Clare Bright, Honors 394A

Question #1
Student Number: 1227562

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In her work, Black Sexual Politics, Patricia Hill Collins advocates that characteristics
such as gender, sexuality, class and age should be incorporated into inclusive and effective
politics within human rights movements. However, these traits tend to be crosscutting issues as
they divide human rights movements into separate groups (Collins, 49). In order to create an
analysis for human rights that includes the different groups affected by these crosscutting issues,
it is first necessary for those impacted to focus on self-improvement and realizing a sense of
individual pride. Upon achieving this self-improvement and pride, it will become possible for
the oppressed to commence an encompassing, rather than individual, human rights movement.
Although the movement will now be seen as one for humans as opposed to one for African
Americans, women or homosexuals, individual sub-groups within the movement will tend to
prioritize those issues most prevalent to their class. In order to bridge these gaps, it will be
necessary to employ a dynamic leader that will appeal to all those involved in the movement. In
addition, it will be beneficial to embrace, but not be limited to, liberal ideals, endorse and create
equality legislation that will eventually lead to social change. Finally, the different classes
involved must prevent the alienation of members within the movement as well as the external
oppressors. By creating a unified analysis of various groups of oppressed people and creating a
common goal, it will become possible to bring about the social change that individual groups
have endeavored to attain throughout the history of the United States.
In order to establish successful social change, it is first necessary for those seeking
change to work for personal improvement. The oppression that groups such as African
Americans, women and homosexuals have experienced has prevented them from attaining their
full potential. While it might not be possible to reach maximum potential prior to social change
taking place, it is feasible to ameliorate the aspects that these maltreated groups have control

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over. In The Good Fight, Shirley Chisholm questions the effectiveness of the African American
Civil Rights movement when she opines that the right to sit in the front of the bus serves no
advantage to African Americans when they cant afford the bus fare (Chisholm, 142). It is
undeniable that Rosa Parks actions in 1955 on the Montgomery bus marked a momentous event
in the fight for African American rights within the United States. This non-violent act of
resistance sparked the Montgomery Bus Boycott, eventually leading to the desegregation of
busses in Alabama. However, as Chisholm points out, during this time, many African Americans
lacked the economic sustenance required to use public transportation. Despite gains resulting
from the boycott, African Americans accomplished insignificant change due to the aftermath of
decades of oppression. To achieve more significant gains, African Americans would first have to
improve themselves as people. This would prove to be very difficult due to the circumstances in
which they found themselves. However, small gains could be made within the African American
community to provide the group a better position to campaign for equality.
The idea of improvement within the African American community dates back to the times
of Booker T. Washington. While not the most glamorous vocations, manual labor, in
Washingtons opinion, could be used by African Americans to improve their standing within
American society. In his Atlanta Exposition Address in 1895, Washington pleaded with other
African Americans to make the most of their situation and embrace professions in disciplines
such as agriculture, mechanics, commerce and domestic services. Through these jobs of lower
social status, African Americans would begin to learn the difference between the superficial and
more material aspects of life. Then, African Americans would be able to begin to incorporate
their knowledge and skills into their occupations. Although they would be starting at the bottom
of the social rankings, according to Washington, they had to make the most of their opportunities

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and take pride in their work (Washington, 24-25). Even though many blacks opposed this view,
Washington had a realistic grasp on how to improve African American culture as a whole. It
would take small gains from within the African American community, such as a reordering of
priorities, in order to eventually move on to more significant social change. Washington offers
more insight to this ideal on a smaller scale during his time at Tuskegee University. While in the
home of an African American family of five, Washington noticed a sixty-dollar organ in the
living room, yet only one fork for the whole family. A second example of misplacement of
priorities that Washington cites is the black community of Tuskegee spending the holidays
drinking, dancing and fighting (McCartney, 59). These actions led to economic as well as
personal hardships. To successfully initiate the movement for equality, it would first be
necessary to eliminate these detrimental elements from the African American community.
A final example of self-improvement comes from Bell Hooks in Feminism: A
Transformational Politic. Hooks claims that all groups of people must combat the inherent
oppressor from within and liberate the potential victim (Hooks, 110). While Hooks focuses on
feminism and patriarchy, the underlying theme is oppression within the family. Familial
relationships pertain to all groups of people, regardless of race, gender or sexuality. Therefore,
Hooks ideas of improving relationships within the family apply to the internal improvement of
all oppressed groups. Hooks also suggests that everyone possesses the capacity to oppress due to
the structure of family (Hooks, 110). Husbands tend to dominate wives and parents control
children. By improving and redefining these relationships, these groups could begin to work
towards social equality. This improvement will enable them to function as a cohesive unit, thus
being more efficient and persuasive in their movement. Also, recognizing and understanding
domination within the family setting can assist in drawing parallels drawn among gender,

