FULA/FULA OF WEST AFRIKA

2010

Ambakisye-Okang Dukuzumurenyi, PH.D.

UNTS
6/4/2010
1|Page
Fula people
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Fula, Fulani, Pulo, Fulɓe

Fula women.

Regions with significant populations

Guinea, Nigeria, Cameroon, Senegal, Mali,

Sierra Leone Central African Republic, Burkina
Faso, Benin, Niger, Gambia, Guinea Bissau,
Ghana, Chad, Mauritania, Sudan, Egypt, Togo,
Côte d'Ivoire.

Languages

Fula language

Religion

Islam

Related ethnic groups

Wolof and Serer

person Pullo
 people Fulɓe

language Pulaar (west), Fulfulde (east)

Fula or Fulani or Fulbe (the latter being an Anglicisation of the word in

their language, Fulɓe[1]) are an ethnic group of people spread over many
countries, predominantly in West Africa, but found also in Central Africa and
Sudanese North Africa. The countries in Africa where they are present
include Mauritania, Senegal, Guinea, The Gambia, Mali, Nigeria, Sierra
Leone, Benin, Burkina Faso, Guinea Bissau, Cameroon, Côte d'Ivoire, Niger,
Chad, Togo, the Central African Republic, Ghana, Liberia, and as far as
Sudan in the east. Fula people form a minority in every country they inhabit,
but in Guinea they represent a plurality of the population (40%).Total
population 27 000 000.[2]

Contents
 1 Terminology
 2 Related groups
 3 Traditional livelihood
 4 History
o 4.1 Origins and spread
o 4.2 Rise to political dominance
 5 Culture & Language
o 5.1 Clothing
o 5.2 Herding
o 5.3 Music
o 5.4 Food
o 5.5 Houses
 6 Notable Fulani people by country
o 6.1 Nigeria
o 6.2 Senegal
o 6.3 Guinea
o 6.4 Mali
o 6.5 Sierra Leone
o 6.6 Burkina Faso
o 6.7 Cameroon
o 6.8 Mauritania
o 6.9 The Gambia
 7 References
o 7.1 Further reading
o 7.2 External links
  8 See also

Terminology

Men from the Wodaabe subgroup performing Yaake dance

There are also many names (and spellings of the names) used in other
languages to refer to the Fulɓe. Fulani in English is borrowed from the
Hausa term, and it is also used by the Manding peoples, being the
diminutive form of the word "Fula" in their language, essentially meaning
"little Fula". Fula, from Manding languages is also used in English, and
sometimes spelled Fulah or Foulah. Fula and Fulani are commonly used in
English, including within Africa. The French borrowed the Wolof term Pël,
which is variously spelled: Peul, Peulh, and even Peuhl. More recently the
Fulfulde / Pulaar term Fulɓe, which is a plural noun (singular, Pullo) has been
adapted to English as Fulbe, which some people use. In Portuguese it's Fula
or Futafula.

Related groups
A closely related group is the Tukolor (Toucouleur) in the central Senegal
River valley. These people are often referred to together with Fulɓe of the
region as Haalpulaar'en (Pulaar-speakers). Fula society in some parts of
West Africa features the "caste" divisions typical of the region. In Mali, for
instance, those who are not ethnically Fula have been referred to as yimɓe
pulaaku (people of the Fula culture).[citation needed]

The Woɗaaɓe, also known as the Bororo, are a subgroup of the Fula people.
Traditional livelihood
The Fulani are traditionally a nomadic, pastoralist, trading people, herding
cattle, goats and sheep across the vast dry hinterlands of their domain,
keeping somewhat separate from the local agricultural populations.

Young Fulani cattle herders circa 1967

History

Fula Girl from Mali

Origins and spread

While some have speculated over the origin of Fulani people, current
linguistic and genetic evidence suggests an indigenous West African origin
among the Peul.[3] The vast majority of genetic lineages associated with
them reflect those most commonly seen in other west Africans. Their
language is also of west African origin, most closely related to that of the
Wolof and Serer ethnic groups.[1]. Historical and archaeological records
indicate that Peul-speakers have resided in western Africa since at least the
5th century A.D. as well. Interestingly, rock paintings in the Tassili-n-Ajjer
suggests the presence of proto-Fulani cultural traits in the region by at least
the fourth millennium B.C. Scholars specializing in Fulani culture believe that
some of the imagery depicts rituals that are still practiced by contemporary
Fulani people.[4]

Rise to political dominance

Main article: Fula jihads

Beginning as early as the 17th and 18th centuries, but mainly in the 19th
century, Fulas and others took control of various states in West Africa.

These included the Fulani Empire, also known as the Sokoto Caliphate,
founded by Usman dan Fodio (which itself included smaller states), Fouta
Djallon, Massina and others.

Culture & Language

Popular illustration of Fula greeting ritual ca. 1910, in French it reads:

Salutations among primitive people.

The language of Fulas is called Pulaar or Fulfulde depending on the region,

or variants thereof. It is also the language of the Tukulor. All Senegalese
who speak the language natively are known as the Halpulaar or
Haalpulaar'en, which stands for "speakers of Pulaar" ("hal" is the root of the
Pulaar verb haalugol, meaning "to speak"). In some areas, e.g. in northern
Cameroon, Fulfulde is a local lingua franca.
With the exception of Guinea (where the Fula make up a ~40% plurality of
the population), Fulas are minorities in every country they live in (most
countries of West Africa). So some also speak other languages, for example:

 Portuguese and Kriol in Guinea-Bissau

 French and Arabic in Mauritania
 Hausa and French in Niger
 French and English in Cameroon
 Wolof and French in Senegal
 Sango and French in Central African Republic
 Bambara and French in Mali
 English in The Gambia
 Liberian English in Liberia
 English, Hausa and Ghanaian languages in Ghana
 English and some indigenous languages in Sierra Leone, particularly
Krio, the lingua franca.
 Other Nigerian languagess and English in Nigeria

Fulani women with traditional facial tattoos

Clothing
Two Fulani Men

The traditional dress of the Fula consists of long colorful flowing robes,
modestly embroidered or otherwise decorated. Also characteristic Fula
tradition is that of women using Henna around the mouth, resulting in a
blackening around the lips. Fula ethics are strictly governed by the notion of
pulaaku. Men wear long robes to the lower calves with trousers of cotton.
Herdsmen wear the distinctive conical straw hat and a turban. Women wear
long robes and turbans. They decorate themselves with necklaces, earrings,
nose rings and anklets.[5]

Herding

Fula are primarily known to be pastoralists, but are also traders in some
areas. Most Fula in the countryside spend long times alone on foot, moving
their herds; they were the only major migrating people of West Africa,
though most Fula now live in towns or villages. Wealth is counted by how
large the herd of cattle is and how many cattle. Long ago fulani tribes used
to fight over cattle.

Music

The Fula have a rich musical culture and play a variety of traditional
instruments including drums, hoddu (a plucked skin-covered lute similar to a
banjo) and riti or riiti (a one-string bowed instrument similar to a violin), in
addition to vocal music. The well known Senegalese Fula popular musician
Baaba Maal sings in Pulaar on his recordings. "Zaghareet" or ululation is a
popular form of vocal music formed by rapidly moving the tongue sideways
and making a sharp, high sound.

Food

Traditional food The Fulani eat millet, milk and meat as staples. Millet is
eaten in the morning, noon and night as a porridge with a sauce or stew
which usually contains, tomatoes, peppers, bone, meat, onion and water.
Meat such as goat is usually eaten at special occasions as well as beef. A
thick beverage similar to the tuareg beverage eghajira, is made by pounding
goat cheese, milk, dates and millet.

Houses

Fula live in domed houses during the dry season. The domed house is
supported by compact millet stalk pillars. During the wet season the house is
covered by reed mats.

Notable Fulani people by country

Nigeria

 Usman dan Fodio, founder, Sokoto Caliphate

 Nana Asma‟u, scholar and author, Sokoto Caliphate
 Umaru Yar'Adua, former President of Nigeria
 Shehu Shagari, Former Nigeria President
 Muhammadu Buhari, former Nigerian Head of State
 Ahmadu Bello, first Premier of Northern Nigeria
 Atiku Abubakar, former Vice President of Nigeria
 Shehu Musa Yar'Adua, Nigerian politician and the brother of former
Nigerian president Umaru Yar'Adua
 Dr.Aliyu Musdafa, His Royal Highness, Lamido of Adamawa.
 Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Nigerian father and first prime minister
 Vice-Admiral Murtala Nyako, current Governor of Adamawa
State,former Chief of Naval Staff
 Justice Salihu Moddibo Alfa Belgore, former Chief Justice of the
Federation
 Sheik Dahiru Usman Bauchi,tijjaniya and islamic scholar
  Professor Ibrahim Gambari, Under Secretary-General/Special Adviser -
Africa in the UN; former Professor and Chiarman (Head) of Political
Science department & the International Studies program at Ahmadu
Bello University, Zaria and Nigeria; former Minister of Foreign Affairs
and also former Nigerian Ambassador and Permanent Representative
to the United Nations.

Senegal

 Malick Daouda Sy (to not confuse with El Hadj Sayyid Malick Sy),Imam
and founder of the Fulbe Islamic Kingdom of Bundu(French:
Boundou)in 1690 in the est of Fuuta-Tooro
 Bubu Malick Sy,son of Malick Daouda Sy,king of Bundu
 Souleymane Baal, founder of Fuuta-Tooro Islamic state (circa 1750)
 Cheikh Abdul Karim Kane, successor to Souleymane Baal
 Cheikh Umar Tall, General Khalif (1850–1865) of the Tijaniyya suufi
way (tarikh) for West Africa
 Ahmadou Bamba Ba, Marabout, Spiritual Leader
 Maba Diakhou Ba Almamy of Rip
 Malick Sy marabout
 Sheikh Hamidou Kane, writer, author of the autobiographical novel
L‟Aventure ambiguë (1961; Ambiguous Adventure), that considers the
African and Muslim identity
 Habib Thiam, former Prime minister of president Abdou Diouf
 Yaya Wane, sociologist, author of the milestone work Les Toucouleur
du Fouta Tooro (Sénégal). Stratification sociale et structure familiale
 Daouda Sow, former head of the parliament
 Amadou Cledor Sall, former interior minister
 Baaba Maal Baaba Maal, composer, singer, international star, head of
the band Daande Leñol (the voice of the race)
 Mariam Bâ, writer Une si longue lettre
 Oumou Sy, fashion modelist
 Ibrahim Ba, French-Senegalese former football player
 Moussa Ba Senegalese professional kickboxer
 Mamadou Niang Senegales football player
 almamy abdoul first almamy from appe lowre
 Issa Ba Senegalese football player

