis of gigantic proportion stares the governments of India
and Pakistan in the face. The results of the long, painstaking and admirable
negotiations between the two governments about a general understanding on
the framework of the solution of the Kashmir issue have been washed down
the River Jehlum a great tragedy indeed.
Two countries now face a qualitatively new situation. The demand
for independence has moved to the top of the Kashmiri agenda. The
governments of India and Pakistan must realize that it will no longer be
feasible even with their combined power to impose a solution of the dispute
on Kashmir by force.
They must now fully permit the regions of J&K to go the way
they want the situation is not very dissimilar to that of India in 1946. In
that fateful year it was the British who were fast losing their grip. The
Congress and the League were having a field day working up the emotional
aspect of their demands among their followers. Today in J&K, on one side
are the governments of India and Pakistan who have lost moral and political
ground. On the other side are the worked-up political forces of Jammu and
Srinagar as antagonists. All four parties are highly dissatisfies with the status
quo.
India and Pakistan must not repeat the blunder the British
committed by relying on elections and referendums to determine the wishes
of the people. That is a sure way of widening the distances between
communities and nationalities which ultimately result in mass killings and
migrations The solution lies in arriving at agreements with leaderships
and then putting them up to the people through referendum as was done in
the case of Ireland.
Dr Moonis Ahmar wrote: Images of the burning of Indian flags and
slogans of freedom raised during recent demonstrations in Srinagar and
in other parts of the Indian controlled Kashmir clearly indicate three
things: first, the beginning of another uprising of Kashmiri Muslims against
New Delhis rule, second, the division of Jammu and Kashmir on communal
lines and, third, the derailing of the peace process.
The uprising has surprised many because in the last four years or so,
relative peace had returned to the once turbulent disputed part of India. With
the holding of ceasefire along the line of control Things in the volatile

937

Valley were normal to a large extent with the increase in travel and tourism.
The new stir has four dimensions.
First, it is the internationalization of the Kashmir conflict which
for many years had failed to gain world attention. The manner in which
the Indian security forces are dealing with popular uprising in the Valley and
the images of human rights violations cannot be concealed.
Second, it is the fourth generation of Kashmiris who have risen
against the Indian rule in the last 62 years. When the Kashmiri youth burn
Indian flags, express their hatred against New Delhis control over their land
and resources, the message is clear: the present generation of Kashmiris
cannot be subdued either by the use of force or by political manipulation.
Third, the manner in which the issue of land transfer in Kashmir has
been given a communal colour means that there is a clear religious divide
between non-Muslim Jammu and Muslim Kashmir Valley. When the
fanatic Hindus of Jammu under the patronage of the BJP demonstrated their
anger over the cancellation of land transfer to Amarnath shrine by blocking
the road link to the Valley, the Muslims marched towards the line of control.
For 62 years, India has succeeded in keeping its control over the
Valley but it seems this time, there may not be a smooth sailing for New
Delhi. Finally, how Pakistan will view the prevailing unrest in the Valley
remains to be seen.
Majid Nizami appeared on Waqt TV and commented on Musharrafs
passive Kashmir policy. He said as long as Kashmir dispute is not
resolved, India should be treated as Untouchable; in the same manner in
which Hindus treat the low castes. He recollected while answering a
question on Kashmir, Musharraf said, my Kashmir policy is the same as
yours. Nizami disagreed saying that he would even risk nuclear war on
Kashmir. I would prefer to kill Indians or get killed in Indian nuclear attack
rather than dying of starvation as India wants to turn Pakistan into a desert.
From across the border, or from country illegally occupying Kashmir,
Kuldip Nayar opined: When religious frenzy takes over, people do not think
straight. Indias politics is going to get more vitiated because of the coming
elections. The central government is on its last legs and probably a long-term
solution of Kashmir is not possible. But some exercise should begin. The
Valley, Jammu and Laddakh should become a federation so that each
unit feels that it has an identity of its own. The overall solution of the
Kashmir problem should follow.

938

The idea of blocking Jammu-Srinagar road, the only land link

between the two regions, was that of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the
BJPs mentor. Thousands of karsevaks were brought from different states
to sustain the road blockade. It is another matter that the army was able to
pierce the blockade and sustain the supply of essential goods to the Valley.
For some reasons, the inept government in Srinagar and still more inept in
Delhi did not think of measures to keep the road open from day one.
The threat of the Kashmir fruit growers to cross the Muzaffarabad
border to take their produce to Pakistan should have made the RSS realize
the repercussions of bandhs and blockades. The government once again
woke up late to the threat. Police action began when the people took to the
streets. The protests were bound to spread to other places because after a
long time, people had a chance to ventilate age-old grievances. The bigger
question of Kashmir has unfortunately been reopened along religious lines.
The whole situation is a lesson for New Delhi, India has a point that
Hindu-majority Jammu and Muslim-majority Kashmir cannot be separated
because it will tell upon Indias secular polity. However, after the recent
happenings in the Valley and Jammu, the whole thing becomes a
question mark.
In another article, Kuldip added: The pressure of events may force
the Pakistan government to take a stand, not only because of the smoldering
situation in the Valley but also because of Azad Kashmir may eventually be
led to support the concept of azadi. The tragedy is that the governments in
both countries are in no position to discus azadi.
Temperatures in Kashmir have already reached boiling point. Even if
Hurriyat leaders were to think of waiting until after the polls, they would
find it hard to convince the people to defer the agitation. The threat that the
terrorists (even Indians like Kuldip are shy of calling them freedom-fighters)
would take over from the Hurriyat leaders is a superficial reading of the
situation. Were the movement to take that direction, the security forces
would use maximum force to crush the insurgency. My fear is that the
demand of secession may give a handle to the BJP which has been
looking for an emotive issue
Fundamentalists in Pakistan may be happy over the development in
the Valley. The ISI may want to fish in its troubled waters. But they
should realize that azadi holds as good for Kashmir under Pakistan as for the
Kashmir on the Indian side. Islamabad has opposed an independent status
for Kashmir in the past. There is no indication that it has changed its policy.
939

However, there is no time to waste. New Delhi should hold talks

with the Kashmiri leaders to assure them of an independent status,
minus foreign affairs, defence and communications. Kashmir can have a UN
seat as did Ukraine in the Soviet Union.
In the meanwhile, New Delhi must address the fears of the Muslim
community in India. It feels insecure and helpless. In recent days I have
traveled to some parts of the country and talked to many people, including
well-placed Muslims. I have found them complaining against the authorities,
particularly the police. The community knows that the happenings in Jammu
and Kashmir have polluted the atmosphere. But it believes that the young
among them are not because of Kashmir. Their concern is that on the pretext
of curbing the activities of the Students Islamic Movement of India, scores
of Muslims are picked up. Even if they are released after a few days, the tag
of terrorism sticks with them.
What is most disturbing is that the Muslim community finds the
pluralistic ethos in India to be weakening and the sense of tolerance
lessening. This means that even after 61 years of independence, the nation
has failed to establish a secular polity. It is, indeed, disturbing.
Praful Bidwai commented: This is pitting Jammu against Kashmir,
ethnic groups against other ethnic groups, and Hindus against Muslims
in dangerous new ways. The BJP has politicized and exploited agitation
cynically. It imposed an economic blockade which closed the JammuSrinagar highway for weeks and brought goods transportation to a halt,
causing great public suffering.
The twin agitations threaten J&Ks unity and plural, multicultural, and multi-religious character in unprecedented ways. In less than
two months, the BJP has succeeded in driving an emotional and political
wedge between Jammu and Kashmir something that jihadi separatists
working with Pakistani agencies couldnt achieve in the nearly 20 years of
the azadi movement.
The twin agitations have deepened communal polarization, and
radicalized both Hurriyat and Hindutva hardliners. The Centre failed to
enforce the law and open the Jammu-Srinagar highway until it was too late.
Its belated attempt to defuse the situation through an 18-member all-party
committee hasnt made headway.
The SASS wants the land re-transferred to the SASB and
Governor N N Vohra removed. Such demands are vindictive or totally

940

devoid of political rationality. This only shows that the BJP wants to prolong
the Jammu crisis and milk it politically.
The SASS, a 28-group network, is basically a Sangh Parivar
enterprise. Its three top leaders Leelakaran Sharma, Mahant Dinesh Bharti
and Brig Suchet Singh have RSS backgrounds and are closely linked
with the J&K National Front, which demands the states trifurcation:
Jammu and Kashmir as separate states and Laddakh a Union Territory. The
demand is despicably communal.
Any division of Jammu and Kashmir along religious lines is a
recipe for the separation of the Kashmir Valley from India. It will harden
and freeze two opposing entities a Muslim Kashmir, and a Hindu
Jammu. Nothing could better help the Valleys discredited pro-Pakistan
Islamic separatists like Syed Ali Shah Gilani, who oppose a pluralist, secular
identity for Kashmir
Why has the BJP embarked on this dangerous course? Its
desperate to rescue its sagging fortunes by finding any issue on which to win
support. Its organizing traffic blockades on the Amarnath issue nationally
and mouthing shopworn clichs like injustice to Hindus. The BJP even
brazenly denies that there ever was an economic blockade in J&K.
Yet, Jammus protesters, who increasingly resemble Hindutvas
storm troopers in Gujarat-2002 in appearance, have indulged in stone and
acid-throwing attacks on truck drivers. According to the far-from-hostile
state government, Jammu has witnessed 10,513 protests and 359 serious
incidents of violence on the Amarnath issue
The BJP was pivotal in planning and executing this violence its
leaders have gone Back to Basics unembellished, crude, super-sectarian
Hindutva. L K Advani just cant wait to become prime minister. His
speeches have become shrill, and his body language has changed. This is no
longer the Advani who wanted to inherit the moderate Vajpayee legacy.
This is the Advani of many past Rathyatras aggressive, warlike, spewing
communal venom, and leaving a trail of blood.
Advani will now stoop to any level to collect political brownie
points, regardless of the issue. The other day, the issue was the UPA
governments alleged weakness in the face of terrorism. Then it was the
India-US nuclear deal, the culmination of a long process the BJP itself
initiated, and which its urban-middle-class core constituency supports.

941

Now, Advani is drumming up Hindu-chauvinist hysteria over 100

acres of land, laying claim to it on the spacious ground that the Hindus must
have the first claim to any land anywhere in India by virtue of their
numerical majority an hence primacy. This is an egregiously, if not
classically, anti-secular proposition.
Why is the BJP so desperate? Barely one month ago, after a series
of Assembly wins, it had primed itself up into believing that its victory was
imminent in the next Lok Sabha. It even started announcing candidates. But
the BJP was badly checkmated during the confidence vote. It lost it despite
trying every trick in the book. Worse, Advani was eclipsed by Mayawatis
dramatic emergence as an alternative.
The BJP plans went awry. The victorious and now aggressive
Manmohan Singh couldnt be convincingly depicted as Indias weakestever prime minister. The BJP botched up its in manipulative political act,
where its supposedly unmatched
The highest number of MPs defying their party whip during the
confidence vote were from the BJP. Thanks to its MPs involvement in the
cash-for-questions scam, human trafficking, and the latest acts of defiance,
the BJP has lost 17 of its original 137 Lok Sabha seats.
The National Democratic Alliance once had 24 members. Now its
down to five. As trouble brews in all of its state units, the BJP will use
inflammatory tactics to bouy up it fortunes. The India public will have to
pay the price unless it sends the party packing.
Javed Naqvi wrote: Arundhati Roys eyewitness account of the mood
in the Kashmir Valley hints at the dilemma confronting the masses in their
upsurge against Indian rule. On the one hand the message to India is one of
a subjugated peoples continued rejection of Delhi in their midst, be it in
the form of troops, bunkers or concertina wires.
On the other hand as the writer discovered, the anger does not
necessarily translate into love for Pakistan. I would say part of the
disenchantment relates to Premchands story of the chess players occupying
Pakistans centre stage of late. In Roys words: It would be a mistake to
assume that the public expression of affection for Pakistan automatically
translates into a desire to accede to Pakistan. Some of it has to do with
gratitude for the support cynical or otherwise for what Kashmiris see as their
freedom struggle, and the Indian state sees as a territorial campaign. It also
has to do with mischief; with saying and doing what galls India most of all.

942

Her latest account from last weeks visit to Srinagar has provoked a
strong reaction from the ruling Congress and the main opposition BJP,
both describing her as anti-national. This is not new. Her speech in 2005
on the International Day of the Disappeared drew similar vitriol from the
media
The question is: is anybody ready to see the dialectics that
connects the current turmoil in Pakistan with the allegorical reference to
Pinochet in the context of Kashmir? Let me give you a clue. It has to do with
someone who poked his nose into the unexplained disappearance of far too
many people.
Emily Wax observed: On a recent four-month long trek through
hundreds of Kashmiri villages, separatist leader Yasin Malik called on
people to adopt his new Gandhian philosophy of non-violence. Malik, a
secular Muslim, soon became an icon of peace to many youths in this
turbulent region. But Maliks commitment to non-violence is now being
tested amid a wave of unrest in occupied Kashmir.
Malik has led several peaceful protests, but many young Kashmiris
now say they are ready to fight. Malik is a controversial figure. He was at
the forefront of militancy in 1989 and was imprisoned by the Indian
government in 200 for allegedly smuggling money to finance freedom
fighters in Kashmir. But he was released after eight months. He has also
been accused of atrocities against Kashmiri Hindus. In 1990, he renounced
violence and has since started peace movement. Some here worry that his
peaceful solutions will soon have little relevance.
The focus has shifted dramatically from the shrine to a larger
national debate over Kashmirs status Some analysts say live television
images of the unrest, police actions and anti-India sentiment in Kashmir
were beginning to impact public opinion. There was no such coverage
during the freedom movement in the early 1990s.

HOME FRONT
Low key insurgency in Balochistan continued till announcement of
ceasefire by three major militant groups. Following incidents were reported:
Four persons were killed in bomb blast in Sibi on 6 th August. Three
days later, two policemen were gunned down in Quetta.

943

 On 10th August, rockets were fired into Sindh area near border with
Balochistan. Chief Minister urged militants to join talks.
One person was wounded in grenade attack in Quetta on 11th August.
Next day, one more person was killed in a blast in Quetta.
Two persons were killed in bomb blast in Hub on 13th August. Bomb
blasts in Kalat damaged gas pipeline and a telephone DP. FC Fort in
Kahan was attacked with rockets. One person was killed in Kharan
when settlers were attacked.
On 14th August, six pro-government tribesmen were killed in Loti area
when their vehicle hit a landmine. Two bomb blasts in Turbat. One
security personnel was shot dead in Quetta; four were wounded in a
blast in Brewery Golimar area; and blasts also occurred in Samungli,
Machh and Kharan areas.
Three security personnel were killed in Chamalang area in separate
incidents on 15th August. Two days later, Balochistan cabinet met
prime minister and Rs6 billion were released for the province.
On 18th August, Akbar Bugtis son submitted an application in Quetta
city police station for registration of FIR of his fathers murder.
Musharraf, Shaukat, Sherpao, Owais and Jam Yousuf were named for
committing the crime.
Bullet-ridden dead bodies of five missing government employees
were found in Nasirabad district on 19th August. Next day, gun battle
erupted in Hub when police raided residence of ex-DCO of Dera
Bugti to arrest some wanted offenders.
BLA claimed attacking a post in Chamalang area on 22nd August. Next
day, gas pipeline was blown up near Dera Bugti.
On 24th August, eight people were wounded in grenade attack in
Quetta. Next day, six people were killed in rocket attack in Machh.
Jan Jamali warned of countrys disintegration.
Strike was observed in Balochistan on second death anniversary of
Akbar Bugti on 26th August; 37 people were wounded in blast in rally
in Tando Allahyar. Bomb attacks were carried out in Quetta, Sangsila,
Uch, and Barkhan.
Rehman Malik visited Quetta to campaign for Zardari on 28 th August.
He offered the incentives of release of Baloch leaders; withdrawal of
944

cases and abandoning of FC posts. Next day, one person was killed in
landmine blast near Pir Koh.
On 1st September, BLA, Baloch Liberation Front and Baloch
Republican Army announced calling off militancy. One person was
killed in landmine blast near Dera Jamali.
The Dawn wrote: This province remains a seething wound on the
body politic of the federation. This was more than evident during President
Pervez Musharrafs visit to Quetta. While he was hosted by the governor,
who is the federations representative in the province, the elected chief
minister and most of his huge cabinet stayed away from the ceremonies.
This despite the fact that the Balochistan cabinet contains men and women
belonging to the PML-Q, the party the president publicly endorsed in the last
election as his ally.
Was the elected government avoiding incurring the wrath of Baloch
nationalists, who boycotted the February polls, and who have declared war
against what they see as a continuation of President Musharrafs regime? For
his part, the president did little soothsaying. He reiterated his stance that
the insurgents in Balochistan were backed by foreign powers, without as
much as naming one. If a foreign hand is involved in the insurgency in
Balochistan, we have to admit it is our flawed policies which enable foreign
powers hostile to Pakistan to meddle in our affairs.
Their grievances are longstanding, ironical as it might seem in
view of the fact that all the three leading insurgent tribes, the Bugtis, the
Murris and Mengals have at one time or the other directly or indirectly
worked with the Islamabad establishment to the chargin of their own
kinsmen as it were. Proof, if it is needed, that politics is a business of
shifting sands.
The blame game must end and a development package in which
the Bloch people are the major stakeholders be devised and
implemented. The reports of the two parliamentary committees set up by
the previous government could perhaps be dusted off and their
recommendations reconsidered. They had recommended greater job quotas
and enhanced provincial revenues.
The insurgent groups should take advantage of this lull in
hostilities, cease attacks on vital installations and commit themselves to a
dialogue on all contentious issues. The representative Balochistan

945

government should lead the initiative aimed at melting the ice between the
dissident sardars and Islamabad.
On ideological front the echoes on Lal Masjid Operation continued
to be heard. On 5th August, the government agreed to reconstruct Jamia
Hafsa as ordered by the Supreme Court. Four days later, the authorities
agreed to reconstruct Jamia Hafsa and release students under detention.
Petition against Lal Masjid operation was accepted for hearing by
Islamabad High Court on 20th August. Was it to save Musharraf from a
subsequent trial? Two days later, IHC rejected request for placing
Musharraf and Sherpao on ECL. On 28th August, Umme Hassan was
wounded in road accident along with four students near Rahim Yar Khan.
Reportedly, a vehicle had been chasing the vehicle of Umme Hassan before
accident. On 30th August, Jamia Faridia was handed over to lawful patrons.
MQM kept harping about Talibanization of Karachi while terrorizing
its political opponents. On 6th August, PPPs provincial leadership rejected
MQM hype about threats of Talibanization and a local leader of ANP was
shot dead in the city. Altaf ordered his followers to arm themselves. He said
that if Karachi was taken over by Taliban, Sindh would be lost.
On 17th August, MQM MNAs guard was wounded in crossfire and the
party termed it an attempt on the life of Haider Abbas Rizvi. Two ANP men
were shot dead in Karachi on 25th August. Next day, three students were
killed in Karachi University campus in clashes between workers of IJT and
MQM in the presence of police and Rangers.
One more JI activist was shot dead in Karachi by terrorists of MQM
on 27 August. Six days later, two suspected dacoits were burnt alive in
Karachi on 2nd September and the government didnt feel that its writ has
been challenged.
th

The two other issues pertained to missing persons and victimization of

women. On 5th August, Aafiya Siddiqui was indicted by the court in New
York on charges fabricated by the investigators; she had tried to kill them by
snatching a rifle and firing at them. The Government of Pakistan asked the
Pakistani neocon to seek access to Aafiya.
Dr Fauzia sister of Aafiya Siddiqui rejected US charges. She said it
was a joke because a woman who had disappeared while on way to the
airport in Karachi to take flight for Rawalpindi in March 2003 had been
found five years later in Ghazni. She demanded information about three
children of her sister. Iqbal Haider accused the US and Pakistani authorities
946

of abducting and illegally detaining her in total disregard of universal human

rights charter.
Next day, Aafiya denied charges against her. The prosecution stuck to
its version that she was arrested near governors house in Ghazni on July 17
and had snatched a rifle and fired two shots at a captain. One interrogator
had heard her exclaiming Allah-o-Akbar and the other heard four-letter
slang. Prosecution version said nothing about her whereabouts during period
from March 2003 to July 2008.
On 7th August, while talking about Aafiya spokesman of Foreign
Office admitted: We still do not know when she was arrested originally,
where are her children, how did she go missing? We are still trying to find
these facts. Two days later, Pakistan Embassy officials met Aafiya and she
told them that she was innocent.
On 11th August, hearing of Aafiyas bail was adjourned till September
3 on the request of defence counsel. She carried multiple bullet wounds and
her larger intestine had been removed. The court ordered her medical
examination within 24 hours, but it wasnt clear whether the court pondered
over as to how all this happened in short period as it has been claimed that
she was arrested on 17th July.
Next day, Aafiya surprised everyone by not asking release on bail.
Haqqani requested the US for custody of Aafiyas three children. On 13 th
August, court asked the attorney to produce Aafiyas medical report. Next
day, the US intelligence officials termed Aafiya as terrorist Mata Hari.
On 15th August, attorney adopted similar line in the court. Patterson
stuck to the version of US intelligence agents; Aafiya was apprehended last
month and whereabouts of her children were not known. In her letter to
leading newspapers she blamed media for mixing truth with lies and
commanded them to set the record straight.
On 21st August, the US said it had no information about the children
of Aafiya; the National Assembly passed a resolution for her repatriation.
Five days later, Americans had no shame in confessing that Aafiyas 11 year
old son was under custody in Afghanistan.
On 30th August, Afghan Foreign Minister, Spanta said Aafiyas 11year-old son would be released soon. After release he should be taken to US
Embassy in Islamabad to meet the ambassador who had said that the US did
not know whereabouts of Aafiyas children. The US authorities gave an

947

indication that Aafiya would be meted out better treatment for which she
would be shifted to another facility.
On 3rd September, Aafiya was indicted for attempted murder of US
officers. Next day, Hearing of Aafiyas case was adjourned till 22 nd
September; she did not appear before the court as she refused her body
search. Aafiyas son was taken away from his place of detention by Afghan
authorities.
After raising of the issue of burying of women alive and the hue and
cry of the media over it, the law enforcing at last came into action; bodies of
two girls were exhumed, but police was still in search of a complainant.
Senate and Sindh Assembly demanded severe punishment of people who
committed the crime. Medical report said the girls were hit with blunt
instruments before they died.
Ayesha Siddiqa commented on MQMs fears about Talibanization.
The focus here is the states ability to protect, which means its monopoly on
maintaining control. A couple of developments in the past few years have
raised eyebrows such as the authority given to non-state actors or non-state
organizations to establish parallel systems of security which directly
challenge the states authority. The first case relates to militant organizations
and groups being allowed to operate in many parts of the country. The
second pertains to the MQMs decision to install defence committees in all
districts and neighborhoods of Karachi to impede the growth of
Talibanization in the metropolis.
The MQMs decision comes in the wake of the resurfacing of
various banned outfits in Karachi including the Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan
(SSP) which carried out a demonstration in the city after remaining
underground for about eight years. The party which runs the city has
projected itself as a secular and liberal force prepared to prevent militant
forces from disturbing peace and law and order in Karachi.
The MQM, in fact, seems to have assumed the same responsibility as
the Turkish military performs of keeping the socio-political culture liberal.
Recently, the MQM leadership even summoned a meeting of the begums
of Clifton and Defence assuring them protection of their lifestyles. What is
even more interesting is the fact that such announcements have not been
challenged by any segment of the state which is primarily responsible for
providing protection to its citizens.

948

The fact of the matter is that Karachi on the whole is a good

example of the weakening of the state. The increase in private security
demonstrates that the state does not have the capacity to ensure law and
order which has forced private citizens to employ alternative means of
security. This means that an ordinary citizen, depending on his/her economic
capacity, spends additional resources for protection and hence is not getting
the expected output from the money he or she pays the state in the form of
taxation.
Regarding the MQMs move, there appears to be no entity to
challenge the partys assumption regarding the increase of Talibanization in
the city, which many believe is not happening but is merely an excuse to
checkmate the movement of people, especially those from the Frontier
province to Karachi. Given the increased insecurity in the Frontier, there is a
demographic shift with people moving to the cities, Karachi being one
which offers greater opportunities. Thinking of MQM is similar to that of
Israel; demographic threat of being out-numbered.
Also, there is a sizeable community of Pathans already living in the
city which attracts a similar kind to the city. Surely, there is a difference in
the style of living and social conditions of the Pathan and the Mohajirs
whom the MQM claims to represent. However, this does not mean that the
new migrants are Talibanizing the metropolis.
So, what does one make of the MQMs claim? The party probably
wants to stop the flow of Pathans or any other community into Karachi
which would challenge the current demographics of the city and have an
impact on the MQMs political authority. However, it is also a fact that some
banned militant outfits have resurfaced in the city resulting in the setting up
of defence committees by the MQM. Is it that those who control the militant
outfits and are part of the state are connected with the MQM?
But a larger question is: why should a party be given the freedom to
carry out functions which are the responsibility of the state? If indeed, the
state intends to subcontract one of its most important core functions then
what does one make of the state itself?
The Dawn commented on killings in Karachi University Campus.
Two major questions crop up here. First, how did the students manage to
enter the campus with arms when the Rangers were on duty? Either the
IJT and APMSO activists managed to find loopholes in the Rangers security
system, or they had stocked fire-arms on the campus somewhere and made
use of them. The firing lasted intermittently the entire day and this should
949

have given the Rangers time enough to end the shoot-out. Instead, the two
warring groups seemed to have all the opportunity in the world to turn the
campus into a battlefield.
Second, why did the KU administration not make its presence felt
and intervene to stop the clash? This gross failure on the administrations
part reinforces the general belief that the teachers themselves are divided and
have for that reason undermined their professional authority that is so
essential for maintaining the dignity of any educational institution and for
inculcating discipline and more values among students and inspiring them to
higher achievements in education and life.
Finally, the political parties must share the responsibility for what
happened on Tuesday. The student groups owe loyalty to the JI and MQM.
To blame only the students amounts to white-washing the crime of the
parent organizations. The clash was not something unusual for these armed
groups have been spilling blood now for decades To blame only the
student killers is to absolve the top leaders of the two parties of their role in
failing to check violence on the campuses.
The issue of Aafiya Siddiqui and her children was widely
commented upon. Arshad Mahmood from Mardan wrote: Although the
national and international media, NGOs and the family of Dr Aafiya are
focused on the issue of Dr Aafiya, surprisingly there was no mention of her
children. The government should immediately inform the nation about the
well-being of the missing children.
Yawar Kazmi from Karachi opined: After remaining for five years in
prison Dr Aafiya Siddiqui a Pakistani scientist, has now been charged by US
authorities with attempting to kill FBI agents and other US personnel last
month in Afghanistan while in US custody. This shows how absurd and
ridiculous the US war on terror is.
Because Musharraf has been boasting of being frontline mercenary
in this war, so Kazmi felt that he should be impeached so that no ruler in
future will dare to hand over innocent Pakistani to foreign governments
without first producing them in a Pakistani court. Kazmi, perhaps, believes
that impeachment is something equivalent of gallows or electric chair.
A Qayum Khan from Karachi urged: More than the impeachment of
the president, restoration of the judges, release of Dr A Q Khan, etc, I
consider the release of the three children of Dr Siddiqui as the most
important issue that we are facing. The government should use all

950

resources at its command to seek their release on top priority. The next
important issue is the release of their mother, Dr Aafiya Siddiqui.
Adnan Naseer from Islamabad said: I was wondering if the
ambassador could tell us where Dr Siddiqui was for five years and how
she managed to find her way to Ghazni. Also, could it be that the US
authorities have no knowledge about her detention because her detention
was not documented? Also, would the ambassador be kind enough to explain
how a woman and that too of such a small frame could take control of a
weapon used by the US Army and use it to fire at a soldier?
Surely, the impression being created that Dr Siddiqui was in
detention and being treated well belies American treatment of such prisoners
as happens routinely at Guantanamo Bay. Perhaps, the ambassador should
issue a list of all people in American custody for whom a bounty has
been paid to Pakistan?
Nadeem Ahmed Skeikh from Kohat was of the view that it is the
responsibility of the government of Pakistan to tell the nation why Dr
Siddiqui, along with her three children, was victimized for many years
without even a proper trial. The authorities concerned should immediately
clarify the governments position on this issue.
M Hakim from Karachi was of the view that the latest news about the
Pakistani neuroscientist, Dr Aafiya Siddiqui, who is being hounded by
American intelligence agencies, is that she has been likened to Mata Hari,
the shadowy character reputed to have worked as a very destructive agent
and spy.
It is now being claimed by the US secret services that when
arrested in Afghanistan last month, she had in her possession a list of
potential targets in New York, including the animal disease centre on Plum
Island, which is a secure government facility. Additionally, there was
detailed chemical, biological and radiological weapons information that has
been seen only in a handful of terrorist cases, as well as a digital media
storage device the thumb drive packed with emails.
It is alleged that the information possessed by her is a treasure
trove of information on terrorist supporters, sympathizers or sleepers in
the US and overseas. The US authorities are also stated to be analyzing Dr
Siddiquis saliva, hair and fingernail scrapings to determine, if possible, any
evidence of exposure to chemical, biological or radiological materials with
potential use in weapons of mass destruction, sources said.

951

Several ground realities belie these claims. First, it is being made

to appear that she has only been captured now, rather than five years ago.
However, as pointed out in this newspaper by several sources and
correspondents for the past five years, the Pakistani interior ministry
officials had revealed at least four years back that she had been handed over
to the Americans in 2003.
Second, after her alleged arrest in Ghazni, Afghanistan, on July 17, it
was claimed that she was apprehended by Afghan forces in the vicinity of
the residence of the governor of Ghazni, while she was apparently on a
mission to kill the gentleman. Would the MIT-educated scientist have been
so stupid that she would waste her vaunted expertise, by targeting an
insignificant person like one of the many governors, rather that a head of
state, especially of a western country? Also, how much sense would it make
for a frail woman weighing only 90 lbs to embark on such a mission when
there would be far greater chance of success for a physically strong al-Qaeda
or Taliban militant to attempt it? Furthermore, only an absolute idiot would
be carrying a handbag full of all the information she is said to have with her,
while settling out to kill the governor.
All of this smacks very strongly of the evidence provided by the
Bush Administration of the WMDs and the al-Qaeda connection of
Saddam Hussein. What is regrettable is that the American media once again
appears to be going along enthusiastically with all this farce without trying
to objectively analyze the accusations.
What really seems to be going on is that being caught on the wrong
foot after the sudden building up of international pressure, the US agencies
are now trying to cover up the abuses, physical, mental and sexual, on
their victim by cooking up all these stories and planting the evidence on
her. It is even possible she may be deliberately exposed to the chemical,
biological or radiological materials, so that when tests are conducted for
these, they can say: Aha! We have now found irrefutable proof In view of
all this and the statements of her lawyer Elaine Sharp, explaining how they
regularly disproved the various allegations in the past, Dr Siddiquis trial
must be conducted in an impartial court, such as the ICJ.
Rahim from Karachi criticized the US ambassador. In the letter,
Aafiya Siddiqui: US envoys version US Ambassador Anne W Patterson
has made several claims, some of which should be considered I would
like to say a number of things. First, as pointed out by a correspondent, a
report of May, 2004 in Dawn had clearly said that two officials of our

952

interior ministry had confirmed that Dr Aafiya Siddiqui was handed over to
the Americans in 2003, although the Pakistani agencies had found her not
guilty of having any links with al-Qaeda. So, there was no reason for
handing over except selling her for few dollars.
Second, as far as attacking US personnel is concerned, her courtappointed lawyer Elizabeth Fink had remarked that how could a woman
weighing 90 pounds have wrestled with those men and attacked them with
their rifle?
Third, the judges trying her in New York had observed that it had been
a week but till then she hadnt been given proper medical attention. This
belies the ambassadors claim. The detainee even said she thought a part of
her intestines was removed and there was bleeding from the organ.
Fourth, ironically, in the same days issue there is a statement by the
same lawyer, Ms Fink, that the woman has been torturedbased on my
experience with people with post-traumatic stress disorder. Obviously, this
torture could not have been committed merely in the short period between
her arrest and appearance before the court.
Musharraf had revealed in his autobiography a bounty of millions of
dollars had been received from the US in return for handing over of alQaeda and other suspects. While Aafiya Siddiqui may not have had head
money worth millions on her, she could have been exchanged for the
$5,000 per head paid by the US for many Afghan and Pakistani
citizens.
A former US military intelligence operative, Sergeant Eric Saar, had
served for some time at Guantanamo Bay prison. He was so disgusted by the
torture of the prisoners and the other abuses over there that he wrote a book,
Behind the Wire, afterwards This makes the ambassadors contention
questionable. It also shows that they have been presumed guilty, rather than
innocent and were not even allowed to defend themselves in a court.
So much for US justice system. All of the envoys claims fly in the
face of these facts. Several former aides of Mr Bush and other officials have
come out with books or articles exposing the mendacity of his
administration. The envoys claims are apparently a bunch of
misstatements.
The Dawn commented: The Foreign Office claim that it does not
have full details regarding the case of US terror suspect Dr Aafiya Siddiqui
has deepened the mystery of her disappearance five years ago and her recent

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emergence in US custody. Dr Siddiquis family maintains that she

disappeared, along with her three children, enroute to the airport in Karachi
in 2003. The American version is that she was arrested in Afghanistan last
month for possessing documents on making explosives and that she tried
to attack US officials, leading to retaliatory fire that left her wounded. There
have also been media reports that she was detained at the notorious Bagram
Air Base.
Strangely, so far the charges brought against her in a US court of law,
where she appeared the other day, pertain to her alleged assault on the
American officials, rather than to the militant links that she allegedly
harboured. Given the murky depths of the US and Pakistan intelligence
network, the truth might never be known. One can only hope that Dr
Siddiqui is given proper medical treatment, a fair trial and consular access
and that Pakistani officialdom is not half-hearted about insisting on the
latter. It is equally important for the whereabouts of her three children to be
ascertained so that they can be reunited with their relatives and she is spared
further anguish.
Dr Siddiquis case is a grim reminder of the extreme violation of
human rights that are being committed in the name of the war on terror.
Both Pakistan and the US have disastrous records when it comes to the
detention of terror suspects. Hellish stories of prisoner treatment by
American soldiers and officials have emerged from detention centres like
Guantanamo and Bagram. Thousands have been whisked away secretly, held
without being formally charged, and tortured.
Is it surprising that such treatment should fuel sympathy for the
militants, especially when it is perceived, as in the case of Dr Siddiqui, that
women and children too are at the receiving end? No doubt the arrest of
suspected terrorists is inevitable in the global fight against religious
militancy. But in seeking the facts, the prisoners innocence must be
presumed until their guilt is established, and fair and transparent legal
procedures should be followed to avoid negative repercussions.
Aijaz Zaka Syed observed: She had to leave the US when the
authorities began harassing her and her husband for their charity
activities in the wake of Sept 11upheavals This week, after five years, she
resurfaced in a New York court. She was barely able to walk and speak,
which was not surprising given the fact she had been involved in a gunfight
with FBI agents in Afghanistan.

954

There are some basic questions that an ordinary mind like mine
just cant seem to figure out. First, where was Aafiya Siddiqui hiding or
hidden all these years since she went missing in Karachi in March 2003?
How did she turn up in the remote Ghazni province in Afghanistan, of all the
godforsaken places? And what happened to her three children?
Second, if the MIT-educated neuroscientist was indeed an al-Qaeda
mastermind, why werent she presented in a court of law all this while?
Even today when she is facing the US law, she is not being tried on terrorism
charges but for allegedly assaulting US officials. So whats her original
crime, if she has committed one?
Third, why wasnt the Pakistani government informed about her
detention in Afghanistan and her subsequent deportation to the US? Or is
Pakistan also involved in this international enterprise against a 31-year old
mom of three? There are so many gaping holes in this case that Elaine
Whitfield Sharp, Siddiquis lawyer, believes she has been put on trial now
because she has become a terrible embarrassment to the US and Afghan
authorities.
The question is why has she been reinvented now? It is quite
possible that Siddiqui has been found now because of a relentless campaign
by British journalist Yvonne Ridley. Ridley herself had been a prisoner of
the Taliban regime for 11 days just before the US invasion in 2001 and
converted to Islam after her strange experience in Afghanistan.
The unknown female prisoner, known as Prisoner No 650 and The
Grey Lady of Bagram, was brought to the worlds attention after Ridley
read about the woman in a book by fellow Briton Moazzam Beg, a former
Gitmo and Bagram prisoner. In his book, Enemy Combatant, Beg talks of a
womans endless screams for help as she was tortured. Beg first thought he
was imagining his wifes screams
And I strongly suspect that Prisoner No 650 is none other than
Dr Aafiya Siddiqui. It is quite possible that her captors decided to end her
isolation after the Pakistani press and activists like Yvonne Ridley began
increasingly talking of the mysterious Prisoner No 650 and how she was
tortured and abused physically, mentally and sexually for the past five
years.
The Aafiya Siddiqui case may have come to the worlds attention
because of some conscientious activists. What about all those innocent
individuals, who have just vanished down the black hole called the
Guantanamo Bay, without a trial and without anyone looking for them.
955

Murad M Khan wrote: While exact numbers are difficult to

determine, hundreds, if not thousands, of Pakistanis have simply
disappeared. Since 9/11 and the so-called war on terror the
disappearance of Pakistani citizens has increased. Many continue to
languish in secret detention centres and prisons, subjected to psychological
and physical torture with no recourse to justice. Many are taken out of the
country to other destinations, including the now infamous Guantanamo Bay
prison in Cuba.
Nothing can highlight the plight of the disappeared more
poignantly than the ongoing ordeal of the Pakistani neuroscientist Dr
Aafiya Siddiqui. A mother of three small children, Dr Siddiqui simply
vanished one day in March 2003.
Both the Pakistani and US governments denied any knowledge of her
whereabouts. Both continued to do so for the next five years until out of the
blue she turned up last month in the middle of Afghanistan, outside the
governor of Ghaznis compound. The bizarre events that followed her arrest
and her extradition to the US defies belief.
In a perverse way, despite all that she must have gone through (and
one cannot even begin to fathom her experience), Dr Siddiqui is one of the
fortunate ones, for she has reappeared. The less fortunate never
return. Can one imagine what their families must endure? Imagine what
happens to us when a father, brother, mother, sister, son or a daughter is late
coming back from work or college. Imagine the anxiety and distress we go
through until contact is made or the individual returns home.
Now imagine an individual who simply disappears with his/her
family left in the dark about their whereabouts. As no judicial procedure
is followed in the arrest no authority needs to admit the existence of the
individual. The suffering of the families is probably as severe as the torture
of the arrested individual. Many develop complicated mental health
problems and grief reactions from which they never recover. Many die,
waiting in vain for the disappeared to return. Imagine what Dr Siddiquis
mother must have gone through over the last five years of her
disappearance.
What lessons are we to learn from the desaparecidos of Argentina,
Pakistan and other countries where this practice goes on? There are several:
recognizing an individuals right to liberty; the right of presumed innocence
until proven guilty; and the right of the accused to defend himself in a court
of law. These are the fundamental principles of any fair society.
956

The other important lesson is that we must avoid at all costs the
dangerous precedent set in Argentina in 1976 (now practiced in the US) that
allows the chief executive or his designate to declare a person an enemy
combatant (or enemy of the state) without a judicial process.
The fundamental problem with such absolute power is that it allows
repressive state authority to kidnap, detain, imprison, torture and executive
anyone, without the right to defend himself, on mere suspicion. This is being
followed by many repressive regimes and must be struck down.
The disappeared are a blot on a nations conscience. They
remind us that societies whose government treats citizens with disdain do
not respect their rights, abuse power and authority and deny them the right to
justice and freedom, are all but doomed. Sixty-one years after independence,
with hundreds of our citizens secretly kidnapped and tortured, we are
experiencing this bitter lesson. Lets hope it is not lost in us.
Irene Khan tried reminding the regime its responsibilities regarding
the disappeared persons. Pakistan has joined the list of nations practicing
enforced disappearances as a direct consequence of its alliance with the USled war on terror. This particularly painful legacy of the Musharraf era has
subjected hundreds, if not thousands, to enforced disappearances the
practice under which people are kidnapped, held to secret locations outside
any judicial or legal system, and often tortured, sometimes to the point of
death.
Pakistan not only shamefully helped fill the wire cages at
Guantanamo Bays Camp X-Ray and the secret prisons of the CIA by
handing some of the detainees to the US authorities but also incarcerated
many secretly in Pakistan itself. Held out of sight and without charge, with
no word to their families and loved ones (much less lawyers), the fate of
many of them remains unknown to this day.
If the leaders of the ruling coalition want to demonstrate they are
serious about changing Musharrafs policies, they should immediately
reveal details of where the hundreds of disappeared are being held. And
then they must begin the process of establishing some control and
accountability over the countrys notorious security agencies, chief among
the ISI, which allegedly carried out these enforced disappearances
Take the case of Dr Imran Munir, a Malaysian citizen of Pakistani
origin, who was arrested in July 2006 and whose whereabouts remained
unknown until Pakistans Supreme Court demanded information from
Pakistani authorities. After the Supreme Court took up regular hearings of
957

cases about the disappeared in late 2006, around 100 disappeared persons
were traced, having either been released or found in recognized places of
detention. Dr Munir was one of those lucky ones; during the course of
hearings on his case, it became apparent that various security agencies had
tried to hide him even after the Supreme Court had ordered his
appearance in court.
Dr Munir was set to record his statement regarding his enforced
disappearances, as well as information about others subjected to enforces
disappearance, when the hearing was disrupted by Musharrafs imposition of
the state of emergency in November last year and the unlawful deposing of
independent-minded judges.
Not surprisingly, the new judges of the Supreme Court have not
found it necessary or opportune to resume hearings about the
hundreds of petitions relating to disappeared persons. A confrontation with
those responsible for enforced disappearances, including Pakistans
notorious intelligence services, apparently takes more determination, grit
and political will than one appears able to muster.
But the government need not await judicial pressure to shed light
on the fate of the disappeared. The government can use its executive
authority to demand that the ISI and other security agencies provide
information about those subjected to enforced disappearance Providing
information about the fate of the disappeared would bring some solace to
hundreds of families thousands of people who continue to fear for the
lives of their loved ones, aware that torture and other ill-treatment are
routine in Pakistani places of tension.
By abducting and detaining terrorist suspects in secret hiding places,
or failing to investigate and reveal the fate of the disappeared the
government violates human tights and does little to counter terrorism.
By arresting and prosecuting those suspected of terrorism in accordance with
the rule of law the government can show its commitment to both human
rights and fighting terrorism Pakistans new government has a clear
choice: it can continue the bankrupt and brutal anti-human rights practices of
the Musharraf regime or it can counter terror with justice and put the country
on the path of the rule of law and human rights.
I A Rehman termed it utterly inhuman. One does not know about Dr
Aafiyas innocence or guilt. In her case Islamabad will be accused of failure
to ensure her treatment in accordance with Pakistani, US and international
humanitarian laws. But there is no doubt about the innocence of the child
958

who was only seven at the time of his disappearance. Islamabad knew of
his disappearance but made no attempt to save him from the trauma that can
completely destroy the stoutest of human beings.
And what about Dr Aafiyas two other children a daughter and a
second son, who were four and one in 2003? Are the children that may be
presented as Dr Aafiyas actually her children? Even the eldest of them,
Ahmad (now 12), may be unable to tell what he has gone through, or to
relate himself to his family His ordeal has feature of extraordinary
bestiality.
The list of Pakistani victims of their governments extra-legal
excesses is quite long. Since disappearances are by their nature shrouded in
mystery nobody has an exact count of the missing persons The previous
governments callousness was reflected in Musharrafs rhetoric. He rubbed
salt into the wounds of the missing persons familiar by arrogantly
dismissing duly documented statements about them. In March 2007 he
declared that the missing persons had joined jihadi groups and added: I am
deadly sure that the missing persons are in the control of militant
organizations. The judiciary has been lambasted for taking up the
disappearance cases
In July last AI produced evidence to prove that the Musharraf
government resorted to a variety of means to avoid enforced
disappearances being exposed. These tactics included denying detention
takes place and denying all knowledge of the fate and whereabouts of
disappeared persons; refusing to obey judicial directions; concealing the
identity of the detaining authorities But the sources cited in this report
point to the identity of the detaining authorities and to several locations
where people are believed to have been secretly detained.
The new government has inherited this terrible charge-sheet and its
continued failure to do justice to the disappeared will amount to a confession
of its culpability. The cases in the Supreme Court have been in limbo for 10
months. The government must petition the courts to resume hearing of the
missing persons cases, tell the commissions set up by it to expedite their
inquiries, and let the people know all about the Pakistanis transferred to
foreign jurisdictions and the steps taken to protect their legal rights. It has
many urgent matters on its plate but nothing can be more urgent than the
restoration of the illegally detained persons right to liberty.

Burying of women alive in Nasirabad district of Balochistan was

widely condemned. Hassan Siddiqui from Islamabad wrote: The act of
959

Balochistan Senator Sardar Israrullah Zehri defending the burying alive of

teenage girls and women is indeed shameful. The insane and inhumane act
of burial takes ones mind back to the dark days when girls were buried right
after being born in the name of prestige and honour. There is no place for
such barbaric acts in this day and age anywhere in the world.
Malik Javed Iqbal from Islamabad opined: Nothing has surprised
me more than the untenable statements passed by Senator Israrullah
Zehri in the Senate recently in connection with the five women buried alive
in Balochistan for the so-called offence of marrying with their own will.
He relentlessly defended the inhuman, cruel and brutal act as
age-old illogical tradition. He also wanted that there is no need to discuss it
in the House or to highlight it in media. Ironically, leaders like him always
clamor for the rights of Balochis but when such human rights issues occur,
they justify them to their own interest.
In my opinion, if such a tradition was rejected in the medieval ages, it
must be renounced by the sensible educated class. It clearly shows that the
whole edifice of rights for Balochis built by them for grabbing political
mileage collapses instantly.
My questions are, whether such orthodox traditions should be
preferred to humanity? Whether this was the Pakistan dreamt by the founder
of the nation? In fact such acts and statements from a politician of high
stature will tarnish the image of Balochistan and Islam.
Amna Ahmad from Rawalpindi said: Whatever Senator Mr Israrullah
Zahri had in mind is hard to decipher. According to him, the killing of
women for honour is a demand of the tribal traditions. So women should be
killed just because its a demand of the tribal traditions? Bury them alive
but make sure that the traditions live? That is enlightened moderation.
The senator should take the tradition a step further by volunteering to
be buried alive himself. This will give him a slight idea of what a seemingly
honourable tradition this is. Why this custom is only meant for women
who go against the tribal traditions? Will they bury alive a man as well if he
goes against a so-called tribal tradition?
The senator, speaking from the most impious house of the country,
has tried to prove just one thing: its not his fault. Its us, the people, who
make wrong choices. From wherever this senator learned about right and
wrong is questionablebut he definitely missed some real crucial lectures
in humanity.

