Han Fei Tzi

Han Fei Tzi
Preface by the Translator
The present work is the first translation of the complete writings of Han Fei Tzŭinto a Western language. It is
based on the best Chinese text and commentaries, Wang Hsien-shen's The Complete Works of Han Fei Tzŭwith
Collected Commentaries1 (1896), Kao Hêng's Supplementary Commentaries on Han Fei Tzŭ's Works2 (1933),
and Yung Chao-tsu's Textual Criticisms of Han Fei Tzŭ's Works3 (1936), with two most recent explicative
editions of the text with Japanese translations and notes, one by Tokan Hirazawa 4 (1931) and another by the
Waseda University Press 5 (1932-3), as reference.
Wang Hsien-shen completed his monumental work in 1895. Its block-printed copies did not come off the press in
Changsha, the great scholar's native city, till over one year later. Though the text is not punctuated like all the
texts of other Chinese classics, I have found no misprint. Nowadays it is apparently out of print, while rare
copies may be still procurable in big libraries and old book stores. The reprint of Wang's work by the
Commercial Press, Shanghai, with movable types, contains not more than a dozen of misprints in the whole
book. Yet it is regrettable that the marks of punctuation, which they added with a view to increasing the
intelligibility of the text, abound with misleading errors. Kao Hêng's work, which appeared in Nos. 3 and 4 in
Vol. II of the Wuhan University Quarterly Journal of Liberal Arts,6 reveals his scholarly thoroughness and
constitutes an original contribution to the existing knowledge of Han Fei Tzŭ's text. Yung Chao-tsu's work, in the
main, represents a systematic synthesis of the textual criticisms of Han Fei Tzŭ's works by his predecessors and
himself. The two Japanese editions and translations are not free from a number of errors and misprints, but the
exegetical remarks and the explanatory notes added by the translators are exceedingly valuable. By collating
these works carefully, I have hoped that the textual basis of my English rendering can be a co-ordination of the
best and newest scholarly efforts on the Chinese original. However, my translation probably involves incorrect or
inaccurate points, wherefore any suggestion for emendations or elucidations made by the reader will be most
welcome.
As it is necessary in the translation to acquaint the reader with the author's life and times as well as the history of
the text in the original, I have prefixed to the author's Works The Biography of Han Fei Tzŭ, by Ssŭ-ma Chìen,
Wang Hsien-chìen's Preface to "The Complete Works of Han Fei Tzŭwith Collected Commentaries", and Wang
Hsien-shen's own Foreword to "The Complete Works of Han Fei Tzŭ with Collected Commentaries", which
altogether can make a general introduction, brief but clear. My methodological introduction is meant to clarify
the main problems, principles, and methods of translation.
On the completion of this work, I should acknowledge my thanks to Dr. M. S. Bates and Mr. Li Siao-yen for the
criticisms and suggestions they have given me on all available occasions, and to the Libraries of the University
of Nanking, the Institute of Chinese Cultural Studies, and the University of Hong Kong for the facilities they
have afforded me, as well as to Dr. Neville Whymant, formerly of the London School of Oriental Studies, for
helpful comments, and Mr. Arthur Probsthain for his congenial interest in promoting the present work and
enabling its publication to materialize. I am also indebted to my wife who has carefully gone over the whole
translation and inspired my perseverance in many painstaking efforts which the author since centuries ago has
imposed upon anybody attempting to translate his writings into any alien tongue.
W. K. Liao.
Hong Kong,
April, 1939.
Methodological Introduction by the Translator
The need and value of translation, indeed, appears whenever there is an inter-cultural contact. So did it appear
when Buddhism, along with Hindu culture, was coming to China, and such was the case during the Græco-
Roman days. Cicero was puzzled by the problems of translation, and many a scholar has ever since attempted to
solve the same problems. Confronted by the same, if not greater, difficulties, the present translator hopes that a
few remarks here on matters of translation may not be out of place.
As the Chinese language is far more concise and less precise than English, writers of both languages, though
able to write lucidly in either tongue, are somehow or other at a loss when asked, How should each be rendered
into the other? In this connection it is well remarked by Dr. Duyvendak in the Preface to his own translation of
The Book of Lord Shang, that "a translation is a re-interpretation of thought, and should never be a mechanical
rendering of words, least of all in the case of Chinese". Then, what ought to be the right methods to attain that
object, and how was The Book of Lord Shang translated? To such natural questions Duyvendak did not expound
his answers, but only added that "a translation into a Western language acquires therefore more clearness and
preciseness of expression than the original possesses, as Chinese characters have a far wider connotation than the
English words by which they are rendered, and verbs and nouns are not differentiated".
The first great achievement in the study of the problems, principles, and methods of translation was in 1790
when A. F. Tytler read before the Royal Society his papers on Translation, which were soon afterwards
published. Thus in his Principles of Translation he prescribed three golden rules:—
I. A translation should give a complete transcript of the ideas of the original work.
II. The style and manner of writing in a translation should be of the same character as that of the original.
III. A translation should have the ease of the original composition.
The serviceability of these as guiding principles to subsequent scholars and the difficulties for every translator to
reach such levels are beyond any doubt. Nevertheless, in correspondence to them, there were preached and
practised by Yen Fu (1866-1921) three famous principles, Faithfulness, Elegance, and Proficiency, throughout
his translations of English books into Chinese. So far in the art of translating English into Chinese, he has
excelled everybody and has been surpassed by none.
On account of both technical requirements and etymological differences, it goes without saying that every
translator of Chinese into English has to fight his way through all hardships. Thus, either because Chinese is
more concise, or because it is less precise than English, I have found, above everything else, the necessity of
using the liberty of making additions and omissions within certain limits. For instance, in many cases I have
added to the ideas of the original such words as would help the reader grasp their meanings in so far as the
superadded thought has the most necessary connection with the original and actually increases its intelligibility,
not to speak of my additions of articles and specifications of tense, mood, case, number, and gender. Naturally,
here and there throughout the translation I have interposed not only single words but also phrases, and
sometimes even clauses.
Again, I have endeavoured to assimilate the style and manner of writing in the translation to that of the original.
Take for example parallelism, which is a peculiar characteristic of the style and manner of Chinese writing. For
illustration, Han Fei Tzŭsaid, "the literati by means of letters disturb laws; the cavaliers by means of weapons
transgress prohibitions." To preserve the native colour in cases like this, I have kept repetitions in wording and
balances in expression close to the original, provided they do not appear tiresome; otherwise, I have shortened
them. On the contrary, the Chinese language very often admits of such brevity of expression as can not be
successfully imitated in the English; wherefore to achieve perfect transfusion of the sense in such cases, I have
found it necessary to sacrifice the imitation of style. On significant occasions, however, even matters of rhyme
and rhythm have been taken into consideration.
As regards idioms, there are a number in the original to which I have found no corresponding idiom in English.
In case a literal translation appears to be confusing, the sense is expressed in plain and easy English. Likewise,
whenever the English way of expression is more concise in wording and elegant in style and less monotonous
and less complicated in structure than the Chinese way, then the native colour is sacrificed with no regret. But
wherever it is tolerable, there is made a literal rendering. Such Chinese idioms as "All-under-Heaven", 1 "the Son
of Heaven," 2 "the lord of men," 3 "the hundred surnames," 4 and "the Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain", 5
being both expressive of the native colour and impressive to English readers, I consider worth translating
literally. On the contrary, such Chinese terms as Tao, 6 Teh, 7 li, 8 mou, 9 etc., which have no exact equivalent in
English but are rather widely understood by English readers, seem better transliterated in most cases than
translated.
In short, I have taken for the guiding principle of the present translation the retention of Chinese native colour
within the limits of intelligibility to an average English reader.
II
So much above for the art of translating—translating words, phrases, and clauses. To me, however, translation
can be science, as well as art. And it ought to be science when we come to the translation of sentences. This leads
us to the logical methodology of translation. With such a new methodological problem in the foreground, I have,
therefore, since the beginning of this work, thought of disclosing possibilities, if any, of applying logical
principles to the translation of one language into another, as for example here, of Chinese into English, both
being mutually so different. Thought the time is not as yet ripe for me to claim any success in the problem-
solving effort, yet a few words about the application of the most general principles of logic to the science of
translation may, it is hoped, be suggestive to my future comrades in the same field of exploration.
It is a truism that however different and numerous languages may be, the thought behind any language can be
expressed in all of them equally well, provided that the thinker can skilfully command all the different systems
of vocal gestures. It is practically the same as to say that one melody applies equally well to all different
languages. What judgments are to thinking, so are melodies to feeling. Though single words of different
languages may have different units of thought which they represent, yet every judgment laid down by reasoning
always has its quantity and quality, regardless of the language it chooses for expression; just as the same melody,
whether sung in Chinese or English, has its unique time and notes. Translation, therefore, is a restatement of
thought in a different tongue with sentences rather than words as its basic units.
As judgments expressed in language make propositions, it is possible to make a logical analysis of every
sentence of any language and then restate it in the appropriate form of a proposition and finally put it in the
symbolic form of a judgment. When the judgment is thus determined, the original proposition in Chinese can be
accordingly rendered into English. And, if the English rendering expresses the same unit of thought
quantitatively and qualitatively, the translation, however grammatically and idiomatically different from the
original, will then in substance be faithful to the idea of the author.
However, just as judgments differ from suspicions, so do propositions differ from questions. Yet certain types of
questions customarily used are rhetorical and are more frequently found in Chinese than in English—such
questions as, for instance, "Is it possible to rescue a misgoverned state from going to ruin?" or "How could it be
justified to confer honours on loafers and demand services from warriors?" Inasmuch as such questions are
suspicions in word but judgments in thought, in many cases my rendering chooses the form of propositions
instead of questions.
As regards the three accepted types of propositions, they are as a rule interchangeable, since the categorical
proposition is the origin of the hypothetical and alternative propositions. In the case of a categorical proposition,
if the writing in the English rendering of the original sentence appears to be awkward or not intelligible to
English readers, it ought to be advisable to apply the doctrines of opposition and eduction and see if the writing
of the immediate inference from the original proposition is elegant in style and proficient in composition. For
instance, there are in Chinese found such expressions as, "Man never fails to have father and mother," which
implies "Everybody has parents". Now, compared with the former, which is the transfusion of the meaning of the
original, the latter, which is the transfusion of an immediate inference of the original, certainly sounds elegant
and proficient, without losing any portion of the original thought. Likewise, it is possible to express the
substance of the original, which is a categorical proposition into a hypothetical or an alternative proposition. In
short, wherever the transfusion of the meaning or direct sense fails, there the transfusion of the implication or
indirect sense is preferable, although it is not always easy to determine at what point the validity of transfusing
the meaning of a statement ends and the necessity of transfusing the implication begins. Herein lies an
everlasting difficulty in the way of translation as well as the need of practice to master the skill of it.
Furthermore, in classical Chinese writing, judgments are very often expressed in hypothetical propositions,
which the English-speaking people customarily prefer to express either in alternative or in categorical
propositions. For instance, the saying, "Whoever advocates strict legalism, if not executed by public authorities,
is infallibly assassinated by private swordsmen," is hypothetical, and can be restated in an alternative
proposition, "Every advocate of strict legalism is either executed by public authorities or assassinated by private
swordsmen." Of these two modes of expression, the latter seemingly sounds more idiomatically English than the
former, while the sense remains the same. Another kind of hypothetical proposition, such as, for example, "When
peace reigns, the state feeds loafers; once an emergency comes, she uses warriors," is the Chinese way of
expression; but the equivalent categorical proposition, "In time of peace loafers are supported; in case of
emergency warriors are employed," sounds far more idiomatically English than the original. In most cases like
these, I have retained the native colour at the expense of idiomatic English.
The last, but by no means the least, important point throughout my English rendering is the distinction of "if"
from "when" and "where". "If" is used in universal propositions to introduce "conditions" of certain events while
"when" is used in particular propositions to introduce "temporal instances" and "where" to introduce "spatial
instances" of certain events. Similarly, "if" introduces in general "conditions" of certain events, while
"whenever" and "wherever" specify their temporal and spatial aspects respectively.
Such being the case, it is evident that translation is as closely allied with psychology and logic as with grammar
and rhetoric and its objective is basically concerned with thought rather than with word. In as much as most
readers of Han Fei Tzŭ's writings have been primarily interested in his thought since his days, the present
translation with the aid of logic and psychology devotes more attention to the author's philosophical, than to his
etymological, background.
III
Turning to the contents of the translation, I have found it necessary to divide each essay into paragraphs and, in a
number of works, add descriptive sub-titles with a view to facilitating the reading of the text. Matters of
historical and textual criticisms, which in many cases have been briefly taken up in the notes, are mostly derived
from the works done by eminent commentators; while the annotations and elucidations are based on my
judgment of their usefulness to the collation of the translation with the original. Matters of authenticity have
been remarked in the notes frequently, yet for all detailed discussions I must again refer the reader to the
companion volume.
In the transliteration of the Chinese names I have largely followed Giles's system with slight variations that I
have found necessary in the interests of distinction and convenience. Thus, I have purposely differentiated
"Chow" 10 from "Chou", 11 "Wey" 12 from "Wei", 13 and "Shen" 14 from "Shên". 15 In case of possible confusions
and needful specifications, Chinese characters are found in the notes; otherwise, in the glossary. On the other
hand, to minimize the monotony of the sounds of proper names and to refresh the reader's interest, I have used
English words with equivalent meanings for all available names, such as the Yellow Emperor for Huang-ti, the
Yellow River for Huang-ho, the Armour Gorge Pass for Han-ku-kuan, etc.
In regard to the author's citations from other books, I have either translated them directly from the respective
Chinese texts or availed myself of the translations accomplished by such Western Sinologues as James Legge, H.
A. Giles, etc., to whom I have acknowledged my indebtedness in the notes, despite my occasional differences
from them. My translation thus done has accepted every writing by Han Fei Tzŭ, whether genuine or spurious, as
it has been preserved through all catastrophes since antiquity.
IV
The present translation is throughout my own, in both method and substance, although I have used for reference
certain partial translations and sketchy quotations in English and other Western languages. My special
differences from them are found in the notes and from time to time discussed in the companion volume.
The first ambitious attempt at translating Han Fei Tzŭ into a Western language appeared in Russian (1912) by
Ivanov. The work was a partial translation. To my regret, I am unable to read it and appreciate the translator's
mastery of the Chinese original. Nevertheless, Paul Pelliot's review of the work in the Journal Asiatique
(Septembre-Octobre, 1913) has afforded me a vivid glimpse of the whole accomplishment. According to Pelliot,
"Confusion de noms, prononciations inacceptables, références insuffisantes, dates donnée d'après les
commentateurs chinois sans équivalents européens, ce sont là autant de défauts auxquels un peu d'effort eût
aisément remédié" (pp. 422-3). "Je ne puis me défendre," continues Pelliot further, "quoique à regret, de dire que
la sinologie attend de M. Ivanov autre chose. Son livre serait très honorable pour un amateur qui, loin de toute
bibliothèque, voudrait donner à des compatriotes un aperçu d'un système chinois. Mais M. Ivanov est un
technicien. . . ." (p. 423). In short, the translation presents "un première ébauche" of Han Fei Tzŭ's thought but
can hardly acquaint the reader with its substance.
In The Development of the Logical Method in Ancient China which appeared in 1917, Hu Shih rendered into
English all his citations from the works of Han Fei Tzŭ. On the whole, his translations were proficient in
composition as well as faithful to the author's ideas; but, in most cases, he employed modern idiomatic English at
the expense of the original style.
Alfred Forke's translation of the passages he quoted from Han Fei Tzŭin his Geschichte der Alten Chinesischen
Philosophie (1927) is an excellent reinterpretation of the author's ideas in the German language. On certain
points, however, I have had to disagree with his rendering. It is very evident that if he never misread the Chinese
original, he must have used the text of an edition quite different from the one I have used.
In the same year, 1927, appeared Henri Maspero's La Chine antique which contains a concise summary of Han
Fei Tzŭ's teachings. Therein are found very accurate translations of a few passages, which I have read with great
appreciation.
K. C. Wu's Ancient Chinese Political Theories (1928) also contains one chapter on Han Fei Tzŭ, in which a
number of passages were rendered into English. His translations on the whole appear more suggestive than
accurate.
Dr. J. J. L. Duyvendak, in the introduction to his English translation of The Book of Lord Shang (1928), also
translated some fragmentary passages from Han Fei Tzŭ. Though he attempted in this scholarly work to be as
accurate as possible, yet by his style of writing an average reader can hardly know whether he intended to
preserve the original character of the text or to assimilate the manner of idiomatic English.
In 1930, came out L. T. Chen's English translation of Liang Chì-chào's History of Chinese Political Thought
during the Early Tsin Period. Herein his translation of passages from Han Fei Tzŭjust as that of Liang's whole
book abounds with omissions, inaccuracies, and mis-statements. Throughout the book, crucial points purposely
brought to the fore by the author, which would be interesting to Western scholars, were omitted, whether by
mistake or by intention, while annotations and elucidations which would make every reader appreciate the text
with a new spirit were rarely or never made. Nevertheless, if it is not just to blame an amateur for his
unpresentable work, it is certainly not unjust to suggest that he should ask accomplished scholars to revise it.
Last year appeared Derk Bodde's English rendering of Fung Yu-lan's History of Chinese Philosophy: The Period
of the Philosophers, whose manuscript the author is alleged to have read and approved. It is a well-earned
accomplishment. However, if an extensive surveyor of philosophical ideas is liable to superficiality and
equivocation, how much more would his translator be? As far as Bodde's translation of passages from Han Fei
Tzŭis concerned, it is very likely that after an intensive study of Han Fei Tzŭ's thought he will have to reconsider
his rendering of the important legalist terms shih16 as "power" or "authority" and shu17 as "method" or
"statecraft". Nevertheless, if the Brief History of Early Chinese Philosophy (1914) by Dr. T. Suzuki presents
English readers a sketch of ancient Chinese thought, Bodde's English rendering of Fung's work certainly expands
an elaborate panorama before them. In this connection I am projecting a ray of hope that some day when a
History of Chinese Philosophy by some other Chinese scholar appears comparable to Windelband's Geschichte
der Philosophie, there will be some other sinologue in the English-speaking countries attempting to make his
translation of the work from the Chinese as exquisite as Tufts' translation of Windelband's work from the
German.
V
The present translation of Han Fei Tzŭ's works has been worked out principally in view of the author's
philosophy in general and political and legal thought in particular. Though etymological problems are not
ignored at all, yet I have always seen to it that attention to words does not lead to distraction from thought. It is
the author's thought that I have intended to restate intelligibly in English, but it is the Chinese native colour that I
have expected to preserve as faithfully as possible. Between the horns of this dilemma I have groped towards the
realization of this work.
The Biography of Han Fei Tzŭ By Ssŭ-ma Chìen1
Han Fei was one of the princes of the Han State. He was fond of studies in penology, epistemology, law, and
statecraft, tracing his principles to the Yellow Emperor and Lao Tzŭ. Fei, being a habitual stutterer, was unable to
deliver fluent speeches, but proficient in writing books. While he was studying with Li Ssŭ under Hsün Chìng,
Ssŭ considered himself not as successful as Fei. Fei, when seeing Han dwindling and weakening, frequently
submitted memorials to the Throne and presented counsels to the King of Han. The King of Han, however, was
incapable of taking them into use. Thereupon Han Fei was incensed with the ruler who in governing the state
never attempted to improve laws and institutions; never attempted to make use of his august position and thereby
rule his subjects; never attempted to enrich the state and strengthen the army; and, in choosing personages,
instead of employing worthies, elevated frivolous and dissolute vermin and placed them in posts above men of
real merit. He alleged that the literati by means of letters disturbed laws and the cavaliers by means of weapons
transgressed prohibitions; and that in time of ease the ruler treated famous personages with great favour, but in
case of emergency he called armed warriors to the colours. Now that those who had been fed were not taken into
active service and those who had been taken into active service were not fed, Han Fei lamented for honest and
upright gentlemen over their inadmissibility to wicked and crooked ministers, observed the changing factors of
success and failure of the preceding ages, and, accordingly, composed such works as Solitary Indignation, Five
Vermin, Inner and Outer Congeries of Sayings, Collected Persuasions, Difficulties in the Way of Persuasion,
which altogether covered upwards of one hundred thousand words. Though Han Fei knew very well the
difficulties of persuasion, wherefore his work on the difficulties in the way of persuasion was very
comprehensive, yet he met an untimely death in Chìn after all and was unable to rescue himself from the final
calamity. . . . 2
Someone had introduced his Works in Chìn. Reading the Works, Solitary Indignation and Five Vermin, the King
of Chìn exclaimed: "Lo! Only if I, the King, can meet the author and become friendly with him, I would not
regret my death thereafter." "These are Works of Han Fei," remarked Li Ssŭ.
Therefore, Chìn launched an attack upon Han. At first, the King of Han did not take Fei into service. When the
emergency came, he sent Fei as a good-will envoy to Chìn. The King of Chìn liked him. Yet before he had
confidence in him and took him into service, Li Ssŭ and Yao Ku did an ill office to him. Before the Throne, they
slandered him, saying: "Han Fei is one of the princes of the Han State. As Your Majesty is now thinking of
conquering the feudal lords, Fei will in the long run work for Han and not for Chìn. Such is the natural
inclination of human nature. Now, if Your Majesty does not take him into service, and, after keeping him long,
sends him home, it is to leave a source of future trouble. The best is to censure him for an offence against the
law." Considering this admonition reasonable, the King of Chìn instructed officials to pass sentence on Han Fei.
In the meantime, Li Ssŭ sent men to bring poisonous drugs to Han Fei and order him to commit suicide. Han Fei
wanted to plead his own case before the Throne and vindicate his innocence but could not have an audience with
the King. Later, the King of Chìn repented and instructed men to pardon him, but Fei had already died (233
b.c.). . . .
Preface to "The Complete Works of Han Fei Tzŭ with Collected Commentaries"
Han Fei lived at the time when the weakened State of Han was facing an imminent danger. On account of his
remoteness in kinship to the ruling house, he could not advance his career and join governmental service.
Witnessing the vices of the itinerants and diplomatists, who beguiled the lords of men and thereby sought for
their own advantages, and the evils of the wicked and villainous people, who committed violence and outrage at
their own pleasure and could not be suppressed, he bitterly criticized administrators of state affairs for their
inability to exercise the powers vested in them, enforce penal laws definitely, forbid wicked deeds decisively,
purge the government and the country from corruptions, and scheme for peace and order. He took the fate of the
country as his own and pointed out the obstacles in its way. As there was left no chance for him to reform the
surroundings, he wrote laboriously and thereby clarified his proposed remedies. Therefore, in thought he was
vehement and in word informative, thus differentiating himself sharply from the rest of the thinkers and writers
of the Era of the Warring States (403-222 B.C.).
After reading his literary remains in the present age and inferring therefrom the political trends of his times,
everybody is inclined to maintain that aside from Han Fei's teachings, there could be no other ways and means to
create order out of chaos in those days. Indeed, benevolence and beneficence are significant means of mass
control, but are not ways of suppressing wickedness and outrage. Mencius had taught the rulers of his days
benevolence and righteousness and abhorred any discussion on the problem of profit. According to Fei's sayings,
however, "The learned men of the age, when giving counsels to the lord of men, do not tell them to harass the
wicked and rapacious ministers with authority and severity, but all speak about benevolence, and compassion. So
do the present-day sovereigns admire the names of benevolence and righteousness but never carefully observe
their actual effects." As a matter of fact, what the then sovereigns admired was not what Mencius had called
benevolence and righteousness only, but was, as the itinerants emphasized, "either benevolence and
righteousness or profit." As regards the advice to employ authority and severity, nobody but Fei, a relative of the
royal family, dared to utter it.
Han Fei's ideas and principles, no doubt, involve biases and bigotries. Yet his teaching that law should be made
clear and penalty should be made strict to save all lives out of chaos, purge All-under-Heaven from calamities,
prevent the strong from oppressing the weak, the many from transgressing the few, and enable the aged and
infirm to live a happy ending and the young and the orphan to grow up to their best, is an emphasis on the utility
of the legal code and on the propriety of severity and leniency, which in motive and purpose does not differ from
Mencius's advice how to utilize ease and leisure and clarify the rules of political and penal administration.
After his theory had failed to take effect in Han, the legalism enforced by Chìn happened to be identical with it,
till she succeeded in exterminating the rest of the Warring States and annexed All-under-Heaven. Accordingly,
Tung Tzŭ-nai said, "Chìn practised Han Fei's theory." In the light of the facts that when Fei was appointed a
good-will envoy to Chìn, the state policy of Chìn had already been well fixed and her supreme position in the
world had been successfully established, and that no sooner had he entered Chìn than he was put to death, how
could it be said that Chìn had acted on his theory?
His writings altogether cover twenty books. Hitherto few of the commentaries have succeeded in elucidating the
whole text. It is not until my younger cousin, Hsien-shen, has collected all the commentaries, corrected the
errors, supplied the hiatuses, and discussed the meanings and implications of dubious points, that the author's
text appears lucidly readable. The Tao of the Sovereign and its following Works were most probably written
during the lifetime of the author. The First Interview with the King of Chìn and others at the opening of the text
were subsequently added. In these memorials Fei attempted to persuade the Ruler of Chìn not to ruin Han and
thereby schemed for the preservation of the ancestral shrines of his people. His plan was extremely unique,
wherefore every gentleman sees the more reason to sympathize with his patriotic cause.
Old Man of the Sunflower Garden,

Wang Hsien-chìen.
Twelfth Month, Winter, 22nd Year of Kuang-hsü (January, 1897).
Foreword to "The Complete Works of Han Fei Tzŭ with Collected Commentaries"
The Works of Han Fei Tzŭin the remote past had Yin Chi-chang's Commentary1 as mentioned in the Records of
Arts and Letters in the History of Tàng.2 The number of the books was not recorded most probably because the
Commentary has been lost long before. During the Yüan Dynasty (a.d. 1279-1367) Ho Huan said that Li Tsan's
Commentary3 had been in existence. Yet Li Tsan's life and work can no longer be traced. The edition which
appeared during the Chìen-tao period (a.d. 1165-1173) 4 of the Sung Dynasty (a.d. 960-1279) bears no name of
the editor. Nobody has as yet disclosed the anonymity. All the quotations and citations from Han Fei Tzŭ's Works
as found in the Tài-pìng Imperial Library,5 the Literary Works on Facts and Varieties,6 and Classical Selections
for Beginners,7 coincide with the text of the Chìen-tao edition. If so, the anonym must have lived before the
Sung Dynasty.
As regards these early commentaries, they do not completely cover the whole works of the author, and,
moreover, contain mistakes and errors. Nevertheless, these pioneering efforts have proved exceedingly helpful to
scholars of recent times. Accordingly, I have juxtaposed the various commentaries and from place to place
interposed my own viewpoints among them. In consequence, I have compiled the present work, The Complete
Works of Han Fei Tzŭwith Collected Commentaries, in which the author's text is largely based on the Chìen-tao
edition whose errors are corrected and hiatuses are supplied in accordance with the contents of other editions.
Wang Hsien-shen.
Changsha,
First Winter Month, 21st Year of Kuang-hsü (November, 1895).
Book One
1 初見秦第一
臣聞：「不知而言，不智；知而不言，不忠。」為人臣不忠，當死；言而不當，亦當死。雖然，臣願悉
言所聞，唯大王裁其罪。
臣聞：天下陰燕陽魏，連荊固齊，收韓而成從，將西面以與（秦強）〔強秦〕為難。臣竊笑之。世有三
亡，而天下得之。其此之謂乎！臣聞之曰：「以亂攻治者亡，以邪攻正者亡，〔以逆攻順者亡〕。」
今天下之府庫不盈，囷倉空虛，悉其士民，張軍數十百萬，其頓首戴羽為將軍，斷死於前不至千人，皆
以言死。白刃在前，斧鑕在後，而卻走不能死也。非其士民不能死也，上不能故也。言賞則不與，言罰
則不行，賞罰不信，故士民不死也。
今秦出號令而行賞罰，有功無功相事也。出其父母懷衽之中，生未嘗見寇耳。聞戰，頓足徒裼，犯白刃，
蹈鑪炭，斷死於前者皆是也。夫斷死與斷生者不同，而民為之者，是貴奮死也。夫一人奮死可以對十，
十可以對百，百可以對千，千可以對萬，萬可以剋天下矣。
今秦地折長補短，方數千里，名師數十百萬。秦之號令賞罰，地形利害，天下莫若也。以此與天下，天
下不足兼而有也。是故秦戰未嘗不剋，攻未嘗不取，所當未嘗不破，開地數千里，此其大功也。
然而兵甲頓，士民病，蓄積索，田疇荒，囷倉虛，四鄰諸侯不服，霸王之名不成。此無異故，其謀臣皆
不盡其忠也。
臣敢言之。
往者齊南破荊，東破宋，西服秦，北破燕，中使韓、魏，土地廣而兵強，戰剋攻取，詔令天下。齊之清
濟濁河，足以為限；長城巨防，足以為塞。齊，五戰之國也，一戰不剋而無齊。由此觀之，夫戰者，萬
乘之存亡也。
且〔臣〕聞之曰：「削（迹）〔株〕無遺根，無與禍鄰，禍乃不存。」秦與荊人戰，大破荊，襲郢，取
洞庭、五（湖）〔渚〕、江南。荊王君臣亡走，東服於陳。當此時也，隨荊以兵，則荊可舉；荊可舉，
則〔其〕民足貪也，地足利也，東以弱齊、燕，中以凌三晉。然則是一舉而霸王之名可成也，四鄰諸侯
可朝也；而謀臣不為，引軍而退，復與荊人為和。令荊人得收亡國，聚散民，立社稷主，置宗廟；令率
天下西面以與秦為難。此固以失霸王之道一矣。
天下又比周而軍華下，大王以詔破之，兵至梁郭下。圍梁數旬，則梁可拔；拔梁，則魏可舉；舉魏，則
荊、趙之意絕；荊、趙之意絕，則趙危；趙危而荊狐疑；東以弱齊、燕，中以凌三晉。然則是一舉而霸
王之名可成也，四鄰諸侯可朝也。而謀臣不為，引軍而退，復與魏氏為和。令魏氏反收亡國，聚散民，
立社稷主，置宗廟，令〔率天下西面以與秦為難〕。此固以失霸王之道二矣。
前者穰侯之治秦也，用一國之兵而欲以成兩國之功，是故兵終身暴露於外，士民疲病於內，霸王之名不
成。此固以失霸王之道三矣。
趙氏，中央之國也，雜民所居也，其民輕而難用也。號令不治，賞罰不信，地形不便，下不能盡其民力。
彼固亡國之形也，而不憂民萌，悉其士民軍於長平之下，以爭韓上黨。大王以詔破之，拔武安。當是時
也，趙氏上下不相親也，貴賤不相信也。然則邯鄲不守。拔邯鄲，筦山東（可聞）〔河間〕，引軍而去，
西攻脩武，踰（華）〔羊腸〕，（絳）〔降代〕、上黨。代（四）〔三〕十六縣，上黨（七十）〔十
七〕縣，不用一領甲，不苦一士民，此皆秦有也。（以）代、上黨不戰而畢為秦矣，東陽、河外不戰而
畢反為齊矣，中山、呼沱以北不戰而畢為燕矣。然則是趙舉，趙舉則韓亡，韓亡則荊、魏不能獨立，荊、
魏不能獨立，則是一舉而壞韓、蠹魏、（拔）〔挾〕荊，東以弱齊、（強）燕，決白馬之口以沃魏氏，
是一舉而三晉亡，從者敗也。大王垂拱以須之，天下編隨而服矣，霸王之名可成。而謀臣不為，引軍而
退，復與趙氏為和。夫以大王之明，秦兵之強，棄霸王之業，地曾不可得，乃取欺於亡國，是謀臣之拙
也。
且夫趙當亡而不亡，秦當霸而不霸，天下固以量秦之謀臣一矣。乃復悉士卒以攻邯鄲，不能拔也，棄甲
兵弩，戰竦而〔卻〕，天下固已量秦力二矣。軍乃引而復，并於（孚）〔李〕下，大王又并軍而至，與
戰不能剋之也，又不能反，（運）〔軍〕罷而去，天下固量秦力三矣。內者量吾謀臣，外者極吾兵力。
由是觀之，臣以為天下之從，幾不（能）〔難〕矣。內者，吾甲兵頓，士民病，蓄積索，田疇荒，囷倉
虛。外者，天下皆比意甚固。願大王有以慮之也。
且臣聞之曰：「戰戰栗栗，日慎一日。苟慎其道，天下可有。」何以知其然也？昔者紂為天子，將率天
下甲兵百萬，左飲於淇溪，右飲於洹谿，淇水竭而洹水不流，以與周武王為難。武王將素甲三千，戰一
日而破紂之國，禽其身，據其地而有其民，天下莫傷。知伯率三國之眾以攻趙襄主於晉陽，決水而灌之
三月，城且拔矣；襄主鑽龜筮占兆，以視利害，何國可降。乃使其臣張孟談，於是乃潛（於）行而出，
〔反〕知伯之約，得兩國之眾，以攻知伯，禽其身，以復襄主之初。
今秦地折長補短，方數千里，名師數十百萬。秦國之號令賞罰，地形利害，天下莫如也。〔以〕此與天
下，（何）〔可〕兼〔而〕有也。臣昧死願望見大王，言所以破天下之從，舉趙、亡韓，臣荊、魏，親
齊、燕，以成霸王之名，朝四鄰諸侯之道。大王誠聽其說，一舉而天下之從不破，趙不舉，韓不亡，荊、
魏不臣，齊、燕不親，霸王之名不成，四鄰諸侯不朝，大王斬臣以徇國，以為王謀不忠者〔戒〕也。
Chapter I. The First Interview with the King of Ch'in: A Memorial1
Thy servant has heard: "Who knows not but speaks, is not wise. Who knows but speaks not, is not loyal. Any
minister, if not loyal, must be condemned to death. If what he speaks be not true, he must be condemned to
death, too." However, thy servant begs to speak all he has heard and entreats Your Majesty to convict him of
whatever crime.
Thy servant has heard, All-under-Heaven 2 are forming the Perpendicular Union 3 by uniting with Chao 4 in the
centre, Yen in the north, and Wey in the south, confederating with Ching, 5 securing the good-will of Chì, and
also conjoining Han, with a view to facing the west 6 and thereby forcibly causing Chìn difficulties. At such a
measure thy servant is laughing within himself. While there are in the world three causes of ruin, the allies
exemplify all of them. If they are said to be exemplifying all the causes of ruin, it is because of their conspiracy
against Chìn! About the causes of ruin, thy servant has heard the saying, "A misgoverned country attacking a
well-governed country will go to ruin; a wicked country attacking an upright country will go to ruin; and a
country defying the course of nature, when it attacks a country following the course of nature, will go to ruin."
At present, the treasuries and armouries of the allies are not full; their granaries 7 and storehouses are empty.
With all their gentry and commoners enlisted, there can be massed troops counting by hundreds of thousands. 8
Among them, those who would bow their heads, 9 wear feather head-dresses, assume the office of commanders,
with a decisive forethought to die fighting, number more than 10 one thousand. While they all avow their
determination to die, in case of emergency, even pulled by naked blades in the front and pushed by axes and
anvils from behind, they would run backward and never fight to the death. Not that the gentry and commoners
cannot fight to the death, but that their superiors are not capable of making them do so. For rewards are not
bestowed as promised; nor are punishments inflicted as announced. Since reward and punishment are of no faith,
their gentry and commoners would never fight to the death.
Now Chìn issues verbal commands and written orders and carries out rewards and punishments accordingly,
both men of merit and of no merit are clearly distinguished 11 from each other. Therefore, though the people have
never seen any bandits since they left their parents' bosoms and lapels, once the news of hostilities reaches their
ears, everywhere are found men tapping their feet and baring their arms to rush against sharp blades and step
upon the charcoal of burning furnaces with a decisive forethought to die fighting. Verily in time of crisis
readiness to die and resolution to live are not the same. Yet the people of Chìn alone dare all hazards in the
cause of their country, for they respect courageous 12 death. Indeed, one man resolved to die a courageous death
can overcome ten enemies afraid of death, ten brave men can overcome one hundred coward enemies, one
hundred brave men can overcome one thousand coward enemies, one thousand brave men can overcome ten
thousand coward enemies, and ten thousand brave men can subdue All-underHeaven.
In these days, Chìn has a territory, which, if the wider places are cut off to fill up the narrower places, extends
over several thousand square li, plus a famous army counting by tens of thousands. In regard to the rewards and
punishments carried out by her commands and orders as well as the advantages and disadvantages presented by
her topographical features, no other country in All-under-Heaven can be compared to her. On coping with the
world in the light of such gains, she can accomplish more than the conquest of All-under-Heaven and can easily
hold them at her feet. Thus, Chìn in warfare has never failed to win, in attack has never failed to take, and
whatever has stood in her way she has never failed to smash, having opened up a vast land stretching several
thousand li. This has been her great achievement.
However, of late, so dull are her weapons and armour growing, so ill are her gentry and commoners becoming,
so scanty are her savings and hoardings become, so fallow are her fields and arable lands resting, so empty are
her granaries and storehouses, that her neighbouring feudal lords do not obey her and the title of Hegemonic
Ruler 13 is not as yet secured. For such there is no other reason than this: Her State counsellors, all in all, do not
exert their spirit of loyalty.
Thy servant dares to speak:—
In times gone by, Chì in the south routed Ching, in the east routed Sung, in the west subdued Chìn, in the north
routed Yen, and in the centre put Han and Wey to use. Thus, with vast territory and strong soldiers she won in
warfare and took in attack, thus becoming able to enforce her edicts and decrees throughout All-under-Heaven.
Of Chì, the limpid Chi Stream and the muddy Yellow River sufficed to make boundaries; the long walls and the
large dikes 14 sufficed to make frontiers. Therefore, in five successive wars was Chì victorious. Later, because of
only one war 15 she failed to win, Chì was reduced to impotency. From this viewpoint it is clear that warfare is
always a life-or-death question to the ruler of ten thousand chariots. 16
Besides, thy servant 17 has heard the saying: "On removing traces, leave no root, and be no neighbour to any
catastrophe. There shall then survive no catastrophe." Well, Chìn in the war 18 with the Chings routed them by
long odds and made such a surprise attack upon the city of Ying and the districts of Tung-ting, Wu-tu, 19 and
Chiang-nan, that the ruler and ministers of Ching had a narrow escape and sought refuge eastward under the
protection of Ch`ên. At that moment, if with her forces Chìn closely pursued the Chings, the Ching State could
be taken. After the state was taken, the people would become covetable and the territory fruitful to Chìn, so that
in the east Chìn could thereby weaken Chì and Yen and in the centre devastate the Three Chins. 20 If so, at one
stroke she could secure the title of Hegemonic Ruler and lay all the neighbouring feudal lords under tribute.
Instead, her State counsellors led the troops in retreat and, what was worse, made peace with the Chings, allowed
them to recover the ruined country, gather the scattered masses, reinstate the Spirits of Land and Grain on the
Altar, 21 and rebuild their ancestral shrines, and let them lead All-underHeaven to face the west and cause Chìn
difficulties. This, no doubt, was the first time the way to Hegemony was lost.
Another time, 22 when All-under-Heaven formed a wicked alliance and entrenched their forces at the foot of
Mount Hua, 23 His Majesty 24 by virtue of his own edicts ordered the army to rout them. The soldiers marched as
far as the outer walls of Liang. The city of Liang, after being besieged for several tens of days, could be
captured. Were Liang captured, the Wey State might fall. Should Wey be taken, the friendly contact between
Chao and Ching would come to an end. If the friendly contact between Chao and Ching ceased, Chao would fall
into peril. Should Chao fall into peril, Ching would become helpless. 25 So that in the east Chìn could weaken
Chì and Yen and in the centre hold down the Three Chins, at one stroke she could secure the title of Hegemonic
Ruler and lay all her neighbouring feudal lords under tribute. Instead, her State counsellors led the troops in
retreat, and, what was worse, made peace with the Weys, allowed them to recover the ruined country, gather the
scattered masses, reinstate the Spirits of Land and Grain on the Altar, and rebuild their ancestral shrines, and let
them lead All-underHeaven to face the west and cause Chìn difficulties. 26 This, no doubt, was the second time
the way to Hegemony was lost.
In the days of old, Marquis Hsiang, 27 while governing Chìn, used the soldiers of one country to perform
meritorious services for two. 28 As a result, the soldiers of Chìn were life-long exposed afield; gentry and
commoners were tired and ill at home; while His Majesty never secured the title of Hegemonic Ruler. This, no
doubt, was the third time the way to Hegemony was lost.