Guinea

 Alfa Ibrahima Sambegu (Karamoko Alfa mo Timbo] First ruler of the

islamic state of Fuuta-Jalon, head of the Alfaya branch of the
Seediyaaɓe dynasty of Timbo
 Alfa Mamadou Sellu Diallo, Karamoko Alfa mo Labe, first lord of the
Diiwal (province) of Labe, circa 1726.
 Mama Tofi, Zoubairou Diallo, Former chief of Binani (Solou Bombi,
Kalia, etc..) Head of the branch of Tofiyabe or Tofiyanke in Binani,
Gaoual, GUINEA. Ancestor of Thierno Sarafudine Diallo Chief of Kalia,
Bougoume, Bombi, etc...
 Ibrahima Sori Yero Poore aka Ibrahima Sori Mawɗo (1730–1764).
Second ruler of Fuuta-Jalon after Karamoko Alfa and the first to hold
the Almaami title, head of the Soriya branch of the Seediyaaɓe
dynasty of Timbo.
 Tierno Muhammadu Samba Mombeya, (1765–1850), author of Oogirde
Malal, co-founder, with Usman ɓii Foduyee, of Pular [ajami] literature
 Boubacar Biro Barry Buubakar dit Bocar Biro The Last Almaami of
Fuuta-Jalon, died at the battle of Poredaka in 1896
 Alfa Yaya Diallo (1850–1912), Former Chef of Labé, arrested by french
colonialist. The national anthem of the republic of Guinea was adapted
by musicians Jean Cellier and Fodeba Keita, from the Alfa Yaya praise-
song, composed by a Griot circa 1900.
 Tierno Aliyyu Ɓuuɓa Ndiyan (1855–1927). Author, theologian,
Tijaniyya suufi.
 Thierno Diawo Pellel, (1900-1984), islamic theologist, scholar and
poet, student of Thierno Aliyyu Ɓuuɓa Ndiyan
 Tierno Chaikou Baldé, (1902–1972), schoolteacher, researcher,
author.
 Saifoulaye Diallo (1923–1981), former Guinean politician, first
president of the national assembly (1958–1963) held various cabinet
positions under the regime of Sekou Toure
 Diawadou Barry [2] (1917–1969), accountant, descendant of the
Soriya branch of the former ruling family of Fuuta-Jalon, leader of Bloc
Africain de Guinea political party, opted for the No vote in the 1958
French referendum. Executed secretely at [Camp Boiro] in May 1969.
 Barry Ibrahima aka Barry III, lawyer, politician, head of Democratie
Socialiste de Guinée, arrested, tried and sentenced in absentia,
hanged publicly on Jan. 25, 1971 in Conakry under the dictatorship of
president [Sékou Touré].
 Ousmane Poreko Diallo (1922–1961) [3]. Ethnographer and author ;
his fieldwork documents various aspects of Fulɓe traditional and
changing culture ; he worked successively at Centre IFAN-Guinée
(under French rule) and at Institut National de la Recherche et de la
Documentation (INRD) of the republic of Guinea.
 Afâ Ibrâhîm Sow (1931–2005), linguist, author of numerous articles,
editor of several classic books on Fulbe tradition
  Diallo Telli (or Boubacar Telli Diallo [4]), Lawyer, former Diplomat,
First Sec. Gen. of the Organization of African Unity, died of starvation
at [Camp Boiro][5] in 1977.
 Thierno Diallo. Guinean historian, author of Alfa Yaya, roi de Labé and
Institutions politiques du Fouta-Djallon-19e s..
 Boubakar Barry. Guinean historian, author of Bokar Biro, le dernier
grand almamy du Fouta-Djallon.
 Tierno Monénembo, Tierno Saidou Diallo, acclaimed author and
activist. He has published several novels, all steeped in Fulɓe history
and culture as well as in African and Guinean contemporary history:
The Eldest Orphan (2000), (Peuls (2004) and Le roi du Kahel (2008)
deal respectively with the Rwandan Genocide, the Fulɓe's saga and
Fuuta-Jalon.
 Cellou Dalein Diallo, Prime Minister of Guinea from 2004–2007
 Bobo Balde, Guinean football star
 Katoucha, former haute couture model and anti-female circumcision
activist
 Abdoul Salam Sow, former Guinean footballer
 Abdallah Bah, Guinean football star
 Ibrahima Diallo, Guinean football star
 Alpha Yaya Diallo, Guinean musician
 Almamy Schuman Bah, Guinean football star
 Amadou Diallo, young Guinean resident in the Bronx killed by police in
1999
 Habib Diallo, former Diplomat and Minister,actually Mano River Union
Secretary-General
 Saidou Diallo,former Diplomat and Minister,
 Amadou Poredaka Diallo,former Minister
 Thierno Samba Diallo,former chief of the Diwal of Bhouria
 Alpha Saliou Diallo,first chief of the canton of Poredaka
 Alpha Amadou Diallo,The last chief of the canton of Poredaka
 Boubacar Biro Diallo,former politician and head of the parliament
 General Bailo Diallo,former minister of Defense

Mali

 Cheick Ahmadou Barry, Emperor of Macina

 Ahmadou Cheickou Barry, Emperor of Macina
 Ahmadou Ahmadou Barry, Last Emperor of Macina
 Cerno Bokar Salif Taal, suufi theologian
 Amadou Hampâté Bâ, Malian researcher and author, student of Cerno
Bokar Salif Taal
 Adame Ba Konaré, Malian historian and spouse of the former president
Alpha Oumar Konaré
  Amadou Toumani Touré, Malian President
 Ahmadou Lam Djoulde Tall, Emperor of Segou
 Tidiane Ahmadou Tall,Emperor of Macina, cousin of Ahmadou Lam
Djoulde Tall
 Mountaga Tall, King of Nioro du Sahel, son of Cheick Oumar Tall
 Thierno Hady Tall, Marabout of the Tidiania brotherhood, descendent
of Cheick Oumar Tall
 Ahmadou Abdoulaye Souaidou Kane, Soufi Saint of Dina and Dilly
 Daouda Kane, Soufi Saint of Mopti
 Oumou Dilly Kane,Soufi Sainte of Dilly, The most famous soufi woman
in Mali, daughter of Ahmadou Abdoulaye Souaidou
 Modibo Kane, Soufi Saint of Dilly, unique son of Oumou Dilly Kane
 Cheick Sidi Modibo Kane, Soufi Saint of Dilly, son of Modibo Kane
 Baba Modibo Kane,Soufi and great marabout of Dilly, son of Modibo
Kane
 Ahmadou Modibo Kane,Soufi Saint of Dilly, son of Modibo Kane and
brother of Sidi Modibo
 Bokar Sada Sy, former Malian Defense Secretary (Ministre de la
defense)
 Ousmane Sy, Malian politician
 Sy Kadiatou Sow, Malian politician and spouse of Ousmane Sy
 Djibril Diallo, former Malian minister under the regime of General
Moussa Traore
 Boubou Ardo Gallo, one the famous legendary heroes ever in West
African, Chief warrior of Nene (Macina)
 Alpha Sillamakan Dicko, one of the famous heroes in Macina
 Moctar Ly, Malian politician
 General Sekou Ly, former Malian politician and military chief
 Ahamadou Coumba ketchel Sy, Lieutenant of Ahmadou Lam Djoulde
Tall, Mali, Segou
 Ma Demba Sy, King of Sissany in Mali, under the French colonists

Sierra Leone

Main article: Fula people of Sierra Leone

 Amadu Wurie, early Sierra Leonean educationist and politician

 Amadu Jalloh, Sierra Leonean politician
 Alimamy Rassin, Sierra Leonean chief during colonial period
 Minkailu Bah, Sierra Leone's minister of Education, Youth and Sports
 Sulaiman Tejan-Jalloh, Sierra Leone ambassador to the United
Kingdom
 Abubakarr Jalloh, Sierra Leone Minister of Mineral Resources
 Alimamy Jalloh, Sierra Leonean football star
  Mahmadu Alphajor Bah, Sierra Leonean football star
 Rashid Wurie, former Sierra Leonean international football star
 Saajo Bah, Editor of www.peeral.com , one of the few online
magazines published in African languages.
 Umu Hawa Tijan Jalloh, Sierra Leone´s 1st Chief Justice
 Dr Abdulai Timbo, former Sierra Leone´s Chief Justice
 Mohamed Bailor Barrie, Businessman and Fulani Advocate
 Chernor Musa Jalloh, Football Consultant
 Abdulai Jalloh, former Sierra Leone's national footballer
 Mohamed Jalloh, former Sierra Leone's national footballer
 Ibrahim Bah, former Sierra Leone's national footballer
 Stanley Ibrahim Jalloh, Former Chief Police Officer

Burkina Faso

 Thomas Sankara, Former President of Burkina Faso

 Youssouf Sambo Bâ, Burkinabe politician
 Bénéwendé Stanislas Sankara, Burkinabe politician

Cameroon

 Ahmadou Ahidjo, first President of Cameroon

 Issa Hayatou, current President African Football Confederation (CAF)

Mauritania

 Mamadou Samba Diop Murtudo, writer, historian, Fulani educator

The Gambia

 Alhagi Habib Sallah, Marabout

 Hassan Musa Camara, 2nd Vice President of The Gambia, Former
opposition Leader
 Kebba Nyaama Leigh, Gambian politician.
 Hamat Bah, Politician, Oppostion Leader
 Halifa Sallah, Politician, Writer
 Alpha Molloh, Father of Musa Molloh
 Musa Molloh Baldeh, King of Fulladou, Warrior
 Aja Isatou Njie Saidy, Current Vice President
 Assan Jallow, Former Attorney General, Lawyer
 Alhagi Cherno Jallow, Marabout
 Modou Musa Njie, Businessman
  Omar Jallow AKA O.J., Politician
 Captain. Sanna Sabally, Former Vice President/No. 2 Man of AFPRC.
 Baba Leigh, Imam and preacher.
 Juldeh Camara, International master Riti playerP
 Paul L. Baldeh, Former Min ister of Education
 Michael Baldeh, Former Minister of Education
 Mathew K. Jallow, Journalist, Writer, Human Right Activist
 Saba Jallow, University Professor, U.S.
 Gainako Jallow, Warrior with Musa Molloh, Granddad of Mathew K.
Jallow & Prof.Dr Saba Jallow
 Jay Saidy, Journalist/Sociologist, Late Husband of Vice-President
Isatou Njie-saidy

References

1. ^ The letter "ɓ" is an implosive b sound. In the orthography for languages of

Guinea (pre-1985), it was written bh, so one would have written Fulbhe
instead of Fulɓe. Some people still use this spelling convention.
2. ^ People Guinea: People. CIA World Factbook. 14 May 2009 update.
Accessed 2009-06-05.
3. ^ mtDNA of Fulani Nomads and Their Genetic Relationships to Neighboring
Sedentary Populations
4. ^ The Fulani/Fulbe People | Thematic Essay | Timeline of Art History | The
Metropolitan Museum of Art
5. ^ Pulaaku Ethics

 Almanach de Bruxelles (now a paying site)

 Gordon, Raymond G., Jr. (ed.) (2005): "Adamawa Fulfulde".
Ethnologue: Languages of the World, 15th ed. Dallas: SIL
International. Accessed 25 June 2006.
 Ndukwe, Pat I., Ph.D. (1996). Fulani. New York: The Rosen Publishing
Group, Inc.
 Christiane Seydou, (ed.) (1976). Bibliographie générale du monde
peul. Niamey, Institut de Recherche en Sciences Humaines du Niger
Wodaabe
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Wodaabe Woɗaaɓe

A group of traveling Wodaabe. Niger, 1997.

Total population

45,000 in 1983

Regions with significant populations

Niger, Cameroon, Central African Republic,

Nigeria

Languages

Fula

Religion

Islam

Related ethnic groups

Fula
The Wodaabe (or Bororo) are a small subgroup of the Fulani ethnic group.
They are traditionally nomadic cattle-herders and traders in the Sahel, with
migrations stretching from southern Niger, through northern Nigeria,
northeastern Cameroon, and the western region of the Central African
Republic.[1][2] The number of Wodaabe was estimated in 1983 to be
45,000.[3] They are known for their beauty (both men and women),
elaborate attire and rich cultural ceremonies.

The Wodaabe speak the Fula language and don't use a written language.[3]
In the Fula language, woɗa means "taboo", and Woɗaaɓe means "people of
the taboo". "Wodaabe" is an Anglicisation of Woɗaaɓe.

The Wodaabe culture is one of the 186 cultures of the standard cross-
cultural sample used by anthropologists to compare cultural traits.