960

Khurram Saeed from UK wrote: Let me remind him (Senator Zehri)

of a few proud tribesmen more than 1400 years ago, proud of their lineage,
customs and traditions. Though they excelled in poetry, they were adept at
avenging their enemies and burying their girls for whatever reasons which
was tolerated in the society. When Islam came it struggled to remove many
of those traditions. After 1400 years, this cannot be allowed to happen
considering that we are a Muslim state.
The News commented: A Senator from the province, who should
surely know better, defended the barbaric act as tribal custom. Still more
shockingly, the acting chairman of the Senate lashed out against the woman
senator from the PML-Q who had raised the issue, advising her, rather
sarcastically, to go and see the situation in Balochistan herself before raising
such matters in the House.
A voice or two was raised against the practice, with another
Baloch senator insisting it was not a traditional practice and such events did
not routinely take place in his province. But this does not take away the fact
that political representatives from Balochistan made an effort to justify the
incident
Surely the government should be seeking the murderers, who first
used guns to ensure their victims were injured and could not escape, and
then covered them with earth muffling forever their screams of terror are
punished and exposed, not protected through some dark conspiracy of
silence. The fact the act was kept quiet in fact means the government
sympathizes with such doings.
Not just in Balochistan, but elsewhere across the country too, a
distorted belief seems to exist that traditions are invariably good and
need not be protected. We have seen such thinking used to defend practices
that include honour killing; vani, swara, the marriage of small children, the
beheading of people on orders of illegal jirgas Traditions that inflict
suffering and death on hapless victims in particular need to be done away
with here too. There can be no excuse for living on in darkness.
It is deeply saddening that political leaders find it so arduous to
understand this reality. It is due to the views we heard expressed in the
Senate that we still live in a society where human beings can be buried alive
while representatives of people argue this is acceptable. It is true Balochistan
has suffered over the decades from a lack of development. The federal
government has a lot to answer for in this regard.

961

Ayesha Siddiqa wrote: Lets be very clear that such acts of brutality
have nothing to do with religion or morality, otherwise such brutal rules
would be applied elsewhere too. I am reminded of a tragic incident in a
village in south Punjab where a young girl, who had sought shelter at a
shrine after running away from her stepmother, was gang-raped. Ultimately,
she was imprisoned on charges of adultery because the culprits had greater
access to the local pir who was a member of parliament as well. The victim
did not represent his constituency while the culprits did. The power structure
was clearly tilted against her and so was the local standard of morality.
Interestingly, similar norms were not applied to some of the female
members of the pirs family known for morally dubious practices. Even the
orthodox mullahs of that area have never ventured to punish the immorality
mentioned above or issue fatwas. In fact, moral turpitude is a reality in all
closed spaces
The social system says that money and power determine whether or
not one is punished for an act of immorality. These two aforementioned
attributes make it convenient for many to hide their sins and escape honour
killing or jail sentences. More important, the menfolk of such families are
not even expected to hide their immoral acts. In many cases, being a mullah
or pir is sufficient licence for anything otherwise condemnable.
So, while we agree that Mr Zehri has correctly projected honour
killing as a local tradition, could we also ask him to see the circumstances
in which such practices are born? Burying men and women alive or killing
them for honour is not about religion or tribal morality but about the ability
of some individuals to exercise naked power.
The question is that is it social imbalance that Zehri and other like
him were elected to defend or will he see the real purpose of his and others
political existence? Furthermore, closed spaces and unequal power will
always breed moral corruption. The current power structure have to be
broken if morality is to be restored in our socio-political space.

CONCLUSION
Benazir Bhutto, during her self-exile, had tried every trick in the book
of a gipsy girl to attract the attention of Bush Administration. At last she
succeeded in striking the right chord of the heart of Bush, the Crusader. She
first whispered and then resorted to crying loudly that she could deliver

962

much better than Musharraf in the holy war against Islamic fascism. It
worked.
What she meant from better delivery was that she would tackle the
militants with iron hand and if Bush still remained unsatisfied she would
allow him to strike inside Pakistan. The deal was struck, but she was killed
before reaching the stage from where she could start delivering. Perhaps, the
superpower, Divine or Earthy, had planned differently.
But the deal did not fizzle out with her elimination. Her husband and
the team of her fans stuck to the terms of the deal related to the Crusades.
During the last month the people of Pakistan saw the PPP regime abiding by
the deal in letter and spirit on both counts.
The events have proved that Zardari regime has accepted all the terms
of the US in the context of war on terror. It discarded dialogue and resorted
to extensive and excessive use of force. A new front in Bajaur was opened to
facilitate US forces operating in adjacent Kunar Province of Afghanistan
where they had been facing stiff resistance from Pashtuns.
PAF jetfighters and gunship helicopters were used extensively. The
application of excessive force resulted in killing of about a thousand people
and displacement of 300,000 residents of the area. America has reasons to
say that provision of additional F-16s would enhance Pakistans capability to
fight the terror war.
Secondly, during a period of about a week, the US-led NATO forces
carried out five cross-border strikes in Waziristan. In one strike, they used
heli-borne troops to kill women and children. According to Defence Minister
of Islamic Republic of Pakistan it was done because the dead must have
done something wrong.
This indicated that Zardari regime has permitted the US to carryout
missile attacks at will. Like docile menials of the global village, the
democratic rulers have accepted the ground realities. They have to comply
with the wishes of the Numberdar forgetting about the self-respect as the
PPP leaders like Kaira believe: Sovereignty is good thing, but one should be
satisfied with whatever is granted by the superpower.
Pakistan is a unique country in the world where incidents of external
aggression are commented upon the advisor to Home Ministry, before these
are referred to Defence or Foreign Minister. It is also a unique country
because here inquiries are held despite the aggressor owning its act.
Moreover, the leaders from Tom to Harry stampeded after blasts in Wah to

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condemn Muslims killing Muslims. All of them were asleep when Muslims
were killing Muslims in Bajaur, Swat and elsewhere.
In view of the foregoing, it would fair to blame the PPP regime and
General Kayani-led Army as much as the US for committing this heinous
crime. All three of them have blood on their hands. In fact, PPP regime and
Kayani-led army are more guilty because the US has a definite aim to do
this, whereas they are doing it for few dollars.
It brings one to the SMS message that General Kayani had shown to
Prime Minister Gilani. Kayani should flash that SMS once again and read it
carefully to get the message correctly. The nation, whose army fails to
protect its children and woman, has every reason to feel that the men seen in
army uniform should be torn into pieces.
There is nothing to comment on happenings on Eastern front, despite
the unprecedented protests in the Valley. However, a few words must be said
about one of the missing persons; Aafiya Siddiqui. Patterson said the US
did know anything about where Aafiya had been during the period from
March 2003 to July 2008. The US intelligence wizards termed Aafiya as
Mata Hari of terrorist. How does one reconcile these two statements?
It is unbelievable that the intelligence agencies did not have any
information about her since she went missing, or could not extract any
from her during the kind of questioning which left her wheelchair-borne. If
it is true; the interrogators should be kicked at the a as Patterson would
like to say it back home in the civilized world.
Can the ambassador quote any case where another enemy combatant
was produced before the court for trial in less than three weeks of his/her
arrest? Does she have the knowledge of the happenings inside Bagram?
Pattersons arrogance was spilling out of her letter published in English
newspapers.
By focusing on the US, the analysts were inadvertently ignoring the
real culprit of the crimes committed against Aafiya and her children. Why
did no police station register the FIR about the missing of Aafiya and her
children? Those who are keen to reform the ISI must seriously consider its
role in kidnapping and selling people like Aafiya. The politicians certainly
would like its political section rolled back, but people would like it to be
made accountable for its crimes against Pakistanis.
Three young girls were buried alive in Balochistan. There was no
serious Jamia Hafsa-like reaction from the ruling elite; perhaps, no directive

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from the US was received and the rulers failed to decide at their own,
because this act could not be attributed to Islamic Fascism.
The incident should be seen with the last years happenings in
Islamabad wherein Aunty Shamim was stopped from indulging in
prostitution. Resultantly, Lal Masjid was invaded and religious seminary
affiliated with it was obliterated from the face of earth along with hundreds
of girls. But, in this case not a single soldier was moved to Nasirabad.
Astonishingly these are the leaders who never get tired of talking
about rights of Baloch people. Back home they protect such customs but
when in Islamabad they talk of enlightenment and go all out to protect
moderating Aunties. For these leaders all human beings are humans but
some are mighty humans; Israr and Jamali belong to this class. When they
talk of human rights of Baloch people, they mean the rights of mighty
Baloch humans.
5th September 2008

BEYOND EPICENTER
Away from its epicenter, the war on terror was generally dying down.
However, in Afro-Asian China experienced unusual spate of militancy. This,
in addition to the issues of pollution and human rights, was sponsored by the
West to tarnish the image of China which had become focus of attention
during Beijing Olympics.
Central Asia remained absolutely quiet except that two Russian
officers were killed in bomb blast in Chechnya on 24 th August. In Turkey,
however, troops continued fighting against Kurdish terrorism. In addition, 86

965

people were indicted on charges of coup against Tayyib Erdogans

government on 14th July.
Muslim countries in the Continent of Africa kept experiencing the
militancy driven by motives of different kinds. The Crusaders, however, had
tightened the security of their homelands in continents of America and
Europe to fully devote their energies to defeat Islamic fascism.

AFRO-ASIA
Far East, like the last six months, remained fairly quiet. At the end
of July, Arryo stopped polls in Muslim areas of Philippines to boost talks
with rebels. Month of August saw some resurgence in war on terror related
activity. On 5th August, Moros clashed with troops after the Supreme Court
halted deal with the separatists.
Military launched an operation against Moro militants on 10 th August.
Next day, thousands of residents fled as security forces pounded southern
areas with artillery and jet fighters. On 18th August, at least 34 people were
killed in attacks by rebels. Philippines Army stepped up hunt for Muslim
rebels and by next day, 38 people were killed.
Philippines scrapped peace deal with Muslims. Clashes in the south
claimed 30 more lives on 22nd August. Next day, Malaysia urged revival of
peace talks. On 24th August, fighting in southern Philippines intensified.
More than 100 Muslims were killed by the fourth day of the operation. Six
people were killed in a blast in a bus in the south on 1st September.
In Thailand, two people were killed and several wounded in a blast in
the south on 16th March. On 27th March, students protested the death of a
mosque imam who died in the custody of soldiers. Three Muslims were
killed in on 5th June. One person was killed in restive south on 2nd August.

Mainland Asia too remained quite. However, China experienced

some violence during Beijing Olympics. On 4th August, 16 Chinese
policemen were killed in a terror attack in Kashgar. Three days later,
Xingjing market was closed on the day of opening ceremony of the Olympic
Games after threats of attacks from a Muslim group. Blasts and clashes
claimed 11 lives in Xingjian on 10th August. Two policemen were killed in
Xingjian province on 28th August.
On 27th June, DPRK demolished the cooling tower of its nuclear
facility as per the deal. Five days later, DPRK agreed to dismantle its main
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nuclear facility by mid October. On 26th August, it threatened to suspend

nuclear disablement if its name was kept on terror list. About a week later, it
was reported that North Korea has started re-building nuclear facility.

Middle East, barring of course Iraq and Palestine, also saw decline
in militancy. Only two countries experienced militancy and both were of
different kinds. A girl was killed in bomb blast near US embassy in Yemen
on 17th March. At least 18 people were killed in a bomb blast in Sanaa on
2nd May. Two days later, 12 people were killed in a clash between Yemeni
troops and Shiite rebels. Heavy fighting between troops and rebels broke out
in Northern Yemen on 12th May. Eight people were killed in a mosque
shootout on 30th May.
Turkey remained engaged with US-backed Kurd militancy. Following
incidents were reported during the period:
On 12th March, 11 Kurds were killed by Turkish forces operating
along Iraqi border. Three Turkish soldiers were killed on 31 st March
near Iraqi border.
Seven Kurdish rebels were killed in an encounter on 2nd April; in all
16 people were killed during the week. A week later, four people were
killed in attacks by Kurd rebels.
On 10th May, at least 19 Kurds and six Turkish soldiers were killed in
clashes in Southern Turkey.
The US Consulate in Istanbul was attacked on 9th July; six people
including three policemen were killed. Kurd rebels kidnapped three
German tourists in the east.
Turkish troops hit 13 Kurdish targets inside Iraq on 24 th July. Three
days later, Turkish warplanes engaged 12 more Kurdish targets in
Iraq. Eight people were killed in a bomb blast in Istanbul.
Next day, death toll in Istanbul blast reached 17 and Erdogan blamed
Kurd rebels. Three people were killed in another blast in Istanbul on
7th August.
Kurd terrorists blew up strategic oil pipeline in eastern Turkey on 8 th
August and they threatened to carry out more attacks.
On 11th August, nine Turkish soldiers were killed in roadside bombing
carried out by Kurd separatists. On 29th August, 21 al-Qaeda men
were arrested.
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Muslim countries in Africa continued feeling the impact of war on

terror. In Morocco, 29 people were convicted on 11th June by a court over
charges of recruiting people for liberation of Iraq. Fighting for liberation of
Muslim lands from occupation of the Crusaders have become a crime
according the regimes in Islamic World. Oil pipeline owned by a US firm
was blown up in Nigeria on 21st June. Four weeks later, oil pipeline was
again blown up.
In Algeria, 13 soldiers were wounded on 23rd July, in attack by a
motorcycle bomber in Lakhdaria, east of Algiers. On 3rd August, 21 people
were wounded in another bomb blast. On 9th August, a suicide bomber
rammed a van into a police post in a beach resort killing eight people. Next
day, seven people were killed in a blast.
On 14th August, a military commander and his driver were killed in
roadside bombing in Jijel region. Five days later, 43 people were killed in a
suicide attack in Issers area. On 20th August, 12 people were killed and 42
wounded in car bomb attack in Bouira area.
Robert Fisk wrote: It was one of al-Qaedas most prominent leaders
who announced in 2006 on Sept 11, of course that the Salafist Group for
Preaching and Combat and al-Qaeda would be a bone in the throat of the
American and French crusaders. And they kept their dark word.
Tuesdays appalling suicide bombing in Algeria was followed on Wednesday
by car bombs in the city of Bouira.
Just as the earlier suicide bombing targeted police cadets, so the
Bouira bombs were aimed at foreign nations. Canadians and Frenchmen
were said to be among the victims. If the bombings seem casually crafted to
a western audience, they did not appear that way in the Arab world. From
Asia to Maghreb terrorism is coasting along, the Beirut French language
LOrient Le Jour headlined its front page on Wednesday. It was perfectly
correct.
If it was not clear last night whether the latest Algerian attack was a
suicide bomber the slovenly Algerian press agency declined to say (which
probably means it was) the target, foreigners working on a dam project
spoke for itself. The local police in Iraq, in Algeria, in Afghanistan, in
Pakistan are now the men who will pay the price for fighting the
Wests war on terror.
Is it worth it? This is the question that the Iraqis and the Algerians
and the Afghans and the Pakistanis now have to ask themselves. In

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answering this question, they will have to ask whether we care about them
we do not, of course and whether the money they make from working for
us is worth their lives. The mere fact that 10 French dead matter so much
in Afghanistan when 10 Afghan villagers matter so little when they are
killed off in our anti-Taliban air raids speaks mountains about our love for
the Muslims of this towering, massive landscape.
Fourteen people were killed in air raid in Darfur region of Sudan on
5 May. International Criminal Court ordered arrest of Sudanese president
on 14th July, for committing war crimes; a genocide in Darfur in which he
ordered killing 35,000 people and persecuted 2.5 million refugees. Arab
League said indictment of al-Bashir was a blow to peace. Sudanese troops
initiated operation against rebels in Darfur on 7th September and the UN
threatened to halt aid.
th

Gwynne Dyer observed: All the opposition groups in Darfur

celebrated when the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court
announced on July 14 that he was seeking the indictment of Sudans
President Omar al-Bashir on the charge of genocide, but almost everybody
else had a problem with it. They dont doubt that Bashir is a ruthless dictator
who is guilty of ordering many thousands of deaths. They just think that
putting him on an international wanted list is unwise.
Tanzanian foreign minister Bernard Membe, speaking on behalf of
the African Union, said: We are asking for the ICC to re-examine its
decision If you arrest Bashir, you will create a leadership vacuum in
Sudan. The outcome could be equal to that of Iraq. Membe and many other
people fear that the indictment of Bashir, far from ending the conflict in
Darfur, could reignite the much bigger civil war between northern and
southern Sudan.
Andrew Natsios, the former US special envoy for Sudan, was equally
worried that the ICC was playing with fire: This indictment may well shut
off the last remaining hope for a peaceful settlement (for Darfur). United
Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki Moon phoned Bashir personally to assure
him that the ICC is quite separate from the UN.
The Sudan Peoples Liberation Movement, which led the
predominantly African and Christian south of the country in the 22-year civil
war, was emphatically not for rocking the boat right now. The SPLM
spokesman said that indicting (Omar al-Bashir) has created a dangerous
situation in Sudan threatening peace and stability in the country.

969

Sudan is in the midst of difficult but still promising transition, but it

may not succeed if Bashirs only choices are to live as a hunted criminal
facing arrest and trial on genocide charges, or to cling to power forever.
More immediately, this indictment could wreck the possibility of a peace
deal to end the war in Darfur. So, most of the northern opposition parties
opposed the ICCs action, too.
But that is irrelevant to the ICC, because it is not a political
organization. It is a court, and courts operate by different rules. It may be
politically inconvenient to indict Bashir right now, but as the prosecutor,
Luis Moreno-Ocampo of Argentina, said last week: I dont have the luxury
to look away. I have the evidence. The prosecutor, the ICC and even Dyer
wont like to apply this logic to Israel, India and to the US in Afghanistan
and Iraq.
The law in question is the new international law that seeks to
make even senior military and political leaders legally responsible for
genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. Since such people are
unlikely to face legal action in their own countries, which are generally
tyrannies of one sort or another, it must be done at the international level;
hence the creation of the ICC in 2002.
It is important that Sudan finally gets peace and prosperity, after
endless years of war, tyranny and poverty. It is even more important that
leaders who commit genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes
know that they will have to answer to an international court.
In the end, these two goals are probably not irreconcilable. Or do you
really think that Sudans political elites are so stupid and supine that they
will let their whole fortune be wrecked in order to protect one brutal,
bloodstained general who has long out-lived his usefulness?
Somalia remained in the grip of violence, but the Crusaders did not
pay much attention because the country was no more ruled by Islamic
fascists. Following incidents were reported during the period:
Six people were killed in Mogadishu fighting on 24th March. Nine
Somalis were killed in a clash with troops supported by Ethiopia south
of Mogadishu on 5th April.
At least ten people were killed in US air strike in Somalia on 1 st May;
the attackers claimed that one of the killed was an al-Qaeda leader.

970

 Five people were killed when security forces opened fire on protesters
in Mogadishu on 5th May.
At least 35 people were killed in clashes between Ethiopian troops
and soldiers on 7th and 8th May.
At least 20 people were killed in a bomb blast in Mogadishu on 3 rd
August. On 15th, at least 50 people were killed near Mogadishu when
two buses carrying Ethiopian soldiers were attacked.
On 21st August, five people were killed in an attack in Mogadishu.
Next day, Islamic rebels captured Somali port of Kismatu at least 70
people were killed in the fighting.
Third largest city of Somalia was captured by Islamic militants on 24 th
August. Militants kidnapped three journalists; Australian, Canadian
and Somali on 7th September, and demanded $2.5 million as ransom.

AMERICA
The United States of America kept its homeland security fully
tightened against terrorism. Some of the terror related activities during the
period were reported as under:
Two Pakistani-American doctors were indicted on 16 th March for
transferring more that $800,000 to Pakistan in violation of the laws.
On 4th April, a man in Ohio, suspected on links to al-Qaeda, was
convicted of planning terror attacks. In Bostan a federal judge
overturned the conviction of leaders of an Islamic charity.
Khalid Sheikh Mohammad and four others appeared before a military
court in Guantanamo Bay on 5th June. They refused to accept defence
lawyers and sought death penalty.
The Supreme Court of the US granted the right of appeal in civilian
courts to prisoners of Guantanamo Bay in a 5-4 split decision. Those
dissented said the decision will have negative effect on Crusades
against Islamic militancy.
On 19th June, the US military reported loss of hundreds of parts of
nuclear weapons. Five days later, a US appeals court ruled that
Guantanamo inmate in not enemy combatant.
On 15th July, rights group said over one million were on the US
terrorist watch-list and the name of Mandela was removed recently.
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 Osamas driver pleaded not guilty as hearing of his case began on 21 st

July. About three weeks later, he was sentenced for five-and-a-half
years in prison.
Jonathan Power commented on Republican candidate McCains
Islamic demagoguery. First it was Mitt Romney who wrote in Foreign
Affairs that radical Islams threat is just as real as that posed before by the
Nazis and the Soviet Union. And now, last week, it was John McCain
saying the US needed a leadership to confront the transcendent
challenge of our time: the threat of radical Islamic terrorism.
If McCain wants to continue like this in the campaign to come I
would ask him first to reflect on the recent remarks of Zbigneiw Brezezinski
who observed in response to Romneys statement: A candidate who says
that kind of stuff either thinks, probably correctly, that the American
people are not well informed in which case hes damaging or hes
stupid enough to believe it himself. In either case it offers a compelling
argument as to why such a candidate should not be president.
This in a nutshell is what is wrong with McCains talk. The recent
election in Pakistan should give him pause. One good reason given by the
anti-Musharraf voices for having an open election was that with the parties
competing in the western border areas, where the Taliban are active and the
al-Qaeda leadership may be hiding, was that it would make it more difficult
for the Islamic fundamentalist parties, then in power, to win another election.
The Americans and the British refused to buy this argument, preferring
Musharraf to kill off the militants.
Even in the most desperate of situations if the Islamic masses are
given the vote and open choice they will often enough vote for moderates
who shun violence. In recent years they have done so consistently in
Indonesia and Turkey, Islams two most populous states. So have they done
in Malaysia and Nigeria.
Every time some outrageous act is committed by the fundamentalist
supporters of an extreme version of Sharia law the Western press, and now
some of its politicians, highlight it. What they should do instead is to
highlight the last 1,400 years of Islamic behaviour. When confronted with
Islam the Christian nations have persecuted it. But the Islamic world when
confronted with Christians in their midst preferred tolerance.
Islamic terrorism is a marginal force still. Its adherents and
sympathizers have grown because of the crudity and violence of the policies

972

of George W Bush and Tony Blair. McCain seems to be heading to stir the
pot even more. Then the chickens really will come home to roost.
Ray Takeyh and Nikolas Gvosdev observed that use of sanctions as
weapon was becoming redundant. After eight years of the Bush
Administrations folly and miscalculation, it appears that Americas kit of
coercive tools is limited and diminishing. In the aftermath of the Iraq
war disaster, the notion that the US military might be deployed to pressure
or even overthrow a recalcitrant regime is fanciful. A beleaguered country
struggling to escape its Iraqi quagmire is neither feared nor respected by any
potential antagonist.
In the absence of a credible military card, America could rely on
diplomacy and negotiations as a means of restraining its foes. However,
US politicians remain uneasy at any whiff of quid pro quo arrangements
where, in order to obtain concessions in one area, the United States might
have to compromise on its overall agenda.
So the preferred middle ground between confrontation and
engagement remains containment the elusive notion that, without
resorting to open warfare, it is possible to exert sufficient pressure on
another state to force it to accede to ones wishes.
The measures at Americas disposal might include cutting a targeted
countrys access to global markets and sources of investment; forestalling its
integration into the international economy; perhaps even building up other,
neighbouring states into some sort of regional bloc with deployment of
military units along its periphery.
Containment appeals to a broad political spectrum in the United
States. It allows an administration to claim that something is being done
and to avoid the messiness of quid-pro-quo diplomacy, which might open a
politician up to charges of being soft or appeasing enemies of the United
States. At the same time, it avoids incurring the costs of direct confrontation
especially in terms of American blood and treasure. But Washingtons
ability to wield the measures of containment has weakened in the last
decade.
Perhaps no country has been the target of American containment
and sanctions policy more than Iran. From unilateral sanctions and the
complete termination of US trade to restricting Irans access to global
markets and international lending organizations, to trying to assemble (and
arm) a coalition of states to oppose Tehran, an entire range of coercive tools
have been employed. Yet, on issues that the United States cares about
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The impact of sanctions is even more diminished by the rise of

industrial giants such as China. Where China goes, others have followed,
among then European, Japanese and Indian firms. Companies not interested
in doing business with the United States shrug off unilateral American
sanctions, as do governments uneasy about Bush Administrations bullying.
But nothing succeeds in Washington like failure. Despite the abysmal
record of sanctions, they enjoy widespread support across the political
spectrum. The appeal of sanctions stems not so much from their utility
but an absence of consensus on either use of force or robust diplomacy to
deal with challenges like Iraq.
The next president will have to confront these realities If
Washington is unwilling or unable to bring Beijing on board, US-driven
measures may hurt a country but be insufficient to change its behaviour.
Americans can easily find much in the action of other countries to be angry
and dissatisfied about but the basis of policy has to be priorities, not
preferences.
Irfan Asghar talked of Bushs failures. President George W Bushs
dunderhead approach and irrational policies have converted the US into
a nation which is more divided and more isolated then ever and has a
foreign policy in free-fall. Bush is likely to go down in history as the author
of an ill-fated war and as a dim-witted figure who led the US into its big
decline, wasting its money, international political capital and soldiers lives.
How can history take anyone seriously who praises freedom but
practices torture, preaches the truth but tells lies without limit? Many in the
current crop of historians have already declared Mr Bushs presidency a
failure All this is lent credence by Bushs popularity ratings which are at
an all time low at this time.
If we have a case study in this regard, the following major reasons
can be held responsible for making President Bushs Legacy a bitter
one. To begin with, there is the Iraq War. It is safe to say that Bushs policies
in Iraq have all been disastrous
Secondly, the US war on terror, which was embarked upon right
away after tragic events of 9/11, has resulted in the deaths of thousands of
civilians without accomplishing anything tangible in the context of
combating terrorism. Contrarily, the sense of paranoia has heightened across
the globe.

974

Thirdly, President Bushs abominable act of authorizing the CIA

to maintain Guantanamo Bay and Abu Gharib prison camps has tainted
his legacy to a significant extent. In these prisons, horrible crimes are
committed against humanity and coercive tactics used to extricate
confessions from the victims.
Fourthly, the failure of US policy on Iranian front is also another
skeleton in Bushs cupboard. Despite taking recourse to various arm-twisting
tactics, the US has badly failed to desist Iran from pursuing its nuclear
programme. Fifthly, Bush has not taken any interest in resolving the
most intractable dispute of the world: Israel-Palestine conflict.
Sixthly, the Bush Administrations two terms in office have been
marked by numerous examples of triumphs of cronyism over
transparency, especially when it comes to awarding reconstruction, supply
and services contracts in US-occupied Iraq to big American companies,
many of whom have long had close ties with senior administration
officials
History will never absolve President Bush of his war crimes in
Iraq and Afghanistan. There are good reasons to see Bush as a failed
president, whose remaining time in office will be unproductive at best and
destructive to the countrys well-being at worst, because he will quit the
White House while leaving the conflict in Iraq unresolved and bequeathing
the consequences of the badly executed war on terror to his successor.
Brain Cloughley tried to convey as why America is detested around
the world. Bush-Cheney mentality is alive and thriving throughout the
armed forces and intelligence agencies and among those responsible for
anonymous brutal attacks which take place in Africa, the Middle East
and, especially, Pakistan. Members of the Special Forces are accountable to
nobody for what they do. These people are exempt from scrutinyin the
sacred name of security, which is simply a cover for official permission to
murder whom and when they want.
US forces in Afghanistan strike within Pakistan whenever they want,
and dont imagine that the newly-elected government in Islamabad will be
able to stop them. Of course Bush-Cheney Washington bawls its approval
of democracy round the world, but approval steps are dead when a
democratic government disagrees with the Bush-Cheney line. The
arrogance of US military might is made clear by one of the many recent
strikes inside Pakistan

975

There is no doubt that the US strike killed Pakistani civilians but the
coalition spokesman Major Chris Belcher in Afghanistan said only that: We
can confirm a precision-guided ammunition strike1.5 kilometers across
the border of PakistanI do not have any information on any casualties that
may have occurred The information I have is that the Government of
Pakistan was notified immediately following the strike.
So the United States of America clears the air bombardment or the
artillery strike or other savage mayhem on foreign soil after the killing has
taken place. Thats democracy, folks, Bush-style. This is why America is so
detested all around the world.
Washington does not ask any country for permission to carry out
strikes that kill women and children who have nothing to do with the
target. It is unthinkable for the American Reich to seek agreement from a
sovereign nation to blitz its territory. Last month, a week after Bush visited
Africa on a failed public relations excursion, the US conducted an attack
against a known al-Qaeda terrorist in southern Somalia, according to
Pentagon. That strike had destroyed a house of a civilian.
Of course there was no question of asking the Somali authorities if
the US Navy could strike inside Somalia to kill someone. And the fact that it
was inevitable that Somali citizens would be killed in an attack just doesnt
matter. To the Pentagon theyre only another sort of rag head, after all.
One of the major legacies of the Bush-Cheney administration in
Washington is clear: tell lies and lots of people will believe you. Another
is frightening: that even in this age of instant and accurate information there
will be enough people who believe lies to make it unnecessary to tell the
truth. Perhaps the worst legacy is the belief around the world that the US,
formerly regarded as a bastion of liberty and equality, has become an
arrogant bully caring for nothing but its own power.
Dr S M Rahman opined that Americas war on terror is neither war
nor terror. War is not fought unless you have a palpable enemy, which
threatens you, or impedes the fulfillment of national interest, which often
is misused by chronic war mongers to justify egoistic personal ambitions.
Interest is what nation defines through a well-deliberated consensus. It is
unlike George Bushs impulsive war on terror, which was unleashed on the
hapless people of Afghanistan, in less than twelve hours after the 9/11
tragedy and subsequently on Iraq.
The result is humiliation of a super power, which has fighting
machinery of frightening proportion, proving what Thomas Hardy said,
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Mighty to build and blend, but impotent to tend. The failure of any mighty
military force, unless backed by strong moral sentiments, is but inevitable.
Vietnam War was a lesson for America to refrain from unjust war.
Empires are built on the pillars of injustice, contrived sense of
righteousness and violence to demonstrate awe and invincibility. Nemesis,
however, follows its own course slow and imperceptible, but steered
towards a definite outcome. Roman Empire exists only in history books. The
British Empire, where sun never set, ironically indeed, it hardly now rises
within its territory.
It is an utterly wrong assumption by Bush that the so-called
radical Islamists hate the American way of life, or as McCain contends
that there exists threats to our nations survival and way of life. McCain, if
he at all succeeds to be the Republican president, he would prove to be a
clone of his predecessor. America despite being worlds superpower and
militarily rather impossible to be defeated is despised nevertheless by a good
number of the nations of the world.
Bush degraded the lofty image of America, under the evil
influence of the Neocons, who are the inheritors of fascist philosophy, who
eulogized Bonapartes image as Emperor. The philosophical lineage of this
cult originates from Feuerbach, Hegel and Nietzsches writings, which
promoted fascist ideologies of the post World War II.
The Neocon cabal, comprising Dick Cheney and the rest, being
disciples of Strauss, have contributed to the misfortune of George Bush
in waging wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, which are hardly wars in the true
sense the term. These are acts of wanton killing, gross violation of human
rights and colossal crimes against humanity and state terrorism all in the
name of war on terror, when the objective is far different from what is
professed.
Wars are not fought through concocted lies, deceit and distortion of
reality to camouflage the greed for oil of the Muslim countries. Is this way
of life and the virtues of the western civilization. Bush is so concerned about
to preserve, which according to him, the Radical Islamists, termed
terrorists are out to destroy. The US citizens have a right to know the truth,
and President Bush has to get off his chest as to what propelled him to
launch the senseless wars against Iraq, as well as Afghanistan, before he
leaves the prestigious White House.
Did his people vote for him (even that is controversial) to squander
three trillion dollars of the tax payers money for wars that proved to be
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total disasters, besides ruining USAs robust economy and incurring heavy
debt to fuel his lustful ambitions, causing a very threatening prospect of
recession in the country. Why; what for?
The citizens must also know why they were manipulated through
ubiquitous media to create paranoia like state-of-mind against Bin Laden
and men of his ilk, as demons of inconceivable proportions to be destroyed
through bunker-busters, high altitude bombings and sophisticated weapons,
killing over a million Iraqis and around 4,000 American soldiers.
USA is the architect of authoritarian rules in Iran, as well as
Pakistan and other Muslim countries. Rannie Amiri in his article US disdain
for Mid East Democracy, rightly contends: The authoritarian rule of the
Shah, ruthlessly enforced his CIA and Mossad-trained Savak Secret Police,
ultimately gave rise to the 1979 Islamic Revolution and put an end to the
line of those occupying the Peacock Throne. The story has not yet ended
USA is no longer a light unto the world, nor what Americans
prided in calling their country a city upon a hill. There is a general
concern, among other countries of the world, that the vicious determination
to dominate the world, by USA and Israel are the greatest impediments to
global peace. If peace is being pursued as a determined state policy it is by
China, which has unequivocally conveyed to the world that 50 years of
peace is the imperative of the peace.
USA, on the other hand is pursuing a reverse of this policy so that
through war, it could achieve its well-conceivable nefarious designs of
plundering the oil wealth of the Muslim World, by creating a stereotype
radical Islam which is being whipped up not only by the Neocon cabal, but
even by strategic thinkers like Henry Kissinger
Radicals in the Islamic world are the creation of the US policy to
humiliate and degrade the Palestinians, by Israel a cultivated terrorist state.
The Kashmiris, struggling for freedom are dubbed as terrorists, and US
supports it, as India happens to be its strategic partner and a counter-weight
against China. There is no mention of Jewish fundamentalists, Christian
fundamentalists and Hindu fundamentalists. Discriminative perception is
what terrorism is. It is no enemy in itself, but only a technique of war
truly speaking a weapon of the weak.
Murad M Khan was of the view that this war must end. Technology
is helping modern man kill and maim more efficiently. Developed nations
such as the US and UK, both citadels of democracy and free speech based
on principles of justice and equality, are behaving in the worst possible
978

manner. Devoid of any morals, leaders of both nations appear to have lost
their way, causing untold grief and sorrow to countless innocent people.
The psychological impact of armed conflict on humans is
immeasurable. The scars of war can affect people for decades. their
traumatized psyches can play havoc in their personal lives, affect their
relationships, their work and academic performance and lead to
psychological illnesses from post-traumatic stress disorders, to depression,
anxiety, alcoholism and drug abuse. It can change them from civilized
human beings to beasts that have no respect for their lives or others, which
kill and destroy without remorse.
The traumatized Iraqi, Afghan and Palestinian child of today is
tomorrows terrorist. But all this matters little to the leaders in London,
Washington and Tel Aviv. For them, as long as their interests are served,
little else matters (this is state terrorism). History is replete with dictators
supported by the West
Monbiot elaborates: A superpower does not have moral
imperatives. It has strategic imperatives. Its purpose is not to sustain the
lives of other people, but to sustain itself. Concern for the rights and feelings
of others is an impediment to the pursuit of its objectives. It can make the
moral case, but that doesnt mean that it is motivated by the moral case. The
US, like all superpowers, does have a consistent approach to international
affairs. But it is not morally consistent; it is strategically consistent.
The question is, with so such poverty, disease and misery in this
world as well as the added burden of armed conflicts, could the billions
being used to kill innocent Iraqis, Afghanis and Palestinians not go towards
improving the lot of the suffering masses? This madness must stop. The
needless massacres whether of Americans or Iraqis, Palestinians, Israelis
or Kashmiris, must be brought to a halt. Leaders of our day have to step back
and give a thought to the lives and hopes that are being snuffed out and to
the hatred that can haunt generations to come.
Robert Fisk in an interview to Dan Glazebrook criticized performance
of war journalists. Replying to a question about the role of journalists in
justifying and perpetuating the war; he said: There are several things. First
of all, theres the inability of many journalists from the United States to
actually tell the truth about the Israel-Palestine situation hence, occupied
territories are called disputed territories, the wall is called the security
barrier, a colony or settlement is called a neighbourhood or an outpost.

979

Then you have this business where television will not show what
we see, for reasons of so-called bad taste. I remember once being on the
phone to a TV editor in London when Jazeera were asked to feed some tape
of children killed and wounded by British shell fire in Basra, and the guy
started saying, theres no point feeding us this, we cant show this the first
excuse was, people will be having their tea, so we cant put it on, and then it
was; this sort of pornography, we dont show this.
Journalistic standards are degenerating rapidly in other areas too.
Watching the news two weeks ago, I was shocked to see Yassin Nassari and
Abdul Patel referred to by the BBC as terrorists not alleged or
suspected, but straight down the line terrorists when the only charges
they faced related to possession of materials (Islamist literature and
video), and they had not even been accused of planning terrorist attacks, let
alone carrying any out. Has terrorism become a catch-all phrase?
Ive seen cases in the United States where the evidence of terrorism
is a copy of a Lebanese newspaper. With ever dwindling numbers on the
anti-war demonstrations, have we forgotten what is really going on in
these countries suffering Western liberation?
You keep having to say to people in London, but its real because
most people dont have any experience of war in the West anymore.
There isnt a single one of our political leaders with any experience of war.
Bush dodged it. Cheney dodged it, Powell was in Vietnam, but hes gone.
Hollywood is their experience of war. And when you send people
off to the war, and your experience is Hollywood, you might be a bit
shocked when they start dying. At the end of the day, it isnt real to them.
But its all too real to the inhabitants of the Middle East, who have been
subject to Western sponsored blitzkrieg and massacre for decades.
The true extent of occupation in Iraq and Afghanistan has been
masked by the massive use of mercenaries hidden from the troop
figures. Estimates suggest 1000 have been killed in Iraq alone. Fisk is one of
very few journalists to call them by their name, as opposed to the
contractor euphemism
Im not suggesting that the American military are trying to stir up
sectarian strife in Iraq, but its not impossible that there are certain
institutions operating either at one remove i.e. with Iraqis or not in order
to get militias to fight each other rather than fight the Americans. The
French did that in Algeria its a fact.

980

But you dont actually have to set off car bombs to do this. Look at
the way we as journalists publish all these maps, you know Shiites at the
bottom, Sunnis in the middle, Kurds at the top. But we dont obviously; do
these ethnic maps about Birmingham or Bradford or Washington. I could
draw you an ethnic map of Toronto, with the suburb of Mississauga
green for Muslim. But they wouldnt print it.
I was in New York some months ago, and on front cover of Time was
How to tell a Sunni from a Shia? Can you imagine it? And one of the ways
was look at the licence plate of the car. So, you know, we contribute to civil
strife, by constantly saying: look at the guy in the next village.
So you dont need to set up car bombs to divide people, you can
do it quite successfully just by constant repetition civil war, Shiites,
militias, Sunnis, power. You create the narrative. And then in due course,
people fall into line because it is the only one they get.
I once asked the brother of a Sunni dentist who had been shot dead,
so, will there be civil war? He replied, why do you people want us to have
a civil war? Im married to a Shiitedo you want me to kill my wife? He
added: We are not a sectarian society, were a tribal society the Duleimis
have got lots of Sunnis and Shias.
Unfortunately, the sectarian lines are becoming clearer in Iraq by
the day, with the US Army building walls to create separate ghettoes in
Baghdad, and with the Kurdish north now negotiating it own oil deals. The
Western imposed solution for Bosnia was full-scale ethnic partition. Will this
be the future of Iraq?
Whatever the occupiers plans for Iraq, and whatever barbarities it
imposes, one thing is for sure the future of that country is not entirely in
their hands. Even with their full scale promotion of sectarian violence in
1950s Algeria, the French were still forced to leave. The dilemma for the
US in Iraq, as Fisk puts it, is that they must leave, they will leave, but
they cant leave that is the equation that turns sand into blood.

EUROPE
European countries, like the United States had also tightened inland
security by regaining initiative from militants. Following incidents were
reported during the period:

981

 A Pakistani was arrested in Netherlands on terror charges on 14 th

March. A month later, ten terror suspects were held in France,
Germany and Holland.
Nine Pakistanis and two Indians were charged with plotting attacks by
a court in Madrid on 5th June.
Three accused involved in trans-Atlantic flights case pleaded guilty in
London on 14th July. Three days later, Spanish Supreme Court
acquitted four train blast convicts.
Five Africans allegedly involved in recruiting fighters for Iraq were
arrested in Italy on 9th August. A Qatari student was killed in racist
attack in UK on 26th August.
A German of Pakistani origin was charged on 4 th September with alQaeda membership.
Four days later, UK court found three men of Pakistani origin guilty
of conspiring to smuggle liquid bombs onto jet airliners.
Ingrid Mattson discussed the Muslims problem of identity crisis in
Europe. Geert Wilders wants the Quran to be banned. Many Muslims
want Wilders film to be banned. Wilders wants Muslims out of his country
and to be denied the rights of other citizens to practice their faith. No doubt,
many Dutch Muslims wish that Wilders would just go away (and Wilders
has received threats of violence from some). Neither Wilders nor these
Muslims will (or should) get what they want; now what?
Many have looked to this situation only through the lenses of the law.
News articles have focused on threats made to Wilders life and the calls
to ban his film. The Netherlands, like most other countries, has certain
restrictions on speech that is defamatory, libelous or insults a group of
people based on their race or religion. Dutch Prime Minister has publicly
stated that if the film, once released, is judged to have violated the law, then
his government has the duty to enforce their legislation.
My plea that we also need to look at this issue more broadly so we
can find better ways of living together in a world in which there will
always be people whose views and beliefs we find odd or even obnoxious.
We should not justify or excuse extremism of any kind, whether they are
racist and hateful attacks on the Muslim community or vigilante violence by
Muslims against those who make such statements. What we should try to
understand is why some otherwise ordinary people feel caught in the middle,
982

and are sometimes attracted, in part, to the emotional appeals of the

extremists.
An increased presence of Muslims in Europe, while part of this
change, is not the cause of all these changes. Muslims did not cause a
decline in attendance in European churches; they were not responsible
for the fact that some churches have been turned into museums or bars.
Muslims did not cause the declining birth-rate in many European societies.
But the fact that Muslims are building mosques and attending religious
services in higher numbers than European Christian families makes Muslims
easy targets of scapegoating. Europe has seen this kind of ethnic hatred
before in its history. Financially successful Jews were for many centuries
viewed with jealously and resentment by some European Christians.
Muslims should not be scapegoats for the problems not of their
making. At the same time, we have to be fair and acknowledge the fact that
large-scale Muslim immigration to Europe has presented real challenges to
these societies. Unlike in the United States many of these immigrants arrived
with little education and were often settled in large numbers in government
housing that set them apart from the rest of the population. The natural
process of adoption to the new environment was stifled by many of these
well-meaning policies. On the other hand, blatant and persistent
discrimination experienced by many immigrants in their daily lives,
combined with the availability of some extreme Islamic ideologies in the
communities too often mitigated against a positive model of integration.
Most of the time, however, the problem have been cultural. This
is because even when communities share the same basic values (as I believe
is true of most European Christians and Muslims), the different cultural
ways communities express these values can lead to misunderstandings and
tensions. Our values are conveyed not only with words, but with our actions,
our clothing, and our architecture.
The point is that you cannot simultaneously look someone straight in
the eye and avert your gaze from them. Only one of these culturally specific
means of signifying respect can be adopted in any one encounter. Most
people learn to adopt, and even become bicultural. But this process takes
time, and if the differences are politicized or idealized, conflict ensues.
European Muslims are slowly figuring out what is necessary and
sacred in their lives and what is cultural and can be adjusted and adapted.
Most Europeans understand that this can be a difficult process, and they are
patient and supportive of their Muslim neighbours. Unfortunately, the voices
983

of self-proclaimed nationalists really, racists like Wilders, often seem

louder and more powerful because they are threatening.
This is also true of the extremists in the Muslim community who
preach against good relations with non-Muslims. Although they are small in
number, they can affect great damage to society. The most important thing to
keep in mind in the midst of all this changes is that we can never live
together peacefully with all our differences unless we are willing to
respect the different choices that others make.
We do not have to agree with each other or love each other, but we
have to afford respect to each other. This means that we do not deliberately
try to humiliate each other. Defacing or destroying symbols of each
others most cherished beliefs violates the basic cherished beliefs the
basic principle of respect. Wilders actions are designed to hurt, offend, and
even intimidate...
Still, there are some people who are just looking for a fight. No
matter how many Dutch interfaith and civic groups join with their Muslim
neighbours to demonstrate their solidarity and mutual respect, al-Qaeda and
their ilk will point Wilders film as more proof of the western crusade
against Islam. And no matter how many Muslims respond to Wilders film
calmly, or not at all, Wilders will point to the violent response of some
extremists as more proof that Islam is barbaric.
All I ask is that we do not blame whole communities for the
actions of a few. Muslims should not blame all the Dutch people, much less
the West, for Wilders hateful actions. Similarly, no one should blame all
Muslims, much less Islam, for the hateful actions of some extremists.
As for me, I have vowed that if and when Wilders releases his film,
the first thing I will do is pick up my Quraan, kiss it as a symbol of the
reverence it deserves from me, then sit down and read it for an hour. This is
the best defence of the Quraan.
Dr M Tahir-ul-Qadri commented on deliberate acts of blasphemy.
Two years ago, the world happened to face a controversy caused by the
publication and blasphemous and defamatory caricatures of the Holy
Prophet (SAW), the Holy Quran and other sacred rituals of Islam in some
European newspapers. Sequel to a strong protest by the world community in
general and the Muslim countries in particular, the upheaval temporarily
quietened. But it is most unfortunate that the degenerating publications
have been restarted.

984

No less than eighteen newspapers of a civilized and peaceful country

like Denmark have published the heinous caricatures. Furthermore a Holland
MP Geert Wilders has produced a fifteen minute film containing
indescribably indecent, shameful and demeaning material against the
Quraan and the Holy Messenger of Islam (SAW). This new wave of
blasphemy which was calmed down by the intervention of peace-loving
leaders of the world two years before points to a conspiracy hatched by the
evil forces that are engaged in shaking up and destroying the world peace.
The failure of governments to address this situation has allowed it to
spread all over the world, with no end in sight. This situation has been
unnecessarily allowed to spiral out of control and has threatened the concept
of peaceful co-existence. If not addressed, it can lead to a potential clash
of not only civilizations but religions and societies as well.
Currently the newspapers involved in blasphemy and other media are
trying to justify their profanity in the name of freedom of expression.
Much of this debate has focused on the right of freedom of expression with
its defenders advocating the sacredness of freedom of speech which needs to
be upheld no matter what the consequences. However, in reality the issue is
not one of curtailing the right to freedom of expression since this is a right
that is not absolute and no one can claim so.
Every country that claims to be part of the civilized and
democratic world has put its own limits on freedom of expression in the
interests of society in order to maintain a certain level of human behaviour,
be it based on local norms and customs, culture or religion but in essence to
protect the dignity of their moral and religious, social, and societal values.
So to suddenly create an outcry that the right to freedom of speech
is being undermined by Muslim protests is clearly a fallacy. The free
propagation of child pornography for instance or the incitements of religious
or racial hatred in the media is banned in many countries and quite rightly
so. In many European countries it is a crime to deny the Holocaust, being a
criminal offence.
To give respect to an individuals honour and dignity is a
fundamental human right protected by law as is the prohibition on
blasphemy and defamation as well as the right to religious freedom. The UN
Charter, constitutions and laws of many countries provide protection to these
rights...
If internationally recognized principles of tolerance and co-existence
are put aside and moral and religious values are dishonoured then the present
985

situation will worsen and the prevailing tensions will intensify. Europe
considers itself to be an educated and civilized society but its response to the
gross infringement of the basic right to religion of one of its minority
communities has become un-understandable. There needs to be some
mechanism to put an end to these horrific occurrences which may prove
a potential threat to world peace.
Dr Moonis Ahmar talked of the extent of terror threat to Europe.
Terrorism is considered a mega threat to Europe because of the
perceived greater capacity of different groups in attacking their targets. A
major shift took place in Europe after September 11, 2001 when the
traditional terrorist groups operating in the Northern Ireland and Spain were
overshadowed by the rise of what the annual report published by Europol,
European Unions criminal intelligence agency, called Jihadist terrorism in
Europe.
There may be exaggeration and bias in the approach and analysis of
European think tanks on the notion of Islamic terrorism in Europe, but an
in-depth study of the prevailing situation in various European countries
expresses great concerns about the expanded activities of al-Qaeda as it
recruits those people in its rank and file who are locals and have enough
conviction to carry out terrorist operation, including suicide attacks.
The involvement of Pakistani and Arab-origin European nationals in
the so-called terrorist networks in Europe seems to have been allegedly
proved with the arrest suspects of Madrid and London bombings but the
presence of white Europeans, having embraced Islam, in the hard-core
terror cells of al-Qaeda is a nightmare for the custodians of White
Christian civilization.
While analyzing the issue of Islamic and Jihadi phenomenon in
Europe one needs to examine two important facts The failure of Muslim
civilization to modernize itself and complete with its western counterparts in
science and technology, education, research and development. The enormous
gap which exists between the western and the Islamic countries in terms of
economic development has resulted in deep frustration, paranoia and anger
among Muslims in general, and has compelled some of them to turn to
violence and terrorism in reaction to the Wests hegemony and antiMuslim bias.
The most alarming part of Europol report is the link which it has
established between terrorist attacks in Europe and Pakistan and
Afghanistan. It argues that, the remaining core leaders of al-Qaeda in
986

Pakistan still largely commands, controls and inspires jihadi terrorists in

Europe
There is enough empherical evidence to prove that there exists a
historical discord between Christian Europe and Islam as defined in
terms of crusades. Twice, a part of the continent of Europe was occupied
by Muslims: first by the Arabs when they occupied Spain for several
centuries and then by the Turks when they occupied a large part of the
Balkans. The colonization of the majority of Muslim territories by the
Europeans also contributed to the widening of schism between Christian
Europe and the Muslims.
After discussing the developments since 9/11, the analyst concluded:
Unlike the United States, Europe is closer to the Muslim countries and the
happenings in Muslim World, particularly Palestine and Iraq, directly
influence Europe. The solution to the perceived threat of terrorism in
Europe is to be found in the Muslim countries where poverty, underdevelopment, backwardness authoritarian culture and gender discrimination
are responsible for the plight of Muslims and their regression. If the process
of enlightenment and modernization takes roots among the Muslims, the
issues of terrorism and military in the West may be resolved. The analyst
too seemed obsessed with Wests propaganda theme that poverty and
resultant jealousy is the main cause of Islamic terrorism.