The Chao Clan, indeed, holds the central state inhabited by heterogeneous populations. Their people are
frivolous and hard to rule, their rewards and punishments are of no faith, their topographical features are not
advantageous, and their superiors 29 are unable to exert the people's best. Assuredly these are symptoms of a
doomed state. Yet, not concerned about the welfare of the masses, they dared to mobilize their gentry and
commoners, entrenched their forces in the suburbs of Chàng-pìng, and thereby contested with Chìn the
districts of Shang-tang in Han. 30 Thereupon His Majesty by virtue of his own edicts ordered the army to rout
them and captured Wu-an. At that moment, among the Chaos, high and low were not mutually attached; the
noble and the humble had no faith in each other. Naturally Han-tan could not hold out long. Should Chìn take
Han-tan, occupy Shan-tung and Ho-chien, and lead her troops on the march westward to fall upon Hsiu-wu,
cross the Yangchàng31 Ascent and subject 32 Tai 33 and Shang-tang, then without a single cuirass used and
without any gentry or commoners afflicted the thirty-six 34 counties of Tai plus the seventeen 35 counties of
Shang-tang would all become Chìn's possessions. After Tai and Shang-tang had fallen into the hands of Chìn
without fighting, Tung-yang and Ho-wai would also without fighting fall into the hands of Chì while the
territory to the north of Central Hills and the River Hu-to into the hands of Yen. In consequence Chao would give
way. Without Chao, Han would fall. Without Han, neither Ching nor Wey could stand by itself. If Ching and Wey
could not stand alone, then at one effort Chìn could break Han, encroach upon Wey, and capture Ching whereby
to weaken Chì and Yen in the east, and break up the White Horse Ford whereby to flood the Wey Clan. As a
result, the Three Chins would fall; the Unionists would fail; and His Majesty might with clothes dropped and
hands folded 36 wait for All-under-Heaven to give way and easily secure the title of Hegemonic Ruler. Instead,
the state counsellors led the troops in retreat, and, what was worse, made peace with the Chaos. 37 Thus,
notwithstanding the intelligence of His Majesty and the strength of the Chìn soldiers, the plan for Hegemony
was discarded; no inch of territory but insults by a doomed state was gained; which was altogether due to the
incompetence of the state counsellors.
Indeed, Chao doomed to ruin did not go to ruin; Chìn deserving Hegemony did not attain Hegemony. This was
the first reason why All-under-Heaven came to penetrate the ability of Chìn's state counsellors. Again, when
Chìn marched out all her officers and soldiers to launch a fresh attack upon Han-tan, her men failed to take that
city, threw away their armour and 38 crossbows, withdrew, and shivered. This was the second reason why All-
under-Heaven came to penetrate the strength of Chìn. Meanwhile, they drew out in retreat and held their breath
in the suburbs of Li-hsia, whereupon His Majesty arrived with newly gathered forces. They then started new
engagements but could not win. As their supplies stopped coming along, 39 they had to leave the front line. 40
This was the third reason why 41All-underHeaven came to penetrate the strength of Chìn. Thus, in the past, they
penetrated the ability of Chìn's State counsellors at home and wore out her military strength abroad. From this
viewpoint thy servant believes that the Union of All-underHeaven has practically had no obstacle. Now that,
inside Chìn, armour and weapons are growing dull, gentry and commoners are falling ill, savings and hoardings
are becoming scanty, and fields and arable lands are resting fallow, granaries and storehouses are standing
empty; outside Chìn, All-under-Heaven are very firmly allied against her, would to Your Majesty that there be
concerns of mind about such a crisis!
Besides, thy servant has heard the saying: "Be alarmed and trembling and act more carefully day after day. If
thou act carefully in due manner, thou mayest hold All-underHeaven under thy sway." How to prove this? Well,
in days of yore, Chow, being the Son of Heaven, 42 commanded hundreds of thousands of troops of All-under-
Heaven, with the left flank of his army draining the Rivulet Chì and the right flank draining the Rivulet Huan
till the water of the Chì was used up and the water of the Huan ran no longer. Thereby he intended to cause
King Wu of Chou difficulties. Commanding only three thousand troops all clad in white 43 armour, King Wu in
one day's battle broke up the state of Chow, took him prisoner, occupied his territory, and subdued his subjects;
whereas none in the world ever grieved over the event. Likewise, Earl Chih 44 once led the forces of three
countries 45 to attack Viscount 46 Hsiang of Chao at Chin-yang. By cutting down the Chin Stream and thereby
inundating the city for three months, 47 he brought the city to the verge of downfall. Thereupon Viscount Hsiang
bored a tortoise-shell, counted 48 bamboo slips, divined by casting lots with them, and found omens on the shell
foretelling the gains and losses, whereby he chose the country he should surrender to. Meanwhile, he sent out his
envoy named Chang Mêng-tàn, 49 who wormed through the water and stole out of the city. He turned down the
covenant Earl Chih had made with the other two countries and won the forces of the latter to his views. With
their aid he fell upon Earl Chih, took him prisoner, and restored to Viscount Hsiang the original territory. 50
In these days, Chìn has a territory, which, if the wider places are cut off to fill up the narrower places, extends
over several thousand square li, plus a famous army counting by hundreds of thousands. In regard to the rewards
and punishments carried out by her commands and orders as well as the advantages and disadvantages presented
by her topographical features, no other country in All-under-Heaven can be compared to her. On coping with the
world in the light of such gains, she can conquer and hold All-underHeaven at her feet. Therefore thy servant has
in the face of the death-penalty prayed to have an audience of Your Majesty and speak of the right way whereby
to break up the Perpendicular Union of All-under-Heaven, to take Chao and ruin Han, to subject Ching and Wey,
to befriend Chì and Yen, in order thereby to secure the title of Hegemonic Ruler and lay all the neighbouring
feudal lords under tribute. May 51 Your Majesty therefore lend ear to this memorial! Should at one effort the
Perpendicular Union not be broken, Chao not taken, Han not ruined, Ching and Wey not subjected, Chì and Yen
not befriended, the title of Hegemonic Ruler not secured, and all the neighbouring feudal lords not laid under
tribute, would Your Majesty behead thy servant as a warning to the whole country on a charge of disloyal
counsel to the sovereign? 52
Notes
1. 初見秦. This was the memorial Han Fei Tzŭpresented to the King of Chìn at his first interview with the ruler
in 233 b.c. This King reigned from 246 to 210 b.c., and upon his complete success in world-conquest in 221 b.c.
designated himself as Shih Huang Ti or the Initiating Emperor. A number of commentators misled by the
Schemes of the Warring States have mistaken this work for the first memorial presented to King Hui of Chìn by
Chang Yi, who entered the Chìn State in 333 b.c. and was appointed Prime Minister in 328 b.c. In so doing,
however, they have entirely ignored the counter-evidence that many of the facts adduced in the memorial
happened after Chang Yi's death in 309 b.c.
2. 天下 to the Chinese since classic antiquity has meant all that they can survey under Heaven. It is therefore
used sometimes as a collective noun and sometimes as a noun common but plural. Throughout my translation its
English rendering is usually "All-under-Heaven" and casually "the world". By 天下 in this chapter and the
following one Han Fei Tzŭfrequently meant the allies against Chìn.
3. 合從. The Perpendicular Union, of which Han Fei Tzŭwas an eyewitness, was the confederacy of the states to
the east and south of Chìn. It was originally advocated and presided over by Su Chìn in 333 b.c.
4. Here is the first instance of my adding words to the ideas of the original in order to increase its intelligibility.
To be sure, among the allies the Chao State was located in the centre.
5. Han Fei Tzŭused Ching instead of Chù on purpose to avoid calling the father of the king by name which was
Tzŭ-chù. Ching became the epithet of the Chù State because it was the style of the capital of Chù as well as
the name of a mountain close by the city.
6. Roughly speaking, Chìn was situated to the west of the allies in Allunder-Heaven.
7. Ch`ün (囷) is a round barn of crops; tsàng (倉), a square one.
8. With Wang Hsien-shen 數十百萬 should be 數千百萬.
9. To bow the head in this case means to express one's strong will.
10. With Kao Hêng 至 below 不 should be 止.
11. With Kao 事 below 相 means 視.
12. With Kao Yu 奮 above 死 means 勇.
13. 霸王 was rendered into English as "leader of the feudal princes" by Giles, as "Lord Protector" by H. H.
Dubs, and as "Tyrant" in the Greek sense by Y. P. Mei. During the Period of Spring and Autumn (722404b.c.) it
was used as the style of a ruler first successful in foreign conquests and later capable of respecting the authorities
of the Son of Heaven and protecting the rights of weaker and smaller states. The English renderings by Giles and
Dubs, therefore, seem to suit the connotation of the term of this period better than Mei's. During the Era of the
Warring States (403222b.c.), however, any feudal lord who could emerge to be the strongest among all paid no
respect to the central authorities and gave no protection to any weaker and smaller State. What he aimed at was
the complete annexation of All-under-Heaven under his tyrannical and imperial rule. Therefore to the
connotation of the term during this period "Tyrant" in the Greek sense is more suitable than the other two
renderings. I prefer to render it as "Hegemonic Ruler", which seems able to imply either "Lord Protector" or
"Tyrant" or both, and so throughout the whole translation. The French rendering by Ed. Chavannes is "roi
hégémon", but "roi" is not as comprehensive as "ruler"
14. Both the walls and the dikes were to the south of the city of modern Pìng-yin.
15. Waged in 284 b.c., the 31st year of King Nan of Chou, when General Yo Yi of Yen crushed the entire forces
of Chì
16. In ancient China the chariot was the basic unit for estimating the military strength as well as the political rank
of a feudal lord. One chariot carried thirteen heavily-armed soldiers and was followed by seventy-two
infantrymen. Originally only the Son of Heaven was entitled to ten thousand chariots and a feudal lord to one
thousand chariots; whereas during the Era of the Warring States every powerful feudal lord arrogated to himself
ten thousand chariots. Therefore, the ruler of ten thousand chariots came to mean the ruler of one of the first-
class powers. Moreover, during the Chou Dynasty emoluments were measured by chariots, one chariot being
supported by a locality of six square li.
17. With Wang Hsien-shen 臣 should be supplied below 且.
18. Waged in 278 b.c., the 37th year of King Nan of Chou, when General Pai Chì of Chìn crushed the entire
forces of Chù.
19. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 湖 below 五 should be 渚.
20. Chao, Han, and Wey, which partitioned the Chin State in 403 b.c., the beginning year of the Era of the
Warring States, were sometime called "Three Chins".
21. In the feudal days the Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain symbolized the centre of the people's common
interests, not only religious but political and social as well.
22. 273 b.c., the 42nd year of King Nan, the 34th year of King Chao of Chìn.
23. Situated on the borderland between Chìn and Wey.
24. King Chao (307-250 b.c.) of Chìn.
25. With Wang Hsien-shen 狐 should be 孤 and 疑 below it is superfluous.
26. With Wang 率天下西面以輿秦爲難 should be supplied below 令.
27. Wey Jan was made Marquis Hsiang in 291 b.c. by King Chao of Chìn.
28. The Chìn State and his private fief.
29. Yü Yüeh proposed 上 for 下.
30. In 260 b.c.
31. Ku Kuang-ts`ê proposed 羊腸 for 華.
32. The Schemes of the Warring States has 降 in place of 絳.
33. With Ku 代 should be supplied above 上黨.
34. Lu Wên-shao proposed 三十六 for 四十六.
35. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 七十 should be 十七.
36. To wait with clothes dropped and hands folded means to wait with ease and hope.
37. In 259 b.c.
38. With Wang Hsien-shen 兵 is a mistake for 與.
39. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 反 should be 及.
40. In 257 b.c.
41. With Wang Hsien-shen 以 should be supplied below 固.
42. 天子 means the emperor as he governs the people in accordance with the will and the way of Heaven.
43. Clothing in pure white symbolized mourning inasmuch as the event happened during the mourning period for
King Wu's father.
44. One of the Six Nobles who held fiefs in the then vast but weak Chin State. Other chapters of Han Fei
Tzŭfrequently have 智 in place of 知.
45. The feud of Earl Chi plus those of Han and Wey.
46. I read 子 for 主 and so throughout the whole discussion.
47. With Lu Wên-shao and Wang Hsien-shen 月 should be 年, which Kao Hêng considered absurd.
48. With Lu Wên-shao and Wang Hsien-shen 數 should be supplied above 筮 as found in Chap. XIX.
49. The Historical Records has 張孟同 in place of 張孟談.
50. In 453 b.c. A rather detailed narration of the whole event is found in Chap. X.
51. With Lu Wên-shao 誠 should be 試 .
52. With Wang Hsien-shen 以 above 為 is superfluous and 王 below 為 should be 主.

2 存韓第二
韓事秦三十餘年，出則為扞蔽，入則為蓆薦。秦特出銳師取（韓）地而〔韓〕隨之，怨懸於天下，功歸
於強秦。
且夫韓入貢職，與郡縣無異也。今（日）臣竊聞貴臣之計，舉兵將伐韓。夫趙氏聚士卒，養從〔徒〕，
欲贅天下之兵，明秦不弱，則諸侯必滅宗廟，欲西面行其意，非一日之計也。今釋趙之患，而攘內臣之
韓，則天下明趙氏之計矣。
夫韓，小國也，而以應天下四擊，主辱臣苦，上下相與同憂久矣。脩守備，戒強敵，有蓄積，築城池以
守固。今伐韓，未可一年而滅，拔一城而退，則權輕於天下，天下摧我兵矣。韓叛，則魏應之，趙據齊
以為原，如此，則以韓、魏資趙假齊，以固其從，而以與爭強，趙之福而秦之禍也。
夫進而擊趙不能取，退而攻韓弗能拔，則陷銳之卒懃於野戰，負任之旅罷於內攻，則合群苦弱以敵而共
二萬乘，非所以亡（趙）〔韓〕之心也。均如貴（人）〔臣〕之計，則秦必為天下兵質矣。陛下雖以金
石相弊，則兼天下之日未也。
今賤臣之（遇）愚計：使人使荊，重幣用事之臣，明趙之所以欺秦者；與魏質以安其心，從韓而伐趙，
趙雖與齊為一，不足患也。二國事畢，則（轉）〔韓〕可以移書定也。是我一舉二國有亡形，則荊、魏
又必自服矣。
故曰：「兵者，凶器也。」不可不審用也。以秦與趙敵衡，加以齊，今又背韓，而未有以堅荊、魏之心。
夫一戰而不勝，則禍搆矣。計者，所以定事也，不可不察也。
（韓）〔趙〕、秦強弱，在今年耳。且趙與諸侯陰謀久矣。夫一動而弱於諸侯，危事也；為計而使諸侯
有意（伐）〔我〕之心，至殆也。見二踈，非所以強於諸侯也。臣竊願陛下之幸熟圖之！攻伐而使從者
（聞）〔間〕焉，不可悔也。
詔以韓客之所上書，書言韓子之未可舉，下臣斯。〔臣斯〕甚以為不然。
秦之有韓，若人之有腹心之病也。虛處則然，若居濕地，著而不去，以極走則發矣。夫韓雖臣於秦，
未嘗不為秦病。今若有卒報之事，韓不可信也。秦與趙為難，荊蘇使齊，未知何如。以臣觀之，則齊、
趙之交未必以荊蘇絕也。若不絕，是悉（趙）〔秦〕而應二萬乘也。夫韓不服秦之義而服於強也，今專
於齊、趙，則韓必為腹心之病而發矣。韓與荊有謀，諸侯應之，則秦必復見崤塞之患。
非之來也，未必不以其能存韓也為重於韓也。辯說屬辭，飾非詐謀，以釣利於秦，而以韓利闚陛下。夫
秦、韓之交親，則非重矣，此自便之計也。臣視非之言，文其淫說靡辯，才甚。臣恐陛下淫非之辯而聽
其盜心，因不詳察事情。
今以臣愚議：秦發兵而未名所伐，則韓之用事者以事秦為計矣。臣斯請往見韓王，使來入見；大王見，
因內其身而勿遣，稍召其社稷之臣，以與韓人為市，則韓可深割也。因令象武發東郡之卒，闚兵於境上
而未名所之，則齊人懼而從蘇之計。是我兵未出而勁韓以威擒，強齊以義從矣。聞於諸侯也，趙氏破膽，
荊人狐疑，必有忠計。荊人不動，魏不足患也，則諸侯可蠶食而盡，趙氏可得與敵矣。願陛下幸察愚臣
之計，無忽。
秦遂遣斯使韓也。李斯往詔韓王，未得見，因上書曰：
「昔秦、韓戮力一意以不相侵，天下莫敢犯，如此者數世矣。前時五諸侯嘗相與共伐韓，秦發兵以救之。
韓居中國，地不能滿千里，而所以得與諸侯班位於天下，君臣相保者，以世世相教事秦之力也。
先時五諸侯共伐秦，韓反與諸侯先為鴈行，以嚮秦軍於（闕）〔關〕下矣。諸侯兵困力極，無柰何，諸
侯兵罷。杜倉相秦，起兵發將以報天下之怨而（失）〔先〕攻荊。荊令尹患之，曰：『夫韓以秦為不義，
而與秦兄弟共苦天下。已又背秦，先為鴈行以攻關。韓則居中國，展轉不可知。』天下共割韓上地十城
以謝秦，解其兵。
夫韓嘗一背秦而國迫地侵，兵弱至今，所以然者，聽姦（人）〔臣〕之浮說，不權事實，故雖殺戮姦臣，
不能使韓復強。
「今趙欲聚兵士，卒以秦為事，使人來借道，言欲伐秦，其勢必先韓而後秦。且臣聞之：『脣亡，則齒
寒。』夫秦、韓不得無同憂，其形可見。
魏欲發兵以攻韓，秦使人將使者於韓。今秦王使臣斯來而不得見，恐左右襲曩姦臣之計，使韓復有亡地
之患。臣斯不〔得〕見，請歸報，秦、韓之交必絕矣。斯之來使，以奉秦王之歡心，願效便計，豈陛下
所以逆賤臣者邪？臣斯願得一見，前進道愚計，退就葅戮，願陛下有意焉。
今殺臣於韓，則大王不足以強，若不聽臣之計，則禍必搆矣。秦發兵不留行，而韓之社稷憂矣。臣斯暴
身於韓之市，則雖欲察賤臣愚忠之計，不可得已。邊鄙殘，國固守，鼓鐸之聲於耳，而乃用臣斯之計，
晚矣。
且夫韓之兵於天下可知也，今又背強秦。夫棄城而敗軍，則反掖之寇必襲城矣。城盡則聚散，〔聚散〕
則無軍矣。城固守，則秦必興兵而圍王一都；道不通，則難必謀，其勢不救。左右計之者不用，願陛下
熟圖之。
若臣斯之所言有不應事實者，願大王幸使得畢辭於前，乃就吏誅不晚也。秦王飲食不甘，遊觀不樂，意
專在圖趙，使臣斯來言，願得身〔見〕，因急與陛下有計也。
今使臣不通，則韓之信未可知也。夫秦必釋趙之患而移兵於韓，願陛下幸復察圖之，而賜臣報決。」
Chapter II. On the Preservation of Han: Issue Between Han Fei and Li Ssŭ1
Han Fei Tzŭ's Memorial to the King of Chìn2 :—
"Han has served Chìn for upwards of thirty years. To Chìn she has formed a shielding barrier in case of war
and made a restful carpet in time of peace. Thus, whenever Chìn sends out crack troops to conquer new territory
and Han 3 follows at her heels, Han incurs hatred from All-underHeaven, but every achievement belongs to
Chìn.
"Further, since Han pays tribute and renders services to Chìn, she does not differ from a district or county of
Chìn. Of late, however, thy servant has in secret heard of the scheme of Your Majesty's ministers to raise an
army to invade Han. Verily it is the Chaos that have been recruiting officers and soldiers and supporting the
advocates of the Perpendicular Union with a view to uniting the troops of All-under-Heaven. And, with the clear
understanding that unless Chìn be weakened, the feudal lords would eventually see their ancestral shrines
ruined, they plan to turn west and accomplish their task. This is not such a scheme as could be devised in the
brief space of one day. Now supposing Chìn left the impending harm Chao has been causing and spurned Han
so trustworthy a vassal as a eunuch, then Allunder-Heaven would accordingly find reason for the scheme of the
Chaos.
"Verily Han is a small country. To stand the pressure by All-under-Heaven from the four directions, the sovereign
has to bear disgrace and the ministers have to undergo hardships, high and low having thus for years shared
griefs with each other in mending garrisons, in making provision against strong foes, in keeping hoardings and
savings, and in building walls and moats, in order to solidify their defence works. Therefore, though Chìn starts
invading Han now, she may be unable to take her in a year. Should Chìn withdraw after taking only a city, she
would fall into contempt by All-under-Heaven, who might in their turn crush her soldiers. Again, should Han
rebel, Wey would join her and Chao would look to Chì for safety. 4 If so, Chìn will eventually supply Chao
with the strength of Han and Wey and let Chì unite all these powers to solidify the Perpendicular Union and
thereby struggle for supremacy with Chìn. The result would be Chao's fortune and Chìn's misfortune, come
what might.
"Indeed, if Chìn on going forward to raid Chao cannot take and on turning backward to attack Han cannot win,
her troops, however invulnerable, will become tired of field operations abroad and her transport corps will fall
short of supplies 5 from home. Then, if Chìn masses her distressed and weakened troops to cope with the twenty
thousand chariots of Chì and Chao, 6 the result will not go in accordance with the original plan to destroy Han. 7
Thus, if everything be done according to the scheme of Your Majesty's ministers, 8 Chìn will infallibly become
the anvil 9 of the forces of All-under-Heaven, wherefore even though Your Majesty's reign may last as long as
metals and rocks, there never will come the day to bring the world under one rule.
"Now, it is the stupid suggestion of thy humble servant to send an envoy to Ching and, by bribing the ministers
in charge of her state affairs with precious presents, convince them of the reasons why Chao has been conspiring
against Chìn, and at the same time send a hostage to Wey to make her feel at ease, and then 10 to fall upon Chao.
Consequently, Chao will not make any serious trouble in spite of her confederation with Chì. After the removal
of the difficulties with these two countries, Chì and Chao, the problem of Han can be solved by means of an
official despatch. Likewise, if we can at one effort doom the two countries to ruin, Ching and Wey will
voluntarily surrender themselves to us.
"Hence the saying: `Weapons are dangerous implements, and should not be employed at random.' For
illustration, Chìn in vying with Chao has to challenge Chì and simultaneously break off with Han while she is
as yet unsuccessful in winning the good-will of Ching and Wey, so that once she fails to win in a single combat,
she will certainly suffer a tremendous adversity. Verily schemes are means whereby affairs are settled and
therefore should be carefully scrutinized.
"The turning-point 11 of Chìn, whether towards strength or towards weakness, will come to pass within this year.
It is, indeed, a long time since Chao began to plot with other feudal lords against Chìn. It will be a castastrophe
to be defeated by the feudal lords in the first engagement with them. Again, it is a great risk to devise such a
scheme as would excite the feudal lords' suspicion. Exposing these two carelessnesses to the world is not the
right way to display our strength before the feudal lords. Therefore, with due reverence may thy humble servant
pray Your Majesty to ponder over such eventualities and foresee that should the expedition against Han be
utilized by the Perpendicular Unionists, it would be too late to regret the consequences?" 12
Li Ssŭ's Memorial to the King of Chìn13:—
"Under His Majesty's edict the memorial submitted by the envoy from Han, in which he maintained that Han
should not be taken, was handed down to thy servant, Ssŭ. Thy servant, Ssŭ, 14 however, considers the viewpoint
presented therein extremely fallacious.
"What stomach and heart diseases are to man, that is Han to Chìn. The man having stomach and heart diseases
ordinarily only feels like standing in the mud which is sticky and cannot be brushed off; but as soon as he starts
running fast, the trouble becomes serious. Similarly, Han, though she pays homage to Chìn, is a constant
menace to Chìn. At the news of any kind of hostilities she cannot be trusted. Vying with Chao, Chìn has sent
Ching Su to Chì. Nobody is yet able to foretell the outcome. From thy servant's viewpoint, it remains uncertain
whether the friendship of Chì and Chao will be broken by the mission of Ching Su. Should it remain unbroken,
Chìn 15 would have to exert all her forces to cope with the twenty thousand chariots. To be sure, Han has yielded
not to Chìn's kindness but to her strength. As soon as we move our forces against Chì and Chao, Han will make
trouble as stomach and heart diseases do. Besides, if Han and Ching have any conspiracy against Chìn and other
feudal lords respond to it, Chìn is then bound to encounter another humiliation as met at the fort of Mount Yao.
16
"Fei came here most probably with the intention to elevate 17 his own position in the Han Government by
demonstrating his ability to save the Han State. By means of eloquent speeches and beautiful phrases he
embellishes lies and falsifies plots in order thereby to fish for advantages from Chìn and watch Your Majesty's
mind on behalf of Han. Indeed, if the friendship of Chìn and Han becomes intimate, Fei will be esteemed;
which is his self-seeking scheme. Having found Fei in his memorial twisting so many beguiling contentions and
showing his sophistic ability to the utmost, thy servant is afraid lest Your Majesty should be bewildered 18 by his
eloquence and listen to his crooked viewpoint and consequently neglect the consideration of the actual
conditions.
"Now thy servant has devised a stupid scheme as follows: Suppose Chìn sends out troops without announcing
the object of the expedition. Then the ministers in charge of Han's state affairs will consider serving Chìn a good
policy. Then thy servant will ask for Your Majesty's permission to interview the King of Han and make him
come to visit Your Majesty. When he comes, Your Majesty retains him and never sends him away, but, instead,
summons a few important ministers 19 from the Han Government and make bargains with them. In consequence
we will be able to encroach upon Han farther inside. After that, if Your Majesty similarly orders Mêng Wu 20 to
despatch the garrisons of the eastern districts to guard against enemy troops along the border without announcing
their objective, the Chìs will fear surprise invasion and accept the proposal of Ching Su. 21 As a result, before
our forces march outside the boundary, we will capture Han while Chì will yield to our pressure. As soon as
such news spreads among the feudal lords, the Chao Clan will be struck with terror while the Chings will be in
doubt how to act and eventually decide to remain loyal to Chìn. If the Chings make no move at all, Wey will not
be sufficient to cause worries, so that we will be able to encroach upon the territories of the feudal lords in the
way silkworms eat mulberry-leaves and cope with the forces of Chao. May Your Majesty ponder deliberately
over the scheme of thy stupid servant with no hesitation?"
Chìn accordingly sent Ssŭ to the court of Han. Li Ssŭ went to interview the King of Han, but could not have an
audience of him. Therefore he sent in a memorial saying:—
"Of old, when Chìn and Han combined their forces and united their purposes to refrain from invading each
other, 22 nobody in the whole world dared to aggress. Such a situation lasted for several generations. Some time
ago, when the five 23 feudal lords sent a joint-expedition against Han, Chìn sent out troops to rescue her. Han
being a central state, her territory scarcely stretches a thousand li. Thanks to the traditional policy she has
pursued from generation to generation to serve Chìn, 24 she has been able to occupy an equal position among the
feudal lords in All-under-Heaven.
"Another time, however, when the five feudal lords launched a joint-attack upon Chìn, Han in her turn joined
them and stood at the front of the allied line to meet the forces of Chìn beneath the Pass of the Armour Gorge. 25
With their armies worn out and their strength exhausted, the feudal lords were compelled to cease hostilities. 26
When Tu Tsàng was Premier of Chìn, he mobilized soldiers and despatched generals to revenge the wrong of
the allies and attacked Ching 27 first. The Chancellor of Ching, feeling uneasy about it, said: `Han at first
regarded Chìn as unjust and yet kept fraternal terms with Chìn in order jointly to menace the rest of the world.
Then she betrayed Chìn and took the lead of the allied forces in storming the Pass. Thus, centrally located, Han
is so fickle that nobody knows what she is going to do next.' Thereupon the allies ceded to Chìn ten cities from
the best districts of Han as an apology for their wrong and thereby ceased hostilities.
"Thus, ever since Han turned against Chìn, the country has been oppressed, her territory invaded, and her army
weakened, till the present day. The reason therefor is: Her rulers have been listening to the flippant theories of
wicked ministers but have never considered actual conditions. Even if the wicked ministers be put to death, it
would be impossible for Han to recover her former strength.
"At present, Chao is massing officers and soldiers 28 with Chìn as target. Therefore, she has sent envoys to Han
to borrow the way through the country on the pretext of attacking Chìn. Indeed, in her campaign against Chìn
she will naturally invade Han first and Chìn next. Besides, thy servant has heard: `When the lips are gone, the
teeth are cold.' Verily Chìn and Han have to share the same hazard. And such an eventuality is now visible
enough.
"Formerly, when Wey was about to despatch troops to attack Han, Chìn ordered guards to escort her good-will
envoys to Han. 29 Now thy servant, Ssŭ, is sent here by the King of Chìn, he is not granted an audience.
Therefore, he is afraid the present chamberlains of Your Majesty have inherited the scheme of the former wicked
ministers and might once more cause Han territorial losses. If thy servant, Ssŭ, is granted no audience while here
and has to go home to report to His Majesty the King of Chìn on his mission, the relations between Chìn and
Han will certainly be severed. On this mission Ssŭ came to present the good-will of His Majesty the King of
Chìn to the court of Han and hopes to make the best plan for Your Majesty; which in no wise constitutes
sufficient reason for Your Majesty's according thy humble servant such a cold reception as this. Thy servant, Ssŭ,
has petitioned for an audience only to present his stupid counsels inside the court and then to be chopped into
inches to death outside the court. Thereon may Your Majesty deliberate!
"Now supposing Your Majesty executed thy servant in Han, it would not do Your Majesty any good. Moreover,
since Your Majesty turns no ear to thy servant's counsels, there will be fostered the seed of catastrophes. For
once Chìn marches her troops out without stopping, Han will then feel concern for the safety of her Altar of the
Spirits of Land and Grain. After thy servant, Ssŭ, has had his corpse exposed in the market-place in the capital of
Han, though Your Majesty might begin to think about thy servant's stupid but loyal counsels, it would be
impossible to prevent disaster. After the frontiers have been raided and only the defence work of the capital is
held and when the sounds of drums and bells are filling 30 up the ears, though Your Majesty might then apply the
counsels of thy servant, Ssŭ, it will be too late.
"Moreover, though the limits of Han's military strength are generally known throughout the world, she is now
betraying Chìn. Indeed, if cities are evacuated and troops defeated, rebels among the rear forces will infallibly
raid the capital. When the capital falls, the civilians will scatter. When the civilians scatter, no more troops can be
recruited. Even though the capital might be well defended, yet Chìn would send out all her men to besiege the
only city of Your Majesty. When its communication with the outside world is cut off, it will be impossible to
accomplish any scheme, till the situation becomes unsavable. As the consideration of the whole situation by the
chamberlains is not thorough, 31 may Your Majesty deliberate on it carefully!
"If what thy servant, Ssŭ, has said contains anything that does not coincide with actual facts, may Your Majesty
allow him to complete his memorial before the throne! After that it will not be too late to put him to death
through official censure. The King of Chìn neither indulges in drinking and eating nor amuses himself with
travelling and sight-seeing, but is whole-heartedly scheming against Chao. Therefore he has sent thy servant,
Ssŭ, here to speak on his behalf. Thy servant has petitioned for a personal interview because he feels he must
parley with Your Majesty on matters of urgent importance.
"Now, if Your Majesty grants no audience to thy servant, the faith of Han never will be proved. Verily Chìn will
cease the campaign against Chao and move the army against Han. May Your Majesty, therefore, kindly ponder
over the matter again and again and grant thy servant a definite answer?"
Notes
1. 存韓. The content of this chapter is not unique. The first part was the petition Han Fei Tzŭsubmitted to the
King of Chìn. It was followed by Li Ssŭ's memorial refuting Han Fei Tzŭ's arguments in favour of the
preservation of the Han State and then by the memorial Li Ssŭ sent to the King of Han. These memorials were
apparently compiled by subsequent editors.
2. Italics mine.
3. With Wang Hsien-shen 韓 should be below 而.
4. Ku Kuang-ts`ê proposed 厚 for 原.
5. With Kao Hêng 攻 below 内 should read 共 which means 共給.
6. With Wang Wei 而共 above 二萬乘 is superfluous.
7. Ku Kuang-ts'ê proposed 韓 for 趙.
8. Lu Wên-shao proposed 臣 for 人.
9. The target of military operations—the common enemy of the world.
10. With Yü Yüeh and Wang Hsien-shen 韓 below 從 is superfluous.
11. Ku Kuang-ts`ê and Wang Hsien-shen proposed 轉 for 韓.
12. With this paragraph ends Han Fei Tzŭ's memorial.
13. Italics mine.
14. With Kao Hêng 臣斯 should be supplied above 甚以爲不然 inasmuch as this sentence as well as the
preceding one was uttered by Li Ssŭ in his memorial.
15. Wang Wei proposed 秦 for 趙.
16. In 247 b.c. under the command of Lord Hsin-ling of Wey the allied forces of Chao, Chù, Han, Wey, and Yen
defeated the Chìn invaders and drove them as far back as the Pass of the Armour Gorge.
17. With Kao Hêng 爲重 means 求重.
18. With Kao 淫 below 陛下 means 惑.
19. 社稷之臣 literally means "ministers from the Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain", that is, such ministers
as would risk their lives for the welfare of the state.
20. Wang Wei proposed 蒙武 for 象武.
21. His mission was to persuade Chì to break with Chao.
22. This means that they signed and observed a mutual non-aggression pact.
23. As a matter of fact, only Chao and Wey attacked Han in 273 b.c.
24. Han served Chìn for several generations, but Chìn saved Han only once.
25. Han joined Chì, Chao, Wey, Sung, and Central Hills, in attacking Chìn in 296 b.c.
26. In reality Chìn made territorial cessions to bring the war to an end.
27. In 278 b.c. General Pai Chì captured the capital of Ching.
28. With Wang Hsien-shen 兵 above 士卒 is superfluous.
29. Wey had sent envoys to Chìn to conclude an alliance against Han.
30. With Wang Hsien-shen 盈 should be supplied above 於耳.
31. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 用 should be 周.
3 難言第三
臣非非難言也，所以難言者：言順比滑澤，洋洋纚纚然，則見以為華而不實；敦厚恭祗，鯁固慎完，則
見以為拙而不倫；多言繁稱，連類比物，則見以為虛而無用；總微說約，徑省而不飾，則見以為劌而不
辯；激急親近，探知人情，則見以為譖而不讓；閎大廣博，妙遠不測，則見以為夸而無用；家計小談，
以具數言，則見以為陋；言而近世，辭不悖逆，則見以為貪生而諛上；言而遠俗，詭躁人間，則見以為
誕；捷敏辯給，繁於文采，則見以為史；殊釋文學，以質性言，則見以為鄙；時稱《詩》《書》，道法
往古，則見以為誦。此臣非之所以難言而重患也。
故度量雖正，未必聽也；義理雖全，未必用也。大王若以此不信，則小者以為毀訾誹謗，大者患禍災害
死亡及其身。
故子胥善謀而吳戮之，仲尼善說而匡圍之，管夷吾實賢而魯囚之。故此三大夫，豈不賢哉！而三君不明
也。
上古有湯，至聖也；伊尹，至智也。夫至智說至聖，然且七十說而不受，身執鼎俎為庖宰，昵近習親，
而湯乃僅知其賢而用之。故曰：「以至智說至聖，未必至而見受，伊尹說湯是也。以智說愚必不聽，文
王說紂是也。」
故文王說紂〔而紂〕囚之；翼侯炙；鬼侯腊；比干剖心；梅伯醢；
夷吾束縛；而曹羈奔陳；伯里子道乞；傅說轉鬻；孫子臏腳於魏；吳起（收）〔抆〕泣於岸門，痛西河
之為秦，卒枝解於楚；公叔痤言國器反為悖，公孫鞅奔秦；關龍逄斬；萇弘分胣；尹子穽於棘；司馬子
期死而浮於江；田明辜射；宓子賤、西門豹不鬭而死人手；董安于死而陳於市；宰予不免於田常；范雎
折脅於魏。
此十數人者，皆世之仁賢忠良有道術之士也，不幸而遇悖亂闇惑之主而死。
然則雖賢聖不能逃死亡，避戮辱者何也？則愚者難說也；故君子（不少）〔難言〕也。且至言忤於耳而
倒於心，非賢聖莫能聽，願大王熟察之也。
Chapter III. On the Difficulty in Speaking: A Memorial1
Thy servant, Fei, is by no means diffident of speaking. As to why he has to hesitate in speaking: if his speeches
are compliant and harmonious, magnificent and orderly, he is then regarded as ostentatious and insincere; if his
speeches are sincere and courteous, straightforward and careful, he is then regarded as awkward and
unsystematic; if his speeches are widely cited and subtly composed, frequently illustrated and continuously
analogized, he is then regarded as empty and unpractical; if his speeches summarize minute points and present
general ideas, being thus plain and concise, he is then regarded as simple and not discerning; if his speeches are
very personally observing and well-versed in the inner nature of mankind, he is then regarded as self-assuming
and self-conceited; if his speeches are erudite and profound, he is then regarded as boastful but useless; if his
speeches touch the details of house-keeping and estimate each item in terms of numerals, he is then regarded as
vulgar; if his speeches are too much concerned with worldly affairs and not offensive in wording, he is then
regarded as a coward 2 and a flatterer; if his speeches are far from commonplace and contrary 3 to human
experience, he is then regarded as fantastic; if his speeches are witty and eloquent and full of rhetorical
excellences, he is then regarded as flippant; if he discards all literary forms of expression and speaks solely of
the naked facts, he is then regarded as rustic; and should he quote the Books of Poetry and History from time to
time and act on the teachings of the former sages, he is then regarded as a book chantor. 4 These things explain
the reason why thy servant, Fei, is diffident in speaking and worried about speaking.
Therefore, weights and measures, however accurate, are not always adopted; doctrines and principles, however
perfect, are not always practised. Should His Majesty disbelieve the minister who speaks to the throne, the
minister would be found guilty of a blunder or condemned to death.
For example, Tzŭ-hsü 5 schemed well but was killed by the King of Wu; Chung-ni 6 taught well but was detained
by the Ruler of Kùang; and Kuan I-wu 7 was really worthy but was taken prisoner by the Ruler of Lu. Not that
these three statesmen were not worthy, but that the three rulers were not intelligent.
In remote antiquity, when Tàng 8 was the sanest and I Yin 9 the wisest of the age, though the wisest attempted to
persuade the sanest, yet he was not welcomed even after seventy times of persuasion, till he had to handle pans
and bowls and become a cook in order thereby to approach him and become familiar with him. In consequence
Tàng came to know his worthiness and took him into service. Hence the saying: "Though the wisest man wants
to persuade the sanest man, he is not necessarily welcomed upon his first arrival." Such was the case of I Yin's
persuading Tàng. Again the saying: "Though the wise man wants to persuade the fool, he is not necessarily
listened to." Such was the case of King Wên's 10 persuading Chow. 11
Thus, just as King Wên attempted to persuade Chow and was put in jail, 12 Marquis Ih 13 was broiled; Marquis
Chiu's 14 corpse was dried; Pi-kan 15 had his heart cut open; and Earl Mei's corpse was pickled. 16
Furthermore, I-wu was bound with chains. Tsào Chì 17 absconded to Ch`ên. Pai-li Tzŭ 18 begged on his way to
the capital of Chìn. Fu Yüeh 19 was sold into slavery from place to place. Sun Tzŭ 20 had his feet cut off in Wey.
Wu Chì 21 wiped off his tears at Dike Gate, lamented over the impending cession of the Western River Districts
to Chìn, and was dismembered in Chù. Kung-shu Tso 22 spoke of a man fit to be a pillar of the state but was
regarded as unreasonable, so that Kung-sun Yang 23 absconded to Chìn. Kuan Lung-p`êng 24 was executed.
Chàng Hung 25 had his intestines chopped into pieces. Yin Tzŭ 26 was thrown into a trap among brambles. The
Minister of War, Tzŭ-chì, 27 was killed and his corpse was floated on the Yang-TzŭRiver. Tìen Ming 28 was
stoned 29 to death. Mi Tzŭ-chien 30 and Hsi-mên Pao 31 quarrelled with nobody but were killed. Tung An-yü 32
was killed and his corpse was exposed in the market-place. Tsai Yü 33 had to suffer the disaster caused by Tìen
Chàng. 34 Fan Chü 35 had his ribs broken in Wey.
These tens of men 36 were all benevolent, worthy, loyal, and upright persons in the world and followers of the
right way and true path of life. Unfortunately they met such unreasonable, violent, stupid, and crooked masters,
and lost their lives in the long run.
Then, why could these worthies and sages escape death penalties and evade disgrace? It was because of the
difficulty in persuading fools. Hence every gentleman 37 has to remain diffident of speaking. Even the best
speech displeases the ear and upsets the heart, and can be appreciated only by worthy and sage rulers. May Your
Majesty therefore ponder over this memorial of thy servant!
Notes
1. 難言. In thought this is similar to Chap. XII which, however, is far more comprehensive and systematic than
this. The historical facts quoted herein as illustrative of the basic ideas set forth in the first two paragraphs
somehow or other lack coherence and seem even far-fetched in many respects.
2. 貪生 literally means "clinging to life".
3. With Kao Hêng 躁 reads 譟 which means 詐.
4. In Chaps. XLIX and L Han Fei Tzŭseverely reproached the Confucians and the Mohists for their constant
references to the teachings of the early kings and therefore condemned them as grubs and idlers. It was not his
intention to attempt a defence of them in this passage, however.