Contents
 1 Everyday life
 2 Religion, morals and customs
 3 Marriage
 4 Beauty ideal and Gerewol festival
 5 Documentaries and popular culture
 6 Works cited
 7 External links
o 7.1 Photos and videos
 8 References

Everyday life
The Wodaabe keep herds of long-horned Zebu cattle. The dry season
extends from October to May. Their annual travel during the wet season
follows the rain from the south to the north.[4] Groups of several dozen
relatives, typically several brothers with their wives, children and elders,
travel on foot, donkey or camel, and stay at each grazing spot for a couple
of days. A large wooden bed is the most important possession of each
family; when camping it is surrounded by some screens. The women also
carry calabashes as a status symbol. [3] These calabashes are passed down
through the generations, and often provoke rivalry between women. The
Wodaabe mostly live on milk and ground millet, as well as yogurt, sweet tea
and occasionally the meat of a goat or sheep. This is a rarity for them as
they don't often have enough animals to spare for meat.[5]
Religion, morals and customs
Wodaabe religion is largely but loosely Islamic. Although there are varying
degrees of orthodoxy exhibited, most adhere to at least some of the basic
requirements of the religion.[6]Some academics have called them nominal
Muslims due to elements of "non-Islamic" cultural customs which sometimes
contradict Islamic belief.[citation needed] Islam became a religion of importance
among Wodaabe peoples during the 16th century when the scholar al-
Maghili preached the teachings of Muhammad to the elite of northern
Nigeria. Al-Maghili was responsible for converting the ruling classes among
Hausa, Fulani, and Tuareg peoples in the region.[1][2]

The code of behavior of the Wodaabe emphasizes reserve and modesty

(semteende), patience and fortitude (munyal), care and forethought
(hakkilo), and loyalty (amana). They also place great emphasis on beauty
and charm.[7]

Parents are not allowed to talk directly to their two first born children, who
will often be cared for by their grandparents. During daylight, husband and
wife cannot hold hands or speak in a personal manner with each other.[3]

Young suitors perform the Yaake dance in a Gerewol festival, Niger 1997

Marriage
The Wodaabe are sexually liberal; unmarried girls may have sex whenever
and with whomever they wish.[5]

The Wodaabe practice polygamy. The first marriage is typically arranged

among members of the same lineage by parents when the couple are infants
(called koogal); later additional "love marriages" (teegal) are also possible,
when a woman leaves her husband and joins another one.[8] A bride stays
with her husband until she becomes pregnant after which she returns to her
mother's home, where she will remain for the next three to four years. She
will deliver the baby at her mother's home and then she becomes a
boofeydo which literally means "someone who has committed an error."
While she is boofeydo, she is not allowed to have any contact with her
husband, and he is not allowed to express any interest in either her or the
child. After two to three years, she is permitted to visit her husband, but it is
still taboo that she should live with him or bring the child with her; this only
becomes permissible when her mother has managed to purchase all the
items that are necessary for her home. [9]

A Yaake dance performed for tourists, Niger 1997

Beauty ideal and Gerewol festival

Main article: Gerewol

At the end of the rainy season in September, Wodaabe clans gather in

several traditional locations before the beginning of their dry season
transhumance migration. The best known of these is In-Gall's Cure Salée
salt market and Tuareg seasonal festival. Here the young Wodaabe men,
with elaborate make-up, feathers and other adornments, perform the Yaake:
dances and songs to impress marriageable women. The male beauty ideal of
the Wodaabe stresses tallness, white eyes and teeth; the men will often roll
their eyes and show their teeth to emphasize these characteristics. Wodaabe
clans then join for the remainder of the week-long Gerewol: a series of
barters over marriage and contests where the young men's beauty and skills
are judged by young women.[10]

Documentaries and popular culture

The 1989 documentary Wodaabe - Herdsmen of the Sun by Werner Herzog
describes the Wodaabe.
The Niger-based band Etran Finatawa is composed of Wodaabe and Tuareg
members and creates their unique style of "Nomad Blues" by combining
modern arrangements and electric guitars with more traditional instruments
and polyphonic Wodaabe singing. In 2005 they recorded an album and
toured Europe.

Married Wodaabe women are mentioned in part four of the the BBC Series
The Human Animal for having the right to take a different married man as a
sexual partner.

A young woman judging the

Young Wodaabe women beauty of men at a Gerewol
Two Wodaabe
with facial tattoos men

Works cited
1. ^ a b ""People of Africa"". "African Holocaust Society".
http://www.africanholocaust.net/peopleofafrica.htm#w.
2. ^ a b ""Wodaabe People"". "University of Iowa ".
http://www.uiowa.edu/~africart/toc/people/Wodaabe.html.
3. ^ a b c d Carol Beckwith, Niger's Wodaabe: "People of the Taboo". National
Geographic, October 1983
4. ^ Gabrielle Lyon, The Wodaabe
5. ^ a b Amanda Jones, Wodaabe of the Sahara - Niger
6. ^ ""Wodaabe religion"". "Africa.com". http://www.gateway-
africa.com/tribe/wodaabe_tribe.html.
7. ^ Beckwith, Carol, and Angela Fisher. African Ceremonies. New York: Harry
N Abrams, 1999.
8. ^ Christine Nesbitt, The Wodaabe's Cure Salée
9. ^ ""African Marriage Ritual"". "African Holocaust Society".
http://www.africanholocaust.net/news_ah/africanmarriageritual.html.
10.^ Niger's dandy Gerewol festival, The Times, 4 July 2004
Hausa people
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Jump to:navigation, search

The neutrality of this article is disputed. Please see the
discussion on the talk page. Please do not remove this message until
the dispute is resolved. (December 2007)

Hausa

Total population

30-35 million (Newman 2000, Schuh 2001)

Regions with significant populations

Nigeria, Niger, Ghana, Chad, Cameroon, Cote

d'Ivoire, Sudan

Languages

Hausa

Religion
 Islam Christian Animist

The Hausa are a Sahelian people chiefly located in the West African regions
of northern Nigeria and southeastern Niger. There are also significant
numbers found in regions of Sudan, Cameroon, Ghana, Cote d'Ivoire, and
Chad and smaller communities scattered throughout West Africa and on the
traditional Hajj route across the Sahara Desert and Sahel. Many Hausa have
moved to large coastal cities in West Africa such as Lagos, Accra, Kumasi
and Cotonou, as well as to countries such as Libya. However, most Hausa
remain in small villages, where they grow crops and raise livestock, including
cattle. They speak the Hausa language, an Afro-Asiatic language of the
Chadic group.

Contents
[hide]

 1 History and culture

 2 Religion
 3 Clothing
 4 Food
 5 Population
 6 Hausa ethnic flag
 7 See also
 8 References
 9 External links

History and culture

See also: Hausa Kingdoms

Kano, north Nigeria is considered the center of Hausa trade and culture. In
terms of cultural relations to other peoples of West Africa, the Hausa are
culturally and historically close to the Fulani, Songhai, Mandé and Tuareg as
well as other Afro-Asiatic and Nilo-Saharan groups further East in Chad and
Sudan. Islamic Shari‟a law is loosely the law of the land and is understood
by any full time practitioner of Islam, known in Hausa as a Mallam (see
Maulana).

Between 500 CE and 700 CE Hausa people, who had been slowly moving
west from Nubia and mixing in with the local Northern and Central Nigerian
population, established a number of strong states in what is now Northern
and Central Nigeria and Eastern Niger. With the decline of the Nok and
Sokoto, who had previously controlled Central and Northern Nigeria between
800 BCE and 200 CE, the Hausa were able to emerge as the new power in
the region. Closely linked with the Kanuri people of Kanem-Bornu (Lake
Chad), the Hausa aristocracy adopted Islam in the 11th century CE.

Near East in 1200 AD, showing Hausa States and neighbors.

By the 12th century CE the Hausa were becoming one of Africa's major
powers. The architecture of the Hausa is perhaps one of the least known but
most beautiful of the medieval age. Many of their early mosques and palaces
are bright and colourful and often include intricate engraving or elaborate
symbols designed into the facade. By 1500 CE the Hausa utilized a modified
Arabic script known as ajami to record their own language; the Hausa
compiled several written histories, the most popular being the Kano
Chronicle.

In 1810 the Fulani, another Islamic African ethnic group that spanned across
West Africa, invaded the Hausa states. Their cultural similarities however
allowed for significant integration between the two groups, who in modern
times are often demarcated as "Hausa-Fulani" rather than as individuated
groups, and many Fulani in the region do not distinguish themselves from
the Hausa.

The Hausa remain preeminent in Niger and Northern Nigeria. Their impact in
Nigeria is paramount, as the Hausa-Fulani amalgamation has controlled
Nigerian politics for much of its independent history. They remain one of the
largest and most historically grounded civilizations in West Africa.

The language of Hausa has more native speakers than any other language in
sub-Saharan Africa, with an estimated 22 million native speakers, plus an
additional 17 million second language speakers. The main Hausa speaking
area is northern Nigeria and Niger, but Hausa is also widely spoken in
northern Ghana and northern Cameroon, and there are large Hausa
communities in every major West African city.

Most Hausa speakers are Muslims, and Hausa is often a lingua franca among
Muslims in non-Hausa areas.

There is a large and growing printed literature in Hausa, which includes

novels, poetry, plays, instruction in Islamic practice, books on development
issues, newspapers, news magazines, and even technical academic works.
Radio and television broadcasting in Hausa is ubiquitous in northern Nigeria
and Niger, and radio stations in Ghana and Cameroon have regular Hausa
broadcasts, as do international broadcasters such as the BBC, VOA,
Deutsche Welle, Radio Moscow, Radio Beijing, and others. Hausa is used as
the language of instruction at the elementary level in schools in northern
Nigeria, and Hausa is available as course of study in northern Nigerian
universities.

In terms of sheer numbers, Hausa thus ranks as one of the world's major
languages, and its widespread use in a number of countries of West Africa
makes it probably the single most useful language to know in that region.
Hausa's rich poetic, prose, and musical literature, more and more of which is
now available in print and in audio and video recordings, makes it a
rewarding area of study for those who reach an advanced level.

Aside from the inherent interest of Hausa language and its literature, the
study of Hausa provides perhaps the most informative entree into the world
of Islamic West Africa. Throughout West Africa, there is a strong connection
between Hausa and Islam. The influence of Hausa language on the
languages of many non-Hausa Islamic people in West African is readily
apparent. Likewise, many Hausa cultural practices, including such overt
features as dress and food, are shared by other Islamic communities.
Because of the dominant position which Hausa language and culture have
long held, the study of Hausa provides crucial background for other areas
such as West African history, politics (particularly in Nigeria and Niger),
gender studies, commerce, and the arts.

Religion
Hausa have an ancient culture that had an extensive coverage area, and
have long ties to the Arabs and other Islamized peoples in West Africa, such
as the Mandé, Fulani and even the Wolof of Senegambia, through extended
long distance trade. Islam has been present in Hausaland since the 14th
century, but it was largely restricted to the region's rulers and their courts.
Rural areas generally retained their animist beliefs and their urban leaders
thus drew on both Islamic and African traditions to legitimise their rule.
Muslim scholars of the early nineteenth century disapproved of the hybrid
religion practised in royal courts, and a desire for reform was a major motive
behind the formation of the Sokoto Caliphate.[1] It was after the formation of
this state that Islam became firmly entrenched in rural areas. The Hausa
people have been an important factor for the spread of Islam in West Africa.

Maguzawa, the animist religion, was practiced extensively before Islam. In

the more remote areas of Hausaland Maguzawa has remained fully intact,
but as one gets closer to more urban areas it almost totally disappears. It
often includes the sacrifice of animals for personal ends, it is thought of as
illegitimate to practice Maguzawa magic for harm. What remains in more
populous areas is a “cult of spirit possession” known as Bori which still holds
the old religion's elements of animism and magic.[2]

Four Hausa gun carriers of the South Nigerian Regiment, 1902 photo by
John Benjamin Stone.

Clothing
The Hausa people have a very restricted dressing code due to the fact of
religious beliefs. The men are easily recognizable because of their elaborate
dress which is a large flowing gown known as Baba riga and a robe called a
jalabia and juanni, see Senegalese kaftan. These large flowing gowns usually
feature some elaborate embroidery designs around the neck. (See Grand
boubou for more information). Men also wear colorful embroidered caps
known as fullah, see kufi for more information. The females can be identified
by their dressing codes in which they wear wrappers called abiah made with
colorful cloth with a matching blouse, head tie and shawl.

Food
The most common food that the Hausa people prepare consists of grains
such as sorghum, millet, rice, or maize which are ground into flour for a
variety of different kinds of food. The food is popularly known as tuwo in the
Hausa language. Usually, breakfast consist of cakes made from ground
beans which are then fried -- known as kosai -- or wheat flour soaked for a
day then fried and served with sugar -- known as funkaso. Both of these
cakes can be served with porridge and sugar known as koko. Lunch or
dinner are usually served as heavy porridge with soup and stew known as
tuwo da miya. The soup and stew are usually prepared with ground or
chopped tomatoes, onions, and a local pepper sauce called daddawa. While
preparing the soup, most of the times spices and other vegetables such as
spinach, pumpkin, or okra are added to the soup. The stew is prepared with
meat, which can include goat or cow meat but not pork due to Islamic
religion restrictions. Beans, peanuts, and milk are also served as a
complementary protein diet for the Hausa people.