MUSLIMS
The leadership in Islamic World, barring few exceptions, continued
refusing to confront the rampaging Crusaders perpetrating death and
destruction in most parts their lands. Highest forum of the Islamic World,
OIC, remained involved in frivolous activities.
On 12th March, a study group of OIC, on the eve of the OIC summit in
Dakar, said Islamophobia was a great threat to world peace. Next day, OIC
Chief, Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu called for Israelis to be tried by international
war crimes court for crimes committed against Palestinians. The OIC finally
grasped the ground realities and proceeded to shut the door on non-Muslim
states to be its members. The summit also created a battle plan to defend its
religion from cartoonists and bigots.
On 20th March, Osama warned EU against blasphemous caricatures. A
week later, Iran slammed Dutch film as vendetta against Islam. Even UN
chief found time to flay online posting of anti-Islam film. Despite this, in
987

April Musharraf blamed extremists for marginalization of Muslim World.

In May, Saudis succumbed to Bushs demand to increase oil production. In
June, International Islamic Conference held in Mekkah called for opening
up to other faiths.
On 16th July, Saudi King went to Spain to inaugurate inter-faith
conference. He appealed for constructive dialogue. Two days later, the
global inter-faith conference (organized by Saudi Arabia) ended with a call
for an international agreement to combat terrorism.
Ishtiaq Ahmed criticized the Muslim writers for becoming apologists
for the ruling class or the powers that be. What is needed in the Muslim
World are regimes that are democratic and respectful of human rights. Such
a need must arise from within Muslim societies, and not through some
foreign intervention. Muslim intellectuals have to learn to be self-critical
rather than become apologists for outmoded, corrupt and oppressive
regimes. Nothing would be more disastrous than writers becoming
apologists for the ruling class or the powers that be.
Andrew OHagan expressed his views on Islamophobia.
Islamophobia is one of the big questions of our day, and one, perhaps
more than the most, which causes each of us to dig into our entrenched
positions. The problem is answered most often with ignorance or with
common hysteria, and almost never with fresh thinking. What is the nature
of the feeling in our communities and in our courts against Islam, and how
can we put an end to it.
Over the weekend, 148 graves were desecrated in the Muslim
section of a military cemetery near Arras in northern France. In an act that
might appear to open a new chapter in Europes hateful treatment of feared
minorities, the vandals sprayed swastikas and other Nazi insignia on the
graves of dead servicemen. These were graves of those Muslims who fought
for France against their own people. If their graves could be meted out such
hatred, what about other Muslims?
France has a population of five million Muslims, Britain has two
million, and each nation has, over many years, pursued policies which have
resulted in those communities being more isolated, more discredited,
and more radicalized than any other, and in consequence we have begun to
work not only against their interests but against our own. We are making
extremists where they previously hardly existed; this might be termed a
suicidal policy.

988

While readers may not agree, I think that the lawyer Gareth Peirce
makes the argument most persuasively She has worked for both Irish and
Muslim individuals in their legal struggles with British prosecutors, and is
able if one is able to listen to tell a story of relationships made worse
by this nations determination to punish and harass the communities it
most fears.
We are currently threatening our own position by following the
pattern of behaviour we established in Northern Ireland. We are running
our chances of peace, to say nothing of what we are doing to offend
international justice, human rights, and common decency.
Surely we want to know the manifold wrongs that lead to further
wrongs. Perhaps not, if were set in our ways and at home with our
ignorance, but Islamophobia is where many of our future troubles might
be seen to begin. We ignore it, and our part in it, at the peril of everything
we claim to hold sacred.
The Dawn wrote on Mekkah conference. Though nothing novel in
idea or spirit, the three-day congregation of Muslim leaders from around the
world in Makkah has to be appreciated for what it was: an attempt to achieve
some level of intra-religious harmony before reaching out for full-scale
inter-faith interaction. The Muslim-kill-Muslim violence has for long kept
the community divided, earning not just a bad name for the faithful both in
historical and contemporary terms but also allowing others to play on such
fissures.
Saudi Arabia, indeed, has the spiritual leadership in the Islamic
World and the economic clout to raise the right kind of questions and help
change the mindset of lay Muslims who form close to 20 per cent of the
global population. To his credit, King Abdullah, since he took over in August
2005, has taken some meaningful steps in that direction.
The presence of former Iranian president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani
at the recent Makkah gathering again a brainchild of the king was yet
another indication of the thaw between the two nations. When the two
entered the venue together, it was more than mere symbolism; it was a
message to the world that despite differences the Muslim World was
united on most issues confronting it.
It was Mr Rafsanjanis call that echoed in the final communiqu
which urged various groups and schools of thought within Islam to close
ranks and achieve unity while attempting to understand other religions and
cultures and to strive for a peaceful coexistence with others. The world today
989

is a troubled place, much more complex than during the bipolar existence of
the Cold War era. Like it or not, the fact remains that the fault line today
runs across religious lines. Any chance for Muslims to have a real say in
world affairs is based on their ability to put up a united face.

CONCLUSION
The manner in which Americas holy war has been conducted so far
has made it absolutely clear that the US wants the Islamic World must
unconditionally submit to its hegemonic designs. The message is for all
Muslim countries, whether these are their adversaries or allies.
Most of the Muslim regimes have read the message correctly and they
have wasted no time in surrendering before the might of the US. What to
talk of confronting the Crusaders militarily, the rulers are not prepared to
face economic sanctions and other such tools of coercion; not realizing that
effectiveness of sanctions could be completely eroded by showing the unity
of Muslim Ummah.
Thus, Muslim World has volunteered to be subjugated by the
corporate imperialism of the Crusaders. This would last for quite long
because the countries being subjugated continue considering themselves free
and independent. However, some non-state groups, which lack the wisdom
of their rulers, would continue resisting.

10th September 2008

TRUMPED AND TRUMPETED

On 9th of September, Asif Ali Zardari took oath as President of Islamic
Republic of Pakistan. The ceremony was brief but sufficient to reveal the
things to come; Chaudhry Shujaat was right in declining the invitation,
because proceedings were dominated by jiyala culture.
The post-oath sounding of national anthem was drowned in chanting
of jiay Bhutto slogans. For the first time since February polls, Zardari stood

990

by his pledge; he had succeeded in installing a jiyala in Presidency of the

caliber of Salman Taseer.
After the oath-taking ceremony, Zardari paired with an American
stooge, Hamid Karzai, to address first-ever press conference as President. If
it was a party where singles were not allowed, then it was alright but he
seemed to have faltered in choice of partner unless, of course, he was under
instructions to do so. Setting of the stage also reflected jiyala culture; picture
of the Father of the Nation had sweet company of the Daughter of the East.
Overall impression created by the question-answer session was not
about which people of Pakistan could feel proud of. Most of the questions
were related to war on terror, which were not answered adequately either for
want of knowledge or by design. Nevertheless, his commitment and
dedication to the US war on terror was total and the reason quoted was that
he himself has been the victim of terrorism.
Other features of the press coference were that the guest seemed to
very happy about his talks with the host and both regretted civilian casualties
and vowed to keep doing so in future. Some of the questions relating to
more than one issues allowed him to ignore important issues altogether i.e.
restoration of the deposed CJP and the price hike. The above amply
indicated the mans habit of not talking straight.

EVENTS
On 3rd September, Mushahid Hussain asked Zardari to declare his
assets. Wattoo hoped PML-Q would side with PPP. Qazi said JI senators
would vote for Saeeduzzaman. Khalilzad denied providing political advice
to Zardari. Naek said Iftikhar was welcomed to take fresh oath as a judge
under Chief Justice Dogar of PPP. Law Minister denied government hand
in request for reopening of cases against Sharifs.
Next day, Zardari promised to cut presidents powers; note this should
not be taken as a word of Hadith. MNAs from FATA decided to part ways
with PPP over operations in tribal areas. Hearing of NAB cases against
Sharifs was put off till October 7. Lawyers protesting in front Supreme
Court were baton-charged by police. The Supreme Court summoned senior
police officials to enquire into scuffle between lawyers and policemen.
On 5th September, three deposed judges of the Supreme Court were
reappointed; astonishingly, one of spitter-licker judge would be retiring by

991

the end of the month. Perhaps, unlike three other judges who retired during
suspension, this one wanted to die with boots on.
Justice Tariq Pervaiz was reappointed, alonh with two other judges,
and sworn in as chief justice of PHC. Sometimes back, he had refused to be
restored without restoration of the deposed CJP saying that a son could not
accept freedom when father was still detained. So, every word is not Hadith.
In the absence of Bibi Sahiba, Zardari was all set to be elected as
president. During her lifetime he could not dream of going beyond ministry
of environments. Nine APDM senators would vote for PML-N candidate.
MNAs from FATA had already decided to abstain from voting.
On 6th September, Asif Ali Zardari was elected as President of
Pakistan; jiyalas went wild in celebration and Sindh government declared 8 th
September holiday. Celebrations in Islamabad and Lahore had anti-PML-N,
or anti-Sharifs touch. In National Assembly, jiyala MNAs deliberately
shouted slogans tauntingly in the faces of PML-N members forcing them to
shout retaliatory slogans.
In Lahore, Salman Taseer threw the gates of Governor House open for
jiyalas. In his address he lashed out at Sharif brothers and claimed that
Shahbaz was CM Punjab only because of the generosity of the PPP. He
criticized Nawaz for supporting the lawyers movement. Excited by the
occasion, he stepped beyond Sharifs and insulted those judges who had been
reappointed. He said the judges for whom Nawaz had been fighting were
now rushing for reappointments despite the fact that no one has asked them.
Certainly, the reappointees deserved this slap in their faces.
Opposing candidates conceded defeat and congratulated new
president. Zardari invited Nawaz on oath-taking ceremony to give him some
tips on politics. Bush was one of the firsts to congratulate the new mercenary
to get the job. UK also extended firm hand of support.
In NWFP Assembly, the desk placed for marking the ballot paper was
monitored by a camera. To make it doubly sure, two ministers, one each
from PPP and ANP, sat on the either side of the desk to check the stamped
ballot papers. In one case minister on duty was busy in talking and the
MPA had to wait to show his ballot paper. This was done to ensure that some
doubtful characters, who had been promised free Umra, vote for Zardari.
All this happened under the nose of presiding officer, Chief Justice PHC,
who was sworn in last evening to ensure free judiciary.

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On 7th September, Sindh cancelled holiday notice on orders of Zardari.

Opposition leaders asked Zardari to restore parliaments powers. Gilani
constituted a committee to draft new accountability law to cover forces and
judiciary. Karzai will attend oath-taking ceremony; both enjoy equal status
in the eyes of superpower, but Nawaz Sharif was proceeding to London.
PML-N called upon PPP to quit Punjab government; Governor said PML-N
government wouldnt survive without PPP.
Next day, Nawaz Sharif came to Islamabad to congratulate Zardari.
The host asked the guest to rejoin the coalition, which was declined politely.
Asif Zardari, the jiyala-in-chief, entered the Presidency with a copy of Holy
Quraan over his head. He must have known that there is only one Quraan
and it was a copy of the same for which he had called for before signing the
agreement for restoration of the judges.
Ministers in Islamabad and Sindh induldged in competition by
publishing felicitation messages in print media to the extent that appeared
vulgar even to Zardari and he had to instruct them to stop it. Amin Fahim
demanded repolling in NWFP. ANP leaders termed showing of the ballot as
a routine matter and accused the electronic media of blowing it out of
proportions.
Shujaat congratulated Zardari but declined to attend oath-taking
ceremony saying that it would be held amid jiyala culture. The mumbler
pulled a fast one by indirectly telling him that the ceremony wont be
befitting for shurfa (gentlemen). Senators called for scrapping of 17th
Amendments. Balochistan bars nominated Ali Ahmed Kurd as candidate for
next president of SCBA.
On 9th September, Zardari was trumpted as President of Pakistan and
the trumped, Nawaz, left for London. He said issues related to Punjab have
been settled with Zardari. Hearing of Sharifs eligibility case was adjourned
till October 14. It seemed Zardari has decided to drag the case. The nation
received the present of 40 percent increase in power tarrif.
Next day, Salman Taseer met Chaudhrys of Gujrat to further sort the
matters which according to Nawaz had been settled during his meeting with
Zardari two days back. Prime Minister advised Zardari to accept resignations
of ministers of PML-N.
Lawyers held weekly protests. Lawyers leadership met at Lahore and
discussed future line of action, while the regime planned to retire the
deposed CJP. LHCBA declared Presidents oath illegal because it was
administered by PCO judge. Chattha and long discussions with Salman
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Taseer. The conspirators who now visit Governor House in Lahore are the
same who sometime ago used to visit the Presidency.
Amid heated debate over cross-border attacks by the US Zardari, the
President, left for Dubai on 12th September on way to London for admission
of his daughters. Attorney General said judges couldnt be restored by
executive order.

VIEWS
People of Islamic Republic of Pakistan experienced another historic
event on September 6; they were blessed with new supreme commander of
their armed forces. During the pre-election period, The Dawn wrote about
politics of vendetta.
The resurrection of the cases about Hudabia Paper Mills, Ittehad
Foundary and Raiwind assets means that the entire Sharif family is in the
dock. Astonishing as it appears, Information Minister Sherry Rehman
claimed not only that her party did not believe in the politics of vendetta, she
denied that NAB was reopening the cases. Her denial flied in the face of
official facts, because on Tuesday the NAB prosecutor general filed a
petition in the court of special judge central, Rawalpindi, seeking reopening
of the cases. The same day Nawaz Sharif told a Gulf paper that he was
determined to get elected to the National Assembly. The reopening of cases
should rule this out and serve to embitter the Sharids further.
Sayeed Hasan Khan and Kurt Jacobson were of the view that there
was no utopia after Musharraf. An utterly Alice-in-Wonderland political
scenario since February has pitted two billionaires, whose fortunes were
obtained, each other suspects, by rather questionable means, against a solid
career soldier who, whatever his faults and glaring missteps, seems to have
failed to feather his own nest in the traditional matter.
From the start the world press, out of routine laziness or pure
ignorance, equated the ejection of Musharraf with the epic ousting of a
Ceausescu or an Idi Amin or, one hopes one day, Robert Mogabe. Therefore,
the major parties mostly Sharifs, really were celebrated abroad for
dumping the former dictator because, so the storyline goes, all dictators are
alike in their vices, and all democrats are alike in their virtues
Wily Sharif clearly was a financial backer for the former chief
justices restoration both as a hammer blow against Musharraf and
ultimately against Zardari too. Sharif must be extremely proud that he
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whipped up the public atmosphere into a hostile one that made Zardari
buckle and go along with the pretty pointless impeachment. You didnt need
a political genius, however, to tell you that Zardari would drag his heels so
as not to reappoint an unpredictable foe like Chaudhry to the Supreme
Court. Mark the words unpredictable foe.
The race for the presidency is the next distraction. Zardari is a shoein and soon we will see if as president he will relinquish to parliament all the
powers that Musharraf wielded as president. Power, when in ones own
hands, no longer seems so obscene. Sharif certainly will not be thrilled if
an elected Zardari retains Musharrafs presidential powers. Indeed, the
Peoplea Party may have missed an opportunity at this dangerous time when,
in the interest of soothing the western regions, it could have backed a
smaller partys candidate from the Frontier or Balochistan for president.
Yousuf Nazar opined Zardari could prove his own nemesis.
Assuming that Zardari wins the presidential election, his biggest challenge
may not be the war on terror, or the economic crisis, or for that matter
Nawaz Sharif. It could be himself unless he can overcome his
shortcomings. There is little doubt that there were many accusations of
corruption against him. The argument that the charges were never proved
does not carry any weight in Pakistans context.
Today, like it or not, he is the leader of the largest and the only truly
national party of Pakistan but he has not done any favour to his reputation
and credibility by repeatedly reneging on his public commitments and
pledges to restore the judges. He shrewdly used Nawaz Sharif because he
needed him to get rid of Musharraf but he may ultimately have to pay a
heavy price for his apparently wily tactics and over-confidence. Even
Maulana Fazlur Rehman, that master of doublespeak and Byzantine politics,
could not digest Zardaris somersaults.
The issue, therefore, is not whether Mr Zardaris rule would be any
more of a threat to the national security than a military rulerss was but
whether he would demonstrate enough maturity to build the consensus
that is vital to rein in the reckless and irresponsible establishment
which has played havoc with grave national security issues for decades.
His initial success in consolidating his grip on the party and more
recently his victory against Musharraf has given him a misplaced sense
of over-confidence. He would be well advised to understand that the power
was bequeathed to him by that larger than life figure, Benazir Bhutto, and
Musharrafs exit had more to do with the policy of the US that never really
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trusted Musharraf in the first place and had become increasingly frustrated
with his double-dealing particularly since Feb 2007.
Zardari started out with the right ideas and spirit but his performance
has fallen short of his often lofty and grandiose pronouncements about
changing the system and strong institutions. His government has been
paralyzed for months due to a highly personalized style of government that
is full of rhetoric and short on delivery. It seems to have woefully inadequate
intellectual and administrative capacity due primarily to Zardaris biggest
weakness his rendency to rely on old friends and place loyalty above
competence. This together with his over-confidence could mean Zardari
may turn out to be his own nemesis. For Pakistans sake, I hope not.
The Dawn commented on yet another pledge of Zardari; though it
would have sufficed his words should not be taken as Hadith. More than six
months have passed since the general election but no headway has been
made towards restoring the 1973 Constitution to its original form. All
parties are united on the need for doing away with the 17 th Amendment
and stripping the president of the draconian powers he enjoys at the moment
including Article 58-2(b). One reason why, inspite of the consensus, this task
has not been taken up in earnest is the unresolved judges issue.
In an article in an American newspaper Asif Ali Zardari pledged that
as head of state he would support the prime minister and parliament in their
efforts to trim the presidents powers. Coming from a man whose election as
Pakistans next president is a certainly, his resolve deserves to be
welcomed
There are other powers which also rightfully belong to the prime
minister but which are now vested in the president. These powers include
the appointment of Supreme and High Court judges and service chiefs. Once
elected president Zardari must quit the party but it goes without saying that
he will continue to influence the levers of the PPPs policy-making
apparatus. One hopes that once he is firmly in the saddle at the President
House and his party overcomes the crisis in its relationship with the PML-N
his commitment to make himself a titular head of state will not waver.
In another editorial the newspaper added: Doubts do hang over the
next president. On Election Day, everyone had at least one eye on the
Punjab Assembly, where the votes for Mr Zardari were billed by many
analysts as a de facto no confidence in the PML-N government. For now a
fresh political crisis appears to have been averted as the PML-N candidate,

996

Justice Saeeduzzaman Siddiqui, earned 201 votes comfortably above the

186 required to secure a majority in the Punjab Assembly.
The second doubt concerns Mr Zardari himself. There have been
more controversial presidents in the past indeed, the last occupant of the
presidency, Gen Musharraf, was almost universally unpopular but none
has been as controversial as Mr Zardari at the time of assuming office.
The catalogue of allegations against him is well-known and every sordid
detail has been raked up since his bid for the presidency was announced.
What Mr Zardari needs to do is to dispel the impression that he is
a political wheeler-dealer who is adept at making backroom deals but
unable to rise to the requirements of statesmanship. The president-elects
performance since Feb 18 has highlighted precisely this deficiency. Mr
Zardari was able to ease President Musharraf out of office but at the cost of
trust in his public commitments.
That trust deficit is significant because Mr Zardari has renewed his
pledge to part down the extraordinary, anti-parliament powers of the
president. If Mr Zardari fails to keep his word again his credibility and
democratic credentials will be in tatters. It is in any case questionable how
much Mr Zardari can now do to make parliament supreme
The third question-mark over Mr Zardari is his ability to steer
the country out of the economic and militancy crises. On the economic
front, it is a fact that the PPP-led coalition government in Islamabad
inherited a wobbling economy; however it is also a fact that the PPP-led
government, now in the sixth month of its existence, has not arranged any
significant amount of money to prop up the economy.
The militancy crisis too has worsened. Most dangerously, the
Americans appear to have lost patience with Pakistan and are launching
regular strikes in the tribal areas. With fuel supplies to ISAF forces in
Afghanistan now suspended (it was resumed after few hours suspension),
relations between the US and Pakistan are at their lowest ebb since 9/11. Mr
Zardari must use his new office to immediately defuse this crisis bravado
aside, it is simply too dangerous to have the Americans breaking down the
door to Pakistan. It was Mr Zardaris right to become president; it is the
peoples right to expect leadership from him now.
Kunwar Idris urged formation of an all-embracing national
government. The aborted consensus and Mr Zardaris unexpected bid for
the presidency combined to create a political ferment which is tending to
defeat the will of the people as it was expressed at the polls. The PPP
997

indeed emerged as the largest single political force across the country but its
share of 30.6 percent of the votes polled is certainly not large enough to lay
claim to both the office of the president and the prime minister.
That would be tantamount to giving monopoly of power to party
which did not command support of even one-third of the electorate. By
contrast, the 42.6 percent voters who voted for the two factions of the
Muslim League would be deprived of any say at all in national policies and,
what matters more, share in political patronage as well.
It may be easy to occupy all the positions of power by out-witting
rivals and voters. But under the current circumstances before enjoying the
fruits of power the government has to see that the country stays together and
moves forward Sensibly, Mr Zardari now talks of a national government
and not of consensus of his own making. But no government can be called a
national one if both the Leagues N and Q and Nawaz Sharif are kept out
of it.
The big hurdle one foresees in the formation of an all-embracing
national government is Nawaz Sharifs unwillingness to join it until the
Seventeenth Amendment is repealed. For that the voluble information
minister, Sherry Rehman, speaking obviously both for the PPP and the
government, is prepared to give no timeframe.
One cannot imagine Mr Zardari being just a constitutional
president. Nevertneless, caught in a war-like situation an effort has to be
made to evolve a compromise formula in which the president and prime
minister equitably share executive authority. The power of the president to
dissolve the National Assembly without so being advised by the prime
minister, however, must go.
This or any other solution may be explored to have the way for a
national government but the present situation in which all the control over
the party apparatus and state institutions vests in the individual is not
conducive to national unity nor will the country be able to regain the control
of its lost territory
The argument being advanced that the president and the prime
minister belonging to the same party would ensure stability may hold true,
as in India, we had a ceremonial president like Pratibha Patil and Asif
Zardari were to be just a party boss as Sonia Gandhi is. A general party
agreement on the distribution of powers between the president and the
prime minister, thus, is a prerequisite to the formation of a national
government.
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During post-election days Kasur S Khan from Karachi commented

on Salman Taseers remarks about judges. The Governor of Punjab, while
referring to the issue of restoration of judges, said: Woh tu doray aa rahai
hain. Similar irrelevant statements regarding the judiciary have been made
by other senior persons. As a citizen of Pakistan I am offended as well as
very much concerned as it is the pillar of the judiciary which must be
strengthened and not manipulated.
The new tenant in President House remained the focus of attention.
S M Naseem wrote: His continued resistance to restoring the chief justice
not only put in jeopardy the coalition he had so painfully put together, but
also increased suspicions about his willingness to live with an impartial
judiciary, just like Gen Musharraf who twice illegally dismissed the chief
justice. An acid test of his claim that he had accepted the proposal to contest
the office in order to save the country from political instability would be to
bring to a closure the long-simmering issue of the restoration of the judges.
The piecemeal restoration of the Supreme Court and high court
judges save the chief justice is a tragic saga and does not remove
suspicions about his intensions. Moreover, it demoralizes all men and
women of conscience who were inspired by the courage displayed by the
chief justice on March 9, 2007 when he stood up against Gen Musharraf. It
would be pity if the judicial revolt were to be remembered in history as a
mere blip on Pakistans political screen.
The prolonged process to deal with the judges issue seems to be an
attempt to wear out the judiciary and the legal profession and teach them
a lesson that they should never take the road shown by the deposed chief
justice.
It is still a mystery as to what led Mr Zardari to change course and
jettison Mr Nawaz Sharif and his colleagues who had helped him and his
party achieve such political pre-eminence and also facilitated the opening of
the doors to the presidency by forcing Musharrafs resignation. What is
even more intriguing is why he made his peace with the MQM
The accommodation he will have to make with the MQM at the
expense of his Sindhi constituency will prove much more costly than what
he would have had to do to placate Nawaz Sharif. The PPP was far more
likely to increase its political base in Punjab by sharing power with the
PML-N, than it was likely to gain at the expense of the MQM in Sindh with
its impregnable urban base.

999

The MQMs decision to vote in favour of Zardari, who though not

himself a feudal is hardly middle-class, instead of voting for Justice Siddiqui
(who also happens to be a Mohajir) or Mr Mushahid Hussain (whose spouse
is also a Mohajir) and who belonged to its former electoral partner, the QLeague, shows that it was based on opportunism.
Political ambition and temptations of office apart, there seem to be
other compelling explanations. The judges issue was, however, a red
herring. There was no serious danger that Mr Zardari would have been
dragged to the courts, since in any event the Sharif brothers were just as
vulnerable, with or without the NRO. An amicable and equitable solution of
the judges issue would, however, have earned the goodwill and respect of
civil society and would have reassured the people that the prevailing
lawlessness in society would be reined in to some extent.
Another factor that probably led Mr Zardari to opt for his chosen
path was the fact that even though Musharraf no longer rules the roost, the
military is not yet reconciled to the supremacy of civilian authority and
still insists on a degree of autonomy in its affairs which is incompatible with
democratic governance and the exorcising of its latent political ambitions.
In order to re-establish the civilian writ firmly, the presidency had to
be empowered at least for the present. In the longer run, however, Mr
Zardari will have to work himself out of his present job and reduce the
presidency to its titular role. This will also be his last chance to redeem his
bemirched reputation in politics by proving himself equal to the task of
saving the country from the severe economic and political crises it is faced
with.
But a more likely explanation is pressure from the US, which
although having reluctantly agreed to let him resign wanted Musharraf to be
spared an inquisition and to remain in Pakistan to ensure that the war on
terror strategy to which he committed himself for the long-term remained
undisturbed.
Musharrafs large network in the army and intelligence agencies
remains beholden to him for bringing in American military and economic
largesse which they have a stake in seeing uninterrupted. Zardari, who is
savy intermediary, wants to see this largesse funnelled through him as
president, who after all is also the supreme commander of the armed forces
and chairman of the not-yet-defunct Security Council. He will now be in a
better position to oversee the intelligence apparatus which he failed to

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capture in his earlier attempt to get the ISI under the interior ministrys
control.
Whether the Americans will trust him with delivering on the war
on terror as much as they did Musharraf remains to be seen. If he fails
to deliver, the Americans will be inclined to adopt the policy of shock and
awe through land and air attacks in pursuit of al-Qaeda operatives and which
have been in evidence lately in the tribal areas.
It is not unlikely that as the US election heats up, the Republican
administration may try to intensify these attacks to give an advantage to the
McCain-Palin ticket. With the rapidly deteriorating economic situation, the
new Zardadi administration will be hardly in a position to withstand US
pressures and incursions into Pakistani territory while it seeks more
money from Washington.
Both his friends and foes must give him the benefit of doubt that
he is sincere in taking Pakistan forward on the path of peace, progress and
prosperity which his party symbolizes. Most of all, it is to be hoped that, as
promised, he will not pursue a policy of vendetta against his enemies and
will help realize the Bhutto dream of roti, kapra aur makaan which has
become ever more distant in the last decade.
Ahmad Faruqui observed: Musharrafs supporters are upset that his
replacement is likely to be Asif Zardari. When Benazir Bhutto was
assassinated in December, Zardari effectively accused Musharraf of being
responsible for her death. In their eyes, Zardaris threat to impeach
Musharraf was the ultimate betrayal. After all, it was Musharraf who had
allowed him back into the country and given him a new political life through
the NRO which pardoned him for all his known and unknown
transgressions.
These hardcore Musharraf loyalists are now taking their anger
out on the lawyers, the judges and the politicians who inspired the civil
revolt that brought the dictator down. In their eyes, it is not just the chief
justice of the Supreme Court who was corrupt. It was the entire political and
judicial apparatus of the country.
By default, they seem to be arguing that the only institution that
deserves to rule is the military. Such a longing is doomed to be a selffulfilling prophecy. If the military continues to seize power every time there
is a political crisis, how will effective civilian institutions develop?
Those supporting a return to military rule are wrong on five counts:

1001

 Just because past politicians have failed to deliver political stability

and economic progress does not mean that all future politicians will
fail
Feudalism is not a barrier to democracy. If that was true, no country
would be a democracy today since all were feudal at one point
Being Muslim does not equate to being anti-democratic. Indonesia,
Malaysia, Mali and Turkey are democratic countries.
The Indian example shows clearly that strong men are not a
precondition for democracy and slays the myth that law and order,
education, and economic development have to precede democracy.
Military rule is not necessary to hold a multi-ethnic state together.
Now that Pakistan has begun its third transition from dictatorial to
democratioc rule, it is time to build a political culture in which a loyal
opposition can exit. And right now, this responsibility falls most notably on
the shoulders of Asif Ali Zardari. All sides in a democracy need to share a
common commitment to civil discourse
In the new setup, the parliament must be sovereign since it is the
voice of the people. It should have the power to approve the governments
budget including the defence budget. The judiciary should be independent
and have the power to declare military coups as unconstitutional. It should
equally have the power to strike down laws passed by parliament that
contradict the constitution and to rein in any executive that exceeds its
authority. None of this meant to say that democracy is a panacea. There is no
dearth of bad civilian leaders in Pakistan.
I A Rehman opined: If anybody is celebrating his success in getting
the better of some judges-under-restraint and dividing the lawyers he is
perhaps unable to comprehend the consequences of relying on chicanery. If
lawyers, civil society activists and individual citizens are already feeling
frustrated, the process of democratization could be arrested. One hopes
there is still time to respect the demands of democracy, the rule of law and
fair play and restore all the judges dropped on Nov 3, 2007.
It is possible to argue that the leaders of the lawyers movement and
the political factions trying to run ahead of them are not entirely blameless.
They could not have believed that the mass support mobilized by them
would be strong enough to bring the regime to its knees. Perhaps they could

1002

not or did not have the time to decide whether their agitation was in the
nature of a trade union strike or a political movement for change.
If the former was the case the risk in stretching the struggle
beyond the endurance of the judges and lawyers should not have been
ignored. In such struggles it is crucial to assess when the agitation should be
wound up and inflexibility replaced with pragmatism. If the agitation fell in
the second category then the strategy recommended for long-term political
movements should have been adopted and in this there is room neither for
short-period ultimatums nor for promising success within days.
But the independence of the judiciary is not a matter that concerns
lawyers alone; it touches on some fundamental requisites of a democratic
state. The foremost argument in support of restoration of the judges is
the absolute need to undo the effects of the extra-constitutional
proclamation of Nov 3
It is unfair to say that the people did not vote for the judiciarys
independence, because among the factors contributing to their alienation
from the Musharraf regime, the sack of the judiciary figured at the top. The
argument that the proclamation of Nov 3 and actions taken thereunder were
validated by a de facto judicial authority is manifestly untenable
Also fruitless are references to the judiciarys past sins and its
subservience to dictators. The argument that the judiciarys past stands in
the way of doing justice to victims of autocracy fails on three counts. First,
the judges are being punished for breaking from an ugly tradition and not for
upholding it. Secondly, the way to prevent the judiciary from sinning is to
respect its independence. Thirdly, making the restoration of judges subject to
the whims of the executive will amount to making them subservient to the
latter.
It is essential that the government pays serious attention to the
consequences of its refusal to restore all the judges. The people believe that
the moral high ground is occupied by the judges who only did what had
been expected of them since 1954. not restoring some of them will cause
deep fissures in the judiciary there will be judges who were retained by
Musharraf, judges appointed after Nove 3, judges chosen to rejoin the
Bench, and judges marked out for ditching. Differences of opinion on points
of law make a judiciary strong but one cannot say the same about it if many
of the judges consider themselves as carrying a heavy moral handicap.
Also, it is impossible to justify the exclusion of judges from the
pledge to heal wounds. The judges issue has become a big sore. A large
1003

number of people have made significant sacrifices for the cause of the
judiciarys independence. Their feelings of betrayal will cause dangerous
tensions in democratic lobbies.
The incipient cold war between the main erstwhile coalition
partners is developing into a confrontation that could consume all their
energies. The exigencies of power politics will distract attention from the
all-important task of democratic consoldation. And this at a time when the
multi-deimensional crisis of the state demands the greatest possible harmony
among all political actors.
Moreover, the frustration that is likely to be caused to lawyers in
particular and civil society in general, should not be disregarded. There
has been an exceptionally healthy movement. Its cause ranks higher and
nobler than the stature and interest of the principal players. It roused a
sizeable segment of civil society. As a non-violent, non-communal and
pluralist movement it has set standards for public interest agitation and that
are worthy of emulation. It has demonstrated possibilities of forging unity
among the federating units through common struggles. Above all, this
movement has helped the people rediscover their potential as agents of
change.
The message that is being sent to the people is that whatever the
nature of the regime they are not going to be allowed to contribute to
governance, to the dispensation of justice or the formulation of policies that
will affect them and the generations to come. This will indrease apathy
among some of the activists and push others into extremist camps.
Eventually public discourse will peter out into a babble over trivialities and
the peoples democratic instincts will shrivel into nothingness.
Zulfiqar Halepoto talked of the challenges ahead. After the oathtaking ceremony, one expected him to clearly outline his vision for a
politically viable and economically stable Pakistan. Such a vision would
have included strategies for countering the scourage of extremism and
ameliorating the nationss financial woes.
With the international press calling him a controversial politician
with little experience in governance and diplomacy and a leader of an
unstable and nuclear-armed Pakistan, this would have been a wise thing to
do. Instead, his official address to the nation (through press a joint
conference) as president was nothing more than rhetoric and slogans.
To begin with, what will be the powers of Asif Zardari as
president? The presidency has never been a balanced business. It has
1004

worked either as a rubberstamp or an overactive institution. One now feels

the need for a middle path that is conventionally followed by all
parliamentary democracies. This would mean conferring on President
Zardari limited discretionary powers with a view to giving him a role that
does not reduce him to a rubberstamp nor allows him to act as an
overlord
Military dictators subverted and altered the constitution to their own
advantage. Will the new president revert to his late father-in-laws
constitution and deliver a new social contract to strengthen the integrity
of the state or will he preserve the existing powers? This remains a
million dollar question.
Aneela Mahsud from Peshawar asked: What will be the future of
Pakistan under the Presidentship of Mr Zardari, no one can tell, but that
everybody should be given a chance to prove his mettle, Pakistanis are very
generous in this attitude. But one cannot ignore his political irresponsibility
of breaking his own words, and his pretended ignorance about many
important issues which he should be handling with much political maturity
and grater concern as a co-chairman of the major party in power and now as
the president of the state.
Ayesha Siddiqa opined: At least three features of the political system
will remain unchanged. First, the system of patronage politics will be the
same. In fact, patronage politics will both strengthen and deepen as the cost
of living increases and opportunities remain static due to structural problems
such as less socio-economic and human resource development. Although
Islamabad claims to have increased the literacy rate, the fact is that
functional literacy, which allows citizens to become skilled workers, remains
low. The job market depends on the public sector and an individuals
aliegnment with those in power. Under the circumstances, every party will
provide advantages to its own supporters and not to others.
Second, a part of patronage politics is the shape of the ruling elite
which will remain the same. It will continue to include the landed-feudal,
big business, industrialists, the military, the clergy and the militants via the
intelligence agencies. The common interest of these stake holders is to
remain in power for which they pursue different means. Another common
denominator is the exploitation of ordinary people, a pattern that will remain
unchanged. Although Islamabad proposes to fight the terrorists, there are
many who will continue to survive as they might be put to use at some later
stage.

1005

Third, Civil-military relations are not likely to change. Currently,

the military is not eager to create problems for the civilian dispensation and
vice versa. But this also means that the political government will not take the
opportunity to build and strengthen institutional mechanisms to improve the
balance in its favour (the new president has talked about reducing the budget
of the presidency with no mention of the defende budget).
Shamshad Ahmad wrote: Democracy is not about perceptions or
reputation. Democracy is about people who are the final arbiters, no
matter how poor a reputation a politician might have. They choose their
leaders. History then gives its verdict on whether or not they made the right
choice
Zardari has a chance to prove that perceptions regarding his
reputation are ill-founded. History is already registering its accounts and
will soon start judging him. It is between history and Zardari now. What
about the people? They would like to believe that real democracy has finally
returned to their country. And in politics, as in every other aspect of life,
what people know and understand or what they believe largely depends on
what they see, hear and feel and how they think and act.
But in looking at the unfolding events in our country and the acts of
our newly elected rulers, we see what is not, and see not what is because
we have chosen to be prisoners of an exploitative system based on elitist,
feudal and structures. There are no angels in politics. Even in the worlds
major democracies, heads of state and government and eminent politicians
have been implicated in assorted scandals. Big names come to mind in no
time. Hypocrisy and vacillation are the hallmarks of success in politics.
If Plato was sometimes cynical about politics, he had reasons to be.
As he wrote in his Apology, a man who really fights for what is right, must
lead a private, not a public life, if he hopes to survive, even for a short time.
Politics know no morality, no ethics
We as a nation have suffered the politics of power and blood for
too long. It has been a constant stuggle and a long tragedy of errors since the
very beginning. The script is the same. Only the faces have been changing.
We have seen prime ministers assassinated, removed in military take-overs,
executed through judicial murder and in some cases even exiled
Pakistan has been the scene of pitiable tragedy for too long now. We
have had coups, both military and civilian, and in every instance, there has
been someone from the judiciary to provide legal cover to the illegality.
The present set-up is no different. It is rooted in the Nov 3 illegality...
1006

Platos central question in his Republic was what is justice? Mr

President, let us hear from you: Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry is justice.
This would complete democracys revenge. Let history judge you differently
from the baseless perceptions of your past. Prove your detractors wrong.
You have a chance to be different ruler in Pakistan and make history.
Adrian A Husain commented on Nawaz and politics of values. If
Sharif and his PML-N cohorts are to be heard making conciliatory prodemocracy noises, this should not be construed as a sign of weakness.
Apart from the fact that the party comfortably held its majority in the
presidential election in Punjab, there is method in what Sharif appears to be
saying with an eye to the long-term. Not enough attention has been paid to
his discourse on a politics of values as opposed to power. What are these
values? We must take these having arisen out of Sharifs personal
experience of power: notably, the catharsis of his imprisonment and
subsequent exile.
Topping his list would logically seem to be the primacy of human
dignity and civil rights. Yet his quest is equally for the overall
democratization of Pakistan the sovereignty of parliament, the supremacy of
the countrys constitution and, of course, the independence of its judiciary.
This explains his unremitting advocacy of the restitution of all our deposed
judges
So instead of the impetuously self-seeking politico of yore, we see
someone quite different today: a man aspiring to give the country what he
feels it desperately needs by making principle fundamental to the business
of politics. Though belated, this has nevertheless allowed Sharif to regain the
trust or at least a portion of a formerly disenchanted electrorate
The insistence of Sharif and the top PML-N leadership that the preNovember 3 judiciary along with Iftikhar Chaudhry be restored in one go
speaks of a commitment to constitutionality and the rule of law not just
for now but in the long term. This is heartening as it suggests that they
share our concerns and are thinking about a viable future for a country
seriously at odds with itself and Zardaris victory notwithstanding with
an increasingly nebulous horizon.
Cyril Almeida pondered as to how long Zardari and Nawaz would
last. At one level, everything from March 9 last year to date is part of a
recurring tumultuous process of transition from authoritarian rule to a
more democratically elected form of government. Weve seen it at least
twice before. On every other level, the events of the last year and a half are,
1007

to put it mildly, unprecedented. President Zardari is simply the latest

confounding, mind-scrambling event in a period of intense turmoil. Driving
the motorcar of transition now is Asif, with Nawaz a potentially dangerous
backseat driver. Will they stop at the red light or run through it? Or will
theycrash into that silly little alien wondering whats going on?
History suggests that the presidency is a poisoned chalice at the
very least you leave without dignity. There is only one president who
emerged from the presidency more powerful than he went in: Zulfikar
Ali Bhutto. He of course became prime minister under the freshly minted
1973 Constitution, the same one Asif has vowed to bring back.
Could Asif, who was living in the annexe of the prime ministers
house until this week, be planning an eventual move into the main
residence? Nothing is impossible anymore but Asif emulating ZAB?
Thats the problem for me and Asif, I suppose. For Asif to come good, he
will need to do something so stupendous, so unbelievable, so staggering
as to put every other leader of his country in the shade.
And Nawaz the Pious? So wounded and principled is he that Im
almost inclined to believe him. Until you realize that if true hes a rubbish
politician. If you dont want power theres always someone else who
does, usually someone inside your party. When you take a greyhound to
the races, expect it to rear after the rabbit. Whatever thoroughbreds there are
in the League, their instincts are to relentlessly pursue power. Stand in their
way long enough and they will devour you.
2013 will mark the fourteenth year of the N-League being out of
power in Islamabad. Nawaz would be made to try and keep the Leaguers on
a leash until then. To the best of my knowledge, nobody has accused Nawaz
of being mad. Five years is a life time in politics anywhere. In Pakistan,
its an eternity. Theres no way Asif and Nawaz will make this last.
Irfan Husain pleaded for tolerating Zardari for five years. It is high
time we began behaving with a little more maturity. It is entirely possible
that Asif Zardari and the PPP will be unable to rise to the challenge. Should
this happen, the electorate will vote them out of office five years from
now. But until then, it is both irresponsible and self-destructive to work to
destabilize the system just because one doesnt like Asif Zardari or the
Bhuttos.
To conclude the excerpts from an article of Karamatullah K Ghori are
reproduced. So the short memory of the people of Pakistan, correction, its
politicians and elected representatives of the people, has served Mr Asif Ali
1008

Zardari so admirably well. He is now the duly elected President of

Pakistan, the first of this kind in more than a decade.
More than a short memory its the damning proclivity of the
Pakistani politicos for short-term advantage that has been the catalyst in
propelling Mr Zardari to the pinnacle of power. Self-interest and selfpromotion are the two wheels that make the bandwagon roll, and rolled it
has for Zardari with a mind-boggling force and intensity in the past few
months, eversince he favoured himself with donning the mantle of the
mentor of the heir to the legacy of Benazir Bhutto king-maker in the
truest sense of the word.
It was only a few weeks ago that a Washington-based think-tank, the
New American Foundation, conducted an opinion poll in Pakistan and
discovered that Mr Zardari was the least popular politician in Pakistan
with an approval rating of just 14 percent. However, he was still the kingmaker and the rising sun in Pakistan; and that was all that mattered to the
peoples representatives, sitting in the assemblies with the sole interest of
making hay under the rising sun. The die was cast in favour of Mr Zardari
and his ascent to the top was sealed and guaranteed...
Greasing his way to the stately presidency in Islamabad was the
easier part of the equation, as President Zardari should soon discover once
euphoria gives way to sobriety. The first challenge to his presidential office
is personal. His elevation to the highest office of the land doesnt mean
and shouldnt mean to him in particular that the memory slate of the
people has really been wiped clean. He was the least popular politician
stalking the terrain and winning the presidential contest doesnt make him
any less controversial.
In fact, the elevation also adds to his visibility. Witthingly or
unwittingly, Mr Zardari has ushered himself into a glass tower, a crystalclear fish bowl, where each and every one of his moves would be watched
intently and scrutinized minutely. That should make him acutely conscious
of the burden of proof that stays on his shoulders for as long as he may
occupy the presidency
The government that has served Zardari, and not the people of
Pakistan, at his beck-and-call in the past six months has done precious little
to instill even an iota of confidence in the people that it has any potential to
deliver on their basic needs and environments Theres no Midas touch
associated with Mr Zardari, much as the spin-doctors serving him may claim

1009

for him the title of the Pakistani Mandela. No Mandela-like healing touch
could be associated with Mr Zardari.
President Zardari and his spin-doctors will have a very hard time
disproving the general perception that his passage to the presidency has
been smoothered by the same mentors that finally scripted Musharrafs
unceremonious exit from there. A lead story in the New York Times of
August 26 chronicled in detail the shenanigans that went on in New York
and Washington before the rug was pulled from under the feet of Musharraf.
The chief promoter for Zardari replacing Musharraf was the notorious
American Ambassador to the UN, Zalmay Khalilzad, a rabid neocon, who
went over the heads in the State Department to write the curtain-drop scene
for Musharraf and curtain-raiser for Zardari.
No surprise that the only foreign dignitary attending President
Zardaris coronation was none other than Hamid Karzai of
Afghanistan, an erstwhile protg of Khalilzad. The two have lot more in
common than the same mentor. But the Americans arent rolling out the red
carpet for their new prince-charming in Pakistan
So President Zardaris task is already cut out for him, should he
be ready to act according to his constitutional oath of honour the laws of
Pakistan, defend its sovereignty and secure its frontiers against incursions
from any quarters, foes or friends.
Now that he has inherited the legacy and mantle of Musharraf,
Zardari will have to plead with Washington on his own to desist from
making his life in the presidency untenable by its reckless jingoism in the
tribal area A course correction is also overdue in Mr Zardaris own
fractious house of PPP and its style of governance
The boot is now on Zardaris foot. He must respond in kind to
PML-Ns gesture of goodwill and rein in the brash brat occupying the
Governors House in Lahore whose bull behaviour can only add to Zardaris
worries in Punjab, in particular.
To most of his detractors and even some admirers Zardari is an
epitome of Machiavellis prince. However, much against the common
perception, Machiavelli didnt want his prince to an evil incarnate. On the
contrary, his prince was expected to rule with a razor-sharp intelligence and
wisdom, and a hends-on sense the sensibilities of his people. Michiavelli did
intone his prince to be in a state of war, perpetually, but his concept of war
wasnt one of arms and barrel-fields only. It spanned diplomacy and politics
of sagacity and the cunning of a fox.
1010

REVIEW
Presidential election had some interesting features, though not
altogether new in Pakistans history. During polling in NWFP the MPAs
obeyed the instructions of their leaders disregarding the rules of secret
balloting. They marked and then showed the secret ballot papers to the
monitors sitting on nearby seats.
This happened in the province which is goverened by a coalition led
by ANP; a party that has been boasting of politics of principles. From the
commitment shown to the principles it seemed that they would have even
pulled their trousers down if the principles had so demanded. Baighairti
has altogether different meanings for those sitting in assemblies.
The pro-democracy analysts would condone all such acts in the name
of the virtues of democracy. Ask an analyst like Nusrat Javed, who had
suffered the brutality of military dictatorship, he would say pulling down of
trousers should not be acceptable during martial law because one is forced to
do so and during democratic rule it is done voluntarily and, therefore, quite
acceptable.
The jubillant Sindh government first announced closed holiday and
then canceled on instructions of Zardari. The smiling scoundrel thought it
wise that the feeling of Sindh-first over Pakistan-first should be held back
because he has not lost, but won the election of President of Pakistan.
An interesting coincidence was tremors on 5th September, and also on
the day of polling. Another; the oath will be taken on 9 th September. Will it
be nearly another 9/11 for Pakistanis? One can only hope and pray that it
wont be so.
Yet another unusual and interesting feature of the celebrations was the
rejoicing by criminals in jails across the country. PPP leaders too distributed
sweets amongst fraternity of criminals, for example, Malik Hakmin alone
sent 200kg of sweets to Attock jail.
Voting had a dangerous similarity with 1970 elections. Electoral
College in Balochistan, Sindh and NWFP voted for Zardari totally ignoring
the other two candidates. Baloch MPAs said they have voted for a Sindhispeaking Baloch, two other Pakistanis did not qualify to earn their support.
Sindhis obviously voted for the son of the soil. Pakhtuns have no love-lost
for candidates of the parties led by Punjabis.