5. The pen-name of Wu Yün. He sought refuge in the Wu State when his father Wu Shê and his elder brother Wu
Shang were unjustly executed by the King of Chù in 522 b.c. In 511 b.c. he successfully persuaded King Ho-lü
of Wu to invade Chù and thereby avenged his father and brother. Following the death of King Ho-lü he served
King Fu-chà. In 494 b.c. he helped the young king wage a victorious war of revenge with King Kou-chien of
Yüeh. Subsequently, because of Pai Pì's slanders against him, he was ordered by King Fu-chà to commit
suicide with the famous Shu-lou sword (484 b.c.).
6. The pen-name of Kùng Chìu, namely, Confucius. While travelling in the Kùang State, he was mistaken for
Yang Hu from Lu and was therefore detained.
7. Better known as Kuan Chung. Having served Prince Chiu, he helped him struggle for the throne with Prince
Hsiao-pai when Duke Hsiang of Chì was murdered in 701 b.c. As Hsiao-pai entered the capital first and
ascended the throne, Duke Chuang of Lu, who had been supporting Prince Chiu, suddenly changed his mind,
killed the prince, and sent Kuan Chung in a prisoner cart to Chì. In Chì he was released by Hsiao-pai, then
Duke Huan, and appointed Prime Minister.
8. The founder of the Yin, or sometimes called Shang, Dynasty. 有 above 湯 has no additional sense, but is often
added to the name of a dynasty or a ruler so as to increase its dignity.
9. He was afterwards appointed Prime Minister by King Tàng.
10. His real name was Chi Chàng and the royal title was attributed to him after his death by his son, King Wu,
founder of the Chou Dynasty.
11. The last ruler of the Yin Dynasty and was like Chieh, the last ruler of the Hsia Dynasty, known for his
personal vices and misgovernment.
12. At Yu-li for seven years (1144-1137 b.c.).
13. Also called Marquis Ngo as Ih and Ngo were two places very close to each other.
14. The Historical Records has 九 in place of 鬼.

15. An uncle of Chow.
16. All these worthies were Chow's ministers.
17. He remonstrated with Duke Chuang of Tsào thrice but was never listened to, so that he had to abscond to the
Ch`ên State.
18. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 伯 should be 百. His full name was Pai-li Hsi. He made his way through all hazards to
Chìn, till he succeeded in introducing himself to Duke Mu.
19. Prime minister to King Wu-ting of the Yin Dynasty.
20. His full name was Sun Pin. When his fellow disciple named Pàng Chüan, who had studied military science
with him under Kuei-ku Tzŭor Philosopher of the Devil Valley, became the commander-in-chief of the Wey
army, he went to work under him. Meanwhile, Pàng Chüan became jealous of his talent, slandered him, and had
his feet cut off through official censure. Thereupon he feigned himself insane and managed to go back to the
Chì State, where he was charged with military affairs. In 341 b.c. he waged a successful war with Wey, during
which Pàng Chüan was killed in ambush.
21. When he was Governor of the Western River Districts, Wang Tso slandered him, so that Marquis Wu of Wey
dismissed him. On leaving his post, he stopped his carriage at Dike Gate and cast the last glance over the district
and shed tears at the thought of its impending doom. In 387 b.c. he sought refuge in the Chù State and was
appointed Prime Minister by King Cho. Despite all the meritorious services he had rendered to the country, he
was dismembered by his political enemies upon the king's death in 381 b.c.
22. Prime minister to King Hui of Wey and patron of Kung-sun Yang. From his death-bed he told the king to
appoint Yang his successor otherwise not to allow him to leave the country. Considering the dying man's opinion
absurd, the King neither appointed Yang to office nor put him to death.
23. He entered Chìn in 361 b.c. As soon as he was entrusted by Duke Hsiao in 359 b.c. with all state affairs, he
began to enforce his legalism. He enriched the state and strengthened the army and caused Wey many
humiliating defeats till King Hui regretted with a sigh that he had not taken Kung-shu Tso's advice.
24. He remonstrated with King Chieh against the construction of a wine pool and was killed because he would
not stop remonstrating.
25. A worthy minister to King Ling of Chou.
26. No record of his life and times is left.
27. Killed in 478 b.c. during the uprising caused by Prince Pai Shêng.
28. No record of his life and times is left.
29. With Yü Yüch 辜射 means 枯磔.
30. A disciple of Confucius.
31. A minister to Marquis Wên of Wey.
32. A minister to Viscount Chien of Chao.
33. Tsai Yü, a disciple of Confucius, and Kan Chih, Tìen Chàng's rival, had the same pen-name, that is, Tzŭ-
wo. Therefore, Han Fei Tzŭmistook Tsai Yü for Kan Chih.
34. In 481 b.c.

35. When Hsü Ku was sent to Chì as special envoy, Fan Chü was an attaché. His eloquence won great praises
from the King of Chì but incurred Hsü Ku's suspicion. After their return to Wey, Hsü Ku told Premier Wey Chì
that Fan Chü had betrayed the Wey State. Therefore Fan Chü was arrested and tortured till his ribs and teeth were
broken. He then feigned himself dead and finally stole away to Chìn, where he was appointed to office in 270
b.c.
36. 十數人 should be 數十人 because the number of the worthies enumerated is above twenty.
37. 君子. The superior man or plainly gentleman was here taken as the model man, which was, no doubt, due to
the Confucian influences Han Fei Tzŭhad received from Hsün Tzŭunder whom he had spent the formative period
of his thought.
4 愛臣第四
愛臣太親，必危其身；人臣太貴，必易主位；主妾無等，必危嫡子；兄弟不服，必危社稷。
臣聞千乘之君無備，必有百乘之臣在其側，以徙其民而傾其國；萬乘之君無備，必有千乘之家在其側，
以徙其威而傾其國。是以姦臣蕃息，主道衰亡。是故諸侯之博大，天子之害也；群臣之太富，君主之敗
也。將相之管主而隆（國）家，此君人者所外也。
萬物莫如身之至貴也，〔位之至尊也〕，〔主威之重〕，〔主勢之隆也〕。此四美者，不求諸外，不請
於人，議之而得之矣。故曰：人主不能用其富，則終於外也。此君人者之所識也。
昔者紂之亡，周之卑，皆從諸侯之博大也。晉之分也，齊之奪也，皆以群臣之太富也。夫燕、宋之所以
弒其君者，皆（以）〔此〕類也。故上比之殷、周，中比之燕、宋，莫不從此術也。
是故明君之蓄其臣也，盡之以法，質之以備。故不赦死，不宥刑。赦死宥刑，是謂威淫。社稷將危，國
家偏威。
是故大臣之祿雖大，不得藉威城市；黨與雖眾，不得臣士卒。故人臣處國無私朝，居軍無私交，其府庫
不得私貸於家。此明君之所以禁其邪。
是故不得四從，不載奇兵，非傳非遽，載奇兵革，罪死不赦。此明君之所以備不虞者也。
Chapter IV. On Favourite Vassals: A Memorial1
Favourite vassals, if too intimate with the ruler, would cause him personal danger. Ministers, if too powerful,
would overturn the august position of the sovereign. Wives and concubines, if without distinction of rank, would
cause legitimate sons dangers. Brothers, if not subservient to the ruler, would endanger the Altar of the Spirits of
Land and Grain.
Thy servant has heard: "The ruler of one thousand chariots, if not on his guard, would find close by him vassals
of one hundred chariots aiming to shake his authority 2 and upset his country. The ruler of ten thousand chariots,
if not on his guard, would find close by him vassals of one thousand chariots aiming to shake his authority and
upset his country." That being so, wicked ministers can multiply while the sway of the sovereign declines.
Therefore, the territorial expansion of the feudal lords leads to the damnation of the Son of Heaven; the
extraordinary wealth of ministers leads to the downfall of the ruler. Hence generals and ministers who would
leave the sovereign's interests behind 3 and prosper 4 the welfare of their own families instead, should be ousted
by the ruler of men.
Nothing is more valuable than the royal person, more honourable than the throne, more powerful than the
authority of the sovereign, and more august than the position of the ruler. These four excellences are not obtained
from outside nor secured from anybody else, but are deliberated in the ruler's own mind and acquired thereby.
Hence the saying: "The lord of men, if unable to exercise his equipment with the four excellences, is bound to
end his life in exile." This the ruler of men must keep firmly in mind.
Of old, the ruin of Chow and the fall of Chou were both due to the territorial expansion of the feudal lords; the
partition of Chin 5 as well as the usurpation of Chì 6 was due to the extraordinary wealth of ministers. So were
the regicides in Yen and Sung, indeed. Thus, whether in the cases of Yin and Chou or in the cases of Chin and
Chì, or in the modern cases of Yen and Sung, the same reason never failed to hold true.
For this reason, the intelligent ruler, in keeping officials in service, exhausts their abilities with laws and corrects
their errors with measures. Hence no release from the death penalty, no remission of punishment. Both release
from the death penalty and remission of punishment, being called "authority-losing" 7 on the part of the ruler,
mark the fall of the Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain into danger as well as the shifting of the state under the
"deflected authority" 8 of the wicked ministers.
Therefore, no minister, however large his bounty may be, should be allowed to include 9 the capital city in his
private fief; nor should he be allowed, however numerous his adherents and supporters may be, to subject
officers and soldiers as personal vassals. Accordingly, no official, while serving the state, should be allowed to
have any private governmental office. While in the army, nobody should be allowed to cultivate personal
friendships. No official should be allowed to make any loan from the public treasury to individual families. This
is the way the intelligent ruler should forbid wicked practices.
For the same reason, no minister should be allowed to have a four-horsed chariot as personal escort nor should
he be allowed to carry any kind of weapons. If anyone, being neither a public courier nor a herald of urgent
messages, transport implements of war from place to place, he should be condemned to death without mercy.
This is the way the intelligent ruler should provide against accidents.
Notes
1. 愛臣.
2. With Wang Wei 民 should be 威.
3. With Kao Hêng 管主 should be 後主.
4. With Kao 國 between 隆 and 家 is superfluous.
5. In 376 b.c. by the Chao, Han, and Wey Clans.
6. In 386 b.c. by the Tìen Clan.
7. 威淫.
8. 偏威.
9. With Yü Yüeh 藉 should read 籍 and 威 below it is superfluous.
5 主道第五
道者，萬物之始，是非之紀也。是以明君守始以知萬物之源，治紀以知善敗之端。故虛靜以待令，令名
自命也，令事自定也。虛則知實之情，靜則知動者正。有言者自為名，有事者自為形，形名參同，君乃
無事焉，歸之其情。
故曰：君無見其所欲，君見其所欲，臣自將雕琢；君無見其意，君見其意，臣將自表異。故曰：去好去
惡，臣乃見素；去（舊）〔智〕去（智）〔舊〕，臣乃自備。故有智而不以慮，使萬物知其處；有
（行）〔賢〕而不以（賢）〔行〕，觀臣下之所因；有勇而不以怒，使群臣盡其武。是故去智而有明，
去賢而有功，去勇而有強。群臣守職，百官有常，因能而使之，是謂習常。
故曰：寂乎其無位而處，漻乎莫得其所。明君無為於上，群臣竦懼乎下。明君之道，使智者盡其慮，而
君因以斷事，故君不窮於智；賢者勑其材，君因而任之，故君不窮於能；有功則君有其賢，有過則臣任
其罪，故君（子）不窮於名。是故不賢而為賢者師，不智而為（上）智者正。臣有其勞，君有其成功，
此之謂賢主之經也。
道在不可見，用在不可知。虛靜無事，以闇見疵。見而不見，聞而不聞，知而不知。知其言以往，勿變
勿更，以參合閱焉。官有一人，勿令通言，則萬物皆盡。函掩其跡，匿其端，下不能原。去其智，絕其
能，下不能意。
保吾所以往而稽同之，謹執其柄而固握之。絕其（能）望，破其意，毋使人欲之。不謹其閉，不固其門，
虎乃將存。不慎其事，不掩其情，賊乃將生。弒其主，代其所，人莫不與，故謂之虎。處其主之側為姦
（臣）〔匿〕，聞其主之忒，故謂之賊。散其黨，收其餘，閉其門，奪其輔，國乃無虎。大不可量，深
不可測，同合刑名，審驗法式，擅為者誅，國乃無賊。
是故人主有五壅：臣閉其主曰壅，臣制財利曰壅，臣擅行令曰壅，臣得行義曰壅，臣得樹人曰壅。臣閉
其主，則主失位；臣制財利，則主失德；臣擅行令，則主失制；臣得行義，則主失明；臣得樹人，則主
失黨。此人主之所以獨擅也，非人臣之所以得操也。
人主之道，靜退以為寶。不自操事而知拙與巧，不自計慮而知福與咎。是以不言〔而〕善應，不約而善
增。言已應則執其契，事已增則操其符。符契之所合，賞罰之所生也。故群臣陳其言，君以其言授其事，
事以責其功。功當其事，事當其言則賞；功不當其事，事不當其言則誅。明君之道，臣不〔得〕陳言而
不當。
是故明君之行賞也，曖乎如時雨，百姓利其澤；其行罰也，畏乎如雷霆，神聖不能解也。故明君無偷賞，
無赦罰。賞偷則功臣墮其業，赦罰則姦臣易為非。是故誠有功，則雖賤必賞；誠有過，則雖近愛必誅。
〔疏賤必賞〕，近愛必誅，則賤者不怠，而近愛者不驕也。
Chapter V. The Tao of the Sovereign1
Tao is the beginning of the myriad things, the standard of right and wrong. That being so, the intelligent ruler, by
holding to the beginning, knows the source of everything, and, by keeping to the standard, knows the origin of
good and evil. Therefore, by virtue of resting empty and reposed, he waits 2 for the course of nature to enforce
itself so that all names will be defined of themselves and all affairs will be settled of themselves. Empty, he
knows the essence of fullness: reposed, he becomes 3 the corrector of motion. Who utters a word creates himself
a name; who has an affair creates himself a form. Compare forms and names and see if they are identical. Then
the ruler will find nothing to worry about as everything is reduced to its reality.
Hence the saying: "The ruler must not reveal his wants. For, if he reveals his wants, the ministers will polish
their manners accordingly. The ruler must not reveal his views. For, if he reveals his views, the ministers will
display their hues differently." Hence another saying: "If the like and hate of the ruler be concealed, the true
hearts of the ministers will be revealed. If the experience and wisdom of the ruler be discarded, the ministers will
take precautions." Accordingly, the ruler, wise as he is, should not bother but let everything find its proper place;
worthy as he is, should not be self-assumed but observe closely the ministers' motivating factors of conduct; and,
courageous as he is, should not be enraged but let every minister display his prowess. So, leave the ruler's
wisdom, then you will find the ministers' intelligence; leave the ruler's worthiness, then you will find the
ministers' merits; and leave the ruler's courage, then you will find the ministers' strength. In such cases, ministers
will attend to their duties, magistrates will have definite work routine, and everybody will be employed
according to his special ability. Such a course of government is called "constant and immutable".
Hence the saying: "So quiet, it rests without footing; so vacant, it cannot be located." Thus, the intelligent ruler
does nothing, but his ministers tremble all the more. It is the Tao of the intelligent ruler that he makes the wise
men exhaust their mental energy and makes his decisions thereby without being himself at his wits' end; that he
makes the worthy men exert their talents and appoints them to office accordingly without being himself at the
end of his ability; and that in case of merits the ruler gains the renown and in case of demerit the ministers face
the blame so that the ruler is never at the end of his reputation. Therefore, the ruler, even though not worthy,
becomes the master of the worthies; and, even though not wise, becomes the corrector of the wise men. It is the
ministers who do the toil; it is the ruler who gets the spoil. This is the everlasting principle of the worthy
sovereign. 4
Tao exists in invisibility; its function, in unintelligibility. Be empty and reposed and have nothing to do-Then
from the dark see defects in the light. See but never be seen. Hear but never be heard. Know but never be known.
If you hear any word uttered, do not change it nor move it but compare it with the deed and see if word and deed
coincide with each other. Place every official with a censor. Do not let them speak to each other. Then everything
will be exerted to the utmost. Cover tracks and conceal sources. Then the ministers cannot trace origins. Leave
your wisdom and cease your ability. Then your subordinates cannot guess at your limitations.
Keep your decision and identify it with the words and deeds of your subordinates. Cautiously take the handles 5
and hold them fast. Uproot others' want of them, smash others' thought of them, and do not let anybody covet
them. If the ruler is not cautious of the locking or if he does not keep the gate in good repair, the tiger will come
into existence. If the ruler does not take precautions for his sway or if he does not cover his realities, the traitor
will make his appearance. Who murders the sovereign and takes his place and finds the whole people side in awe
with him, is called a tiger. Again, who serves the country by the sovereign's side and watches for his secret faults
with villainous motives, 6 is called a traitor. Scatter his partisans, arrest his supporters, 7 lock up the gate, and
deprive him of all assistance. Then there will be no tiger in the country. Be too great to be measured, be too
profound to be surveyed, identify norms 8 and names, scrutinize laws and manners, and chastise those doing as
they please. Then there will be no traitor in the country.
For these reasons, the lord of men always has to face five kinds of delusion: delusion by ministers impeding the
sovereign, delusion by ministers controlling public resources and revenues, delusion by ministers issuing decrees
at random, delusion by ministers distributing personal favours, and delusion by ministers feeding dependents.
When ministers impede the sovereign, the sovereign loses his viewpoint. When they control public resources and
revenues, he loses his advantages. 9 When they issue decrees at random, he loses his ruling authority. When they
distribute personal favours, he loses his name. When they feed their dependents, he loses his supporters. All their
doings as such should be based on the initiative of the lord of men and should not be started by the ministers at
their pleasure.
The Tao of the lord of men regards tranquillity and humility as treasures. Without handling anything himself, he
can tell skilfulness from unskilfulness; without his own concerns of mind, he can tell good from bad luck.
Therefore, without uttering any word himself, he finds a good reply given; without exerting his own effort, 10 he
finds his task accomplished. Whenever a reply is given to his question, he holds to its covenant. Whenever any
task is accomplished, he holds to its result. And out of coincidence and discrepancy between the consequences of
tasks accomplished and the covenants of words uttered reward and punishment are born. Therefore, when a
minister utters a word, the ruler should according to the word assign him a task to accomplish, and according to
the result of the accomplishment call the task 11 to account. If the result corresponds with the task and the task
with the word, the minister should be rewarded. If the result corresponds not with the task and the task not with
the word, he should be censured. It is in accordance with the Tao of the intelligent ruler that every minister
should utter no word that corresponds not with its proper task.
For this reason, the intelligent ruler, in bestowing rewards, is as benign as the seasonable rain that the masses
profit by his graces; in inflicting punishments, he is so terrific like the loud thunder that even divines and sages
cannot atone for their crimes. Thus the intelligent ruler neglects no reward and remits no punishment. For, if
reward is neglected, ministers of merit will relax their duties; if punishment is remitted, villainous ministers will
become liable to misconduct. Therefore, men of real merit, however distant and humble, must be rewarded; those
of real demerit, however near and dear, must be censured. If both the reward of the distant and humble and the
censure of the near and dear are infallible, 12 the distant and humble will not go idle while the near and dear will
not turn arrogant.
Notes
1. 主道. In style and thought this work is similar to Chap. VIII. Both show the same tendencies to vague verse
and reveal metres, measures, and rhymes in many points. The mode of expression is elegant but the ideas are
profound and abstract and therefore susceptible of different interpretations.
2. With Kao Hêng the first 令 below 待 is superfluous.
3. With Yü Yüeh 知 should be 為.
4. Up to this paragraph the chapter deals with the theoretical aspects of the Tao of the sovereign. The rest of the
chapter covers its practical sides. Hence its division into two parts by the Waseda University Press edition.
5. Vide infra, Chap. VII.
6. With Wang Nien-sun 臣 is a mistake for 匿 which reads 慝.
7. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 餘 should be 與.
8. 刑 is derived from 形 meaning "form".
9. With Wang Hsien-chìen 德 should be 得.
10. With Wang Hsien-shen 約 should be 事.
11. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê and Wang Hsien-shen 事以 should be 以其事.
12. With Wang Hsien-shen 疏賤必賞 should be supplied above 近愛必誅.
Book Two
6 有度第六
國無常強，無常弱。奉法者強則國強，奉法者弱則國弱。
荊莊王并國二十六，開地三千里，莊王之氓社稷也，而荊以亡。齊桓公并國三十，啟地三千里；桓公之
氓社稷也，而齊以亡。燕襄王以河為境，以薊為國，襲涿、方城，殘齊，平中山，有燕者重，無燕者
輕；襄王之氓社稷也，而燕以亡。魏安釐王（政趙救燕）〔攻燕救趙〕，取地河東；攻盡陶、魏之地；
加兵於齊，私平陸之都；攻韓拔管，勝於淇下；睢陽之事，荊軍老而走；蔡、召陵之事，荊軍破；兵四
布於天下，威行於冠帶之國；安釐〔王〕死而魏以亡。
故有荊莊、齊桓（公），則荊、齊可以霸；有燕襄、魏安釐，則燕、魏可以強。今皆亡國者，其群臣官
吏皆務所以亂，而不務所以治也。其國亂弱矣，又皆釋國法而私其外，則是負薪而救火也，亂弱甚矣！
故當今之時，能去私曲、就公法者，民安而國治；能去私行、行公法者，則兵強而敵弱。故審得失有法
度之制者，加以群臣之上，則主不可欺以詐偽；審得失有權衡之稱者，以聽遠事，則主不可欺以天下之
輕重。
今若以譽進能，則臣離上而下比周；若以黨舉官，則民務交而不求用於法。故官之失能者其國亂；以譽
為賞，以毀為罰也，則好賞惡罰之人，釋公行，行私術，比周以相為也。忘主外交，以進其與，則其下
所以為上者薄矣。交眾與多，外內朋黨，雖有大過，其蔽多矣。
故忠臣危死於非罪，姦邪之臣安利於無功。忠臣之所以危死而不以其罪，則良〔臣〕伏矣；姦邪之臣安
利不以功，則姦臣進矣；此亡之本也。
若是，則群臣廢法而行私重，輕公法矣。數至能人之門，不壹至主之廷；百慮私家之便，不壹圖主之
國。屬數雖多，非所〔以〕尊君也；百官雖具，非所以任國也。然則主有人主之名，而實託於群臣之家
也。故臣曰：亡國之廷無人焉。
廷無人者，非朝廷之衰也。家務相益，不務厚國；大臣務相尊，而不務尊君；小臣奉祿養交，不以官為
事。此其所以然者，由主之不上斷於法，而信下為之也。
故明主使法擇人，不自舉也；使法量功，不自度也。能者不可弊，敗者不可飾，譽者不能進，非者弗能
退，則君臣之間明辯而易治，故主讎法則可也。
賢者之為人臣，北面委質，無有二心，朝廷不敢辭賤，軍旅不敢辭難；順上之為，從主之法，虛心以待
令，而無是非也。故有口不以私言，有目不以私視，而上盡制之。為人臣者，譬之若手，上以脩頭，下
以脩足；清暖寒熱，不得不救（入），鏌鋣傅體，不敢弗搏，無私賢哲之臣，無私事能之士。故民不越
鄉而交，無百里之慼。貴賤不相踰，愚智提衡而立，治之至也。
今夫輕爵祿，易去亡，以擇其主，臣不謂廉。詐說逆法，倍主強諫，臣不謂忠。行惠施利，收下為名，
臣不謂仁。離俗隱居，而以（作）〔詐〕非上，臣不謂義。外使諸侯，內耗其國，伺其危嶮之陂，以恐
其主曰：「交非我不親，怨非我不解」，而主乃信之，以國聽之，卑主之名以顯其身，毀國之厚以利其
家，臣不謂智。此數物者，險世之說也，而先王之法所簡也。
先王之法曰：「臣毋或作威，毋或作利，從王之指；無或作惡，從王之路。」古者世治之民，奉公法，
廢私術，專意一行，具以待任。
夫為（之）人主而身察百官，則日不足，力不給。且上用目則下飾觀，上用耳則下飾聲，上用慮則下繁
辭。先王以三者為不足，故舍己能而因法數，審賞罰。先王之所守要，故法省而不侵。獨制四海之內，
聰智不得用其詐，險躁不得關其佞，姦邪無所依。遠在千里外，不敢易其辭；勢在郎中，不敢蔽善飾
非。朝廷群下，直湊單微，不敢相踰越。故治不足而日有餘，上之任勢使然也。
夫人臣之侵其主也，如地形焉，即漸以往，使人主失端，東西易面而不自知。故先王立司南以端朝夕。
故明主使其群臣不遊意於法之外，不為惠於法之內，動無非法。（法所以凌過遊外私也）〔峻法所以禁
過外私也〕，嚴刑所以遂令懲下也。威不（貸）〔貳〕錯，制不共門。威制共則眾邪彰矣，法不信則君
行危矣，刑不斷則邪不勝矣。故曰：巧匠目意中繩，然必先以規矩為度；上智捷舉中事，必以先王之法
為比。故繩直而枉木斲，準夷而高科削，權衡縣而重益輕，斗石設而多益少。
故以法治國，舉措而已矣。
法不阿貴，繩不撓曲。法之所加，智者弗能辭，勇者弗敢爭。刑過不避大臣，賞善不遺匹夫。故矯上之
失，詰下之邪，治亂決繆，絀羡齊非，一民之軌，莫如法。（屬）〔厲〕官威民，退淫殆，止詐偽，莫
如刑。刑重則不敢以貴易賤，法審則上尊而不侵，上尊而不侵，則主強而守要，故先王貴之而傳之。人
主釋法用私，則上下不別矣。
Chapter VI. Having Regulations: A Memorial1
No country is permanently strong. Nor is any country permanently weak. If conformers to law are strong, the
country is strong; if conformers to law are weak, the country is weak.
King Chuang of Ching annexed as many states as twenty-six and extended his territory as far as three thousand
li. As soon as King Chuang passed 2 away from the Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain, Ching decayed
accordingly. Duke Huan of Chì annexed as many states as thirty and extended his territory as far as three
thousand li. As soon as Duke Huan passed away from the Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain, Chì decayed
accordingly. King Hsiang 3 of Yen took the Yellow River as state-boundary on the south, established the capital
at Chi, doubled the defence works at Cho and Fang-ch`êng, smashed the Chì State, and subdued the Central
Hills State, in such wise that whoever was a friend of Yen was respected and whoever was not a friend of Yen
was despised. As soon as King Hsiang passed away from the Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain, Yen decayed
accordingly. King An-li of Wey attacked Yen, rescued Chao, 4 took the land to the east of the Yellow River, and
completely conquered both Tào and Wei. 5 Then he mobilized his troops into Chì and took the city of Pìng-lu
to be his holiday resort. Then he attacked Han, took Kuan, won the battle by the Chì River. Then in the
engagement at Chü-yang he drove the worn-out troops of Ching into retreat. Finally in the engagement at Shang-
tsài and Chao-ling he routed the Ching troops. In this manner he sent out his expeditionary forces in the four
directions throughout All-under-Heaven and spread his influence all over the countries of crowns and girdles. 6
Following the death of King An-li, Wey decayed accordingly.
Thus, as long as King Chuang of Ching and Duke Huan of Chì were alive, Ching and Chì could remain
hegemonic; as long as King Hsiang of Yen and King An-li of Wey were alive, Yen and Wey remained strong.
Now their countries all fell into decay, because their ministers and magistrates all followed the path to chaos and
never sought for the way to order. Though their countries were chaotic, they cast aside the state laws and
schemed for nothing but their own outside interests. This was the same as to suppress a fire by carrying firewood
on the back. Consequently confusion and weakness turned from bad to worse.
Therefore, at present, any ruler able to expel private crookedness and uphold public law, finds the people safe
and the state in order; and any ruler able to expunge private action and act on public law, finds his army strong
and his enemy weak. So, find 7 out men following the discipline of laws and regulations, and place them above
the body of officials. Then the sovereign can not be deceived by anybody with fraud and falsehood. Find 8 out
men able to weigh different situations, and put them in charge of distant affairs. Then the sovereign cannot be
deceived by anybody in matters of world politics.
Now supposing promotions were made because of mere reputations, then ministers would be estranged from the
sovereign and all officials would associate for treasonable purposes. Supposing officials were appointed on
account of their partisanship, then the people would strive to cultivate friendships and never seek employment in
accordance with the law. Thus, if the government lack able men, the state will fall into confusion. If rewards are
bestowed according to mere reputation, and punishments are inflicted according to mere defamation, then men
who love rewards and hate punishments will discard the law 9 of the public and practise self-seeking tricks and
associate for wicked purposes. If ministers forget the interest of the sovereign, make friends with outside people,
and thereby promote their adherents, then their inferiors will be in low spirits to serve the sovereign. Their
friends are many; their adherents, numerous. When they form juntas in and out, then though they have great
faults, their ways of disguise will be innumerable.
For such reasons, loyal ministers, innocent as they are, are always facing danger and the death penalty, whereas
wicked ministers, though of no merit, always enjoy security and prosperity. Should loyal ministers meet danger
and death without committing any crime, good ministers would withdraw. Should wicked ministers enjoy
security and prosperity without rendering any meritorious service, villainous ministers would advance. This is
the beginning of decay.
Were such the case, all officials would discard legalism, practising favouritism and despising public law. They
would frequent the gates of the residences of cunning men, but never once would they visit the court of the
sovereign. For one hundred times they would ponder the interests of private families, but never once would they
scheme for the state welfare of the sovereign. Thus, their subordinates, however numerous, are not for glorifying
the ruler; the officials, however well selected, are not for serving the country. If so, the sovereign would have the
mere name of the lord of men but in reality he simply commits himself to the care of the houses of the various
ministers. Hence thy servant says: "The court of a decaying state has no man." 10
That the court has no man does not imply the emptiness of the court. It means that private families strive to
benefit one another but never seek to enhance the state welfare; that high officials strive to honour one another
but never seek to honour the ruler; and that petty officials spend their salaries in cultivating personal friendships
but never attend to their official duties. The reason therefore is: The sovereign never makes his decisions in
accordance with the law but always trusts in his subordinates for whatever they do.
Therefore, the intelligent sovereign makes the law select men and makes no arbitrary promotion himself. He
makes the law measure merits and makes no arbitrary regulation himself. In consequence, able men cannot be
obscured, bad characters cannot be disguised; falsely praised fellows cannot be advanced, wrongly defamed
people cannot be degraded. Accordingly, between ruler and minister distinction becomes clear and order is
attained. Thus it suffices only if the sovereign can scrutinize laws.
The wise man, on ministering to a ruler, faces the north 11 and swears an oath of his office, pledging "not to have
two minds, 12 never to reject any low commission in the court, and never to reject any hard job in the military
camp, but to follow the instructions of his superior, to obey the law of the sovereign and empty his mind so as to
wait for the royal decrees to come, and to have no dispute about them". Therefore, though he has a mouth of his
own, he never speaks for his own advantage; though he has eyes of his own, he never sees for his private
interest. Both his mouth and eyes are kept under his superior's control. In other words, who ministers to a ruler
may be likened to the hand that is able to care for the head upward and for the feet downward, never fails to
relieve 13 them from extremes of cold and heat, and never fails to strike away even the Mo-yeh 14 Sword when it
is near the body. Similarly, the intelligent ruler never employs worthy and clever ministers or wise and able men
for any selfish purpose. Therefore, the people do not cross the village border to make friends and have no
relatives 15 living one hundred li away; high and low do not trespass against each other; the fool and the wise,
each being content with his own lot, keep the scale and stand in perfect balance. Such is the crowning phase of
order, indeed! 16
Now, those who make light of rank and bounties, resign from their offices and desert their posts with ease, and
thereby choose their masters, thy servant does not call upright. Those who falsify theories, disobey laws, defy the
sovereign, and make forcible remonstrances, thy servant does not call loyal. Those who bestow favours,
distribute profits, win the hearts of inferiors, and thereby make names, thy servant does not call benevolent.
Those who leave the world, retire from active life, and thereby reprove the sovereign, thy servant does not call
righteous. Those who serve abroad as envoys to other feudal lords, exhaust the strength of the native country,
and wait for the moment of crisis 17 to molest the sovereign, saying, "the inter-state friendship, unless thy servant
be in charge of it, cannot become intimate; the inter-state enmity, unless thy servant be in charge of it, cannot be
appeased," and thereby aim to win the sovereign's confidence, to be trusted with state affairs, and to increase
their influence by lowering the name of the sovereign and benefit their own families by hampering the resources
of the country, thy servant does not call wise. These examples are common practices prevailing in the dangerous
age, which the law of the early kings would weed out.
The law of the early kings said: "Every minister shall not exercise his authority nor shall he scheme for his own
advantage but shall follow His Majesty's instructions. He shall not do evil but shall follow His Majesty's path." 18
Thus, in antiquity the people of an orderly age abode by the public law, discarded all self-seeking tricks, devoted
their attention and united their actions to wait for employment by their superiors.
Indeed, the lord of men, if he has to inspect all officials himself, finds the day not long enough and his energy
not great enough. Moreover, if the superior uses his eyes, the inferior ornaments his looks; if the superior uses
his ears, the inferior ornaments his voice; and, if the superior uses his mind, the inferior twists his sentences.
Regarding these three faculties as insufficient, the early kings left aside their own talents and relied on laws and
numbers and acted carefully on the principles of reward and punishment. Thus, what the early kings did was to
the purpose of political order. Their laws, however simplified, were not violated. Despite the autocratic rule
within the four seas, the cunning could not apply their fabrications; the deceitful 19 could not practise 20 their
plausibilities; and the wicked found no means to resort to, so that, though as far away from His Majesty as
beyond a thousand li, they dared not change their words, and though as near by His Majesty as the courtiers, they
dared not cover the good and disguise the wrong. The officials in the court, high and low, never trespassed
against each other nor did they ever override their posts. Accordingly the sovereign's administrative routine did
not take up all his time while each day afforded enough leisure. Such was due to the way the ruler trusted to his
position.
Indeed, the minister trespasses against the sovereign in the court as in the lie of the land. Leading forward step
by step, 21 he makes the lord of men forget the starting-point until he turns from east to west and is not conscious
of the change. To guard against such misleadings, the early kings set up the south-pointing needle 22 to ascertain
the directions of sun-rise and sun-set. Thus, every intelligent ruler ordered his ministers never to realize their
wishes outside the realm of law and never to bestow their favours inside the realm of law—in short, never to
commit any unlawful act. As strict laws are means to forbid extra-judicial action and exterminate selfishness 23
and severe penalties are means to execute decrees and censure inferiors, legal authority should not be deputed to
anybody and legal control should not be held behind the same gate. Should legal authority and control be kept in
common by both ruler and minister, all varieties of wickedness would come into existence. If law is of no faith,
its enforcement by the ruler is absurd. 24 If penalty is not definite, culprits cannot be overcome. Hence the saying:
"The skilful carpenter, though able to mark the inked string with his surveying eyes and calculating mind, always
takes compasses and squares as measures before his marking; the great genius, though able to accomplish his
task with swift move, always takes the law of the early kings as the ruler before his accomplishment." Thus, if
the inked string is straight, crooked timbers will be shaved; if the water-level is even, high gnarls will be planed
down. Similarly, if weights and balances are well hung up, what is too heavy will be decreased and what is too
light will be increased; once pecks and bushels are established, what is too much will be decreased and what is
too little will be increased.
Hence to govern the state by law is to praise the right and blame the wrong. 25
The law does not fawn on the noble; the string does not yield to the crooked. Whatever the law applies to, the
wise cannot reject nor can the brave defy. Punishment for fault never skips ministers, reward for good never
misses commoners. Therefore, to correct the faults of the high, to rebuke the vices of the low, to suppress
disorders, to decide against mistakes, to subdue the arrogant, to straighten the crooked, and to unify the folkways
of the masses, nothing could match the law. To warn 26 the officials and overawe the people, to rebuke obscenity
and danger, and to forbid falsehood and deceit, nothing could match penalty. If penalty is severe, the noble
cannot discriminate against the humble. If law is definite, the superiors are esteemed and not violated. If the
superiors are not violated, the sovereign will become strong and able to maintain the proper course of
government. Such was the reason why the early kings esteemed legalism and handed it down to posterity. Should
the lord of men discard law and practise selfishness, high and low would have no distinction.
Notes
1. 有度. Its English rendering by L. T. Chên is "The Existence of Standards" (Liang Chì-chào, History of
Chinese Political Thought during the Early Tsin Period, trans. by L. T. Chên, p. 116, n. 2), which is incorrect.
This chapter has been regarded by many critics such as Hu Shih and Yung Chao-tsu as spurious merely on the
ground that the ruin of the states as adduced by Han Fei Tzŭtook place long after his death. Inasmuch as 亡
means "decay" and "decline" as well as "ruin" and "destruction", I regard the evidence alleged by the critics as
insufficient.
2. 氓 reads 亡 meaning 去, namely, "leave." To leave the Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain means to die.
3. In fact it was not King Hsiang but King Chao who sent General Yo I to invade the Chì State in 284 b.c.
4. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 攻趙救燕 should be 攻燕救趙. In 272 b.c. Wey with Chìn and Chù attacked Yen. In
257 b.c. Lord Hsin-ling of Wey smashed the forces of Chìn at Han-tan and thereby rescued Chao.
5. With Ku 魏 should be 衛.
6. 冠帶之國 referred to the civilized countries in the then known world. The barbarians roaming around the
Middle Land bobbed their hair and went without hats. Their garments had the lapels on the left and no girdles.
On the contrary, the Chinese would grow their hair, crown every male from twenty years of age, have the lapels
of their coats on the right. The countries of crowns and girdles were thus distinguished from the rest of the
world.
7. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 失 below 審得 in both cases should be 夫.
8. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 失 below 審得 in both cases should be 夫.
9. With Wang Hsien-shen 行 below 公 should be 法.

10. With Wang this whole paragraph is largely based on Kuan Tzŭ's "Making the Law Clear".
11. 北面 means "to have an audience with His Majesty", who, while seated on the throne, always faces the south.
12. 蕪有二心 means "not to break his word ever presented to the throne".
13. With Wang Hsien-shen 入 below 救 is superfluous.
14. One of the two precious swords made by the order of King Fu-chà of the Wu State, the other being called
Kan-chiang.
15. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 慼 should read 戚.
16. Such was the Utopia dreamt and pictured by Han Fei Tzŭ from the legalistic standpoint, which, diametrically
opposed to the Confucian spirit, stands out clearly relieved against the Great Community of Confucius:—
When the Grand Way was pursued, a public and common spirit ruled All-under-
Heaven; they chose worthy and able men; their words were sincere, and what they
cultivated was harmony. Thus men did not love their parents only, nor treat as children
only their sons. A competent provision was secured for the aged till their death,
employment for the able-bodied, and the means of growing up to the young. They
showed kindness and compassion to widows, orphans, childless men, and those who
were disabled by disease, so that they were all sufficiently maintained. Males had their
proper work, and females had their homes. They accumulated articles of value,
disliking that they should be thrown away upon the ground, but not wishing to keep
them for their own gratification. They laboured with their strength, disliking that it
should not be exerted, but not exerting it only with a view to their own advantage. In
this way selfish schemings were repressed and found no development. Robbers,
filchers, and rebellious traitors did not show themselves, and hence the outer doors
remained open, and were not shut. This was the period of what we call the Great
Community. (Cf. Legge's translation of The Li Ki, Bk. VII, Sect. i, 2.)
Han Fei Tzŭ's Utopia, however, runs in parallel to the ideal state of nature described by Lao Tzŭ:—
In a small country with few people let there be aldermen and mayors who are possessed
of power over men but would not use it, and who induce people to grieve at death but
do not cause them to move at a distance. Although they have ships and carts, they find
no occasion to employ them.
The people are induced to return to the pre-literate age of knotted cords and to use them
in place of writing, to delight in their food, to be proud of their clothes, to be content
with their homes, and to rejoice in their customs. Then, neighbouring states will be
mutually happy within sight; the voices of cocks and dogs will echo each other; and the
peoples will not have to call on each other while growing old and dead. (Cf. Carus's
translation of Lao Tzŭ's Tao Teh King, lxxx.)
17. With Wang Hsien-shen 陂 should be 際.
18. As remarked by Ku Kuang-ts`ê, the Great Plan contains a passage somewhat different from this citation.
19. With Kao Hêng 躁 read 譟 which means 詐.
20. With Kao 關 below 不得 means 置 or 措.
21. With Wang Hsien-shen 即 above 漸 should be 積.
22. The compass needle.
23. For 法所凌過遊外私也 I propose 峻法所以遏外滅私也 which runs parallel to the following passage 嚴刑
所以遂令懲下也.