Population

Ethnic territories of the Hausa people in Nigeria (in yellow)

Table of Hausa population by country[3]

Country Population, 1000s

Algeria 9
Benin 34
Burkina Faso 2
Cameroon 238
Central African Republic 29
Chad 158
Congo 8.1
Côte d'Ivoire 108
Equatorial Guinea 11
Gabon 8.4
Gambia 7.3
 Ghana 202
Niger 5,598
Nigeria 21,000
Sudan 550
Togo 14

Hausa ethnic flag

A proposed Hausa ethnic flag is a banner with five horizontal stripes--from
top to bottom they are red, yellow, indigo blue, green, and khaki biege.[4]
There is no political entity which uses this flag.

References
1. ^ Robinson, David, Muslim Societies in African History (Cambridge, 2004),
p141
2. ^ Adeline Masquelier. Prayer Has Spoiled Everything: Possession, Power, and
Identity in an Islamic Town of Niger. Duke University Press (2001) ISBN
9780822326397
3. ^ "Joshua Project, Peoples Listing, Hausa".
http://www.joshuaproject.net/peoples.php?rop3=103733. Retrieved 2007-
03-04.
4. ^ Hausa ethnic flag:
Hausa-Fulani
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Hausa-Fulani is a term used to refer collectively to the Hausa and Fulani

people of West Africa. The two are grouped together because since the
Fulani War their histories have been largely intertwined. For example, when
the Fulani took over Hausa city-state of Kano during the Fulani War, the new
emirs ended up speaking the Hausa language instead of Fulfulde.[1]

The Hausa-Fulani are one out of Nigeria's three major ethnic groups. The
Hausa-Fulani account for 28-30% of Nigeria's northern ethnic divide.

References
1. ^ "Caravans Across the Desert: Marketplace". AFRICA: One Continent.
Many Worlds.. Natural History Museum of Los Angeles County
Foundation. http://www.nhm.org/africa/tour/desert/030.htm.
Retrieved 2007-05-06.
Fula language
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Fula (or Fulani)

Fulfulde, Pulaar, Pular

Spoken in Mauritania, Senegal, Mali,

Guinea, Burkina Faso, Niger,
Nigeria, Cameroon, Gambia,
Chad, Sierra Leone, Benin,
Guinea-Bissau, Sudan, Central
African Republic, Côte d'Ivoire,
Ghana, Togo

Total 10–16 million

speakers

Niger-Congo
Language
family  Atlantic-Congo
o Senegal–Guinea
 Senegambian
 Fula-Wolof
 Fula (or Fulani)

Language codes

ISO 639-1 ff

ISO 639-2 ful

ISO 639-3 variously:

ful – Fulah (generic)
fub – Adamawa Fulfulde
fui – Bagirmi Fulfulde
 fue – Borgu Fulfulde
fuq – Central-Eastern Niger
Fulfulde
ffm – Maasina Fulfulde
fuv – Nigerian Fulfulde
fuc – Pulaar
fuf – Pular language
fuh – Western Niger Fulfulde

Note: This page may contain IPA phonetic symbols in Unicode.

The Fula language is a language of West Africa, spoken by the Fulɓe (Fula
or Fulani people) from Senegambia and Guinea to Cameroon and Sudan. It
is also spoken as the first language by the Tukulor in the Senegal River
Valley and as a second language by peoples in other areas.

There are several names applied to the language, just as there are to the
Fula people. They call their language Pulaar or Pular in the western dialects
and Fulfulde in the central and eastern dialects. Fula(h) and Fulani in
English come originally from Manding and Hausa, respectively; Peul in
French comes from Wolof.

Contents
 1 Classification
 2 Description
o 2.1 Morphology
o 2.2 Noun classes
o 2.3 Voices
o 2.4 Consonant mutation
o 2.5 Pronouns
 3 Dialects
o 3.1 East Central
 3.1.1 Fulfulde, Western Niger (Niger)
 3.1.2 Fulfulde, Central-Eastern Niger (Niger)
 3.1.3 Fulfulde, Nigerian (Nigeria)
o 3.2 Eastern
 3.2.1 Fulfulde, Adamawa, fub
 3.2.2 Fulfulde, Bagirmi, fui
o 3.3 West Central
 3.3.1 Fulfulde, Maasina, ffm
  3.3.2 Fulfulde, Borgu, fub
 3.3.3 Pular
o 3.4 Western
 3.4.1 Pulaar
 4 Writing systems
o 4.1 Latin alphabet
 4.1.1 Sample Fula alphabet
o 4.2 Arabic script
 5 See also
 6 References
o 6.1 Works
o 6.2 Notes
 7 External links

Classification
Fula belongs to the Atlantic branch of the Niger-Congo language family.

Description
Fula has the reputation of being complex but very regular in the construction
of verbs, with few exceptions or "irregular" forms. The plural forms of nouns,
however, are highly irregular and often do not resemble their singular form.

Morphology

Fula is based on verbo-nominal roots, from which verbal, noun and modifier
words are derived. It also uses infixes (a syllable inserted in the "middle" of
a word, actually following the root and before the ending) to modify
meaning.

Noun classes

There are about 25 noun classes (the number may vary slightly in different
dialects).

Voices

Verbs in Fula are usually classed in 3 "voices" : active, middle, and passive.
Not every root is used in all voices. Some middle voice verbs are reflexive.

A common example are verbs from the root loot-:

  lootude, to wash (something) [active voice]
 lootaade, to wash (one's self) [middle voice]
 looteede, to be washed [passive voice]

Consonant mutation

Another feature of the language is initial consonant mutation between

singular and plural forms of nouns and of verbs (except in Pular, there is no
consonant mutation in verbs, only in nouns).

A simplified schema is as follows:

 w ↔ b ↔ mb
 w ↔ g ↔ ng
 s↔c
 r ↔ d ↔ nd
 f↔p
 h↔k
 y ↔ j ↔ nj

Pronouns

Fula has inclusive and exclusive first-person plural pronouns.

Dialects
While there are numerous dialects of Fula, it is typically regarded as a single
language. Wilson (1989) states that "travellers over wide distances never
find communication impossible," and Ka (1991) concludes that despite it
geographic span and dialect variation, Fulfulde is still fundamentally one
language.[1] However, Bible translators estimate that at least 7 different
translations are needed to make it comprehensible for all Fulfulde speakers,
and Ethnologue treats several of the varieties as separate languages:

East Central

Fulfulde, Western Niger (Niger)

Fulfulde, Central-Eastern Niger (Niger)

Fulfulde, Nigerian (Nigeria)

 1.700.000 in Nigeria (2000)

Eastern

Fulfulde, Adamawa, fub

 700.000 speakers in Cameroon (1993)

 128.000 in Chad (1993)
 90.000 in Sudan (1982)

Adamawa Fulfulde is also used by non-native speakers as the regional lingua

franca in Far North, North and Adamawa provinces in Cameroon.

Fulfulde, Bagirmi, fui

 24000 speakers in Chad

 156.000 speakers in Central African Republic (1996).

West Central

Fulfulde, Maasina, ffm

Main article: Maasina Fulfulde

 900.000 speakers in Mali (1991)

 7000 speakers in Ghana (1991)

Fulfulde, Borgu, fub

 280.000 speakers in Benin (2002)

 48.000 speakers in Togo (1993)
 also spoken in Nigeria

Pular
Main article: Pular language

Alternative name is sometimes given as Pula-Fuuta, derived from the Fuuta-

Jalon region where it is spoken.

 2.550.000 speakers in Guinea (1991)

 50.000 speakers in Mali (1991)
 136.000 speakers in Senegal (2002)
 178.000 speakers in Sierra Leone (1991)

Pular is an official regional language in Guinea, and many speakers are

monolingual. The language has borrowed a lot from Arabic and French, but
also from English, Portuguese, Maninka, Susu, Wolof and others.
Western

Pulaar

 Mauritania, Senegal and The Gambia

Writing systems
Main article: Fula orthographies

Latin alphabet

When written using the Latin alphabet, Fula uses the following additional
special "hooked" characters to distinguish meaningfully different sounds in
the language: Ɓ/ɓ, Ɗ/ɗ, Ŋ/ŋ, Ɲ/ɲ, Ƴ/ƴ (i.e., implosive B, implosive D, velar N
[sounds like "ng" in "king'], palatal N, ejective Y). The apostrophe (ʼ) is used
as a glottal stop. In Nigeria ʼy substitutes ƴ, and in Senegal ñ is used instead
of ɲ.

Sample Fula alphabet

a, aa, b, mb, ɓ, c, d, nd, ɗ, e, ee, f, g, ng, h, i, ii, j, nj, k, l, m, n, ŋ, ny

(or ñ or ɲ), o, oo, p, r, s, t, u, uu, w, y, ƴ

The letters q, x, z are used in some cases for loan words. In the Pular of
Guinea an additional letter, ɠ, is also part of the orthography.

Arabic script

Fula has also been written in the Arabic script or Ajami since before
colonization. This continues to a certain degree and notably in some areas
like Guinea.

See also
 Macrolanguage

References
Works

 Arnott, David W. (1970). The nominal and verbal systems of Fula. Oxford:
Clarendon Press.
  Wilson, W. A. A. (1989). Atlantic. In John Bendor-Samuel (Ed.), The Niger-
Congo Languages, pp. 81–104.

Notes

1. ^ "...malgré son extension géographique et ses variations dialectales, le

fulfulde reste une langue profondément unie." Ka, Fary. 1991.
"Problématique de la standardisation linguistique: Le cas du pulaar/fulfulde."
In N. Cyffer, ed., Language Standardization in Africa. Hamburg: Helmut
Buske verlag. Pp. 35-38.
Fula orthographies
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Jump to:navigation, search

The Fula language is written mainly in a modified Latin alphabet today, but
was and still is in some places written in a modified Arabic alphabet called
Ajami script.

Contents
[hide]

 1 Latin-based orthographies
o 1.1 Background
o 1.2 Writing Pular
o 1.3 Alphabets by country
 1.3.1 Senegal, Gambia, Mauritania
 1.3.2 Guinea
 1.3.3 Guinea-Bissau, Sierra Leone, Liberia
 1.3.4 Mali, Burkina Faso
 1.3.5 Niger, Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad
 2 Arabic-based (Ajami) orthographies
 3 Other scripts

Latin-based orthographies
Background

The Latin alphabet was introduced to Pular-speaking regions of West and

Central Africa by Europeans during, and in some cases immediately before,
colonization. Various people - missionaries, colonial administrators, and later
during the colonial period, scholarly researchers, devised various ways of
writing the Pular language they encountered. One issue similar to other
efforts by Europeans to use their alphabet and home orthographic
conventions to write African languages with unfamiliar sounds was how to
represent the implosive b and d, the ejective y, the velar n (the latter being
present in European languages, but never in initial position), prenasalised
consonants, and doubled vowels (the latter being as significant in Pular for
meaning as tone differences are in other languages).
Major influences on the current forms used for writing Pular were decisions
made by colonial administrators in Northern Nigeria and the Africa Alphabet.
A major conference on African language orthographies held in Bamako in
1966 confirmed this trend.

Nevertheless, orthographies for the language and its variants are

determined at the country level. So while Pular writing uses basically the
same character sets and rules (such as for doubling vowels) there are some
variations.

Writing Pular

This section requires expansion.

Some rules:

 Long vowels are doubled

 To accentuate a consonant, double the consonant or write " ' " before the
consonant. Example, "temmeere" = "te'meere".

Alphabets by country

Senegal, Gambia, Mauritania

a, aa, b, mb, ɓ, c, d, nd, ɗ, e, ee, f, g, ng, h, i, ii, j, nj, k, l, m, n, ŋ, ñ, o,

oo, p, r, s, t, u, uu, w, x, y, ƴ

Guinea

Version 1: a, b, ɓ, nb, d, ɗ, e, f, g, ɠ, ng, h, i, j, nj, k, l, m, n, ɲ, ŋ, o, p,

r, s, t, c, u, w, y, ƴ
Version 2 (with keyboard-ready characters): a, b, bh, nb, c, d, dh,
nd, e, f, g, ng, gn, h, i, j, k, l, m, n, o, p, q, r, s, t, u, w, y, yh
Matching the two versions: bh = ɓ (as in bheydugol); dh = ɗ (as in
dhuytugol); q = ɠ (as in qaagnagol, or qermugol); gn = ɲ (as in
gnaamugol); yh = ƴ (as in yhettugol). Note: As native speakers of Pular
from Fuuta Jalon, we are unable, so far, to find words that use the ŋ and nj
characters.