1011

The attitude of three provinces towards Punjab reflects clear-cut bias

against Punjab where nearly 60 percent of Pakistanis live. Its orchestration
has been led by the PPP starting with the scrapping of the project of Mangla
Dam. This act was akin to Indian designs of turning this province into a
desert. This voting pattern has dangerously implications. After December
1970 polls ZAB had ignored the wishes of the people of the larger province.
What happened afterwards is too scary to recollect.
One day this can compel Punjabis to think, and that day may not be
too far, that if three smaller provinces are bent upon destroying the
agricultural potential, the strength of its economy, then why not consider the
option of falling back to Indian federation. India would welcome it and it has
water reservoirs to turn it to a much bigger grainry of East Punjab and
Haryana combined.
The only reason to remain optimistic is that Punjab was the only
province where votes were cast without provincial prejudices and the polls
on 6th September were also indirect. Hopefully the people have not yet
started thinking like the horses they have in their stables called assemblies.
Before saying a few words about oath-taking ceremony, it would be
appropriate to say that the trumpted, Zardari, has acquired some unique
distinctions on his way to the Presidency. First, in case of the presidents of
the past the slogans of GoGo were shouted after they had been in the
office for some time, but he earned the distinction of being welcomed with
these slogans.
Secondly, he swore allegiance to Washington before swearing in as
President. He did it through an article published in the US in which he
pledged to fight the war on terror as his own. Later he confirmed this during
joint press conference.
And prior to that Zardari regime in less than six months has surpassed
all the lies told and U-turns negotiated by Musharraf in his eight years. This
has been a marked difference in military dictatorship and democratically
elected government. As regards oath-taking ceremony, a lot has been said
demonstration of jiyala rather than culture Pakistani.
Oath-taking was followed by a press conference. This turned out to
be related more to war on terror, therefore, has been covered in relevant
articles. Herein it would suffice to say that by sitting with Karzai, Zardari
wanted to tell his opponents that the superpower stood at his back.

1012

The smiling scoundrel did not say a single word about the restoration
of deposed judges despite having been asked a direct question. As already
said the PPP regime has proved its excellence in telling lies. On the issue of
restoration of judges it started with a pledge to restore them through a simple
administrative notification, and then it said the issue was too complicated to
be resolved with a notification or a resolution passed in the Parliament.
Constitutional amendment was thought to be only solution for which a
package was drafted. Thereafter, several summersaults were taken by
Zardari including the one negotiated over the Holy Quraan. Another U-turn
was negotiated with reappointment of Tariq as the Chief Justice PHC
replacing the PCO-Judge. This move contradicted regimes stand on PCOCJP, Dogar, whom Naek has termed irreplaceable.
The change in attitude of leaders of lawyers movement has also not
been quite encouraging. It clearly lacked exuberance. Aitzaz no more recites
riasat ho gi maan kay jaisi with the same emotional involvement. And
Kurd is no more seen challenging the present regime as he used to challenge
the generals. Whereas the movement should have gained more momentum
because Musharraf had simply murdered judiciary, Zardari has mutilated the
dead. These changes forces one to ponder about M Ali Kasuris allegation of
foreign funding of the movement.
As long as PML-N was partner in the coalition, Sharif brothers
could be handled with deceit; by promising and then going back on them.
Once PML-N pulled out of the coalition, the Sharifs have to be handled
differently, despite the Charter of Democracy.
Hearing of the cases as requsted by NAB may be deferred again. Mere
reopening of the cases was enough to show the knife tucked under the shirt
just as the late actor Alauddin did in a film. This knife is in addition to the
one already held by Dogar pertaining to Nawazs disqualification. Sharifs
will be kept under pressure using the cases pending before PCO-courts. In
case Sharif brothers try not to come to terms, curtain would be drawn on
their political career by disqualifying them.
Zardaris future plans also include toppling PML-N government in
Punjab. Salman Taseer and Raja Riaz have been creating anti-PML-N hype
in Punjab. They could not do it without the approval of Zardari. Attack on
the last abode of Sharifs may be aimed at teaching some lessons to Siasi
Nabalighs.
While assessing the performance of Zardari as politician, one must
keep the principles and morality aside and accept that politics or politicking
1013

is all about coming into power (to serve the people) by out-witting and outmanoeuvring the political opponents. Measured with this yardstick, Zardari
stood neck and shoulders above all other politicians. He has done wonders in
less than nine months, though the credit of setting the course went to his
shrewd wife.
Not all but some of his achievements are enumerated. Right at the
outset after the murder of Benazir, he eliminated all the threats to his
position from within the Bhuttos PPP. He not only secured party leadership
for him and his son but also saved the party from disintegration.
While doing so, he avoided confrontation with Musharraf. He also
dragged his feet on restoration of judges to draw maximum benefits from the
NRO. Yet, he kept the hopes of restoration alive to keep the coalition with
PML-N intact till the achievement of other goals.
Then, he ousted Musharraf who had already been skinned by his
wife. But the credit goes to him for marshalling all the forces from within
and outside against Musharraf. All this was done despite a deal struck by his
wife and Musharraf for peaceful co-existence.
Having achieved the goals for which coalition was necessary, he
forced PML-N to part ways by going back on pledge made on Holy Quraan;
nothing is unfair in politics. The separation left his political opponents lost in
bewilderment allowing him to dash to the presidency.
By the eve of polling day he had almost converted PCO-judiciary into
PPP or Jiyala judiciary. More than one third of deposed judges were coerced
or seduced to take Baait on Zardaris hand. Musharraf had disgraced a
national hero, Dr A Q Khan; Zardari has done the same to another, the
deposed CJP. And he did it before entering the presidency.
It must be recalled that he retained the initiative all along, despite not
having even simple majority. All other parties, including PML-N, failed to
initiate any significant move; all of them have only been reacting to or
following his moves. Even lawyers leadership surrendered their initiative to
Zardaris democratic forces.
He would now hope to sit in the presidency and enjoy the highest
protocol in and outside Pakistan. Apparently, he would have nothing to fear
of on demestic political front. His only limitation would be to look towards
Washington all the time, but he should not mind that as long as dollars keep
pouring in.

1014

His future consolidation plan should include fill the vacancies of

services chiefs, as and when these fall vacant, with Jiyalas. He will face no
difficulty in finding plenty generals aspiring to become chiefs. He would
have a choice to select the one who wont mind flying PPP flag along with
Pakistan and Pakistan Army flags and willing to shout Jiay Bhutto with
Pakistan Zindabad.
That would complete the process of the change of the system, or the
process of democracy is the best revenge. In fact, it is no revenge of
democracy. If it has been so, then Rafiq Tarar should have been nominated
as unopposed candidate for presidency, because Musharraf had ousted him at
the gun point. It is simply occupation of Presidency by another Qabza group.
And it must be remembered that despite the change Zardari would remain
non-committal in future as well because it is part of the character of the man.
One only hopes that Pakistan is not included in his revenge plan.
While concluding it may be said that democracy is like a detergent
that cleans all the dirty linen. It can remove the spots left by the going back
on the pledges made on Holy Quraan. Hence a spoon-full of democracy is
enough to wash all the sins.
All that, and even more, which was condemned being illegal and
immoral, has become legitimate overnight simply because of the democracy
making a come-back. With the arrival of democracy the war on terror-related
bloodshed has increased significantly and cross-border strikes by US forces
have become frequent.
Zardaris father-in-law ZAB had annoyed the majority province in
1971 and that precipitated the disintegration of Pakistan. It seemed that
Zardari, virtually leading an anti-Punjab coalition of three provinces, was
doing the same today. May be he shows some mercy on the people of
Pakistan after all courtesy demands that the people have honoured him so
much despite his past deeds; will he reciprocate?
13th September 2008

BUSH-KARZAI-ASIF AXIS
People of Pakistan in general and Pakhtuns of Pakistans tribal areas
are pitched against a formidable force, which borrowing the terminology
from the West, can be described as Axis of Evil. This axis in formed by a
puppeteer and a pair of puppets i.e. Bush, Karzai and Zardari.

1015

The second of the two puppets has been introduced as replacement of

Musharraf and as an improved version. Surely, the new combination has
proved to be far more deadly as was experienced by the people of Pakistan
since second week of August. Bajaur operation in its ferocity has surpassed
all other operations carried out since the start of war.
The most cunning aspect of the massacre executed in Bajaur has been
the keeping of attention of the media and resultantly of the people away
from it. To this end, Bush Administration increased the frequency of crossborder strikes and Zardari regime pretended to be protesting. This led to
constant flow of breaking news for the electronic media and thus drawing
the attention of the people of Pakistan to Waziristan away from the scene of
massacre in Bajaur.

WESTERN FRONT
On 5th September, the US Predator fired three missiles on a house in
North Waziristan killing three children and two women; no media man
sought comments and no government official bothered commenting on the
incident. Chairman JCSC, in reference to earlier strike, said Pakistan
reserved the right to retaliate. US officials said cross-border raids were
necessary.
Movement of supplies to occupation forces in Afghanistan through
Torkham was suspended as a precautionary measure against suspected
attacks. US transferred $365 million for supporting war in FATA. Obama
accused Pakistan of using US aid for preparations for war against India.
On 6th September, at least 30 people were killed and 79 wounded in
suicide attack on a police post near Peshawar. An oil tanker destined for
Afghanistan was destroyed near Quetta and driver was killed. Ahmed
Mukhtar said suspension on movement of NATO supplies has been lifted,
but Rehman Malik insisted that suspension was in place.
Ten people, including women, were killed in Swat on 7 th September in
various incidents. One security man was killed and six wounded in attack on
Kotal post. Shelling of militants positions in Bajaur continued throughout
the night. Death toll in Peshawar bombing rose to 36. Twenty Afghan Uzbek
were arrested in Chaman for illegal entry. Movement of NATO supplies was
resumed.
Next day, US Predator fired seven missiles in North Waziristan killing
23 people, mostly relatives of Jalaluddin Haqqani. In Kurram, 11 people
1016

were killed in fresh clashes. A suicide bomber was overpowered by JCOs of

School of Artillery in Nowshera. In Bajaur, 8 people, including brother of an
Afghan minister were killed in artillery shelling and helicopter attacks,
though the ceasefire in respect of Ramazan remained in place.
The Daily Telegraph reported uncovering of a plot involving
Pakistani-based terrorists planning to use nuclear material against a major
European target. Bush said Pakistan is now the main battleground of war
against terror and he urged the government play its part. White House said
Pakistan fully backed its war on terror. The US was using anti-insurgency
tactics of Iraq in Afghanistan and FATA. Spanta urged for extending Afghan
war into Pakistan. Air chief gave an intriguing statement; PAF would defend
Pakistans airspace when ordered by the government.
Militants killed five people in Swat on 9 th September; four of them
belonged to PPP-Sherpao. France criticized strikes inside Pakistan. Bush
told Zardari to ignore public opinion and do what is good for the country and
White House would keep telling him about that.
On 10th September, security forces captured the territory lost to
militants in Bajaur; 44 people were killed, despite ceasefire in respect of
Ramazan. In Lower Dir, 25 people were killed and 50 wounded in an attack
on a mosque. In Swat, 16 militants and 4 soldiers were killed.
General Kayani said that in accordance with rules of engagement to
conduct operations against the militants inside own territory is solely the
responsibility of the respective armed forces. He tried to convey the message
that territorial sovereignty of Pakistan would be defended against US
attacks. Admiral Mullen told Congressmen about change in strategy in
which US forces would operate on either side of the Durand Line.
Reportedly, Bush had authorized US forces two months back to strike inside
Pakistan; that was around the period when Gilani visited Washington.
The news about Quaids and 9/11 appeared side by side on the front
page of The Dawn: Tribute paid to Quaid and up to 100 killed in Bajaur.
A major and a soldier were included in those killed. In Swat, 8 people were
killed. Dead bodies of two police recruits were found.
Gilani said General Kayanis statement about cross-border US strikes
is my governments statement. Haqqani went to White House to beg for
mercy. Qazi urged Kayani to stop operations. Brown planned to discuss
new strategy with Bush about operation along Pak-Afghan border. NATO
said its mandate is restricted to Afghanistan only. Karzai backed US plan to

1017

attack militants in Pakistans tribal areas. Pakistan and Afghanistan

considered holding mini joint jirga.
As if to silence the COAS, Pakistani Ambassador to Washington and
murmuring Gilani, the US launched another missile attack in North
Waziristan on 12th September killing 12 and wounding 14 people. This time
a building linked to Hikmatyar was attacked. Kayani said there was
unanimity of views between the government and army. Gilani vowed to seek
diplomatic solution. PML-N and PML-Q sought joint session of parliament.
The US refused to comment on rules of engagement while Bush and Brown
discussed new strategy. Governor NWFP said the US-led forces and
militants were working on anti-Pakistan agenda.
In Bajaur, about one hundred people, including seven foreigners were
killed. The US missile attacks and resultant hue and cry are meant to divert
attention from massacre being carried out in Bajaur and Swat. IAEA blamed
a Pakistan based network distributing nuclear bomb technology on internet.
On 13th September, at least fifty people, including twenty civilians
were killed in Bajaur. In Swat, seven people were killed in various incidents.
PAF jetfighters flew to guard Waziristan against the intruder drones.
Congressman Dennis Kucinich warned Bush Administration against sending
troops to Pakistan. A Congressional panel called a hearing on the Bush
Administrations decision to sell F-16 aircraft to Pakistan, probing allegation
that Islamabad was using US anti-terrorism funds to buy weapons that can
only be used against India.
At least 64 people were killed in Bajaur on 14th September. Dead body
of a US spy was found in North Waziristan; US drones kept flying over the
area despite one-time show-off by the PAF. Next day, 26 more people were
killed and 24 wounded in Bajaur. In Swat, militants released 25 security
personnel held by them. Driver and guards of Chinese engineers were
released in Upper Dir. US helicopters intruded into South Waziristan and
attempted to land troops, but Pakistani forces and local tribesmen fired at
them and forced them to retreat; local NATO commander regretted but
Washington denied the occurrence.
On 16th September, ten militants were killed in Bajaur. Ten security
personnel were killed in suicide attack on a post in Swat. Fazlullahs men
agreed to vacate Koza Bandai area. Mullen arrived in Islamabad to
reconsider terms of engagement. A senior US official made a public
demand for reforming ISI.

1018

Zardari met Brown and termed his talks satisfactory. He said Britain
understood Pakistans stance on US attacks and hoped the US wont attack
in future. Straw during his visit to Islamabad said foreign incursions would
be counter-productive. MQM too termed attacks unacceptable.
Zardari, Gilani and Kayanis trust in assurances given by Brown and
Mullen was belied by a missile strike in South Waziristan the moment took
off from Islamabad on 17th September. This time the attacker said it was
fully coordinated with the attacked. Defence Minister, Ahmed Mukhtar said
the latest attack could affect Pak-US ties but logistic support through
Pakistan wont be stopped (because it is fetching $1m a day). Robert Gates
while visiting Kabul appreciated Bajaur Operation, felt sorry for civilian
casualties in US missile strikes and promised to be careful in future.
At least 19 people were killed in Bajaur operation and reinforcements
were sent to the area to press on. In Swat, the troops moved in to the area
vacated by militants. Two tribesmen were killed in Khyber Agency for
spying. In Waziristan, tribesmen raised a lashkar to fight against crossborder attacks.
On 18th September, villagers foiled an attempt to take students of a
school as hostage in Upper Dir; two attackers were killed in the encounter.
Militants freed 8 more security personnel in Swat. In Buner, police arrested
20 people and large quantity of explosives, including two drums of
explosives made in India. In Bajaur, 11 suspected militants were killed.
Two militants were killed in a clash in Darra. In Kurram, 14 people were
killed and 26 wounded in fresh clashes.
Negroponte said unilateral actions cannot defeat militants. He
indicated that the US and Pakistan were working on a more collaborative
approach to deal with militants. In Islamabad, Shah Mahmood said rules on
engagement could be reviewed. Michael Hyden said CIA was carrying out
strikes to tickle the enemy to read his reaction. An expert linked TTP with
failed terror attack attempt in Barcelona earlier this year.
Cross-border attacks were commented upon by The Dawn on 8th
September. Is America a friend or foe? If that is ambiguous today, there is
no doubt the coming days will settle the issue one way or the other. Distrust
has been building up between the leader of the war on terror and the
frontline state for years. It centres on Americas belief that Pakistan is not
doing enough and that elements in the ISI are helping the Taliban.
Consequently, American leaders including President Bush threatened to act

1019

unilaterally in FATA if actionable intelligence was available. The threat

was translated into action in full force in South Waziristan last week.
The strong reaction in Pakistan and the condemnatory resolution
passed by parliament seem not to have mattered with Washington, for it
has launched more attacks since then. The future is even murkier, since the
US and its allies are likely to react angrily to Pakistans decision to suspend
fuel supply to the coalition forces in Afghanistan. These developments need
to be studied against the barrage of anti-Pakistan statements in Washington,
especially the venom exhibited by a man who could be Americas next
president.
The truth is we are in a foreign policy mess. Worse still, there is
hardly a government which could adequately articulate Pakistans position
on the issue to steer the ship of the state out of stormy waters. The protracted
constitutional/political crisis is taking its toll, and there is no doubt
governments hostile to this country have taken into account Pakistans
political instability while drawing up their schemes. It is time Islamabad
sorted out its relationship with Washington. Unfortunately, America too will
be able to take major foreign policy decisions until the next administration
takes over. The least the Pakistani leadership can do in the meantime is to set
its house in order.
Next day the newspaper added: Zardari was asked repeatedly about
the writ of the state in the tribal areas, the frequent civilian deaths in US
missile strikes and Afghan complaints of Pakistani complicity in the Taliban
fight-back. President Zardari parried the questions with platitudes that not
an inch of land will be lost and that Pakistan is committed to the war against
terror. Tellingly, he appealed for the establishment of an international fund
for victims of war against terrorism thereby indicating that Pakistan will
have to tolerate more US strikes in the weeks ahead.
In yet another editorial The Dawn wrote: Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani
rejected the American claim that the rules of engagement gave the
American forces the right to take military action inside Pakistan. In a
statement, the chief of the army staff said the rules of engagement among the
allied forces were well defined and that military operations against the
militants in a given area were the responsibility of the armed forces of that
country.
The statement is significant because it comes in the wake of his midsea meeting with US Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen on an
aircraft carrier where the two reportedly reached an understanding to some
1020

of the irritants that characterize their relationship. But on Wednesday,

Mullen told a congressional hearing that his country would adopt a new,
more comprehensive strategy that would cover areas on both sides of
the border.
The same day, while the State Department and the White House
merely spoke of the need for greater cooperation with Islamabad, the
American press said the US forces would not seek permission from the
Pakistani military about an attack in FATA but would merely inform
it. The press reports claimed that in July President Bush approved orders
authorizing the American Special Operations forces to carry ground assaults
inside Pakistan It is astonishing that America should fail to grasp what
France has the good sense to appreciate. On Tuesday the French Foreign
office said attacks like the one by a drone in FATA on Monday caused
human tragedies and undermined international efforts to fight terror.
The Taliban are a problem for both Afghanistan and Pakistan, but as
Gen Kayani said a successful war on terror required an in-depth
understanding because it was a complex issue. While force had to be used
where necessary, he said, political reconciliatory efforts could not be
ignored. What the American strategists do not realize is that by flaunting
their power to attack in FATA they are undermining Pakistans democratic
government. Pakistan considers the war on terror its own war, because the
Taliban are waging a rebellion against the state and have killed, mutilated
and injured thousands of Pakistani men, women and children.
Regrettably, Pakistan notes to it, dismay that the coalition forces do
not have their heart in the fight against the Taliban and are casualtyconscious. The truth about the mess across the Durand Line was highlighted
by an ISAF spokesman at a presentation in London last July. He conceded
that unless the present number of coalition troops was trebled, it would
be impossible to stop infiltration. It is quite clear that Pakistan would not
be required to do more if both the level of commitment and the number of
troops in Afghanistan were increased.
The very next day the newspaper added: Few would have failed to
note that Gen Kayanis statement came a day after President Zardaris
first press conference in which the president was repeatedly pressed on
Pakistans position on the war against militancy. Two things stand out from
that press conference.
One, President Zardari chose to make his presidential debut
whilst seated next to President Karzai. This was a strange decision as the
1021

Afghan presidents harsh and long-running attacks against the Pakistan

Army, and particularly the ISI, have made him radioactive in the eyes of the
Pakistani establishment.
Second, President Zardari refused to take the many opportunities
offered during the press conference to categorically condemn US attacks
in FATA, particularly the raid by US Special Operations Forceson Sept 3.
Indeed, at one point in the press conference President Zardari renewed his
call for setting up an international fund for victims of the war against
terrorism. Some will interpret this to mean that his government has accepted
that more raids inside Pakistans tribal areas were inevitable
A senior American official told the New York Times that it was
difficult to imagine that (Gen Kayani) was not aware of the plot to bomb
the Indian embassy in Kabul in July. Against this American onslaught, the
Pakistani leadership civilian and military must speak with one voice.
What that voice says must be determined by the Pakistani leadership. But
what is clear is that it must be a civilian voice.
On 14th September, The Dawn opined: It should now be clear to all
and sundry that the US has decided to continue attacking targets inside
Pakistan no matter what Islamabads sensitivities may be on the matter.
This is evident from the increase in the frequency of raids by American
forces and attacks by drones inside FATA
The question of Pakistans military prowess and its ability to hit
back is of secondary importance. In any case, we have no choice but to
tackle the issue diplomatically This policy is obviously based on common
sense. Pakistan has to act cool-headedly, because the situation is grave, and
the allies tend to give an impression as if they are enemies.
The glee with which President Hamid Karzai has endorsed
Americas new forward policy shows Afghan national interests getting
mixed up with Americas war on terror. No Afghan leader would like to miss
this opportunity. More menacingly, having received a snub from NATO, the
Bush Administration is now trying to rope in Britain. Even without Tony
Blair one could be reasonably sure the British would be only too happy to be
on board in raiding across the Durand Line as apparently Gordon Brown is
no different inasmuch as poodle-like tendencies are concerned.
The issue for Pakistan is the need for putting its own house in
order. One does not know who is minding the store. In fact, it appears the
process of foreign policy formulation and its articulation has been forgotten
and those at the helm are trying to learn it, for one cannot but note the
1022

gaucherie about it. Incidentally, do we have a foreign minister? It is indeed

astonishing that everybody is doing the talking except Shah Mahmood
Qureshi.
Those who have spoken on the American raids are army chief Gen
Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, President Asif Ali Zardari, and the prime
minister; the foreign minister, until yesterday, had been conspicuous by
his silence. Also, the high-level contacts that have been a feature of our
chosen relationship with China have declined. Since assuming office, the
prime minister has visited Sri Lanka, America, Malaysia, America, but,
ignoring the Olympic formality, he has not paid an official visit to Beijing to
know what our north-eastern neighbour thinks about the situation Pakistan is
trapped in.
In a subsequent editorial, the newspaper found Zardari regime soft on
America. Strange things are happening on the war against terrorism.
While President Zardari, Pakistans most powerful civilian leader, was
shaking UK Prime Minister Gordon Browns hand outside No 10 Downing
Street, Adm Mike Mullen, chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff, was
flying to Pakistan to hold emergency, unscheduled talks with the top brass of
the Pakistan military. Adm Mullen also met Prime Minister Gilani on
Wednesday, but the meeting with civilian leaders was clearly sideshow.
Chief of Army Staff Gen Kayanis recent vow to defend Pakistans territorial
sovereignty at all costs from foreign forces and subsequent noises from the
military hierarchy all point to one fact: the military is angry the word
enraged is being bandied about by US attacks in Waziristan. Adm Mullen
came to address that anger.
While President Zardari and his civilian cohorts have all rejected
American military intervention inside Pakistan, the general tenor of their
remarks has been restrained and suggests everyone inside and outside
Pakistan needs to work to reduce the tension in the Pakistan-US
relationship. President Zardaris remarks to reporters after his meeting
with Prime Minister Brown epitomize his governments soft stance. The
president hoped that there will be no more US attacks inside Pakistan and
said that the UK understands Pakistans position on those attacks.
Intriguingly, the president said that the UK had a better
understanding of the subcontinent than any other country and was therefore
ideally positioned to present Pakistans point of view to the world. President
Zardaris comments on British influence were an unfortunate contrast
to those of former Indian prime minister, I K Gujral, who

1023

contemptuously dismissed Britain as a third-rate power poking its nose in

when then-UK Foreign Secretary Robin Cook dared to offer his country act
as a mediator on the Kashmir issue.
President Zardaris comments were also strange given that the UK is
furious about its troops losses in Afghanistan over 30 have been killed this
year in Helmand province, where most of the UKs 8,000 troops are based
and has often blamed militants crossing over from Pakistan for those deaths.
Significantly, Mr Zardari was unable to tell reporters that Prime
Minister Brown agreed that US attacks in Pakistan were a bad idea.
The fact is American strikes inside Pakistan are a terrible idea. US
Assistant Secretary of State Richard Boucher has said the whole Pakistani
state apparatus must line up behind the goal of beating the terrorists and
stabilizing Pakistan. Unfortunately, the Americans giving the terrorists a
beating on Pakistani soil will do anything but stabilize Pakistan and all
but guarantees that even fewer Pakistanis will accept that our own army
beating the terrorists is a good idea either.
No doubt President Zardari and everyone down the de facto hierarchy
of civilian power are new in office and faced with an extraordinary crisis.
However, the president appears to have frozen in the face of an
American onslaught. Mr Zardari must now use his speech before a joint
sitting of parliament to explain his plan for defeating militancy and
keeping the Americans at bay.
Mahir Ali opined the limited ground assault was carried out with
Zardari regimes consent. It is likely that Bush was persuaded to sign the
executive order following the attack on the Indian Embassy in Kabul,
which apparently had the ISIs fingerprints all over it. Whats more, reports
in the American media suggest that little effort was made to disguise these
fingerprints. If that is indeed the case, it points towards a planned
provocation and the possible motivation raises uncomfortable questions.
Given that American ground operations and increased air attacks can almost
be guaranteed to exacerbate the trend towards Talibanization, one can only
wonder whether that was part of anyones plan.
It is also being said that the US is keen to nail Osama bin Laden
and/or Ayman al-Zawahiri before Bushs term expires. Success on that
score probably wont do any harm, but its likely to do much good either as
far as the situation in Pakistan and Afghanistan is concerned. Whats
disconcerting, meanwhile, is the level of disarray in Islamabad, with the
army chief, the prime minister and any number of ministers decrying the
1024

American incursions and vowing to defend Pakistans sovereignty. On the

face of it, this comes across as implausible deniability: with American
officials, civilian and military, popping up in Islamabad without so much as
a decent interval, it is hard to believe that Pakistani authorities have been
kept out of the loop.
But then, you never know. The NYT report quoted a senior American
official as saying the Pakistani government had privately asserted to the
general concept of limited ground assaults. Pakistans newly inaugurated
president, whose physical resemblance to Ziaul Haq at times seems uncanny,
reiterated his resolve to combat terrorism in a joint news conference with
Hamid Karzai, and then pushed off to his favourite destinations without
offering a comment on the latest diminution in the nations sovereignty. It
suddenly seems even more crucial than before to find out exactly what Asif
Ali Zardari and Zalmay Khalilzad have been discussing in recent months.
Cyril Almeida commented: Asif is batting on two strikes. Another
swing and a miss, and hes going home. The first strike was bizarre, abortive
handover of the ISI to Rehman Malik. The second was Kayanis rebuke the
day after Asif was sworn in as president. Ostensibly Kayanis
condemnation was of the Americans, but between the lines was the real
target: Asif. Get your act together, the army chief was telling his supreme
commander.
Asif has stumbled badly on Afghanistan. The macho men who
wanted to defy the American juggernaut on the warpath the day after 9/11
are still amongst us, still advising defiance. The day after 9/11 this was sheer
foolishness. But it is no longer the day after 9/11. Seven years of the
Americans in Afghanistan and reality has changed. Pick up any report on the
Wests adventure on Afghanistan and you will find two things: one, US
policy in Afghanistan has been a failure; two, US policy in Afghanistan will
not succeed without Pakistan being on board.
In the world of realpolitik, this is known as an opportunity. So why
must Asif so cravenly accept the Americans letting loose their Special Ops
troops and raining down missiles in Waziristan when he can happily
unleash? He had every chance at his debut press conference; instead, he
bizarrely chose to speak alongside Karzai. The Afghan president is about
as popular in the Pakistani Army as George W Bush in an al-Qaeda training
camp.
What is the problem in Afghanistan: In one word: Karzai. Dont
take my word for it, heres what The New York Times had to say in an Aug
1025

20 editorial: Afghanistans president, Hamid Karzai, must rein in his

governments rampant corruption that has all but driven his people into the
hands of the Taliban and criminal warlords. What then was Asif doing at the
side of a man not only discredited in the West but hated by the Pakistan
Army?
Another thing: the western read American strategy of
Afghanistan has failed. Again, dont take my word for it. Frances Vendrell,
the EU envoy in Kabul for six years, had this to say over the weekend: We
are not destined to fail, but we are far from succeeding
Given this record of western failure why does Asif have to be so
apologetic for Pakistans failure to help out the Americans in Afghanistan?
There are 26 NATO and 14 non-NATO countries contributing troops to
ISAF. Each countrys rules of engagement are so complex and dense that
were the Taliban to walk right out to some ISAF troops and dance a little jig,
certain countries would still not allow their soldiers to shoot. Why then must
Pakistan always do more?
Perhaps if Pakistan wasnt actually doing something about its Taliban
problem somewhere, anywhere the supine cravenness of Asif before the
Americans would be understandable. Except that Bajaur and Swat are being
pounded mercilessly, militants are being flushed out, leaders are being
knocked off. But the Americans arent satisfied because Bajaur is at the
northern tip of the tribal belt while they are more concerned with the
southern bit, Waziristan, north and south, and the Haqqani, Hekmatyar and
Nazir networks
So for Asif to denounce the American forays into Pakistan
wouldnt be jingoistic nationalism its common sense. For one, Asif need
only imagine how much less common sense than nationalism there is in the
army. For another, he has an unbelievable luxury he can. Everyone knows
the Americans cant really afford to be on the wrong side of Pakistan. Jack
Straw and the French have already distanced themselves from the strikes
inside Pakistan. Here is more from that NYT If these important western
folk think American Special Ops running around Pakistan and blowing up
the place is such a bad idea, why must Asif be so tepid in his criticism?
Theres another reason for Asif to unleash against the Americans.
The same NYT story on Bushs secret authorization of strikes inside
Pakistan also had a staggering allegation against Kayani: that he knew of the
plot to bomb the Indian Embassy in Kabul. In living memory, a Pakistan

1026

army chief has not been directly implicated by the Americans in a criminal
plot.
This then is the scenario that Asif is confronted with: angry
Americans who can only rattle the Pakistani cage so much; an army chief
who is under American fire; and a failed American policy in Afghanistan.
Why cant Asif connect the dots? Figure out who is your enemy, who is
your friend and when to take a hit for the team, friendly or otherwise.
Asif should make the Americans squirm a little. The next time Patterson,
Boucher, Negroponte or even Bush is on the phone, ask your secretary to
tell them youre on the phone with your daughter at college.
And get a better team. We were made to believe that Chaudhry
Mukhtar was passed over for prime minister because he was too much of his
own man. None of that is on display as defence minister. Mukhtar must
still be sulking over being passed over because every time he opens his
mouth someone somewhere in a uniform gets angry. Then theres the
only Hussain Haqqani. Listen to the man long enough and youll be
confused: Is he the Pakistani ambassador to the US or the US ambassador to
Pakistan? So incompetent is Asifs defence team that the intellectual nobody
with the connections to die for, Rehman Malik, has come out the brightest of
the lot. At least you have to hand it to the indefatigable Malik: he does try,
even if hes out of his depth.
A G Jilanee from Karachi wrote about Zardari and Karzai nexus. Mr
Karzai is Nur Mohammad Taraki, Hafizullah Amin, Babrak Karmal and
Najibullah, all rolled in one. They were Soviet puppets; he is Americas
stooge. He is as much anti-Pakistan as they. By inviting him to his
inaugural and appearing with him at the press conference, Mr Zardari
did several things. First, he underscored the close relations that Benazir
Bhutto had forged with him during their meeting in the US.
Remember, Mr Karzai was the first to telephone her after the Oct 18
suicide attack in Karachi. Remember also Ms Bhuttos statement that Mr
Karzai had passed on to her the names of people who would wish to
eliminate her. Second, Mr Zardari wished to send a reassuring message
(of gratitude?) to the US that he would fully cooperate with Mr Karzai
and fulfill Ms Bhuttos promise of allowing US troops to operate inside
Pakistan.
Accordingly, instead of going to China as was earlier publicized,
he has gone to the UK. This may be seen in the context of Gordon Browns

1027

full support for the US policy of aggressive raids inside Pakistan, and his
declaration that he would speak with Mr Zardari on this issue.
Ironically, the prime minister, after a lot of mumbling, has said that
there is no question of retaliation. In case of incursions we would take up the
issue diplomatically and try to convince the aggressors about the impropriety
of their action. So who will convince whom at the 10 Downing Street
meeting between Prime Minister Brown and President Zardari? Civilian
must lead, but what if they are foreign puppets? The president is dumb.
The prime minister lacks courage.
The US cross-border attacks and resultant noises were smoke-screen
to cover what the Pakistan Army and PAF were doing to the people of
Pakistan inhabiting tribal areas. Ismail Khan commented on Bajaur
Operation. Many analysts believe that the Bajaur episode that sucked a
reluctant government into launching an operation has signaled a major
shift in its policy on how to deal with growing and expanding militancy in
the tribal regions and some of the settled districts of the NWFP.
For five years since Pakistan first deployed its forces in the tribal
region in 2003, the military under Gen Pervez Musharraf has swung
from one extreme to the other to bring the tribal region under control.
From the use of brute force to half-baked operations, to total capitulation by
striking peace deals from a position of weakness, it weakened the political
administration which was instrumental in administering the tribal areas
through an indirect system of governance since the Raj.
There are problems with the strategy on dealing with Taliban and
their foreign comrades from the word go. The dramatic U-turn by Musharraf
to ditch the Taliban and respond to the Americans demands lacked the
necessary public support, especially in the tribal areas The abrupt shift in
policy which turned heroes into villains failed to convince the Pashtun
tribesmen who used to take pride in being unpaid soldiers of Pakistan.
Secondly, as being the sole architect of Pakistans policy on the war
on terror, Musharraf was believed to have conceived, directed and executed
the strategy as he deemed fit without consulting other stake-holders,
including the local people. A lack of public debate on the issue led to the
lack of public support to the war on terror.
Thirdly, with all power concentrated in one man, all decisions flowed
from the top. There was a lack of coordination between various state
agencies on the one hand and the civil and military establishment on the
other, creating mistrusts and suspicion. Some of these problems persist while
1028

the elected government tries to find its feet, settle down in office and
conduct state affairs
The ruling coalition government remains confused, often due to
lack of agreement on how to conduct the war and how to deal with growing
militancy. The irony is that while the government has come to realize that
what Pakistan is facing is not an ordinary law and order situation but low
level insurgency, it has yet to come up with a strategy on how to tackle it
The militarys predicament is that it is overstretched and the
paramilitary forces which traditionally used to operate alongside the police
in the tribal area do not have the capability to fight off and overcome an
insurgency. The expanding militancy has thrown up another challenge. As
one military officer puts it, militancy has had a balloon effect: You
squeeze one portion and it pops up somewhere else. Indeed, the problem
that had originated in South Waziristan has now affected all the seven tribal
regions in varying degrees as well as some of the settled districts of the
NWFP, including Peshawar.
Adil Zareef opined: While ANPs central leadership was consumed
by Zardaris presidential elections, innocent Pakhtuns and their party
activists and local leadership were being killed brutally in the Swat Valley
by Taliban fanatics. Their homes, hujras and livelihoods were being blown
up. Hundreds of thousands of civilians were displaced in Bajaur as the
Taliban advanced towards Dir and Buner. Hangu and Kurram have become
irredeemable. A worthwhile, effort against this onslaught is seen lacking
by both Islamabad and their Pakhtun coalition partners.
Credible reports confirm that most high-value Taliban leaders
remain unharmed, while the fleeing population bears the brunt of guns and
bombs. It seems that the establishment, led by the agencies, is now earnestly
clinging on to its pipe dream that the home-grown Taliban will defeat the
advancing US forces. This policy of strategic depth has not waned, despite
changed actors, and the cloak and dagger policy remains intact. Governor
Owais Ghani lashes out at the Taliban as enemies of the state, but also tells
the BBC that Afghanistan has to come to terms with the Taliban as a
legitimate political force.
This double-dealing discredits the entire military operation. The
fumbling anti-terror policy is marked by disconnect among several state
agencies, often working at cross purposes and creating confusion. As one
policy expert said, the federal government, intelligence agencies, provincial
government, FATA administration and the military are not on the same
1029

wavelength. Under these circumstances, quite naturally the brunt of

militancy and the military operation is borne by the population. The analyst
then on say something which amounted to accusing military conniving with
militants against ANP; just as Americans had been accusing.
Take for instance the operation in Swat and Bajaur. Reportedly,
the military is not targeting hideouts of the Taliban as it should. When
Taliban fanatics were killing the family members of ANP legislator Waqar
Khan in Swat, blowing up their home and hujra, military personnel,
according to some reports, were present across the hill near a government
school. The extremists walked over, ordered the victims to stand in a line
and then mowed them down. Evidently, no military personnel came to save
them. Meanwhile, Mullah Fazlullah still roams around freely and so do other
leaders of the TTP openly addressing the media.
Likewise in Bajaur, the Taliban leadership remains as elusive as ever.
The refrain of government functionaries blaming RAW and KHAD agents
takes one back to the Afghan jihad period. With millions of dollars pouring
in to hunt down the militants, if the intelligence operatives cannot trace
the Taliban leaders and perhaps a handful of hardcore militants who are
responsible for countrywide bombings and suicide attacks witnessed almost
on a daily basis, they need to quit their jobs
The question of national sovereignty becomes irrelevant each
time a drone hits a Taliban sanctuary inside Pakistan territory. As we
have miserably failed, despite gobbling up billions of dollars in this war
against terror, does not our defence of the borders becomes tenuous?
Having jettisoned an independent judiciary that is meant to promote
transparency and credibility in the affairs of the state, the role of political
parties has become questionable. Without checks and balances, the
discredited and personalized politics of the Musharraf period persist.
Sqn Ldr S Ausaf Husain wrote: The COAS Gen Ashfaq Parvez
Kayani, very rightly rejected US claims that the rules of engagement gave
the coalition forces in Afghanistan the right to enter Pakistan, and declared
that the countrys sovereignty and territorial integrity will be defended at all
costs.
According to a report, US was told not to back terrorism against
Pakistan, published in a section of the press on Aug 5, Pakistan has
complained to the US military leadership and the CIA that Washingtons
policy towards terrorism in Pakistan was inconsistent with Americas
declared commitment to war against terror.
1030

The said report says that strong evidence and circumstantial

evidence of US acquiescence to terrorism inside Pakistan was outlined
by former president Pervez Musharraf, COAS Gen Kayani and ISI DG Lt
Gen Nadeem Taj in their separate meetings with US Chairman of Joint
Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen and CIA Deputy Director Stephen R
Kippers on July 12 in Rawalpindi.
Admiral Mullen and Kippers were also provided information
about the activities on the Indian consulates in Kandahar and Jalalabad
and were asked how the CIA does not know that both Indian consulates are
manned by Indian intelligence who plot against Pakistan round the clock, the
report said.
It was also mentioned in the said report that the top US military
commanders and CIA officials were also asked why the CIA-run predators
and US military did not swing into action when they were provided exact
location of Baitullah Mehsud, Pakistans enemy number one and
mastermind of almost every suicide operation against the Pakistan Army and
the ISI since June 2006.
One such precise piece of information was made available to the
CIA on May 24, when Baitullah Mehsud drove to a remote South
Waziristan mountain post in his Toyota Land Cruiser to address the press
and returned to his safe abode. While the US military has the capability to
direct a missile to a precise location at a very short notice as it has been done
close to 20 times in the last few years to his al-Qaeda targets inside
Pakistan.
According to a news item in a section of the press, Prime Minister
Gilani was informed that the latest figure of foreign fighters present in the
tribal areas is estimated to be more than 8,000. Mr Gilani was also informed
that some foreign intelligence agencies are pushing their agents into the
Pakistani tribal areas from Afghanistan under the cover of Taliban and alQaeda fighters. These undercover agents are trying to instigate the local
population to fight against Pakistani forces as part of a great game in the
region.
Tasneem Siddiqui traced out transformation of miscreants into
militants. There are a handful of miscreants, and we will sort them out in no
time, thundered Gen Yahya Khan. The date was March 24 1971, the
occasion: the launching of a crackdown against the Awami League and its
supporters. A foreign correspondent asked how many of these miscreants

1031

were there. Before Yahya Khan could reply, a colleague whispered in the
correspondents ear, only four and half crores (45 million).
This was no joke. The crackdown soon transformed into a fullfledged military action against Bengalis, killing hundreds of thousands of
innocent people. With a few exceptions, no one from the western wing
raised a protest in voice. The Bengalis, who had once been at the forefront of
the Pakistan Movement and were more in number than the West Pakistanis,
were ultimately declared secessionists and pushed out of the federation. It
was a unique case of its own kind, a minority declaring a majority
secessionist.
Pakistan is an interesting country in many ways. At one time or
another in its history, large chunks of its population have been declared
either anti-state, secessionist, miscreant, terrorist, militant,
extremist by its own rulers Tasneem then mentioned examples from
Pakistans short history before coming to the present day militants.
The Mujahideen/Taliban were seen by the army as the countrys
second line of defence on its western frontier. Some hawks also started
talking of the revival of the glory of Islam by establishing a medieval
theocratic state in Afghanistan. However, 9/11 changed the whole
scenario
Fast forward to 2008: An operation which started in South Waziristan
against foreign militants some years back has gradually engulfed almost
half of the Frontier province. Now no one knows who is fighting whom
and for what purpose. The list of militant groups is daunting
The problem is that for our military high command, their narrow
institutional interests with national interests. But now we are facing a catch22 situation. On the one hand, the Pakistan Army has neither the capacity
nor the willingness to fight an all-out war against the militants, and on
the other hand, it is not ready to allow the civilian government to take
control of the Afghan policy. Will it be too much to expect that it will learn
from its past mistakes and develop a national consensus before it is too late?
Salman Ramday from Kuwait made an interesting observation. US
and NATO forces in Afghanistan get 70 percent of their supplies
through Pakistan. Items ranging from drinking water to crated helicopters
are offloaded from ships at Karachi and then transported in trucks via
Peshawar and Quetta to the Afghan border. These trucks move in small
convoys without any escort. Some of NATO supplies also come via the

1032

Russian route but after the Georgian conflict, NATO has emphasized the
need to secure Pakistani route.
Our Pakistani Taliban, who are fighting due to the governments
pro-US policies and have been so successful in attacking Pakistani targets,
have never harmed these NATO convoys. There have been some isolated
incidents but no major disruption of NATO supplies.
The question arises why these Taliban who are not sparing their
own countrymen are so kind to NATO forces. Are they pursuing an
agenda of some foreign forces in our country? If so, then the government
should openly name such countries.
It should also be noted that every bomb attack in India is linked to
Pakistan but Indian activities in Pakistan are hardly exposed, either by the
government or by the media. If these Pakistani Taliban are linked to some
other countries, they should be exposed so that the world should know that
our allies in war on terror are party to terrorism in our own country.
Ayesha Siddiqa opined: Washington will not be impressed by
Islamabads reaction for the following reasons. First, US policymakers
know that given Islamabads dependence on Washington there is nothing
much it can do other than issue statements Second, the American
government knows that Pakistans so-called liberal elite and many among
the Pakistani expatriate community would be happy with the removal of the
Taliban or other militants Third, Pakistans poor are so depressed by their
poverty that despite their unhappiness with the attacks there is nothing much
they would be able to do that would cost the US heavily. Finally, considering
that Washington has played a significant role in restoring democracy in
Pakistan, the new government will not do anything excessive to counter the
American assistance. The NRO is owed to American assistance
The American war, however, will further weaken Pakistan
because it will clearly divide state forces and society. There is a division
within the establishment regarding the threat and how it must be handled.
Resultantly, we are now caught in a quandary regarding the future of the
threat. Should we handle it ourselves or let the American forces do so for
us?
Having returned to democracy after nine years, society will remain
divided on the issue of pushing the elected government to take serious
measures to stop Washington. The calculation is that patronage politics
will work quite well to minimize the reaction. People will be too concerned
about putting on their tables than doing anything serious to stop American
1033

action. So, Gordon Brown can happily put the responsibility in the lap of
both Afghanistan and Pakistan whose leaders are still too weak to sort out
the problem
Washingtons direct intervention is likely to prolong the conflict
and deepen its room in Pakistani state and society. There is enough
poverty and underdevelopment in this country to provide fresh recruits for
future jihad. Tolerance, of course, would be one of the primary casualties of
military action. This is a conflict that might not end with dialogue or war. It
is difficult to turn back the clock.