24. With Yü Yüeh 危 should be 詭.
25. With Wang Hsien-shen 舉措 should be 舉錯 as in Confucius's Analects.
26. Wang Nien-sun proposed 厲 for 屬.
7 二柄第七
明主之所導制其臣者，二柄而已矣。二柄者，刑德也。何謂刑德？曰：殺戮之謂刑，慶賞之謂德。
為人臣者畏誅罰而利慶賞，故人主自用其刑德，則群臣畏其威而歸其利矣。故世之姦臣則不然；所惡則
能得之其主而罪之，所愛則能得之其主而賞之。今人主非使賞罰之威利出於己也，聽其臣而行其賞罰，
則一國之人皆畏其臣而易其君，歸其臣而去其君矣。此人主失刑德之患也。
夫虎之所以能服狗者，爪牙也。使虎釋其爪牙而使狗用之，則虎反服〔於〕狗矣。人主者，以刑德制臣
者也，今君人者釋其刑德而使臣用之，則君反制於臣矣。
故田常上請爵祿而行之群臣，下大斗斛而施於百姓，此簡公失德而田常用之也，故簡公見弒。子罕謂宋
君曰：「夫慶賞賜予者，民之所喜也，君自行之；殺戮刑罰者，民之所惡也，臣請當之。」於是宋君失
刑而子罕用之，故宋君見劫。田常徒用德而簡公弒，子罕徒用刑而宋君劫。故今世為人臣者兼刑德而用
之，則是世主之危甚於簡公、宋君也。故劫殺擁蔽之主，（非）〔兼〕失刑德而使臣用之，而不危亡者，
則未嘗有也。
人主將欲禁姦，則審合刑名；〔刑名〕者，言（異）〔與〕事也。為人臣者陳而言，君以其言授之事，
專以其事責其功。功當其事，事當其言則賞；功不當其事，事不當其言則罰。故群臣其言大而功小者則
罰，非罰小功也，罰功不當名也。群臣其言小而功大者亦罰，非不說於大功也，以為不當名（也）
〔之〕害甚於有大功，故罰。
昔者韓昭侯醉而寢，典冠者見君之寒也，故加衣於君之上，覺寢而說，問左右曰：「誰加衣者？」左右
對曰：「典冠。」君因兼罪典衣與典冠。其罪典衣，以為失其事也；其罪典冠，以為越其職也。非不惡
寒也，以為侵官之害甚於寒。
故明主之畜臣，臣不得越官而有功，不得陳言而不當。越官則死，不當則罪，守業其官，所言者貞也，
則群臣不得朋黨相為矣。
人主有二患：任賢，則臣將乘於賢以劫其君；妄舉，則事沮不勝。故人主好賢，則群臣飾行以要君欲，
則是群臣之情不效；群臣之情不效，則人主無以異其臣矣。
故越王好勇而民多輕死；楚靈王好細腰而國中多餓人；齊桓公妬（外）而好內，故豎刁自宮以治內；桓
公好味，易牙蒸其子首而進之；燕子噲好賢，故子之明不受國。
故君（子）見惡，則群臣匿端；君見好，則群臣誣能。人主欲見，則群臣之情態得其資矣。
故子之託於賢以奪其君者也，豎刁、易牙因君之欲以侵其君者也。其卒子噲以亂死，桓公蟲流出（尸）
〔戶〕而不葬。此其故何也？人君以情借臣之患也。人臣之情非必能愛其君也，為重利之故也。
今人主不掩其情，不匿其端，而使人臣有緣以侵其主，則群臣為子之、田常不難矣。故曰：「去好
〔去〕惡，群臣見素。」群臣見素，則大君不蔽矣。
Chapter VII. The Two Handles1
The means 2 whereby the intelligent ruler controls his ministers are two handles only. The two handles are
chastisement3 and commendation. 4 What are meant by chastisement and commendation? To inflict death or
torture upon culprits, is called chastisement; to bestow encouragements or rewards on men of merit, is called
commendation.
Ministers are afraid of censure and punishment but fond of encouragement and reward. Therefore, if the lord of
men uses the handles of chastisement and commendation, all ministers will dread his severity and turn to his
liberality. The villainous ministers of the age are different. To men they hate they would by securing the handle
of chastisement from the sovereign ascribe crimes; on men they love they would by securing the handle of
commendation from the sovereign bestow rewards. Now supposing the lord of men placed the authority of
punishment and the profit of reward not in his hands but let the ministers administer the affairs of reward and
punishment instead, then everybody in the country would fear the ministers and slight the ruler, and turn to the
ministers and away from the ruler. This is the calamity of the ruler's loss of the handles of chastisement and
commendation.
As illustration, that which enables the tiger to subject the dog, is his claws and fangs. Supposing the tiger cast
aside its claws and fangs and let the dog use them, the tiger would in turn be subjected by the dog. The lord of
men controls his ministers by means of chastisement and commendation. Now supposing the ruler of men cast
aside the handles of chastisement and commendation and let the ministers use them, the ruler would in turn be
controlled by the ministers.
Thus, Tìen Chàng petitioned for rank and bounties, which he in his turn conferred upon the body of officials,
and enlarged pecks and bushels, by virtue of which he distributed alms among the hundred surnames. In other
words, Duke Chien lost the handle of commendation, which Tìen Chàng set to use. In the long run Duke Chien
5
was murdered. Likewise, Tzŭ-han once said to the Ruler of Sung: "Indeed, rewards and charities being what the
people like, may Your Highness bestow them! Slaughter and punishments being what the people dislike, may thy
servant beg leave to enforce them?" Thenceforth, the Ruler of Sung lost the handle of chastisement, which Tzŭ-
han set to use. Hence followed the molestation of the Ruler of Sung. 6 Inasmuch as Tìen Chàng used only the
handle of commendation, Duke Chien was murdered; inasmuch as Tzŭ-han used only the handle of
chastisement, the Ruler of Sung was molested. Therefore, if any minister of the present age uses both the handles
of chastisement and commendation, the danger of his ruler will be more serious than that of Duke Chien and the
Ruler of Sung. For this reason, every sovereign molested, murdered, deluded, or deceived, because he had lost 7
the handles of chastisement and commendation and let the ministers use them, invited danger and ruin
accordingly.
The lord of men, whenever he wants to suppress culprits, must see norm accord with name and word never differ
from task. 8 Whenever a minister utters a word, the ruler should in accordance with his word assign him a task to
accomplish, and in accordance with the task call the work to account. If the work corresponds with the task, and
the task corresponds with the word, he should be rewarded. On the contrary, if the work is not equivalent to the
task, and the task not equivalent to the word, he should be punished. Accordingly, any minister whose word is
big but whose work is small should be punished. Not that the work is small, but that the work is not equivalent to
the name. Again, any minister whose word is small but whose work is big should also be punished. Not that big
work is not desirable but that the discrepancy between the work and the name is worse than the accomplishment
of the big work. Hence the minister should be punished.
Once in by-gone days, Marquis Chao of Han 9 was drunk and fell into a nap. The crown-keeper, seeing the ruler
exposed to cold, put a coat over him. When the Marquis awoke, he was glad and asked the attendants, "Who put
more clothes on my body?" "The crown-keeper did," they replied. Then the Marquis found the coat-keeper guilty
and put the crown-keeper to death. He punished the coat-keeper for the neglect of his duty, and the crown-keeper
for the overriding of his post. Not that the Marquis was not afraid of catching cold but that he thought their
trespassing the assigned duties was worse than his catching cold.
Thus, when an intelligent ruler keeps ministers in service, no minister is allowed either to override his post and
get merits thereby nor to utter any word not equivalent to a fact. Whoever overrides his post is put to death;
whoever makes a word not equivalent to a fact is punished. If everyone has to do his official duty, and if
whatever he says has to be earnest, then the ministers cannot associate for treasonable purposes.
The lord of men has two difficulties to face: If he appoints only worthy men to office, ministers will on the
pretence of worthiness attempt to deceive their ruler; if he makes arbitrary promotions of officials, the state
affairs will always be menaced. Similarly, if the lord of men loves worthiness, ministers will gloss over their
defects in order to meet the ruler's need. In consequence, no minister will show his true heart. If no minister
shows his true heart, the lord of men will find no way to tell the worthy from the unworthy.
For instance, because the King of Yüeh liked brave men, the people made light of death; because King Ling of
Chù liked slender waists, the country became full of starvelings; because Duke Huan of Chì was by nature
jealous and fond of women, Shu Tiao castrated himself in order to administer the harem; because Duke Huan
liked different tastes, Yi-ya steamed the head of his son and served Duke Huan with the rare taste; because Tzŭ-
kùai of Yen liked worthies, Tzŭ-chih pretended that he would not accept the state. 10
Therefore, if the ruler reveals his hate, ministers will conceal their motives; if the ruler reveals his likes,
ministers will pretend to talent; and if the ruler reveals his wants, 11 ministers will have the opportunity to
disguise their feelings and attitudes.
That was the reason why Tzŭ-chih, by pretending to worthiness, usurped the ruler's throne; and why Shu Tiao
and Yi-ya, by complying with their ruler's wants, molested their ruler. Thus Tzŭ-kùai died in consequence of a
civil war 12 and Duke Huan was left unburied until worms from his corpse crawled outdoors. 13 What was the
cause of these incidents? It was nothing but the calamity of the rulers' revelation of true hearts to ministers.
Every minister in his heart of hearts does not necessarily love the ruler. If he does, it is for the sake of his own
great advantage.
In these days, if the lord of men neither covers his feelings nor conceals his motives, and if he lets ministers have
a chance to molest their master, the ministers will have no difficulty in following the examples of Tzŭ-chih and
Tìenchàng. Hence the saying: "If the ruler's likes and hate be concealed, the ministers' true hearts will be
revealed. If the ministers reveal their true hearts, the ruler never will be deluded."
Notes
1. 二柄 For the English rendering of 柄 Professor M. S. Bates suggested "grip" instead of "handle". I prefer
"handle" in order to retain the native colour of the original.
2. With Yü Yüeh 導 should be 道 which means 由.
3. 刑.
4. 徳.
5. In 481 b.c. In the same year Confucius composed the Spring and Autumn Annals.
6. Tzŭ-han was a minister of Sung, but his intimidation of the sovereign is mentioned neither in the Historical
Records nor elsewhere except here. Granted that this chapter is not spurious, Han Fei Tzŭmust have derived the
information from some unreliable source of his age.
7. With Yü Yüeh 非 above 失 is superfluous.
8. Hirazawa's edition has 言不異事 in place of 言異事.
9. He ruled from 358 to 333 b.c. During his reign his premier, Shên Pu-hai, enforced legalistic policies so
successfully that Han emerged to be a rich and strong country. In the same country Han Fei Tzŭwas born about
half a century later and was therefore greatly influenced by the legalism taught and practised by Shên Pu-hai
(vide infra, Chap. XLIII).
10. As Tzŭ-chih, Premier of Yen, had intimated that even if the state were offered him, he would never accept it,
Tzŭ-kùai, King of Yen, in 316 b.c. purposely abdicated in favour of him, who, however, took the throne with no
reserve.
11. With Yü Yüeh 欲見 should be 見欲.
12. In 314 b.c.
13. When Duke Huan was dying, Shu Tiao and Yi-ya allowed nobody else to see him. After his death they made
no announcement and let his corpse lie unburied for sixty-seven days (vide infra, Chap. X, pp. 89-91).
8 揚權第八
天有大命，人有大命。夫香美脆味，厚酒肥肉，甘口而疾形；曼理皓齒，說情而捐精。故去（泰）甚去
泰，身乃無害。
權不欲見，素無為也。事在四方，要在中央。聖人執要，四方來效。虛而待之，彼自以之。四海既藏，
道陰見陽。左右既立，開門而當。勿變勿易，與二俱行；行之不已，是謂履理也。
夫物者有所宜，材者有所施，各處其宜，故上（下）無為。使雞司夜，令狸執鼠，皆用其能，上乃無事。
上有所長，事乃不方。矜而好能，下之所欺；辯惠好生，下因其材。上下易用，國故不治。
用一〔之〕道，以名為首，名正物定，名倚物徙。故聖人執一以靜，使名自命，令事自定。不見其采，
下故素正。因而任之，使自事之；因而予之，彼將自舉之；正與處之，使皆自定之。上以名舉之，不知
其名，復脩其形。形名參同，用其所生。二者誠信，下乃貢情。謹脩所事，待命於天。毋失其要，乃為
聖人。
聖人之道，去智與巧；智巧不去，難以為常。民人用之，其身多殃；主上用之，其國危亡。因天之道，
反形之理，督參鞠之，終則有始。虛以靜後，未嘗用己。凡上之患，必同其端；信而勿同，萬民一從。
夫道者弘大而無形，德者覈理而普至。至於群生，斟酌用之，萬物皆盛，而不與其寧。道者下周於事，
因稽而命，與時生死。參名異事，通一同情。
故曰：道不同於萬物，德不同〔於〕陰陽，衡不同於輕重，繩不同於出入，和不同於燥濕，（君子不同
群於臣）〔君不同於群臣〕。凡此六者，道之出也。
道無雙，故曰一。是故明君貴獨道之容。君臣不同道，下以名禱，君操其名，臣效其形，形名參同，上
下和調也。
凡聽之道，以其所出，反以為之入。故審名以定位，明分以辯類。聽言之道，溶若甚醉。脣乎齒乎，吾
不為始乎；齒乎脣乎，愈惽惽乎。彼自離之，吾因以知之；是非輻湊，上不與構。
虛靜無為，道之情也；參伍比物，事之形也。參之以比物，伍之以合虛。根幹不革，則動泄不失矣。動
之溶之，無為而（改）〔攻〕之。喜之則多事，惡之則生怨。故去喜去惡，虛心以為道舍。
上不與共之，民乃寵之；上不與義之，使獨為之。上固閉內扃，從室視庭（參），咫尺已具，皆之其處。
以賞者賞，以刑者刑，因其所為，各以自成。善惡必及，孰敢不信？規矩既設，三隅乃列。
主上不神，下將有因；其事不當，下考其常。若天若地，是謂累解。若地若天，孰踈孰親？能象天地，
是謂聖人。
欲治其內，置而勿親；欲治其外，官置一人，不使自恣，安得移并？大臣之門，唯恐多人。凡治之極，
下不能得。周合刑名，民乃守職；去此更求，是謂大惑。猾民愈眾，姦邪滿側。故曰：毋富人而貸焉，
毋貴人而逼焉，毋專信一人而失其都國焉。
腓大於股，難以趣走。主失其神，虎隨其後。主上不知，虎將為狗。主不蚤止，狗益無已。虎成其群，
以弒其母。為主而無臣，奚國之有？主施其法，大虎將怯；主施其刑，大虎自寧。法刑（狗）〔苟〕信，
虎化為人，復反其真。
欲為其國，必伐其聚；不伐其聚，彼將聚眾。欲為其地，必適其賜；不適其賜，亂人求益。彼求我予，
假仇人斧，假之不可，彼將用之以伐我。
黃帝有言曰：「上下一日百戰。」下匿其私，用試其上；（下）〔上〕操度量，以割其下。故度量之立，
主之寶也；黨與之具，臣之寶也。臣之所不弒其君者，黨與不具也。故上失扶寸，下得尋常。有國之君，
不大其都；有道之臣，不貴其家。有道之君，不貴其臣。貴之富之，（備）〔彼〕將代之。備危恐殆，
急置太子，禍乃無從起。
內索出圉，必身自執其度量。厚者虧之，薄者靡之。虧靡有量，毋使民比周，同欺其上。虧之若月，靡
之若熱。簡令謹誅，必盡其罰。毋弛而弓，一棲兩雄。一棲兩雄，其鬭。豺狼在牢，其羊不繁。一
家二貴，事乃無功。夫妻持政，子無適從。
為人君者，數披其木，毋使木枝扶踈。木枝扶踈，將塞公閭，私門將實，公庭將虛，主將壅圍。數披其
木，無使木枝外拒；木枝外拒，將逼主處。數披其木，毋使枝大本小；枝大本小，將不勝春風；不勝春
風，枝將害心。公子既眾，宗室憂唫。止之之道，數披其木，毋使枝茂。木數披，黨與乃離。掘其根本，
木乃不神。填其洶淵，毋使水清。探其懷，奪之威。主上用之，若電若雷。
Chapter VIII. Wielding the Sceptre1
Heaven has its destiny 2 ; human beings have their destiny, 3 too. Indeed, anything smelling good and tasting soft,
be it rich wine or fat meat, is delicious to the mouth, but it causes the body illness. The beauty having delicate
skin and pretty white teeth pleases feeling but exhausts energy. Hence avoid excesses and extremes. Then you
will suffer no harm. 4
The sceptre should never be shown. For its inner nature is non-assertion. 5 The state affairs may be scattered in
the four directions but the key to their administration is in the centre. The sage holding this key in hand, people
from the four directions come to render him meritorious services. He remains empty and waits for their services,
and they will exert their abilities by themselves. With the conditions of the four seas clearly in mind, he can see
the Yang by means of the Yin. 6 After appointing attendants on his right and left, he can open the gate and meet
anybody. 7 He can go onward with the two handles without making any change. To apply them without cessation
is said to be acting on the right way of government. 8
Indeed, everything has its function; every material has its utility. When everybody works according to his special
qualification, both superior and inferior will not have to do anything. Let roosters herald the dawn and let cats
watch for rats. When everything exercises its special qualification, the ruler will not have to do anything. If the
ruler has to exert any special skill of his own, it means that affairs are not going right. If he is conceited and fond
of displaying his ability, he will be deceived by the inferiors. If he is sagacious and lenient, 9 the inferiors will
take advantage of his capacity. If superior and inferior exchange their roles, the state never will be in order. 10
The way to assume oneness 11 starts from the study of terminology. When names are rectified, things will be
settled; when names are distorted, things will shift around. Therefore, the sage holds oneness in hand and rests in
tranquillity, letting names appoint themselves to tasks and affairs settle themselves. If he does not show off his
sagacity, the inferiors will reveal their earnestness and uprightness. He then appoints them to office in
accordance with their words, and thus lets them choose 12 their tasks. He confers upon them powers in
accordance with their needs and thus lets them raise their ranks. Thus, he rectifies their names first, then works
with them, and finally makes them accomplish the tasks. Therefore, he promotes them through the examination
of names. When the name is not clear, he seeks for its connotation by tracing 13 its form. After the form and the
name are compared and identified, he puts the product into use. 14 If both form and name have to be true, the
inferiors will have to reveal their true hearts, too. Carefully attend to your duties, wait for decrees from heaven to
come, and never miss the key to government. Then you will become a sage. 15
The way of the sage is to discard his own wisdom and talent. If his own wisdom and talent are not discarded, it
will be hard for him to keep a constant principle of government. When the people exert wisdom and talent, they
will suffer disasters; when the sovereign exerts them, the state will be in danger and on the decline. So, conform
to the way of heaven, act on the principle of human life, 16 and then consider, compare, and investigate them.
Where there is an ending, there is always a beginning. Be empty and reposed, keep behind others, and never
assert yourself before anybody else. For the calamity of the ruler originates in self-assertion. Nevertheless,
though you have faith in the inferiors' words, you must not listen to them blindly. Then the myriad people will
uniformly obey you. 17
Indeed, Tao is so magnificent as to have no form. Teh is evidently systematic and so extensive as to permeate all
lives. When it functions proportionately, the myriad things are formed, 18 though it does not add to their security.
Thus Tao is omnipresent in all events. So, follow and preserve its decrees and live and die at the right time.
Compare the names of different things, and trace the common source of the principles underlying them. 19
Hence the saying: "Tao does not identify itself with anything but itself. Teh does not identify itself with the Yin
and the Yang. The balance does not identify itself with lightness and heaviness. The inked string does not
identify itself with ingress and egress. The reed-organ 20 does not identify itself with dryness and wetness. The
ruler does not identify himself with the ministers." These six are effects of Tao. 21
Tao is never a pair. Hence it is called one. Therefore, the intelligent ruler esteems singleness, the characteristic
feature of Tao. Accordingly, ruler and minister do not follow the same path. When the minister presents any word
to the throne, the ruler holds to the name and the minister must work out the form. When form and name are
compared and found identical, superior and inferior will have peace and harmony. 22
In general, the right way to listen to the ministers is to take what they utter as the measure of what they harvest.
23
The ruler investigates their names so as to determine their offices, and clarify their duties so as to distinguish
between different varieties of work. The right way to hear different utterances is to look 24 drunken. Never start
moving your own lips and teeth before the subordinates do. The longer I keep quiet, the sooner others move their
lips and teeth. 25 As they themselves move their lips and teeth, I can thereby understand their real intentions.
Right and wrong words coming to the fore in such fashion, the ruler does not have to join issue 26 with them 27
To remain empty and tranquil and practise inaction is the real status of Tao. To compare, refer, and analogize
things, is the form of affairs. Thus you sometime compare them and analogize them to other things and sometime
refer them to and accord them with the condition of emptiness. When the root and trunk of a tree never change,
motion and rest 28 will cause no loss of its original status. Make 29 the inferiors feel uneasy. Improve their actions
by practising inaction. When you like them, affairs will multiply; when you hate them, resentment will appear.
So, discard both like and hate and make your empty mind the abode of Tao. 30
If the ruler does not share the supreme authority with the ministers, the people will regard this as a great
blessing. The ruler should never discuss 31 matters of right and wrong with the ministers but let them carry on the
discussion themselves. If he locks the inner bar 32 and sees the courtyard from inside the room, then just as
differences by inches and feet would come to the fore, so will all ministers know their proper places. Who
deserves reward, will be properly rewarded; who deserves punishment, will be properly punished. If everybody
pays for whatever he does, and if good and evil visit him without fail, who would dare to distrust the law? Once
compasses and squares 33 are established and one angle is made right, the other three angles will come out one
after another. 34
If the sovereign is not mysterious, 35 the ministers will find opportunity to take. For, if his task is improper, they
will change 36 their routine of work. To behave as high as heaven and as thick as earth is the way to dissolve all
worries. To do as heaven and earth do is the way to dismiss all discriminations between strangers and relatives.
Whoever can model himself upon heaven and earth is called a sage. 37
To govern the interior 38 of the court you may appoint men to office but should never take kindly to them. To
govern the exterior 39 of the court you may put one man in charge of one office but should never allow him to act
arbitrarily. If things are so, how can anybody shake the ruler's authority or gain any undue power? If there are
numerous men frequenting the gates of the high officials' residences, it will cause the ruler anxieties. At the
height of political order no minister can surmise what is in the ruler's mind. If the ruler closely accords form with
name, the people will attend to their daily business. To leave this key and seek anything else is to fall into serious
bewilderment. This will eventually increase the number of cunning people and fill the ruler's right and left with
wicked ministers. Hence the saying: "Never ennoble anybody in such wise that he may molest you; and never
trust anybody so exclusively that you lose the capital and the state to him." 40
If the calf is larger than the thigh, it is hard to run fast. 41 As soon as the sovereign ceases being mysterious, the
tiger will follow him from behind. If he takes no notice of it, the tiger will behave like a dog. At this moment, if
the sovereign does not stop it, the false dog will increase its partisans. The tigers will form a party and murder
the mother. 42 If the sovereign has no ministers loyal to him, what kind of a state has he? Yet as soon as the
sovereign begins to enforce laws, even tigers will become meek; as soon as he sets himself to inflict penalties,
even the largest tiger will become tame. Laws and penalties being of faith, tigers will turn into ordinary human
beings and revert to their due status. 43
Any ruler wishing to give peace to the state must disperse the partisans of powerful ministers. If he does not
disperse their partisans, they will enlarge their parties. Any ruler wishing to maintain order in his country must
adjust the distribution of his gifts. If he does not adjust the distribution of his gifts, rapacious men will seek for
extraordinary profits. To grant them requests will then be the same as to lend axes to enemies. It is not right to
lend out such things. For they will be used for assaulting the ruler. 44
The Yellow Emperor made the saying: "Superior and inferior wage one hundred battles a day." The inferior
conceals his tricks which he uses in testing the superior; the superior manipulates rules and measures in splitting
the influences of the inferior. Therefore the institution of rules and measures is the sovereign's treasure, the
possession of partisans and adherents is the minister's treasure. Such being the situation, if the minister does not
murder the ruler, it is because his partisans and adherents are not yet sufficient. Therefore, if the superior loses
one or two inches, 45 the inferior will gain eight or sixteen feet. 46 The ruler in possession of a state never enlarges
the capital. The minister following the true path never empowers his own family. The ruler following the right
way never empowers any minister. Because, once empowered and enriched, the inferior47 will attempt to
supplant the superior. So, guard against dangers and be afraid of eventualities. Install the crown prince quickly.
Then many troubles find no way to appear. 48
To detect culprits inside the court and guard against crooks outside it, the ruler must personally hold his rules and
measures. Make the powerful wane and the powerless wax. Both waning and waxing should have limitations.
Never allow the people to form juntas and thereby deceive their superiors with one accord. Make the powerful
wane like the moon, and the powerless wax like the heat of the bored fire. Simplify orders and dignify censures.
Make the application of penal laws definite. Never loosen your bow; otherwise, you will find two males in one
nest. Where there are two males in one nest, there the fighting will continue at sixes and sevens. When wolves
are in the stable, sheep never will flourish. When two masters are in one house, nothing can be accomplished.
When both man and wife manage the household, children will not know whom to obey. 49
The ruler of men should often stretch the tree but never allow its branches to flourish. Luxuriant branches will
cover the gates of public buildings, till private houses become full, public halls empty, and the sovereign
deluded. So, stretch out the tree often but never allow any branch to grow outward. Any branch that grows
outward will molest the position of the sovereign. Again, stretch out the tree often but never allow any branch to
grow larger than the stem. When the branches are large and the stem is small, the tree will be unable to endure
spring winds. When the tree cannot endure spring winds, the branches will damage its kernel. Similarly, when
illegitimate sons are many, the heir apparent will have worries and anxieties. The only way to check them is to
stretch out the tree often and never let its branches flourish. If the tree is stretched out often, partisans and
adherents of the wicked ministers will disperse. When the roots and the stem are dug up, the tree is no longer
alive. Fill up the foaming fountain with mud and never let the water clear. Search the bosoms of ministers and
take away their powers. The sovereign should exercise such powers himself with the speed of the lightning and
with the dignity of the thunder. 50
Notes
1. 揚權. Certain editions of the text have 揚摧 in place of 揚權. The latter, however, suits the ideas set forth in
the work better than the former. In style and thought it is similar to Chap. V and contains more than Chap. V
such similes and metaphors as are susceptible of widely different interpretations. I hope it will be helpful to the
reader to give an explanatory note of my own to each paragraph.
2. It refers to the course of nature as manifested in the compelling principle of the rotation of day and night, of
the four seasons, and so forth.
3. It refers to the course of nature as manifested in the necessary relation of ruler and minister, of superior and
inferior, and so forth.
4. In the opening paragraph it is brought to the fore that though mankind is endowed by nature with both carnal
and sexual appetites, nature does not allow the satisfaction of either appetite to run to any extreme. It is,
therefore, imperative that the way of life conform to the way of nature. Likewise, the way of government—the
Tao of the sovereign—must conform to the way of nature. To wield the sceptre right is the right way to political
order, which is expounded in the following paragraphs.
5. 無為. Han Fei Tzŭ's conception of non-assertion or inaction was Taoistic in origin.
6. To see the Yang by way of the Yin means to see things from an unseen place or to see the light from the dark.
The Yang (陽) refers to the positive principle of Yi (易) or Change which Chinese sages of classic antiquity
thought to be the permanent function of the universe. The Yin (陰) refers to its negative principle. All
phenomena are resultant from the interaction of these two principles.
7. As he cannot any longer be deluded, he is not afraid of meeting anybody.
8. The world view of Han Fei Tzŭis purely Taoistic. So is the major premise of his life view. The doctrine of
inaction is advocated in the opening sentences of this paragraph, which, however, ends with his insistence on the
active application of the two handles to government. Herein lies the difference between Han Fei Tzŭ's ideas and
the teachings of the orthodox Taoists. Lao Tzŭand his immediate followers taught that the origin of life is
inaction, its ideal should be inaction and that the route to this goal must be inaction, too. With them Han Fei
Tzŭagreed that inaction is the end, but he asserted that the means to the end is action. The Utopia remains a
permanent Utopian ideal. Life is a constant strife after this goal. So is government an everlasting fight against the
disruptive forces in individual and social life for perfect order. In such a fight the law is the only weapon, whose
two handles are chastisement and commendation. Therefore, to apply the two handles without cessation is said to
be acting on the right way of government. In this connection the shifting emphases in the social and political
thought of Lin Yu-tang, one of the greatest admirers of Han Fei Tzŭin modern China, are worth noticing. In his
essay on "Han Fei as a Cure for Modern China" (China's Own Critics: A Selection of Essays, 1931), he showed
his whole-hearted support of Han Fei Tzŭ. A few years later, as shown in his book, My Country and My People
(1936), he appeared to be far more Taoistic and cynical than before, preferring inaction and non-interference to
any kind of remedial work which seems to him laborious but fruitless.
9. 好生 literally means "fond of living beings" or "loving production", which here implies "unable to bear killing
any human being".
10. Ruler and minister should attend to their respective duties.
11. 用一 — here means to wield the sceptre—to attain the autocratic rule, so to speak.
12. With Wang Hsien-shen 事 should be 定.
13. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 脩 should be 循.
14. 用其所生 means to see whether or not name and form coincide with each other and then enforce reward or
punishment accordingly.
15. The epistemological and logical bases of his political theory are concisely discussed here.
16. 反形之理. 反 means 履. 形 refers to the outward phenomena of mankind.
17. To make an objective survey of the ministers' abilities and directly encourage them to render meritorious
services, the ruler has to give up or keep hidden his own wisdom and talent. On the other hand, to make the
subjects universally obey laws and uniformly follow orders, he should not allow the masses to abuse their own
wisdom and talent.
18. With Kao Hêng 盛 means 成.
19. Here is made an attempt to expound the substance and function of Tao and connect metaphysics with ethics
and politics.
20. 和. A kind of musical instrument able to maintain the same notes in all kinds of weather.
21. The relationship of metaphysics with ethics is further developed here.
22. The autocracy of the ruler is justified by virtue of the characteristic feature of Tao.
23. With Kao Hêng 以其所出反以為之入 means 以其所言反以為之功 inasmuch as 出 refers to 名 or name
and 入 refers to 形 or form.
24. With Yü Yüeh 溶 should be 容.
25. The more silent I remain, the more talkative others become.
26. With Wang Hsien-shen 構 reads 講.
27. The ruler should always stand aloof from the offices to which his inferiors are appointed, and charge them
with such responsibilities as never would involve himself.
28. With Hirazawa 泄 stands for 歇 meaning 息.
29. With Wang Hsien-shen 溶 should be ####.
30. Thus, to do inaction is to see everything done of itself and by itself. To remain empty and tranquil is to see
everybody driven by nature into good. This, again, is the ideal side of Han Fei Tzŭ's thought. In the practical
field he had to advocate the method of persistent action as revealed in the next paragraph.
31. With Wang Hsien-shen 義 should be 議.
32. 閉內扃 really means to conceal one's own opinions so as to inspect the inferiors' works.
33. 規矩 refers to the rules of reward and punishment.
34. The significance of reward and punishment in government is discussed.
35. 神 means "so profound and divine that nobody else can conjecture his intention or estimate his ability".
36. With Kao Hêng 考 is a mistake for 改.
37. It is imperative that the ruler be mysterious and difficult to understand.
38. Courtiers and attendants.
39. Officers and officials.
40. The necessity to take precautions against ambitious wicked ministers is explained.
41. With Lu Wên-shao 趣走 should be 趨走.

42. The mistress of the land, the ruler of the state.
43. The intelligent ruler prevents wicked ministers from becoming too powerful, and improves their character by
means of laws and penalties.
44. The ruler should not overstep the limits of reward and punishment.
45. 扶寸. 扶 is the total width of four fingers; 寸 is the distance between the joint of the thumb and the pulse
beneath the palm.
46. 尋常. 尋 is 8 feet and 常 is twice as long.
47. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 備 should be 彼.
48. Ruler and minister are always vying with each other in power. The former resorts to the enforcement of state
laws throughout the country; the latter to the distribution of personal favours among the masses. One easy way
open to the ruler to save the situation is, according to Han Fei Tzŭ, to install the crown prince as early as possible
so that many court intrigues will be avoided.
49. As Han Fei Tzŭdirected his main attention in his political thought to the issues between ruler and minister, in
the present and next paragraphs he taught the ruler how to maintain supremacy and why to weaken the minister.
This well reminds the reader of Lord Shang's "Weakening the People".
50. The tree illustrates the state as a whole organic structure; the stem, the ruler; and the branches, the ministers.
Hence Han Fei Tzŭ's saying: "When the branches are large and the stem is small, the tree will be unable to
endure spring winds." Accordingly special attention is called to the growth of the stem.
9 八姦第九
凡人臣之所道成姦者有八術：
一曰在同床。何謂同床？曰：貴夫人，愛孺子，便僻好色，此人主之所惑也。託於燕處之虞，乘醉飽之
時，而求其所欲，此必聽之術也。為人臣者內事之以金玉，使惑其主，此之謂「同床」。
二曰在旁。何謂在旁？曰：優笑侏儒，左右近習，此人主未命而唯唯，未使而諾諾，先意承旨，觀貌察
色以先主心者也。此皆俱進俱退，皆應皆對，一辭同軌以移主心者也。為人臣者內事（比）〔之〕以金
玉玩好，外為之行不法，使之化其主，此之謂「在旁」。
三曰父兄。何謂父兄？曰：側室公子，人主之所親愛也；大臣廷吏，人主之所與度計也。此皆盡力畢議，
人主之所必聽也。為人臣者事（畢）公子側室以音聲子女，收大臣廷吏以辭言，處約言事，事成則進爵
益祿，以勸其心，使犯其主，此之謂「父兄」。
四曰養殃。何謂養殃？曰：人主樂美宮室臺池，好飾子女狗馬以娛其心，此人主之殃也。為人臣者盡民
力以美宮室臺池，重賦斂以飾子女狗馬，以娛其主而亂其心，從其所欲，而樹私利其間，此謂「養殃」。
五曰民萌。何謂民萌？曰：為人臣者散公財以說民人，行小惠以取百姓，使朝廷市井皆勸譽己，以塞其
主而成其所欲，此之謂「民萌」。
六曰流行。何謂流行？曰：人主者，固壅其言談，希於聽論議，易移以辯說。為人臣者求諸侯之辯士，
養國中之能說者，使之以語其私。為巧文之言，流行之辭，示之以利勢，懼之以患害，施屬虛辭以壞其
主，此之謂「流行」。
七曰威強。何謂威強？曰：君人者，以群臣百姓為威強者也。群臣百姓之所善，則君善之；非群臣百姓
之所善，則君不善之。為人臣者，聚帶劍之客，養必死之士，以彰其威，明為己者必利，不為己者必死，
以恐其群臣百姓而行其私，此之謂「威強」。
八曰四方。何謂四方？曰：君（臣）〔人〕者，國小則事大國，兵弱則畏強兵，大國之所索，小國必聽；
強兵之所加，弱兵必服。為人臣者重賦斂，盡府庫，虛其國以事大國，而用其威求誘其君；甚者舉兵以
聚邊境而制斂於內，薄者數內大使以震其君，使之恐懼，此之謂「四方」。
凡此八者，人臣之所以道成姦，世主所以壅劫，失其所有也，不可不察焉。
明君之於內也，娛其色而不行其謁，不使私請。
其於左右也，使其身必責其言，不使益辭。
其於父兄大臣也，聽其言也必使以罰任於後，不令妄舉。
其於觀樂玩好也，必令之有所出，不使擅進〔擅退〕，不使（擅退）群臣虞其意。
其於德施也，縱禁財，發墳倉，利於民者必出於君，不使人臣私其德。
其於說議也，稱譽者所善，毀疵者所惡，必實其能，察其過，不使群臣相為語。
其〔於〕勇力之士也，軍旅之功無踰賞，邑鬭之勇無赦罪，不使群臣行私財。
其於諸侯之求索也，法則聽之，不法則距之。
所謂亡君者，非莫有其國也，而有之者，皆非己有也。令臣以外為制於內，則是君人者亡也。聽大國為
救亡也，而亡亟於不聽，故不聽。群臣知不聽，則不外諸侯；諸侯（之）〔知〕不聽，則不受（之臣）
〔臣之〕誣其君矣。
明主之為官職爵祿也，所以進賢材勸有功也。故曰：賢材者處厚祿，任大官；功大者有尊爵，受重賞。
官賢者量其能，賦祿者稱其功。是以賢者不誣能以事其主，有功者樂進其業，故事成功立。
今則不然，不課賢不肖，〔不〕論有功勞，用諸侯之重，聽左右之謁。父兄大臣上請爵祿於上，而下賣
之以收財利，及以樹私黨。故財利多者買官以為貴，有左右之交者請謁以成重。功勞之臣不論，官職之
遷失謬。是以吏偷官而外交，棄事而（財親）〔親財〕。是以賢者懈怠而不勸，有功者隳而簡其業，此
亡國之風也。
Chapter IX. Eight Villainies1
In general there are eight ways whereby ministers are led 2 to commit villainy:—
The first is said to be "through the bribery of sharers of the same bed". 3 What is meant by "through the bribery
of sharers of the same bed"? In reply I say: By graceful ladies, beloved concubines, feminine courtiers, and
pretty lads, the lord of men is bewildered. Counting on the sovereign's pleasant rest from governmental work and
taking advantage of his being drunken and satiated, the sharers of the same bed would get from him what they
want. This is the way to secure unfailing grants. Therefore, ministers bribe them in secret with gold and jewelry
and thereby make them bewilder the sovereign. This is said to be "through the bribery of sharers of the same
bed".
The second is said to be "through the bribery of bystanders". 4 What is meant by "through the bribery of
bystanders"? In reply I say: Actors, jokers, and clowns as well as attendants and courtiers would say, "At your
service, at your service," before the sovereign has given any order, and say, "Yes, yes," before he has
commanded them to do anything, thus taking orders ahead of his words and looking at his facial expressions and
judging his needs by his colour in order thereby to render him service before he makes up his mind. Such people
advance and withdraw en bloc, respond and reply with one accord, 5 thus identifying their deeds and unifying
their words so as to move the sovereign's mind. Therefore, ministers bribe them in secret with gold, jewelry,
curios, and the like, and commit unlawful acts to their advantage and thereby make them beguile the sovereign.
This is said to be "through the bribery of bystanders".
The third is said to be "through the entertainment of uncles and brothers". 6 What is meant by "through the
entertainment of uncles and brothers"? In reply I say: Sons by concubines are much loved by the sovereign;
prime ministers and court officials are consulted by the sovereign. All such people exert their energies and
exchange their ideas while the sovereign always listens to them. Ministers, accordingly, entertain concubines and
their sons with music and beauties, and win the hearts of prime ministers and court officials with twisted words
and sentences. Then through them they make promises and submit projects to the throne, so that when the tasks
are accomplished, their ranks are raised, their bounties increased, and their minds thereby satisfied. In this way
they make them violate the sovereign. This is said to be "through the entertainment of uncles and brothers".
The fourth is said to be "through fostering calamities". 7 What is meant by "through fostering calamities"? In
reply I say: The sovereign enjoys beautifying his palatial buildings, terraces, and pools, and decorating boys,
girls, dogs, and horses, so as to amuse his mind. This will eventually bring him calamities. Therefore, ministers
exhaust the energy of the people to beautify palatial buildings, terraces, and pools, and increase exactions and
taxation for decorating boys, girls, dogs, and horses, and thereby amuse the sovereign and disturb his mind, thus
following his wants and harvesting their own advantages thereby. This is said to be "through fostering
calamities".
The fifth is said to be "through buying up vagabonds". 8 What is meant by "through buying up vagabonds"? In
reply I say: Ministers distribute money out of public revenues to please the masses of people and bestow small
favours to win the hearts of the hundred surnames, and thereby make everybody, whether in the court or in the
market-place, praise them, and, by deluding the sovereign in this manner, get what they want. This is said to be
"through buying up vagabonds".
The sixth is said to be "through the employment of fluent and convincing speakers". 9 What is meant by "through
the employment of fluent and convincing speakers"? In reply I say: The sovereign, with all avenues to news
blockaded, rarely hears any disputes and discussions and is therefore apt to change his mind by eloquent
persuaders. Accordingly, ministers find eloquent speakers from among the subjects of other feudal lords and feed
able persuaders in the country, then make them speak about their self-seeking designs with skilfully polished
words and fluent and convincing phrases, show the sovereign the direction of advantages and powers, overawe
him with the location of calamities and disadvantages, manipulate all kinds of false sayings, and thereby deprave
him. This is said to be "through the employment of fluent and convincing speakers".
The seventh is said to be "through the arrogation of authority and strength". 10 What is meant by "through the
arrogation of authority and strength"? In reply I say: The ruler of men maintains his authority and strength by
keeping all officials and the hundred surnames on his side. Whatever he considers good is regarded as good by
the officials and the people; whatever he never considers good is not regarded as good by the officials and the
people. Ministers then gather bold swordsmen and desperate rascals to display their authority and make it known
that whoever sides with them always gains and whoever does not side with them is bound to die, and thereby
overawe the officials and the people and practise selfishness. This is said to be "through the arrogation of
authority and strength".
The eighth is said to be "through the accumulation of support from the four directions". 11 What is meant by
"through the accumulation of support from the four directions"? In reply I say: The ruler of men, if his country is
small, has to serve big powers, and, if his army is weak, has to fear strong armies. Any request by a big power
the small country always has to accept; any demand by a strong army the weak army always has to obey.