Guinea-Bissau, Sierra Leone, Liberia

a, b, ɓ, c, d, ɗ, e, f, g, h, i, j, k, l, m, mb, n, nd, ng, nj, ŋ, ñ, o, p, r, s, t,

u, w, y, ƴ, '
Mali, Burkina Faso

a, aa, b, mb, ɓ, c, d, nd, ɗ, e, ee, f, g, ng, h, i, ii, j, nj, k, l, m, n, ŋ, ɲ, o,

oo, p, r, s, t, u, uu, w, x, y, ƴ

Niger, Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad

a, aa, b, mb, ɓ, c, d, nd, ɗ, e, ee, f, g, ng, h, i, ii, j, nj, k, l, m, n, ŋ, ny,

o, oo, p, r, s, t, u, uu, w, x, y, ƴ

Arabic-based (Ajami) orthographies

The Arabic script was introduced into the West African Sahel with Islam
several centuries before European colonization. As was the case with other
languages such as Hausa, Muslim Fulas who went through Koranic education
adapted the script to writing their language. This practice, while never
formally standardized, followed some patterns of customary use in various
regions. These usages differ on some details, mainly on how to represent
certain consonants and vowels not present in the Arabic language.

Other scripts
There has been at least one effort to adapt the N'Ko script to Pular of
Guinea.
Fulfulde Language Family Report
Author: Annette Harrison
Cartographer: Irene Tucker
SIL International 2003

1. Introduction
2. Maps
2.1 Fulfulde language continuum
2.2 Western area
2.3 Central area
2.4 Niger and Nigeria
2.5 Eastern Area
3. Bibliography

1 Introduction
Fulfulde is a language of the Niger-Congo family, in the West Atlantic
branch. In Senegal and Guinea the language is called Pulaar and Pular,
respectively. Seventeen African countries from Senegal to Sudan are home
to Fulfulde speakers. They are designated by names such as Haalpulaar‟en,
Fula, Fulbe, Peul, Fulani, and Fellata. This is not the first attempt to map the
location of Fulfulde speakers in West Africa. In 1952 De Lavergne de Tressan
gathered information from various informants in what was then called the
French Sudan. The CNRS (Centre National de Recherche Scientifique)
mapped the Fulfulde language continuum and added the names of major
dialect areas, information not included by De Lavergne de Tressan. In
addition, research organizations in several West African countries have
published atlases which include linguistic mapping of Fulfulde dialects within
those countries. This latest effort at mapping the Fulfulde dialect continuum
draws on these maps, library research, maps and database information from
the Ethnologue, and data from field linguists working in most countries
where Fulfulde is spoken. A bibliography follows.

In addition to the wide geographic area, the great challenge to mapping this
continuum consists more in the social dimensions and dynamism of the
language. Roger Labatut writes, “...ce n‟est pas à la „géographie linguistique‟
qu‟on devra avoir recours mais à une „sociographie linguistique‟... (Labatut
1973:165) [we are not dealing with “linguistic geography,” but with
“linguistic sociography”]. Fagerberg (1979) grouped the sixteen Fulfulde
dialects spoken in Senegal into three major “dialect blocks,” which
correspond to three distinct “cultures” and lifestyles. This idea of grouping
the dialects by “linguistic sociology” and cultural-linguistic affinity seems a
good one for a map like this. Instead of splitting the continuum into as many
subdialects as can possibly be identified, we have attempted to group
subdialects according to areas of clear communication and shared
socioethnic identity. “Clear communication” relates to the linguistic concept
of intelligibility which is based on the genetic relationship between speech
varieties. The more closely related the speech variety, the lower the barrier
to clear communication. This in turn allows for the use of one written
standard shared between those closely related speech varieties. By
“linguistic sociology” and “cultural-linguistic affinity” we mean that factors
such as traditional homeland, cultural heritage, lineage, occupation, and
religion strengthen bonds of self-identity, giving special cohesion to a
particular group of speakers so that variation in speech becomes relatively
unimportant to them. The ideal map of the Fulfulde continuum would be
multidimensional, depicting more layers of “linguistic sociology” and
“cultural-linguistic affinity” as well as the traditional map of “linguistic
geography,” allowing for the reality that in most locations parallel dialects of
Fulfulde are spoken.

Several Fulfulde dialect areas on the continuum have names, locations, and
general definitions that are more or less generally agreed upon by linguists,
anthropologists, and others. These are the Pulaar of Senegal, Pular of
Guinea, Fulfulde of Maasina, Fulfulde of Nigeria, and the Fulfulde of the
Adamawa highlands in Cameroon. Historically these were areas of Fulani
political dominance at some point; today they are part of modern West
African nations where there are large Fulani populations. These are also the
areas where the Fulani and their language are well documented resulting in
a significant body of literature both about the Fulani, their language and
providing educational materials for literacy programs. It is worthy to note
that these materials are accessible to people living outside of Senegal,
Guinea, Mali, Nigeria, and Cameroon. In countries such as Burkina Faso,
Benin, and Niger, the Fulani and their language have also been well
documented, but in comparison the quantity of information and the body of
literature available is not nearly as significant as in the first group.
Documentation from countries such as Chad, the Central African Republic,
and Sudan appears more sparse and difficult to locate. For the areas which
are best documented, we hope we have done our homework well so that the
Fulfulde dialect areas are represented according to and in agreement with
the many scholars in these countries. For the remaining areas, particularly in
Burkina Faso, Benin, Niger, Chad, and the Central African Republic, most of
the information comes from people currently working in those countries.

Whenever possible we have followed the guideline of the "autonym" (what

the speaker of the language calls his or her language), when labeling dialect
areas. The difficulty is that when asked, most speakers simply say they
speak "Fulfulde," whether a religious leader in a Senegalese urban locale or
a nomadic herder in eastern Niger. We cannot label every division as
"Fulfulde," so we have attempted to find some additional modifier used by
Fulfulde speakers which often produces an autonym which is a derivative of
historico-political identity or geographic location. For example, the name of
the Fulfulde dialect spoken in the region where the towns of Dori, Burkina
Faso, Tera, and Niger are found is derived from the historical name for that
region, the Liptaako, to make "Liptaakoore." The Fulfulde spoken in northern
Niger and parts of Chad, Cameroon, and the Central African Republic is
identified by a name derived from the sociocultural class and heritage of its
speakers, the Wodaabe, to make "Wodaande."

The Fulfulde map is an abstract representation of where we believe the

speakers of these varieties to be geographically located. We have done our
best to represent boundaries as "fuzzy" without allowing the indistinctness of
a perceived line of linguistic change to be unhelpful in its vagueness. We
have attempted to represent the gradually changing nature of a language
continuum through graduating shades of color; the precise points of change
cannot be said to be exactly represented on the map. Special
acknowledgement and thanks are due to Irene Tucker as coauthor and
cartographer for this project.

Special thanks for their important contributions to this map go to: Jean
Baumbach, Ted Bergman, Sanni Brah, Ed Brye, George Cail, Kim Cone, Scott
and Mary Crickmore, Aboubakar Diallo, Umar Djaouné, Keith and Lorraine
Doust, Barrie Evans, Cameron Hamm, Jennifer Harper, Byron Harrison, Doug
Higby, Kendall Isaac, Keith and Debbie Kanavel, Keejo Laabol, Isaac
Matchoudo, Ron Nelson, Andrew Persson, Mike Rueck, Ken Satterburg, Juerg
Stalder, René Vallette, Milton Watt, as well as Steve and Ann White. An
important reason for publishing this map is to solicit further information from
others knowledgeable in this area. We would appreciate receiving critiques
so that the map can be updated and refined as our collective knowledge
increases.
2 Maps
2.1 Fulfulde language continuum
2.2 Western area
2.3 Central area
2.4 Niger and Nigeria
2.5 Eastern area
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Fula Greeting Ritual
Fulani War
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Jump to:navigation, search

The Fulani War of 1804-1810, also known as the Fulani Jihad or Jihad of
Usman dan Fodio, was a military conquest in present day Nigeria and
Cameroon. Expelled from Gobir by his former student Yunfa in 1802, Islamic
reformer Usman dan Fodio assembled a Fulani army to lead in jihad against
the Hausa kingdoms of the north. Realizing the threat that Usman's forces
posed, Yunfa assembled the other Hausa rulers to oppose him.

The Hausa rulers dealt the jihadists a number of initial setbacks, most
notably at the Battle of Tsuntua (December 1804), in which Usman lost
more than 2,000 men, 200 of whom are said to have known the Koran by
heart. The following year, however, Usman's forces seized Kebbi and
established a permanent base at Gwandu. Building on popular discontent
caused in part by famine and by Hausa taxation, the jihadists continued to
advance, taking the Gobir's capital Alkalawa in 1808 and killing Yunfa.

Usman united the conquered lands under his Fulani Empire. The success of
the jihad inspired a number of later West African jihadists, including Massina
Empire founder Seku Amadu, Toucouleur Empire founder Umar Tall,
Wassoulou Empire founder Samori Ture, and Adamawa Emirate founder
Modibo Adama.

References
 "Usman dan Fodio". Encyclopædia Britannica Online. Chicago:
Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc.
Fula jihads
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Fula or Fulani jihads, were a series of independent but loosely

connected events across West Africa between the late 17th century and
European colonization, in which Muslim Fulas took control of various parts of
the region. It is also sometimes referred to as "Fulani revolution."

A jihad state is a territory that was established by political and religious

Muslim leaders who conquer a region by offensive war, invoking jihad
("struggle" in Arabic). The rulers often assumed honorific titles such as in
the Fulani Empire, Emir, an Arabic title which can mean general as well as
prince or governor, or a derivate in a local language. Another title was
Almamy (from Imam) used by rulers of Kingdom of Fouta Djallon.

These states are listed in rough chronological order below.

Contents
 1 Bondu
 2 Fuuta Jalon
 3 Fuuta Tooro
 4 Fulani Empire
o 4.1 Fulani jihad states
 5 Massina Empire
 6 Toucouleur Empire
 7 References

Bondu
Main article: Bondu

A small state in present day Senegal in which Muslim Fulas took control in
the late 17th century.

Fuuta Jalon
Main article: Kingdom of Fouta Djallon
The Fouta Djallon located mainly in present day Guinea as well as parts of
Guinea Bissau, Senegal, Sierra Leone was a major state with a written
constitution and ruling alternance between the 2 main parties: the Soriya
and the Alphaya. The Fouta Djallon state was born in 1735 when Fulani
Muslims decided to rise against the non-Muslim Fulanis and Djalonkes rulers
to create a confederation of provinces. Alpha Ibrahima Sory Maoudho was
elected as the first Almaamy in 1735 at the capital Timbo in present day
Guinea. The Fouta Djallon state lasted until 1898 when the French colonial
troops defeated the last Almamy (Ruler) Bokar Biro Barry, dismantled the
state and integrated it into their new colony of Rivières du Sud, which
became Guinea.

Fuuta Tooro
Main article: Kingdom of Fouta Tooro

Under the unifying banner of Islam, the Muslim Fulas revolted in 1776 under
the leadership of Sileymaani Baal. The following Islamic revolution created
the new kingdom of Fuuta Tooro under a government called the Almamate
(a term derived from the Pulaar borrowing of the Arabic al-imaam). Before
formal colonization this state was weakened by French incursions and the
effort by El Hadj Umar Tall to carry his jihad eastward (see also Toucouleur
Empire, below).

Fulani Empire
Main article: Sokoto Caliphate

At the beginning of the 19th century under Usman dan Fodio the Fulani
became the leaders of a centralized Fulani Empire which continued until
1903 when the Fulani were divided up among European colonizers.

Fulani jihad states

The term jihad state is historically used in reference to the 19th century
Islamic conquests in Western Africa, especially the Fulani jihad or Fulbe
(from Fulɓe) jihad, a phrase referring to the state-founding jihad led by
Usman dan Fodio in the first decade of the 19th century in and around
Nigeria. Most of these states were in colonial times brought into the British
Northern Nigeria Protectorate around 1901-1903.