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sexuality and ethnicity (Hooks, 111). Due to these common bonds and need for selfimprovement, it is possible to begin to formulate an overarching analysis that begins to combine
the individual units (racial, sexual and gender groups) into one human rights movement.
In addition to advancements from within each equality movement, it is also necessary for
those involved to secure self-pride. The oppression experienced by these groups engenders
sentiments of inferiority. If these groups lack confidence about who they are, their push for
equality is bound to fail. The most obvious push for power stems from the African American
movement. Known as Black Power, leaders saw the importance of finding cultural pride. In
Black Power, Stokely Carmichael and Charles Hamilton describe a process in which African
Americans must regain their cultural history and identity. African Americans as a whole were
stripped of this identity through cultural terrorism (Carmichael and Hamilton, 34). Slavery
stripped African Americans of every aspect of their culture. Generations born into slavery had
no sense of what it meant to be of African ancestry. To achieve black power, African
Americans had to redefine their being, something that could only occur from within their
community (Carmichael and Hamilton, 37). African Americans were forced to come together
and realize their commonalities in order to decide what it meant to be black. The most
influential aspect of this redefining period stemmed from the knowledge that white is not
synonymous with superior. However, integration suggests that African Americans, in their
current state during the 1960s, become a part of white culture on white terms. Since this
integration would come on white terms, it reinforced the idea of white superiority (Carmichael
and Hamilton, 54). Yet if the period of redefinition proved to be successful, blacks would no
longer succumb to the white definition of what it meant to be black. This definition according to
Carmichael and Hamilton is lazy, unintelligent and apathetic (Carmichael and Hamilton, 37).

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With successful redefinition, however, black people will see themselves as active, intelligent and
beautiful (Carmichael and Hamilton, 38). With the realization of Black Power, African
Americans will no longer see integration on white terms as a solution. Instead, they will take
pride in who they are as human beings and thus posses the ability to be a cog within a
comprehensive push for human equality.
Although not as clear cut as Black Power, there was a push to take pride in being a
woman from within the womens rights movement. Redefining of womanhood began with
critiquing the stereotypes placed on women. According to Alison Jaggar in The Politics of
Liberal Feminism, this includes the idea that women are sexual objects who must please men
(Jaggar, 178). In addition to this sexual stereotype, it was believed that women were restricted
to low wage jobs thus taking away from the rest of their lives (Jaggar, 178). For example,
women working low paying jobs as well as attempting to raise a family are forced to be
dependent on their husbands and in most cases, women are simply relegated to domestic work
(Jaggar, 178). Betty Freidan continues these ideas in Our Revolution is Unique, by suggesting
the idea of new women. These new women are people who classify themselves as humans
before women. Freidan also points out that some women have accepted their roles in society and
see feminists as a threat (Freidan, 451). By settling for this ranking in society, these women are
limiting who they can be as people. Rather than settle, women should exercise their given right
to fulfill their full potential. (Freidan, 451). The only way to achieve this potential is to take
pride in being human and not settling for the traditional positions within society.
Finally, there was a push from within the gay rights movement to create a sense of gay
power or pride. Martha Shelley succinctly describes this sentiment with; We will never go
straight until you go gay (DEmilio, 57). Any heterosexual person would find it crazy if society