Accordingly, ministers raise exactions and taxations, exhaust public treasuries and armouries, empty the
provisions of the country, and thereby serve big powers and utilize their influence to mislead the ruler. In serious
cases, they would even send for foreign troops to assemble in the border-lands while they restrain 12 their
sovereign inside the country. Otherwise, they would invite special envoys from enemy states to molest their ruler
and thereby overawe him. This is said to be "through the accumulation of support from the four directions".
These eight in general are the ways whereby ministers are led to commit villainy and the sovereigns of the
present age are deluded, molested, and deprived of their possessions. Therefore, every sovereign should not fail
to study them carefully.
The intelligent ruler, as regards women, may enjoy their beauty but ought not to follow their entreaties and
comply with their requests.
As regards those near him, though he enjoys their presence, he must always call their words to account and never
let them utter any uncalled-for opinion.
As regards uncles, brothers, and chief vassals, the ruler, on adopting their words, ought to hold them liable to
penalties in case of failure and appoint them to office in case of success but never give them any arbitrary
promotion.
On seeking pleasures and enjoying curios, the ruler ought to have a definite personnel in charge of them and
allow nobody to bring such objects in and out at pleasure 13 and thereby let the ministers anticipate the
sovereign's want.
In regard to favour-distribution, it ought to be done on the initiative of the ruler to open the emergency treasury
and public storehouses and benefit the people. No minister should be allowed to bestow personal favours.
Regarding persuasions and discussions, the ruler must ascertain the abilities of men reputed to be good and
testify to the defects of those reputed to be bad, but never allow the ministers to speak to one another about them.
As regards bold and strong men, the ruler should neither neglect reward for merit on the battle-field nor remit
punishment for boldness in the village quarrel, and allow no minister to give them money in private.
With respect to the requests made by other feudal lords, if they are lawful, grant them; if they are unlawful, spurn
them. 14
The so-called doomed ruler is not one who no longer has a state but one who has a state but not in his grip. If he
lets his ministers control the home affairs through the support they receive from abroad, the ruler of men will be
doomed to ruin. Granting that to obey big powers is to save one's own country from ruin, the ruin will in case of
obedience come faster than in the case of disobedience. Hence never obey them. As soon as the ministers realize
that the ruler will not obey, they will not make friends abroad with other feudal lords. As soon as the feudal lords
realize that he will not obey, 15 they will not trust that any of his ministers can befool him.
The reason why the intelligent ruler establishes posts, offices, ranks, and bounties, is to promote the worthy and
encourage the men of merit. Hence the saying: "The worthy get large bounties and take charge of high offices;
the men of merit have honourable rank and receive big rewards." The sovereign appoints the worthy to office by
estimating their abilities, and bestows bounties according to the various merits. For this reason worthies do not
disguise their abilities in serving the sovereign; and men of merit rejoice in advancing their careers. As a result,
tasks are accomplished and merits achieved.
That is not so nowadays. There is neither any discrimination between the worthy and the unworthy nor 16 any
distinction between men of merit and of no merit. Anybody esteemed by the feudal lords is taken into service.
Any request made by the courtiers is granted. Uncles and brothers as well as chief vassals ask for ranks and
bounties from the sovereign and sell them off to their inferiors and thereby accumulate money and advantages
and support their personal dependents. Therefore, men who have much money and many advantages purchase
offices in order to become noble, and those who have friendships with the courtiers ask for grants in order to
uplift their social prestige. In consequence, officials and officers who have rendered the country meritorious
services are lost sight of, and the shift of posts and offices runs off the legitimate track. For this reason,
everybody in governmental service overrides his post, cultivates friendship with foreign powers, neglects his
duties, and covets money 17 in every way, with the result that worthies are disheartened and will no longer exert
their efforts while men of merit idle their time away and give up their careers. Such is the atmosphere of a
decaying country, indeed!
Notes
1. 八姦.
2. With Kao Hêng 道 above 成 means 由.
3. 同牀.
4. 在旁.
5. With Kao Hêng — 一辭同軌 should be 同軌一辭.
6. 父兄. 父 here refers to 叔父伯父仲父 or "uncles" in English; 兄 here refers to half-brothers.
7. 養殃.
8. 民盟.
9. 流行.
10. 威強.
11. 四方.
12. With Wang Hsien-shen 制斂 means 制攝.
13. With Wang 不使 above 擅退 is superfluous.
14. So much for the eight precautions against the eight ways to villainy. In the rest of the chapter the ruler is
advised to allow no weakness in his own personality or any carelessness in his governmental work to be taken
advantage of by rapacious ministers.
15. With Wang Wei and Wang Hsien-shen 諸侯之不聽 should be 諸侯知不聽 .
16. Wang Hsien-shen proposed the supply of 不 above 論.
17. With Kao Hêng 財親 should be 親財.
Book Three
10 十過第十
十過：
一曰行小忠，則大忠之賊也。
二曰顧小利，則大利之殘也。
三曰行僻自用，無禮諸侯，則亡身之至也。
四曰不務聽治而好五音，則窮身之事也。
五曰貪愎喜利，則滅國殺身之本也。
六曰耽於女樂，不顧國政，則亡國之禍也。
七曰離內遠遊而忽於諫士，則危身之道也。
八曰過而不聽於忠臣，而獨行其意，則滅高名，為人笑之始也。
九曰內不量力，外恃諸侯，則削國之患也。
十曰國小無禮，不用諫臣，則絕世之勢也。
奚謂小忠？
昔者楚共王與晉厲公戰於鄢陵，楚師敗，而共王傷其目。酣戰之時，司馬子反渴而求飲，豎穀陽操觴酒
而進之。子反曰：「嘻，退！酒也。」〔穀陽曰〕：「〔非酒也〕。」子反受而飲之。子反之為人也，
嗜酒而甘之，弗能絕於口，而醉。戰既罷，共王欲復戰，令人召司馬子反，司馬子反辭以心疾。共王駕
而自往，入其幄中，聞酒臭而還，曰：「今日之戰，不穀親傷。所恃者，司馬也。而司馬又醉如此，
是亡楚國之社稷而不（言）〔恤〕吾眾也，不穀無復戰矣。」於是還師而去，斬司馬子反以為大戮。故
豎穀陽之進酒，不以讎子反也，其心忠愛之，而適足以殺之。故曰：行小忠，則大忠之賊也。
奚謂顧小利？
昔者晉獻公欲假道於虞以伐虢。荀息曰：「君其以垂棘之璧與屈產之乘，賂虞公，求假道焉，必假我
道。」君曰：「垂棘之璧，吾先君之寶也；屈產之乘，寡人之駿馬也。若受吾幣不假之道，將柰何？」
荀息曰：「彼不假我道，必不敢受我幣。若受我幣而假我道，則是寶猶取之內府而藏之外府也，馬猶取
之內廄而著之外廄也。君勿憂。」君曰：「諾。」乃使荀息以垂棘之璧與屈產之乘賂虞公而求假道焉。
虞公貪利其璧與馬而欲許之。宮之奇諫曰：「不可許。夫虞之有虢也。如車之有輔。輔依車，車亦依輔，
虞、虢之勢正是也。若假之道，則虢朝亡而虞夕從之矣。不可，願勿許。」虞公弗聽，遂假之道。
荀息伐虢〔剋〕之，還反處三年，興兵伐虞，又剋之。荀息牽馬操璧而報獻公，獻公說曰：「璧則猶是
也。雖然，馬齒亦益長矣。」
故虞公之兵殆而地削者，何也？愛小利而不慮其害。故曰：顧小利，則大利之殘也。
奚謂行僻？
昔者楚靈王為申之（命）〔會〕，宋太子後至，執而囚之；狎徐君，拘齊慶封。中射士諫曰：「合諸侯
不可無禮，此存亡之機也。昔者桀為有戎之會，而有緡叛之；紂為黎丘之蒐，而戎、狄叛之，由無禮也。
君其圖之。」君不聽，遂行其意。
居未期年，靈王南遊，群臣從而劫之。靈王餓而死乾溪之上。故曰：行僻自用，無禮諸侯，則亡身之至
也。
奚謂好音？
昔者衛靈公將之晉，至濮水之上，稅車而放馬，設舍以宿。夜分，而聞鼓新聲者而說之。使人問左右，
盡報弗聞。乃召師涓而告之曰：「有鼓新聲者，使人問左右，盡報弗聞。其狀似鬼神，子為〔我〕聽而
寫之。」師涓曰：「諾。」因靜坐撫琴而寫之。師涓明日報曰：「臣得之矣，而未習也，請復一宿習
之。」靈公曰：「諾。」因復留宿。明日（而）〔已〕習之，遂去之晉。
晉平公觴之於施夷之臺。酒酣，靈公起。公曰：「有新聲，願請以示。」平公曰：「善。」乃召師涓，
令坐師曠之旁，援琴鼓之。未終，師曠撫止之，曰：「此亡國之聲，不可遂也。」平公曰：「此（道
奚）〔奚道〕出？」師曠曰：「此師延之所作，與紂為靡靡之樂也。及武王伐紂，師延東走，至於濮水
而自投。故聞此聲者，必於濮水之上。先聞此聲者，其國必削，不可遂。」平公曰：「寡人所好者，音
也，子其使遂之。」師涓鼓究之。平公問師（涓）〔曠〕曰：「此所謂何聲也？」師曠曰：「此所謂清
商也。」
公曰：「清商固最悲乎？」師曠曰：「不如清徵。」公曰：「清徵可得而聞乎？」師曠曰：「不可。古
之聽清徵者，皆有德義之君也。今吾君德薄，不足以聽。」平公曰：「寡人之所好者，音也，願試聽
之。」師曠不得已，援琴而鼓。一奏之，有玄鶴二八道南方來，集於郎門之垝。再奏之，而列。三奏之，
延頸而鳴，舒翼而舞。音中宮商之聲，聲聞于天。平公大說，坐者皆喜，
平公提觴而起為師曠壽，反〔坐〕而問曰：「音莫悲於清徵乎？」師曠曰：「不如清角。」平公曰：
「清角可得而聞乎？」師曠曰：「不可。昔者黃帝合鬼神於泰山之上，駕象車而六蛟龍，畢方並鎋，蚩
尤居前，風伯進掃，雨師洒道，虎狼在前，鬼神在後，騰蛇伏地，鳳皇覆上，大合鬼神，作為清角。今
（主）〔吾〕君德薄，不足聽之。聽之，將恐有敗。」平公曰：「寡人老矣，所好者音也，願遂聽
之。」師曠不得已而鼓之。一奏（而）〔之〕，有玄雲從西北方起；再奏之，大風至，大雨隨之，裂帷
幕，破俎豆，隳廊瓦。坐者散走，平公恐懼，伏于廊室之間。晉國大旱，赤地三年。平公之身遂（瘙）
〔癃〕病。故曰：不務聽治，而好五音不已，則窮身之事也。
奚謂貪愎？
昔者智伯瑤率趙、韓、魏而伐范、中行，滅之。反歸，休兵數年，因令人請地於韓。韓康子欲勿與，段
規諫曰：「不可不與也。夫知伯之為人也，好利而驁愎。彼來請地而弗與，則移兵於韓必矣。君其與之。
與之彼狃，又將請地他國，他國且有不聽，不聽，則知伯必加之兵。如是，韓可以免於患而待其事之
變。」康子曰：「諾。」因令使者致萬家之縣一於知伯。知伯說，
又令人請地於魏。宣子欲勿與，趙葭諫曰：「彼請地於韓，韓與之。今請地於魏，魏弗與，則是魏內自
強，而外怒知伯也。如弗予，其措兵於魏必矣。〔不如予之〕。」宣子〔曰〕：「諾。」因令人致萬家
之縣一於知伯。
知伯又令人之趙請蔡、皋狼之地，趙襄子弗與。知伯因陰約韓、魏，將以伐趙。
襄子召張孟談而告之曰：「夫知伯之為人也，陽（規）〔親〕而陰。三使韓、魏而寡人不與焉，其措
兵於寡人必矣。今吾安居而可？」張孟談曰：「夫董閼于，簡主之才臣也，其治晉陽，而尹鐸循之，其
餘教猶存，君其定居晉陽而已矣。」君曰：「諾。」乃召延陵生，
令將（軍）車騎先至晉陽，君因從之。君至，而行其城郭及五官之藏。城郭不治，倉無積粟，府無儲錢，
庫無甲兵，邑無守具。襄子懼，乃召張孟談曰：「寡人行城郭及五官之藏，皆不備具，吾將何以應
敵？」張孟談曰：「臣聞聖人之治，藏於（臣）〔民〕，不藏於府庫，務脩其教不治城郭。君其出令，
令民自遺三年之食，有餘粟者入之倉，遺三年之用，有餘錢者入之府；遺有奇人者使治城郭之繕。」君
夕出令，明日，倉不容粟，府無積錢，庫不受甲兵。居五日而城郭已治，守備已具。
君召張孟談而問之曰：「吾城郭已治，守備已具，錢粟已足，甲兵有餘，吾柰無箭何？」張孟談曰：
「臣聞董子之治晉陽也，公宮之垣皆以荻蒿楛楚墻之，有楛高至于丈，君發而用之。」於是發而試之，
其堅則雖菌（餘）〔簵〕之勁弗能過也。
君曰：「吾箭已足矣，柰無金何？」張孟談曰：「臣聞董子〔之〕治晉陽也，公宮令舍之堂，皆以鍊銅
為柱、質，君發而用之。」於是發而用之，有餘金矣。
號令已定，守備已具。三國之兵果至。
至則乘晉陽之城，遂戰。三月弗能拔。因〔舒〕軍而圍之，（決）〔治〕晉陽之水以灌之，圍晉陽三年。
城中巢居而處，懸釜而炊，財食將盡，士大夫羸病。襄子謂張孟談曰：「糧食匱，財力盡，士大夫羸病，
吾恐不能守矣！欲以城下，何國之可下？」張孟談曰：「臣聞之，亡弗能存，危弗能安，則無為貴智矣。
君（失）〔釋〕此計者，臣請試潛行而出，見韓、魏之君。」
張孟談見韓、魏之君曰：「臣聞脣亡齒寒。今知伯率二君而伐趙，趙將亡矣。趙亡，則二君為之次。」
二君曰：「我知其然也。雖然，知伯之為人也麤中而少親。我謀而覺，則其禍必至矣。為之柰何？」張
孟談曰：「謀出二君之口，而入臣之耳，人莫之知也。」二君因與張孟談約三軍之反，與之期日。夜遣
孟談入晉陽，以報二君之反。襄子迎孟談而再拜之，且恐且喜。
二君以約遣張孟談，因朝知伯而出，遇智過於轅門之外。智過怪其色，因入見知伯曰：「二君貌將有
變。」君曰：「何如？」〔曰〕：「其行矜而意高，非他時之節也，君不如先之。」君曰：「吾與二主
約謹矣，破趙而三分其地。寡人所以親之，必不侵欺。兵之著於晉陽三年，今旦暮將拔之，而嚮其利，
何乃將有他心？必不然。子釋勿憂，勿出於口。」明旦，二主又朝而出，復見智過於轅門。智過入見曰：
「君以臣之言告二主乎？」君曰：「何以知之？」曰：「今日二主朝而出，見臣而其色動，而視屬臣。
此必有變，君不如殺之。」君曰：「子置勿復言。」智過曰：「不可，必殺之。若不能殺，遂親之。」
君曰：「親之柰何？」智過曰：「魏宣子之謀臣曰趙葭，韓康子之謀臣曰段規，此皆能移其君之計。君
（與其）〔其與〕二君約，破趙國，因封二子者各萬家之縣一。如是，則二主之心可以無變矣。」知伯
曰：「破趙而三分其地，又封二子者各萬家之縣一，則吾所得者少。不可。」智過見其言之不聽也，出，
因更其族為輔氏。
至於期日之夜，趙氏殺其守堤之吏而決其水灌知伯軍，知伯軍救水而亂，韓、魏翼而擊之，襄子將卒犯
其前，大敗知伯之軍而擒知伯。知伯身死軍破，國分為三，為天下笑。故曰：貪愎好利，則滅國殺身之
本也。
奚謂耽於女樂？
昔者戎王使由余聘於秦，穆公問之曰：「寡人嘗聞道而未得目見之也，願聞古之明主得國失國（何常）
〔常何〕以？」由余對曰：「臣嘗得聞之矣：常以儉得之，以奢失之。」穆公曰：「寡人不辱而問道於
子，子以儉對寡人何也？」由余對曰：「臣聞昔者堯有天下，飯於土簋，飲於土鉶。其地南至交趾，北
至幽都，東西至日月之所出入者，莫不賓服。堯禪天下，虞舜受之，作為食器，斬山木而財之，削鋸脩
（之）〔其〕迹，流漆墨其上，輸之於宮以為食器。諸侯以為益侈，國之不服者十三。舜禪天下而傳之
於禹，禹作為祭器，墨（染）〔漆〕其外，而朱畫其內，縵帛為茵，蔣席頗緣，觴酌有采，而樽俎有飾。
此彌侈矣，而國之不服者三十三。夏后氏沒，殷人受之，作為大路，而建九旒，食器雕琢，觴酌刻鏤，
（四）〔白〕壁堊墀，茵席雕文。此彌侈矣，而國之不服者五十三。君子皆知文章矣，而欲服者彌少。
臣故曰：儉其道也。」
由余出，公乃召內史廖而告之，曰：「寡人聞鄰國有聖人，敵國之憂也。今由余，聖人也，寡人患之，
吾將柰何？」內史廖曰：「臣聞戎王之居，僻陋而道遠，未聞中國之聲。君其遺之女樂，以亂其政，而
後為由余請（其）〔期〕，以其諫。彼君臣有間而後可圖也。」君曰：「諾。」乃使〔內〕史廖以女
樂二八遺戎王，因為由余請期。戎王許諾，見其女樂而說之，設酒張飲，日以聽樂，終歲不遷，牛馬半
死。由余歸，因諫戎王，戎王弗聽，由余遂去之秦。秦穆公迎而拜之上卿，問其兵勢與其地形。既以得
之舉兵而伐之，兼國十二，開地千里。故曰：耽於女樂，不顧國政，〔則〕亡國之禍也。
奚謂離內遠遊？
昔者（田成子）〔齊景公〕遊於海而樂之。號令諸大夫曰：「言歸者死。」顏涿聚曰：「君遊海而樂之，
柰臣有圖國者何？君雖樂之，將安得？」（田成子）〔齊景公〕曰：「寡人布令曰『言歸者死。』今子
犯寡人之令。」援戈將擊之。顏涿聚曰：「昔桀殺關龍逢而紂殺王子比干，今君雖殺臣之身以三之可也。
臣言為國，非為身也。」延頸而前曰：「君擊之矣！」君乃釋戈趣駕而歸。至三日，而聞國人有謀不內
（田成子）〔齊景公〕者矣。（田成子）〔齊景公〕所以遂有齊國者，顏涿聚之力也。故曰：離內遠遊，
則危身之道也。
奚謂過而不聽於忠臣？
昔者齊桓公九合諸侯，一匡天下，為五伯長，管仲佐之。管仲老，不能用事，休居於家。桓公從而問之
曰：「仲父家居有病，即不幸而不起此病，政安遷之？」管仲曰：「臣老矣，不可問也。雖然，臣聞之，
知臣莫若君，知子莫若父。君其試以心決之。」
君曰：「鮑叔牙何如？」管仲曰：「不可。鮑叔牙為人剛愎而上悍，剛則犯民以暴，愎則不得民心，悍
則下不為用，其心不懼，非霸者之佐也。」
公曰：「然則豎刁何如？」管仲曰：「不可。夫人之情莫不愛其身。公妬而好內，豎刁自獖以為治內。
其身不愛，又安能愛君？」
〔公〕曰：「然則〔衛〕公子開方何如？」（曰）管仲曰：「不可。齊、衛之間不過十日之行，開方為
事君，欲適君之故，十五年不歸見其父母，此非人情也。其父母之不親也，又能親君乎？」
公曰：「然則易牙何如？」管仲曰：「不可。夫易牙為君主味，君之所未嘗食唯人肉耳，易牙蒸其子首
而進之，君所知也。人之情莫不愛其子，今蒸其子以為膳於君，其子弗愛，又安能愛君乎？」
公曰：「然則孰可？」管仲曰：「隰朋可。其為人也，堅中而廉外，少欲而多信。夫堅中則足以為表，
廉外則可以大任，少欲則能臨其眾，多信則能親鄰國。此霸者之佐也，君其用之。」君曰：「諾。」
居一年餘，管仲死，君遂不用隰朋而與豎刁。刁蒞事三年，桓公南遊堂阜，豎刁率易牙、衛公子開方及
大臣為亂。桓公渴餒而死南門之寢，公守之室，身死三月不收，蟲出于戶。
故桓公之兵橫行天下，為五伯長，卒見弒於其臣，而滅高名，為天下笑者，何也？不用管仲之過也。故
曰：過而不聽於忠臣，獨行其意，則滅其高名，為人笑之始也。
奚謂內不量力？
昔者秦之攻宜陽，韓氏急。公仲朋謂韓君曰：「與國不可恃也，豈如因張儀為和於秦哉！因賂以名都而
南與伐楚，是患解於秦而害交於楚也。」公曰：「善。」乃警公仲之行，將西和秦。
楚王聞之，懼，召陳軫而告之曰：「韓朋將西和秦，今將柰何？」陳軫曰：「秦得韓之都一，驅其練甲，
秦、韓為一以南鄉楚，此秦王之所以廟祠而求也，其為楚害必矣。王其趣發信臣，多其車，重其幣，以
奉韓曰：『不穀之國雖小，卒已悉起，願大國之信意於秦也。因願大國令使者入境視楚之起卒也。』」
韓使人之楚，楚王因發車騎，陳之下路，謂韓使者曰：「報韓君，言弊邑之兵今將入境矣。」使者還報
韓君，韓君大悅，止公仲。公仲曰：「不可。夫以實（告）〔害〕我者，秦也，以名救我者，楚也。聽
楚之虛言而輕（誣）強秦之實禍，則危國之本也。」韓君弗聽。公仲怒而歸，十日不朝。
宜陽益急，韓君令使者趣卒於楚，冠蓋相望而卒無至者。宜陽果拔，為諸侯笑。故曰：內不量力，外恃
諸侯者，則國削之患也。
奚謂國小無禮？
昔者晉公子重耳出亡，過於曹，曹君袒裼而觀之。釐負羈與叔瞻侍於前。叔瞻謂曹君曰：「臣觀晉公子，
非常人也。君遇之無禮，彼若有時反國而起兵，即恐為曹傷。君不如殺之。」曹君弗聽。
釐負羈歸而不樂，其妻問之曰：「公從外來而有不樂之色，何也？」負羈曰：「吾聞之，有福不及，禍
來連我。今日吾君召晉公子，其遇之無禮。我與在前，吾是以不樂。」其妻曰：「吾觀晉公子，萬乘之
主也；其左右從者，萬乘之相也。今窮而出亡過於曹，曹遇之無禮。此若反國，必誅無禮，則曹其首也。
子奚不先自貳焉。」負羈曰：「諾。」盛黃金於壺，充之以餐，加璧其上，夜令人遺公子。公子見使者，
再拜，受其餐而辭其璧。
公子自曹入楚，自楚入秦。入秦三年，秦穆公召群臣而謀曰：「昔者晉獻公與寡人交，諸侯莫弗聞。獻
公不幸離群臣，出入十年矣。嗣子不善，吾恐此將令其宗廟不祓除而社稷不血食也。如是弗定，則非與
人交之道。吾欲輔重耳而入之晉，何如？」群臣皆曰：「善。」公因起卒，革車五百乘，疇騎二千，步
卒五萬，輔重耳入之于晉，立為晉君。
重耳即位三年，舉兵而伐曹矣。因令人告曹君曰：「懸叔瞻而出之，我且殺而以為大戮。」又令人告釐
負羈曰：「軍旅薄城，吾知子不違也。其表子之閭，寡人將以為令，令軍勿敢犯。」曹人聞之，率其親
戚而保釐負羈之閭者七百餘家，此禮之所用也。
故曹，小國也，而迫於晉、楚之間，其君之危猶累卵也，而以無禮蒞之，此所以絕世也。故曰：國小無
禮，不用諫臣，則絕世之勢也。
Chapter X. Ten Faults1
Of the ten faults:—
The first is to practise loyalty in small ways, which betrays loyalty in big ways.
The second is to esteem small advantages, which hampers big advantages.
The third is to force personal bias, assert oneself, and behave discourteously before feudal lords, which leads to
self-destruction.
The fourth is to neglect political counsels and indulge in the five musical notes, which plunges one into misery.
The fifth is to keep covetous and self-opinionated and rejoice in nothing but gain, which is the root of state-ruin
and self-destruction.
The sixth is to indulge in women singers and neglect state affairs, which forecasts the catastrophe of state-ruin.
The seventh is to leave home for distant travels and ignore remonstrances, which is the surest way to endanger
one's august position at home.
The eighth is to commit faults, turn no ear to loyal ministers, and enforce one's own opinions, which destroys
one's high reputation and causes people to laugh at one.
The ninth is not to consolidate the forces within one's boundaries but to rely on feudal lords abroad, which
causes the country the calamity of dismemberment.
The tenth is to insult big powers despite the smallness of one's own country and take no advice from
remonstrants, which paves the way to the extermination of one's posterity.
What is meant by "practising small loyalty"?
Once King Kung 2 of Chù and Duke Li of Chin fought at Yen-ling. 3 The Chù troops suffered a defeat. King
Kung was wounded in the eye. During the bloody battle Tzŭ-fan, High Commissioner of the Army, was thirsty
and wanted something to drink. His attendant, Shu Yang-ko, 4 brought a cup of wine and presented it to him.
"Fie! Get away!" exclaimed Tzŭ-fan. "It's wine." "No, it isn't wine," replied Yang-ko. Tzŭ-fan, accordingly, took
the cup and drank the wine. Habitually fond of wine, he found it so delicious that he could not keep it from his
mouth till he became drunk. When the fighting was over, King Kung wanted to have another battle and sent for
the High Commissioner of the Army, Tzŭ-fan. The High Commissioner of the Army, Tzŭ-fan, gave a pain in the
heart as excuse for his absence from the conference. Thereupon King Kung rode in a carriage and went to make
a personal call. As soon as he entered the tent of the Commissioner, he smelt wine and turned back right away,
saying: "In to-day's battle, I, the King, 5 was wounded. The only person I have looked to for help is the High
Commissioner of the Army. Now that the High Commissioner of the Army is drunken in this manner, he is
certainly ruining the Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain of the Chù State and feeling no concern for the
welfare of my subjects. I, the King, have no reason to have him with me on the battle-field any longer." So he
turned his forces homeward and retreated. He then beheaded Tzŭ-fan as an expiatory punishment for his disgrace
of the King. Thus, the presentation of wine by Shu Yang-ko was not meant to revenge himself on Tzŭ-fan, but
his mind that loved him with loyalty was just enough to put him to death. Hence the saying: "To practise loyalty
in small ways betrays loyalty in big ways."
What is meant by "esteeming small advantages"?
Of old, when Duke Hsien of Chin thought of borrowing the way through Yü to invade Kuo, Hsün Hsi said: "If
we bribe the Duke of Yü with the jade from Chùi-chi and the team of the Ch`ü breed, 6 he will certainly let us
have the way." "The jade from Chùi-chi," said the Duke, "was the treasure bequeathed by the late ruler. The
team of the Ch`ü breed horses is my best possession. Should they accept our present but refuse us the way, what
could we do then?" "If they refuse us the way," said Hsün Hsi in reply, "they never will accept our present. If
they accept our present and lend us the way, it will be the same as to take the treasure from the inner treasury and
keep it in the outer one or to lead the horses out of the inner stable and put them into the outer one. May Your
Highness have no worry about it!" "Very well," the Duke said, and he then sent Hsün Hsi off to bribe the Duke
of Yü with the jade from Chùi-chi and the team of the Ch`ü breed and thereby ask for the way though the
country.
The Duke of Yü, regarding the jade and the horses as inordinate advantages, thought of granting the request.
Against this idea Kung Chi-chì remonstrated with him, saying: "Your Highness should not grant the request.
Indeed, Yü has Kuo as neighbour just as the carriage has its wheels. Just as the wheels depend on the carriage, so
does the carriage depend on the wheels. Such is the relationship between Yü and Kuo. Suppose we lend Chin the
way. Then, if Kuo falls at dawn, Yü will follow at dusk. It is therefore impossible. May Your Highness never
grant the request!" The Duke of Yü would not listen to this advice, and he let Chin have the way.
Three years elapsed after his attack on Kuo, his conquest of the country, and victorious return 7 to his home-land,
when Hsün Hsi in turn 8 raised armies to invade Yü and also conquered it. When Hsün Hsi led the horses
homeward, brought the jade along, and reported the result of the campaign to Duke Hsien. With delight Duke
Hsien said: "The jade is as it was before, but the teeth of the horses have grown somewhat longer."
Thus the Duke of Yü saw his army driven into peril and his country dismembered. Why? It was because of his
love of small advantages and unconcern about its harmfulness. Hence the saying: "To esteem small advantages
hampers large advantages."
What is meant by "enforcing personal bias"?

In by-gone days, when King Ling of Chù called an inter-state conference at Shên, as the Crown Prince of Sung
arrived late, he arrested him and put him into jail. Further, he insulted the Ruler of Hsü and detained Chìng Fêng
of Chì. Against these outrageous acts a certain middle chamberlain remonstrated with the King, saying: "In
holding a conference of the feudal lords nobody should break the inter-state etiquette. For it involves a death-
orlife turning-point to every country. In antiquity, after Chieh held the conference at Yu-jung, Yu-min revolted;
after Chow gave a spring hunting party on the Li Hills, the Eastern Barbarians revolted 9 ; and after King Yu
organized the Tài-shih League, 10 the Western and Northern Barbarians revolted. All such incidents were due to
the breach of etiquette. May Your Majesty think the matter over!" To this counsel the ruler never listened, but
enforced his own opinions instead.
Before ten years elapsed, 11 King Ling made a tour to the south, where the officials molested him. As a result,
King Ling starved to death by the Dry Brook. Hence the saying: "To enforce personal bias and assert oneself
leads to self-destruction."
What is meant by "indulging in the five musical notes"?
In by-gone days, when Duke Ling of Wei on his way to Chin arrived by the Pù Water, he loosened his carriage,
released the horses, and set up a pavilion for sojourning Towards midnight he heard somebody playing a novel
piece of music and was thereby greatly pleased. In the morning he sent men out to find the musician in the
vicinity, but all came back with the report that he could not be found. Thereupon, the Duke summoned Musician
Chüan and said to him: "There was somebody playing strange music last night. I have just sent men out to find
the musician in the vicinity, but all reported that they had been unable to find him. It might be the performance
by some devil or spirit. Would you, therefore, listen to it and copy it for me?" "At your service," replied
Musician Chüan. So he sat still at night and played the harp to copy the music. Next day Musician Chüan gave
his report to the Duke, saying: "Thy servant got it but he is still lacking in practice. Let us stay here another night
and thy servant will practise it." "Certainly," said Duke Ling. So they spent another night there. By the following
day he had mastered it, wherefore they left for Chin.
Duke Pìng of Chin entertained them with a wine feast on the Shih-i Tower. 12 When the drinking was at its
height, Duke Ling stood up and said: "There is a novel piece of music. May I have the honour to show it?"
"Fine," replied Duke Pìng. Thereupon Duke Ling summoned Musician Chüan and ordered him to sit beside
Musician Kùang, hold the harp, and play it. Before the performance was finished, Musician Kùang held down
his hands and stopped the music, saying, "This is a state-ruining piece of music, which should not be performed
to its end." "Where does this music come from? Do you know?" asked Duke Pìng. "This was composed by
Musician Yen," replied Musician Kùang, "and presented to King Chow. It was a piece of frivolous music. When
King Wu attacked Chow, Musician Yen ran eastward as far as the Pù Water, where he drowned himself.
Therefore, this music has been heard only by the Pù Water. At any rate, whoever hears this music performed, is
bound to see his native soil dismembered. Its performance, therefore, should not be completed." "What amuses
me in particular is music," remarked Duke Pìng. "Let him finish the performance." Musician Chüan,
accordingly, performed the piece to its end. "What is the name of this tune?" Duke Pìng asked Musician
Kùang. "It is the so-called `pure sibilant tune'," 13 replied Musician Kùang.
"Is the pure sibilant tune the saddest among all?" asked the Duke further. "No," replied Musician Kùang, "it is
not as sad as the pure lingual tune." "Is it possible to hear the pure lingual tune?" asked the Duke still further.
"No," replied Musician Kùang. "In antiquity, those who heard the pure lingual tune were all rulers of virtue and
justice. Now, as Your Highness's virtue is still shallow, Your Highness as yet does not deserve to hear it." "Music
amusing me in particular, let me hear it?" asked the Duke insistently. Thereby Musician Kùang was forced to
hold up the harp and play it. Following the performance of the first part, there came from the south black cranes,
two times eight, and assembled at the end of the ridge of the gallery roof. After the performance of the second
part, they lined up themselves in a row. When the third part was performed, they raised their necks to sing and
stretched their wings to dance. Among the notes the pitches of kung and shang echoed in heaven. Thereby Duke
Pìng was much pleased and the audience were all amused.
Meanwhile, Duke Pìng held a cup of wine and rose to drink with the expression of his wish for the health and
happiness of Musician Kùang. When he took his seat again, he asked, "Is there no tune sadder than the pure
lingual tune?" "It is not as sad as the pure dental tune," replied Musician Kùang. "Is it then possible to hear the
pure dental tune?" asked Duke Pìng. "No," replied Musician Kùang. "In by-gone days the Yellow Emperor
once called a meeting of devils and spirits at the top of the Western Tài Mountain, 14 he rode in a divine carriage
15
pulled by dragons, with Pi-fang 16 keeping pace with the linchpin, Chìh-yu 17 marching in the front, Earl Wind
18
sweeping the dirt, Master Rain 19 sprinkling water on the road, tigers and wolves leading in the front, devils
and spirits following from behind, rising serpents rolling on the ground, and male and female phoenixes flying
over the top. There in such a splendid manner he met the devils and spirits, where he composed the pure dental
tune. Now, as Your Highness's virtue is still shallow, Your Highness does not as yet deserve to hear it. If Your
Highness does hear it, thy servant is afraid lest there should be a mishap!" "Being weighed down with years and
amused by music in particular," said Duke Pìng, "let me hear the tune performed?" Thereby Musician Kùang
was forced to play it. Following the performance of the first part, there arose dark clouds from the north-western
direction. After the performance of the second part, there came a hurricane and then a downpour followed,
tearing the tents and curtains, breaking the bowls and cups, and sweeping down the tiles of the gallery. The
audience all dispersed while Duke Pìng, much terrified, had to hide himself in a gallery room. Thenceforth the
Chin State continually had dry weather and suffered a barren land for three years, until finally Duke Pìng
himself caught a mortal disease. 20 Hence the saying: "To neglect political counsels and enjoy the five musical
notes drives one to misery."
What is meant by "keeping covetous and self-opinionated"?
Of old, Earl Chih Yao led his allies, Chao, Han, and Wey, to attack Fan and Chung-hang and destroyed them. 21
After his victorious return, he rested his soldiers for several years. Then he sent men to demand land from Han.
When Viscount Kàng of Han decided not to give it, Tuan Kuei opposed him, saying: "We must not fail to
comply with the demand. Earl Chih, indeed, is by nature fond of gain, self-conceited and opinionated. Now that
he has sent his men to demand land from us, if we do not give it, he will certainly turn his troops against Han.
Suppose Your Highness comply with the demand. For, if we give, he will become over-familiar with this practice
and will also demand land from other countries, any of which might fail to obey him. In case any other country
fails to obey, Earl Chih will certainly impose military pressure upon her. Then Han will evade the crisis and wait
for the change of the whole situation." "Right," said Viscount Kàng, and then ordered messengers to cede a
county of ten thousand families to Earl Chih. Thereby Earl Chih was pleased.
Likewise, he sent men to demand land from Wey. When Viscount Hsüan of Wey 22 decided not to give it, Chao
Chia protested against the idea, saying: "When he demanded land from Han, Han complied with the demand.
Now he is demanding land from Wey, if Wey does not give it, it will mean that Wey counts on its own strength
and purposely antagonizes Earl Chih. In case we do not give it, he will certainly move his soldiers against Wey.
We had better give it." 23 "Right," said Viscount Hsüan, 24 and then ordered messengers to cede a county of ten
thousand families to Earl Chih.
Earl Chih finally sent men to Chao to demand the districts of Tsài and Kao-lang. As Viscount Hsiang of Chao
refused to give them, Earl Chih formed a secret alliance with Han and Wey on purpose to invade Chao.
Thereupon Viscount Hsiang summoned Chang Mêng-tàn and said to him: "Indeed, Earl Chih is by nature kind 25
to people in appearance but is in reality unkind to everybody. For three times he has sent good-will envoys to
Han and Wey, but I have not received any word from him. No doubt, he will move his troops against me. Where
can I live in security then?" "Well, Tung An-yü, 26 an able minister of Viscount Chien, 27 governed Chin-yang
very well," replied Chang Mêng-tàn, "and Yin To followed his steps so closely that the surviving influences of
his teachings are still effective in the locality. Suppose Your Highness were to decide to live nowhere but in
Ching-yang." "Right," said the Viscount.
Then he summoned Yen-ling Yü 28 and ordered him to lead the infantry, chariots, and cavalry to Chin-yang first,
while he followed after. Upon his arrival he set himself to inspect the city-walls and the provisions stored by the
five offices, and found the walls not in good repair, no grain hoarded in the storehouses, no money saved in the
treasury, no armour and weapons in the armoury, and the whole city unprepared for defence measures. Feeling
rather uneasy, Viscount Hsiang summoned Chang Mêng-tàn and said to him: "I have inspected the city-walls as
well as the provisions stored by the five offices and found nothing well prepared and equipped. How can I cope
with the enemy?" "Thy servant has heard," said Chang Mêng-tàn, "the sage during his governorship preserved
resources among the people 29 and not in the treasury nor in the armoury. He endeavoured to improve his
teachings but did not repair the city-walls. Suppose Your Highness issue an emergency decree, requesting the
people to keep enough food for three years and put any surplus amount of grain into the public storehouses, to
keep enough expenses for three years and put any surplus amount of money into the state treasury, and to send
all leisured men 30 out of their families to repair the city-walls." In the evening the Viscount issued the decree. On
the following day, the storehouses became unable to hold any more grain, the treasury unable to hold any more
money, and the armoury unable 31 to take in any more armour and weapons. In the course of five days the city-
walls were well repaired and all provisions for defence measures were ready.
Then the Viscount summoned Chang Mêng-tàn and asked: "Though our city-walls are now in good repair,
provisions for defence measures are now ready, money and grain are now sufficient, and armour and weapons
are now more than enough, yet what can I do without arrows?" In reply Chang Mêng-tàn said: "As thy servant
has heard, when Tung Tzŭ was governing Chin-yang, the fences of the Public Hall all had on their outer
enclosures bush-clovers and thorny reeds, whose height nowadays reaches ten feet. Suppose Your Highness take
them out and use them. There will then be more than enough arrows." Meanwhile, the Viscount had the reeds
and the bushes taken out, had them tried, and found their stiffness not even surpassed by the strength of the
stems of fragrant bamboos. 32
Soon afterwards the Viscount asked: "I have enough arrows, but what can I do without metal?" In reply Chang
Mêng-tàn said: "Thy servant has heard that when Tung Tzŭ was governing Chin-yang, the drawing rooms of the
Public Hall and the Public Dormitory all had columns and pedestals made of refined copper. Suppose Your
Highness were to get them out and use them." So the Viscount had them taken out and got more than enough
metal.
No sooner than the commands and orders were established and provisions for defence measures were completed,
the armies of the three enemy countries actually arrived.
Immediately after their arrival they fell on the city-walls of Chin-yang and started fighting. Yet, despite three
months' engagement, they could not take the city; wherefore they spread out their troops and besieged it, and led
the water of the river outside Chin-yang to inundate it. For three years 33 they besieged the city of Chin-yang. In
the meantime, the people inside had to make nests for living and hang up their pans for cooking. When money
and foodstuffs were near exhaustion and officers and officials were worn out, Viscount Hsiang said to Chang
Mêng-tàn: "The provisions are scanty, the resources used up, and officers and officials worn out. I am afraid we
shall not be able to hold out. If I want to surrender the city, to which country shall I surrender?" In reply Chang
Mêng-tàn said: "Thy servant has heard, Ìf a wise man cannot rescue a doomed city from ruin and protect an
endangered object against dangers, there is then no use esteeming wisdom.' Suppose Your Highness were to
leave 34 aside such an idea and let thy servant worm through the water and steal out to see the Rulers of Han and
Wey."