The jihad states in the region controlled by the empire included:

  Abuja, replacing the former Zuba; the ruler's title was Sarkin Zazzau,
from 1828 also Emir
 Adamawa (now partially in Cameroon), founded in 1809; title Baban-
Lamido
 Agaie, founded in 1822; title emir
 Bauchi emirate, founded in 1805; title Lamido (laamiiɗo in Fula
language), meaning "ruler" (similar meaning to Emir )
 Gombe, founded in 1804; title Modibo Gombe.
 Gwandu, a major Fulbe jihad state, founded in 1817; title Emir
 Hadejia, replaced Biram (title Sarkin Biram) in 1805; new title Sarkin
Hadejia, from 1808 also styled Emir
 Jama`are, founded in 1811; style Emir.
 Jema`an Darroro, founded in 1810; title Emir
 Kano replaced the old (Hausa) Kano state in March 1807; the old title
Sarkin Kano is still used, but now also styled Emir
 Katagum, founded in 1807; title Sarkin Katagum, also styled Emir
 Katsina replaced the old (Hausa) Katsina state in 1805; the old title
Sarkin Katsina is still used, but now also styled Emir.
 Kazaure, founded in 1818; title Emir, also styled Sarkin *Arewa
(apparently imitating neighbours)
 Keffi, founded in 1802; title Emir
 Lafiagi, founded in 1824; new title Emir
 Lapai, founded in 1825; style Emir
 Mubi, founded in 18..; title Emir
 Muri, founded in 1817, style Emir; 1892-1893 de facto French
protectorate, 1901 part of Northern Nigerian British protectorate
 Sokoto, the center of the Fulani jihad, established on 21 February
1804 by Usman dan Fodio, title Amir al-Mu´minin, also styled Lamido
Julbe; on 20 April 1817 Sokoto was styled sultanate (title sultan, also
styled Amir al-Mu´minin and Sarkin Musulmi), the suzerain of all Fulbe
jihad states; in 1903 the British occupied Sokoto Sultanate
 Zaria, superseded the old Zazzau state (title Sarkin Zazzau) on 31
December 1808; new style first Malam, since October/November 1835
Emir, also styled Sarkin Zaria and Sarkin Zazzau

Massina Empire
Main article: Massina Empire

Located in what is now central Mali, this state lasted from 1818 until 1862.
Inspired by the recent Muslim uprisings of Usman dan Fodio in nearby
Hausaland, preacher and social reformer Seku Amadu led a Fula army in
jihad against the Bambara Empire. The empire expanded rapidly, taking
Djenné and establishing a new capital at Hamdullahi. It was eventually
defeated by Umar Tall and incorporated into the Toucouleur Empire.

Toucouleur Empire
Main article: Toucouleur Empire

El Hajj Umar Tall led armies east from his base in Futa Tooro and Dinguiraye
to conquer Kaarta, the Bambara Empire, and Massina in the early 1860s.
The Toucouleur controlled the region until French colonization, at which time
the last leader of the state, Ahmadu Tall, fled to Sokoto.
mtDNA of Fulani Nomads and
Their Genetic Relationships to
Neighboring Sedentary
Populations
Human Biology, Feb 2006 by Cerný, V, Hájek,
M, Bromová, M, Cmejla, R, Et al
Abstract

Despite the large size of the contemporary nomadic Fulani population

(roughly 13 million people), the genetic diversity and degree of
differentiation of Fulanis compared to other sub-Saharan populations remain
unknown. We sampled four Fulani nomad populations (n = 186) in three
countries of sub-Saharan Africa (Chad, Cameroon, and Burkina Faso) and
analyzed sequences of the first hypervariable segment of the mitochondrial
DNA. Most of the haplotypes belong to haplogroups of West African origin,
such as L1b, L3b, L3d, L2b, L2c, and L2d (79.6% in total), which are all well
represented in each of the four geographically separated samples. The
haplogroups of Western Eurasian origin, such as J1b, U5, H, and V, were
also detected but in rather low frequencies (8.1% in total). As in African
hunter-gatherers (Pygmies and Khoisan) and some populations from central
Tunisia (Kesra and Zriba), three of the Fulani nomad samples do not reveal
significant negative values of Fu's selective neutrality test. The
multidimensional scaling of F^sub ST^ genetic distances of related sub-
Saharan populations and the analysis of molecular variance (AMOVA) show
clear and close relationships between all pairs of the four Fulani nomad
samples, irrespective of their geographic origin. The only group of nomadic
Fulani that manifests some similarities with geographically related
agricultural populations (from Guinea-Bissau and Nigeria) comes from
Tcheboua in northern Cameroon.

The Fulani (also known as the Foulah, Peulh, Peul, Fulfulde, or Fulbe) are an
ethnic group of sub-Saharan Africa who live in 17 states and number almost
30 million people. Although most Fulani now live settled lives, they spring
from an originally nomadic population. Both the settled and nomadic
communities are collaborating. The settled communities cultivate the cereals
(mainly sorghum) and raise a small number of domestic animals; the
activities of the pastoral groups are concerned almost exclusively with
animal husbandry. It must be stressed that cattle keeping is really the
central point of cultural identity of all Fulani nomads. Because of the specific
needs of this practice, more pronounced division of labor, resulting in longer
time separation of the husband and wife, is encountered in Fulani society.
Males deal with the pasture, and females sell milk and milk products in town
markets. Nomadic Fulani are known from almost all localities of the West
African savanna and the Chad basin.

Archeological indicators date the origin of this nomadic population, on the

basis of the rock art of the central Sahara, to about 5,000 years ago (Dupuy
1999); some indicators even suggest a Neolithic origin of the Fulani
population (Ba and Dieterlen 1966). Some Fulani groups settled to form a
number of important states: the kingdom of Tekrur on the lower Senegal
River in the 11th century, the Massina Empire on the middle Niger in the
15th century, and the Sokoto Empire in the 19th century in northern and
eastern central Nigeria.

The modern Fulani, who live in sub-Saharan Africa between the Sahara and
the tropical rain forests, can be divided into the settled Fulani (15 million
people) and the nomadic Fulani (up to 13 million people), sometimes called
the M'Bororo (or Bororo) or the Wodaabe. The nomadic Fulani live in the
African middle savanna belt, from eastern Senegal to the Central African
Republic, and are the most numerous nomadic group in this area.
Linguistically, both Fulani groups (the herders and the agriculturalists)
belong to the Atlantic branch of the Niger-Congo language family (Ruhlen
1987).

Fulani nomads remain detached from the settled Fulani. Over the course of
the year they practice seasonal migration; in the rainy season they move
with their herds to the north, and in the dry season they return to the south.
The northsouth line varies by tribe and family but is generally about 500 km
long (Dupire 1962). In addition to these seasonal movements, there is large-
scale migration, by which the nomadic Fulani have spread across the West
African savanna and the Chad basin (Mohammadou 1975).

From an anthropological perspective the Fulani are rather heterogeneous;

they show similarities to other sub-Saharan populations, but some
characteristics-such as pale skin, a long, straight nose, and thin lips-link
them to North African groups. In the 1930s it was assumed that the Fulani
had migrated into the Lake Chad region and further into the West African
savanna from East Africa, and even Egyptian and Near Eastern origins were
proposed (Tauxier 1937); on the basis of the Rh system, however, it has
been possible to link these populations to West African groups (Excoffier et
al. 1987).

mtDNA Variability in Sub-Saharan Africa

The mtDNA diversity of African populations is relatively well known, but not
all regions and ethnic groups have been sufficiently sampled yet; indeed, the
mtDNA data of people from such inaccessible areas as eastern Chad or the
Congo basin have not been studied at all.

From the phylogenetic point of view the mtDNA sequences from subSaharan
Africa have been classified into L-type haplogroups (Chen et al. 1995, 2000;
Watson et al. 1996, 1997; Rando et al. 1998; Bandelt et al. 2001; Pereira et
al. 2001; Torroni et al. 2001; Brehm et al. 2002). About 30 sub-Saharan L-
type haplogroups have been identified, and their ethnic or geographic origins
and coalescence times have recently been summarized (Salas et al. 2002,
2004; Kivisild et al. 2004; Rosa et al. 2004). It seems that the main
diversifications originated in East Africa but that the West African regions
also contributed to the recent, wide mtDNA diversity.

The nomadic Fulani have not been studied with regard to mtDNA so far. The
only samples (n = 61) from a Fulani-speaking population have been
presented in research by Watson et al. (1996, 1997), who investigated a
mixed sample of settled Fulani from Cameroon, Niger, and Nigeria. Close
relationships to the neighboring settled populations of West Africa (the
Tuareg, Kanuri, Hausa, Songhai, Yoruba, and Mandenka) have been
confirmed by other studies [e.g., Pereira et al. (2001) and Salas et al.
(2002)]. This Fulani group cannot be separated from the other populations,
even by the indexes of molecular diversity (Pereira et al. 2001; Trovoada et
al. 2004). Rosa et al. (2004) has recently studied another group of
sedentary Fulani (n = 77); these are Fulani from GuineaBissau, unique in
their slight divergence from six otherwise similar populations in Guinea-
Bissau. Their haplogroup profile shows high proportions of haplogroups L1b,
L2a, and L3b in particular, although a few Eurasian haplogroups were also
found among them.

Study Aims

The aim of this study is to present the HVS-I mtDNA sequences of nomadic
Fulani groups from four different locations that have not yet been described
in this way. There are four questions that we seek to answer: (1) What is
the mtDNA profile of the sample-does it include haplogroups of East or of
West African origin? (2) Are the sampled Fulani genetically homogeneous,
and do they reveal similar degrees of molecular diversity? (3) Are there
genetic differences between the nomadic and sedentary Fulani populations?
(4) What are the genetic relationships between the Fulani and their
neighbors?

Materials and Methods

Sampling. Biological samples (buccal swabs) were collected from Fulani

nomads at different places within their geographic range across the Chad
basin and the West African savanna. The Chad basin samples come from the
middle Logone River in Chad (Bongor area, n = 49) and from the territory of
Cameroon south of the Benue (Tcheboua area, n = 40). A third sample set
comes from the eastern part of Burkina Faso, south of the city of Fada
Ngourma (Tindangou area, n = 47), and the fourth and final sample set was
collected in the western part of Burkina Faso, south of the city of Bobo
Diulasso (Banfora area, n = 50) (Figure 1). Camps were visited during the
dry seasons (January-February 2002-2004), when the nomads rested at the
southern extremity of their lines of migration. The only exception is the
sample from Tcheboua (Cameroon), where the Fulani have recently settled.

All possible measures were taken to avoid sampling individuals with a known
common maternal ancestor. The samples were secured under conditions of
informed consent, and with the authorization of the ministries of education
of the countries concerned.

Laboratory Methods. DNA was isolated from the buccal swabs using the
method described by Cerný et al. (2004), and the HVS-I was amplified with
the primers F-15971 (5'-TTA ACT CCA CCA TTA GCA CC-3') and R-16410
(5'-GAG GAT GGT GGT CAA GGG AC-3')- Products were purified using the
QIA-quick PCR purification kit (Qiagen, Hilden, Germany) and then
sequenced using the BigDye Terminator v3.1 cycle sequencing kit (Applied
Biosystems, Foster City, California) with the F-15971 forward primer on an
ABI Prism 3100 Avant Genetic Analyzer. Samples that contained length
heteroplasmy (a homopolymeric tract of cytosines between positions 16184
and 16193) were also sequenced with the reverse primer R-16410.

Data Analysis. The sequences were aligned using DNA Alignment 1.0.0.7.
(Fluxus Technology Ltd., Germany) and BioEdit 5.0.9 (Hall 1999). Each
sequence was compared to the Cambridge Reference Sequence between
nucleotide positions (np) 16030 and 16370 (Andrews et al. 1999). Individual
haplotypes were ranked into haplogroups according to the published
phylogenetic literature (Watson et al. 1997; Rando et al. 1998; Quintana-
Murci et al. 1999; Alves-Silva et al. 2000; Bandelt et al. 2001; Pereira et al.
2001; Torroni et al. 2001; Salas et al. 2002, 2004; Rosa et al. 2004; Kivisild
et al. 2004) and controlled for possible new clades with the help of the
Network software (Fluxus Technology Ltd.).

Gene diversity, nucleotide diversity, and the average number of pairwise

differences were calculated using Arlequin 2.000 (Schneider et al. 2000).
Irregularities in the distribution of the average number of pairwise
differences were tested using the raggedness index (Harpending 1994),
which gives higher values for stable populations and lower values for
expanding populations. Selective neutrality was analyzed using the methods
of Tajima (1989) and Fu (1997).