EASTERN FRONT
On the eastern front there was nothing but acts negative to confidence
building in the last two weeks. On 6th September, Nuclear Suppliers Group
cleared US-India nuclear deal. Six says later, five bombs exploded is quick
succession in New Delhi killing 22 people and wounding more than one
hundred and India test-fired air-to-air Astra missile.
On 14th September, water-shortage in Pakistan aggravated as India
blocked River Chenab. Punjab, for a change, refused to shed its share of
water. Next day, Pakistan lodged a formal protest with India over reduced
flow of water in River Chenab. Indian Defence Minister, while talking about
Delhi blasts, accused Pakistan of supporting militants.
On 17th September, India deployed six Soviet-built Sukhoi-30MKI
jets, capable of carrying nuclear weapons at Avantipura near Srinagar.
Meanwhile, the Kashmir Valley remained in the grip of violence:
Top Kashmiri leaders were again placed under house arrest on 5 th
September. Next day, pro-liberation strike crippled the life in Valley.
On 7th September, Mirwaiz warned that Indias high-handed
crackdown on protests could trigger violent upsurge in freedom
struggle. Next day, strike was held in the Valley to denounce planned
elections in the occupied territories.
On 9th September, 25 people were injured during protests in the
Valley.
At least three Kashmiris were killed and 80 wounded on 12 th
September when occupation forces opened fire on protesters; Yasin

1034

Malik was wounded and arrested. Two residents of AJK were held by
Indian troops while cutting grass close to LoC.
Protests by Kashmiris and use of force by occupation forces continued
on 13th September; the death toll since the start of the agitation rose to
37 and more than 200 were injured in last two days.
On 15th September, four Indian soldiers and three fighters were killed
in a clash near LoC.
The Dawn commented upon Mirwaizs statement. The warning by
Mirwaiz Umar Farooq that the Muslim youth ofJammu and Kashmir
could be forced to resort again to arms should be heeded by New Delhi
The Indian governments response has been predictable: repression,
arrests and curfews. It is clear, however, that this time it will not be the
business as usual the Kashmir issue is alive and burning fiercely than ever.
Mr Farooq rightly claimed that until the basic issue of Kashmirs future is
addressed the past will not be forgotten. In the past five years there was
some progress in the Indian-administered state
What can be done now to avert a second violent uprising in Jammu
and Kashmir? New Delhi has recourse to at least two safety valves. First,
the troops in Kashmir the visible arm of Indian repression must be
reduced. Second, cross-LoC trade and the movement of people must be
rapidly increased. The cooler political temperature must then be used to
address the call for azadi. It is not clear what the call means at the moment:
complete independence, maximum autonomy from India or becoming a part
of Pakistan? What is clear though is that things must change and change
soon.
In another editorial, the newspaper expressed its views on Zardaris
statement. Zardari promised good news on relations with India before the
term of the Congress-led government expires in May 2009. Given that the
soon-to-be leader of the opposition, the PML-N, also supports improved ties
with India, now is the time to push for real progress in the long-running but
wobbly peace process. The hurdles are clear: mass unrest in Jammu and
Kashmir and accusations and counter-accusations by India and Pakistan of
fomenting violence against each other. However, in President Zardari the
Indians have a potential peace partner with real civilian power and at least
the tacit support of the armed forces. It is time to bury the myth that peace
with India can only be achieved by a military interlocutor.

1035

In yet another editorial it wrote about drying up of River Chenab.

Now it appears that India may be adding to the water woes by reducing the
flow of water in the Chenab River. Directly threatened are the fields of
basmati rice on either side of the Chenab, dealing a potentially heavy blow
to the economy. The Rice Exporters Association of Pakistan has predicted
that Pakistan could earn up to $3bn from the export of rice a crucial fillip
with a record current account deficit. However, a shortfall of water in the
crucial last two weeks of the kharif season is sure to adversely affect the
output of the rice, cotton and sugarcane crops.
Pakistans concerns over the Baglihar Dam, the construction of which
began in 1999, led to the appointment of a neutral expert, Raymond Lafitte,
who delivered a binding verdict in Feb 2007 which suggested some changes
to the design of the dam but also overruled some of Pakistans objections. In
late July, commissioner Shah inspected the dam and declared that it
conformed to Professor Ladittes recommendations. However, the
underlying issue that India can and is manipulating the flow of water
in the Chenab through the Baglihar Dam is clearly not settled. For this,
Pakistan must study the relevant data and present proof of foul play, if any,
to the World Bank for resolution.
Tariq Fatemi opined: The current disturbances, however, have a
different tone. For one, it was the Indian governments inept handling of the
Amarnath land issue that triggered the crisis and secondly, it is indisputably
spontaneous and indigenous. Such a crisis was waiting to happen, given the
Kashmiris anger and resentment resulting from decades of a brutal
occupation, coupled with Indias corrupt and inefficient administration.
New Delhi has never realized the intensity of Kashmiri alienation
from India. It also allowed the peace process to go into a deep freeze. In the
process, it disappointed democrats in Pakistan and also failed to capitalize
on Musharrafs desperate desire to become an apostle of peace. This may
well have been a mistake, as indicated by Omar Abdullahwho lately
regretted that India had lost the opportunity of sorting out the Kashmir issue
with Musharraf.
In fact, it should not have been lost on New Delhi that there has been
continuity in Pakistans policy on Kashmir ever since the Sharif-Vajpayee
meeting in February 1999. It was an approach that arose from the
recognition that the core issue of Kashmir could neither be frozen nor
resolved through the use of force by Pakistan or brutal suppression by
India While the Indian government continues to live in the past, its

1036

political commentators have recognized the widespread nature of the current

agitation
Some Indian feel that self-determination would mean the loss of
the entire state. This need not be true either for the secessionist sentiment
is concentrated in the Valley, an area with a population of four million that is
98 percent Muslim. It is not only people like novelist and social activist
Arundhati Roy who have called upon the Indian leadership to heed the
Kashmiri call of azadi. Those with nationalist credentials too have
In such a situation, some may lament Indias failure to respond
swiftly and positively to Gen Musharrafs four-step formula for moving
towards a solution on Kashmir. India may have been right not to respond to
the erratic proposals of an unrepresentative leader. But it is now incumbent
upon it to take the initiative to restore a degree of normalcy by reducing
the armys presence in the territory, ending repressive measures and
resuming cross-LoC trade and movement of the people.
Finally, it has to resume the peace process secure in the knowledge
that in the current political dispensation in Pakistan has a serious and
legitimate partner with which it can reach agreements that are fair, equitable
and durable. India cannot fulfill its aspirations to be a great power with
Kashmir hanging around its neck like the proverbial albatross, nor can
the region achieve the peace and economic prosperity that it so desperately
desires.
Dr Moonis Ahmar wrote: The mishandling of the present crisis by
New Delhi and the re-entry of extremist Kashmiri groups in the mainstream
may deteriorate not only Indo-Pakistan relations but also eliminate the
prospects of a just and fair solution of the Kashmir issue. A separate state
of Kashmiri Muslims composed of residents of the Valley and the Pakistanicontrolled AJ&K is not a plausible solution to the Kashmir conflict because
such a state will not be viable.
Whereas, for Pakistan, the paradoxical situation is such that it
cannot exploit the circumstances in Kashmir to its advantage because
such an approach may be counter-productive and the instability which one
finds in parts of NWFP, FATA and Balochistan would deter Islamabad from
embarking on a kind of a policy in Kashmir which it pursued before
September 11, 2001. If the PPP government is dragged into the new phase of
Kashmir conflict, the outcome may be a further diversion of resources from
development to warfare. Besides, India will retaliate with equal force.

1037

HOME FRONT
Zardaris apologetic approach seemed to be working in Balochistan.
only two incidents of violence were reported in as many weeks. An
explosion damaged Quetta-Zahidan railway track on 5th September. A close
associate of Akbar Bugti was killed on 13th September near Dera Bugti.
On ideological front, MQM activist was among three persons killed
in Karachi on 10th September. Dr Aafiya remained in the news. On 12th
September, doctors diagnosed that Aafiya was suffering with chronic
depressive-type psychosis. Three days later, Aafiyas son was flown from
Kabul to Islamabad and handed over to Dr Fouzia after she signed a letter of
thanks to Zardari, Gilani, Malik and others. On 16 th September, six-member
delegation of Pakistani senators was allowed to meet Aafiya.
Someone expressed his views on Aafiyas health in an anonymous
letter to the Dawn. It was very disturbing to read the news that Dr Aafiya
Siddiqui is now said to be suffering from chronic depressive-type
psychosis. Her symptoms are reported to not only include those one would
normally expect in a depressed and anxious person but also a hallucination
about seeing her daughter in her (prison) cell.
After her initial examination and the resultant diagnosis of the
psychosis on Sept 2, she politely declined to take any psychiatric
medicines. Then she was re-examined on Sept 9 and again given that
diagnosis but this time it was termed chronic.
She reportedly spoke through a blanket she held over her head and
speaking politely said: I do not want to kill myself. Meanwhile her
lawyer of many years, Elaine Whitfield Sharp, described the diagnosis as
something to be expected since she was heart-broken, a mother separated
from her children and then held in prison.
However, according to an earlier report (Aug 10), the acting consulgeneral of Pakistan in New York, Saqib Rauf, and another official from our
embassy met Dr Siddiqui presumably on Aug 9 for over two hours. He told
Dawn that he was amazed to see how articulate and clear-headed she was
under the circumstances, having inquired after the health of her mother and
the political conditions in Pakistan. Mr Rauf said that on the advice of her
defence attorney Oliver Gideon, she did not give details about the
whereabouts of her children nor describe her travails while in US custody in
Afghanistan.

1038

But she said that she was surprised at the charges against her (about
attacking US personnel) and denied them and expected to be exonerated
when she has her day in court, he revealed. Thus, it appears that she had
no signs of mental illness about four to five weeks back and it may also be
recalled that her lawyer had said in early August that Dr Siddiqui was in
very bad health (physically).
She also thought that a part of her intestines had been removed from
which there now was bleeding signs of injury and an operation were
visible on her abdomen, which apparently resulted when the US personnel
fired at her torso after her arrest in July.
The lawyer demanded a complete medical check-up and the judge
ordered on Aug 11 that the same must be conducted within 24 hours. But
according to BBC correspondent reporting on Aug 27, it had still not been
done. While the present report quotes the prison warden as claiming that Dr
Siddiqui has undergone routine mental health check-ups 10 times in August
and six times so far in September, there is still no news about her intestinal
and other check-up.
Besides, the fact that she reportedly said she didnt want to kill
herself seems to suggest she is having suicidal thoughts, although she has so
far resisted acting on them. In those circumstances, it is highly unlikely she
could have become psychotic in just three weeks.
So, it is possible the authorities may be giving her some drugs
through her food or other means to make her mentally very sick (toxic
psychosis) so that she either commits suicide or, during her trial/after her
release, is unable to tell what happened to her during the five years she and
her children were in American custody.
The Americans must realize that if they go on killing or abusing
Pakistani men, women and children, against which anger is mounting by the
day, they will soon be faced with a situation where they wont get any
cooperation in their so-called war on terror and will be asked to go home.

CONCLUSION
The extent and intensity of use of force in Bajaur Operation
indicated that Zardari regime was determined to come to the expectations of
Bush Administration. All types of weapon systems held by the armed forces
tanks, guns, gunship helicopters and F-16s have been extensively used.

1039

Use of F-16s against Pakistani tribesmen should be seen in the light of

Bushs statement when a few refurbished warplanes were delivered to PAF.
Bush had said that F-16s would enhance Pakistans capability against
terrorists. Seemingly, the use has been in accordance with the terms of the
deal: the use has been quite extensive.
Certainly, the US plan of causing two-way attrition was working fine.
The western set-ups that keep watch of remaining life of the weapon systems
provided to Pakistan have calculated that by 12th September PAF had flown
one hundred sorties of F-16 jetfighters due to which some of them would
require overhauling. The same holds relevant in the context of Cobra
helicopters.
The US is steadily coming close to achieving its goals in the context
of Pakistan; the citadel of Islam. What the US aims at achieving in Islamic
World under the pretext of war on terror are de-Islamization, denuclearization and de-militarization.
Musharrafs contribution towards de-Islamization was tremendous.
Mullah, mosque and madrassa were constantly targeted since he joined the
Bushs holy war as frontline mercenary. Only a year back the world saw how
he annihilated girl students of a madrassa in Islamabad for possessing a
WMD made of wooden sticks.
His contribution towards achieving other two goals, though not so
deliberately, has also been quite significant. In the form of Khans Network
he has placed a pretext for Crusaders to de-nuclearize Pakistan whenever
they want to do that. Similarly, the armed forces and second line defenders
(the tribesmen) have been pitched against each other and subjected to
constant attrition for the last many years.
It has been said many times in the previous articles that once the
Crusaders would seek final achievement of the last two goals, Musharraf
would be replaced with a more willing facilitator. That has been done;
Zardari is there to pay back to the US. And, perhaps, that is why the
remaining life of F-16s and Cobra helicopters is being worked out so
meticulously.
Cross-border strikes seemed part of the Bush-Zardari design. The
fact that Zardari did not utter a single word on this issue, till quite after the
statement of the COAS, strengthens this belief. It must be noted that
Mullens statement came as a follow up of Bushs statement about turning
Pakistan into main theatre of war against terror. This is how things should
happen; president first and forces chief later.
1040

Zardari has decided to go the other way around for reasons too
obvious. It allowed him the room to change the stance, if so required. He
also waited for permission from Washington even for issuing a statement to
ease domestic pressure. It wont be surprising if even COAS had sought
approval of the US before issuing the so-called strongly worded statement.
The smiling scoundrel has been quite cunning in using General
Kayani to give such statement. As COAS the army commanded by Gen
Kayani can do very little in terms of retaliating to the cross-border attack. It
is the task of PAF; therefore, more appropriately, Zardari as the supreme
commander of the armed forces should have opened his mouth without
showing his teeth.
There is little doubt that all the hue and cry about cross-border attacks
by US forces was orchestrated to divert attention away from the scene of the
worst bloodshed in Pakistans tribal areas since the start of war on terror. It
was quite intriguing that the US has resorted to cross-border attacks with
increased frequency when Pakistans army and airforce were doing more
than its demand of do more. Resultantly, everyone seemed to be talking
about cross-border attacks as little was said about the unabated massacre in
Bajaur and Swat. The calmness of the PPP regime also indicated that an
understanding with the US did exist.
Army chiefs statement in which he showed the intent to defy the
superpower was also surprising; not because no one has done it before, but
because it came from the army which has been obeying all orders of the US
for the last seven years. Mustering of the courage all of a sudden to confront
the might of the US is too difficult to be believed.
One must also recollect the praise that was showered by the West at
General Parvez Kayani by the western media, which was picked up by
Pakistani media and analysts as a result of habit than reason. How could our
guy change so quickly? All this has been coordinated after prior consent.
Another possibility could be that strikes were meant to convey a
message to Zardari that he could afford going back on his promises made
internally, but he must not try this with the US. He should remember that his
wife had publicly promised that she would allow the US to attacks inside
Pakistan and he has to fulfill her promise.
As regards the chief executive of the country, Prime Minister Gilani,
his role in the ongoing war could be judged from the fact that after Admiral
Mullens meeting with General Kayani, General Durrani, advisor to prime
minister on security matters, rushed to PM House to brief his boss about the
1041

armys stance on cross-border attacks. This was necessary to help Gilani

pursue Kayanis policy as my policy while talking to Mullen. Gilani is
virtually hostage to his advisers like Durrani, Malik and Wattoo, of course,
apart from Zardari.
Zardari regime has adopted the policy of Karzai regarding
indiscriminate attacks and killings by the US-led forces: raise hue and cry,
rattle out strong protest-statements, order inquiries and forget. The regime
has adopted a policy of use of force and no talks with those who challenge
the writ of the state from within and only talk to those who violate the
sovereignty of the state. Another interesting aspect has been the use of
Mirage fighters to keep the intruders at bay. F-16s were not flown because
the terms of provision of fighters did not permit their use against the US.
The air strike soon after Mullens visit reminded one of a film named
Good, Bad and Ugly. In a scene the Ugly was caught bathing in a tub by his
enemy, who held a gun in his hand. Before killing the Ugly the intruder
indulged in seeking pleasure by teasing the victim prior to committing a
criminal act. As he talked the Ugly shot at him with his gun held under the
soap-foam and said: When you have to shoot, shoot! Dont talk. That was
what Mullen, the Ugly in real life, did.
As regards Zardari regime, its ugliness could be judged from
repatriation of Aafiyas son. Aafiyas sister was asked to sign a written
statement thanking Zardari, Gilani, Malik and others down the chain. There
was no mention of Justice Iftikhar, Human Right activists, British lady,
Imran Khan, media and others; what a shame?
20th September 2008

MORE OR UTMOST
Zardari regime, strictly following the pledges made by Bibi Sahiba to
America, tried its best to meet the demands of do more. The use of military
might in war on terror being fought in Bajaur and Swat was a proof that it
was doing the utmost to please the United States by spilling as much blood
of its citizens as possible.
Marriot Islamabad was once again targeted by a suicide bomber on
20 September. Zardari and his cohorts, like those of Musharraf era, wasted
no time it rattling out condemnatory statements and so were leaders in
th

1042

Washington and London. Farooq Naek, the legal miscreant, coined a new
statement to equate Islamabad with New York by terming Marriot attack as
Pakistans 9/11. He has the cheeks to equate Pakistan with the United States.
Meanwhile, the United States continued violating Pakistans airspace.
Its drones, predators, jetfighters and gunship helicopters committed crossborder violations almost on daily basis, particularly over Waziristan
agencies. This ploy worked perfectly to keep the attention away from the
scene of major slaughtering up north. Of late, the situation was aggravated
with threatening telephone calls to various airports which kept the concerned
security agencies on their toes.

WESTERN FRONT
Intense fighting continued. Five people were killed and 12 arrested in
Bajaur on 19th September. A container carrying supplies for the US forces
was blown up in Landi Kotal. About three thousand families of Bajaur had
taken refuge in Afghanistan. Zardari said air strikes were carried out by the
US on faulty intelligence. His regime seemed all set to lend a base for
stationing American training teams, which Musharraf had been refusing till
his resignation. Brown opposed US attacks inside Pakistan.
Next day, Marriot Islamabad was targeted by a suicide bomber; about
50 people were killed and more 250 wounded. At least 13 people were killed
and 16 wounded in Bajaur Operation. Seven security personnel and five
civilians were killed in two attacks on military vehicles in Waziristan.
Death toll rose to 53 on 21st September, including Czech ambassador
and two US soldier; and a Danish intelligence agent went missing. Malik
briefed media on Marriot bombing on and he saw link to Waziristan. Gilani
said PM House was the real target, Rehman Malik said Marriot was the
target. He said presence of just two US soldiers did not legitimize the attack
that killed so many people (killing of hundreds of innocent people in tribal
areas on the pretext of some foreigners, never seen dead or alive, were
absolutely justified. The US asked Pakistan to intensify war on terror. UAE
asked Pakistanis to stand behind the government. Singh told Gilani that the
blast targeted democracy (Sardarji was pointing towards ISI).
Ten militants were killed in Bajaur. In Swat, four people were killed
by mortar shell blast. Authorities handed over 140 Afghans at Chaman. US
gunship helicopters kept flying over Waziristan, which had become a daily
routine. Next day, nine security personnel were killed in a suicide attack on a

1043

post in Madiyan, Swat. Thousands attended the funeral of those killed in

mortar fire and protested their killings. The gas plant was blown up. Peace
walk was attacked in Shabqadar killing a policeman and a militant.
Operation was launched in Darra after a soldier was killed in a blast.
Gunmen kidnapped Afghan ambassador-designate to Pakistan from
Peshawar; his driver was killed. Governor Owais said suicide bombers were
coming from Punjab. Fidayeen claimed responsibility of Marriot attack.
Malik came out with another story of canceling Speakers dinner at Marriot,
but the hotel administration denied.
On 23rd September, police opened fire on protesters in Swat and killed
seven of them. In Bajaur, 14 militants were killed. Three people were killed
in a clash between militants and police in Shabqadar. One soldier and 59
militants were killed in two-day operation in Darra Adamkhel and 20
suspects were arrested. A US drone was reportedly shot down by troops and
tribesmen near Angoor Adda.
Prime Minister appointed a high-level committee to find ways and
means to check suicide bombings. Bush reassured Zardari the respect for
Pakistans sovereignty. Shaheen Sehbai said Bushs words mean nothing.
Robert Gates saw threat to the US from Pakistans tribal areas.
On 24th September, 25 militants and 7 soldiers were killed in Bajaur
fighting. At least 12 people were killed in Mohmand-Charsadda operations.
Two persons were killed in Swat. In Darra, six militants were killed and five
arrested. Seven people were wounded in Kurram Agency. Four religious
scholars were injured by unknown gunmen near Mirali. A female student
was killed and 22 people, including 13 FC soldiers, were wounded in suicide
attack in Quetta.
US denied crash of drone in Pakistan. Karzai urges elimination of
terror sanctuaries and pinned hope on new Pakistani leadership in this
regard. Cabinet showed concern over failure of intelligence and security
agencies to pre-empt the terrorist activities. Malik arrived in Peshawar and
ordered militants to surrender.
Next day, ten militants were killed in Bajaur. Three policemen were
shot dead in Swat. Pakistan and US heli-borne troops exchanged fire near
border in Waziristan; both sides claimed that they fired to warn the other
side. Zardari in his address to the General Assembly owned the war on terror
and asked the world to help defeat terrorism. General Petraeus said
extremists threaten Pakistans existence. US suspended visa services in
Pakistan for security reasons.
1044

On 26th September, fourteen more militants were killed in Bajaur.

IGFC while briefing media men disclosed that about one thousand militants,
including top local and foreign commanders, were killed; 62 soldiers were
killed and 112 wounded. Keeping up the tradition of those fighting against
terrorism, he did not about civilians sufferings.
Tribesmen evicted militants out of Malagori area of Khyber Agency
and 9 of them were captured. Four people were killed when a train was
derailed due to bomb blast near Hasilpur. Three terror suspects and a
kidnapped driver were killed in clash with police in Karachi. Mullen said
border incidents wont affect relations. Rice said Pakistan and US needed to
resolve the problem.
At least 16 more terrorist were killed on 27th September in the
ongoing operation in Bajaur which was supposed to be suspended as mark of
respect for Ramazan as announced by Rehman Malik a day before the start
of the holy month. Two ANP men were killed by militants in Swat. Warring
tribes of Kurram Agency agreed on ceasefire in a jirga held in Islamabad.
Lahore Airport received a threat of terror attack from someone from Italy.
Gilani urged businessmen to support to combat terrorism. In appreciation of
the liberal use of gunship helicopters in Bajaur and elsewhere, the US
approved sale of more Cobra helicopters to Pakistan. Zardari praised Bush
for making the world safer.
On 28th September, soon after returning from China, the COAS visited
Bajaur where 15 more militants were killed during the day. Polish engineer
of an oil company was kidnapped from Basal area and his two guards and
driver were killed. Policeman and a militant were killed in an encounter in
Bannu. In Quetta, 12 people were wounded in two blasts in markets.
Next day, nine tribesmen and four Taliban were killed in a clash in
Bajaur on 29th September. UNHCR reported that about four thousand
families from Bajaur have sought refuge in Afghanistan. At least 33 people
were killed in air strike in Darra area. Kidnapped Afghan diplomat, Farahi,
was freed. Taliban offered to release Chinese in exchange of 136 militants
held in jails. Polish firm decided to quit Pakistan after kidnapping on of its
employee. Robert Gates cited UN Charter to justify attack in FATA. In
Washington, Negroponte and Shah Mahmood reviewed strategic ties.
Nine more people were killed in Bajaur on 30th September. Taliban
announced unilateral ceasefire on Eidul Fitr. US agreed to boost Pakistans
anti-terror capability. Next day, nine militants and nine tribesmen were killed

1045

in clash in Bajaur Agency. In Waziristan, at least eight people were killed in

missile attack by the US. There were reports about Baitullahs death.
At least 25 militants were killed in fighting in Bajaur Agency on 2 nd
October. A suicide bomber blew himself in Charsadda when he was
challenged by guards of Asfandyar; four people were killed. Taliban denied
reports on Baitullahs death.
Suicide attack on Marriott Hotel drew the attention of the media and
analysts more than operation in Bajaur Agency despite the fact that blood
spilled in the latter case was far more. This biased attention was natural
because Marriott was the symbol of enlightened moderate world whereas in
Bajaur the people belonging to Stone Age were being butchered.
Shireen M Mazari wrote: If we in Islamabad feel all these intense
emotions in the aftermath of the Marriott attack, can we not for a second
step back and reflect on how the people of FATA region have been
feeling when confronted with death and destruction at the hands of foreign
military power with their own state a seemingly helpless bystander? Is it any
wonder that impressionable young youth have offered their lives in the face
of the death and destruction of their families and homes especially when
they see their state do nothing? Can we not see that that it takes little for the
evil preachers of hate and nihilism to convert such people to taking their
own lives along with many innocent others? Is there to be no rage, anger,
condemnation, fear and helplessness amongst these local people when they
see innocent families wiped out by US drones, missiles and now ground
troops, as their own state does nothing? And, is it any wonder, that in the
settled areas like Swat violence and militancy have flourished because the
hapless locals are convinced the state offers no security against the hate
teachings of the extremists?
Leaving aside emotions, a reality check will show how our state has
to create the space between itself and the US if it is to mobilize support
for its own war against terrorists and extremists within the country. Yes,
we do have a war on our hands but it is different from the US war which has
its own agenda, and it has to be fought differently within an overarching
political strategy and economic and military tactical prongs. Effectiveness of
such a war will depend on establishing credibility for it and that cannot
come unless we create space from the US.
If we can officially create space between US and ourselves, and there
can be no covert assent to US access in Pakistan as was the case with the
previous governmentat least the nation will rally around the state and
1046

allow it to make an effective beginning to long term strategy to deal with

extremism and violence. Such a strategy has to first recognize that
terrorism in Pakistan has a number of differing origins: there is the most
violent one that is rooted in distorted religious extremism and is linked to alQaeda and seeks indiscriminate destruction for impact. This is not about
winning hearts and minds so much as creating fear in hearts and minds. But
there is also the political sub-national violence and terrorism, such as in
Balochistan
In the context of FATA, any strategy would have to include,
alongside a de-linkage with the US, a genuine and immediate political
and economic outreach to the people of FATA and other violence affected
areas of Pakhtunkhwa, under the umbrella of military protection. People
who do not support extremist militancy must be given protection and
positive incentives to remain steadfast while the fence sitters must be shown
benefits of coming over to the states side and costs for not doing so. Protect
the locals so that they can shun the extremists without fear of retribution.
Beyond FATA, there is need to seriously implement the much
touted but not enforced policy of madressah reform. In this context, all
foreign funding for any of educational or charitable project needs to be
transparent and public. Similarly, local donations to schools and charities
should be made public.
And, while we are seeking to fight our own terrorists, let us not
forget that we also confront an equally menacing threat from the US
which has already infiltrated our country at multiple levels. That is why
winning over our own people and exposing the many-headed enemy has to
be the starting point. Otherwise Pakistan is in danger of being reduced to just
so much collateral damage!
Mosharraf Zaidi commented on equating of Marriott attack with 9/11.
The government needs to demonstrate the kind of strong-footed confidence
(that is the domain of elected governments) in prosecuting the war against
those that seek to destroy the Pakistani way of life. Nobody said democracy
works perfectly, but it needs to be protected so that it regains its rightful
position as the definitive feature of Pakistani way of life. In the rush for
relevance within the PPP perhaps the competence gap was most ably
demonstrated by the affable and sometimes brilliant Senator Enver Baig. He
was first to declare the Marriott incident as Pakistans 9/11.
The senator is forgiven for speaking in the heat of the moment.
This was no 9/11. Forget that 9/11 killed over 2,500 innocent civilians.
1047

Forget that it destroyed one of the worlds great monuments to innovation,

and to freedom. Forget that it was an attack on New York City, the most
economically relevant city in the world. 9/11 mobilized Americas sense of
remorse, vengeance and commitment like it had not in over 50 years. Thats
the real benchmark of whether an event can be qualified as 9/11 or not. Have
the Americans made a mess of the response to 9/11? Absolutely the war on
terror is a total mess. But it is Americas war
Unfortunately, not a single member of the legitimacy-stocked but
competence-deficient PPP government has that kind of clarity. Since it is
democratic, the saving grace there is that the clouded speech and confused
finger-pointing is a reflection of nationally ubiquitous clouded judgment and
ambiguous response. This was not Pakistans 9/11 because Pakistan cannot
respond with remorse, vengeance and commitment. Presidential, elite, urban
and expat outrage notwithstanding, this is, simply put, still not Pakistans
war This war is far from over, and Pakistan is far from ready.
Nasim Zehra found at least one thing common in two attacks. Today
the overwhelming majority of the Americans have bought into the Bush
Administrations notion of Homeland Security. Speeches criticizing Bush
aside, US presidential candidate Barack Obama too stands robustly behind
the security dogma of Homeland Security, at all costs. The costs have
included war on Afghanistan and on Iraq. And now they are all
intellectualizing and legitimizing within this framework the need to
expand the war into Pakistan.
It was precisely this belief that compelled Obama to declare after the
terrorist attack on Marriott that for the safety and security of the United
States terrorism in Pakistan must be defeated. He and John McCain both
will pursue Bushs policy conducting ground attacks on Pakistan
territory attacks that undermine Pakistans Homeland Security, given how
the US overt presence is a red herring for the people who constitute the
casualty rows and whose family and friends are killed in the tribal areas and
the NWFP and now beyond.
But the American thinking is crafted by the primary human
instinct to survive. The post-9/11 fear of death has naturally triggered their
urge to live. No matter how their government manages, as long as it keeps
them safe, its unholy and illegal mess abroad is generally accepted. At least
until at home the costs do not climb up.
Anyhow, the Marriott crater too set me thinking. I wasnt sure how
many of the dozens of Pakistanis standing around the crater at that moment
1048

stood like the Americans standing around their ground zero, single-mindedly
condemning the terrorists behind the Marriott tragedy. Admittedly,
Pakistans case is a complex one and so in the thinking Pakistani mind
black and white notions on terrorism are hard to come by. Equally, the
notion of standing united against all odds for Homeland Security is weak
within Pakistani society. Moreover it is unconvincing, especially for
Pakistanis whose families and friends became casualties of terrorist, US and
Pakistani attacks in the tribal areas and the NWFP and now even beyond.
The government needs to provide a strong and credible leadership to bring
the people together at what is clearly Pakistans most dangerous moment.
Mohammad Zohair from Islamabad talked on incompetence of
intelligence agencies. During a press conference on Sept 21, the adviser to
the prime minister on interior was asked about the possibility of involving
the American agencies in the probe into the Marriot blast. In a bit frustrated
manner, the adviser replied that our own intelligence agencies were fully
capable of investigating the blast. If our intelligence agencies can
investigate such a deadly terrorist attack, then why cant they probe the
suicide attack that claimed the life of Benazir Bhutto? Why does the
interior adviser seem to have no confidence in the intelligence organizations
when it comes to probing Ms Bhuttos murder? Double standards of the
government are baffling and beyond ones comprehension.
Shakir Lakhani from Karachi saw: Theres something rotten in the
state of Pakistan. the interior adviser, Rehman Malik, told reporters that the
president and prime minister were to have dinner at the Marriott hotel on
Sept 20, when it was bombed, but the venue was changed at the last minute.
However, the hotel management says that no booking had been made for an
official dinner on that day. We know that even when lesser officials are
supposed to visit a place, security officials thoroughly comb every nook and
corner hours before the visit, so if the two top executives of the country were
going to be at the hotel at the time of the bombing, there should have been
strict security in place many hours before the bomb blast. Its frightening to
think that the fate of the country is in the hands of incompetent people
who say things which turn out to be false.
M Tariq Ali from Lahore wrote: Islamabads terrorist attack brings
home the unfortunate reality that things are always done for the ruling elite.
For instance approval of finances for purchase of bullet-proof cars for the
civil and military establishment are given immediately, as are those for
purchase of VVIP aircraft. Yet when it comes to procuring fire engines, red

1049

tape comes into action. The only casualty seems to be the innocent
public.
Uzma Qaiser from Rawalpindi was of the view: In case of such
incidents anywhere in the world, the leaders cut short their visits/tours if
they are abroad in order to reach back to their countries. Ours did the
opposite: the prime minister left for Lahore and the president for the United
Nations.
Rustam Shah Mohmand observed that Pakistan was in a state of
institutional paralysis. Why was a situation allowed to develop where Khar,
Bajaurs chief town, was surrounded by militants? Since the deep
undercurrents of insurgency were already sweeping the tribal areas, why
were the authorities indifferent to the militants establishing themselves close
to the town? Why couldnt their moves be thwarted before they posed the
danger? The authorities could either strike the militants pre-emptively or
establish some form of indirect communication with a view to ascertaining
their plans and objectives or their demands. None of this was done.
And when the danger increased, inaction was abandoned and the
ruthless bombing of the entire areas was ordered. This could only result
in the killing of ordinary Bajauri men and women. Such a climate breeds
terrorism and militancy.
But then the government action in Bajaur could not be the only
reason for attacks such as the one on Marriott. There could be a more
sinister plan to destabilize an Islamic country possessing nuclear weapons.
We must remember that the US knew Iraq had no weapons of mass
destruction. In spite of this knowledge and in violation of the UN Charter,
Iraq was attacked. The only conclusion one could draw is that such a
stupendous operation was launched to remove a potential adversary which
could cause insecurity to Israel
By the same logic it is feared that a strong, stable Pakistan could in
future pose a danger to the Zionist state. It is therefore vital that Pakistan
be destabilized in order that it does not focus on rebuilding institutions,
including the emergence of viable political leadership with a vision for the
future. It is equally important to ensure that conditions are created in which
the society would be polarized and fractured and national wealth and
resources would be spent on inconsequential projects.
Unfortunately, we are providing conditions for such catastrophic
plans to be put into practice. Perhaps a national commission comprising of
eminent personalities, having adequate knowledge of the area and its people
1050

needs to be established to ascertain the causes of militancy and suggest

appropriate remedies consistent with the sovereignty and geopolitical
objectives.
But while we stay focused on determining the strategic factors that
underpin the current state of militancy; we should not lose sight of the fact
that there were both an intelligence failure and an administrative lapse which
facilitated the ghastly and gruesome massacre at the Marriott. The fact that
an explosive laden truck could be moved up and down Islamabads safe zone
of heavy security speaks volumes about the sad state of affairs of our
institutions. One has to admit that we in a state of institutional paralysis.
The vicious circle needs to be broken and soon.
Ayesha Siddiqa opined: It is rather sad that the newly elected
government is unable to convince the population that the war on terror
is Pakistans issue rather than Americas agenda. Unfortunately, the
governments inability to convince the general public is because of the
growing credibility gap.
The fact that the president did not think about canceling his foreign
visit and making himself available for his people after the blast has created
the impression that he is more concerned about his American patron than
ordinary Pakistanis. People understand that the main source of power of
the new government is not the prime minister but the president who
should have spent some extra time at home before flying away. Just imagine
if George Bush had left the country within hours of 9/11.
Moreover, the lack of credibility increases due to statements
issued by interior advisor, Rehman Malik who tried to convince the world
that the attack was aimed at the leadership when it is now known that the
Marriott was not the intended venue for the VIP dinner party. The guests
were invited to the Prime Ministers House where the party was eventually
held at the time of the blast.
The credibility factor is important otherwise people will continue
to think that the Taliban will save the country from an external threat posed
by the US. Opinion right now is divided on how to interpret the internal
terrorist attacks The regime should be able to convince the people that the
Taliban or other militants are as bad for the country as is US intervention.
Since two wrongs dont make a right; Pakistan must select its own options to
overcome the crisis rather than aligning itself with either party.
The recent terror attack has challenged the writ of the newly
elected government more than any other force. Today, the Pakistani
1051

government is divided into two: the political government and an invisible

one. The latter is bound to build its credibility on the ashes of the political
government, especially if it appears incapable to defend the nation.
In addition, the PPP must change its individual-dominated
decision-making practices. While this has been the partys tradition, it
could work in the past because of the greater credibility of leaders such as
ZAB and Benazir Bhutto. The same for formula might not work now. Under
the circumstances, people will feel greater unease in accepting the partys
policies.
The world is watching and judging the new governments ability to
fight the threat. The president must not appear as someone who cannot
deliver on his promises. We need a strong leadership at this time to direct
the state and society. It is only a capable leadership that can take society out
of the intolerance that eventually breeds greater violence.
In an anonymous letter to The Dawn the presence of US Marines in
the hotel was discussed. The day the top American commander Admiral
Mike Mullen met Prime Minister Gilani a white truck of the US Embassy
in Islamabad brought many steel boxes to the Marriott. These were
transferred inside by US Marines while keeping everybody, including the
hotels security staff away, the main entrance doors having been closed and
not allowing the containers inspection or even letting them go through a
scanner.
When PPP MNA Mumtaz Alam Gilani and a couple of his friends,
who were coming out of the hotels Nadia restaurant, objected, the American
soldiers simply ignored them. The hotel security staff seemed helpless and
Mr Alam warned he would raise the issue in the NA. But no further action
seems to have been taken after that.
The point is that the militants would obviously be keeping their eyes
and ears open and would have found out about this secretive operation from
their sources, which must have aroused their suspicions and concerns about
the contents of the boxes and the presence of American personnel in the
hotel. What better target could the want? Thus, it is incorrect for the
authorities to claim that the ruling establishment at the dinner was the goal
of the bombing.
Anyway, the government should not allow the Americans or anybody
else to bring in whatever they please, without inspection. Worse still is the
fact that the Americans acted most irresponsibly. If that stuff had been
transferred to the US Embassy directly from the airport, it would not
1052

have jeopardized the safety of the visitors and staff of the hotel. The
American intelligence operatives are clever enough to know that such
operations wouldnt pass unnoticed by the militants.
It appears that after the Fadayeen owned up to the attack, the PMs
adviser tried to reconcile the contradiction between the premiers and
his own statements, while also shifting attention from the real focus of
American operatives and troops staying there. This would save them and
Washington from embarrassment.
Rifaat Hamid Ghani opined that the attack suited in creating
Afghanistan-like conditions which could serve the US interest of nuclear
neutralization of Pakistan. A Pakistan where Afghanistan-like conditions
tend to a case for nuclear neutralization would suit western interest very
well. The CIAs notoriety far precedes the ISIs, and Pakistanis who suspect
American intentions fear a deliberate strategy of political destabilization.
That last is to hypothesize, but Americas pursuance of the war on terror
leaves too much of a grey area around US manipulation in Pakistans
political developments.
Though waging war for the triumph of democratic values in
Afghanistan, America inhibited the democratic effort in its ally Pakistan. It
favoured and helped prolong an increasingly vulnerable military
dictatorship. As General Musharrafs over-extended position became
nationally untenable America furthered Benazir Bhuttos cynical deal
with him; was averse to the less tractable and more orthodox Nawaz
Sharifs re-emergence; and sanctimoniously dissociated itself from the cause
of an independent judiciary, terming it an internal affair
What is the perspective of the enormity of a suicidal hit like the
one on the Marriott Hotel in Islamabad? Officialdom in Pakistan and
America, sincerely at collaborative work on fighting terror, should ask
themselves why so many Pakistanis regard it as too serendipitous.
It shifts the terror dimension from remote and barren hills to urban
security-plus playgrounds. It has simultaneously brought scores of common
working people as well as affluent jingoists into the ambit of terror. Its
implementation required formidable undisturbed organizational resource, the
availability of which points to Pakistani incompetence. Frightened
bystanders are more open to a case for supervisory American assistance and
expertise. It is now easier for the new government to follow publicly the
American line on terrorism. As momentum gains it may become
impossible for Pakistan to draw its own red line.
1053

To pre-empt that, Pakistanis will continue asking why, if we are

honest and have diplomatic aptitude, we should be consigned and resigned
to our present role and projected place. Like Mr Bush, but in a different
spirit, Pakistanis also want their government to do more.
Ahmed Quraishi felt that Pakistan should renegotiate the terms with
US. Pakistan will continue to face instability as long as it continues to
be part of the war on terror on Washingtons terms. Pakistans legitimate
security interests have been so damaged and ignored by Washington that it is
time to tell the Americans to go and deal with Afghanistan on their own.
Pakistan can say that it will help Washington where possible but that it can
no longer remain part of the coalition, a coalition that only includes three
nations now: the US, the UK and Pakistan.
In this regard, Pakistanis can renegotiate the terms of letting US
use Pakistani soil and airspace for the transport of supplies. Pakistan can
ask US military to vacate the remaining Pakistani airbase under American
use. Also, Islamabad can revoke the permission that former President
Musharraf granted CIA to establish outposts in Pakistans tribal belt and the
permission to recruit local assets.
Marriott attack once again added fuel to the debate on US factor in
the present bloodshed in Pakistan. Irfan Hussain wrote: According to press
release, General Ashfaq Kayani has declared the armys intention to fight
any intrusion across our borders at any-post, and against all odds. This
should reassure all Pakistanis who have been paying enormous amounts for
the army to do just that.
But I would like to ask Gen Kayani why the army has not
demonstrated the same degree of vigilance and sense of duty where the
Taliban and al-Qaeda are concerned. After all, militants, extremists,
terrorists, drug smugglers and gunrunners have been crossing the Durand
Line that notionally divides Pakistan from Afghanistan for years without
being challenged or hindered. Had the army been doing its job these last few
years Pakistans survival might not have been under threat as it is today.
However, when a squad of American Navy Seal commandos entered
Pakistan to engage suspected militants recently, hawks in Pakistan went
into paroxysms of patriotism. Dont get me wrong: I am not arguing that
the Americans are justified in attacking targets on Pakistani soil. But I am
questioning the selective defence of our sovereignty. If we denounce the
American cross-border attacks, should we not as why the Taliban are

1054

allowed free access to our territory to target us and conduct raids into
Afghanistan?
The American raid has been followed by a lot of chest-thumping
bravado in our media, but little cool analysis. The fact is that this recent
escalation should not have come as a surprise: for the last couple of years,
there has been a rising crescendo of charges in Washington that we werent
doing enough to combat resurgent Taliban on our side of the border. The
truth of this mantra was reflected in the rising tide of extremist terrorism
within our borders.
From the American perspective, they have shelled out good
money to secure our armys cooperation to their fight against al-Qaeda
and Taliban. Apart from a massive debt write-off as well ass economic
assistance, they are also paying around $80m a month to underwrite the cost
of deploying our troops in FATA
However, the Pentagon needs to realize the very real problems
our army faces in this war. Firstly, Pakhtun tribes on both sides of the illdefined border have been going back and forth for centuries, and they regard
this as a right. Secondly, the Taliban are indistinguishable from other
tribesmen as just about every Pakhtun male is bearded, armed and wears
shalwar-kameez. Thirdly, these people are very much part of the fabric of
Pakistani society, and so it is difficult to motivate militias and regular army
units to fight them. Finally, the army does not want to completely alienate
the Taliban whom it regards as future assets once western forces leave
Afghanistan...
The sad fact is that years of interfering in politics have taken their
toll on a professional army. Where the high command should have been
watching the geopolitical environment for the rising threat from our
northwest, it was dabbling in domestic politics. And when our troops should
have been training to fight an asymmetrical war in FATA, they were being
drilled in fighting yesterdays battles against our traditional foe, India.
The only people enjoying the rising tension between Pakistan and
the US are Osama bin Laden and his supporters and admirers. Should
our army actually kill a number of American troops, the resulting escalation
could easily spin out of control very quickly. The Americans currently have
two aircraft carrier groups in the Gulf, with a third on its way. Their
combined firepower could wipe out Pakistan many times over. So while its
great fun to fulminate against the Americans before the cameras in TV
studios, we do need to get real here. This is typical exaggeration by those
1055

who are fearful of Americas military prowess: two aircraft carriers

destroying Pakistan many times over.
However, the US needs Pakistan to be on its side if it is to have
any chance of winning in Afghanistan. Apart from providing logistical
support in the shape of fuel and munitions that are transported from Karachi
to the Khyber Pass, Pakistan has cooperated in capturing or killing al-Qaeda
operatives in significant numbers. We have also allowed US intelligence
agencies to operate quite freely on our soil. Should there be any serious
hostilities between the two countries, the democratic government would
probably be toppled, thousands of young Pakistanis would join the battle,
and many more would be further radicalized.
Hawks on Pakistans TV talk shows who are stridently urging armed
action to counter future intrusions should remember when, just days before
the war began in 1971, thousands of Pakistanis drove their cars with Crush
India stickers. Once the bombs began to fall, their cars were seen
hightailing it for distant parts. They also need to consider that whoever wins
the American presidential election in November is likely to get much
tougher with Pakistan than George Bush has been.
Dr Tariq Rahman opined: Previous policies which were known to
have been wrong are never openly condemned by those in power. Those
who created and administered such policies have never been made to answer
for their lack of judgment, or worse. In short, it appears as if there is no
concerted effort to say which policies have led to this religious militancy and
what the solution to ending it is.
As for America, it is responsible for destabilizing much of the
Muslim world. Had it reacted to 9/11 by removing its forces from the
Middle East, by giving justice to the Palestinians and by giving help to
educate FATA and lifting its people out of the dire poverty they are mired in,
we would have seen a stable Pakistan and a safer America.
This did not happen, but even now the Americans can help us by
not attacking inside Pakistan; not giving statements that disregard the
feelings of our people and by keeping a low profile. If they do not do all this,
our government will not be able to fight even its own war against the
Taliban. And if that happens will Pakistanis, Americans or even the Indians
be safer than they are now or far more unsafe? Let them decide.
The News commented on Bush-Zardari meeting. The Bush-Zardari
summit may have ended on a positive note but the real test of the words
will be how things shape up on the ground. Washington and Islamabad
1056

will have to undertake a serious and major review of their strategies and
tactics to fight terror. And in this review the US must be seen as a friend of
Pakistan not as an enemy in this war. As for President Zardari, he and his
team must set about undoing the complex web of realities that are a part of
the problem, so that they can find a way of dismantling the terror networks
that operate within our territory and threaten every town and every city
within it.
The Dawn wrote on statement on Petraeus. Gen David Petraeus, who
is to take over next month as commander Centcom, told the media in Paris
that Pakistani and American forces would have to work together, because
Pakistan faced an existentialist threat. The general identified what he
called the common enemy as a syndicate that contained within its fold alQaeda, the Taliban and in between different forms of extremist
movements
There are two aspects to Gen Petraeuss statement: one is his
diagnosis of the disorder, the other his prescription. There is no doubt that
the war on terror is Pakistans own war. The more civilians the Taliban kill,
the more girls schools they bomb and the more they intensify their war on
the state of Pakistan, the more they unite the people of Pakistan in their
common resolve to crush terrorism.
If the Taliban had been a little circumspect about the targets, perhaps
the people of Pakistan would not have united against them the way they
have after Taliban decided as a matter of policy to resort to reckless acts of
terror, no matter how many innocent men, women and children get killed
and maimed. This spirit of national unity against the Taliban needs to be
sustained, and America and the NATO governments can do this by
demonstrating a sense of responsibility and respecting Pakistans
sovereignty.
The skirmishes between the two sides on Thursday show a lack of
clarity on the rules of engagement. Let the Americans leave it to Pakistan to
fight terrorism within its borders; what Islamabad needs is economic and
military assistance that could strengthen the countrys own ability to take on
the enemy Rash actions like the violation of Pakistans borderslend
support to the Taliban propaganda that portrays America as a threat to
Pakistan.
G B Shah Bokhari from Peshawar expressed his views on the issue of
sovereignty. Seen neutrally, it will dawn on critics of the drone attacks that
the Americans are assisting Pakistan by annihilating the masterminds
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that sit in the tribal areas, plan, prepare and dispatch suicide attackers who
play havoc with life and property in the urban Pakistan.
Let us admit that the militants are not only successful, through use of
brutal force, in keeping Pakistan in a state of insecurity, they are more
successful in spreading effective psychological warfare by creating the
impression that their fight against Pakistans armed forces or its citizens is
not an attack on the sovereignty of Pakistan.
Ghulam Abbas Rana wrote: We seriously need to revise our policy
vis--vis the United States, which is embarking upon a rigorous and
aggressive plan to wipe out the culprits in the tribal belt, eliminating
dialogue as an option and expecting Pakistan to join hands.
Recent statements by Secretary of Defence Robert Gates are quite
relevant in this regard as he opined that the US has a right to act against the
extremists in self-defence, and thus wants the newly elected government to
take part in and approve this venture Gates also referred to the UN
Charter which, according to him, allows the US to carry out such an
operation if Pakistans government is unwilling or unable to deal with the
extremists.
On the other hand, President Bush is constantly assuring his Pakistani
counterpart that sovereignty of Pakistan would not be compromised. This
duality of opinion can have serious implications for us, as there is no
clear indication as to what the future course of action would be.
So we need to stress and make the US realize that they should not
pursue a policy that can be menacing for us, with huge domestic
implications. Sovereignty is not all about boundaries and borders, but
sovereignty has something to do with the ability to act autonomously, so
we will retain our real sovereignty when we start asserting ourselves.
Ismail Khan expressed his views on the fighting in fought Bajaur.
The battle in the Bajaur Agency has not only become a tipping point for
Pakistans internal security, it can also have a deep impact on the countrys
status as key US ally in the war against terrorism Predictably, the militants
are using everything they have to hold their ground. Government and
security officials say that they are baffled by the resilience and stiff
resistance offered by the battle hardened fighters, by their tactics and
sophistication of their weapons and communications system.
More worryingly, the Bajaur battle-ground has attracted militants
from other tribal regions and from across the border, from Afghanistans