When Chang Mêng-tàn saw the Rulers of Han and Wey, he said: "Thy servant has heard, `When the lips are
gone, the teeth are cold.' Now that Earl Chih has led Your Highnesses to invade Chao, Chao is on the verge of
destruction. After the fall of Chao, you both will fall next." "We know that is very likely to happen," said the two
rulers, "but as Earl Chih is by nature suspicious 35 of everybody and rarely kind to anybody, once he discloses
our scheme, his devastation will befall us at once. What can we do then?" "The scheme coming out from the
mouths of both of Your Highnesses," said Chang Mêng-tàn, "slips only into thy servant's ears. Nobody else will
ever know it." Accordingly, the two rulers promised Chang Mêng-tàn the revolt of the two armies against Earl
Chih and fixed a date. That night they sent Chang Mêng-tàn off into Chin-yang to report their plot to Viscount
Hsiang. Frightened and pleased at the same time, Viscount Hsiang welcomed Mêng-tàn and repeated salutations
to him.
The two rulers, after having sent Chang Mêng-tàn away with the promise, called on Earl Chih. On leaving they
met Chih Kuo outside the gate of the commander's headquarters. Wondering at their looks, Chih Kuo went in to
see Earl Chih and said to him: "The two lords in their facial expressions reveal their oncoming insurrection."
"How?" asked the Earl. "They were in high spirits," replied Chih Kuo, "and walked with mincing steps. 36 Their
attitude was no longer as prudent as before. Your Highness had better take drastic measures in advance." "The
covenant I made with the two lords is very solemn," remarked the Earl. "Should Chao be smashed, its territory
would be divided into three portions. Therefore, I have kept intimate terms with them. They will never deceive
me. 37 Moreover, it is three years 38 since the allied forces were entrenched around Chin-yang. Now that we will
take the city in no time and enjoy the spoils, how comes it that they have different minds? It won't be possible.
Better discard the idea and never worry about it. Also never let it come out of your mouth again." Next morning
the two rulers again called on the Earl, went out, and once more met Chih Kuo at the gate of the commander's
headquarters. Chih Kuo then went in to see the Earl and asked, "Did Your Highness pass my words to the two
lords?" "How do you know?" asked the Earl. "I know because this morning after they had called on Your
Highness, when they were going out and saw thy servant, their looks shifted and their eyes gazed at thy servant.
Doubtless, they are plotting an insurrection. Your Highness had better kill them." "Leave them alone," said the
Earl, "and never again talk about them." "No," said Chih Kuo, "you should not leave them alone. You must kill
them. If you won't kill them, then cultivate your friendship with them." "How to cultivate my friendship with
them?" asked the Earl. In reply Chih Kuo said: "The counsellor of Viscount Hsüan of Wey is Chao Chia and the
counsellor of Viscount Kàng of Han is Tuan Kuei. Both are equally able to shift the policies of their masters.
Suppose Your Highness promise their masters to enfeoff the two counsellors, each with a county of ten thousand
families, after Chao is taken. In that case the two lords will have no reason to change their minds." "Upon the
break-up of Chao," said Earl Chih, "I will have to divide the territory into three portions, and if in addition I have
to enfeoff the two counsellors each with a county of ten thousand families, then what I get will be little. That
won't do." Finding his advice not taken, Chih Kuo went away and changed his kinsmen into the Fu Clan.
On the appointed night the Chao Clan killed the enemy garrisons of the dikes and led the water to inundate the
army of Earl Chih. Earl Chih's troops on keeping the water out fell into confusion. Meanwhile, Han and Wey
launched a surprise attack from both sides while Viscount Hsiang led his forces to raid the front. They defeated
Earl Chih's troops by long odds and captured Earl Chih. Earl Chih died, his forces were crushed, his country was
divided into three, and he became a laughing-stock of the whole world. 39 Hence the saying: "To keep covetous
and self-opinionated fosters the root of self-destruction."
What is meant by "indulging in women singers"?
Of old, when Yu Yü was sent by the King of Jung to pay a courtesy visit to the court of Chìn, Duke Mu asked
him, saying: "I have heard about the right way of government but have not yet been able to witness it. I would
like to know how and why the intelligent rulers of antiquity won and lost their states." In reply Yu Yü said: "Thy
servant happens to have studied it carefully and found that by reason of their frugality they won their states, and
by reason of their extravagance they lost their states." "I am at least worthy of asking you, an honourable scholar,
about the right way of government. Yet how comes it that you put `frugality' in your reply to my question?"
asked Duke Mu. "Thy servant has heard," replied Yu Yü, "Yao, while ruling All-under-Heaven, ate from earthen
plates and drank from earthen bowls. Within his dominion which extended as far as Chiao-chih in the south and
Yu-tu in the north and in the east and the west as far as the horizons of sun-rise and moon-rise, sun-set and
moon-set, everybody obeyed him willingly. When Yao gave up the rule over All-under-Heaven, Yü Shun 40
accepted it. Thereupon Shun started making new table-wares. He hewed trees from the mountains and cut 41 them
into small pieces, which he first whittled, sawed, and smoothed away the traces of the axe, then lacquered them
with varnish and ink, and finally transported them to the palace. Of the wood he made table-wares. Therefore, he
was regarded by the feudal lords as far more extravagant than his predecessor. And the states that refused to obey
him were thirteen. When Shun gave up the rule over All-under-Heaven and bequeathed it to Yü, Yü made
sacrificial wares, which he varnished black outside and painted red inside. He had cushions made of pieces of
thin, plain silk; mats made of water-oats and hemmed for decoration; cups and decanters embellished with pretty
colours; and casks and basins 42 made with ornaments. The extravagance having thus turned from bad to worse,
the feudal states that disobeyed were thirty-three. On the downfall of the Hsia-hou Clan the Yins took the reins of
government. They then constructed big vehicles 43 and made nine pennants. Their table-wares were carved; cups
and decanters were engraved; the walls of the palace were painted white 44 and the courtyard, chalky; and
cushions and mats had beautiful designs on them. Such extravagance exceeding that of the predecessors, the
states that disobeyed were fifty-three. Thus, the more arts of elegance and refinement the ruling class 45 knew, the
less were those willing to obey. Hence thy servant says: `Frugality is the right way.' "
After Yu Yü had gone out, the Duke summoned the Officer of the Censorate Liao and said to him: "I have heard
that the presence of a sage in a neighbouring country is a constant threat to the enemy countries adjacent to it.
Now Yu Yü is a sage, I am worrying about it. What shall I do?" In reply the Officer of the Censorate Liao said:
"As thy servant has heard, the dwelling of the King of Jung is so rustic and so remote 46 that he has never heard
the music of the Central Land. Suppose Your Highness present him with women singers, disturb his state affairs
thereby, then ask him to postpone the date of Yu Yü's return, and thereby keep off Yu Yü's remonstration. After
the discord between ruler and minister appears, we can start plotting against their state." "Right," the Duke said,
and then ordered the Officer of the Censorate Liao to take the present of sixteen women singers to the King of
Jung and thereby ask him to postpone the date of Yu Yü's return. The request was granted by the King of Jung,
who was greatly delighted at seeing the women singers. Thenceforth he set up wine feasts, held drinking parties,
and spent every day in hearing music. He continued the same throughout the year, till half of his oxen and horses
died off. When Yu Yü came back, he remonstrated with the King of Jung against such misconduct, but the King
of Jung would not listen. At last Yu Yü left for Chìn. Duke Mu of Chìn welcomed him, appointed him Assistant
Premier and asked him about the military strength and topographical features of the land of Jung. Having
secured enough information, he mobilized his army and attacked the country. In consequence he annexed twelve
states and extended his territory one thousand li farther. 47 Hence the saying: "To indulge in women singers and
neglect the state affairs forecasts the catastrophe of state-ruin." 48
What is meant by "leaving home for distant travels"?
Once upon a time, while Viscount Tìen Ch`êng 49 was travelling on the sea and amusing himself, he gave a
verbal order to all high officials, saying, "Whoever talks about going home shall be put to death." Thereupon Yen
Cho-chü50 remarked: "Your Highness is now travelling on the sea and amusing himself. What can be done in
case ministers at home plot against the state? Though you are now enjoying yourself, what will you have when
back home?" In reply Viscount Tìen Ch`êng said: "I have already issued the order, saying, `Whoever talks about
going home shall be put to death.' Now that you should have disobeyed my order!" So he took up a lance to
assail him. "Remember in by-gone days," said Yen Cho-chü, "Chieh killed Kuan Lung-p'êng and Chow killed
Prince Pi-kan. Now, though Your Highness kills thy servant and thus makes him the third martyr in the cause of
loyalty, be sure that thy servant has spoken in the interests of the whole country and not for himself." So saying,
he stretched his neck forward and added, "May Your Highness strike!" At once the ruler threw away the lance
and urged his carriage to hurry home. Three days after his arrival home, he heard about some people planning to
prevent Viscount Tìen Ch`êng from re-entering the state capital. Thanks to Yen Cho-chü's effort, Viscount Tìen
Ch`êng finally had the Chì State in his grip. Hence the saying: "To leave home for distant travels and ignore
remonstrants 51 is the surest way to endanger one's august position at home."
What is meant by "committing faults and turn no ear to loyal ministers"?
In by-gone days, Duke Huan of Chì called the feudal lords to meet nine times, brought All-under-Heaven under
one rule, and became the first of the Five Hegemonic Rulers. And Kuan Chung assisted him. When Kuan Chung
became aged and unable to attend to his duties, he retired to live at his home. One day Duke Huan went to call
on him and asked: "Uncle Chung is ill at home. If by any unlucky chance you should not be up and doing again,
to whom should the state affairs be entrusted?" In reply Kuan Chung said: "Thy servant is old and hardly worth
consulting. Nevertheless, thy servant has heard, `Nobody knows the ministers better than the ruler does just as
nobody knows the sons better than the father does.' Suppose Your Highness select one according to his
judgment."
"How about Pao Shu-ya?" asked the Duke. "No." replied Kuan Chung. "For Pao Shu-ya is by nature rigorous,
self-opinionated, and stubborn-minded. Rigorous, he is likely to be violent towards the people. Self-opinionated,
he cannot win the hearts of the people. If he is stubborn-minded, nobody is willing to work under him and all are
not afraid of him. Therefore he is not the right kind of assistant to the Hegemonic Ruler."
"Then how about Shu Tiao?" asked the Duke. "No," replied Kuan Chung. "Such is human nature, indeed, that
everybody loves his own body. Now because Your Highness was habitually jealous and fond of women, Shu
Tiao castrated himself for the single purpose of administering the harem. If he could not love his own body, how
would he be able to love his master?"
"Then how about Prince Kài-fang of Wei?" asked the Duke. "No," replied Kuan Chung. "The distance between
Chì and Wei is not more than ten days' walk. Yet Kài-fang in order to serve Your Highness and meet his needs
52
never went home for fifteen years to see his parents. Such is against human nature. If he could not hold his
parents in affectionate esteem, how would he be so able to hold his master?"
"Well, then, how about Yi-ya?" asked the Duke. "No," replied Kuan Chung. "Indeed, Yi-ya was in charge of the
tastes of Your Highness's diet, and, finding that what Your Highness had never tasted was human flesh only, he
steamed the head of his son and presented his master with the rare taste. This is what Your Highness remembers.
Nevertheless, such is human nature that everybody loves his own son. Now that he steamed his own son to make
food for his master, if he could not even love his own son, how would he be able to love his master?"
"Well, then, who will be the right man?" asked the Duke. "Hsi P`êng is he," replied Kuan Chung. "For he is
habitually steadfast in mind and upright towards people and has few wants but many credits. Indeed, steadfast in
mind, he can offer an example to others; upright towards people, he can be appointed to important office; having
few wants, he will be able to subject the masses; and having many credits, he will be able to make friends with
the neighbouring states. A man like this is the right kind of assistant to the Hegemonic Ruler. Suppose Your
Highness employ him." "Certainly," said the Duke.
More than one year later, Kuan Chung died, but the Duke did not employ Hsi P`êng but passed the reins of
government to Shu Tiao. Shu Tiao had handled the state affairs for three years already, when Duke Huan
travelled southward to Tàng-fu. Thereupon Shu Tiao, leading Yi-ya, Prince Kài-fang of Wei, and the chief
vassals, launched a rebellion. In consequence, Duke Huan died of thirst and hunger in heavily-guarded
confinement inside the bed chamber by the south gate. There his dead body lay uncovered for three months, 53
until worms crawled outdoors.
But why was it that Duke Huan was at last murdered by his ministers, deprived of his high reputation, and
laughed at by All-under-Heaven, although his armies had marched everywhere in the world and he had become
the first Hegemonic Ruler himself? It was because of his fault in turning no ear to Kuan Chung. Hence the
saying: "To commit faults, turn no ear to loyal ministers, and enforce one's own opinions, destroys one's high
reputation and sets people to laugh at one."
What is meant by "not consolidating the forces within one's boundaries"?
Of old, when Chìn was attacking Yi-yang, the Han Clan was in imminent danger. Thereupon Kung-chung P`êng
said to the Ruler of Han: "Our allies are not reliable. Is it not the best policy to make peace with Chìn through
Chang Yi's good offices? Suppose we bribe Chìn with a famous city and join her in her southward campaign
against Chù. This will appease our trouble with Chìn and defeat her friendship with Chù." "Good," the Ruler 54
said, and then ordered Kung-chung to set out westward to make peace with Chìn.
When the King of Chù heard about this scheme, he felt uneasy, summoned Ch`ên Chên, and said to him: "P`êng
of Han is going westward to make peace with Chìn. What shall we do?" In reply Ch`ên Chên said: "Chìn, after
receiving one city from Han, will mobilize her best-trained soldiers, and will turn the combined forces of Chìn
and Han southward against Chù. This is what the King of Chìn has sought in his prayer at his ancestral shrine.
No doubt, they will do Chù harm. Suppose Your Majesty quickly send out a good-will envoy to present the
Ruler of Han with many chariots and precious gifts and say: `My country, small as it is, has already mobilized all
her forces. I am hoping your great country will 55 display high morale before the Chìn invaders, and accordingly
expects you to send a delegation to our border to watch our mobilization.' "
Han actually sent a delegation to Chù. The King of Chù, accordingly, despatched chariots and cavalry and lined
them up along the northern road. 56 Then he told the Han delegation to inform the Ruler of Han that his troops
were about to cross the border and enter the territory of Han. The delegation brought back the message to the
Ruler of Han, who was thereby greatly pleased and stopped Kung-chung from going westward. "No, I should not
stop going westward," said Kung-chung. "For Chìn is harassing 57 us in reality while Chù is rescuing us only in
name. To listen to the empty words of Chù and make light of the real disaster which Chìn is causing, is the
outset of endangering the country." The Ruler of Han would not take Kung-chung's advice, wherefore Kung-
chung was angry, went home, and for ten days never visited the court.
The situation at Yi-yang became more and more threatening, when the Ruler of Han despatched envoys to press
for reinforcements from Chù. One envoy followed on the heels of another so closely that their hats and canopies
were almost within one another's sight; but all in vain. Yi-yang was finally taken 58 and the Ruler of Han became
a laughing-stock of the feudal lords. Hence the saying: "Not to consolidate the forces within one's boundaries but
to rely on other feudal lords causes the country the calamity of dismemberment."
What is meant by "insulting big powers despite the smallness of one's own state"?
In by-gone days, when Prince Chùng-erh of Chin 59 was living in exile, he once passed through the Tsào State.
The Ruler of Tsào made him take off his sleeves and upper coat and looked at him. 60 Hsi Fu-chi and Shu Chan
then attended in the front. The latter said to the Ruler of Ts'ao: "As far as thy servant can see, the Prince of Chin
is not an ordinary man. Your Highness has handled him without mittens. Should he ever get the opportunity to
return to his native country and raise armies, he might cause Tsào a great harm. Suppose Your Highness kill him
now." The Ruler of Tsào took no notice, however.
Hsi Fu-chi went home, feeling unhappy. So his wife asked him: "Your Excellency has just come home from
outdoors but has some unpleasant colour on the face. Why?" In reply Hsi Fu-chi said: "As I have heard, `When
the ruler has good luck, it will not visit me; but when he has bad luck, it will befall me.' To-day His Highness
summoned the Prince of Chin and accorded him very discourteous treatment. I was attending before him.
Therefore I have felt unhappy." "As far as I can see," said his wife, "the Prince of Chin will be a ruler of ten
thousand chariots, and his followers will be ministers to the ruler of ten thousand chariots. Now that he has been
destitute and forced to seek refuge in foreign countries and is passing through Tsào and Tsào is treating him so
impolitely, if he ever returns to his native country, he will, no doubt, punish all breakers of etiquette, and then
Tsào will be the first victim. Why don't you yourself now treat him differently?" "Certainly, I will," replied Fu-
chi. He, accordingly, put gold in pots, covered them with food, placed jades upon them, and at night sent men to
present them to the Prince. Seeing the messengers, the Prince repeated his salutations and accepted the food but
declined the jades.
From Tsào the Prince entered Chù, and from Chù entered Chìn. After he had stayed in Chìn for three years,
Duke Mu of Chìn one day summoned all ministers for consultation, saying: "That in by-gone days Duke Hsien
of Chin kept intimate friendship with me, every feudal lord has heard. Unfortunately Duke Hsien passed away
from the body of officials. It is nearly ten years since. His successors so far have been no good. I am therefore
afraid lest this state of continuous chaos should leave their ancestral shrine deserted and deprive their Altar of the
Spirits of Land and Grain of regular offerings. To make no decision to restore order to the country is not the way
to maintain my intimate friendship with them. I am therefore thinking of supporting Chùng-erh and installing
him on the throne of Chin. How do you think?" "Fine," replied all the ministers. Thereupon the Duke raised an
army of five hundred leather-covered chariots, two thousand good horsemen, and fifty thousand foot-soldiers, to
help Chùngerh enter Chin and establish him as Ruler of Chin.
After having been on the throne for three years, Chùngerh raised an army and fell upon Tsào. He, accordingly,
ordered his men to say to the Ruler of Tsào, "Seize Shu Chan and send him outside the city. His Highness will
kill him as an expiatory punishment for his insult of His Highness." He also ordered his men to say to Hsi Fu-
chi, "My troops are storming the city. I understand very well that formerly you never meant to offend me. Put a
sign on the gate of your residential quarters. 61 I will issue a decree, ordering the troops not to trespass on it." The
people of Tsào, hearing about this, brought their relatives into Hsi Fu-chi's residential quarters, where upwards
of seven hundred families had safety. This was the effect of his respectfulness to the Prince.
Thus, Tsào was a small state pressed between Chin and Chù. Its ruler was in constant danger as piled eggs are,
but he accorded the Prince of Chin such a discourteous reception. This was the reason why his posterity was
wiped out. Hence the saying: "To insult big powers despite the smallness of one's own country and take no
advice from remonstrants paves the way to the extinction of one's posterity."
Notes
1. 十過.
2. The Historical Records has 共王 in place of 恭王.
3. In 575 B.C.
4. 豎穀陽. Pelliot said in his review of Ivanov's Russian translation of Han Fei Tzŭthat he would like to read the
name as "Shu-yang Ko", but did not give any reason therefor (Revue Asiatique, 1913). The Historical Records
has 從者 above 豎陽穀. I regard 豎陽穀 as the full name and prefer to read it as "Shu Yang-ko". Among the
accepted family names of the Chinese people "Shu" is found but not "Shu-yang". During the Period of Spring
and Autumn, however, not many commoners had family names, so 豎 most probably meant a boy attendant in
this case. By the time of Ssŭ-ma Chìen 豎 seems to have definitely become a family name; so much so that he
made the superfluous addition of 從者 to it in the Historical Records.
5. 不穀 means 寡人 by which the ruler refers to himself.
6. 屈產之乘. 乘 here means a team of four good horses harnessed to one chariot.
7. With Yü Yüeh and Wang Hsien-shen 克 should be supplied between 伐虢 and 之遠. 655 b.c.
8. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê and Wang Hsien-shen 反 above 處三年 should be above 興兵伐虢.
9. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 而東夷叛之 should be supplied below 蒐.
10. With Ku 幽王為太室之盟 should be supplied above 而戎狄叛之.
11. Tso-chìu Ming's Commentaries on the Spring and Autumn Annals has 不過十年 in place of 居未期年. 529
b.c.
12. 施夷之臺 most probably a mistake for the Ssŭ-chì Palace (虒祈之宮).
13. 清商. Ancient Chinese music classified all kinds of tune into five varieties in accordance with five different
vocal sounds, which were accordingly named after their representative notes respectively as follows: kung (宮)
for all guttural sounds, shang (商) for all sibilant sounds, kioh (角) for all dental sounds, chih (徴) for all lingual
sounds, and yü (羽) for all labial sounds. It is said that the five strings of the harp constructed by Fu-hsi were
thus named. The five notes had generally formed the Chinese system of notation down to the Yin Dynasty. To
them were added pien-kung (變宮) and pien-kioh (變角) at the beginning of the Chou Dynasty (allegedly by
King Wên). In consequence, the ancient Chinese scale became closely equivalent to the modern Western scale as
follows:— Kung for C, shang for D, kioh for E, pien-kioh for F # (peculiar), chih for G, yü for A, pien-kung for
B, and kung for C1.
This scale remained the same until the rise of the Yüan Dynasty. For detailed information the English reader is
referred to Aalst's Chinese Music.
14. With Wang Hsien-shen this referred to the peak generally known as the Tài Mountain among the various
peaks in the locality, while the Small Tài Mountain is sometimes called the Eastern Tài Mountain.
15. 象車 was awarded him by the spirit of the mountain for his virtue and merit.
16. The spirit of the tree.
17. Then a regent.
18. The spirit of wind.
19. The spirit of rain.
20. In 531 b.c.
21. In 458 b.c. These six clans comprised the so-called Six Nobles of Chin.
22. With Wang Hsien-shen the Schemes of the Warring States has 魏 above 宣子.
23. With Wang both Chao Yung-hsien's edition of Han Fei Tzŭ's Works and the Schemes of the Warring States
have 不如予之 below 其措兵於魏必矣.
24. With Wang the Schemes of the Warring States has 曰 above 諾.
25. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê the Schemes of the Warring States has 親 in place of 規.
26. Chap. III has 董安于 in place of 董閼于 (vide supra, p. 27).
27. Viscount Hsiang's father. 主 should be 子.
28. I regard 生 as a mistake for 玉.
29. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 臣 should be 民.

30. 奇人. 奇 here means 餘. Therefore, 奇人 means 閒人 or "men leisured in household responsibilities".
31. With Wang Hsien-shen 無積 should be 不容.
32. 菌幹. Chün (菌) was the special name given to the bamboos from the Cloudy Dream Swamps in the Chù
State.
33. Chap. I has 三月 in place of 三年 (vide supra, p. ii, n. 5).
34. With Lu Wên-shao and Wang Hsien-shen 失 should read 釋.
35. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 麤 should read 怚.
36. With Wang Hsien-shen 行 and 意 in 其行矜而意高 should replace each other.
37. With Lu Wên-shao 侵 should be 我.
38. Apparently the campaign lasted for three years, although the inundation of the city could not possibly last so
long.
39. In 453 b.c.
40. Yü was the family name; Shun, the given name.
41. With Wang Hsien-shen 財 reads 裁 as well as 材.
42. 爼 is a tripod basin or bowl for holding meal as sacrifice.
43. With Wang Hsien-shen 路 should read 輅.
44. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 四 should be 白.
45. 君子. Neither "gentlemen" nor "superior men" can convey its sense better than "the ruling class" in this case.
46. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 道 above 遠 should be 遼.
47. In 623 b.c.
48. With Wang Hsien-shen 則 should in accordance with the introductory be supplied above 亡國之禍也.
49. The murderer of Duke Chien of Chì in 481 b.c. The "Right Remonstrances" in the Selected Persuasions has
齊景公 in place of 田成子. I think Han Fei Tzŭ mistook 田成子 for 齊景公.
50. The same work has 顏燭趨 in place of 顏涿聚.
51. With Wang Hsien-shen 而忽于諫士 should in accordance with the introductory be supplied below 離內遠遊.
52. With Wang Hsien-shen 欲 above 適君之 should be below it.
53. Sixty-seven days in fact.
54. I propose 君 for 公, because when this event took place in 317 b.c., the Ruler of Han had called himself king
for six years and was no longer a duke.
55. 信 above 意 means 申.

56. 下路 was the road leading northward to the Han State.
57. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 告 should be 苦.
58. In 308 b.c.
59. He spent nineteen years (655-636 b.c.) in exile. Upon his return to Chin he ascended the throne as Duke Wên
and subsequently became Hegemonic Ruler.
60. It was said that the ribs of Chùng-erh grew together like a wall. Therefore, many people of his time were
curious to look at his chest.
61. 閭 was ordinarily a village of twenty-five families.
Book Four
11 孤憤第十一
智術之士，必遠見而明察，不明察，不能燭私；能法之士，必強毅而勁直，不勁直，不能矯姦。
人臣循令而從事，案法而治官，非謂重人也。重人也者，無令而擅為，虧法以利私，耗國以便家，力能
得其君，此所為重人也。
智術之士明察，聽用，且燭重人之陰情；能法之士勁直，聽用，且矯重人之姦行。故智術能法之士用，
則貴重之臣必在繩之外矣。是智法之士與當塗之人，不可兩存之仇也。
當塗之人擅事要，則外內為之用矣。是以諸侯不因，則事不應，故敵國為之訟；百官不因，則業不進，
故群臣為之用；郎中不因，則不得近主，故左右為之匿；學士不因，則養祿薄禮卑，故學士為之談也。
此四助者，邪臣之所以自飾也。
重人不能忠主而進其仇，人主不能越四助而燭察其臣，故人主愈弊而大臣愈重。
凡當塗者之於人主也，希不信愛也，又且習故。若夫即主心，同乎好惡，固其所自進也。官爵貴重，朋
黨又眾，而一國為之訟。則法術之士欲干上者，非有所信愛之親，習故之澤也；又將以法術之言矯人主
阿辟之心，是與人主相反也。處（世）〔勢〕卑賤，無黨孤特。
夫以遠與近愛信爭，其數不勝也；以新旅與習故爭，其數不勝也；以反主意與同好〔惡〕爭，其數不
勝也；以輕賤與貴重爭，其數不勝也；以一口與一國爭，其數不勝也。法術之士操五不勝之勢，以歲數
而又不得見；當塗之人乘五勝之資，而旦暮獨說於前。故法術之士奚道得進，而人主奚時得悟乎？
故資必不勝而勢不兩存，法術之士焉得不危？其可以罪過誣者，〔以〕公法而誅之；其不可被以罪過者，
以私劍而窮之。是明法術而逆主上者，不（憀）〔僇〕於吏誅，必死於私劍矣。
朋黨比周以弊主，言曲以便私者，必信於重人矣。故其可以功伐借者，以官爵貴之；其不可借以美
（明）〔名〕者，以外權重之。是以弊主上而趨於私門者，不顯於官爵，必重於外權矣。
今人主不合參驗而行誅，不待見功而爵祿，故法術之士安能蒙死亡而進其說？姦邪之臣安肯乘利而退其
身？故主上愈卑，私門益尊。
夫越雖〔國〕富兵強，中國之主皆知無益於己也，曰：「非吾所得制也。」今有國者雖地廣人眾，然而
人主壅蔽，大臣專權，是國為越也。智不類越，而不智不類其國，不察其類者也。
人（主）〔之〕所以謂齊亡者，非地與城亡也。呂氏弗制，而田氏用之；所以謂晉亡者，亦非地與城亡
也，姬氏不制，而六卿專之也。今大臣執柄獨斷，而上弗知收，是人主不明也。與死人同病者，不可生
也；與亡國同事者，不可存也。今襲跡於齊、晉，欲國安存，不可得也。
凡法術之難行也，不獨萬乘，千乘亦然。人主之左右不必智也，人主於人有所智而聽之，因與左右論其
言，是與愚人論智也。人主之左右不必賢也，人主於人有所賢而禮之，因與左右論其行，是與不肖論賢
也。智者決策於愚人，賢士程行於不肖，則賢智之士羞而人主之論悖矣。
人臣之欲得官者，其脩士且以精絜固身，其智士且以治辯進業。其脩士不能以貨賂事人，恃其精潔，而
更不能以枉法為治，則脩智之士不事左右，不聽請謁矣。
人主之左右，行非伯夷也，求索不得，貨賂不至，則精辯之功息，而毀誣之言起矣。治（亂）〔辯〕之
功制於近習，精潔之行決於毀譽，則脩智之吏廢，則人主之明塞矣。不以功伐決智行，不以參伍審罪過，
而聽左右近習之言，則無能之士在廷，而愚汙之吏處官矣。
萬乘之患，大臣太重；千乘之患，左右太信：此人主之所公患也。且人臣有大罪，人主有大失，臣主之
利與相異者也。何以明之哉？曰：主利在有能而任官，臣利在無能而得事；主利在有勞而爵祿，臣利在
無功而富貴；主利在豪傑使能，臣利在朋黨用私。是以國地削而私家富，主上卑而大臣重。故主失勢而
臣得國，主更稱蕃臣，而相室剖符。此人臣之所以譎主便私也。
故當世之重臣，主變勢而得固寵者，十無二三。是其故何也？人臣之罪大也。
臣有大罪者，其行欺主也，其罪當死亡也。智士者遠見而畏於死亡，必不從重人矣；賢士者脩廉而羞與
姦臣欺其主，必不從重臣矣。是當塗者之徒屬，非愚而不知患者，必汙而不避姦者也。
大臣挾愚汙之人，上與之欺主，下與之收利侵漁，朋黨比周，相與一口，惑主敗法，以亂士民，使國家
危削，主上勞辱，此大罪也。臣有大罪而主弗禁，此大失也。使其主有大失於上，臣有大罪於下，索國
之不亡者，不可得也。
Chapter XI. Solitary Indignation1
Men well versed in the principles of tact 2 are always farseeing and clearly observing. For, if not clearly
observing, they cannot discern selfishness. Men able to uphold the law are always decisive and straightforward.
For, if not straightforward, they cannot correct crookedness.
Ministers who attend to their duties in conformity to orders and fulfil their posts in accordance with laws, are not
called "heavy-handed men". 3 The heavy-handed men would without any order act on their will, benefit
themselves by breaking the law, help their families by consuming state resources, and have enough power to
manipulate their ruler. Such are the so-called 4 "heavy-handed men".
Men well versed in the principles of tact, being clearly observing, if listened to and taken into service by the
ruler, will discern the secret motives of the heavy-handed men. Men able to uphold the law, being
straightforward, if listened to and taken into service by the ruler, will correct the crooked deeds of the heavy-
handed men. In short, if these types of men are taken into service, noble and powerful ministers will infallibly
fall off the inked string. 5 This is the reason why they and the authorities in charge of the state affairs 6 are bad
enemies and unable to coexist.
If the authorities concerned take all matters of the state into their own hands, then everybody, whether outside or
inside the court, will be bound to become their tool. Thus, unless through their good offices, feudal lords from
abroad cannot accomplish any negotiation, wherefore even enemy states praise 7 them; unless through their good
offices, no official in governmental service can advance his career, wherefore the body of officials becomes their
tool; unless through their good offices, the courtiers cannot approach the sovereign, wherefore the courtiers
conceal their vices; and, unless through their good offices, the allowances of scholars will decrease and the
treatment accorded them will deteriorate, wherefore the learned men speak well of them. These four assistances
are means whereby wicked ministers embellish themselves.
The heavy-handed men cannot be so loyal to the sovereign as to recommend their enemies and the lord of men
cannot rise above their four assistances in such wise as to discern the right types of ministers. Therefore, the
more deluded 8 the sovereign is, the more powerful the chief vassals become.
In general, the authorities concerned, in relation to the lord of men, are rarely not trusted and beloved, and,
moreover, are his old acquaintances and long time intimates. To please the sovereign's mind by sharing the same
likes and hates with him, is, of course, their beaten way of self-elevation. Their posts and ranks are noble and
powerful; their friends and partisans are numerous; and the whole country praises them with one accord.
Contrary to these, upholders of law and tact, when they want to approach the Throne, have neither the
relationship of the trusted and beloved nor the favour of the long acquaintances and old intimates, and, what is
still worse, intend to reform the biased mind of the lord of men with lectures on law and tact; which altogether is
opposed to the taste of the lord of men. Naturally they have to acquiesce in a low and humble status and, having
no partisans, live in solitude and singleness.
Indeed, the strange and distant, when contesting with the near and dear, have no reason to win; newcomers and
travellers, when contesting with long acquaintances and old intimates, have no reason to win; opponents of the
sovereign's opinion, when contesting with his supporters of the same taste, have no reason to win; the humble
and powerless, when contesting with the noble and powerful, have no reason to win; and a single mouth, 9 when
contesting with the whole country, has no reason to win. Confronted with these five handicaps, upholders of law
and tact, though they wait for a number of years, are still 10 unable to see the sovereign. On the contrary, the
authorities concerned, possessed of the advantages of five winnings, speak freely to the Throne at any time. If so,
how can upholders of law and tact distinguish themselves and when can the lord of men realize his own
mistakes?
Being thus hopelessly handicapped in their equipment and rendered incompatible with the authorities by force of
circumstances, how can upholders of law and tact avoid dangers? Those who can be falsely accused of criminal
offences are censured with state laws; those who cannot be indicted as criminals are ended by private
swordsmen. For this reason, 11 those who clarify the principles of law and tact but act contrary to the sovereign's
taste, if not executed through official censure, are infallibly dispatched by private swordsmen.
However, friends and partisans who form juntas on purpose to delude the sovereign and twist their words so as to
benefit themselves, always win the confidence of the heavy-handed men. Accordingly, those who can be
accorded the pretext of meritorious services are ennobled with official rank; those who cannot 12 be accorded any
good reputation are empowered through foreign influences. For this reason, men who delude the sovereign and
frequent the gates of private mansions, if not celebrated for official rank, are always empowered through foreign
influence.
In these days, the lord of men, without investigating evidence and witness, inflicts censure and punishment upon
upholders of law and tact, and, without waiting for meritorious services to appear, confers rank and bounties
upon friends and partisans of the authorities. If so, how can the upholders of law and tact risk their lives in
presenting their ideas to the Throne, and how would the wicked ministers discard their private advantages and
withdraw themselves from office? Therefore, the more humbled the sovereign is, the more ennobled are the
private clans.
Indeed, the Yüeh State was rich and her army was strong. Yet the sovereign of every Central State, knowing that
she was useless to him, would say: "She is not within the reach of my control." Take for example a state at
present. However extensive the territory and however numerous the people, if the lord of men is deluded and the
chief vassals have all powers to themselves, that state is the same as Yüeh. 13 If the ruler only perceives 14 no
resemblance of his state to Yüeh but fails to perceive no resemblance of the state out of his control to the state
under his control, he never thoroughly understands what resemblance is.
People 15 speak of the fall of Chì. Not that the land and cities fell to pieces, but that the Lü Clan failed to rule
while the Tìen Clan assumed the ruling power. They speak of the fall of Chin. Not that the land and cities fell to
pieces, but that the Chi Clan failed to rule while the Six Nobles had all powers to themselves. To-day, if chief
vassals have the ruling power in their grip and decide on all state policies by themselves and the sovereign does
not know how to recover his prerogatives, it is because the lord of men is not intelligent. Whoever catches the
same diseases as dead people did, cannot survive; whoever shows the same symptoms as ruined states did,
cannot exist. Therefore, the present followers of the footsteps of Chì and Chin, even though they want to secure
and preserve their states, will find it to be an unattainable task.
In general, the difficulty in enacting law and tact is met not only by rulers of ten thousand chariots but also by
rulers of one thousand chariots. As the attendants of the lord of men are not necessarily intelligent, if in
estimating new personnel he first takes counsel from men whom he considers wise and then discusses their
words with his attendants, he is talking about wise men to fools. As the attendants of the lord of men are not
necessarily worthy, if in estimating new personnel he first pays respect to men whom he considers worthy and
then discusses their deeds with his attendants, he is talking about worthies to ruffians. If wise men have to submit
their plans for fools' approval and worthies have to see their deeds estimated by ruffians, men of worthiness and
wisdom will feel ashamed and the ruler's conclusions will be full of fallacies.
Among the sovereign's subjects aspiring to official honours, refined men would keep their characters clean, and
wise men would advance their careers 16 by improving their eloquence. They cannot please anybody with bribes.
Counting on their cleanness and eloquence, 17 they are unable to join governmental service by bending the law.
Consequently, refined and intelligent men would neither bribe the attendants nor comply with private requests.
The attendants of the lord of men are not as upright in conduct as Poh-i. 18 If they fail to get what they want and
receive the bribes they expect, then the refined and intelligent men's merits of cleanness and eloquence will come
to naught while words of slander and false accusation will ensue instead. When merits of eloquence 19 are
restricted by the courtiers and virtues of cleanness are estimated by slanderers, then refined and intelligent
magistrates will be deposed while the sagacity of the lord of men will be debarred. When the ruler estimates
wisdom and virtue not according to meritorious services and judges crimes and faults not through the processes
of investigation and testimony but simply listens to the words of the courtiers and attendants, then incapable men
will fill up the court and stupid and corrupt magistrates will occupy all posts.
The threat to the ruler of ten thousand chariots is the chief vassals' being too powerful. The threat to the ruler of
one thousand chariots is the attendants' being too much trusted. Both these threats, indeed, are common to every
lord of men. Moreover, whether ministers commit major offences or the lord of men has serious faults, ruler and
minister always have mutually 20 different interests. How is this known? In reply I say: "The sovereign is
interested in appointing able men to office; the minister is interested in securing employment with no competent
abilities. The sovereign is interested in awarding rank and bounties for distinguished services; the minister is
interested in obtaining wealth and honour without merit. The sovereign is interested in having heroic men
exerting their abilities; the minister is interested in having their friends and partisans effect self-seeking purposes.
Accordingly, when the land of the state is dismembered, private families are enriched; when the sovereign is
degraded, chief vassals are empowered. In consequence, when the sovereign loses his influence, ministers gain
the rule over the state; when the sovereign changes his title into that of a feudatory vassal, the prime minister
splits tallies into halves. 21 These are the reasons why ministers attempt to beguile the ruler and further their
private interests."
Thus, if the sovereign ever changes the circumstances, 22 not even two or three out of ten chief vassals of the
present age can remain in favour with him. What is the reason therefor? It is because crimes committed by
ministers are serious.
Ministers guilty of major offences must have deceived their sovereign. Such crimes deserve the death penalty.
The wise men, far-seeing and afraid of death, never will obey the heavy-handed men. Similarly, the worthies,
anxious to cultivate their personal integrity and ashamed of joining the wicked ministers in deceiving the
sovereign, never will obey the chief vassals. That being so, the adherents and dependents of the authorities
concerned, if not stupid and ignorant of the impending calamity, must be corrupt and mind no wickedness.
The chief vassals, holding such stupid and corrupt men under control, co-operate with them in deceiving the
sovereign from above and collect spoils from below. Their friends and partisans exploit the masses of the people,
23
associate for treasonable purposes, bewilder the sovereign by unifying their words, and disturb the gentry and
commoners by breaking the law. In so doing they incline the state towards danger and dismemberment and the
sovereign towards hardship and disgrace. Such is a major offence. When ministers are guilty of such a major
offence and the sovereign never suppresses them, he is then committing a serious fault. Should the sovereign
commit such a serious fault and ministers commit such a major offence, to prevent the state from going to ruin
would be impossible.
Notes
1. 孤憤. This chapter vividly reflects the political and social background of the author's intellectual responses.
Since Lin Yutang in his book, My Country and My People, repeatedly quoted Han Fei Tzŭ and since almost
every page of the book reveals his solitary indignation at his country and his people, I wonder if it was this work,
if not the whole works, of Han Fei Tzŭ that inspired him to protest against his age.
2. 術 was rendered by Forke, Duyvendak, and Bodde as "method", which is too vague and therefore rather
misleading. My rendering is "tact" in most cases and "craft" or "statecraft" sometimes.
3. 重人.
4. Wang Hsien-shen reads 所為 for 所謂.
5. They will be found guilty and dismissed from office.
6. 當塗之人. The personnel directing the course of the state.
7. I read 訟 for 頌.
8. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 弊 reads 蔽.
9. 一口 here refers to every upholder of law and tact living in solitude and singleness.
10. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 又 should be 猶.
11. I propose the supply of 故 below 是.
12. Ku Kuang-ts`ê proposed the supply of 不 below 其. Wang Hsien-shen disagreed with him. I agree with Ku
because Han Fei Tzŭ apparently intended to maintain parallelism between this sentence and the corresponding
sentence in the preceding paragraph.
13. It is because that state slips off the sovereign's control just as Yüeh was situated beyond the reach of the
control by the sovereign of a Central State.
14. With Wang Hsien-shen 智 in both cases should be 知.
15. With Sun I-jang 主 below 人 is superfluous.
16. With Yü Yüch and Wang Hsien-shen 其修士 below 進業 is superfluous.
17. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 精潔 should be 精辨.
18. Poh-i and Shu-chì were sons of the Ruler of Ku-chu. The father appointed the younger brother Shu-chì to
be his successor. After the father's death each refused the throne, because each considered the other more entitled
thereto. When the people in the country established the middle brother on the throne, they went to spend the rest
of their life under the protection of the Earl of the West. On the way they met Fa, subsequently King Wu of
Chou, who had revolted against Chow during the mournful period of the Earl. As they never approved of such an
action, instead of submitting to the change of the ruling dynasty which they condemned as a change from tyrant
to tyrant, they left for the Shou-yang Mountains, where they died of starvation. Hence both brothers became
types of morality.
19. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 亂 should be 辯. With Wang Hsien-shen Chang Pang's edition has 辯 in place of 亂.
20. With Ku 與 above 相 should be below it.
21. 剖符 means to issue official decrees and exercise the ruling authorities. On issuing them the prime minister
would put each decree on a tally which he first splits into two halves and gives one to the appointee and keeps
the other half in his office for subsequent identification.
22. 變勢. For instance, the sovereign comes to realize his past faults, discards favouritism, and enforces strict
legalism.
23. With Wang Hsien-shen 侵漁朋黨 should be 朋黨侵漁.
12 說難第十二
凡說之難：非吾知之有以說之之難也，又非吾辯之能明吾意之難也，又非吾敢橫失而能盡之難也。凡說
之難：在知所說之心，可以吾說當之。
所說出於為名高者也，而說之以厚利，則見下節而遇卑賤，必棄遠矣。所說出於厚利者也，而說之以名
高，則見無心而遠事情，必不收矣。所說陰為厚利而顯為名高者也，而說之以名高，則陽收其身而實
之；說之以厚利，則陰用其言顯棄其身矣。此不可不察也。
夫事以密成，語以泄敗。未必其身泄之也，而語及所匿之事，如此者身危。彼顯有所出事，而乃以成他
故，說者不徒知所出而已矣，又知其所以為，如此者身危。規異事而當，知者揣之外而得之，事泄於外，
必以為己也，如此者身危。周澤未渥也，而語極知，說行而有功，則德忘；說不行而有敗，則見疑，如
此者身危。貴人有過端，而說者明言禮義以挑其惡，如此〔者〕身危。貴人或得計而欲自以為功，說者
與知焉，如此者身危。彊以其所不能為，止以其所不能已，如此者身危。
故與之論大人，則以為間己矣；與之論細人，則以為賣重。論其所愛，則以為藉資；論其所（增）
〔憎〕，則以為嘗己也。徑省其說，則以為不智而拙之；米鹽博辯，則以為多而（交）〔久〕之。略事
陳意，則曰怯懦而不盡；慮事廣肆，則曰草野而倨侮。此說之難，不可不知也。
凡說之務，在知飾所說之所矜而滅其所恥。彼有私急也，必以公義示而強之。其意有下也，然而不能已，
說者因為之飾其美而少其不為也。其心有高也，而實不能及，說者為之舉其過而見其惡，而多其不行也。
有欲矜以智能，則為之舉異事之同類者，多為之地，使之資說於我，而佯不知也以資其智。
欲內相存之言，則必以美名明之，而微見其合於私利也。欲陳危害之事，則顯其毀誹而微見其合於私患
也。
譽異人與同行者，規異事與同計者。有與同汙者，則必以大飾其無傷也；有與同敗者，則必以明飾其無
失也。彼自多其力，則毋以其難概之也；自勇（之）〔其〕斷，則無以其謫怒之；自智其計，則毋以其
敗窮之。大意無所拂悟，辭言無所繫縻，然後極騁智辯焉。此道所得，親近不疑而得盡辭也。
伊尹為宰，百里奚為虜，皆所以干其上也。此二人者，皆聖人也。然猶不能無役身以進（加），如此其
汙也。今以吾言為宰虜，而可以聽用而振世，此非能仕之所恥也。
夫曠日離久，而周澤（未）〔既〕渥，深計而不疑，引爭而不罪，則明割利害以致其功，直指是非以飾
其身。以此相持，此說之成也。
昔者鄭武公欲伐胡，故先以其女妻胡君以娛其意。因問於群臣：「吾欲用兵，誰可伐者？」大夫關其思
對曰：「胡可伐。」武公怒而戮之，曰：「胡，兄弟之國也。子言伐之，何也？」胡君聞之，以鄭為親
己，遂不備鄭。鄭人襲胡，取之。
宋有富人，天雨墻壞。其子曰：「不築，必將有盜。」其鄰人之父亦云。暮而果大亡其財。其家甚智其
子，而疑鄰人之父。
此二人說者皆當矣，厚者為戮，薄者見疑，則非知之難也，處知則難也。
故繞朝之言當矣，其為聖人於晉，而為戮於秦也，此不可不察。
昔者彌子瑕有寵於衛君。衛國之法：竊駕君車者罪刖。彌子瑕母病，人間往夜告彌子，彌子矯駕君車以
出。君聞而賢之，曰：「孝哉！為母之故，忘其刖罪。」異日，與君遊於果園，食桃而甘，不盡，以其
半啗君。君曰：「愛我哉！忘其口味以啗寡人。」及彌子色衰愛弛，得罪於君，君曰：「是固嘗矯駕吾
車，又嘗啗我以餘桃。」故彌子之行未變於初也，而以前之所以見賢而後獲罪者，愛憎之變也。
故有愛於主，則智當而加親；有憎於主，則智不當見罪而加。故諫說談論之士，不可不察愛憎之主而
後說焉。夫龍之為虫也，柔可狎而騎也；然其喉下有逆鱗徑尺，若人有嬰之者，則必殺人。人主亦有
逆鱗，說者能無嬰人主之逆鱗，則幾矣。
Chapter XII. Difficulties in the Way of Persuation1
i.—Difficulties in the way of persuasion, generally speaking, are not difficulties in my knowledge with which I
persuade the ruler, nor are they difficulties in my skill of argumentation which enables me to make my ideas
clear, nor are they difficulties in my courage to exert my abilities without reserve. As a whole, the difficulties in
the way of persuasion lie in my knowing the heart of the persuaded in order thereby to fit my wording into it.
If the persuaded strives after high fame while you persuade him of big profit, you will be considered low-bred,
accorded mean treatment, and shunned from afar. If the persuaded strives after big profit while you persuade him
of high fame, you will be considered mindless and ignorant of worldly affairs and will never be accepted. If the
persuaded strives after big profit in secret but openly seeks for high fame while you persuade him of high fame,
you will be accepted in name but kept distant in fact; and, if you persuade him of big profit, your word will be
adopted in secret but your person will be left out openly. These points should be carefully deliberated.
Indeed, affairs succeed if kept secret and 2 fail if divulged. Though you never intend to expose the ruler's secrets,
yet if you happen to speak of anything he wants to conceal, you are then in danger. When the ruler embarks
openly on an enterprise but plans thereby to accomplish a different task, if the persuader knows not only its
motive but also its purpose, he is then in danger. When the persuader has devised an extraordinary scheme which
suits the ruler, if another wise man finds it out by inferring it from other sources and divulges the secret to the
world, the ruler will think he has divulged the secret, wherefore he is in danger. If the persuader exhausts all his
wisdom before his master's favour becomes thick, then though his persuasion prevails and has merits, his fruitful
services will be forgotten with ease. If his persuasion takes no effect and has demerits, he will fall under
suspicion. In such a case he is in danger. Supposing the ruler had an aptitude for certain faults and the persuader
spoke plainly on propriety and righteousness and thereby challenged his vices, he would be in danger. If the ruler
has taken a scheme from somebody else, which he assumes to be his own work, and the persuader happens to
know the whole secret, he is in danger. Whoever forcibly persuades the ruler to do what he cannot do and not to
do what he cannot stop doing, is in danger.
Therefore, if you talk about great men to him, he thinks you are intimating his defects. If you talk about small
men to him, he thinks you are showing off your superiority. If you discuss an object of his love, he thinks you are
expecting a special favour from it. If you discuss an object of his hate, he thinks you are testing his temper. If
you simplify your discussion, he thinks you are unwise and will spurn you. If your discussion is lucidly wayward
and extensively refined, 3 he thinks you are superficial and flippant. 4 If you omit details and present
generalizations only, he thinks you are cowardly and incomplete. If you trace the principles of facts and use wide
illustrations, he thinks you are rustic and arrogant. These are difficulties in the way of persuasion, which every
persuader should know.
2.—In general, the business of the persuader is to embellish the pride and obliterate the shame of the persuaded.
If he has any private urgent need, you ought to encourage him with the cause of public justice. If the persuaded
has a mean intention but cannot help it, you ought to praise its excellent points and minimize its harmfulness to
the public. If he has a high ambition in mind but his real ability falls short of the mark, you ought to enumerate
its mistakes, disclose its disadvantages, and esteem his suspension from realizing it. If he aspires to the pride of
wisdom and talent, you ought to enumerate different species of the same genus with reference to every object of
knowledge and thereby supply him with abundant information and let him derive ideas from you but pretend to
ignorance of his derivation so as to elevate his wisdom.
If you want the persuaded to adopt your suggestion to cultivate inter-state friendship, you ought to explain it in
the light of a glorious cause and intimate its accord with his private interest. If you want to describe things
dangerous and injurious to the state welfare, you ought to enumerate the reproaches and slanders against them
first and then intimate their discord with his private interest.
Praise those men doing the same things as he does. Esteem the tasks under the same scheme as his tasks are. In
regard to men having the same faults as he has, be sure to defend their harmlessness. In regard to men having
met the same failures as he met, be sure to bring out their incurring no loss. If he makes much of his own
strength, do not bring in any difficult task that impedes him. If he thinks his own decisions brave, do not point
out their unlawfulness; that angers him. If he thinks his own scheme wise, do not recall his past failures which
embarrass him. When your meaning is not offensive and your wording is not flippant, you are then under way to
use all your wisdom and eloquence to persuade anybody. In this way you can become near and dear to him,
avoid all suspicion, and exert your speech to the utmost.
I Yin had to work as a cook and Pai-li Hsi had to go as a captive, both aiming thereby to approach their masters.
These two men were sages. Still they could not help lowering themselves to such a humble level in order to
introduce themselves to notice. Now take me 5 as cook or captive. If you find it possible to take advice from me,
carry out my suggestion, and thereby save the world, it is no shame to an able man.
Indeed, as days multiply in the long course of time and favour with the ruler grows well-grounded, when you are
no longer suspected of devising schemes profoundly and not convicted in joining issue with the ruler on any
point, then you may frankly weigh 6 the relative advantages and disadvantages of the trend of the times and
thereby forecast your meritorious services and straightly point out what is right and what is wrong in the course
of government and thereby assert yourself. If ruler and minister stand together in such relationship, it is due to
the success of persuasion.
3.—In by-gone days, Duke Wu of Chêng, thinking of invading Hu, married his daughter to the Ruler of Hu and
thereby pleased his mind. Then he asked his ministers, "I am thinking of starting a military campaign. Which
country should be invaded?" In reply High Officer Kuan Chì-Ssŭ said, "Hu should be invaded." Angered
thereby, Duke Wu executed him saying: "Hu is a sister 7 state. Why do you suggest invading her?" Hearing about
this, the Ruler of Hu thought Chêng was friendly to him and so took no precaution against her invasion.
Meanwhile, the Chêngs made a surprise attack upon Hu and took the country.
There was in Sung a rich man. Once it rained and his mud fence collapsed. Thereupon his son said: "If the fence
is not immediately rebuilt, burglars might come." So also did the father of his neighbours say to him. On the
evening of that day he incurred a great loss of money. Thereafter his family had high regard for his son's wisdom
but suspected the father of the neighbours.
Now, what these two men 8 said came out equally true. Yet, the one in the serious case met the death penalty
while the other in the minor case incurred suspicion. Not that they had difficulties in getting knowledge, but that
they had difficulties in using their knowledge.
Therefore, Jao Chào, 9 after his words had proved true, became a sage in Chin but was executed in Chìn. This is
what every persuader should carefully deliberate.
In by-gone days, Mi Tzŭ-hsia was in favour with the Ruler of Wei. According to the Law of the Wei State,
"whoever in secret rides in the Ruler's coach shall have his feet cut off." Once Mi Tzŭ-hsia's mother fell ill.
Somebody, hearing about this, sent a message to Mi Tzŭ late at night. Thereupon Mi Tzŭ on the pretence of the
Ruler's order rode in the Ruler's coach. At the news of this, the Ruler regarded his act as worthy, saying: "How
dutiful he is! For his mother's sake he even forgot that he was committing a crime making him liable to lose his
feet." Another day, when taking a stroll with the Ruler in an orchard, he ate a peach. It being so sweet, he did not
finish it, but gave the Ruler the remaining half to eat. So, the Ruler said: "You love me so much indeed, that you
would even forget your own saliva taste and let me eat the rest of the peach." When the colour of Mi Tzŭ faded,
the Ruler's love for him slackened. Once he happened to offend the Ruler, the Ruler said: "This fellow once rode
in my coach under pretence of my order and another time gave me a half-eaten peach." The deeds of Mi Tzŭ had
themselves never changed. Yet he was at first regarded as worthy and later found guilty because his master's love
turned into hate.
Therefore, if anybody stands in his master's favour, his wisdom will function well and his intimacy with him will
grow; once he incurs the master's hatred, his wisdom will stop functioning 10 and his relationship with him will
become more and more distant. For this reason, whoever attempts remonstration, persuasion, explanation, and
discussion, before the Throne, must carefully observe the sovereign's feelings of love and hate before he starts
persuading him. Indeed, when the dragon moves like a worm, man can tame it, play with it, 11 and ride on its
back. However, there are below its throat inverted scales, each one foot in diameter. These scales would kill
anyone touching them. So does the lord of men have inverted scales. Any persuader able to avoid touching the
inverted scales of the lord of men must be very near to the mastery of the art of persuasion.
Notes
1. 說難. This chapter as a whole is so systematic that it naturally falls into three sections. In the first section the
author explains what the difficulties are in the way of persuasion. In the second section he suggests the kind of
tact a persuader ought to master in order to get over the difficulties. The last one contains certain facts illustrating
his viewpoint, while the concluding paragraph sums up the main points of the whole discussion. For
convenience's sake I have marked the beginning paragraph of each section with a numeral.
2. With Lu Wên-shao the Historical Records has 而 in place of 語.
3. With Lu Wên-shao the Historical Records has 汎濫博文 in place of 米鹽博辨.
4. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê and Wang Hsien-shen 交 should be 史.
5. With Kao Hêng 言 below 吾 is superfluous.
6. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê the Historical Records has 計 in place of 割.
7. 兄弟之國 literally means "brother state".
8. Kuan Chì-Ssŭ and the neighbours' father.
9. In 614 b.c. during the reign of Duke Ling of Chin the Chin Government devised a scheme to get an able man,
Shih Hui, back from the Chìn State. Having discovered the secret plot, Jao Chào submitted to Duke Kàng of
Chìn a word of warning, which, however, was not listened to. At the departure of Shih Hui from Chìn, Jao
Chào said: "Do not think that nobody in Chìn succeeded in detecting the scheme of Chin. Because my word
was not adopted, you are now able to leave for your country." This astonished the Chins, who, accordingly,
esteemed him as a sage. In Chìn, however, he fell under suspicion and was executed.
10. With Wang Hsien-shen the Extracts from Classical Works has no 見罪 below 智不當.
11. With Kao Hêng 柔可狎 should be 可柔狎.
13 和氏第十三
楚人和氏得玉璞楚山中，奉而獻之厲王。厲王使玉人相之。玉人曰：「石也。」王以和為誑，而刖其左
足。及厲王薨，武王即位。和又奉其璞而獻之武王。武王使玉人相之。又曰：「石也。」王又以和為誑，
而刖其右足。
武王薨，文王即位。和乃抱其璞而哭於楚山之下，三日三夜，淚盡而繼之以血。王聞之，使人問其故，
曰：「天下之刖者多矣，子奚哭之悲也？」和曰：「吾非悲刖也，悲夫寶玉而題之以石，貞士而名之以
誑，此吾所以悲也。」王乃使玉人理其璞而得寶焉，遂命曰「和氏之璧」。
夫珠玉，人主之所急也。和雖獻璞而未美，未為主之害也；然猶兩足斬而寶乃論，論寶若此其難也。
今人主之於法術也，未必和璧之急也，而禁群臣士民之私邪。然則有道者之不僇也，（持）〔特〕帝王
之璞未獻耳。
主用術，則大臣不得擅斷，近習不敢賣重；官行法，則浮萌趍於耕農，而游士危於戰陳；則法術者乃群
臣士民之所禍也。人主非能倍大臣之議，越民萌之誹，獨周乎道言也，則法術之士雖至死亡，道必不論
矣。
昔者吳起教楚悼王以楚國之俗曰：「大臣太重，封君太眾。若此，則上偪主而下虐民，此（貪）〔貧〕
國弱兵之道也。不如使封君之子孫三世而收爵祿，絕（滅）〔減〕百吏之祿秩，損不急之枝官，以奉選
練之士。」悼王行之期年而薨矣，吳起枝解於楚。
商君教秦孝公以連什伍，設告坐之過，燔詩書而明法令，塞私門之請而遂公家之勞，禁游宦之民而顯耕
戰之士。孝公行之，主以尊安，國以富強，八年而薨，商君車裂於秦。
楚不用吳起而削亂，秦行商君法而富強。二子之言也已當矣，然而枝解吳起而車裂商君者，何也？大臣
若法而細民惡治也。當今之世，大臣貪重，細民安亂，甚於秦、楚之俗，而人主無悼王、孝公之聽，則
法術之士，安能蒙二子之危也，而明己之法術哉？此世所〔以〕亂無霸王也。
Chapter XIII. The Difficulty of Pien Ho1
Once a man of Chù, named Pien Ho, came by an uncut jade in the Chù Hills. He brought it home and submitted
it as a present to King Wu. 2 Thereupon King Wu had a jeweller give an opinion of it. "It is an ordinary stone,"
said the jeweller. The King, regarding Ho as a liar, had his left foot cut off. Upon King Wu's death, King Wên
ascended the throne, when Ho again submitted it as a present to King Wên. King Wên also had a jeweller give an
opinion of it. Again he said, "It is an ordinary stone." The King, also regarding Ho as a liar, had his right foot cut
off.
When King Wên died and King Ch`êng ascended the throne, Ho, carrying the uncut jade in his arms, cried at the
foot of the Ching Hills. 3 After three days and three nights his tears were all exhausted and blood flowed out. At
this news the King sent men out to ask him the reason, saying, "Throughout All-under-Heaven men whose feet
were cut off are many. Why should you be crying so bitterly?" "I am lamenting not the loss of my feet," said Ho
in reply, "but for the calling a precious gem an ordinary stone and for their dubbing an honest man a liar. This is
the reason why I am lamenting." Meanwhile, the King had a jeweller polish up the jade and got the treasure out
at last. So it was designated "the Jade of Pien Ho".
Indeed, pearls and gems are what the lord of men wants badly. Though Ho presented the uncut jade to the
Throne, before it was made beautiful, he was never a harm to His Majesty. Nevertheless, it was only after both
his feet had been cut off that the treasure was acknowledged. That to establish an opinion of a treasure should be
so difficult!
To-day, the lord of men feels the need of law and tact not necessarily as badly as he wants the Jade of Pien Ho,
whereas he has to suppress the self-seeking wickedness of all officials, gentry, and commoners. 4 That being so,
upholders of the right way of government are not punished because they have not as yet presented the uncut jade
of emperors and kings to the Throne.
If the sovereign uses tact, then neither the chief vassals can fix the state policies at their will, nor will the
courtiers dare to sell off any personal favour. If the magistrate enforces the law, then vagabonds have to turn to
tillage while itinerants have to stop talking about warfare. If so, law and tact offer a drawback to the officials,
gentry, and commoners. Therefore, unless the lord of men can rise against the chief vassals' protests, above the
vagabonds' slanders, and exclusively follow 5 the dicta of the true path, upholders of law and tact, even though
driven to the verge of death, will never see the true path acknowledged.
In by-gone days, Wu Chì taught King Tao of Chù a state policy for Chù, saying: "When chief vassals are too
powerful and enfeoffed retainers too numerous, the body of officials will intimidate the ruler and oppress the
people, which is the way to impoverish the state and weaken the army. Therefore, better confiscate the ranks and
bounties of the enfeoffed retainers after the third generation of their successors, reduce 6 the salaries and
allowances of the magistrates, and eliminate such superfluous offices as of no urgent need, in order thereby to
maintain well-chosen and well-trained warriors." King Tao, after enforcing this policy for a year, passed away,
whereupon Wu Chì was dismembered in Chù.
Lord Shang taught Duke Hsiao of Chìn to organize groups of ten and five families, and establish the system of
denunciation of crime and joint responsibility for offence, to burn the Books of Poetry and History7 and thereby
make laws and orders clear, to bar the requests of private families and thereby encourage services to public
offices, to prohibit idlers from purchasing official posts, and to celebrate farmers and warriors. The theory was
carried into effect by Duke Hsiao with the immediate result that the sovereign thereby became glorious and
secure and the state thereby became rich and strong. Eighteen 8 years later the Duke passed away, whereupon
Lord Shang was torn to pieces by chariots 9 in Chìn.
Chù, not employing Wu Chì, was dismembered and disturbed; Chìn, practising the Law of Lord Shang,
became rich and strong. Though the two philosophers' words turned out true, yet how came it that Chù
dismembered Wu Chì and Chìn tore Lord Shang to pieces by chariots? It was because the chief vassals had
regarded law as annoyance and the masses had resented order. Now that in the present age the chief vassals'
covetousness of power and the masses' content with disorder are more vivid than the conditions that once
prevailed in Chù and Chìn, 10 if the lord of men does not have the same aptitude for counsels as King Tao and
Duke Hsiao had, then how can upholders of law and tact run the risk of the two philosophers to make their
principles of law and tact clear? This is the reason 11 why the age is chaotic and has no Hegemonic Ruler.
Notes
1. 和氏. Pien Ho being the real name is used throughout my translation.
2. With Wang Hsien-shen the three successive kings were Kings Wu, Wên, and Ch`êng. So throughout my
translation 武王 is found in place of 厲王, 文王 in place of 武王, and 成王 in place of 文王.
3. With Wang 楚山 should be 荊山.
4. Wang Hsien-shen gave up all hope of elucidating the hiatus below this passage. I have attempted to make the
translation of this and the following passages as faithful to the original and intelligible to the reader as possible.
5. With Kao Hêng 周乎道言 means 合乎道言.
6. For 絕 Ku Kuang-ts`ê proposed 纔 meaning 裁.
7. The Historical Records and other books never mention Lord Shang's teaching to burn the Books of Poetry and
History. Lord Shang might have taught it, but Duke Hsiao apparently never carried it into effect.
8. With Wang Hsien-shen it seemed better to supply 十 above 八 inasmuch as Duke Hsiao reigned for eighteen
years and during the last ten years Yang held the office of premier.
9. The chariots bound to the head and limbs of the criminal were driven in opposite directions to tear them off his
body.
10. Evidently this essay was written before the author entered Chìn.
11. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 以 should be supplied below 所.
14 姦劫弒臣第十四
凡姦臣皆欲順人主之心以取親幸之勢者也。是以主有所善，臣從而譽之；主有所憎，臣因而毀之。凡人
之大體，取舍同者則相是也，取合異者則相非也。今人臣之所譽者，人主之所是也，此之謂同取；人臣
之所毀者，人主之所非也，此之謂同舍。夫取舍合而相與逆者，未嘗聞也。此人臣之所以〔取〕信幸之
道也。
夫姦臣得乘信幸之勢以毀譽進退群臣者，人主（所）〔非〕有術數以御之也，非參驗以審之也，必將以
曩之合己信今之言，此幸臣之所以得欺主成私者也。故主必欺於上，而臣必重於下矣，此之謂擅主之臣。
國有擅主之臣，則群下不得盡其智力以陳其忠，百官之吏不得奉法以致其功矣。何以明之？夫安利者就
之，危害者去之，此人之情也。今為臣盡力以致功，竭智以陳忠者，其身困而家貧，父子罹其害；為姦
利以弊人主，行財貨以事貴重之臣者，身尊家富，父子被其澤；人焉能去安利之道而就危害之處哉？治
國若此其過也，而上欲下之無姦，吏之奉法，其不可得亦明矣。
故左右知貞信之不可以得安利也，必曰：「我以忠信事上，積功勞而求安，是猶盲而欲知黑白之情，必
不幾矣；若以道化行正理，不趨富貴，事上而求安，是猶聾而欲審清濁之聲也，愈不幾矣。二者不可以
得安，我安能無相比周，蔽主上，為姦私以適重人哉？」此必不顧人主之義矣。
其百官之吏亦知方正之不可以得安也，必曰：「我以清廉事上而求安，若無規矩而欲為方圓也，必不幾
矣。若以守法不朋黨治官而求安，是猶以足搔頂也，愈不幾也。二者不可以得安，能無廢法行私以適重
人哉？」此必不顧君上之法矣。
故以私為重人者眾，而以法事君者少矣。是以主孤於上而臣成黨於下，此田成之所以弒簡公者也。
夫有術者之為人臣也，得效度數之言，上明主法，下困姦臣，以尊主安國者也。是以度數之言得效於前，
則賞罰必用於後矣。人主誠明於聖人之術，而不苟於世俗之言，循名實而定是非，因參驗而審言辭。
是以左右近習之臣，知偽詐之不可以得安也，必曰：「我不去姦私之行，盡力竭智以事主，而乃以相與
比周妄毀譽以求安，是猶負千鈞之重陷於不測之淵而求生也，必不幾矣。」
百官之吏亦知為姦利之不可以得安也，必曰：「我不以清廉方正奉法，乃以貪汙之心枉法以取私利，是
猶上高陵之顛墮峻谿之下而求生，必不幾矣。」
安危之道若此其明也，左右安能以虛言惑主，而百官安敢以貪漁下？是以臣得陳其忠而不弊，下得守其
職而不怨，此管仲之所以治齊，而商君之所以強秦也。
從是觀之，則聖人之治國也，固有使人不得不愛我之道，而不恃人之以愛為我也。恃人之以愛〔為〕我
者危矣，恃吾不可不為者安矣。
夫君臣非有骨肉之親，正直之道可以得利，則臣盡力以事主；正直之道不可以得安，則臣行私以干上。
明主知之，故設利害之道以示天下而已矣。
夫是以人主雖不口教百官，不目索姦衺，而國已治矣。人主者，非目若离婁乃為明也，非耳若師曠乃為
聰也。目必不任其數，而待目以為明，所見者少矣，非不弊之術也。耳必不（固）〔因〕其勢，而待耳
以為聰，所聞者寡矣，非不欺之道也。明主者，使天下不得不為己視，天下不得不為己聽。故身在深宮
之中而明照四海之內，而天下弗能蔽弗能欺者，何也？闇亂之道廢而聰明之勢興也。
故善任勢者國安，不知因其勢者國危。古秦之俗，君臣廢法而服私，是以國亂兵弱而主卑。商君說秦孝
公以變法易俗而明公道，賞告姦，困末作而利本事。當此之時，秦民習故俗之有罪可以得免，無功可以
得尊顯也，故輕犯新法。於是犯之者其誅重而必，告之者其賞厚而信。故姦莫不得而被刑者眾，民疾怨
而眾過日聞。孝公不聽，遂行商君之法。民後知有罪之必誅，而〔告〕私姦者眾也，故民莫犯，其刑無
所加。是以國治而兵強，地廣而主尊。此其所以然者，匿罪之罰重，而告姦之賞厚也。此亦使天下必為
己視聽之道也。
至治之法術已明矣，而世學者弗知也。
且夫世之愚學，皆不知治亂之情，讘唊多誦先古之書，以亂當世之治；智慮不足以避穽井之陷，又妄
〔非〕有術之士。聽其言者危，用其計者亂，此亦愚之至大而患之至甚者也。俱與有術之士有談說之名，
而實（於）〔相〕去千萬也，此夫名同而實有異者也。
夫世愚學之人比有術之士也，猶塏垤之比大陵也，其相去遠矣。而聖人者，審於是非之實，察於治亂之
情也。故其治國也，正明法，陳嚴刑，將以救群生之亂，去天下之禍，使強不陵弱，眾不暴寡，耆老得
遂，幼孤得長，邊境不侵，君臣相親，父子相保，而無死亡係虜之患，此亦功之至厚者也。愚人不知，
顧以為暴。
愚者固欲治而惡其所以治，皆惡危而喜其所以危者。何以知之？夫嚴刑重罰者，民之所惡也，而國之所
以治也；哀憐百姓輕刑罰者，民之所喜，而國之所以危也。聖人為法國者，必逆於世，而順於道德。知
之者，同於義而異於俗；弗知之者，異於義而同於俗。天下知之者少，則義非矣。
處非道之位，被眾口之譖，溺於當世之言，而欲當嚴天子而求安，幾不亦難哉！此夫智士所以至死而不
顯於世者也。
楚莊王之弟春申君有愛妾曰余，春申君之正妻子曰甲。余欲君之棄其妻也，因自傷其身以視君而泣，曰：
「得為君之妾，甚幸。雖然，適夫人非所以事君也，適君非所以事夫人也。身故不肖，力不足以適二主，
其勢不俱適，與其死夫人所者，不若賜死君前。妾以賜死，若復幸於左右，願君必察之，無為人笑。」
君因信妾余之詐，為棄正妻。
余又欲殺甲而以其子為後，因自裂其親身衣之裏，以示君而泣，曰：「余之得幸君之日久矣，甲非弗知
也，今乃欲強戲余。余與爭之，至裂余之衣，而此子之不孝，莫大於此矣。」君怒，而殺甲也。故妻以
妾余之詐棄，而子以之死。
從是觀之，父之愛子也，猶可以〔毀〕而害也。君臣之相與也，非有父子之親也，而群臣之毀言，非特
一妾之口也，何怪夫賢聖之戮死哉！此商君之所以車裂於秦，而吳起之所以枝解於楚者也。
凡人臣者，有罪固不欲誅，無功者皆欲尊顯。而聖人之治國也，賞不加於無功，而誅必行於有罪者也。
然則有術數者之為人也，固左右姦臣之所害，非明主弗能聽也。
世之學（術）者說人主，不曰「乘威嚴之勢以困姦衺之臣」，而皆曰「仁義惠愛而已矣」。世主美仁義
之名而不察其實，是以大者國亡身死，小者地削主卑。何以明之？夫施〔與〕貧困者，此世之所謂仁義；
哀憐百姓不忍誅罰者，此世之所謂惠愛也。夫有施與貧困，則無功者得賞；不忍誅罰，則暴亂者不止。
國有無功得賞者，則民不外務當敵斬首，內不急力田疾作，皆欲行貨財事富貴，為私善立名譽，以取尊
官厚俸。故姦私之臣愈眾，而暴亂之徒愈勝，不亡何待？
夫嚴〔刑〕者，民之所畏也；重罰者，民之所惡也。故聖人陳其所畏以禁其衺，設其所惡以防其姦，是
以國安而暴亂不起。吾以是明仁義愛惠之不足用，而嚴刑重罰之可以治國也。
無棰策之威，銜橛之備，雖造父不能以服馬；無規矩之法，繩墨之端，雖王爾不能以成方圓；無威嚴之
勢，賞罰之法，雖堯、舜不能以為治。今世主皆輕釋重罰嚴誅，行愛惠，而欲霸王之功，亦不可幾也。
故善為主者，明賞設利以勸之，使民以功賞而不以仁義賜；嚴刑重罰以禁之，使民以罪誅而不以愛惠免。
是以無功者不望，而有罪者不幸矣。
託於犀車良馬之上，則可以陸犯阪阻之患；乘舟之安，持楫之利，則可以水絕江河之難；操法術之數，
行重罰嚴誅，則可以致霸王之功。治國之有法術賞罰，猶若陸行之有犀車良馬也，水行之有輕舟便楫也，
乘之者遂得其成。
伊尹得之，湯以王；管仲得之，齊以霸；商君得之，秦以強。此三人者，皆明於霸王之術，察於治強之
數，而不以牽於世俗之言；適當世明主之意，則有直任布衣之士，立為卿相之處；處位治國，則有尊主
廣地之實；此之謂足貴之臣。
湯得伊尹，以百里之地立為天子；桓公得管仲，立為五霸主，九合諸侯，一匡天下；孝公得商君，地以
廣，兵以強。故有忠〔臣〕者，外無敵國之患，內無亂臣之憂，長安於天下，而名垂後世，所謂忠臣也。
若夫豫讓為智伯臣也，上不能說〔人〕主使（人）之明法術度數之理以避禍難之患，下不能領御其眾以
安其國。及襄子之殺智伯也，豫讓乃自黔劓，敗其形容，以為智伯報襄子之仇。是雖有殘刑殺身以為人
主之名，而實無益於智伯若秋毫之末。此吾之所下也，而世主以為忠而高之。古有伯夷、叔齊者，武王
讓以天下而弗受，二人餓死首陽之陵。若此臣，不畏重誅，不利重賞，不可以罰禁也，不可以賞使也，
此之謂無益之臣也。吾所少而去也，而世主之所多而求也。
諺曰：「厲憐王。」此不恭之言也。雖然，古無虛諺，不可不察也。此謂劫殺死亡之主言也。
人〔主〕無法術以御其臣，雖長年而美材，大臣猶將得勢擅事主斷，而各為其私急。而恐父兄豪傑之士，
借人主之力，以禁誅於己也，故弒賢長而立幼弱，廢正的而立不義。
故《春秋》記之曰：「楚王子圍將聘於鄭，未出境，聞王病而反。因入問病，以其冠纓絞王而殺之，遂
自立也。齊崔杼其妻美，而莊公通之，數如崔氏之室。及公往，崔子之徒賈舉率崔子之徒而攻公。公入
室，請與之分國，崔子不許；公請自刃於廟，崔子又不聽。公乃走，踰於北墻。賈舉射公，中其股，公
墜，崔子之徒以戈斫公而死之，而立其弟景公。」
近之所見：李兌之用趙也，餓主父百日而死；淖齒之用齊也，擢湣王之筋，懸之廟梁，宿昔而死。
故厲雖癰腫疕瘍，上比於春秋，未至於絞頸〔射〕股也；下比於近世，未至饑死擢筋也。故劫殺死亡之
君，此其心之憂懼，形之苦痛也，必甚〔於〕厲矣。由此觀之，雖「厲憐王」可也。
Chapter XIV. Ministers Apt to Betray, Molest, or Murder the Ruler1
Wicked ministers, in general, all think of following the mind of the lord of men in order to attain the status of
enjoying the sovereign's confidence and favour. For this reason, whatever the sovereign likes they praise
accordingly; whatever the sovereign hates they blame accordingly. On the whole, such is the general nature of
mankind that people regard each other as right if their matters of acceptance and rejection are in common, and as
wrong if their matters of acceptance and rejection are diverse. Now that what the ministers praise is what the lord
of men regards as right, this is called "acceptance in common"; since what the ministers blame is what the
sovereign regards as wrong, this is called "rejection in common". Indeed, people who have their matters of
acceptance and rejection in common 2 and offend each other, are never heard of. That is the way the ministers
win the sovereign's confidence and favour.
Indeed, if wicked ministers can take advantage of the status of enjoying the sovereign's confidence and favour to
blame, praise, promote, and degrade the officials, it is because the lord of men has neither the tact and measure 3
to keep them under control nor 4 the procedures of comparison and verification to judge them. Worse than this,
because in the past they held every judgment in common with him, he would believe in any word they now utter.
This is the reason why favourite ministers can deceive the sovereign and accomplish self-seeking tasks. In
consequence, the sovereign is always deluded and the ministers are always powerful. Such ministers are called
"lord-manipulating vassals". 5
If the state has "lord-manipulating vassals", then no official will be able to exert his wisdom and strength and
thereby express his spirit of loyalty nor will any magistrate be able to uphold the law and thereby accomplish his
merits. How to explain this? Indeed, to choose safety and profit and leave danger and trouble, this is human
nature. Now, if men who, being ministers to a ruler, apply their forces to accomplish their merits and exert their
wisdom to express their spirit of loyalty, eventually plunge themselves into misery, incline their families towards
poverty, and entangle their fathers and sons in their own troubles, and if those who delude the sovereign for the
sake of wicked profits and serve nobles and vassals with bribes of cash and commodities, always glorify
themselves, enrich their families, and benefit their fathers and sons, then how can people leave the way to safety
and profit and choose the place of danger and trouble? Should there be such a fault in the government of the
state, it is clear that it would be impossible for the superior to expect the inferior to do no wickedness and the
magistrates to uphold the law.
For this reason, as soon as the attendants come to know the impossibility of seeking safety 6 by remaining honest
and faithful, they will certainly say: "When we serve the superior honestly and faithfully and increase our
meritorious services, to seek safety is as hopeless as to distinguish between black and white colours with blind
eyes. When by following the true path and the right tact 7 we serve the superior, 8 practise righteous principles,
and never covet wealth and nobility, to seek safety is the same as to discriminate between flat and sharp notes
with deaf ears, which is still more hopeless. If neither road leads to safety, why should we not associate for the
purpose of deluding the sovereign, committing villainy, and thereby pleasing the heavy-handed men?" Such
people will no longer regard the intentions of the lord of men.
Likewise, as soon as officials of all posts come to know the impossibility of seeking safety by playing square and
upright, they will certainly say: "When we serve the superior cleanly and incorruptibly, to seek safety is as
hopeless as to make squares and circles without the carpenter's compasses and squares. If we hold office by
observing the law and not forming juntos, to seek safety is the same as to scratch the head with the foot, which is
still more hopeless. If neither road leads to safety, why should we not discard the law, practise selfishness, and
thereby please the heavy-handed men?" Such people will no longer regard the laws of the sovereign.
Such being the case, those who work for the heavy-handed men by practising selfishness are many; those who
serve the ruler by observing the law are few. For this reason, the sovereign stands in isolation above while the
ministers form juntos below. This was the very reason why Tìen Ch`êng finally murdered Duke Chien.
Indeed, tactful men, when ministering to a ruler, would enforce 9 theories of regulations and measures to clarify
the law of the sovereign and harass wicked ministers in order to glorify the sovereign and tranquillize the state.
Accordingly, as soon as theories of regulations and measures are enforced, reward and punishment will infallibly
become applicable. The lord of men will then earnestly illustrate the tact of the sage but never have to follow 10
the commonplaces of the world. He will decide between right and wrong according to the relation between name
and fact and scrutinize words and phrases by means of comparison and verification.
For this reason, attendants and courtiers, as soon as they come to know the impossibility of seeking safety by
means of falsehood and deceit, will certainly say: "If we do not stop wicked deeds and apply our strength and
exert our wisdom to serve the sovereign, but merely associate with one another for treasonable purposes and
make arbitrary blame and praise so as to seek safety, it is as hopeless as to expect to live by falling into an abyss
of immeasurable depth with a weight of thirty thousand catties 11 carried on the back."
Likewise, officials of all posts, as soon as they come to know the impossibility of seeking safety by coveting
wicked profits, will certainly say: "If we do not obey the law by keeping ourselves pure, incorruptible, square,
and upright, but simply want to secure wicked profits by bending the law with the greedy and corrupt minds, it is
as hopeless as to expect to live by going up to the top of a high hill and then falling down into the bottom of a
deep ravine."
If the road to safety and danger is so clear, then how can the attendants beguile the sovereign with empty words?
And how dare the officials exploit the masses covetously? Accordingly, ministers able to express their spirit of
loyalty are never put out of sight 12 ; inferiors able to attend to their duties never show resentment. That was the
way Kuan Chung governed Chì and Lord Shang strengthened Chìn.
From such a viewpoint, I can see that the sage in governing the state pursues the policy of making the people
inevitably do him good 13 but never relies on their doing him good with love. For to rely on the people's doing
him good with love is dangerous, but to rely on their inevitability to do him good is safe.
To be sure, ruler and minister having no blood kinship, if able to seek safety 14 by following the right and straight
way, the minister will apply all his strength to serve the sovereign; if unable to seek safety by following the right
and straight way, he will practise selfishness and thereby violate the superior. Knowing this well, the intelligent
sovereign simply establishes the system of advantages and disadvantages and thereby shows the world what is
right and what is wrong.
Certainly for this reason, though the lord of men neither teaches the officials with his own mouth nor finds the
culprits and ruffians with his own eyes, yet the state is always orderly. The lord of men does not have to possess
such eyes as those of Li Lou in order to be bright, nor does he have to possess such ears as those of Musician
Kùang in order to be acute. If he does not trust to measures but relies on his eyes alone for his brightness, then
what he sees will be little. For it is not the technique to avoid delusion. If he does not count on his august
position but relies on his own ears alone for his acuteness, then what he hears will be little enough. For it is not
the way to avoid deception. The intelligent sovereign would make All-under-Heaven inevitably see and hear on
his behalf. Therefore, though his person is confined in the innermost court, his brightness illumines everything
within the four seas. If nobody in All-under-Heaven can delude or deceive him, what is the reason therefor? It is
because the roads to darkness and chaos have crumbled while the faculties of acuteness and brightness have
appeared.