For the purposes of the mtDNA study some previously published HVS-I data
have been taken from the literature (Table 1). The criteria of selection were
geographic proximity to or possible genetic relationship with Fulani nomads,
available sequences of np 16030-16370, and population samples with n >
20. To evaluate the genetic distances between the populations, we
calculated F^sub ST^ (the pairwise difference method) using Arlequin
2.000. Multidimensional scaling (MDS) analysis based on F^sub ST^
distances was carried out using Statistica software. The genetic structure of
the populations and their different regional groupings were further evaluated
by analysis of molecular variance (AMOVA) (Excoffier et al. 1992).
Admixture proportions were calculated using the Admix 2.0 software
(Dupanloup and Bertorelle 2001). Variations at np 16182-16185 and length
polymorphic polyC regions were not taken into account in all analyzed
samples.

Results

mtDNA Haplogroups. The total sample from the four geographically distinct
Fulani populations (n = 186) yielded 58 haplotypes, which were classified
into 14 haplogroups (see Appendix 1); as expected, a significant majority
belonged to sub-Saharan type L. The most numerous haplogroups are L3b
(determined by the motif 16124, 16223, 16278, and 16362) and L3d
(determined by the motif 16124 and 16223); these two haplogroups could
not be distinguished from each other when only the HVS-I sequence was
available. However, because both share the same geographic origin in West
Africa, the HVS-II motif and RFLP polymorphisms were not further studied
for a more specific molecular determination. Together, the L3b and L3d
haplogroups contain 62 sequences with 12 haplotypes.

The second well-diversified haplogroup found in the Fulani nomads sample is

L1b (50 sequences, 10 haplotypes), with the determining HVS-I motif
16126, 16187, 16189, 16223, 16264, 16270, 16278, and 16311, the origin
of which also lies in West Africa (Salas et al. 2002, 2004).

All the other haplogroups identified are represented by conspicuously lower

numbers; the most numerous among them, comparatively speaking, are L2b
and L2c, which are also of West African origin. It is interesting that the
otherwise common L2a haplogroup (determined by mutation at np 16294) is
not present to any great degree in the overall sample. The distribution of the
haplotypes in each of the sampled Fulani populations is quite even-all the
aforementioned (more numerous) haplogroups were present in each
population sample at comparable frequencies. In addition, it is worth noting
that 15 sequences (8.1%) of North African/Eurasian origin (U5, V, J1b, and
one sequence corresponding to the Cambridge Reference Sequence)
occurred.

We have detected new mutations in the L1b haplogroup, which is otherwise

well classified by HVS-I mutations at np 16126, 16187, 16189, 16223,
16264, 16270, 16278, and 16311 (Salas et al. 2002). The L1b network
(Figure 2) shows that most of the Fulani mtDNA sequences fall within clade
L1b1, which is determined by the presence of a mutation at np 16293 plus
the aforementioned L1b motif. One haplotype with a mutation at np 16170,
not yet reported elsewhere, was observed for one individual from Banfora
(Burkina Faso), and two new haplotypes-one presenting a mutation at np
16093 (one Fulani from Bongor, Chad) and the other a mutation at np
16255 (one Fulani from Tindangou)-were also observed. Also, in the L1b*
haplogroup there is a new haplotype with a mutation at np 16368.

Molecular Diversity. The indexes of genetic diversity for all four Fulani
samples are given in Table 2. The gene diversities reach values between
0.893 and 0.953 (for the merged population, 0.936). This measure,
considered equivalent to heterozygozity in haplotype studies (Schneider et
al. 2000), together with the nucleotide diversity and the average number of
pairwise differences attains values similar to those known from other sub-
Saharan populations (Cerný et al. 2004). On the other hand, the relatively
low levels of the raggedness index are interesting; in one sample from
Burkina Faso (Tindangou) this index even attains statistical significance.
Tajima's D test of selective neutrality, based on the infinite-site model of the
studied groups, was not significant in any of the samples. Fu's F^sub S^-
which is much more sensitive to population demographic expansions and is
highly significant (p ≤ 0.001) in all agricultural populations [see Pereira et
al. (2001, Table 3)]-is significant only for the Fulani sample from Bongor.
Significant levels were obtained from merged Fulani groups in the Chad
basin or when all four Fulani samples were merged (n = 97). However, the
Fulani from Burkina Faso, when taken together, did not attain a statistically
significant value. Neglecting the hypothesis of selection, the nonsignificant
values of the D and F^sub S^ statistics provide an indication of reduced
demographic expansion hitherto observed mainly in hunter-gather
populations such as the Pygmies or Khoisan (Excoffier and Schneider 1999).

Comparison with Other Populations. The populations listed in Table 1 were

compared using F^sub ST^ values. The most important finding was that
none of the sampled Fulani groups were differentiated from the others. No
F^sub ST^ distance between any pair of Fulani nomads is statistically
significant (data not shown). Considering the actual geographic distances
between the Fulani groups in the Chad basin and those in the West African
savanna (about 2,000 km), this finding is extremely interesting. On the
other hand, the sampled Fulani groups differ from all other neighboring
settled populations, including the Fulbe (Fulani) reported by Watson et al.
(1997); the only exception to this is the Fulani sample from Tcheboua
(Cameroon), which is not differentiated from three populations of the Central
Sahel (the Hausa, Fulbe, and Yoruba).

The F^sub ST^ distances of 29 analyzed African populations were plotted on

a graph using MDS analysis (Figure 3); populations of the Western Sahel
group, except Mandenka, were not included because of their outlier position.
The clear separation of three Fulani groups is evident at first glance; the
only population not differentiated from the rest is the Fulani sample from
Cameroon. It is worth noting the special position of the Mandenka, the only
population from the Western Sahel, which is relatively close to the Fulani
samples.

Genetic Structure. Genetic structure was approached through AMOVA. When

all the population samples were considered as a single group, 6.37% (p

Admixture Analysis. The question of the maternal origin of the Fulani was
investigated using Admix 2.0. This software was developed to estimate the
contribution of parental populations to the population under study. Data
were entered according to group C from the AMOVA (i.e., the Mandenka
were not considered; see Table 3); the mutation rate was 0.00005 per year.
Admixture coefficients (m^sub Y^) were calculated from allele frequencies
without taking into account the molecular divergence between the alleles.
Because the exact period of Fulani migration cannot be estimated from
archeological studies, we selected 4,000 years rather intuitively as the time
to the possible admixture event. Bootstrap estimates of the coefficients and
their standard deviations were calculated using 1,000 replicates. The results
are summarized in Table 4 and show that none of the selected groups made
a dominant contribution to the mitochondrial pool of the sampled Fulani. The
only weakly prominent parental populations are from the Nile valley.
Discussion

HVS-I analysis of four Fulani populations revealed the different proportions

of the mtDNA gene pool. A major role is played by West African mtDNA
haplogroups, such as L1b, L3d, L3b, L2b, L2c, and L2d, which together make
up 79.6% of the whole. The far from negligible presence of some
haplogroups from western Eurasia (8.1%), such as U5, U6, and J1, is not
particularly surprising in a sub-Saharan context because these haplogroups
currently appear in North Africa. This may suggest an ancient origin of the
nomads in the more northerly mountain massifs of the Central Sahara
(Dupuy 1999). According to our own anthropological examination (data not
shown), the non-sub-Saharan haplogroups are not carried by "West
Eurasian-like" individuals, as might be anticipated, but were rather detected
in common "Fulani type" peoples.

The analyzed samples of the Fulani show levels of genetic diversity similar to
those of their neighbors in the West African savanna and the Chad basin.
However, like hunter-gatherers (Pereira et al. 2001) and some others
(Cherni et al. 2005), the Fulani-particularly the groups from Burkina Paso-
show nonsignificant values of Tajima's D and Fu's Fs statistics, meaning that
the signal of demographic expansion was lost by subsequent population
events (Bandelt and Forster 1997; Excoffier and Schneider 1999). The
Fulani's lower values of the raggedness index are also interesting in this
regard. It can be hypothesized that the mating pattern is the main difference
encountered between the nomadic and settled populations. Similar
relationships have been observed in Africa between hunter-gatherers and
farmers; Pygmies (as hunter-gatherers), for example, offer their girls to
neighboring food producers but do not obtain any girls in return (Sebesta
and Lebzelter 1933; Bailey 1991), and for this reason their mtDNA gene pool
remains constant and is gradually reduced over time-Pygmies mainly have
the haplogroup L1c (Destro-Bisol et al. 2004). An even more remarkable
reduction of genetic diversity can be observed among the Khoisan, another
African hunter-gatherer population; their mtDNA gene pool contains mainly
the haplogroups L0d and L0k, which occur in virtually no other populations
(Vigilant et al. 1991; Salas et al. 2002).

These observations are probably not due to inconsistencies in the our field
sampling strategy, because results consistent with the diversity levels of
common African agricultural populations were obtained when the same field
sampling strategy was used among sedentary Chadic-speaking peoples in
northern Cameroon (Cerny et al. 2004).

The samples of the studied Fulani groups differ from practically all the
neighboring populations, the only exception being the recently settled (one
generation) Fulani of Tcheboua, where three nonsignificant comparisons
were observed. There is no differentiation from the Hausa, Fulbe, and
Yoruba peoples reported from Niger and Nigeria by Watson et al. (1997).
Some differences of the maternal gene pool between the nomadic and
sedentary Fulani populations are also apparent from research conducted in
physiological characteristics, for example, lactase persistence; the incidence
of this trait among sedentary Fulani is far lower than among their nomadic
counterparts (Holden and Mace 2002).

The genetic relationships of the sub-Saharan populations presented in this study,

and particularly among the Wolof, Serer, Fulani, and Mandenka, are little different
from those revealed by classic genetic polymorphisms (Cavalli-Sforza et al. 1994),
where the Fulani of Senegal (described as Peuls, from the French) were
differentiated from the Fulani of Nigeria. As far as we are aware, however, the
samples of Cavalli-Sforza and colleagues come mainly from settled Fulani
populations. It is worth noting that, according to protein polymorphisms, the Fulani
of Senegal are closer to the Wolof and Serer and more distant from the Mandenka
(Cavalli-Sforza et al. 1994, pp. 181-182), whereas the Mandenka are linked to the
populations of northern Nigeria (such as the Hausa or Fulani). The similarity among
the Fulani, Serer, and Wolof (all from Senegal) is so strong that these three groups
even form a discrete cluster (Cavalli-Sforza et al. 1994, p. 169). This does not
correspond to the results of this study, which show that the mtDNA gene pool of
the sampled nomadic Fulani is conspicuously different from that of the Serer and
Wolof. The samples obtained from herding groups in the southern part of the Chad
basin (Chad and Cameroon) and the West African savanna (eastern and western
Burkina Faso) display perhaps closer relationships to the samples of the sedentary
Mandenka, as suggested by the MDS constellation; a similar finding has also been
reported by Rosa et al. (2004).

Y-chromosome data of 22 African populations, including the Fulani from

Burkina Faso and northern Cameroon, were analyzed by Cruciani et al.
(2002). The main result of Cruciani's study is that different populations from
northern Cameroon (Fali, Ouldeme, Daba, and some mixed samples) reveal
traces of backmigration from Asia to Africa because of a high proportion of
haplotype 117. However, the Fulani sample from northern Cameroon
considered by Cruciani and colleagues shows a rather low frequency of this
haplotype, and the Fulani, which have a high frequency of haplotype 43, are
situated as outliers. Cruciani et al. (2002) also showed that the Fulani from
Burkina Faso have reduced diversity, because only two Y-chromosome
haplotypes were observed in their sample.

In the introduction we mentioned several hypotheses for the origin of the

(nomadic) Fulani. One well-known hypothesis is that the Fulani come from
the Nile valley (e.g., Tauxier 1937). Analysis of F^sub ST^ distances,
however, shows no close relationship between the sampled Fulani and the
analyzed Nilotic populations. Admixture analysis, however, does not exclude
the possible parental role of the Nilotic populations because the admixture
coefficient for these populations is high. It is necessary to state that the
conclusiveness of this finding is rather low. Further geographic sampling,
particularly from Niger and other parts of the Sudanic belt of Africa, is
needed to acquire a deeper insight into the genetic structure of the nomadic
people of the African Sahel.