1058

eastern Kunar province. It has long been known that there are foreign
militants in Bajaur, but their numbers have always been thought to be small.
Now their ranks are swelling, catching by surprise many veterans in the
civil-military establishment.
This supply line from Kunar to Bajaur has, however, eased the
pressure in Afghanistan. Western diplomatic sources acknowledge that the
level of violence in Kunar has dropped appreciably since the launch of the
operation in Bajaur, including a planning and operational linkage that
overlaps the Durand Line. Realizing how crucial and critical the Bajaur
operation is and the massive impact it can have on restive neighbouring
tribal regions the army has lined up tremendous resources to make quick
headway
For now, government and security officials are staying put and are
determined to take the battle to what they call its logical conclusion. To
gauge the seriousness of this operation a brigade of the Pakistan Army has,
for perhaps the first time, been placed under the command of the recentlyposted IGFC, Maj Gen Tariq Khan, to ensure the unity of command and
effectiveness.
The security forces are relieved by much-needed words of praise
from an otherwise skeptical and suspicious American administration
regarding the action in Bajaur At home, meanwhile, important members
of the political leadership have stopped expressing misgivings about the
establishments intentions in terms of dealing with militancy; they
acknowledge that this operation is for real
One view being expressed among political circles is that the gravity
of the security threat to national integrity, crucial support from the current
leadership and growing public mobilization in Buner, Dir and Bajaur have
together served as a shot in the arm for the military, enabling it to
decisively take on the militants.
An additional fillip has been provided by the American
administrations upping of the ante. President George W Bushs July
authorization to permit operations in Pakistans tribal areas forced the army
high command to come up with a strong reaction.
More importantly, the US commando raid in Angoor Adda made the
top brass reiterate the commitment that they alone will take action on
Pakistani soil, and Bajaur is the litmus test of this commitment. This has
helped the government own the operation as being driven by internal

1059

security concerns and has changed the perception that action was being
taken under external pressure.
Bajaur, thus, may constitute the beginning of a more aggressive
approach and strategy by Pakistans armed forces, backed equally by the
political leadership Equally crucial, however, would be the extent of the
collateral damage, for that may tip the balance either way and cause the
loss of local support to the government
Analysts say that any failure, or the abandonment of the operation
midway as occurred, for a variety of reasons, in South Waziristan, Darra
Adamkhel and Swat, could potentially not only undermine the gains made so
far in Bajaur, but could also cast a negative spell on the ongoing
operations in Swat and elsewhere Clearly therefore, the Bajaur
operation is being watched closely by policy-makers in the US, and may
hope that countrys strategy vis--vis Pakistan and the tribal areas.
The stakes are equally high for the militants in Bajaur which,
after Waziristan, is perhaps the second most significant stronghold of the
militants Militants in the Mohmand tribal region would also be watching
the operation in neighbouring Bajaur with a great deal of anxiety, since the
triumphs and losses of their comrades in arms and ideology may also decide
their own fate.
Having said this, however, much would depend on the strategy the
government adopts in the post-operation scenario, to consolidate its grip
over Bajaur in order to prevent the resurgence of the militants, and to
introduce a rehabilitation package for hundreds of thousands of Bajauris.
Officials say that a one-time package of $7.2 million is ready for such
an intervention, based mostly on commitments made by international
donors. But the full success of the entire operation will also be determined
by how quickly; efficiently and transparently this rehabilitation process is
carried out and implemented. What a reward for perpetrating death and
destruction upon own people on the behest of donors.
The News criticized the killing of protesters in Swat. The death of
seven people in Swat at the hands of law-enforcers, while they were taking
part in a protest in Mingora against the suspension in the supply of power,
gas and water, is a vivid demonstration of the reasons why Pakistan is in
very real danger of losing the war on terror One can hardly expect
people deprived of all amenities and also affected by a food shortage created
by erratic supplies in troubled areas, to continue to suffer in silence
indefinitely
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The latest attacks on installations may be a part of such tactics,

aimed at turning local population against government. In Mingora, banks
have also been targeted, forcing some to close doors. It is obvious that in
order to defeat militants, people must be won over. This is hardly likely to
happen when local residents are made to suffer for says without any attempt
to redress their grievances and when they are felled by bullets when they are
desperately to draw attention to their concerns. Yet this relatively simple
reality appears to have eluded our decision-makers
At present, most people in areas hit by conflict complain that they are
being exploited by both state forces and militants. Most do not wish to take
sides. They seek only the peace they need to resume uninterrupted lives and
ensuring it must be one of the biggest priorities for authorities. The brutal
suppression of the protest in Mingora has generated much ill-will for
officialdom. This eventually will only strengthen the hands of militants
and make the war on terror still harder to win.
There were plenty of general comments on the war on terror
which has now been formally owned by the Zardari regime. Adrain A Husain
wrote: The nation is mystified and explanations are surely called for. One of
the obfuscations that we are beset by is the fact that, shortly after the recent
assurance to our civil and military top brass that Pakistans sovereignty
would be respected by the US, missile attacks on South Waziristan
continued. One is tempted to ask in the most basic of terms: who is kidding
whom?
But, in any case, the one step farther from unmanned missile attack
to embodied incursion was, from the start, integral to the compact between
the two countries. Our former president would seem inadvertenly, if he is
to be given the benefit of the doubt to have compromised if not actually
written off our sovereignty when he literally put his hands up and
unconditionally agreed to make Pakistan a frontline state
The war was always about give-and-take. And, in US eyes, there is
clearly some problem involving factual reciprocity in the context of this
equation. In other words, to the worlds sole superpower, Pakistan has been
more than willing recipient of its largesse under the head of counterterrorism though without coming up with anything like proportionate
results.
Of course, there is a catch here. Producing such results means
accepting the crux of the US policy on the war on terror in the region as
spelt out by Admiral Mullen. According to the view, as cited by newspapers,
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Afghanistan and Pakistan are inextricably linked in a common insurgency

that crosses the border between them. Abhorrent and indeed
frightening as it may be to us as Pakistanis, the logic underlying this is
all but irrefutable. It deposits what we may be mentally resisting or not
have completely grasped
Despite all the mixed signals coming out of the US, the threat of
ground assaults on Pakistans tribal belt should consequently be taken as a
sort of tactical benchmark against which to shape our own future policies.
There should be no doubt in our minds as to the options at our disposal.
These are already very limited and merely threaten to grow more so.
Much depends on what transpires at the meeting expected to take
place between the US and Pakistani presidents in the wings during the
forthcoming General Assembly session at the UN. The wisdom of our
leadership will be put to test at the time The bewilderment and dismay of
the common man notwithstanding, our civil-military combine has so far
proven a credible match to the US for sheer savvy. Its equivalent doublespeak would, at least for the time being, seem to have worked. At the same
time, our leaders must guard against being over-optimistic and, with it,
indulging in tactical over-kill. Our sovereignty is indeed at stake. And we
cannot afford to forget that.
For all that his sympathizers may say, Musharrafs precarious nineyear balancing act apropos of the war on terror had brought us dangerously
close to the brink. As a result of his policies and near the end of his tenure,
Pakistan had been reduced, for the US, to being an ally with almost subzero credibility.
That is no longer quite the case. Even so, we cannot afford to be
smug or fall for fanciful talk. There is, for instance, an affable
insidiousness about some clever diplomatic teasers currently in
circulation. The wink-wink nudge-nudge coinage purporting to sum up the
US-Pakistan relationship courtesy the Washington-based South Asian expert,
Sadanand Dhume is among these.
It is precisely this sort of thing that can easily blind us to the gravity
of the configuration of our existing relations with the US, lulling us into a
sense of false security and imperceptibly facilitating something like a duly
sweetened, phased invasion of our motherland.
Irfan Husain opined: We need to be very clear that all these everyday
examples from contemporary Pakistani society reveal a nation at war with
itself. More than ever before, this violent zeal needs to be fought by
1062

moderates. We need to hear more voices of reason and sanity that oppose
the simplistic, black-and-white world-view of the fundamentalists. And the
media has a duty to promote this peaceful vision.
Hussain H Zaidi recommended strong action against the militants.
Blaming America for the instability and violence in Pakistan would not
solve the problem. Nor should we expect Washington to change its strategy
for the sake of Pakistan. No country will do that. The US Afghan policy is
dictated by what it perceives to be its national interest. At best we can try
and convince the Americans that their tactics, such as raids in the Pakistani
territory, will weaken efforts to defeat militancy. But the basic responsibility
for defeating militants remains our own.
In order to achieve these objectives, the government will have to
fight on many fronts. Strong action needs to be taken against the
militants who do not surrender. There has to be a real fight against poverty
and injustices, so that people do not become a tool in the hands of terrorist
outfits out of desperation and frustration.
The government should also fight religious extremism on ideological
front. The view propagated by past governments and religious parties
that Pakistan was meant to be a theocratic, monolithic state and a citadel of
Islam and that it is our duty to practically support Muslim resistance
movements all over the world needs to be corrected. It is largely because of
this view that Pakistan has become a fortress of terrorism, upon which
religious extremists from all-over the world look as their refuge.
Dushka Saiyid warned: This war will not be won by tanks and
gunship helicopters alone. The government must make a national level
strategy to mobilize opinion and isolate the enemy; and maintain well-oiled
administrative machinery to deal with terrorist attacks. Once we accept that
this is not going to be a six-day war, we can and will overcome. The
alternative is being bombed into Stone Age.
The Dawn suggested stirring up of tribesmen against militants.
FATAs silent majority now seems to be stirring. It has for years watched
in agony the destruction of its environs. Its once peaceful valleys and ravines
are now a theatre of war, with homes, fields and shops destroyed, the
tribesmens means of livelihood disrupted, and hundreds of thousands of
men, women and children turned into internal refugees. Even though
seething with anger, the tribesmen had failed to act, overawed as they were
by the ubiquitous Talibans ruthless and presumed invincibility.

1063

However, things seem to be changing. A report by our

correspondent in Landi Kotal informs us that a tribal lashkar in Khyber
Agency captured on Thursday nine militants and freed a prayer leader whom
the Taliban had kidnapped. Those taking the lead in challenging the Taliban
and rescuing the cleric belonged to the Malagori tribe. This is not an isolated
example. In the Bara tehsil, the Kalakhel tribe has raised a lashkar and
warned those giving shelter to the Taliban that they would be fined Rs5m
and their homes demolished. In Bajaur, the main battle theatre, the
Othmankhel and Salarzai tribes have openly come out against the militants
and are taking vigorous actions permitted by tribal traditions to get rid of the
terrorists. Similar trends are emerging in Dir, Buner and Shabqadar
The government has to build on this positive development and secure
the active cooperation of those among the anti-militant tribesmen who are
willing to take on the Taliban and restore peace to their area. One major
reason for the change in the tribesmens attitude is the losses the Taliban
have suffered in the ongoing military operation. The operation must be
carried on relentlessly, and the enemy given no respite.
Bilal Qureshi saw Pakistan on the recovery path. According to a
report by one agency in Pakistan, the country has suffered about 30 suicide
attacks between January through September 2008, killing over 500 innocent
civilians and critically wounded about 8,000. This terribly saddening report
becomes even more depressing when we learn that Pakistan has been the
target of more terrorist attacks than Iraq and Afghanistan, two countries
where an all-out war is being waged. And yet, as cruel as it sounds, to the
dismay of those who are suffering these daily bombings, astonishingly,
Pakistan is blamed for not being a serious partner in the fight against
terrorism
To support their unsubstantiated theories, these studio experts
exclusively relied on statistics and computer-generated charts, but they
failed to take into account the ground realities. Their analysis, with few
exceptions, was superficial at best. Worst, this instant analysis was driven by
the necessity of compressing complex issues into 30 or 40-second sound
bites, and this practice perpetuated the myth of Islamabad being
complicit in terrorism, an outrageous fabrication completely debunked by
the number of deaths that Pakistan has endured, both on the battlefield
against the terrorists and by civilians across Pakistan.
No country, government and society is perfect, and Pakistan is no
exception, but historians looking objectively at the evidence relating to the

1064

contribution made by Pakistan since the late seventies would have to

conclude that Pakistan has done more than most countries when it came
to defeating the Soviet Union in Afghanistan, and now the global fight
against religious militarism.
Given Pakistans record, it is absolutely safe to assume that
Pakistan will continue to do whatever it has to do to save itself and the
rest of the world from the nihilists. There shouldnt be any doubts about
Pakistans resolve to defend its culture, its heritage and its future. Therefore,
it is both important, and wise that allied forces dont make this fight more
complicated by invading Pakistans territory
Leaving aside those who insist that dark and gloomy days are ahead
for Pakistan, it is obvious that despite all that is going on in Pakistan,
remarkably, the political leadership, or at least those who were elected
in the last election, are demonstrating incredible maturity. Instead of
denigrating each other now that they are no longer allies, Nawaz Sharif and
Asif Zardari treat each other with respect and deference.
After losing the presidential election, Nawaz Sharif personally went
to congratulate Asif Zardari, a supremely democratic gesture that made
every Pakistani proud. These developments and more importantly, these
gesture of cooperation and mutual respect, are crucial because the country
cannot afford another political crisis. Fortunately, the nation is coming
together to save itself from the negative forces bent on destroying
national confidence by carrying out vicious attacks.
Despite the threat of terrorism, Pakistan is on the recovery path
because of the thriving democracy in the country. For decades, the people
of Pakistan have survived without any help from their government. The
wheel of commerce has been in motion even when the business environment
was not hospitable. The people of Pakistan are tough, and they have proved
their resilience over the years despite coups, military rule and other
challenges that tested Pakistan as a nation, and it is safe to assume that the
country is not ready to give up on itself or its future.

EASTERN FRONT
Manmohan Singh and Asif Zardari met in New York on the sidelines
of UN General Assemblys annual session and discussed bilateral ties. The
latter accepted the formers invitation to visit India. Beyond the ambit of
bilateral relations, the US House approved the nuclear deal with India on
28th September. Two days later, India and France signed nuclear accord.

1065

These developments prompted Gilani to say that Pakistan would also

demand similar nuclear deal.
The confidence building process was resurrected because India
needed Pakistans cooperation to defuse the rising tension in IHK by striking
a deal for cross-LoC trade. Kashmiri leaders felt let down by Pakistan by
agreeing to the trade. In Pakistan, PTI urged linking cross LoC trade with
abidance to water treaty. At New York, Singh assured Zardari on 24 th
September of compliance of Indus Water Treaty just as Bush had done about
sovereignty couple of days ago.
Three acts negative to confidence building were reported in last two
weeks for which the fingers were raised towards Kashmiris, Pakistan and
Bangladesh. On 19th September, two terrorists and police inspector were
killed in a clash in New Delhi. Eight days later, one person was killed and 20
wounded in a bomb blast in New Delhi. On 1st October, three persons were
killed and more than hundred wounded in five bomb blasts in Agartala.
Perpetration of state terrorism in IHK continued:
On 19 September, 20 people were wounded in protests and clashes in
the Valley. Next day, the Valley remained crippled by the strike.
Indian troops killed six Kashmiris on 22nd September and fired along
LoC killing one girl in Azad Kashmir. Pakistan agreed to cross LoC
trade to reward India by easing pressure built up by Kashmiris.
Two Indian soldiers were killed in IHK on 23 rd September and two
Kashmiris were killed in a separate incident.
On 28th September, 11 Kashmiris and an Indian soldier were killed in
various incidents.
The Dawn commented on Singh-Zardari meeting. Given the
backdrop, it will take more than a photo-op meeting in New York to
restore trust between the two neighbours but at least a fresh start seems to
have been made. Prime Minister Singh has also vowed to resolve the
ongoing dispute triggered by the Baglihar Dam project in Indian-held
Kashmir. Pakistan has not been receiving anywhere near its share of water
envisaged under the Indus Water Treaty, and agriculture this side of Wagah
has suffered as a result.
It was also announced that at least four trade routes are to be opened,
one of them across the LoC. This is a welcome move and the plans
materialization clearly is the need of the day. In this day of regionalism,

1066

both countries and their citizens will benefit from freer trade and cheaper
goods. In this connection, attention must be given to breathing new life into
the comatose SAFTA agreement
There was also no mention in New York of the popular uprising
that is gathering strength in IHK or the brutality with which security
forces there are trying to suppress it. Understandable, perhaps, given that an
attempt was being made to ease tensions, not inflame passions. Still, what
President Zardari recently called the main hurdle in the way towards peace
and full normalization of relations between Pakistan and India has to be
discussed sooner than later. This is not to suggest that the two countries
should put everything else on hold until the Kashmir issue is resolved to the
satisfaction of all parties to the dispute. But the plight of the Kashmiri
people cannot be ignored either.

HOME FRONT
In Balochistan, Brambagh Bugti vowed to continue armed struggle.
On 27th September, at least 17 militants and two soldiers were killed in a
clash between FC troops and militants near Sui. Next day, the death toll in
clashes in Dera Bugti/Sui area rose to 28, including 3 FC soldiers. On 29 th
September, all cases against Khuda Bakhsh Murri and his son were
withdrawn by CM Balochistan. Next day, four FC soldiers were killed in
landmine blast in Zain Koh area of Dera Bugti.
A variety of incidents were reported on ideological front in short
period of two weeks. In the context of clash of civilizations, Aafiyas sister
asked for more efforts to save the life of her sister. On 22 nd September, three
Hazara men were gunned down in Quetta, probably due to Shia-Sunni
militancy. Five days later, Altaf Hussain asked the followers of his cult
called MQM to be prepared to defeat any attempt to Talibanize Karachi.
On war front ANP has unleashed offensive to defeat Taliban
ideologically; on 30th September Bashir Bilour and his team of secular
nazims defeated Mufti Munib and his team of religious dignitaries. He
announced that the Eid would be celebrated as per wishes of the people who
have voted them to power.

CONCLUSION

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Since the invasion and occupation of Afghanistan and the resultant

resistance by Pakhtuns (Taliban) on either side of the Durand Line enjoyed
the sympathies of the majority of Pakistanis despite their rulers deserting to
the ranks of the Crusaders. Seven years later there have been signs of
change; Taliban have begun to lose public support though the people may
not necessarily be supporting the regimes policy.
This change can be attributed to numerous factors relating to the
successive regimes, the tribesmen, foreign involvement and, of course the
Taliban. After securing access to tribal areas in the wake of occupation of
Afghanistan, Musharraf regime found it hard to secure consensus in tribal
areas on its Afghan policy. Thereafter, Musharraf pursued the age-old policy
of stick and carrot to win over some tribesmen, if not all.
This created fault lines which were hither-to-fore unknown in the
tribal society; the younger generation almost revolted against the elders
who were prepared to abandon pro-Taliban stance; thus the end result was
tribesmen killing tribesmen. It had to cast negative effects on Taliban sooner
or later.
With the regime change, the ANP that has been talking of restoration
of peace pursued Musharraf regimes policy more vehemently. It also
encouraged its political workers and activists in Swat and adjoining areas to
oppose the Taliban operating there. Their opposition resulted in attacks on
ANP leaders and their relatives.
ANPs jurisdiction was restricted to settled areas, and in the tribal
areas Zardari regime ventured to prove that it could fight the Taliban more
ruthlessly, as was promised by Bibi Sahiba. The indiscriminate use of
excessive military force which was somehow avoided by Musharraf
resulted in wide spread death and destruction and displacement of half a
million people. This strategy, a favourite of the US forces, results in winning
over the weaker hearts and minds; and such winning never lasts long.
The present regime and that of the immediate past have been doing
and continue doing so on the behest of the United States, who claims to be
fighting a holy war against terrorism. The US knows only one way to win
this war; the way of death and destruction. To this end it has been sabotaging
all efforts that sought solution through dialogue. The deals and their
violations have cast aspersions on both sides irrespective of the fact as to
who was to be blamed more.
The US has been even by-passing Musharraf regime and contacting
some tribal elders to purchase their support for protecting their interests.
1068

Apparently, the US officials failed to make any major inroads in this regard,
but there have been some success. This has made the ugly war uglier.
The US has not been alone in making things murkier; the puppet
regime in Kabul and India has been extending their hands quite willingly.
Apart from the reported contacts with Baitullah Mehsud, the two were
definitely involved in terrorist attacks inside Pakistan. Strangely, this aspect
of the war on terror has been kept secret from people of Pakistan.
The tribesmen, by act or neglect, by intent or unintentionally, too have
caused damage to the cause of Pakhtuns (Taliban). Their weakness for the
carrot has made them to lose their way. They have been running to grab the
dangling carrots; no matter who held the attached string.
The inter-tribe rivalries lend the tribesmen vulnerable to exploitation.
The regimes in Islamabad as well as those in Washington, Kabul and New
Delhi have fully made use of this weakness as was seen recently in Bajaur,
Khyber and Kurram agencies.
Taliban, the real force that is resisting the occupation of Afghanistan
by the US and its allies, too have made mistakes. They failed in maintaining
unity over determining/prioritizing the enemy to be tackled. Senior
leadership of Taliban in Afghanistan remained focused on occupation forces
and did not want to extend their resistance to their ally; Pakistan.
This was strategically correct approach for two reasons; though there
was morally nothing wrong in imposing war on Pakistan. One, Taliban
lacked resources to sustain their struggle on two fronts. Two, two-front war
would deny them space/room to fall back, so essential in guerrilla warfare.
Talibans supporters in Pakistan, or Pakistani Taliban that have now
seemed to have gathered under the banner of TTP, faltered and disobeyed the
instructions of the real Taliban. They also allowed all kinds of fighters to
join their ranks and some of them were criminal. Of late, they have also
gone grossly wrong in selecting the targets for and timing of suicide attacks.
The demolition of schools has been wrong right from the start as it could not
help them winning the public sympathies.
The foregoing reveals that there are now various forces fighting with
one another in different parts of the country for aims and objectives that
have to do very little with resistance against the US. In Bajaur, Salarzai and
Othmanzai tribes have sided with the army against other tribes of the area
supported by tribes from across the Durand Line. In Swat, the militants have
turned their attention from PML-Q to ANP leaders, who had become quite

1069

vocal in expressing their anti-Taliban feelings. The same is happening in

areas close to Peshawar like Shabqadar.
In Khyber Agency, out of two religious factions that have been
fighting with each other one claims to be pro-government. Some tribal elders
of this Agency have met US officials before and after February polls,
reportedly with money bags. This secret disbursement of USAID was
important because movement of logistics through Khyber Pass has been vital
for maintenance of foreign troops in Afghanistan. Of late, the tribesmen had
evicted militants from Malagori area, which is rich in marble mining. By
the way, Malagori tribe is considered inferior by their neighbour Afridis.
In Darra, tribesmen have been supported by Baitullah to cut
movement between Peshawar and Waziristan agencies; and he, in turn, is
reportedly funded by India. Orakzai Agency has spillover from Kurram
Agency which is in the grip of sectarian militancy. Shias of this agency had
sought help from Karzai and most probably they were obliged by him.
Waziristan agencies have been virtually at the mercy of the United States
and Baitullah Mehsud.
In the scenario in which so many forces are pitched against each other,
the legitimate resistance of Pakhtuns against the occupation forces has been
obscured from the sight of the people of Pakistan and thus; Taliban have
begun to lose their sympathies. The people have started questioning the
Talibans cause. This has been a major breakthrough for the US in its aim of
demonizing the Taliban.
Members of Zardari regime like Rehman Malik and others have sets
of approved statements for different kinds of events in the ongoing war.
First, the condemnatory statements are blurted out with agitating fluency
after every terrorist attack, ordinary or suicide. In these statements the
attackers are declared non-Muslims and accused of doing no service to Islam
or Pakistan and of course pledges are made to bring the culprits to book.
These statements are the same which were used by Musharraf regime.
Second set is a version of democratizing statements that were issued
during Musharraf era. Rehman Malik comes out after every killing spree in
tribal areas or Swat and boasts of killing hundreds of terrorists, which of
course include women and children, always blaming them for initiating the
fighting. He makes it convenient to avoid saying who and what service has
been rendered to Islam and Pakistan by the use F-16s and gunship
helicopters to kill women and children on the behest of the Crusaders.

1070

Another set comprises variety of statements for post-cross-border

attacks by the US and to be selected and issued with a view to minimizing
the impression that any violation of the sovereignty of Pakistan has been
committed. Malik and Mukhtar have the shameless competence in this
regard. For example, the missile attack soon after Mullens visit was owned
by Pentagon and resented by many members of the regime, yet when Malik
was asked by media, he replied that we are trying to find out whether there
was actually an attack or not.
Reportedly, the US forces have been tasked to secure good news as
parting gift for Bush. To this end three moves have been quite significant.
One, scores of intelligence agents from all over the world have been brought
into Afghanistan and deployed along Durand Line.
Two, Zardari regime has also been tamed to allow aerial penetrations
into Pakistans airspace. Three, Pakistan has finally agreed to accept US
training teams. The base where these trainers will be stationed is suitably
situated in area around which Pakistans nuclear assets and defence
production facilities are located.
This brings us to a question as to what could be that good news for
which the forces have been tasked. Maybe, the US has hoped to capture or
had planned to declare some top al-Qaeda leader already held by it; just as
Dr Aafiya was caught in Ghazni last July after having been in US custody
for years. And, in the process, Pakistan could also be blamed for providing
safe heavens to terrorist leadership.
As regards the carrots on offer for the Zardari regime; the conference
of Friends of Pakistan held in New York reminds one the donors
conferences held after invasion and occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq
respectively. Herein, one must appreciate the strategy of the Crusaders that
they, without invading or occupying have brought nuclear-capable Pakistan
to a situation where it would require donations for reconstruction.
The US has helped bringing democracy to Pakistan as part of its
strategy of regime change. Zardari has emerged on the scene only for
serving the US interests better than his predecessor. One must hope and pray
that disintegration of Pakistan in not one of the interests of the United States.
After Marriott Attack, Rehman Malik, as usual, hurried in blaming
the attackers for doing no service to Islam and Pakistan; thereby indirectly
identifying the culprits. It is high time that the tendency of jumping to the
conclusion is curbed, because the subversive activities in Pakistan are no
more restricted to al-Qaeda and Taliban.
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There are parties which have the scores to settle with Pakistan like
India, Russia and even Iran. The designs of the so-called ally, the US, are far
more nefarious than an enemy could have. Above all, one has also to see
whether the attack is terror act or extension of diversionary manoeuvre
launched in the form of cross border attacks.
3rd October 2008

PPP CONSOLIDATING
With the election of Zardari as president of Pakistan, the PPP has fully
established itself politically. The only strong-hold of PML-N in Punjab
remained to be conquered for which the two politicians, Taseer and Wattoo,
were tasked to prepare grounds for final assault.
Concurrently, the threat of restoration of deposed judges was almost
neutralized by seducing most of the judges to accept reappointment instead
of restoration. Honorable found no harm in rattling out an oath one more
time. Resultantly, the Attorney General openly started saying that Iftikhar
Chaudhry could not be restored as the CJP.
Exactly two weeks after the presidential election he addressed the
parliament and the same day Marriott Hotel in Islamabad was attacked and
in less than 24 hours of the attack Zardari was on his way to New York,

1072

which reflected his confidence of having things under control. His

interaction with Sara Palin in New York also showed that he had overcome
the grief of Bibi Sahibas murder.
Seemingly, he was able to convince the Crusaders that he would
perform better than his predecessor in their holy war against Islamic
fascists. They kept him on the hook by arranging a conference of the
Friends of Pakistan wherein they promised to meet again about a month later
to consider aid package for the friend in trouble.

EVENTS
Salman Taseer and Manzoor Wattoo briefed Zardari on 13 th September
about their talks with PML-Q leaders; the latter told the former to show
some concrete progress in Punjab. President, who has not said a word to
condemn cross-border attacks by US, condemned New Delhi bomb blasts.
Latif Kosa said Iftikhar could not be restored as Dogar was performing well.
Next day, Parvez Elahi resigned as Leader of Opposition amid
rumours of PPP-PML-Q deal at federal and provincial (Punjab) levels.
Zardari, who had said less than a week ago that his first foreign visit would
to China, was summoned by Brown to Britain. He responded promptly and
arrived in London on 14th September; achieving yet another distinction of
protocol violation a president summoned by a prime minister. PPP
ministers were not on talking terms with Shahbaz Sharif. MQM urged PPP
to solve problems of its ministers in Sindh.
On 15th September, British Justice Secretary Jack Straw met Shahbaz
Sharif and Aitzaz Ahsan also met him at dinner hoisted in his honour.
Zardari extended his stay in London by one day. PML-Q was poised to join
hands with PPP in Punjab to topple PML-N government.
On 16th September three more judges of Sindh High Court took oath
after their reappointment. NAB told Sindh High Court that no case was
pending against Zardari; even those in foreign courts have been withdrawn
by Pakistan government. Zardari held talks with Altaf in London. Qazi
blamed the Zardari regime for following Musharrafs policies. Pervaiz Elahi
was reportedly working for alliance with PML-Q.
On 17th September, Asfandyar was elected chairman of Standing
Committee of foreign affairs; earlier Maulana Fazlur Rahman was elected
chairman of Kashmir Committee. Sindh Chief Minister and ministers were
summoned to Islamabad by Zardari.
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Politicking on Iftar parties was in full swing in Punjab; Salman Taseer,

Pervaiz Elahi and Shahbaz opened the door of swab-ud-daarain. Both
Leagues claimed maximum congregation of the members of forward bloc.
Salman Taseer said horse-trading not in PPPs dictionary. Zardari has always
been fond of ponies.
Punjab police arrested 20 members of Wajahat Force of Chaudhry
brothers in Gujrat on 18th September. PML-N asked Zardari to quit PPPs cochairmanship. Lawyers held weekly protest rallies. Supreme Court building
was fortified to keep the lawyers at bay. In Multan, jiyala lawyers scuffled
with protesting lawyers.
On 19th September, Altaf Hussain hailed Zardaris prompt action to
address MQMs grievances. Nation waited for Zardaris address to
parliament despite the fact that he has hardly fulfilled any promise since
February 18. Lawyer groups backed by Zardari regime vowed to defeat Ali
Ahmad Kurd. The spokesman of the deposed CJP regretted Justice Sabih
joining al-Faida group.
Next day, Zardari addressed the joint session of the parliament and
asked the lawmakers to revisit the constitutional clauses related to
presidential power. He said nothing about future of terrorist judges.
Opposition parties termed Zardaris speech disappointing. Four more judges
were recruited in al-Faida Group. Punjab government pressed on action
against Wajahat Force.
On 21st September, Zardari arrived in London on way to New York.
PTV Chairman was left behind for inquiring into the mess-up created during
telecast of Zardaris speech. Reportedly, some journalists refused to
accompany Zardari to America; some of them were Ansar Abbasi, Nazir
Naji and Hamid Mir. Next day, ATC in Gujranwala sent 25 men of Wajahat
Force to jail. Reportedly, PPP and PML-N have agreed to ceasefire on
Punjab front.
On 23rd September, Zardari met Bush and thanked him for restoration
of democracy (regime change) in Pakistan. Pakistani lawyers planned a
protest against Zardari outside UN headquarters. In Pakistan, lawyers
observed Iftikhar Day across the country and condemned reappointment of
deposed judges.
Next day, PHC dismissed a petition against display of ballot papers in
presidential election. The court (courts in Pakistan have transformed from
constitutional to PCO, and then to jiyala) referred to the clause 6 of the
Article 41 of the Constitution, which states the validity of the election of the
1074

president shall not be called in question by or challenged before any court or

other authority. Lawyers observed token strike across the country. PAC
summoned record of Musharraf regime. PML-N decided to co-exist with
PPP in Punjab.
Zardari paid compliments to Palin when she came to meet him on 25 th
September. He called her gorgeous and showed desire to hug her;
according to US peoples response 60 percent of them did not like Zardaris
utterances. Zardari urged UN to form commission to probe Benazirs
murder. Lawyers observed weekly boycott of courts.
On 26th September, friends met in New York to rescue Pakistan from
possible economic collapse and promised to meet again a month later.
Rehman Malik briefed foreign diplomats who demanded effective security.
Next day, a session court in Karachi issued warrants of arrest of former NAB
chairman, Saifur Rehman, who had fabricated cases of corruption against
Zardari. Zardari asked UN for early probe into Bibi Sahibas murder and he
also prompted the findings: hold terrorists responsible for the crime. The
deposed CJP remained hopeful of success.
On 28th September, Zardari said that those who killed his wife could
also kill him. He pledged action on receipt of information about Osama.
Imran asked the youth to oppose forces of change. Next day, Opposition
leader, Chaudhry accused Zardari of acting like Musharraf i.e., by-passing
the parliament in decision-making.
A senior lawyer sent a legal notice to Governor State Bank to
withdraw all new currency notes of all denominations, because these do not
carry the Hadith of rizq-i-helal ain ibadat hai. The Governor had correctly
assumed that it was no more required after the NRO-ed leadership came into
power. PML-Q leadership was reported to be keen to join PPP.
Zardari talked of Zardari dynasty. He hoped that one day Bakhtawar
and Asifa would be president of Pakistan as restriction of woman becoming
president has been removed. But, no big leaders risked offering Eid prayers
at public places like the past. They preferred to remain in fortified places;
even the COAS said his prayer in Chaklala Cantt. On 3 rd October, Salman
Taseer met Tahirul Qadri with a message from Zardari. It was an attempt to
muster support of religious scholars to Zardaris war on terror.

VIEWS

1075

The comments during the period, like those since February elections,
have been more or less Zardari-nama. I A Rehman commented with
reference to Punjab. Among other things that Mr Zardari will need to do to
rise above party politics is to stop opting for what may be legally possible if
it is politically impressible. There is no legal bar to the PPPs entertaining
ideas of capturing the Punjab gaddi but political wisdom prohibits this
course so long as the Shahbaz Sharif government does not go out of its way
to court disaster. The need to say this arises from statements seen over the
past few weeks in which politics was seen through the lens of law.
Unfortunately, the PML-N too stood by its legal right to oppose Mr
Zardari and did not realize the political implications of pitting Punjab
against the three other federating units. Sadly enough, preferring the legal
argument to political imperatives has been a traditional feature of Pakistans
muddled politics. Which only means that for developing a democratic
political culture, without which Pakistans crisis of state will not end, the
government, political parties and civil society elements that subscribe to
democratic ideals will have to work together in harmony and over quite a
long distance.
Mr Zardari, on his part, will be required to guard against
himself. He has so far succeeded in having his war through tactical
maneouvring that may at best be described as clever. He has consistently
resorted to diversionary marches before moving his queen to confront the
adversary with a check-and-mate challenge. He did this in the matter of
naming the PPP nominee, while planning a Gen Musharrafs ouster, and
again in the case of his own nomination for the presidency. Persistence in
this style may soon become counter-productive. Clever tacticians do offer
their audience some exciting fare but they rarely have long lives in politics.
They become unpredictable and each time they win by a surprise move
public trust in them is eroded.
Mr Zardari will improve his ability to meet the challenges everybody
is trying to remind him if he does not forget the various barbs thrown at him,
however off the mark they might have been. His critics also will serve
themselves well by giving him the benefit of the doubt rather than
wallowing in their own misgivings
However, politicians grow in a climate congenial to genuine politics
and by rubbing shoulders with equally eminent stake-holders in the common
quest for a better future for both the state and the people. Such conditions
can be created only by discarding the traditional mindset and venturing out
1076

into the world of open discourse with freedom to think and articulate
alternatives to the legacy of authoritarianism on the one hand and the
curse of obscurantism on the other.
Kamran Shafi wrote: Foreign Office advised Asif Zardari that putting
off the China visit for a private visit to London first wouldnt be a problem.
Who are the core-professionals trying to fool? The ancient and cultured
Chinese, where loss of face is a slight, worse than any other? Yousuf Raza
Gilani started it all by going to the US first (and not to China at all the
Olympics junket in which Pakistan did disgracefully, does not qualify as a
state visit), and now Zardari does it by going to the UK and then to the US
(?) before visiting our great friend and great neighbour.
Rehana Naqvi from Karachi observed: President Zardari has made
the same mistake the Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan had made. He
was invited by the Soviet Union to pay his first official visit to Kremlin.
Before an acceptance was conveyed by Pakistan (or was it conveyed?), the
US also invited him. His fellow cabinet ministers urged him to visit the US
first
President Zardari, who had declared before going to the US to
undertake his first official visit to China, seems either to go back on his
words or was compelled to visit the US first. The Chinese leaders largehearted as they are would not have felt betrayed or altercated as did
Russians. It is unfair equating Liaquat Ali with Zardari even inadvertently.
He could have sent the prime minister to New York for the speech
at UN and himself gone to Beijing. The impact of that visit would have been
quite favourable to Pakistan and for the friends in need. The message to the
US could have been equally important and meaningful. Washington needs to
be told about Pakistans needs, requirements and priorities. When will they
understand Islamabads position?
The Dawn commented on his address to the parliament. The full
pageantry of democracy was on display and it was reassuring to see, for
once, politicians, opposition and treasury members alike, adhere to more
elevated norms of civility. The main show, however, was the presidents
speech which left one feeling short-changed. While the nation looked
towards the president for policy, the president provided rhetoric
instead. Only a few hours later, the bombing in Islamabad was a macabre
reminder if one was needed of the high stakes involved.
The bombing also provided a gory backdrop to President Zardaris
remarks on the war against terrorism. The presidents voice rose when in a
1077

clear allusion to recent US strikes inside FATA he said that Pakistan will
not tolerate any violation of its sovereignty. However, no explanation was
given of how the government will go about fulfilling its vow. The
president rightly pointed out that Pakistan must understand the limits of
confrontation between Pakistan and the US or Afghanistan would be
disastrous and must be avoided at all costs.
However, Pakistanis are confused by the do-nothing policy of its
leaders. One clear, positive measure announced by the president was the
holding of an in-camera joint session of parliament to brief MPs on the
militancy threat. Yet the president did not take the nation into confidence
on the situation in Bajaur, Swat, Khyber, Kurram, Mohmand, Waziristan,
Dir which inevitably will be linked to yesterdays bombing.
About the constitution and the much-maligned, anti-parliament
Seventeenth Amendment and Article 58-2(b), the president boasted: Never
before has a president stood here and given away his powers. But the
president only invited an all-party committee to revisit the
constitutional amendments. No timelines and no specifics of what will be
changed were given
Similarly, the presidents comments on Balochistan were
disappointing. It clearly goes to the credit of the government that violence
in Balochistan has come to a virtual halt in recent weeks. However, the
president gave no next-steps or roadmap on how his government hopes to
achieve permanent peace in the restive province. The only sign of
acknowledgement of issues in the smaller provinces was his call to the
government to restore provincial autonomy and rename the NWFP
Pakhtunkhwa.
The economy too got the glib treatment. President Zardari
promised to take Pakistan out of the artificial darkness caused by the
electricity shortage; to position the country as a hub of regional commerce
and trade; and to revive sustainable growth. How all this will be achieved
was left unsaid.
Karamatullah K Ghori said that he should know that he cannot fool all
the people all the time. President Zardari, now comfortably ensconced in
the niche where he always aspired to be since the tragic murder of his betterhalf, still seems to suffer from the classic syndrome that he could take all
of the people of Pakistan on a fairy-tale ride all of the time.
The formal excuse from Mr Zardaris apologists and partisans for his
flight out of Islamabad when the capital city was, literally in flames, is that
1078

he had not only a date at the UN to keep but also to meet with President
Bush on the sidelines of the UN GA. The logic of a date at the UN is deeply
flawed But the excuse of making acquaintance of a lame-duck President
Bush, whose days in the White House are numbered, is not only illogical but
also insulting to the nation traumatized by the harrowing episode at
Islamabads Marriott
One feels hurt to see Zardari moving quickly into the shoes of
Musharraf. He has not only fully embraced Musharrafs policy of total
submission to US diktat but is also not even shying away from furnishing
proof of his slavish surrender to the discredited philosophy of Musharraf that
has brought so much pain and suffering to the Pakistani people. Theres
some urgent damage control due from Mr Zardari if he wishes to put the
Pakistani peoples snowballing skepticism, which hasnt been addressed by
him or any of his acolytes.
Instead of leveling with Bush, Zardari needs to level with the
Pakistani people and share with them the deal that Musharraf had cut
with his American mentors to pawn away Pakistan to American interests,
and what deal was rammed through PM Gilanis throat when he went to
Washington two months ago to seek blessings for his tenure. Getting a pat
on his back from a discredited Bush should be secondary to getting the
approbation of the people of Pakistan for Mr Zardari.
The Pakistani people need to be assured that they havent bargained
for a putative dictator in mufti to replace his uniformed predecessor. The
confidence of the people in their leadership, which had been totally eroded
under Musharraf, must be restored and the only way of doing that is to
pursue a policy on combating terrorism that is seen to be different from
Musharrafs and more open to scrutiny. A policy with people behind it
The first to be shown the door must be none other than the
Interior czar, Rehman Malik. He is pathetic and his performance at the
head of the internal security establishment is one of successive and dismal
failure. He failed to protect BB when heading her security team and has been
repeating that failure many times over in his present capacity.
What a shame that even in the wake of an appalling failure of
intelligence and policing in Islamabad, Rehman Malik is still adamantly
insisting that there was no such failure. What an inane argument to proffer
that dump trucks werent allowed into Islamabad during daylight hours.
Damn it. What he was implying was that terrorists were free to bring their
lethal stuff into Islamabad after sunset
1079

Even more deserving than Malik to be shown the nearest exit is

the man thrust on the embassy in Washington, the most sensitive and
important diplomatic mission for us in the present circumstances. That man
is in hock to the Americans and you cant entrust a mission of such delicacy
and sensitivity to one suspected of being a factotum of the neocons ruling
the roost in Washington. We need an ambassador guarding the interests of
Pakistan in that demanding position rather than awatch-dog of American
interests.
President Zardari can postpone the Herculean task of cleaning the
Augean stables in his own government only at the cost of further testing of
the frayed nerves of the Pakistani people. They are already at the short end
of their tether and anyone taking them for granted, any longer, would be
doing so at his own peril, and at the cost of national tranquility and
harmony.
Anwer Syed expressed his views on Zardaris US visit. In his address
to the UN General assembly Zardari mentioned Pakistans major problems
only in passing. He wanted to talk mainly of himself and his family. He
placed a large picture of Benazir Bhutto on the rostrum where all could see
it, spoke of his abiding love for her and his dedication to her legacy. He
announced, to the puzzlement of his listeners, that only the Benazir
Doctrine (of which they had never heard) could solve the worlds
problems in the 21st century. He said he had come to the UN looking for
justice which must be done by the appointment of a commission to
investigate Ms Bhuttos assassination. This was a bad speech, unbecoming
of a president, and one that did nothing for his country.
During his visit to the UN and other places, Mr Zardari took on the
mission of introducing himself to world leaders who happened to be present.
Second, he wanted them to know that democracy had arrived in Pakistan,
that the country now had a democratic government, that the transition to
democracy has been completed with his election as president, and that all of
this should be good news to the world he should also tell his audiences
about Pakistans central role in the war against terror, and the fact that its
economy was close to collapse, and that the world must come to its
assistance.
There is no convincing explanation of why Mr Zardari came to
address the General Assembly. As far as I can tell, presidents who are
heads of executive back home came but those who are heads of state did not.
Manmohan Singh came as prime minister, not president of India. Many

1080

other prime ministers were present, and in some cases lesser officials
represented their countries.
That Mr Zardari got to shake hands with a certain number of foreign
dignitaries may have made him feel good but it cannot be said to have
brought any gains to Pakistan. government officials as well as the people
of important western and Asian countries may have some interest in
Pakistan, but it is unlikely that they want to know Mr Zardari
Democracy has come to Pakistan primarily because the generality of
its people, print and electronic media, lawyers and judges, and other organs
of civil society wanted it. Mr Zardari has had nothing to do with its
arrival. Pakistan has done itself good by readmitting democracy, but in
doing so it has not done the world a favor over which it should rejoice.
Mr Zardari does not have the credentials to present himself as a
champion of democracy. He makes all the important decisions for the PPP,
and the party notables do his bidding. He advocates the supremacy of the
constitution and sovereignty of parliament. In a parliamentary system the
prime minister and his cabinet propose policies to parliament and manage
the governments day-to-day business. But Mr Zardari directs this
countrys governance in violation of its constitution. If he is democrat, he
is one in some weird sense of the term unknown to most of us
The world is being asked to pull Pakistan out of its currently
disastrous economic situation. Its spokesmen say it needs an immediate
infusion of $10 to 15bn, and that is to start with. The country is incurring
huge budget and trade deficits. Mr Zardari has no expertise in economic
management that would enable him to identify the follies that have brought
the country to the brink of a meltdown. Nor does he know specifically
what his government must do to help the nations economy recover
beyond any help that the outside world may give.
Ashaar Rehman observed that he and his party never wanted
restoration of judges. The most offended are the lawyers. They had
toiled for 18 long months in the most trying conditions to keep the flag of
independence high. And the fact that they have been deceived by the PPP,
the party with a rather unexplained reputation for siding with the popular,
the hurt is that much greater. They vow that now that they have identified
who is who in the countrys politics it will give fresh impetus to their thrust
for an out and out victory.