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attempted to mold them into being gay. The converse holds true for homosexuals. Rather than
attempt to fit in with the norms of society, homosexuals should take pride in who they are.
Stephen Engel expounds upon this ideal in The Unfinished Revolution when he describes the
process of coming out as rejecting the negative connotation that society had placed upon
homosexuality (Engel, 43). While coming out will subject homosexuals to public scrutiny and
discrimination, it is a process in which they accept their personal self and achieve gay power.
Although most of these examples are dated, the precedents that they set hold true today.
It is still necessary to strive for self-improvement within specific racial, gender or sexual groups.
It is also still imperative that these groups take pride in their defining characteristics. These
processes will lead to individuals attaining their full potentials within their respective
communities. In order to further the push for equality, social change will become necessary. At
this point in the process, the individual groups will see the importance of collaboration within a
human rights movement rather than movements for their respective groups. They will have clear
ideas of what needs to be done to improve the social standing of their classes and that they all
share the desire for social equality. While this equality will be achieved in different ways,
working together will prove to be the most efficient method to attain equality.
Through self-improvement and self-pride, it will be possible to create the inclusive
analysis that will aid those interested in social justice. However, it is simply part of human
nature to put the needs of the individual ahead of those of the community. Within this cohesive
analysis, ethnic groups might place their issues ahead of those of homosexuals, for example. To
overcome these differences, the movement must first appoint a dynamic leader who will ensure
that the groups continue to move towards a common goal; equality. The most effective leader for
this movement should employ tactics similar to those of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. King had a

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very good understanding of what it would take in order for an oppressed group to find social
justice. He wrote in his Letter From Birmingham Jail that even small amounts of injustice posed
great threats to justice on a larger scale (King, 189). In addition, King wrote that freedom would
never be handed to the oppressed. It would be a painful process that required action and full
commitment to the process (King, 191). These beliefs are common bonds to all oppressed
groups. Achieving gay rights is no easier than achieving racial or gender rights. All require
considerable amounts of effort from those involved. In Why We Cant Wait, King expressed the
need for those involved in the moment to exercise patience (King, 41). This is a vital
understanding to posses for the leader of an inclusive human rights movement, since having so
many different groups involved will most likely slow the progress that could be achieved by
individual groups. Despite the reduced pace, the movement will ideally achieve more profound
and holistic social change. In addition to possessing the necessary knowledge to fight against
oppression, King successfully dealt with his criticisms. He made his attitude toward his
opposition clear when he claimed that if he responded to his critics, he would have no time for
constructive work (King, 188). Any leader of an oppressed body of people will experience
opposition from society. They are actively advocating against social norms thus, many will be
tempted to resist this change. However, just as King demonstrated, it is essential to stay focused
on those within the movement rather than the opposition. Finally, King successfully
implemented the ideas of non-violent resistance into the African American movement, something
that will also be necessary for a full human rights movement. While some saw non-violent
resistance as passive, King responded that it may be physically inactive, yet it required
constantly diligent emotions and thought working to depict an opponent of their wrongdoings
(McCartney, 102). Non-violent action within a civil rights movement is crucial because it builds

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toward post-movement relationships. Rather than humiliating the oppressor, non-violence
attempts to gain the friendship and understanding of an opponent (McCartney, 102). The leader
of the inclusive movement must fully embrace these ideals just as King embodied them
throughout his life. Despite the constant threat of violence through bombings, beatings, jailing,
and slander, King stood by nonviolence, as did his followers.
While many groups from within the African American, women and gay rights movement
employed strategies to completely overhaul the United States political and social structures,
these beliefs struggled to gain significant support or simply faced too much opposition from
society. The United States has always been defined by a liberal society. Naturally, this society
will oppose complete structural changes. While social change may not be quickly achieved
within this social structure, history has proven that it is certainly possible. Due to these reasons,
it will be necessary for the inclusive human rights movement to begin with a liberal foundation.
Not only will this be a common bond among the different interest groups working in the
movement, but also the movement as a whole. In Beyond Either/Or: Nonaligned Politics,
Charlotte Bunch, a radical feminist writes of women being forced to choose between liberal and
social feminism (Bunch, 52). Rather than aligning with these groups, Bunch advocates for
radical feminism. While it is true that liberal feminism is not perfect, Bunch is simply
introducing a third alternative for women to choose, further dividing the women involved in the
fight for equality. It would be more efficient for women in the United States to align with the
ideals of liberal feminism as this avoids total structural change. In addition to working within
the values of U.S. society, women would also avoid the risk of alienating men from the
movement by embracing liberal feminism. For example, Freidan makes it clear that man is not
womans enemy. Rather, they are an integral part of the movement, as they must also be