Acknowledgments We wish to express our gratitude to the volunteers for

their confidence and their helpful participation in the study. We are indebted
to Peter Forster for his mtDNA data proofreading of some of the samples.
This project was supported by the Grant Agency of the Czech Republic
(grant 404/03/0318) and the Mellon Fellowship program (CAORC).

Received 25 July 2005; revision received 23 November 2005.

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V. CERNÝ,1 M. HÁJEK,1 M. BROMOVÁ,1 R. CMEJLA,2 I. DIALLO,3 AND R.

BRDICKA2

1 Department of Anthropology and Environment, Institute of Archeology,

Czech Academy of Sciences, Letenská 4, 118 01 Prague 1, Czech Republic.

2 Institute of Hematology and Blood Transfusion, U nemocnice 1, 128 20

Prague 2, Czech Republic.

3 Département de Linguistique et Langues Nationales, Institut des Sciences

des Sociétés, CNRST, 03 BP 7047 Ouagadougou 03, Burkina Faso.

Human Biology, February 2006, v. 78, no. 1, pp. 9-27.

Copyright © 2006 Wayne State University Press, Detroit, Michigan 48201-

1309

Cerný, V "mtDNA of Fulani Nomads and Their Genetic Relationships to

Neighboring Sedentary Populations". Human Biology.

FindArticles.com. 04 Jun, 2010.

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Copyright Wayne State University Press Feb 2006

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The Fulani people, also called Fulbe (pl. Pullo) or Peul, are well known for the
delicate decoration of utilitarian objects such as milk bowls that reflect their
nomadic and pastoral lifestyle. The history of the Fulani in West Africa begins
in the fifth century A.D. Islamized early on and traveling constantly, they did
not develop a tradition of figural, sculpted art. The complex nature of art
among this large and long-established group in West Africa is widely
recognized but still understudied.

A Long Itinerary

Although the migrations of the Fulani cattle herders, as well as their physical
appearance, have generated a variety of hypotheses about their origins
outside the region, current studies demonstrate that Fulani culture belongs
to the West African context.

Their language, the Pular or Fufulde, onto which some pre-Berber

components are grafted, is of the Niger-Congo group. The ancestors of the
Fulani, among other groups, seem to have been pushed from the Sahara
southward at the onset of its desertification around the third millennium B.C.
Established in southern Mauritania at the beginning of the Christian era,
Fulani people developed a strong presence in Futa Toro in Senegambia from
the fifth to the eleventh century. From there, they migrated further east.

Fulani people were among the first Africans to convert to Islam. Between the
eighth and the fourteenth century, Fulbe-speaking people of Takrur had
produced a class of Muslim clerics, the Torodbe, who would take on
proselytizing activities across the entire western Sudan. Increasingly, the
memory of their previous pastoral religion was lost, except in some sub-
groups such as the Bororo or Wodaabe (i.e., "Isolated"), who remained
animists and nomads. Between the eleventh and the seventeenth century,
the Fulbe gradually extended their grazing territory from over much of the
West African savanna up to Borno. They usually took no part in the political
life of the surrounding entities, and were sometimes subjected to heavy
taxes.

To resist taxation and military conscription or acquire more grazing land,

Fulani waged religious wars in the nineteenth century. From these jihads, or
holy wars, Muslim theocracies emerged, for instance, the Sokoto caliphate
that became, under the leadership of Usman dan Fodio (cUthman ibn Fudi),
the largest single West African state of the nineteenth century.

Over the centuries, Fulani migrations have interacted with all the other
groups in western and central Sudan. Today, Fulani people live in nearly
every country of the West African savanna, between Senegal and Cameroon.

Traces of Fulani Culture in Tassili

Examination of certain rock paintings in the Tassili-n-Ajjer suggests the
presence of proto-Fulani cultural traits in the region by at least the fourth
millennium B.C. Scholars specializing in Fulani culture believe that some of
the imagery depicts rituals that are still practiced by contemporary Fulani
people.

At the Tin Tazarift site, for instance, historian Amadou Hampate Ba

recognized a scene of the lotori ceremony, a celebration of the ox's aquatic
origin. In a finger motif, Ba detected an allusion to the myth of the hand of
the first Fulani herdsman, Kikala. At Tin Felki, Ba recognized a hexagonal
carnelian jewel as related to the Agades cross, a fertility charm still used by
Fulani women.

Department of Arts of Africa, Oceania, and the Americas, The

Metropolitan Museum of Art

Citation

Department of Arts of Africa, Oceania, and the Americas. "The Fulani/Fulbe

People ". In Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History. New York: The Metropolitan
Museum of Art, 2000–.

http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/fula_2/hd_fula_2.htm (October 2002)

The Hausa-Fulani is a culture common towards the north. Hausa and Fulani
are two different ethnic groups, but have been combined together after the
fulani war. The most common spoken language is Hausa Language, which is
very similar to Swahili. Hausa is more commonly known for trade and their
culture. The Fulani are traditionally known for herding cattle, goats and
sheep across the country. Hausa has beautiful architecture, often bright and
colorful, but is not well known for it. Fulani are mostly known to be more
social and economic, but are also traders in certain areas. Most Fulani's
spend long times alone on foot, moving their herds. As a tradition, the
hausa-fulani people dress in long colorful robes, that are mostly embroidered
or decorated with different fabrics cloths. Another tradition is that some
women use Henna ink around the mouth to make their lips a darker brown,
or maybe even black. The Hausa-Fulani are both Islamic, however they have
no common king to worship.
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Mohamed Salih, M.A. Environmental Politics and Liberation in Contemporary Africa Environment and Policy 18.
Dordrecht, Boston, and London: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1999.

Schmitz, Jean. "‘L'élection devise': la politique au village dans la vallée du Sénégal." Afrique Contemporaine (Paris) 194
(2000): pp. 34-46.

Wilson-Fall, Wendy. "Conflict Prevention and Resolution Among the Fulbe," in Traditional Cures for Modern Conflicts:
African Conflict "Medicine" edited by I. William Zartman, pp. 49-65. SAIS African Studies Library. Boulder and London:
Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2000.

Proverbs and Riddles

Arnott, D. W. "Proverbial Lore and Word-Play of the Fulani." Africa (London) Vol. 27 (1957): pp. 379-96.

Dupire, Marguerite and Marquis de Tressan. "Devinettes Peules et Bororo." Africa (London) Vol. 25, No. 4 (1955): pp.
375-392.

Gaden, Henri. Proverbes et maximes Peuls et Toucouleurs: Traduits, expliqués et annotés. Travaux et mémoires de
l'institut d'ethnologie, Université de Paris, T. 16. Paris: Institut d'ethnologie, 1931.

Gaden, Henri. "Quelques proverbes et maximes Peuls et Toucouleurs." Revue officiers réserve (Sénégal-Mauritanie) No.
3 (1937): pp. 78-81.

Issa, Adamou and Roger Labatut. Sagesse de Peuls nomades. Yaoundé: Editions Clé, 1974.

Lebeuf, Jean-Paul et Pierre-Francis Lacroix. Devinettes peules, suivies de quelques proverbes et exemples d'argots
(Nord-Cameroun). [Review by D. Noye available online in Journal de la Société des Africanistes 42, no. 2 (1972): pp.
234-235.]

Lestrange, Monique de and the Marquis de Tressan. "Proverbes Peuls du Badyar et du Fouta Djallon." Bulletin de
l'institut fondamental d'Afrique noire (Dakar) T. XVII, Sér. B, No. 3-4 (1995): pp. 433-76.

Noye, Dominique. Blasons peuls: éloges et satires du Nord-Cameroun. Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1976.
[Review by Christiane Seydou available online in Journal des africanistes 47, no. 2 (1977): pp. 224-225.]

Whitting, Charles Edward Jewel. Hausa and Fulani Proverbs. Lagos: Government Printer, 1940.
 Religion

Abd al-Zahir, Hasan Isa. al-Dawah al-Islamiyah fi Gharb Afriqiyah wa-qiyam dawlat al-Fulani. Madinat Nasr, al-
Qahirah: al-Zahra lil-Ilam al-Arabi, Qism al-Nashr, 1991

Bâ, Amadou-Hampâté. Jésus vu par un musulman. Abidjan, Dakar, Lomé: Les Nouvelles Editions Africaines, 1976.

Blanckmeister, B. and P. Heine. "Ethnizität und Islam in Nordkamerun." Afrika Spectrum (Hamburg) 18 (1983): pp.
171-5.

Braukämper, Ulrich. Der Einfluss des Islam auf die Geschichte und Kulturentwicklung Adamauas. Studien zur
Kulturkunde 26. Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1970. [Review by Pierre-Francis Lacroix available online in Journal de la Société
des Africanistes 40, no. 2 (1970): pp. 185-187.

Camara, Mamadi Koba. "Processus d'implantation de l'Islam en Guinée," in Actes du colloque international tenu à
Tombouctour sur: La culture Arabo-Islamique en Afrique au sud du Sahara: cas de l'Afrique de l'Ouest, pp. 77-112.
Zaghouan: Fondation Temimi pour la Recherche Scientifique et l'Information, August 1997.

Diallo, Hamidou. "Cheikh Abdoulaye Fodé Doukouré et l'islamisation des Peuls de Jelgooji," in Actes du colloque
international tenu à Tombouctour sur: La culture Arabo-Islamique en Afrique au sud du Sahara: cas de l'Afrique de
l'Ouest, pp. 127-134. Zaghouan: Fondation Temimi pour la Recherche Scientifique et l'Information, August 1997.

Dieng, Samba. "El Hadj Oumar et le rayonement de l'Islam en Afrique," in Actes du colloque international tenu à
Tombouctour sur: La culture Arabo-Islamique en Afrique au sud du Sahara: cas de l'Afrique de l'Ouest, pp. 135-59.
Zaghouan: Fondation Temimi pour la Recherche Scientifique et l'Information, August 1997.

Dronen, Tomas Sundnes. "Islam and Ethnicity in Northern Cameroon." SMT/Svensk missions tidskrift/Swedish
missiological themes (Uppsala) 86, no. 1 (1998): pp. 45-68.

Labatut, Roger. "Contribution a l'etude du comportement religieux des Wodaabe Dageeja du Nord-Cameroun." Journal
des africanistes (Paris) 48, no. 2 (1978): pp. 63-92.

Magassouba, Seydou. "L'implantation de l'Islam en République de Guinée-Conakry," in Actes du colloque international

tenu à Tombouctour sur: La culture Arabo-Islamique en Afrique au sud du Sahara: cas de l'Afrique de l'Ouest, pp. 222-8.
Zaghouan: Fondation Temimi pour la Recherche Scientifique et l'Information, August 1997.

Mwadkwon, Simon Davou. "Religion, the Settler Question and the Emergence of Ethnic Conflicts in Nigeria: A Survey
of Jos." SMT/Svensk missions tidskrift/Swedish missiological themes (Uppsala) 89, no. 1 (2001): pp. 55-73.

Njoya, Njiasse. "L'Islam au Cameroun," in Actes du colloque international tenu à Tombouctour sur: La culture Arabo-
Islamique en Afrique au sud du Sahara: cas de l'Afrique de l'Ouest, pp. 236-58. Zaghouan: Fondation Temimi pour la
Recherche Scientifique et l'Information, August 1997.

Tahir, Ahmad. "Islam and the Complex Nature of the Indigenous Beliefs and Customs of the People of Hausaland in Pre-
Colonial Nigeria." Hamdard Islamicus (Karachi) 23, no. 1 (2000): pp. 49-55.

Travel Texts

Balfour, Patrick. Lords of the Equator: An African Journey. London: Hutchinson & Co., 1939.

Passarge, Siegfried. Adamaoua: Bericht über die Expedition des Deutschen Kameroun-Kommittees in den Jahren 1893-
94. Berlin: D. Reimer, 1895.

Patenostre, Dr. Henri "La captivité chez les Peuls du Fouta Djallon." Outre-mer (Paris) 2, No. 3, 4 (1930).
 Urbanism

Delmond, P. "Dans la boucle du Niger, Dori ville peule." Mélanges ethnologique, pp. ????. Mem. IFAN 23. Dakar: IFAN,
1953.

Kamdem, Michel Simeu. "Emplois et logement dans les villes du Cameroun septentrional: après l'Etat, les Alhadji?," in
Le désarroi camerounais: l'épreuve de l'économie-monde edited by Georges Courade, pp. 117-29. Paris: Karthala, 2000.