1081

The less passionate among the lawyers do understand though that the
recent re-induction of a large number of judges who had refused to bow to
the Nov 2007 PCO has taken the steam out of their sails. The deceitful PPP
government with one act has reduced the lawyers from fighting for an
institution to shouting for one individual.
There are many who say that this is not the time for mourning the
loss but a time for celebrating a unique occurrence in the history of Pakistan.
Truly, it is impossible to find an instance in the countrys history that
can rival the lawyers movement in its commitment
It is being said that the PPP government actually never intended to
restore the judiciary as it stood on Nov 2, 2007. In hindsight, this allegation
can be proven without much hustle, but what cannot then be explained
easily is the genuine tone of the lawyers leaders who have been in recent
times goading the PPP members to deliver on the promise their leader
Benazir Bhutto made outside of the deposed chief justice just six days after
the imposition of emergency in November last year.
It can also be argued that many battles still remain to be fought
before curtains could be drawn on the biggest political drive in Pakistan
in more than two decades. yet, it would be in the interest of all those with
aching limbs and painful hearts to just stop and take stock of the way they
had moved forward since March 9, 2007 This is necessary before we
launch into our next big movement.
Those who argue for a continuation of the lawyers march would do
well to remember where it was that they compromised the argumentative
style they have been trained in and where it became irresistible for them to
leave their turf and play the politician. In an open letter in December last
year, Barrister Aitzaz Ahsan said: If one unarmed lawyer could win
independence of this country. I do not see any reason why we, thousands of
lawyers, should not be able to achieve victory.
The answer is inherent in the quote. The one who created Pakistan
settled for much less than he had aimed for. Those who sought to save the
Quaids country maintained there could be no compromise on their
demands. They failed to act as clever bargaining agents when their
movement was at its peak and we may all have to pay a price for this.
Anwar Syed opined: We can be sure that Mr Zardari will have a
directing role in this countrys governance to some degree. We do not know
if he has the will and wisdom required of a good director. We have to date
seen him handle only one major issue of governance (that relating to the
1082

deposed judges), and his performance in that case has not been reassuring.
He did not want them to be reinstated but did not want to say so.
Some of them have been reappointed upon swearing to uphold the
constitution mutilated by Pervez Musharraf, thus indicating they have been
made to affirm that Musharrafs imposition of emergency rule and the
actions he took in its pursuance, were valid and that their own refusal to
honour it was wrong.
Delay as a way of tiring out the other side was Mr Zardaris
favourite tactic in dealing with problems. It worked with the judges who
were deposed more than 10 months ago. But it will not work with the
Taliban, restoration of law and order or rectification of the budget and trade
deficits. Let us then hope (and pray) that he will learn and adopt other ways
of resolving the nations problems.
Kamran Shafi wrote: What in the world did My Lord Iftikhar
Chaudhry do to deserve any of this? How does he, of all people, deserve
to be disgraced in the manner that every Tom, Dick and Harry in the old
dispensation, and every Tom, Dick and Harry in the present one,
disgraced/are disgracing him; or tried/are trying to?
Kamran went on to narrate the acts of Justice Iftikhar since he took
charge as the CJP, which included his famous No on March 9 and
subsequent threats by Generals including General Kayani who was then DG
ISI; and then added: Does Attorney General Khosa, who is fast proving
himself to be more than a fitting replacement for the unlamented Malik
Qayyum, really think he can get away by saying that Mr Dogar is a
constitutional CJ and therefore My Lord Iftikhar Chaudhry cannot become
chief justice?
Was CJ Chaudhry removed constitutionally? More than anything
else, the Peoples Party has always stood for constitutionality and democracy
that comes when you follow the constitution. How in the world can it justify
what its Toms, Dicks and Harrys are saying today? Does Asif Zardari
really think he can live this down?
Tasneem Noorani observed: A lot of people are surprised at his swift
ascendancy and some are critical, but you cant fault him of achieving this
position, because he has done it through the due process of democracy,
which everyone has been clamouring for, since last nine years.
This is the stage where he needs everyones support and Nawaz
Sharif has very gracefully offered his besides categorically stating that he

1083

wants President Zardaris government to complete its tenure. All the more
creditable, since he is obviously piqued at the broken promises, which have
also made him look a little simple and nave naivety being a no-no for a
politician, which is all about being shrewd and cunning.
But there is an ache in the heart, a vague depression in this moment
of joy, at the way the lawyers movement has been dealt a fatal blow; the
very movement that weakened Gen Musharraf Why should one raise this
issue when the previous chief justice and the few principled judges, who
have not taken oath, will fade away in few months because we as a nation
are allergic to the display of sustainable emotions for principled people? We
find them odd and nave.
The issue needs raising not for the sake of the judges but because if
we let this movement slip away, we will lose great opportunity to set up
a sustainable democratic system in the country. If the judiciary, which for
the first time in Pakistans history, dared to confront a general in absolute
power, is not restored, President Zardari will himself miss them when a
general, two to three years down the road, decides to find faults There will
be no one to provide leadership to resist the general, like the judiciary
provided this time
Perhaps Zardari is afraid that Nawaz Sharif will steal the
thunder, because he made the judges issue a cornerstone of his political
campaign. It would have been better to let Nawaz Sharif have his moment of
glory now, when elections are not due. He will now be able to doubly
encash
Contrary to the possible perception of the previous judiciary would
be harmful to the interest of Zardari; they could actually be a source of
strength for him. With a bit of judicial activism, the judiciary (as it was
doing) would keep the government functionaries on their toes, which would
improve governance a feather in the cap of the government.
If the missing persons issue was raised, it would be good for the
image of Pakistan and also bring a certain organization under the control of
President Zardari one that he unsuccessfully tried to make subservient some
time ago. In any case, judges, even the principled ones, would not be
unrealistic if a certain action was actually in the countrys interest, and
they were taken into confidence.
An effective and strong judiciary can even be useful against
extremism. If they are respected, their adverse orders, which the

1084

administration is averse to issuing, will have to be obeyed by the extremists

or they will lose public support without which no movement can succeed.
One feels for the judges who have chosen to sacrifice their careers
and livelihood for the sake of their principles and in the larger interest of the
country. This time we need to make a conscious effort to make heroes of
them, so that their successors can look forward to getting something to in
return for their sacrifice.
If the war heroes we eulogize and pray for every Sept 6 saved this
country with their blood, every March 9 (Nov 3) we should eulogize and
print photos of those judicial casualties who preferred to sacrifice their
careers for the sake of democracy, rather than compromise on their
principles.
I A Rehman was of the view that there may be some sorrow for
lawyers, but there is much for joy. For a large number of Pakistanis the
lawyers movement for the restoration of judges unjustifiably sidelined by
the out-going president was at the top of prestige issues, for which they had
struggled as best they could for more than a year. Most of these new
fighters for justice and rule of law feel frustrated to the extent of
withdrawal from social activism.
At the same time, hardly a day passes when one does not hear of
utterly horrible acts of bestially against the weak and the underprivileged.
Some of the most heart-rending reports in recent days included the
disclosure of a cellar-prison in the city of Lahore where a man, literate
enough to be a government employee, had imprisoned his father and sisters
for over a decade, a treatment they did not deserve especially because of
being infirm in mind, and the plight of an old man in Arifwala who had been
chained in the street like a dog for several decades.
Stories of little girls being given away as vani and women
bludgeoned to death under jirga orders appear every other day. A wretched
man sold his newborn child for Rs100 and the nation was not outraged, so
used it has become to wanton killing, sale of children and human beings
brutality to fellow beings.
All this is grist to the mills of a dirge-loving people. But this is not
all that is happening in Pakistan. The cup of sorrow may have filled up to the
brim but nothing should make us forget that humankind, Pakistanis included,
is moving forward despite the efforts of war-mongers and agents of death
and doom to push it back into a dark age.

1085

There is no need to lose heart if all expectations of change after Feb

18 do not appear to have materialized. For one thing some change has taken
place. For another the people never give up. They have survived many
electoral disappointments and they will show their ballot power again.
Likewise, post-Musharraf disappointments cannot obscure the
peoples role in the battle for the presidency, for it was they who paved the
way to change. They had done this more than once earlier and they will
do so again whenever required.
The lawyers and their supporters should be celebrating their
triumph instead of lamenting their imaginary failures. They have
succeeded to a greater extent than many other civil society movements
operating on the comparable (and quite small) base. They have deprived
their opponents of all decent excuses. They have carried the day even if
losses on their side are unwelcome. And the struggle goes on. The loss of a
battle or two does not matter so long as the war is not finally lost.
The stories of brutality against and oppression of the marginalized
are surely having some effect, though not as quick and dramatic as some
expect. The pressure on the government to treat violence against women and
children as social problems and not merely as law and order matters is
growing. Even in the conflict-torn northern territory public resistance to
terrorists is taking shape. This offers better hope of salvation than gunfire
and appeasement of the pseudo-religious clerics. Then quite a few positive
things are happening.

Other issues were also commented upon. The Dawn wrote about
the tussle in Punjab for which it blamed PML-N. It will be impossible to
absolve the PML-N of all blame should it lose its grip on power in Punjab. It
is difficult to say which came first the PPPs effort to seize the biggest and
most powerful province or the PML-Ns attempt to force the PPP to sit on
the opposition benches.
The PPPs support for Mian Shahbaz Sharif was not conditional on
the fulfillment of any promise. Consequently, it can be argued that the
PPP has no moral compulsion to leave the Punjab cabinet. If any has that
compulsion, it is the PML-N which continues in power while judges
continue to be re-sworn at the Lahore High Court barely a kilometer away
from the Punjab Assembly.
Izzud-Din Pal observed: A commentary published in The Washington
Post by Mr Asif Ali Zardarigives us a very clear idea about his future

1086

agenda. He has made several points in this piece concerning the pattern of
democracy as he seems to envisage, and I will focus on three of them as
follows.
First, he laments how the people of Pakistan have been ignored and
even subjugated by Pakistans establishment. This follows from his earlier
remark in which he underlines that politics of the country has been a struggle
between democratic forces and an elite oligarchy, located exclusively in a
region stretching between Lahore and Rawalpindi-Islamabad.
His second point relates to the constitution and his promise to amend
it to bring it back with a balance of power among parliament, the senate
and the presidency. Lastly, referring to the judiciary, he declares that this
institution should be reconstituted, so that future judges are selected on
merit.
Concerning his first point, the struggle of democratic forces is a
preposterous claim because there have not been any democratic forces
flourishing in the country. The statement is false and contradicts the
historical factsHis second and the third points; there seems to be a
complete volte-face in the position of the PPP about these issues
Zardari governments position is vulnerable on two counts. First
is the question of balance which is a code word to renege on restoring the
1973 Constitution. The second concerns his reputation. It is a heavy baggage
and would affect his ability to freely manoeuvre in international affairs.
One-party rule by the PPP, with striking continuity of the Musharraf
regime, including the old elite alliances, will underline the fact that a truly
civilian government still remains an unfulfilled objective. More work has
to be done to accomplish this goal. The next general elections, if they are
free and fair, may turn out to be a serious test for the PPP.
S Akbar Zaidi opined: The one consistent factor which defines the
performance of the Peoples Party government since March this year has
been the absence of any clear thinking or vision in key areas, many of
which are deteriorating as the months go by. It is important to emphasize the
point, however, that no one expects any government, especially one which
has had to bargain hard in order to establish its writ and control over the
institutions of the state, to start fixing all the ills that affect governance and
state structures within a few weeks. Far from it.
However, there is certainly the need and expectation that after six
months the government will have a clear plan and purpose about what it

1087

wants to do and how it intends to go about it. Whether these plans succeed
and how they are implemented is of secondary concern. The most important
need is to give clear signals to establish the fact that the government is
concerned about things, that it has a strategy, and that it is beginning to put it
into place. While there are many areas and sectors where it is quite clear that
this government has no plan, vision or strategy whatsoever, the one critical
sector where this is most apparent, is with regard to the economy
This absence of any vision regarding how to address key economic
issues even six months after being in office, has only made the economic
crisis worse. One had not been expecting solutions or reversals to the
numerous economic problems faced by the country, for six months is too
short a period to reverse the meltdown.
However, the government must be criticized for not producing a plan
soon after coming into power. It seems that not only is the government not
really concerned about how bad the economy is hoping, it seems, to be
bailed out by the Americans, the Saudis or the IMF it really has no
understanding of the scale and urgency of the problems confronting it
either. For investors, consumers and for democracy, these are dangerous and
worrisome signals.
There is a concern that the Zardari-Gilani government may not
break clearly with the past and may continue many policies from the
Musharraf-Aziz government and not address key structural issues related to
the constitution, the army, politics or the economy. Six months is long
enough for a new government to state where and how it differs from the
previous government and what it stands for. It needs to state clearly, what its
vision is about key issues affecting Pakistanis, and to start putting a strategy
into place.
Andaleeb Abbas demanded: For their own interest in retaining power,
our leaders need to be reminded that if they do not change, they will be
changed, as were people before them. in order to keep their positions,
instead of following their predecessors by giving in to foreign pressure, they
need to focus on leading with courage, commitment and conviction, the
qualities that can prevent them from being subjected to the humiliating fate
of all leaders who failed to live by these principles. So our present set of
leaders should be different for their own sake, if not for the sake of the
country.
Ilhan Niaz felt that the politicians have to rise to the challenge. In
2008, the same politicians who were tried and rejected have either returned
1088

to power after a decade in the wilderness. Many of them never really left,
choosing to become Musharrafs stooges. They owe their temporary
rehabilitation to Musharrafs personal unpopularity and misreading of
the situation.
This time around the political leadership cannot plead
inexperience. Many of the present leaders have held important portfolios in
previous governments and represented their constituencies for almost a
generation. They have, moreover, lived to rule another day, definitely older
though not necessarily wiser
The once effective bureaucratic qabza group that raised Islamabad
from the wilderness and colonized it for good measure has failed to develop
a single new CDA sector in 18 years is a testament to how disorganized
and demoralized the civil administration has become.
For the politicians this is an extremely worrisome development. If the
higher bureaucracy has become so lethargic and ineffective in the pursuit of
its own material group interests it cannot be reasonably expected to display
greater vigour in serving the rulers or implementing complex policies.
The civil administration needs resuscitation and reform targeted
at reducing the level of arbitrariness and increasing regard for merit,
competence and impartiality. Before the state can be used to fix Pakistan it
needs extensive and intensive repairs itself. Improving the quality of
thousands of civil administrators at all levels is an undertaking whose
enormity has yet to come into focus for the politicians occupied as they have
been with unseating Musharraf.
The collapse of the coalition and the likelihood that the new round of
political games will begin in its wake indicates that our politicians, for all
their seasoning, do not have the necessary reserves of rationality and
patience to get down to the most serious task of restoring the civil
administrative machinery. Democratic rhetoric notwithstanding, doing so is
vital to the task of civilianizing overall control of the state
The current government must understand that if over the next 6-12
months, it remains embroiled in politicking and does not start showing
demonstrable improvement on at least some of the major problems affecting
peoples lives its media image will go Musharrafs way. Because of the
damage already done to their collective reputation by allegations of
corruption, our politicians must understand that with the media glare upon
them 24/7 they cannot afford to go back to the old ways. This does not
necessarily mean they have to become more honest it only means they
1089

must become far more circumspect and intolerant of misbehaviour by their

cronies and servants so that the daily spectacle of impropriety is contained.
Indeed, one cannot be optimistic about the future prospects of
democracy or for that matter envy the task that now falls upon the elected
representatives. They have to rebuild the civil administration while
fighting religious extremists determines to tear down what is left of it.
The politicians have to rise to the challenge of making and
executing sound policies for an increasingly ungovernable country located
in an increasingly ungovernable and unstable region. And while they do this
they must realize that this time around the public is a lot less patient and
forgiving and the military is structurally much more powerful.
Adrian A Husain commented on economic aid sought by Zardari
regime. President Zardaris visit to the UN was a nebulous affair,
eliciting promises though without producing tangible results. However,
two fairly important things came to light during this period. The US was not
going to budge on its policy on the war on terror in this region, Pakistans
precious sovereignty notwithstanding. Yet, at the same time, it was more
than ready with a show of paternalistic indulgence towards our fledgling
democracy.
But that was all. If our president had gone to the US with high
hopes, these were destined to be dashed. What he encountered there was a
display of strangely hollow tokenism rather than anything else. Given the
time was out of joint and the US administration was itself reeling from the
effects of an ongoing recession, even the launch of the Friends of Pakistan
Group by the G-8 and oil rich countries in New York with its attendant
prospects would seem to have come across as something of a rainbow.
Zardari had doubtless planned to bring the house down by drawing an
analogy between the Bhutto doctrine and the Marshall Plan in his maiden
address to the General Assembly but, partly because of the comparison
being just slightly far-fetched and the Bhutto magic being ironically
conspicuous by its absence, that did not happen
In any case, it must be understood that the west will be looking to
prop up democracy in Pakistan primarily to enable it to combat militancy. So
there will necessarily be strings attached to any economic support it
might think fit to give which, it is reasonable to surmise, will also be of the
breadline variety.

1090

REVIEW
During his press conference after taking oath of the office of President
Zardari had said that his first foreign visit would be to China. True to his
reputation to abide by his words, five days later he arrived in London on
three-day private visit during which he met Poodles successor. A week
after the return to Pakistan he proceeded to New York to address UN
General Assembly and also meet Poodles master.
During the stay in New York and his address to the General Assembly
he claimed the ownership of Americas war on terror with the same intention
with which Musharraf had stepped onto Americas side soon after 9/11. For
winning war Americans believe only in one thing; the excessive use of force.
White Americans as aliens in this region know that they would never
be accepted by the natives. The only way for them to control the occupied
land is indiscriminate use of force. Their history tells us that they never mind
the extinction of the natives (Red Indians) for control of the land.
Zardari should realize that Pakistan cannot afford that. So should be
the ANP leadership. The aspiring young Chief Minister of NWFP could say
Karzai was doing great service to Afghans (Pakhtuns), but he should desist
from emulating him and do similar service the Pakhtuns living in Pakistan.
During meeting with Sara Palin, Zardari tried to act like a playboy.
His utterances were disapproved in Pakistan as well as in the US. He also
came under discussion during TV programme Bolta Pakistan during which
Nusrat Javed, however, lost his temper while defending Zardari, whom he
considers a symbol of democracy.
He being anti-military rule for having been lashed during Zias era
and with soft feelings for the PPP he has the habit of defending all acts of
democratic leaders. In the heat of the discussion Nusrat referred to Hera
Mandi to strengthen his argument. Inadvertently, he faltered in equating acts
of those in Hera Mandi with those in Presidency.
Zardari addressed the Parliament with Bibi Sahibas picture by his
side and the two together kept the Quaids picture off-camera. During his
speech, he did not even make a passing reference to the issue of restoration
of the deposed judges. This should make his intentions clear to PML-N and
it must seriously consider co-opting for lesser evil; form a coalition
government with PML-Q in Punjab.
More deposed judges have accepted reappointments. The manner in
which it was done, even an LDC would have refused such reappointment
1091

after having refused it once voluntarily, because spitting-cum-licking is

considered bad in that segment of the society to which he belongs. But, the
honorable judges belong to different class, who unfortunately, will now
dispense justice after having miserably failed to do justice to their persons.
5th October 2008

IN-CAMERA WAR
The Zardari regime has been doing its utmost to please the US about
its commitment to and ability to deliver in the war on terror. The operation in
Bajaur Agency has been going on for nearly three months in which
excessive force has been used indiscriminately. This kind of operation has
not been carried out by the US-led occupation forces anywhere in
Afghanistan in last seven years.
The US, however, was not impressed by the regimes dedication to
serve Americas supreme interests. It stepped up cross-border attacks in
pursuant of its policy of taking action on actionable intelligence. The crossborder attacks caused embarrassment to Zardari regime and subjected it to
criticism from opposition parties.
The regime made a move with a view to relieving itself from pressure.
It arranged in-camera briefing in a joint session of the Parliament which was
followed by the debate and adoption of a resolution unanimously. There was,

1092

however, hardly anything in the resolution which could provided any respite
to the people of Pakistan unless follow-up action was taken.
Meanwhile, during the period Dr Aafiya Siddiqui was shifted to Texas
for psychological evaluation. Her sister feared that she would be drugged
to cause memory loss. As her captivity found coverage in the media, some
Senators of Pakistan thought it opportune to meet her. The outcome of their
meeting remained unreported.
India waited for the monsoon season to end before formal
inauguration of the Baglihar Dam and filling it with non-monsoon silt-free
water and thereby drying up the River Chenab. At the same time it
announced the plans to build four more dams on the river. And then, India
launched moon mission as if telling Pakistan catch me if you can.

WESTERN FRONT
US warplanes attacked in North Waziristan on 3rd October and killed
21 people, including 16 foreigners; ISPR denied any attack inside Pakistani
tribal areas. US presidential candidate termed nuclear Pakistan a threat to its
strategic partners; Israel and India. UN and UK ordered evacuation of the
children of their employees from Pakistan. Aafiya was shifted to Texas. Her
sister feared that she would be drugged to cause memory loss.
Nearly thirty years after their arrival and seven years since the
occupation of Afghanistan by the Crusaders, Pakistan took cognizance of
refugee-related problems and at last told them to leave but only those
camping in Bajaur. The COAS visited Swat. Gilani said US candidates
threat were part of election rhetoric.
On 4th October, at least three militants were killed in Bajaur. The US
proposed joint patrols along Afghan border and also invited Pakistan to join
in winter offensive. Joint session of parliament was summoned to be held on
8th October. During the session the lawmakers will be briefed in camera on
the ongoing war which has now become more than war on terror. AlQaeda leader in the US said Pakistan was still being run by Americans
despite the regime change.
Two rockets fired by militants landed near Chief Ministers ancestral
house in Mardan on 5th October. Two militants were killed in Swat.
Tribesmen in Bajaur launched crackdown on militants and Afghan refugees
and they did not face any resistance.

1093

At least 22 people were killed and 62 wounded on 6th October when a

suicide bomber attacked the Dera of PML-N leader Rashid Akbar Niwani in
Bhakkar. The Niwanis suspected Indian hand in it because their family had
been playing important role in reconciliatory efforts to defuse sectarian
tensions in the neighbouring district of D I Khan.
Four militants were killed in Darra in attacks by gunship helicopters.
Six militants wearing militia uniforms were killed in Khazana in Bajaur
Agency as tanks and artillery launched offensive against Lowi Sam. Lashkar
arrested 25 Afghans. The government was urged to release legal aid
promised to Dr Aafiya.
Asfandyar, who had rushed to Islamabad after suicide attack at Wali
Bagh, held meetings with Zardari and Gilani. He expressed apprehensions
about seriousness of civil and military leaders about the ongoing war
against terror. Most of the doubts related to ISI. Altaf offered 90 to
Asfandyar for refuge and promised to protect him. Federal Minister, Bilour,
said Altaf should return to 90 instead of taking refuge in London
Seven people were wounded in three bomb blasts in Lahore on 7th
October. Tribal elders claimed that Bajaur Agency was cleared on militants.
In Orakzai Agency, tribal lashkar destroyed three bases of Taliban.
Asfandyar ruled out settlement on gunpoint and said talks would be held
with those who lay down their weapons.
At least eight foreign and 12 local militants were killed in gunship
helicopter attack in Mamond tehsil of Bajaur Agency on 8 th October. In
Swat, Fazlullah offered amnesty to politicians and government officials who
stop resistance to Taliban activities in the region. UN chief urged the US to
respect Pakistans sovereignty. Qazi, who led the train rally, said JI wont
tolerate US terrorism. Pakistan remained main issue in post-election US
debate. Four senators led by Mushahid Hussain met Aafiya Siddiqui in Texas
and called for her release.
Bomb-scare gripped Rawalpindi on the day the parliament was
briefed by the army about the secrets of the war which it has been fighting
for the last seven years. Out of the non-elected leaders invited to attend
briefing only Nawaz and Shujaat attended. Opposition members were
generally dissatisfied with quality of secrets shared with elected
representatives of the people.
On 9th October, at least 21 militants were killed in air strike in Swat.
In Dir, 12 people, including 4 schoolgirls, were killed in suicide attack on a
police van carrying prisoners; 21 people had earlier died in an accident. In
1094

Landi Kotal, a suicide bomber attacked a check post and damaged an oil
tanker. A suicide bomber attacked Police HQ in Islamabad and wounded five
people. A burqa-clad man was held at Islamabad Airport.
In North Waziristan, at least nine people were killed in US missile
strike near Miranshah on 9th October. The US now expressed concerns about
settled areas of Pakistan, where according to it al-Qaeda and Taliban had
established safe heavens. PML-N abstained from asking questions in second
session of in-camera briefing saying that there was hardly anything which
was not already known; thus it was insufficient to help formulating prudent
strategy/policy-change.
Next day, jetfighters and gunship helicopters continued pounding
militants in Bajaur Agency killing seven people and four pro-government
elders were beheaded by militants. In Orakzai Agency, a suicide bomber
attacked a jirga which was deliberating on operation against militants; at
least 50 people were killed and more that 100 wounded. Leader of the
Opposition expressed doubts about fruitful outcome of the joint sitting of
parliament. He wanted open discussion on the ongoing war.
US Predator struck a house with missile near Miranshah on 11 th
October; five people were killed. In Bajaur, ten militants and four hostages
were killed. Three militants and a soldier were killed in Swat. Reconciliation
body was formed in Kurram Agency. Rehman Malik claimed catching 14
suspected suicide bombers. Chiefs of three armed forces attended the
meeting chaired by CJCSC and rejected propaganda against Pakistans
nuclear assets and ISI. They supported government efforts for consensus on
efforts for war against terror.
On 12th October, at least 27 people were killed in air strike in Orakzai
Agency. In Bajaur, 15 militants were killed. Six militants were arrested in
Zhob. Rice said the US would remain engaged with Pakistan. Next day, 25
militants were killed in clashes in Swat. In Bajaur, 18 militants were killed.
A local ANP leader was wounded in a blast in Upper Dir. Two dozen
Afghans studying in seminaries in Gujranwala were arrested.
Security forces killed 14 militants in Bajaur on 14 th October. UN said
190 thousand people have been displaced from Bajaur. In Swat, ten people,
including two soldiers were killed. An American was arrested while entering
Mohmand Agency and then released. Five people were arrested and four
houses destroyed in Darra. Two persons were ambushed and killed in
Orakzai Agency. Four shells landed in North Waziristan fired from across
the border.
1095

Sherry briefed the MPs on war on terror. She said terror threat in the
country dated to pre-9/11 period. She tried to prove that this was purely our
war. Muttahida Ulema Council declared suicide attacks in Pakistan unIslamic; criticized role of government, bureaucracy and army officers in war
on terror; and warned of call of jihad if US escalates aggression.
On 15th October, two security men were killed in mortar attack on a
post in Darra. Taliban offered talks and the security forces planned major
offensive in Bajaur Agency. In Quetta area, 174 Afghans were arrested for
illegal entry in to Pakistan.
Tripartite Commission meeting was held in GHQ Rawalpindi to
coordinate operations in war on terror. PML-N softened its stance as Sherry
answered questions in four hour session of the closed-door joint session of
the Parliament. Official ulema, Ulema Board, also declared suicide attacks
illegitimate.
Suicide bombing and rocket attack was carried out on a police station
in Mingora on 16th October. Seven militants were killed in Bajaur and
destruction of houses of militants continued. In Darra area, 53 people,
including 38 Uzbeks were arrested. Tribal elders of Kurram Agency signed
peace agreement. Six people were killed in first ever US missile attack in
Baitullahs area in South Waziristan.
In parliamentary debate Fazl opposed use of force and Nisar
demanded change in Musharraf policy. Raza Rabbani rejected the allegation
that the regime was pursuing Musharrafs policy and insisted that it was in
accordance with Bibis vision. AQ Khan said Musharraf had persuaded him
to confess with the promise to keep him free man.
On 17th October, at least 60 militants were killed in air strike in Swat.
In Bajaur, 15 more militants were killed. One of the two kidnapped Chinese
escaped and the other was recaptured by the militants. Security forces
claimed arresting 26 foreign militants from Darra area. About 500 were
arrested in anti-alien operation in Quetta area. MPs lost interest in joint incamera session; only 50 were present to start days proceedings. Gilani held
meeting with legislators from FATA.
Next day, 13 militants were killed in Bajaur. The death toll in air
strikes in Swat rose to 81. Forces captured 29 more Uzbek militants in Darra
area and more than one hundred foreign fighters were displayed to media.
Zardari told the militants to lay down the arms before talks could begin. Exservicemen wanted trial of Musharraf and stoppage of operations in tribal
areas. Boucher arrived in Islamabad to pre-empt any change in the policy in
1096

war on terror. He met Malik along with US ambassador. Malik agreed on

anti-terror training of FC troops as desired by the US.
Jetfighters of PAF bombed a village in Swat on 19 th October; more
than fifty people were feared dead. PAF jets also killed six militants in
Bajaur. A tribal elder was shot dead in Mohmand Agency. In Darra area, 41
more foreign fighters were arrested. Foreign Minister asked opposition to
avoid point scoring.
Boucher met Zardari, who asked the visitor to eliminate terrorist
network. The host also informed the guest that Afghan money fed the
terrorists in FATA. Boucher also met Governor and CM NWFP; the
Governor told Boucher that lashkars were doing wonders against militants.
On 20th October, security forces claimed killing seven militants in
Swat, which included a woman two children. In Bajaur, 12 more were killed
in clashes. Boucher said Friends of Pakistan were committed to helping the
country overcome the financial crisis but wouldnt throw money on the
table. It is not going to be cash advance for Pakistan. Payments will be
made only after each spree of more killings. Boucher also met Nawaz Sharif.
Next day, 17 militants were killed in air strike in Bajaur. One FC
soldier was killed in a clash in Swat and militants torched a warehouse of
World Food Programme. A parliamentary body headed by Sherry was
formed to draft resolution on anti-terror war. Zardari said politicians fully
supported military in fight against terror. Nawaz Sharif in a letter to Gilani
submitted six proposals for consensus on war on terror.
Militants killed 15 soldiers in an ambush in Swat on 22 nd October.
Joint session of Parliament adopted a resolution unanimously urging review
of war on terror policy. The Salient features on the resolution were as
follows:
Extremism, militancy and terrorism in all forms and manifestation
pose grave danger to the stability and integrity of the nation state.
Need an urgent review of our national security strategy and revisiting
the methodology of combating terrorism in order to restore peace and
stability.
The challenge of militancy and extremism must be met through
developing a consensus and dialogue with all genuine stakeholders.
Combat all forms of the menace and address its root causes. Pakistans
sovereignty and territorial integrity shall be safeguarded.
1097

 Pakistans territory shall not be used for any kind of attacks on other
countries and all foreign fighters shall be expelled.
Dialogue must now be the highest priority, as a principal instrument of
conflict management and resolution.
The development of troubled zones, particularly the tribal areas, must
be pursued through all possible ways and legitimate means to create
genuine stakeholders in peace.
Dialogue with the people of Balochistan, the redress of grievances and
redistribution of resources shall be enhanced and accelerated.
The state shall maintain the rule of law, but caution must be exercised
to avoid casualties of non-combatants in conflict zones.
The state shall established its writ in the troubled zones and
confidence building mechanisms by using customary and local
communities (jirga) and that the military will be replaced as early as
possible by civilian law-enforcement agencies.
Pakistans strategic interests are protected by developing stakes in
regional peace and trade, both on the western and eastern borders.
A Special Committee of Parliament be constituted to periodically
review, provide guidelines and monitor the implementation of the
principles framed and roadmap given in this resolution.
Ten people were killed on 23rd October in US missile attack on a
madressah run by an Afghan refugee. Five children were killed in explosion
of a toy bomb in South Waziristan. In Bajaur, 12 militants were killed in the
ongoing operation. The PML-N warned against politicking on the resolution.
Keeping in view the record of Zardari regime, what else Chaudhry Nisar
expected? Pakistan needs to attack militants, said a US diplomat in Kabul.

In-camera briefing was a major event in the context of war on

terror. On 9th October, The Dawn wrote: The briefing comes against a
background of talk of peace. Not only do the UN and some European circles
seem to be opting for a negotiated solution to the insurgency in Afghanistan,
even America has no objection to talks with reconcilable Taliban, provided
they distance themselves from al-Qaeda. As member of global alliance
against terrorism, Pakistan has to be in the picture. After all, parts of
Pakistan are a battle theatre, and peace in Afghanistan cannot be a viable
proposition without Islamabad being part of the process.

1098

In a sense, Pakistan stands vindicated, for Islamabad had much

earlier realized the need for combining force with talks and was quite often
reviled, distrusted and subjected to a well-orchestrated do more campaign
by people who themselves now appear to be doing some rethinking. The
point to note is that Pakistan should not lose sight of its own perspective
of the war, and other capitals should not take Islamabad for granted. What is
at stake is our future. Pakistan cannot be allowed to become a theocratic
state, for that would nullify the values which Jinnah visualized for this
country. On this point, there should be no ambiguity in the MPs minds.
Next day it added: As if to punctuate the severity of the militancy
threat, a suicide bomber struck in Islamabad as legislators gathered for the
second day of the special in-camera session of parliament. Unfortunately,
some opposition MPs have acted in unseemly haste in declaring the
classified briefing unsatisfactory and lacking depth
Pilloried for months for not taking the nation or its legislators into
confidence on its strategy for dealing with militancy, the government finally
summoned the army to explain its strategy for countering increasingly
emboldened militants in Pakistan. While it is certainly parliaments legal
prerogative to summon state officials uniformed or otherwise to explain
their conduct, the ongoing classified briefing is a very positive sign for
democracy given the history of army supremacy over parliament. Only
the most churlish of opposition MPs would fail to appreciate this gain for
politics and politicians.
The criticism of the content of the briefing itself was similarly
misguided. The briefing given by the director general of military
operations was criticized for being too focused on military operations
rather than the strategic threat from the militants. This is very confusing.
First, the criticism came even before MPs asked questions in the scheduled
question-and-answer session. Second, the supremacy of parliament which
is what opposition MPs have claimed is the need of the hour demands that
parliament decide the strategy the military must execute. Opposition MPs
have kept their heads in the sand when it comes to recognizing the militancy
threat
Democracy is about debate and choosing from a menu of
alternatives. Everyone invited had a duty to step forward and make a case
for their own strategy of defeating militancy. Rather than reflexive
opposition to the government, opposition MPs have a duty to uphold
democratic values and protect the people of this country.

1099

On 14th October the newspaper commented: The quest for consensus

on the war on terror must continue, though it remains to be seen whether
the in-camera briefing by the military to the MPs leads in that direction.
Whatever little bit has come out of the closed-door briefing and the senators
and MNAs response to it is not encouraging.
The government insists that it is following three-pronged strategy
that combines a selective use of force with offers of talks and the tribal belts
economic development. The Musharraf government too had been saying
this, with little or no sign yet that the back of the insurgency has been
broken. In fact the insurgency has spread from Waziristan to all of FATA and
even to Swat, and this clearly proves that the three-pronged strategy is not
working.
The PPP-led government must, therefore, re-examine the flaws in
the current approach and come up with a new result-oriented policy so
as to prove the opposition wrong when it claims that Mr Zardari and
company are merely following the military-led regimes policies. Clearly,
the government is vulnerable here
If you do not agree with the governments policy, you must come
out openly with precisely what you have in mind. Some the governments
harshest critics Qazi Hussain Ahmed and Imran Khan, for instance have
opted out of the democratic process and are at liberty to talk ad nauseam.
But those who are the part of the parliamentary opposition have to move
away from rhetoric and refrain from playing to the gallery
The tribesmen are now in the picture. This is a major asset for all
those who believe that the Taliban are a minority and that they can be
cornered and defanged if the vast majority of the people in FATA are made
allies in the war on terror. By organizing the lashkars the tribal elders have
shown that they consider the war on terror as their own, for no one has
suffered more from the ravages of war than FATAs innocent men, women
and children.
Dr Farzana Bari opined: The governments decision to give incamera briefing to the joint session of parliament on the issue of terrorism
and militancy is a welcome step. The new policy cannot be developed in
isolation. It requires a radical shift in Pakistans foreign, regional and
national policies as well. Therefore, it is suggested that the following should
be the key element of the new policy to counter militancy and terrorism
in the country if we seriously wish to combat terrorism effectively and make
the policy a success.
1100

Firstly, it is critically important that the government adopts a noninterference policy in the internal affairs of our neighbouring countries
and makes serious efforts to stop cross-border terrorism. It should not allow
any militant group to use our land to launch an attack on neighbouring
countries. If we will continue to interfere in other countries, they will not
leave us alone either.
Secondly, parliament must assume complete power and control
over the intelligence agencies and armed forces. These institutions operate
as states within state. Parliament as the supreme body should not allow these
institutions to undermine the sovereignty of parliament. All policies to
counter terrorism and decisions for military operations must be discussed
and approved by the elected representatives of the people in parliament
Thirdly, the government should have a clear and an unambiguous
policy towards militancy. No one should be allowed to take the law in their
own hands. Those who are challenging the writ of the government must be
brought to justice. The government should refrain from the policy of
appeasement toward these terrorists by allowing them to impose their vision
of Sharia in the tribal areas.
Fourthly, the interconnection between underdevelopment, injustices,
poverty and illiteracy and violence and militancy should inform counterterrorism policies and strategies. There is a need for an immediate focus on
the development of peripheral areas of the conflict zone in tribal belt
Fifthly, a comprehensive media policy to create public awareness on
militancy should be developed. The government should pay attention to
secure peoples confidence and moral support for their policy against
terrorism. The current government approach to encourage local people to
form their own lashkars to fight terrorists in their areas needs to be adopted
with a caution as militarization of civilian forces can have its own fallouts.
Lastly, it is important that the government formulate an
independent foreign policy and work on diplomatic front for the return of
NATO forces from the region. There is no future for peace as long as US
forces stay in the region. Moreover, the international community should be
asked to proving generous economic aid to Pakistan to meet its challenges at
the social, economic, terrorism fronts.
Shireen M Mazari was of the view that the idea of building a national
consensus through a threadbare briefing and discussion in Parliament seems
to have come undone with many Parliamentarians complaining about the

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inadequacies of the briefings the operational ones being little different to

those given to many other sets of people including journalists.
Of course, here one is equally at a loss to understand the PML-N
logic of not asking pertinent questions because the briefings were
unsatisfactory Logic would suggest that truly comprehensive and
satisfactory briefings would through up little in the form of questions while
an unsatisfactory briefing would be all the more reason to ask probing
questions. But what does logic have to do with our political leaders.
Clearly, the major starting point for any comprehensive information
on Pakistans post-9/11 anti terrorism policy has to be the deal made with the
US what actually was and is presently being conceded to, to the
Americans, and what are the quid pro quos. Without this basic starting
point how can parliamentarians come to rational decisions which would
be necessary to formulate a consensus policy? Or was the idea to hold these
parliamentary briefings simply to get the elected reps to okay our continuing
concessions to the US? If that was the intent let us hope the elected reps will,
for once, not allow themselves to be taken for granted or steamrolled on
what is a critical national priority. Ironically can one ask why the
government and the military have suddenly gone silent, after Zardaris return
from the US, on the increasing US incursions into Pakistan and the killing of
innocent tribal people almost on a daily basis? Is this yet another ground we
have conceded to the Americans?
As a result of our concessions to the US and the damage the latter has
done to this country and its people, the sad fact is that unless the
government of Pakistan is able to create space between itself and the
US, it will not be able to have a credible policy for tackling its terrorism
and extremism problem; and without this credibility no policy will be
effective
Meanwhile, if there was any doubt at all about the US hostile intent
towards Pakistan, the verbose Mullens latest pronouncements should clarify
these lingering doubts. By declaring US intent of involving the Indians
militarily in Afghanistan as part of the US strategy, the US is
deliberately upping the ante for Pakistan in terms of its immediate security
parameters. First it was the Indo-US nuclear deal, which will liberate Indian
un-safeguarded fuel for the manufacture of additional nuclear weapons; and
now Pakistan may confront Indian troops on its western border also
Worse still, even to the more brazen statement of intent expressed by
Mullen, no one from our officialdom or political leadership has given a
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response. One really has to wonder why! Perhaps some elected member of
parliament could ask this question also when the briefings resume.
As if the continuing hostile US intent was not enough, the British
through their media are now trying to once again undermine our
intelligence organizations by declaring that the Taliban they had killed was
actually a Pakistani army officer of the ISI, no less. Now how did they come
to the following conclusiondo the Brits think they are above reproach or
question on their assertions?
No. These are simply the deliberately nonsensical British and
American media claims targeting Pakistan. As the US moves into phase two
of its Pakistan agenda, which involves seeking direct access into
Pakistan on the ground, by making Pakistan the main war zone in the
fight against terrorism, the Brits are adding this agenda by undermining our
strategic institutions. We need to be clear about our own interests and
agendas as well as those of the US and its allies, including India. Most
important of all, we need to take our people into of all, we need to take our
people into confidence and have policies that are in consonance with the
wishes of the people.
Our tragedy has been that be it in the brief interludes of democracy or
the longer periods of dictatorship (both civil and military), the people have
been simply cast aside or short-shifted. Most recently, and most glaringly,
this has happened in case of the judicial issue. It has also happened in the
case of the missing persons issue and the continuing and disturbing
unanswered questions regarding the Dr Aafiya case: and it has continued to
happen on the issue of terrorism and extremism. Perhaps if the rulers would
move more in tune to the wishes of the people, and give a little more
credence to the intelligence and commitment of the people, instead of
looking longingly towards an increasingly hostile US, we would be more
able to control and better shape our countrys future destiny.
The News criticized poor attendance during in-camera debate. The
fact that of Friday, only about 60 of 442 lawmakers making up the two
houses of parliament were present in National Assembly as debate continued
on policies regarding the war against terrorism shows an evident lack of
interest in the issue. The number improved to over 100 later during the
session, only after the prime minister and the speaker both took note of the
sparse attendance and called on MPs to show up. Even the benches of
ruling party remained empty suggesting not only little interest but also a

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lack of discipline, given that the party leadership had several times urged
everyone to attend.
What are we to make of this dismal showing? Opposition parties
maintain that attendance has fallen because there is a conviction the
policy will not change. This seems to be too convenient a position to take.
The duty of the opposition surely is to put its case forward, as strongly as
possible. It cannot do so if its members do not bother to turn up for the
discussion. And if no alternatives to the present policy emerge, the
government can hardly be blamed for continuing to pursue the line of action
that it sees as being best.
During the tenure of the last assembly, we say again and again how
ordinances issued by the president were used to carry out governance rather
than acts of parliament. Now we have a situation where MPs have simply
not bothered to attend the ongoing secret session. Presumably they do not
care that their country is being torn apart by bombs or that, according to
some analyses, its very existence could be put at risk by the actions of
terrorists
Only genuine commitment to solving the problem, on the part of all
the players involved, can lead to a solution to the most pressing issue that
we, as a nation, face today. Sadly, our politicians have rarely
demonstrated the dedication and will that is required to take a country
past crisis and to success. This as true of the past as it is today. It seems
from the current evidence in parliament, with MPs having to be summoned
to the house like schoolchildren found playing truant, that even today the
crisis we face has not brought about any change in attitude or approach.
Aimal Khan opined: The in-camera briefing focused on a host of
issues, such as the war on terror, militancy, ongoing military operations in
Bajaur and Swat, overall political and security situation in the country, and
the governments strategy of counter terrorism. The parliamentarians were
warned that an Iraqi-like situation was expected in Pakistan if militancy was
not crushed with full force. The government also asked the parliament to
lend support to its strategy for combating militancy. Not only has the
presents government failed to clear its position on the war on terror; it has
also failed to bring about any significant shift in or to demonstrate departure
from the previous governments policies, which resulted in increase and
spread of militancy and insurgency-like situation in FATA and some parts of
the NWFP.

1104

It is becoming increasingly difficult for the policymakers to

justify continuation of old policies and they are still blindly following
external dictates. While the deliberations on the briefing are still under way,
it has apparently failed to evolve the desired national consensus. It is further
sharpening the political and ideological divide in the country, as well as
widening the gap between the PML-N and PPP. The ongoing debate on the
briefing is turning into a movement for the empowerment; if the concerns of
the opposition are addressed and its demands met, then nobody can block
the emergence of an independent parliament.
For the first time in Pakistans history, a government policy has come
under public scrutiny and view, to the unfolding public discourse around the
briefing and parliamentary debate. It almost evolved a consensus on the
issue on militancy, army operations, war on terror and need for policy
reversal and corrective measures. If public demands and aspirations were not
translated into policies, it would disappoint the common people of Pakistan.
The nation is tired of lip servicing and does not want debate for the sake
of debate only; it wants a result-based productive discussion.
The Dawn commented on the final outcome in the form of consensus
resolution. The resolution places emphasis on dialogue and calls it the
principal instrument of conflict management. To that extent it breaks no
new ground, for the PPP-led government too stands pledged to talks an
idea that is gaining ground in American and European capitals as well.
However, the PPP government says it will talk to those militants who lay
down arms. The resolution only indirectly concedes the governments
right to use force by pleading that collateral damage be avoided when
security forces intervene to ensure the governments writ. On the question
of sovereignty, it has maintained a fine balance. While the resolution asks
the government to deal with incursions into Pakistan, it says the country
should not be allowed to be used for acts of terrorism against other states,
and that foreign militants be expelled.
Let us count our blessings: at one stage it appeared the opposition
would walk away. That it did not do so and that finally the MPs managed to
hammer out a consensus resolution is a matter of thanksgiving. Apparently
our boys are growing. For the first time since the unity shown at the time of
Musharrafs exit, all parties have once again come together, even if the
diluted resolution disappoints the nation, which had expected something
more concrete from the peoples representatives. Nawaz Sharif had spoken a
lot and made no secret of his reservations about the governments war on
terror, but his party too finally went along. Perhaps the resolution is a first
1105

step towards evolving what eventually could become a forceful, resultoriented national consensus.
Some specific events merited attention of the analysts. Izzud-Din
Pal wrote about ANPs Nizam-i-Adl. The ANP governments decision to
introduce a revised Nizam-i-Adl in parts of Malakand division and in Swat
cannot be a step towards integrating the region with the rest of Pakistan.
He continued, The decision seems to be based on an adhoc policy,
not on national considerations. Similarly, the two well-known radical
madressahs in Islamabad were allowed to resume their activities a few days
prior to the presidential election. Was it based on some publicly announced
policy, or a matter of expediency?
The Dawn commented on Bhakkar bombings. The attack on Rashid
Akbar Niwani, a PML-N MNA from Bhakkar, has the hallmarks of a
sectarian strike. Mr Niwani belongs to a very influential Shia political family
in the district. The district nazim of Bhakkar, Hameed Akhtar Niwani, is
Rashid Niwanis elder brother. In June this year, Punjab Chief Minister
Shahbaz Sharif was elected unopposed from Bhakkar in a by-election
for a seat vacated by a Niwani. In 2002, Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain was
elected as an MNA from Bhakkar with the Niwani familys help.
Bhakkar, however, has another, more dubious claim to fame: it is
a base of the Shia militant outfit Tehrik-i-Jafria. Set up in 1979 by
Allama Arif Hussain al-Hussaini, a student of Ayatollah Khomeini, the
Tehrik Nifaz-i-Fiqah-i-Jafria, as it was known then, developed a vicious
rivalry with the Sunni militant group Sipah-i-Sahaba. The rivalry morphed
into a bitter sectarian war between the Tehrik-i-Jafria and Sipah-i-Sahabas
more radical offshoot, the Lashkar-i-Jhangvi. Over the years, Bhakkar has
witnessed many targeted killings and sectarian attacks.
The first suicide bombing in Bhakkar has occurred in the wake of
two sets of developments. First, Shia families fleeing the sectarian violence
in D I Khan have begun to settle in Bhakkar, driving up property prices in
the district. Second, the Lashkar-i-Jhangvi has grown more powerful in
Punjab on the back of its links with al-Qaeda and is flexing its muscles all
across Pakistan. Last month, NWFP Governor Owais Ghani warned of the
dangers his province faced from suicide bombers with links to militant
groups in southern Punjab.
Irrespective of whether investigations reveal any link between the
Lashkar-i-Jhangvi and Mondays attack in Bhakkar, the fact is a dangerous

1106

foe is stalking Pakistan today. Militancy is neither confined to one particular

group nor to one particular area of the country. It is everywhere and comes
in every imaginable and sometimes unimaginable stripe. Caught in the
militants crosshairs, the ANP has belatedly woken up to the threat. The
time has come to clarify our national policy We are fighting for not only
the survival of the Pakhtun nation but also of Pakistan, an ANP leader
told this paper. We could not agree more.
After suicide attack on tribal jirga the newspaper wrote: The
devastating attack on a tribal peace jirga on Friday betrays one obvious truth
about the Taliban: they are clearly under pressure. The security forces have
been battling them for years but with little success. However, the military
operation that began in November seems to have hit them hard. In Swat the
situation may be uncertain but in Bajaur the army appears to be gaining the
upper hand. But what obviously has rattled the Taliban most is the
reaction among some of the neutral tribesmen
The Taliban are unlikely to let their home ground slip from their
control. They will fight back and perhaps be even more ruthless on Friday
they beheaded four pro-government tribal elders. This could result in
ferocious battles. At the same time, there is a possibility that the tribesmen
may waver if they feel the situation is getting too rough to handle. That is
where the government has to realize its duty: it has to do all it can to help the
tribesmen continue their fight against the Taliban till the latter are tired out
made to see the futility of their enterprise.
One again we plead that the rebellion in FATA and Swat cannot be
quelled through military means alone. Peace moves are already afoot in
Washington, London and Riyadh. Pakistan has to be part of the peace
process and make it clear to all parties that Islamabad has never abjured
negotiations as a peace strategy. This should also be made clear to the
domestic opposition, for some of the MPs attending the in-camera briefing
by the military have serious reservations about the governments strategy.
Parliament is of course the place for evolving a national consensus on
all key issues, and the current session will not have been in vain if progress
is made in that direction. But all politicians ought to know that such a
thing as war cannot be viewed through the prism of domestic politics.
Todays opposition could be in power tomorrow. For that reason all
parliamentarians must have an open mind on the issue, the ultimate aim
being to have peace in FATA and rid Pakistan of the menace of terrorism.