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liberated in their relationships with women. This can only occur when women can live up to
their full potential (Freidan, 452). By keeping men involved in the search for womens rights, it
will be possible for women to align with oppressed men. This can be effectively achieved
through liberal ideals such as those described by Freidan.
A second example of a radical movement risking the alienation of both oppressors as well
as those involved in the movement occurred during the Stonewall protests of the gay rights
movement. In 1969, police officers raided a gay bar in New York City. Although the police
action depicts the issues that gays were fighting against, their reactions went against the nonviolent resistance demonstrated by King. Rather than peacefully resisting and thus magnifying
the hardships that homosexuals face, those in the bar rioted (Engel, 41). Although this
demonstrated gay pride, it created division within the gay rights movement with the younger,
more radical protestors and the more liberal groups such as the Mattachine. Also, these actions
gave gay oppressors more reason to mistreat homosexuals. They can point to protests such as
Stonewall and make the ill informed misjudgment that gays are simply a radical and violent
group of people. While embracing liberalism may include various growing pains for a human
rights movement, the groups involved in the movement will find greater success within the
United States system once equality is achieved.
With both a common leader and a political platform within the movement, it will next be
necessary for those involved to educate one another of the various hardships that they face. For
example, Mitsuye Yamada, an Asian Pacific American woman describes her negative influences
with other feminists as being judged as a sweet oriental woman (Yamada, 365). As a result of
that stereotype, she is treated as if she has never spoken before. Other feminists believe that by
pushing both Asian and feminine issues, she is putting her culture ahead of the feminist

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movement (Yamada, 366). In order to overcome this obstacle, Yamada describes the need for
communal education between women (Yamada, 368). With the desire to learn from each other,
women will be much more likely to be able to work together regardless of ethnicity or sexual
preference. Becky Thompson continues emphasize the need for education when she writes of
educating the newer feminists about the history of the movement. This education focuses on the
multiracial aspects of feminism such as Shirley Chisholm running for president in 1972
(Thompson, 350). Establishing race as a facet of the feminist movement is the first step in
utilizing education in order to bridge the gaps between the different interest groups. Women and
men will have to come to an understanding of the different ethnicities involved in the movement.
Then, the two genders can come together to focus on education relating to sexual orientation.
Once all of these groups have come together to form one body of oppressed people, they
must then focus on the issues that they wish to work to improve together. This can be done by
drafting an idea of an ideal society such as the ideal liberal feminist society constructed by
Richards and Baumgardner in Manifesta. While this ideal society will be difficult to achieve, it
will allow the group to advocate for and endorse necessary legislation. This legislation will
eventually lead to social change in the push for equality. An example of legislation that the
group might decide to support would be the right for same sex marriage. While scholars such as
Paula Ettelbrick oppose the idea of gay marriage due to the idea that it supports the current
definition of marriage, one representing ownership, property and dominance, it will be a step in
the right direction for the human rights movement as a whole (Ettelbrick, 14). Same sex couples
will most likely experience opposition from heterosexuals who are against gay rights, yet a
complete social transformation occurs over a vast period of time. Neither the African American

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movement nor the womens movement has experienced this complete social change. However,
if the gay movement is working along side these groups, this process will be accelerated.
Over the course of United States history, society has made it evident that social change is
very difficult to attain. The African American, womens and gay rights movement all had very
separate and unique branches working for the same thing; equality. The branches failed to
completely attain equality due to their divisions and different viewpoints. For example, in the
African American movement, the various viewpoints included; black nationalism, black power,
separatism and non-violent resistance. These differing ideologies created factions in the African
American movement. The division created issues for the movement because, while they were all
working for the improvement of African Americans, they had very different views on how this
could be achieved. Rather than working together, these groups attempted to prove that their
ideas were superior to others. With so many options on how to achieve equality, some members
had issues fully buying into one movement. Malcolm X, originally a leader in the Black Muslim
movement, one that believed that all white people spawned from the devil, eventually rejected
the values of the Black Muslims. Upon completing his pilgrimage to Mecca, Malcolm X
realized that people of all different colors were completing these same rituals. Rather than
rejecting those who were different, Malcolm X embraced them as brothers. He found a common
bond with those who shared his beliefs (McCartney, 184). Malcolm Xs time supporting Black
Islam went for naught as he realized that he should have been embracing those who were
different rather than opposing them. In order to successfully create the comprehensive human
rights movement necessary to achieve complete social equality, it will be necessary for these
groups to come to the same realization as Malcolm X. Rather than reject those who are different,
these groups must realize that their common bond is a push for human equality.

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