1107

The Dawn also commented on Gilanis wish to seek India-like nuclear

deal. While Condoleezza Rice is going to New Delhi to celebrate the
nuclear deal with India, Syed Yousuf Raza Gilani believes it isnt exactly an
occasion for Pakistan to mourn The prime minister said Islamabad
would seek a similar deal with Washington for the peaceful use of
nuclear energy. However, the issue is hardly that simple, for it gets mixed
up with our anomalous relationship with America
From the day it was visualized the US nuclear deal promised to be
India-specific. Now that the Bush Administration has said no, it is highly
unlikely that any other western nation will be willing to help Islamabad out,
given the stigma that has come to surround Pakistans nuclear program in the
wake of the A Q Khan scandal not to mention western fears, even if
baseless This leaves us with only one friend China.
Unfortunately, this government has followed a policy towards
China that appears marked by lack of clarity, considering that countrys
relationship with Pakistan and its fast-rising status as an economic
superpower. Both President Asif Ali Zardari and the prime minister have not
visited Beijing for state visits
The only country they can stand up to the world and has the knowhow to supply new reactors to Pakistan is China. It was the only country in
the nuclear suppliers group that annoyed India by indirectly pleading
Islamabads case for a similar deal. Where nuclear energy is concerned, it
is time to stop pleading with the West and look elsewhere.
Sayed G B Shah Bokhari opined: Lashkars comprising of thousands
of local volunteers have been raised in Bajaur Agency, Upper Dir, Mohmand
Agency, Orakzai Agency, Khyber Agency, Landikotal, Bara and the gun
manufacturing town of Darra Adam Khel. The government has provided
communications equipment and heavy weapons to some of the lashkars,
since their objective is clearly a common one. The success in the
governments own operation against the militants can be attributed to two
major factors: strong and persistent military action against the militants and
perhaps even more important, winning over the cooperation of the local
population to rise against the militants.
Kamran Shafi observed that the meeting of the Pakistan senators with
Aafiya reminded him of US Ambassadors letter that was published in a
newspaper on 16th August. The United States has no definitive knowledge
as to the whereabouts of Ms Siddiquis children. Then who was the

1108

teenager who was repatriated by the Afghan government and is now

reunited with his mothers family?
By the way Excellency, if you care to notice, Aafiya Siddiqui is about
your build and dimensions. May I suggest you get one of your Marines at
the embassy to bring you a US army-issue M4 rifle. Now ask him to clear
the chamber, affix the magazine, put the rifle on safe, and place it on the
ground which would be the exact position in which Aafiya Siddiqui found
hers and with which she is alleged to have fired upon the US officer. You
may very well fail to even cock it in 10 seconds, let alone find the safety
catch, lift the rifle to your shoulder and fire it.
Would that you had recalled the disgrace his handlers brought your
former boss, the good Gen Colin Powell, when they made him tell fibs on
live TV about Iraqs so-called weapons of mass destruction, before you sent
your letter to the press. And yes, you are right Excellency Pakistani readers
are fair-minded and critical thinkers. And you are right again, they
deserve better than your letter. As for commending the majority of
Pakistani journalists for their accurate and balanced reporting and overall
professionalism how right you are. Only the vast majority who write in the
Pakistani press do not believe you, sadly
Dr Amjad Nazir from California, USA, wrote: As recent as two
weeks ago, a delegation of Pakistani senators under the supervision of
Senator Mushahid Hussain flew to the US to meet the detained Dr Siddiqui.
The meeting, which lasted over two hours, was held in a cordial
environment, according to a statement given by the senator at the end of the
meeting. I wonder where his conscience and love for Pakistanis was when
Gen Musharraf had, in total violation of constitutional norms, jailed the
Chief Justice of Pakistan, Iftikhar Chaudhry, along with his entire family for
months.
If my memory serves me correctly, despite having influence, the
senator never attempted to even give a single statement against this
illegal unprecedented detention, let alone expressing desire to meet the
chief justice. However, he could gladly fly over 8,000 miles to meet Dr
Siddiqui. This is testament to yet another fact that Pakistani politics is
marred with people of dubious and highly questionable integrity.
The observers kept taking overall view of the war on terror. Ilhan
Niaz opined: The terrorists seem to have an accurate measure of the
administrative capabilities of the Pakistani state. The professional
competence and integrity of Pakistans security apparatus is so low, and its
1109

internal indiscipline so high, the state is incapable of anything more than a

few weeks of extra vigilance after each major attack. There are few sights
more pathetic than policemen deputed to man the extra checkposts set up
around Islamabad begging passing vehicles for rides after their shifts are
over. A month or so after the attack the check posts and extra police vanish
as quickly as they were deployed. No permanent improvements are carried
out and within weeks another major attack sends everyone scrambling, for
the most part, to absolve themselves.
Dealing with this menace will take a lot more than speeches and oped pieces. It will take along-term commitment to reversing the
administrative decline of Pakistan and working to make the state machinery
more effective. It will necessitate an acceptance by the population that
for many years the terrorists will continue to wreak havoc and impose
substantial human and financial costs on Pakistan. The state must work to
comprehensively roll back the structures that sustain obscurantism in
Pakistan, ensure discipline within the security apparatus, and by extension
lend whatever help it can to beleaguered cause of modernism in society at
large.
Hussain H Zaidi was of the view that the US raids in Frontier
region, there is no gain saying the fact that these constitute a violation of
Pakistans sovereignty. It has also been maintained that the US strikes are
the result of a secret understanding reached between the Bush
Administration and the former Musharraf regime and that the new
democratic government in Pakistan has not repudiated it. However, both the
previous and present regimes deny that such understanding existed.
With or without consent from Islamabad, the strikes are deemed
necessary by Washington to break the network of terrorists operating in the
region bordering Pakistan and Afghanistan. Even if such a link exists, the
raids cannot be justified because they violate Pakistans sovereignty
There is no dearth of political leaders who aver that Pakistan should
break the begging bowl and take bold decisions notwithstanding the state of
the economy. Some even maintain that Pakistan should go to war against the
US. Every nation, no doubt, has to take some bold decisions. But such
decisions require a credible leadership another element of national power.
Do we have such leadership? Do we have leaders who can stand by the
people in their hour of trial, who can share their enormous wealth with the
masses, and are ready to part with their privileged position in society?

1110

It is a nice political slogan that the nation should prefer eating grass
to begging for foreign assistance. But who will eat grass? The leaders who
say this have a most luxurious lifestyle, which will make even the richest in
the developed world envious of them, live in palatial houses, drive in
imported bullet-proof cars, and have scores of gun-totting bodyguards. Such
leaders can hardly be expected to share the price of safeguarding sovereignty
with the people. Hence, it will be the ordinary people, already squeezed by
the galloping inflation in an increasingly laissez-faire economy, who will
have to pay all the price of sovereignty. It is hard to take bold decisions
when such leaders are around.
Morally and legally, US raids on Pakistan are without any
justification. But international politics is essentially power politics and a
nation has to be strong enough to safeguard its sovereignty. Shorn of that
strength, a nation can only register its protest with, put diplomatic pressure
on, and try and convince the belligerent nation that the intervention is
proving counter-productive. This is what Pakistan is doing with the US and
this is what it can do in the circumstances. Sovereignty in its absolute, a
prior meaning is no more than a myth.
Tasneem Noorani wrote: The leadership of the country, both the
president and the PM, has a role to play in leading the country, by
example and instilling confidence in the nation by its words, actions and
deeds. Leaving everything to the COAS is tantamount to abdicating
responsibility at this crucial critical juncture.
The main aim of the terrorists is to shatter the morale of their
enemy. If they succeed in that objective we will fall into their lap. Why, in
the wars of 1965 and 1971, was the damage caused to the other side always
exaggerated and personal casualties always minimized by both sides? To
keep the morale of the nation and the troops high; this is exactly what is
required in this war too
While the Pakistan Army is fighting the insurgents valiantly, the
president and the PM should back it up instead of leaving everything to the
COAS. Why cant the president or the PM visit the war-torn tribal areas?
Why cant our intelligence agencies trace and expose the source of the
money and weapons the insurgents receive instead of informing the public
about how many suicide bombers have entered a city? A group of mullahs
cant fight a full army for so long without external assistance in the
form of men, material and training. Unless the government takes on its

1111

responsibility of stemming the despondency being spread by the acts and

propaganda of the terrorists, we will be making their task very easy.
Hasan Pervez opined: At home, the crisis continues to be largely
underestimated or worst, fingers pointed at the wrong enemy. This is so
because instead of raising awareness of the real and present danger that
threatens survival of the Pakistani state, many politicians, opinion leaders
and so-called analysts vehemently criticize the war as action against our own
people at the behest of the Americans. They continue to harp on the ills of
the previous government or lament the non-restoration of ex-CJ Iftikhar
Chaudhry; in the context of the present danger, these issues are neither
relevant nor do they strike a chord amongst a vast majority of the people.
Can we expect them to rise above their petty agendas and personal
preferences to help in uniting the nation?
The strident coverage given to the war against the Taliban by our
media has only exacerbated the situation. In fact, it has much to answer
for. Private TV channels provide the platform from which the military action
against the Taliban is projected as a proxy war fought on behalf of the
Americans, besides which they muddy the issue by not identifying the real
enemy and create angst by holding forth on the immorality of training our
guns against our own people. In effect, they glorify terrorists, and at the
same time confuse and de-motivate the valiant jawans battling the militants.
It is time to accept harsh realities, identify the real threat and zero-in
on the real enemy. Its time for all democratic forces to join ranks with civil
society, build an across-the-board national consensus and take ownership of
the war. The nation must speak with one voice. Its our war, a war for our
survival, for in defeat it is we who stand to lose the most: our country.
I A Rehman observed: The government is now under pressure to
negotiate with the militants. The premise obviously is that in the tribal areas
(and also in Frontier districts) there are only two parties the government
and the militants. This assumption is wrong and misleading because it
ignores the large population that is angry with both the government and
the militants. It has made its views known in more ways than one.
In the tribal areas the task of bringing the people into the
mainstream, which was not easy even five decades ago but was not
intractable, has now become unusually difficult. The issue there is not so
much religion, which most tribal accept on their own terms, as cultural and
economic autonomy and the fear of the loss of material opportunities in the
event of a merger with the Frontier province.
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In the settled districts of the Frontier the people indicated their

political preference only eight months ago. Nobody has challenged the view
that candidates contesting the elections on the religious card and with book
as their symbol failed to win a single seat throughout Malakand division.
Nothing will be more unjust than dealing with militants over the heads
of the far more numerous civil population.
The militants see the population as an obstacle to their political
ambition. They are therefore targeting the peoples elected representatives.
At the same time they are attacking the traditional role of tribal elders as the
massacre during the Orakzai jirga shows. Much as one wishes the tribal and
the Pakhtuns in general, to break out of the feudal-age bondage to clan
chiefs, their supersession by pseudo-clerics is a prospect too horrible to be
contemplated with equanimity.
Since the government is asking the people to fight militancy without
giving them any idea of what good will come to them, they cannot throw
themselves into the struggle to save their future with the vigour and singlemindedness the situation demands. This failure to take along the people of
the Frontier, including FATA, may cost Pakistan heavier than anything
else. Negotiations are a must but with the people and not only to secure their
help for the war. They need to be offered a vision of autonomy, justice public
welfare.
Karamatullah K Ghori was of the view that theres complete
consensus across the party lines in US election campaign that Pakistan is
the single most deadly threat to US homeland security Theres also
agreement that this threat must be pre-empted, with or without Pakistan on
board.
The unraveling of the state in Pakistan makes it all the more tempting
for the Americans politicians, generals, academics, crystal ball-gazers et al
to reckon that this is ideal moment to mount maximum pressure on
Pakistan. The government is weak and hardly functioning; the economy is
melting; the country is polarized like never before, thanks largely to the
government and the people being poles apart on how to deal with the
mounting menace of terrorism
President Zardaris problem is the same as has haunted every
upstart Pakistani leader and soldier-of-fortune, be that in uniform or
civvies. Just like his predecessor, he, too, is desperate to seek Washingtons
approbation and agreement for his rule at the head of Pakistan. so
incapacitating is that urge that he rushed, helter-skelter, to the American
1113

shores to get the nod from his mentors without wasting a minute, leaving
literally, a burning Islamabad and Pakistan behind him.
It suits the Americans to be in a symbiotic relationship with Mr
Zardari. So theyre pandering to his whims and giving him an ego massage
whenever needed. They seem to be using both stick and carrot to keep him
in tow firmly behind them Mr Zardari, on his part, is leading his mentors
on to have faith in his abilities to deliver and deal with as much confidence
as they used to with Musharraf.
In fact, Mr Zardari is wielding his democratic credentials as an
extra qualification to earn more brownie points from his mentors.
Musharraf was an autocrat, but Im not, goes Mr Zardaris reasoning. And to
spice his argument he seems inclined to embrace the American agenda in
Pakistan and Afghanistan as his own. So the war on terror has become his
war. And hes not even coy in disparaging the Kashmiri freedom fighters
resisting the Indian occupation of their land as terrorists
He may be sadly mistaken for Washington is changing tacks in
fighting the seven year-old war on terror. There are two new and parallel
lines that Washington has just started pursuing in the war against
terror, in marked contrast to Bushs failed strategy of unbridled use of
force.
The first tack is that, at long last, Washington is making a
distinction between al-Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan. It has a
plan, now are home-grown in Afghanistan, from their erstwhile, but foreign,
comrades of al-Qaeda. Generals and politicians alike are getting conscious,
after incurring a horrendous cost to US economy, of the ineluctable need to
explore the more pragmatic and feasible option of a negotiated end to the
conflict in Afghanistan.
So a dialogue, on the lines of Henry Kissingers secret parleys with
the North Vietnam the go-between is Saudi Arabia, which still commands
respect with the Taliban. The Saudis are getting engaged into the process
because the Taliban seem ready to put paid to their costly camaraderie with
al-Qaeda. As CNN disclosed recently, the Americans have already met the
Taliban, initially, for exploratory talks in Saudi Arabia last month to break
the ice between the two.
The second notch of the new American strategy is to lessen
dependence on Pakistans crucial role of conduit to feed and equip
American and NATO forces in Afghanistan. An alternative route through
Central Asia is being actively explored, with the help of Putin of Russia,
1114

who is enthusiastic in getting on board with US as far as the fear of the

Taliban-like fundamentalism scorching Russias near-abroad in Central
Asia is concerned.
So Pakistan, on this critical cross-roads, is facing the twin
menace of, one, owning of American war on terror as its own baby, because
of Mr Zardaris unremitting zeal to become a new crusader, and two, ending
up fighting this war entirely on its own, in its own territory, with the
Americans having cut a deal with the Taliban, and the two of them, together,
going after al-Qaeda. The consequences of Mr Zardari losing his marbles to
serve undependable mentors are too scary to contemplate.
Ardeshir Cowasjee observed: The president, in whose name Malik
operates, was never to be the part of the plan put in place for Pakistan by the
sole superpower and its British ally. His entry on the political backwash was
accidental, a quirk of fate. Asif Zardari who finds himself all-powerful in
this nuclear-armed country, beset by terrorism, and under the arrangement
negotiated after his wifes death he has little option but to toe the
American line.
Those who stoutly maintain that Pakistan should opt out of any
participation in the war known as the war on terror must surely by now
realize that the roots of this was lie firmly in our territory and that right now,
with the Taliban playing havoc with our security forces, it is as much
Pakistans war as it is Americas. One thing that Zardari knows, from his
position of weakness, and about which he is making all the right noises, is
the fact that Pakistan has a problem with terrorism and that the
terrorists must be taken on and subdued if this country is to return to any
semblance of normalcy.
In-camera joint sessions of parliament will not at all alleviate
worries, concerns, or the situation at large. Neither the army, nor the ISI,
nor the president can even think of revealing the truth to a large body of
politicians, most of whom are unreliable and many of whom are at odds with
each other. Such cosmetic measures, non-serious, help not a whit and are a
waste of time and money.
Zardaris much-criticized visit to the States last month was in many
ways an embarrassment, but one positive factor was his interview given to
Bret Stephens of The Wall Street Journal. What he said on the subject of
relations with India and on Kashmir revealed flashes of realism and has been
welcomed warmly abroad but castigated at home attempts have been made
to deny that he never uttered them. However, when it comes to the
1115

credibility of the WSJ or of the redundant and noxious information

ministry, one must opt for the former.
The Dawn wrote: Even though Pakistan and America are allies in the
war on terror, a degree of mistrust has characterized their relationship.
Recent months have seen several US incursions into Pakistani territory, the
worst of them being on Sept 3. The future looks even more disturbing,
because Barak Obama, who is ahead of his rival in the pinion polls, has been
threatening to invade Pakistan and using highly provocative language. Even
though John McCain speaks with considerable circumspection, their TV
debates have made it clear that dealing with Pakistan is a major election
issue in America. No wonder many in this country want more details from
the government vis--vis its own plan of action.
The challenge before both government and the opposition lies in
developing a national consensus on the war on terror. True, Americas
invasion of Iraq outraged and alienated Muslims across the world. In
Pakistan, anti-US sentiment was already high in parts of the tribal belt
following the Talibans ouster from Kabul. Still, no excuses can be made
for our home-grown militants whose claims to mortality and a higher
calling sound hollow in the face of their ceaseless bloodletting and
terrorism.
The government has to take the opposition and the public along
and present the militants with a unified national response. Dialogue as
an option must never be discarded, provided the militants give up arms.
Similarly, while sensitive security issues cannot be made public, the
irritation in the relationship with America must be sorted out. Pakistan
cannot compromise on its sovereignty, and it is the Pakistani security forces
job to battle with the militants on their soil. One hopes the tripartite meeting
on Wednesday between Pakistan, NATO and Afghan commanders helped
sort out the grey areas in the rules of engagement for the three sides.

EASTERN FRONT
Zardari came out with Mother of all CBMs on 4th October; he
declared that India has never been a threat to Pakistan. Two days later, he
unveiled another aspect of Zardari-vision. He said those resisting Indian
occupation forces in IHK were terrorists. Perhaps this was the good news
he had promised on 9th September.

1116

As a result of yet another confidence building measure, AJK trade

team arrived in IHK on 9th October to help India to defuse tension by
allowing an alternative trade route to the Jammu route which had been
closed by Hindu militants that came from all over India. In less than two
weeks cross-LoC trade began on 21st October when trucks carrying goods
from either side crossed over Dosti bridge. Next day, another trade route,
Poonch-Rawalakot, was opened.
Mahmoud Ali Durrani discussed bilateral ties with his counterpart in
New Delhi on 14th October; he also called on Manmohan Singh, who had
recently returned from IHK after inaugurating Baglihar Dam. The same day,
Sherry sent a bouquet to ailing Indian minister. Three-day talks in Lahore
between heads of Rangers and BSF ended on 16th October reaching an
agreement on joint patrolling of border.
Mother of all the acts negative to confidence building came from
Manmohan Singh when he inaugurated Baglihar Dam on 10 th October. The
height of the giant structure as shown on TV was good enough to judge the
havoc it could play with the water flow in River Chenab. Singh had rightly
promised to Zardari in New York that he would look into the issue of
controversial dam; he announced plans to build four more dams on the river.
Next day, India stopped water of River Chenab to fill the Dam.
Blocking of Chenab water may hurt Indo-Pak ties, said Zardari. The
selection of word may was quite appropriate as three of the four member of
federating family were not pushed as long it affected Punjab only. On 13 th
October, Jamaat Ali Shah said Pakistan would press India for stolen water.
Pakistani team inspected Baglihar Dam on 20 th October. Three days later,
the teams of the two countries met in New Delhi and discussed the issue of
Chenab River and Baglihar Dam.
Indo-US strategic partnership progressed by leaps and bounds. On 4 th
October, Rice arrived in New Delhi to finalize the nuclear treaty. Four days
later, Bush signed nuclear deal law allowing nuclear trade with India. During
third week of October, Indo-US naval exercises were held in Indian Ocean
and Pakistan was offered a lollypop of nearly four decades old antisubmarine frigate.
Some of the other negative actions reported were as follows. On 6 th
October, more troops were sent to Assam to quell anti-Muslim rioting. Six
days later, another Pakistani died in Amratsar jail. Six people, including 3
children, were burnt alive by Hindu extremists in Andra Pardesh. Singh
blamed extremists for communal violence; he was scared of being specific
1117

and could not say Hindu extremists instead of simply saying extremists.
Indian Muslim leaders urged the government to protect Muslims against
persecution.
Perpetration of state terrorism in IHK continued unabated. Following
incidents of terrorism and resistance by Kashmiris were reported:
A week-long fighting ended 3rd October in high mountains resulted in
killing 14 people, including one soldier.
On 5th October, curfew was imposed in IHK and Kashmiri leaders
were arrested and detained to thwart freedom rally.
Next day, thousands of troops were deployed to impose curfew and
Kashmiris were prevented from holding freedom rally. At least eight
people were injured as police opened fire at two places.
Two-day long curfew in IHK was lifted on 7 th October. Kashmiris
went on strike on second day of Singhs visit. Police shot dead a
protester on 10th October and the visiting Singh said India was open to
talks with APHC.
On 11th October, complete strike was observed to protest Singhs visit
to IHK. Next day, six Kashmiris were killed by occupation forces in
two incidents.
At least 20 Kashmiris were injured when police used force to disperse
protesters in Srinagar.
Three Kashmiris were killed on 19th October. Kashmiri leaders
announced boycott of election. Yasin Malik and Maulvi Shawkat Shah
were arrested on 23rd October.
The Dawn commented on the freedom rally and repressive measures
taken by India. It is about time that New Delhi stopped treating the crisis in
Kashmir as a law and order issue and began to address the many genuine
grievances that Kashmiris have against the Indian rule in the Valley. A twoday curfew, the arrest of key Kashmiri leaders and the deployment of
thousands of soldiers and other security personnel may have put paid to
plans of holding a massive freedom rally in Srinagar on Monday, but this
triumph is bound to prove short-lived for the administration. So long as state
repression continues and India keeps up its present troop levels in the
territory, it is unlikely that the protests, which have been continuing since
June, will die down

1118

India must recognize that it is a popular uprising and not a Pakistanbacked insurgency that it is dealing with in Kashmir. It can no longer point
the finger of blame at Islamabad. The situation today is completely
different from the events of yesteryear
Whether New Delhi likes it or not, the Kashmir question is becoming
internationalized more than ever before. With Pakistan safely on the
sidelines, the pressure is mounting on the Indian authorities to deal with
issues that are leading to anger and may be a factor in Indias home-grown
militancy. However, coming down with a heavy hand on the freedom of
assembly and speech in Kashmir can hardly be effective. It will breed
greater resentment besides making Indias democratic credentials suspect in
the eyes of the world community. A well-defined political solution,
acceptable to the Kashmiris, is the need of the hour if further alienation
of the Valleys inhabitants is to be prevented.
Zardaris remarks that India has never been a threat to Pakistan
pleased Kuldip Nayar so much that he was all praise for him. Asif Ali
Zardari was never taken seriously in India. People either knew him as
Benazir Bhuttos husband or Mr Ten Per Cent. But his pronouncements after
assuming charge of the Pakistan Peoples Party began drawing attention in
India. He was applauded when he said, six months ago, that ties between
the two countries should not be held hostage to the Kashmir issue. This
was what New Delhi had been saying all along
Zardari, now Pakistans president, has expressed similar thought in a
more explicit way. He seems to have stirred up a hornets nest of opposition
on Kashmir issue. In an interview to a US daily, he said that Kashmiri
militants are the terrorists. I do not understand the furor over the remark. He
has not given away Kashmir, nor has he withdrawn the claim on the state.
All that he has done is to describe todays militants as terrorists who, by
no stretch of the imagination, are freedom fighters, the title that Gen
Pervez Musharraf gave them
Terrorists operating under different names of the Lashkar-i-Taiba
continue to indulge in violence and encounters. They kill the innocent.
Should they be called freedom fighters or mujahideen as the fundamentalists
claim? Terrorism cannot be fought if its perpetrators are hailed when
they infiltrate Kashmir and condemned when they operate in Pakistan.
Zardari sees the point. Others, prisoners of old policies, dont.
I am a bit disappointed by the criticism coming from the Muslim
League led by Nawaz Sharif. He knows better because he saw through the
1119

game when he flew to Washington to retrieve the honour of his armed forces
after the debacle of Kargil. They are the same terrorists who indulged in
bomb blasts in Lahore, Bhakkar or elsewhere. They are the ones who burnt
the Marriott in Islamabad. If Nawaz Sharif were to analyze the situation
dispassionately, he would come to the same conclusion as Zardari has.
Political considerations should not cloud Nawaz Sharifs judgment
Whenever I have visited Pakistan I have found the climate
improving. There is no tension. Pakistanis are awakening to New Delhis
difficulties in keeping its polity pluralistic as well as democratic. India is
ashamed of many happenings, particularly those which have made a
mockery of our secular credentials. Still the majority of people are trying
to restore the balance which India has come to represent over the
years
Equation with Islamabad is an essential ingredient to protect the
ethos of secularism. This is where I find Zardari different from the
general run of politicians in Pakistan. He is preparing his country to face
certain realities. He has no hesitation in saying that India is not a threat to his
country. He has recognized Indias economic prowess. He rightly imagines
Pakistani cement factories being constructed to provide for Indias huge
infrastructure needs
One thing striking about Zardari is that he is courageous enough to
tread the ground on which politicians of the old mould fear to walk. Leaders
of different parties in Pakistan have a viewpoint on India that is not
divergent from one anothers. Kashmir is a symptom, not the disease. The
disease is the feeling which the countrys size and economy evokes. It has
more to do with fear than with religious bias.
No doubt, New Delhi is closely watching what Zardari does or says.
His meeting with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in New York went
extremely well. It seems the latter was impressed by the formers frankness.
Pakistan is passing through difficult times. New Delhi has to do something
concrete to express its solidarity with Islamabad, more so with the
nascent democracy. It is in Indias own interest.
Dr Shaista Tabassum commented on Baglihar Dam. The Indus water
treaty is one of the most unfortunate episodes of history in the subcontinent.
It is one the most biased agreements concluded between the two
countries. The treaty claimed to have created a balance in water rights of
India and Pakistan but the fact remains that it has deprived Pakistan of use of

1120

water of the three rivers (Sutlej, Beas and Ravi). India practically diverted
the three rivers to its side, and made these rivers dry on Pakistans side.
India was given limited rights over the use of the waters of Jehlum,
Chenab and Indus, but the application of these clauses of the treaty seems to
be ineffective, because despite treatys clear provisions India has stopped the
waters of Chenab beyond the limits placed by the treaty. The
implementation mechanism is so slow that by the time any decision is
reached against the defiance of the clauses, India is able to achieve its
desired objective. Another important fact that cannot be neglected is that not
only India can stop water, it can also release excessive water and thus create
havoc in Pakistan as it did on a limited level during the present monsoon
season on River Ravi.
The treaty is a fact and there is no way coming out of it. The history
tells us the mistakes committed in the realm of foreign policy. The only
purpose to revisit history is to learn lessons which should not be re-learned.
There is no denying the fact that the foreign policy blunders are
unforgivable. When the decision-makers are unable to resist pressures
and they make wrong decisions the state and its people, generation after
generation, suffer.
The Dawn wrote: President Asif Zardari swam against the current
when he recently said India was never a threat to Pakistan. His latest take on
the next-door neighbour is more reflective of the uneasy natural bonding that
the two countries cannot come out of. The president says an Indian
blocking of Chenab water could jeopardize a relationship he appears
keen to mend and promote. Others in Pakistan may share his sentiment
about peace and the role that divisive water issues can play in holding
Pakistan and India hostage to a hostile past.
There is however no dearth of experts here who hold that no
mechanism exists to check the construction of a reservoir by India on a river
formally assigned to Pakistan under the five-decade-old Indus Water Basin
Treaty. Baglihar Dam, inaugurated in Indian-controlled Kashmir last week,
is a prime example; while the controversial project was under way Pakistani
experts were labeling the Indus treaty as an unsatisfactory document
favouring India
The traditional sources the Indus system and underground water
are running dry, and while the country must look for alternatives it has to
guard against unkind cuts in supply. The end where one neighbour does not
represent a threat to the other can only be achieved through talks. There is
1121

no reason why Islamabad cannot propose modifications for reasons of

clarity, and no reason why a New Delhi that sees other past resolutions as
obsolete shouldnt respond positively.
The News opined: Under the 1960 Indus Water Treaty, that
determined how water is to be shared between the two nations, water from
three western rivers of the Indus, the Jehlum and the Chenab is to be used
exclusively by Pakistan. Pakistan had already objected that the Baglihar
Dam on the river violated this accord, with third-party mediation on the
issue leading to changes in its design.
Pakistans government is now stated to have received reports that
state India plans to build up to 12 dams on the Chenab. This, it is feared,
will not only damage Pakistan in terms of food security, with India able to
cut off water flows used to irrigate lands, but also act as a threat in the event
of war given that waterways form important natural barriers. An ability to
dry out a major river would give India a strategic advantage.
These issues are now being taken up with India. Pakistan has warned
it will seek third-party arbitration if they are not amicably resolved.
Islamabads concerns are justified. Indias control over water that flows
into Pakistan has repeatedly emerged as a source of tension between the
two countries. The only way to avoid such problems arising is for the 1960
accord to be respected
The interests of the two countries are so closely linked, that they can
be protected only by establishing closer ties. A failure to do so will bring
only more episodes of discord, over river water, over dams, over toxic
dumping in drains and over illegal border crossings. Immediately, India must
compensate Pakistan for the water denied to it. In the longer term both
countries must work towards building more trust and a relationship that
enables them to work together as friends rather than foes.
Shireen M Mazari observed: So the president has finally become
aware of Indian duplicity and hostile intent towards Pakistan. Deeply rooted
in its revisionist mindset, India is certainly not going to alter its approach
because of the presumed charm offensive the president feels he can
turn on to right all ills the country faces. In fact, it is the Indians who yet
again managed to trap our leadership into conceding all manner of political
(on Kashmir) declaratory compromises and trade concessions while they
continue to undermine us with water strangulation and baseless charges of
cross-LoC infiltration.

1122

Our present leaders would do well to study the water disputes

India continues to have with its other neighbours, despite the Indian-tilted
bilateral agreements that neighbours were made to ink. Our seemingly
lethargic approach to taking up the waters issue with India has sent the
wrong signals to this bullying neighbour or were the intended signals,
given how our new national security adviser (who has come full circle from
being a GoP military bureaucrat to being American neo-con Shireen TaherKhelis employee to again being a GoP appointee) has not allowed the
serious Chenab water strangulation by India disrupt his misplaced bonhomie
with Indian leaders in New Delhi.
The Dawn also wrote about cross-LoC trade. Trade by itself will not
expedite even a partial solution on Kashmir. Work must be resumed on a
number of confidence-building measures before a more trusting relationship
can evolve enabling the two countries to give concessions to one another.
Moves on issues such as Siachen and Sir Creek may not have fizzled out
altogether but appear to have achieved nothing so far.
The Chenab water dispute, with all its potentially harmful
repercussions for agriculture in Pakistan, is yet another heavy strain on
relations. Meanwhile, there have been accusations on New Delhis side of
Pakistans involvement in a series of blasts that rocked the Indian capital
recently while there are suspicions at home about Indian consulates in
Afghanistan, which some believe are supporting anti-Pakistan elements.
In this atmosphere of distrust, how can one expect the two
countries to cooperate in fully activating the joint anti-terror mechanism set
up some time ago? On the economic front, while the commencement of
trade in Kashmir can be seen as an achievement, the failure of the South
Asian Free Trade Agreement to take off has prevented the two countries
from strengthening economic ties A sincere resolve to overcome the
existing acrimony and cooperate with one another will go a long way in
removing this hurdle.

HOME FRONT
At home, the things changed a great deal with political demise of
Musharraf. With his departure, the hype on enlightened moderation died
down and so was the concern about the image of Pakistan. The insurgency
in Balochistan also dissipated as militant nationalists decided to give time to
democratic government to address their grievances.

1123

Zardari, who proved to be a clever politician, killed two birds with

one stone; Nawaz Sharif was the second bird. With the exit of PML-N from
the coalition, there was nothing left to test shrewdness of the smiling
scoundrel in politicking. What was left was the bitter ground realities related
to the governance.
Foreign exchange reserves were depleted to the extent that Pakistan
found itself at the brink of bankruptcy. Wheat flour had become scarce but
some NWFP leaders kept pressing Punjab government to send more wheat
so that the free-trade business, or smuggling, run by them was not affected.
Prices of electricity, gas and gasoline had become unbearable for the people.
It must have certainly dawned upon Zardari regime that governance is a
different ball-game from politicking.
On 5th October, Pakistan received $500m ADB loan, but Zardari
expected the world to come up with $100bn. Altaf Hussain asked Nawaz
Sharif to join Zardari in pulling Pakistan out of dire situation. Two days
later, Prime minister cancelled his visit to Azad Kashmir for security
reasons. The visit was in the context of the third anniversary of the
devastating earthquake. Decision to recruit more ministers in the federal
cabinet, including some from MQM, was taken. Ban Ki Moon appointed
commission to, but clarified that it would be a fact finding body and not an
investigative body and also declined to give timeline.
On 8th October, PML-F denied that it was joining the government in
the forthcoming expansion of the cabinet. General Kayani briefed Zardari on
the first day of joint sitting of parliament. State Bank decided to induct 100
million dollar to save the tumbling Rupee. Next day, Zardari was briefed
about missile and nuclear programme; he vowed to rid the country of
terrorism. Brambagh vowed to continue the Baloch struggle.
On 10th October, the government sought oil from Iran on deferred
payment as Mottaki visited Pakistan. Next day, PML-N said placing the
deals with the US in parliament were must for reaching consensus on the
war on terror. PML-N activists remembered October 12. In Lahore, Nawaz
Sharif urged summoning of Musharraf to appear before the Parliament to
answer as to why he violated the Constitution twice. Fazl said he had vision
to steer the country out of crisis; well, if Zardari can claim having a vision,
why cant Fazl have one.
On 13th October, joint session was adjourned after the death of MNA.
Sherry Rehman, in recognition of her ability to talk aimlessly for hours, was
chosen to brief the parliamentarians on government policy in war on terror.
1124

Taseer wanted closed door joint session of the parliament to work out policy
to face food challenges.
Next day, Zardari left for China with hopes to scrounge something.
The court hearing the case of disqualification asked Sharif brothers to appear
before it in person. China and donors pledged to help Pakistan to overcome
its economic problems. The government imposed development tax on
diesel and kerosene.
ANP minister demanded constant supply of wheat from Punjab. He
argued that all the provinces have the right over wheat grown in Punjab. He
also threatened to stop water and electricity to Punjab if wheat supply was
not ensured. Oxfam said food inflation has pushed 17 million more
Pakistanis into poverty.
Two political activists of MQM and one of Sunni Tehrik were killed in
Karachi on 17th October. Pervez Elahi and General Hamid Gul were
named in FIR of October 18 bomb blast. Two days later, Chaudhry Nisar
said naming Pervaiz Elahi and Hamid Gul in FIR was an absurd act devoid
of any wisdom. Three persons were killed in blast in Dera Bugti.
On 20th October, the Prime Minister Gilani denied naming Pervaiz
Elahi in the FIR. Reportedly, Pakistan needed $5bn to avert default. IMF
offered $6bn package. Rail track was blown up near Quetta. Two days later,
IMF confirmed that Pakistan has sought its help. Rs50 billion were injected
as life saving measure for stock market. Balochistan peace is must for oil
exploration, said Zardari.
On 23rd October, Shaukat Tareen spelled out three options to build up
reserves within 30 days; option one was to get loans from banks like WB,
ADB, DFID and IDB; option two related to friends of Pakistan and falling
into the IMF (net) was the option three. Zardari accused last government of
misusing the remittances. Authorities closed the business of unauthorized
money exchangers on reports that dollars were being purchased and sent to
Afghanistan.
Cyril Almeida talked about Pakistans economic crisis and its friends.
The fact is no one not China, not the US, not Saudi Arabia, not the Gulf
countries, not the IFIs trusts Pakistan to behave responsibly if handed a
fistful of dollars. This is their cumulative judgment from their accumulated
experience of dealing with us for decades. Our friends are pushing us into
the death grip of the IMF because they believe it, and it alone, has the
capacity and inclination to keep up with a slippery, profligate character like
Pakistan. The IMF will demand that Pakistan lives within its means by
1125

spending as much close to as it earns. Translated into numbers, it will mean

cutting the fiscal deficit to four percent or less; raising the tax-to-GDP ratio
from 10 percent to 15 percent; and slashing growth targets to near
recessionary levels of four percent or less.
For any government, most of all a newly elected, transitory
government beset by multiple crises, the IMF pill is a bitter one. It will slash
development and current expenditure, dramatically reducing the
governments capacity to dole out patronage and employment. But it is the
price our friends are demanding to ever so slightly open the cash spigot to
douse an impending balance-of payments crisis.
Before we curse them, we should ask ourselves, are they the only
ones pessimistic about Pakistans ability to reform itself? Every time the
head of a bank or Over my dead body Tareen or a minister appears on TV
to assure us all will be well, I cant help but wonder if their bank statements
of the past 12 months would tell another story. Show us your money,
Pakistanis should say, and well show you our trust.
We will emerge from this mess eventually. Perhaps as early as mid2010 we may touch the bottom of the economic tough of low growth and
high inflation. We have 170 million people who used to be fed and clothed
and whose needs have to be met. We have a reasonable export base.
Building a mobile telecom and TV news industry from scratch is indicative
of the adaptability of the private sector. Our world will not end with this
crisis.
The question is; will we finally learn our lesson from the balance-ofpayments crises that afflict us every decade? The solutions are not Nobelprize material. Go back to the basics: shore up the agrarian base of the
economy; branch out into simple manufacturing; widen tax net; expand our
exports; get serious about institutional reform basically do the dull and
boring stuff that doesnt grab headlines.
But we are attracted to bring to shiny, quick growth inside a bubble.
In an unstable political system with alternating bouts of military and civilian
rule, it makes sense: when your policy timeline is uncertain and your
political shelf life unknown, you go for the biggest, brightest, shiniest
trinkets you can have. Better to dazzle than to go out with a whimper. But
with every iteration of the cycle of boom and bust the problems are
magnified; raising the question of how much longer can we go on.
This is not wanton doom and gloom. There is a genuine reason to
question our leaders inclination to reform this country as long as they
1126

believe that Pakistan is too big to fail. Its bandied about with distressing
ease. Give us your money, we have nuclear weapons. And al-Qaeda. And the
worlds seventh-largest standing army. And did we mention nuclear
weapons? How long before our friends think, well maybe they shouldnt
have any of those?
The Dawn wrote: Pakistans hopes of securing immediate funding
from friends to overcome its balance-of-payments crisis and avert a
possible default on international debt have been dashed. Lenders are no
longer ready to trust us with fresh cash handouts to squander on importing
luxuries; this in spite of our strategic location and us being a frontline state
in the war on terror. Even the strong commitment of many friends to
support the nascent democratic government doesnt compel them to open
their coffers to us. The world expects us to do more on the economic
front just as it wants us to do more in the terror war
The decision to join an IMF programme now will be unpopular at
home. But we have run out of options. The opposition to seeking the IMFs
help doesnt stem only from the fact that its economic stabilization recipes
have been discredited around the world. The rulers dread going to the Fund
because it imposes a tight fiscal framework on their functioning to ensure
financial discipline buy cutting expenditure. Ordinary citizens dislike it
because the IMF conditions hurt them.
The government has already removed subsidies of fuel. Subsidies on
electricity will be eliminated by June 2009. The measures were taken in
order to seek the IMFs approval that could in return send a positive signal to
bilateral and multilateral lenders and restore investor confidence. With the
most difficult measures already taken, there is little for the ordinary man to
fear from the other possible conditions attached to an IMF loan. If anyone
stands to lose anything from the IMFs conditions, it has to be the rulers
who should understand that this could be their last chance to stabilize the
economy on a sustainable basis. And last may mean last this time.
Karamatullah K Ghori observed: The rupees par value against the
dollar is in free fall; exports are stagnant; the energy crisis is not only a
nightmare for the people of Pakistan but is crippling industrial production
and grinding it to a virtual halt; foreign currency reserves are hurling down
to the bottom of the barrel; flight of capital one unmistakable sign of an
economy in doldrums is spiraling out of control. The writing is on the
wall of an economy buffeted by gale-force winds from all around.

1127

What are the options for a government which, although now in

office for more than seven months, gives no sign of being in control of
anything, least of all of an economy on its knees? Not many, one has to
confess in all sincerity. To give this government the benefit of hindsight,
what Pakistan is reaping now is the harvest of cavalier seeds sown under
Shaukat Aziz whose only expertise at the City Corp was to whiten black
money. But he was hailed in Pakistan by his equally inane mentors as a whiz
kid economist, and the rest is history
But apart from doing away with subsidies on petroleum products, this
government hasnt taken any bold initiative to come to grips with the
major challenges confronting the economy. Instead, it has taken refuge in
the age-old Pakistani ruling elites shameless gut-instinct to run to Pakistans
foreign friends and mentors with a begging bowl.
The analyst went on to discuss Zardaris attempts at using the begging
bowl from New York to Riyadh to Beijing and friends reluctance to dole
out hard cash primarily due to Pakistans internal instability. He then
concluded: With an insurgency in the tribal belt, an ideal security will not
be forthcoming as long as the flames of a bloody confrontation there are not
doused and snuffed out. That put Zardari in a catch-22 situation. He has
embraced Bushs war as his own and is throwing everything into it,
including 170,000 troops of the army a figure not reached in the military
action in the erstwhile East Pakistan, which was lost despite that.
Chinas generous assistance would be conditional on Islamabads
willingness to create normal conditions in the tribal areas. That, under the
circumstances, seems a huge challenge. But thats a task Mr Zardari can ill
afford to postpone if his quest is to fill the begging bowl with healthy
dollops of charity. Now that hes getting to know the US from a unique
perspective not previously available to him, Mr Zardari should also make
himself familiar with an old American dictum: no free lunches.

CONCLUSION
The Zardari regime made another clever move in the context of war
on terror. It arranged in-camera briefing and debate on the issue, not with
any intention of changing its policy, but to release public pressure on it for
being glaringly subservient to the United States.
The immediate aim was to adopt a resolution with the support of
opposition parties, particularly on PML-N which had been demanding

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reorientation of the policy on war on terror. Suicide attack in Bhakkar a

couple of days before the scheduled in-camera briefing suited well for
winning hearts and minds of the PML-N leaders for such support.
As has been said the regime had no intention of changing the policy.
Its leaders never confessed that there was anything wrong with the policy in
vogue. For example, Leader of the House in the Senate, Raza Rabbani
rejected the allegation that the regime was pursuing Musharrafs policy and
insisted that it was in accordance with Bibis vision.
He was right in a sense that Bibi had promised to Americans that she
would deliver better than Musharraf in war on terror and would allow US
forces entry into tribal areas. Her party has been doing exactly that since
coming into power. There has been marked increase in military operations
by Pakistan and cross-border strikes by the US forces; yet the regime refused
to accept anything wrong with it.
Two events clearly pointed out that there would be no change in PPPs
policy on war on terror. Firstly, the poor attendance in the joint session by
the members of the Parliament showed the lack of interest in the issue of
national security. And it indicated that they were quite sure that, debate or no
debate, resolution or no resolution, there would be no change on ground
people.
Secondly, Boucher arrived in Islamabad amid in-camera
briefing/debate. He must have reminded Zardari regime about his
obligations under NRO-deal and Okayed the Zardaris favourite strategy; say
anything in the resolution to fool the opposition but do what America tells.
Zardari has not disappointed Americans so far; Hamid Gul, after having
been named in the FIR, would confirm that.
Only hours after adoption of the resolution by Parliament the US
carried out another missile attack to recheck the resolve of Zardari regime.
The attack reconfirmed that undertakings given secretly to America were
more binding for the regime than the verbosity of the resolution adopted
after in-camera briefings and debate. Mulla, Mosque and madressah
remained at the hit list of the US and the same has been incorporated in the
resolution in concealed phrase of militancy and extremism of all kinds.
The Zardari regime had been quite active outside the Parliament as
well. The Ulema have declared suicide bombing Haram to facilitate the
regimes fight against terrorism. If one probes into the case history of suicide
bombings, one would find that suicide bombings have nothing to do with
religion.
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Most of the perpetrators of this form of terrorism have been the

victims of terrorism in one way or the other. In other words they act in sheer
desperation to avenge the wrongs done to them. If that be so, then
declaration of suicide bombing Haram by some Ulemas, carry no meanings,
at least for the potential suicide bombers.
The regime, in pursuit of pleasing the US, has decided to tread a
dangerous path wherein tribesmen were being pitched against tribesmen.
The ANP has been instrumental in raising of the tribal lashkars to fight
against Taliban. This implied that militancy has been accepted as an
instrument for promotion of political goals. Astonishingly it has come from a
party that believes in Gandhis political doctrine of non-violence.
The regime, however, has handled the media men and journalists quite
competently. Those who were embedded with the regime were rewarded
promptly. The willing partners were paid handsomely and in some cases
willingness was purchased.
As regards the nuts-difficult-to-crack, the regime adopted aggressive
approach to tackle them in debates. PPP leaders appearing on TV channels
dealt quite harshly with participants from opposition parties and the anchors
who asked questions hinting at regimes failings.
As regards inauguration of Baglihar Dam, India allowed Pakistani
experts to visit the Dam as a confidence building measure. This rare favour
was extended to acquaint them with newly built big dams because Pakistani
experts havent seen newly built dam for decades. The visit had nothing to
do with violation of Indo-Pak water treaty as reported in the media. The
hosts might have also told the guests that if you cant construct a dam why
stop others.
Wheat shortage is closely linked to river water and dams. A minister
from NWFP, whose party has been opposing construction of Kalabagh Dam,
asked Punjab to supply wheat as desired by him and his party arguing that
all provinces have the right over wheat grown in Punjab. He threatened to
stop water and electricity to Punjab if wheat supply was not ensured. His
tone indicated nothing but intent to blackmail the so-called Big Brother.
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