Therefore, who can hold his august position skilfully, finds his state in safety; who does not know how to utilize
his august position, finds his state in danger. For illustration, in by-gone days it was the custom in Chìn for both
ruler and minister to discard state laws and uphold private creeds, wherefore the country was disorderly, the
army weak, and the sovereign ignoble. Thereupon Lord Shang persuaded Duke Hsiao of Chìn to alter the law
and renovate the custom by making public justice clear, rewarding the denouncers of culprits, discouraging
secondary callings, 15 and encouraging primary works. 16 In those days the people of Chìn were used to the
beaten track that men guilty of crimes could be pardoned and men of no merit could be honoured. Therefore,
they were very apt to violate the new law. In the meantime, however, the censure of offenders against the new
law became strict and definite; the reward of the denouncers of culprits became big and of faith. Hence no culprit
was missed. Men sentenced to punishment became many. The people grumbled and resented it. Criminal
offences 17 were heard every day. Lending no ear to all these, Duke Hsiao enforced the Law of Lord Shang to the
utmost, until at last the people came to know that men guilty of crimes would infallibly be censured and
informers against culprits 18 became many. Hence the people dared not violate the law and penalty could be
inflicted on nobody. Therefore, the state became orderly, the army strong, the territory extensive, and the
sovereign honourable. The cause of all these was nothing other than heavy punishment for sheltering criminals
and big rewards for denouncing culprits. Such was also the way to make All-under-Heaven see and hear on the
ruler's own behalf.
The law and craft of the best government are thus clear enough. Yet scholars in the world never understand them.
Further, all stupid scholars in the world do not know the actual conditions of order and chaos but chatter
nonsense and chant too many hackneyed old books to disturb the government of the present age. Though their
wisdom and thought are not sufficient to avoid pitfalls, 19 they dare to absurdly reproach the upholders of tact.
Whoever listens to their words, will incur danger. Whoever employs their schemes, will invite confusion. Such is
the greatest height of stupidity as well as the greatest extreme of calamity. Though they gain fame for discussion
and persuasion just as the upholders of tact do, yet in reality the former are as far apart from the latter as a
distance of thousands of li. That is to say, the similarity is nominal but the difference is actual.
Indeed, what the stupid scholars in the world are to the upholders of tact, that is the ant-hill to the big mound.
They are very different from each other. The sage is the one who scrutinizes the facts of right and wrong and
investigates the conditions of order and chaos. Therefore, when governing the state he rectifies laws clearly and
establishes penalties severely in order to rescue all living beings 20 from chaos, rid All-under-Heaven of
misfortune, prohibit the strong from exploiting the weak and the many from oppressing the few, enable the old
and the infirm to die in peace and the young and the orphan to grow freely, and see to it that the frontiers be not
invaded, that ruler and minister be intimate with each other, that father and son support each other, and that there
be no worry about being killed in war or taken prisoner. Such is one of the greatest achievements. Yet the stupid
men do not understand it and condemn it as misgovernment.
Of course, the stupid men want order but dislike the true path to order. 21 They all hate danger but welcome the
way to danger. How do I know this? Indeed, severe penalty and heavy conviction are hated by the people, but by
them the state is governed. Mercy and pity on the hundred surnames and mitigation of penalty and punishment
are welcomed by the people, but by them the state is endangered. The sage who makes laws in 22 the state is
always acting contrary to the prevailing opinions of the age, but is in accord with Tao and Teh. 23 Who
understands Tao and Teh, will agree with the principles of justice but disagree with the commonplaces of the
world. Who does not understand Tao and Teh, will disagree with the principles of justice but agree with the
commonplaces of the world. If throughout All-under-Heaven those who understand Tao and Teh are few, then the
principles of justice will generally be disapproved.
If the upholders of law and tact, being located in an unrighteous position, accorded slanders by everybody, and
addicted to the words of the age, want to face the severe Son of Heaven and seek safety, is it not hard for them to
hope 24 for any success? This is the reason why every wise man to the end of his life never becomes celebrated in
the world.
Lord Chùn-shên, 25 younger brother of King Chuang of Chù, had a beloved concubine named Yü. The son born
by his wedded wife was named Chia. Yü first wanted the Lord to desert his lawful wife. So she injured herself.
She, showing 26 the injuries to the Lord, shed tears and said: "To be able to become Your Excellency's concubine,
is very fortunate, indeed. However, to please madame is not the way to serve the master; to please the master is
not the way to serve madame. Being unworthy myself and not able enough to please two lords, thy servant will
eventually by force of circumstances displease both. Therefore, instead of dying at the madame's place, I prefer
to be allowed to kill myself in front of Your Excellency. After 27 allowing thy servant to kill herself, if Your
Excellency favours anybody else among the maid attendants, will Your Excellency be more considerate than now
and never become a laughingstock of people?" The Lord, accordingly, took the falsehood of his concubine Yü as
true, and deserted his lawful wife.
Yü next wanted to kill Chia and make her own son the heir apparent instead. So she tore the lining of her own
petticoat. Showing the torn clothes to the Lord, she shed tears and said: "It is a long time since Yü became able
to enjoy Your Excellency's favour, which Chia has known of course. Just a while ago, he thought of taking
liberties with Yü by force. Yü struggled with him, till he tore her clothes. No other impious act committed by a
son could be worse than this!" Enraged thereby, the Lord killed Chia. Thus, the wife was deserted because of the
falsehood of the concubine Yü and the son was killed because of the same.
From this I can see that even the father's love of the son can be demolished and damaged. Now that the mutual
relationship of ruler and minister does not involve the kinship of father and son and the slanderous words of the
officials are not so simple as those coming out only from the single mouth of a concubine, no wonder worthies
and sages are slaughtered and executed! This was the very reason why Lord Shang was torn to pieces by chariots
in Chìn and Wu Chì was dismembered in Chù.
In general, ministers, when guilty of crimes, never want to be censured, but, when of no merit, all want to be
honoured and celebrated. However, the sage, when governing the state, never bestows rewards on men of no
merit but definitely inflicts censures on culprits. If so, the characters of the upholders of tact and measure are
certainly disgusting to the attendants and wicked ministers. Accordingly, nobody but an intelligent sovereign can
take advice from them.
Scholars of the present age in counselling the lord of men do not say, "Make use of the august and commanding
position and thereby harass the wicked and villainous ministers," but all say, "Practise nothing but benevolence,
righteousness, favour, and love!" Accordingly, rulers of the present age have praised the names of benevolent
and righteous men but have never examined their realities, so that in serious cases they have ruined their states
and lost their lives and in minor cases they have seen their territories dismembered and their ranks relegated.
How to explain this? Indeed, to give alms to the poor and destitute is what the world calls a benevolent and
righteous act; to take pity on the hundred surnames and hesitate to inflict censure and punishment on culprits is
what the world calls an act of favour and love. To be sure, when the ruler gives alms 28 to the poor and destitute,
men of no merit will also be rewarded; when he hesitates to inflict censure and punishment upon culprits, then
ruffians never will be suppressed. If men of no merit in the country are rewarded, the people will neither 29 face
enemies and cut heads off on the battlefield nor will they devote their strength to farming and working at home,
but all will use articles and money as bribe to serve the rich and noble, accomplish private virtues, and make
personal names, in order that they may thereby get high posts and big bounties. In consequence, wicked and self-
seeking ministers become many and violent and outrageous fellows gain the upper hand. Under such
circumstances, what but ruin can befall the state?
Indeed, severe penalty is what the people fear, heavy punishment is what the people hate. Accordingly, the wise
man promulgates what they fear in order to forbid the practice of wickedness and establishes what they hate in
order to prevent villainous acts. For this reason the state is safe and no outrage happens. From this I know very
well that benevolence, righteousness, love, and favour, are not worth adopting while severe penalty and heavy
punishment can maintain the state in order.
Without the severity of the whip and the facility of the bridle, even Tsao-fu could not drive the horse; without the
rule of the compasses and squares and the tip of the inked string, even Wang Erh could not draw squares and
circles; and without the position of authority and power and the law of reward and punishment, even Yao and
Shun could not keep the state in order. Now that rulers of the present age thoughtlessly discard heavy
punishment and severe censure and practise love and favour, to realize the achievement of the Hegemonic Ruler
is also hopeless.
Therefore, the skilful sovereign makes rewards clear and displays advantages to encourage the people and make
them get rewards for meritorious services but no prize for any act of benevolence and righteousness. He makes
penalties severe and punishments heavy to restrain the people and make them get censure for criminal offences
but no pardon by love and grace. Therefore, men of no merit never long for any reward and those guilty of
crimes never look for an amnesty.
If you have a solid carriage and a good horse, you can go over slopes and cliffs on land; if you embark in a safe
boat and hold its easy helm in hand, you can get over the hazards of streams and rivers on water. Similarly, if you
have the measures of law and tact in your grip and carry heavy punishment and severe censure into effect, you
will be able to accomplish the achievement of the Hegemonic Ruler. Now, to have law and tact, reward and
punishment, in governing the state, is the same as to have a solid carriage and a good horse in travelling on land
and have a fast boat and an easy helm in travelling on water. Whoever has them in his grip will eventually
accomplish his purpose.
Yi Yin mastered them, wherefore Tàng became supreme; Kuan Chung mastered them, wherefore Chì became
hegemonic; and Lord Shang mastered them, wherefore Chìn became a powerful state. These three men all
understood the statecraft of supremacy and hegemony clearly and observed the measures for order and strength
closely and were never restrained by worldly and popular sayings. Thus, meeting the demands of the intelligent
sovereigns of their times, they emerged from the status of wearers of hemp cloth 30 to the posts of High Official
and Prime Minister. When holding office and governing the state, they actually accomplished the task in
honouring their masters and extending their territories. Such persons are called "ministers worthy of respect". 31
Tàng, because he got Yi Yin, rose from one hundred square li of territory to become the Son of Heaven. Duke
Huan, because he got Kuan Chung, became the first Hegemonic Ruler, called nine meetings of the feudal lords,
and brought All-under-Heaven under one rule. Because Duke Hsiao got Lord Shang, his territory was extended
and his army was strengthened. Therefore, whoever has loyal ministers, has no worry over enemy states outside
and no anxiety about rebellious ministers inside, enjoying permanent peace in All-under-Heaven and handing
down his name to posterity. Such ministers are the so-called loyal ministers. 32
Take the case of Yü Jang. When ministering to Earl Chih, he could not counsel the lord of men and make him
clearly understand the principles of law and tact, rule and measure, so as to avoid disasters, nor could he lead and
control his masses so as to keep the state in safety. When Viscount Hsiang had killed Earl Chih, Yü Jang branded
33
his face and cut off his nose, thus destroying his facial features in order to avenge Earl Chih on Viscount
Hsiang. In this wise, though he earned the reputation for destroying his features 34 and sacrificing his life for the
cause of the lord of men, yet in reality he rendered Earl Chih not even such a bit of benefit as the tips of autumn
spikelets. Such a man is what I look down upon, whereas rulers of the present age regard him as loyal and exalt
him. In antiquity, there were men named Poh-i and Shu-chì. When King Wu offered to transfer All-under-
Heaven to them, 35 both declined it and starved to death on the Shou-yang Mound. Ministers like them, neither
afraid of heavy censure nor fond of big rewards, cannot be prohibited by punishment, nor can they be
encouraged by reward. They are called "ministers of no account". 36 They are what I make light of and cast aside,
but are what rulers of the present age think much of and seek out.
There is a proverb saying, "Even the leper feels pity for the king." 37 It is not a reverent saying. Nevertheless,
since in antiquity there was no empty proverb, everybody should consider it carefully. It speaks for 38 such
sovereigns as are liable to molestation or murder.
If the lord of men does not have law and tact to control his ministers, then though he is still on the green margin
of his life and has excellent talents, chief vassals will, as usual, gain influence, administer all state affairs at their
will, and make all decisions on their own authority, everybody working to his own advantage. Fearing lest uncles
and brothers of the sovereign or some heroic men should exercise the authority of the lord of men to suppress
and censure them, they would depose 39 worthy, full-grown rulers and set up young, weak ones on the throne, or
set aside lawful heirs 40 and place unlawful ones in their stead.
Hence it is recorded in the Spring and Autumn Annals: "Prince Wei of Chù was once on his way to visit the
court of Chêng. Before he crossed the state border, he heard about His Majesty's illness and therefore turned
homeward. When he went in to inquire after the King's illness, he strangled His Majesty to death with the
ribbons of his hat, and finally established himself on the throne. 41 The wife of Tsùi Chu of Chì was beautiful.
Duke Chuang formed a liaison with her and frequented the house of the Tsùi Clan. One day, when Duke Chuang
went again, a dependent of Tsùi Tzŭ, named Chia Chü, led the followers of Tsùi Tzŭ and attacked the Duke.
The Duke rushed into a room and suggested dividing the state with him, but Tsùi Tzŭ would not grant the
request. The Duke then asked permission to kill himself in the ancestral shrine, but again Tsùi Tzŭ would not
listen to the request. So the Duke started to run away. When he was going across the mud fence on the north of
the compound, Chia Chü shot him with an arrow and hit his thigh. The Duke fell down upon the ground, where
Tsùi Tzŭ's followers cut the Duke with lances and killed him. 42 Thereupon his younger brother was installed on
the throne as Duke Ching."
As witnessed in recent times, no sooner had Li Tai 43 come into power in Chao, than he starved the Father
Sovereign 44 for one hundred days till he died; no sooner had Nao Chìh come into power in Chì, than he pulled
out the sinews of King Min 45 and hanged him on the beam of the ancestral shrine where he died after one night.
46
Therefore, the leper, despite the boils and swellings all over his body, as compared with rulers of the Spring and
Autumn Period, never suffers such miseries as neck-strangling and thigh-shooting, and, as compared with rulers
of recent times, never suffers such miseries as starvation to death and sinew-pulling. Thus, the mental agony and
physical pain of the rulers molested and murdered certainly exceed those of the leper. From this viewpoint,
though the leper feels pity for the king, there is good reason for it.
Notes
1. 姦劫弒臣. The content of this chapter appears not very unique. The thought seems to lack unity, too. Only the
various paragraphs at the opening and towards the end fit well into the subject matter. On the whole, however,
the work shows no contradiction to the general system of the author's teachings. With Wang Hsien-shen Chao
Yung-hsien's edition has 殺 in place of 弒.
2. With Wang 合 below 取舍 should be 同.
3. For 數 I usually use "measure" and casually "number" or "statistics".
4. Wang Hsien-shen suggested the supply of 有 below 非.
5. 擅主之臣.
6. With Wang Hsien-shen 利 below 安 is superfluous.
7. Wang regarded 化 as a mistake for 術.
8. With Wang 事上 above 而求安 should be above 行正理.
9. With Wang 得 above 效 is superfluous.
10. With Wang 苟 should be 徇.
11. 千鈞. One chün is about thirty catties.
12. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê the Taoist Thesaurus edition has 蔽 in place of 弊.
13. With Yü Yüeh 不得不愛我 should be 不得不為我.
14. With Wang Hsien-shen 利 should be 安.
15. 末作. Such professions as trade and handiwork.
16. 本事. Such professions as farming and fighting.
17. With Wang Hsien-shen 眾過 should be 罪過.
18. With Wang 私姦者 should be 告姦者.
19. With Wang 穽井 should be 井穽.
20. 群生, an indigenous expression, was seemingly replaced by 眾生 after Buddhistic ideas began to influence
Chinese thought (vide supra, p. 55).
21. With Wang Hsien-shen 者 should be supplied below 治.
22. Kao Hêng proposed to supply 於 between 法 and 國.
23. 道德 here as elsewhere cannot be rendered as "reason and virtue" or "morals" or "morality". Inasmuch as 道
refers to the natural course of the cosmos and 德 to the standard of conduct derived from it, transliteration seems
preferable to translation.
24. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 幾 above 不亦難 should be below it.

25. Different from another Lord Chùn-shên whose real name was Huang Hsieh.
26. With Wang Hsien-shen 視 should be 示.
27. With Kao Hêng 以 reads 已.
28. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 有 above 施與 is superfluous.
29. With Ku 不外 should be 外不.
30. In ancient China all commoners, before they became white-haired, were supposed to wear no silk but hemp
cloth. Hence wearers of hemp cloth came to mean commoners.
31. 足貴之臣.
32. 忠臣.
33. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 黔 should be 黥.
34. With Wang Hsien-shen 刑 should be 形.
35. They declined their father's offer, but nowhere else is mentioned King Wu's offer.
36. 無益之臣.
37. According to the Schemes of the Warring States, the passages beginning with this sentence and ending with
the present chapter were written by Sun Tzŭ to Lord Chùn-shên.
38. With Wang Hsien-shen 謂 should be 為.
39. With Lu Wên-shao I prefer 捨 to 弒.
40. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê the Taoist Thesaurus edition and the Schemes of the Warring States have 正適 in place
of 正的.
41. 515 b.c.
42. 548 b.c.
43. He became the Grand Assistant to King Hui-wên of Chao in 298 b.c.
44. 主父 was the title King Wu-ling of Chao gave himself after his abdication in favour of his younger son Ho in
298 b.c. Three years later, his eldest son, Chang, who had once been the Crown Prince, launched a revolt against
Ho, then King Hui-wên, but failed and sought refuge in the Father Sovereign's detached palace at the Sandy Hill.
Li Tai upon his arrival first killed the rebellious prince and then locked up the Father Sovereign inside the palace
and starved him to death.
45. Having suffered a crushing defeat by the invading forces of Yen in 284 b.c., he asked for rescue from Chù.
King Chìng-hsiang, accordingly, appointed Nao Chìh commander of the reinforcements. Upon his arrival at
Chì, Nao Chìh was appointed Prime Minister by King Min. Fearing the Yen invaders, however, he betrayed the
King, secretly made peace with Yen, and finally murdered the King in 283 b.c.
46. With Wang Hsien-shen 宿昔 should be 宿夕.

Book Five
15 亡徵第十五
凡人主之國小而家大，權輕而臣重者，可亡也。
簡法禁而務謀慮，荒封內而恃交援者，可亡也。
群臣為學，門子好辯，商賈外積，小民右仗者，可亡也。
好宮室臺榭陂池，事車服器玩，好罷露百姓，煎靡貨財者，可亡也。
用時曰，事鬼神，信卜筮，而好祭祀者，可亡也。
聽以爵（以）〔不〕待參驗，用一人為門戶者，可亡也。
官職可以重求，爵祿可以貨得者，可亡也。
緩心（無而）〔而無〕成，柔茹而寡斷，好惡無決，而無所定立者，可亡也。
饕貪而無饜，近利而好得者，可亡也。
喜淫〔辭〕而不周於法，好辯說而不求其用，濫於文麗而不顧其功者，可亡也。
淺薄而易見，漏泄而無藏，不能周密，而通群臣之語者，可亡也。
很剛而不和，愎諫而好勝，不顧社稷而輕為自信者，可亡也。
恃交援而簡近鄰，怙強大之救，而侮所迫之國者，可亡也。
羈旅僑士，重帑在外，上閒謀計，下與民事者，可亡也。
民信其相，下不能其上，主愛信之而弗能廢者，可亡也。
境內之傑不事，而求封外之士，不以功伐課試，而好以名問舉錯，羈旅起貴以陵故常者，可亡也。
輕其適正，庶子稱衡，太子未定而主即世者，可亡也。
大心而無悔，國亂而自多，不料境內之資而易其鄰敵者，可亡也。
國小而不處卑，力少而不畏強，無禮而侮大鄰，貪愎而拙交者，可亡也。
太子已置，而娶於強敵以為后妻，則太子危，如是則群臣易慮；〔群臣易慮〕者，可亡也。
怯懾而弱守，蚤見而心柔懦，知有謂可，斷而弗敢行者，可亡也。
出君在外而國〔更〕置，質太子未反而君易子，如是則國攜；國攜者，可亡也。
挫辱大臣而狎其身，刑戮小民而逆其使，懷怒思恥而專習則賊生；賊生者，可亡也。
大臣兩重，父兄眾強，內黨外援以爭事勢者，可亡也。
婢妾之言聽，愛玩之智用，外內悲惋而數行不法者，可亡也。
簡侮大臣，無禮父兄，勞苦百姓，殺戮不辜者，可亡也。
好以智矯法，時以行雜公，法禁變易，號令數下者，可亡也。
無地固，城郭惡，無畜積，財物寡，無守戰之備而輕攻伐者，可亡也。
種類不壽，主數即世，嬰兒為君，大臣專制，樹羈旅以為黨，數割地以待交者，可亡也。
太子尊顯，徒屬眾強，多大國之交，而威勢蚤具者，可亡也。
變褊而心急，輕疾而易動發，心悁忿而不訾前後者，可亡也。
主多怒而好用兵，簡本（欲）教而輕戰攻者，可亡也。
貴臣相妬，大臣隆盛，外藉敵國，內困百姓，以攻怨讎，而人主弗誅者，可亡也。
君不肖而側室賢，太子輕而庶子伉，官吏弱而人民桀，如此則國躁；國躁者，可亡也。
藏怨而弗發，懸罪而弗誅，使群臣陰憎而愈憂懼，而久未可知者，可亡也。
出軍命將太重，邊地任守太尊，專制擅命，徑為而無所請者，可亡也。
后妻淫亂，主母畜穢，外內混通，男女無別，是謂兩主。兩主者，可亡也。
后妻賤而婢妾貴，太子卑而庶子尊，相室輕而典謁重，如此則內外乖。內外乖者，可亡也。
大臣甚貴，偏黨眾強，壅塞主斷而重擅國者，可亡也。
私門之官用，馬府之世〔絀〕，鄉曲之善舉，官職之勞廢，貴私行而賤公功者，可亡也。
公家虛而大臣實，正戶貧而寄寓富，耕戰之士困，末作之民利者，可亡也。
見大利而不趨，聞禍端而不備，淺薄於爭守之事，而務以仁義自飾者，可亡也。
不為人主之孝，而慕匹夫之孝，不顧社稷之利，而聽主母之令，女子用國，刑餘用事者，可亡也。
辭辯而不法，心智而無術，主多能而不以法度從事者，可亡也。
親臣進而故人退，不肖用事而賢良伏，無功貴而勞苦賤，如是則下怨。下怨者，可亡也。
父兄大臣祿秩過功，章服侵等，宮室供養大侈，而人主弗禁，則臣心無窮。臣心無窮者，可亡也。
公壻公孫與民同門，暴慠其鄰者，可亡也。
亡徵者，非曰必亡，言其可亡也。
夫兩堯不能相王，兩桀不能相亡。亡、王之機，必其治亂，其強弱相踦者也。
木之折也必通蠹，墻之壞也必通隙。然木雖蠹，無疾風不折；墻雖隙，無大雨不壞。
萬乘之主有能服術行法，以為亡徵之君風雨者，其兼天下不難矣。
Chapter XV. Portents of Ruin1
1. As a rule, if the state of the lord of men is small but the fiefs of private families are big, or if the ruler's sceptre
is insignificant but the ministers are powerful, then ruin is possible.
2. If the ruler neglects laws and prohibitions, indulges in plans and ideas, disregards the defence works within the
boundaries and relies on foreign friendship and support, then ruin is possible.
3. If all officials indulge in studies, sons of the family are fond of debate, peddlars and shopkeepers hide money
in foreign countries, and poor people suffer miseries at home, then ruin is possible.
4. If the ruler is fond of palatial decorations, raised kiosks, and embanked pools, is immersed in pleasures of
having chariots, clothes, and curios, and thereby tires out the hundred surnames and exhausts public wealth, then
ruin is possible.
5. If the ruler believes in date-selecting, 2 worships devils and deities, believes in divination and lot-casting, and
likes fêtes and celebrations, then ruin is possible.
6. If the ruler takes advice only from ministers of high rank, refrains from comparing different opinions and
testifying to the truth, and uses only one man as a channel of information, then ruin is possible.
7. If posts and offices can be sought through influential personages and rank and bounties can be obtained by
means of bribes, then ruin is possible.
8. If the ruler, being easy-going, accomplishes nothing, being tender-hearted, lacking in decision, and, wavering
between acceptance and rejection, has no settled opinion, then ruin is possible.
9. If the ruler is greedy, insatiable, attracted to profit, and fond of gain, then ruin is possible.
10. If the ruler enjoys inflicting unjust punishment and does not uphold the law, likes debate and persuasion but
never sees to their practicability, and indulges in style and wordiness but never considers their effect, then ruin is
possible.
11. If the ruler is shallow-brained and easily penetrated, reveals everything but conceals nothing, and cannot
keep any secret but communicates the words of one minister to another, then ruin is possible.
12. If the ruler is stubborn-minded, uncompromising, and apt to dispute every remonstrance and fond of
surpassing everybody else, and never thinks of the welfare of the Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain but sticks
to self-confidence without due consideration, then ruin is possible.
13. The ruler who relies on friendship and support from distant countries, makes light of his relations with close
neighbours, counts on the aid from big powers, and provokes surrounding countries, is liable to ruin.
14. If foreign travellers and residents, whose property and families are abroad, take seats in the state council and
interfere in civil affairs, then ruin is possible.
15. If the people have no 3 confidence in the premier and the inferiors do not obey the superiors while the
sovereign loves and trusts the premier and cannot depose him, then ruin is possible.
16. If the ruler does not take able men of the country into service but searches after foreign gentlemen, and if he
does not make tests according to meritorious services but would appoint and dismiss officials according to their
mere reputations till foreign residents are exalted and ennobled to surpass his old acquaintances, then ruin is
possible.
17. If the ruler disregards the matter of legitimacy and lets bastards rival legitimate sons, or if the sovereign dies
before he inaugurates the crown prince, then ruin is possible.
18. If the ruler is boastful but never regretful, makes much of himself despite the disorder prevailing in his
country, and insults the neighbouring enemies without estimating the resources within the boundaries, then ruin
is possible.
19. If the state is small but the ruler will not acquiesce in a humble status; if his forces are scanty but he never
fears strong foes; if he has no manners and insults big neighbours; or if he is greedy and obstinate but unskilful
in diplomacy; then ruin is possible.
20. If, after the inauguration of the crown prince, the ruler take in a woman from a strong enemy state, the crown
prince will be endangered and the ministers will be worried. Then ruin is possible.
21. If the ruler is timid and weak in self-defence and his mind is paralysed by the signs of future events; or if he
knows what to decide on 4 but dare not take any drastic measure; then ruin is possible.
22. If the exiled ruler is abroad but the country sets up a new ruler, or if before the heir apparent taken abroad as
hostage returns, the ruler changes his successor, then the state will divide. And the state divided against itself is
liable to ruin.
23. If the ruler keeps near and dear to the chief vassals whom he has disheartened and disgraced or stands close 5
by the petty men 6 whom he has punished, then he will make them bear anger and feel shame. If he goes on
doing this, rebels are bound to appear. When rebels appear, ruin is possible.
24. If chief vassals rival each other in power and uncles and brothers are many and powerful, and if they form
juntas inside and receive support from abroad and thereby dispute state affairs and struggle for supreme
influence, then ruin is possible.
25. If words of maids and concubines are followed and the wisdom of favourites is used, and the ruler repeats
committing unlawful acts regardless of the grievances and resentments inside and outside the court, then ruin is
possible.
26. If the ruler is contemptuous to chief vassals and impolite to uncles and brothers, overworks the hundred
surnames, and slaughters innocent people, then ruin is possible.
27. If the ruler is fond of twisting laws by virtue of his wisdom, mixes public with private 7 affairs from time to
time, alters laws and prohibitions at random, and issues commands and orders frequently, then ruin is possible.
28. If the terrian has no stronghold, 8 the city-walls are in bad repair, the state has no savings and hoardings,
resources and provisions are scarce, and no preparations are made for defence and attack, but the ruler dares to
attack and invade other countries imprudently, then ruin is possible.
29. If the royal seed is short-lived, new sovereigns succeed to each other continuously, babies become rulers, and
chief vassals have all the ruling authority to themselves and recruit partisans from among foreign residents and
maintain inter-state friendship by frequently ceding territories, then ruin is possible.
30. If the crown prince is esteemed and celebrated, has numerous dependents and protégés, develops friendships
with big powers, and exercises his authority and influence from his early years, then ruin is possible.
31. If the ruler is narrow-minded, 9 quick-tempered, imprudent, easily affected, and, when provoked, becomes
blind with rage, then ruin is possible.
32. If the sovereign is easily provoked and fond of resorting to arms and neglects agricultural and military
training but ventures warfare and invasion heedlessly, then ruin is possible.
33. If nobles are jealous of one another, chief vassals are prosperous, seeking support from enemy states and
harassing the hundred surnames at home so as to attack their wrongdoers, but the lord of men never censures
them, then ruin is possible.
34. If the ruler is unworthy but his half-brothers are worthy; if the heir apparent is powerless and the bastard
surpasses him; or if the magistrates are weak and the people are fierce; then the state will be seized with a panic.
And a panic-stricken state is liable to ruin.
35. If the ruler conceals his anger, which he would never reveal, suspends a criminal case, which he never would
censure, and thereby makes the officials hate him in secret and increases their worries and fears, and if he never
comes to know the situation even after a long time, then ruin is possible.
36. If the commander in the front line has too much power, the governor on the frontier has too much nobility,
and if they have the ruling authority to themselves, issue orders at their own will and do just as they wish without
asking permission of the ruler, then ruin is possible.
37. If the queen is adulterous, the sovereign's mother is corrupt, attendants inside and outside the court
intercommunicate, and male and female have no distinction, such a régime is called "bi-regal". 10 Any country
having two rulers is liable to ruin.
38. If the queen is humble but the concubine is noble, the heir apparent is low but the bastard is high, the prime
minister is despised but the court usher is esteemed, then disobedience will appear in and out of the court. If
disobedience appears in and out of the court, the state is liable to ruin.
39. If chief vassals are very powerful, have many strong partisans, obstruct the sovereign's decisions, and
administer all state affairs on their own authority, then ruin is possible.
40. If vassals of private families are employed but descendants of military officers 11 are rejected, 12 men who do
good to their village communities are promoted but those who render distinguished services to their official posts
are discarded, self-seeking deeds are esteemed but public-spirited works are scorned, then ruin is possible.
41. If the state treasury is empty but the chief vassals have plenty of money, native subjects are poor but foreign
residents are rich, farmers and warriors have hard times but people engaged in secondary professions are
benefited, then ruin is possible.
42. The ruler who sees a great advantage but does not advance towards it, hears the outset of a calamity but does
not provide against it, thus neglecting preparations for attack and defence and striving to embellish himself with
the practice of benevolence and righteousness, is liable to ruin.
43. If the ruler does not practise the filial piety of the lord of men but yearns after the filial piety of the
commoner, does not regard the welfare of the Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain but obeys the orders of the
dowager queen, and if he allows women to administer the state affairs and eunuchs to meddle with politics, then
ruin is possible.
44. If words are eloquent but not legal, the mind is sagacious but not tactful, the sovereign is versatile but
performs his duties not in accordance with laws and regulations, then ruin is possible.
45. If new 13 ministers advance when old officials withdraw, the unworthy meddle with politics when the
virtuous pass out of the limelight, and men of no merit are esteemed when hard-working people are disdained,
then the people left behind will resent it. If the people left behind resent it, ruin is possible.
46. If the bounties and allowances of uncles and brothers exceed their merits, their badges and uniforms override
their grades, and their residences and provisions are too extravagant, and if the lord of men never restrains them,
then ministers will become insatiable. If ministers are insatiable, then ruin is possible.
47. If the ruler's sons-in-law and grandsons live behind the same hamlet gate with the commoners and behave
unruly and arrogantly towards their neighbours, then ruin is possible.
Thus, portents of ruin do not imply certainty of ruin but liability to ruin.
Indeed, two Yaos 14 cannot rule side by side, nor can two Chiehs 15 ruin each other. The secrets of rule or ruin lie
in the inclination towards order or chaos, strength or weakness.
It is true, the tree breaks down because 16 of vermin, the fence gives way on account 17 of cracks. Yet, despite the
vermin, if no sudden gale blows, the tree will not break down; despite the cracks, if no heavy rain falls, the fence
does not give way.
If the sovereign of ten thousand chariots can exercise tact and enforce law and thereby function as gale and rain
to rulers having portents of ruin, his annexation of Allunder-Heaven will have no difficulty.
Notes
1. 亡徽. The various portents of ruin are enumerated, but no facts are adduced in illustration of them. The
numerical indication of each is mine.
2. The ruler would ask the court astrologer to select lucky dates for inaugurations, for instance.
3. With Yü Yüeh 不 should be supplied above 信.
4. With Lu Wên-shao 知有謂可斷 should be 知有可斷.
5. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 逆 should be 近.
6. With Ku 民 should be 人.
7. With Ku 行 should be 私.
8. With Lu Wên-shao 無地固 should be 地無固.
9. With Lu and Wang Hsien-shen 變褊 should be 攣褊.
10. 二主 literally means "two masters".
11. 馬府 literally means "horsemen's mansions".
12. I propose the supply of 去 below 世.
13. With Wang Hsien-shen 親 should read 新.
14. Namely, two worthy rulers.
15. Namely, two wicked rulers.
16. With Kao Hêng 通 in both cases should be 道 meaning 由.
17. With Kao Hêng 通 in both cases should be 道 meaning 由.
16 三守第十六
人主有三守。三守完，則國安身榮；三守不完，則國危身殆。
何謂三守？
人臣有議當途之失，用事之過，舉臣之情，人主不心藏而漏之近習能人，使人臣之欲有言者，不敢不下
適近習能人之心，而乃上以聞人主。然則端言直道之人不得見，而忠直日。
愛人不獨利也，待譽而後利之；憎人不獨害也，待非而後害之。然則人主無威而重在左右矣。
惡自治之勞憚，使群臣輻湊之變，因傳柄移藉，使殺生之機、奪予之要在大臣，如是者侵。
此謂三守不完。三守不完，則劫殺之徵也。
凡劫有三：有明劫，有事劫，有刑劫。
人臣有大臣之尊，外操國要以資群臣，使外內之事非己不得行。雖有賢良，逆者必有禍，而順者必有
福。然則群臣直莫敢忠主憂國以爭社稷之利害。人主雖賢，不能獨計，而人臣有不敢忠主，則國為亡國
矣。此謂國無臣。國無臣者，豈郎中虛而朝臣少哉？群臣持祿養交，行私道而不效公忠，此謂明劫。
鬻寵擅權，矯外以勝內，險言禍福得失之形，以阿主之好惡。人主聽之，卑身輕國以資之，事敗與主分
其禍，而功成則臣獨專之。諸用事之人，壹心同辭以語其美，則主言惡者必不信矣，此謂事劫。
至於守司囹圄，禁制刑罰，人臣擅之，此謂刑劫。
三守不完，則三劫者起；三守完，則三劫者止。三劫止塞，則王矣。
Chapter XVI. Three Precautions1
The lord of men has three precautions to take. If the three precautions are complete, the state will be safe and he
will be prosperous; if the three precautions are not complete, the state will fall into danger and his life will
become precarious.
What are meant by the "three precautions"?
Whenever ministers memorialize the Throne the faults of the authorities in power, the mistakes of the personnel
in charge of state affairs, and the actual conditions of the officials, 2 if the lord of men, instead of keeping the
secret, divulges it to courtiers and favourite vassals and thereby makes ministers, who want to speak to the
Throne, please the courtiers and favourite vassals before they submit any instance to the lord of men, then frank
and straightforward speakers will not be able to have an audience of the ruler and loyal and honest men will be
kept farther and farther aloof. 3
If the ruler does not by himself benefit the men he loves but would benefit them only after the courtiers have
praised them, and if he does not by himself hurt the men he hates but would hurt them only after the courtiers
have blamed them, then the lord of men will lose his prestige, and his ruling authority will fall into the hands of
his attendants. 4
If the ruler dislikes the toil of governing the state by himself and lets the ministers group together and administer
state affairs, and if in so doing he passes his handles and shifts his position 5 to chief vassals and places the
power over life and property in their hands, then his prerogative will be infringed. 6
These are called "the three precautions unaccomplished". If the three precautions remain incomplete, the
situation portends molestation and regicide.
In general, there are three kinds of molestation: Molestation through the formation of juntas, 7 molestation
through the dictation of state policies, 8 and molestation through the application of penal laws. 9
If ministers who hold the honour of chief vassals have the key to the state government in their grip for
patronizing the officials and make the administration of foreign and home affairs necessarily go through their
approval; and, though there are worthy and upright personages, if people disobeying them always have bad luck
and those obeying them always have good luck; then no official would dare to be loyal to the sovereign and
worry about state welfare and thereby dispute the advantages and disadvantages of the Altar of the Spirits of
Land and Grain. If the lord of men, however worthy, cannot devise plans by himself, and if there are ministers
who dare not be loyal to the sovereign, then the state must be doomed to ruin. It is then called "a state without
ministers". However, a state without ministers does not imply the scarcity of royal guards and the lack of
ministers in the court. It really means a state whose ministers hold to their bounties, nourish their friends,
practise their private ways of life, and never exert their spirit of loyalty to the public. Such is called "molestation
through the formation of juntas".
Again, suppose chief vassals distribute private favours, have all powers to themselves, overawe the country by
pretending to have influence abroad, follow the like and hate of the sovereign with his forced interpretation of
the signs of fortune and misfortune, advantages and disadvantages. And suppose the lord of men listens to them
and upholds their policies even by humiliating himself and neglecting state welfare. Then, when the policies fail,
the sovereign has to share the consequent disasters with them; when the policies succeed, they take all credit to
themselves. Finally, if all the government employees unite their minds and identify their words to speak of their
virtues, then though others speak of their vices to the Throne, the sovereign never will believe. Such is called
"molestation through the dictation of state policies".
Finally, in matters of court and jail administration as well as prohibition and punishment, if ministers have
powers to themselves, their act as such is called "molestation through the application of penal laws".
In short, if the three precautions are not complete, the three molestations will arise; if the three precautions are
complete, the three molestations will stop. If the sovereign succeeds in stopping and debarring these three
molestations, he will attain supremacy.
Notes
1. 三守.
2. With Wang Hsien-chìen 舉臣 implies 眾臣.
3. The first precaution is against divulging secrets.
4. The second precaution is against losing prestige.
5. With Kao Hêng 藉 refers to 勢位.
6. The third precaution is against losing the reins of government.
7. 明劫. I read 明 for 朋 in this chapter.
8. 事劫.
9. 刑劫.
17 備內第十七
人主之患在於信人，信人，則制於人。
人臣之於其君，非有骨肉之親也，縛於勢而不得不事也。故為人臣者，窺覘其君心也無須臾之休，而人
主怠慠處其上，此世所以有劫君弒主也。
為人主而大信其子，則姦臣得乘於子以成其私，故李兌傅趙王而餓主父。
為人主而大信其妻，則姦臣得乘於妻以成其私，故優施傅麗姬殺申生而立奚齊。
夫以妻之近與子之親，而猶不可信，則其餘無可信者矣。
且萬乘之主，千乘之君，后妃、夫人適子為太子者，或有欲其君之蚤死者。
何以知其然？夫妻者，非有骨肉之恩也，愛則親，不愛則。語曰：「其母好者其子抱。」然則其為之
反也，其母惡者其子釋。丈夫年五十而好色未解也，婦人年三十而美色衰矣。以衰美之婦人事好色之丈
夫，則身（死）見賤，而子疑不為後，此后妃、夫人之所以冀其君之死者也。
唯母為后而子為主，則令無不行，禁無不止，男女之樂不減於先君，而擅萬乘不疑，此鴆毒扼昧之所以
用也。
故《桃左春秋》曰：「人主之疾死者不能處半。」人主弗知，則亂多資。故曰：利君死者眾，則人主
危。
故王良愛馬，越王勾踐愛人，為戰與（駞）〔馳〕。醫善吮人之傷，含人之血，非骨肉之親也，利所加
也。故輿人成輿，則欲人之富貴；匠人成棺，則欲人之夭死也。非輿人仁而匠人賊也，人不貴則輿不
售，人不死則棺不買。情非憎人也，利在人之死也。故后妃、夫人太子之黨成而欲君之死也，君不死則
勢不重。情非憎君也，利在君之死也。故人主不可以不加心於利己死者。
故日月暈圍於外，其賊在內，備其所憎，禍在所愛。
是故明王不舉不參之事，不食非常之食；遠聽而近視以審內外之失，省同異之言以知朋黨之分；偶參伍
之驗以責陳言之實；執後以應前，按法以治眾，眾端以參觀。士無幸賞，無踰行；殺必當，罪不赦，則
姦邪無所容其私。
徭役多則民苦，民苦則權勢起，權勢起則復除重，復除重則貴人富。苦民以富貴人，起勢以藉人臣，非
天下長利也。故曰：徭役少則民安，民安則下無重權，下無重權則權勢滅，權勢滅則德在上矣。
今夫水之勝火亦明矣，然而釜鬵間之，水煎沸竭盡其上，而火得熾盛焚其下，水失其所以勝者矣。今夫
治之禁姦又明〔於〕此，然守法之臣為釜鬵之行，則法獨明於胸中，而已失其所以禁姦者矣。
上古之傳言，《春秋》所記，犯法為逆以成大姦者，未嘗不從尊貴之臣也。然而法令之所以備，刑罰之
所以誅，常於卑賤，是以其民絕望，無所告愬。大臣比周，蔽上為一，陰相善而陽相惡，以示無私，相
為耳目，以候主隙。人主掩蔽，無道得聞，有主名而無實，臣專法而行之，周天子是也。偏借其權勢，
則上下易位矣，此言人臣之不可借權勢也。
Chapter XVII. Guarding Against the Interior1
The difficulty of the lord of men lies in his confidence in men. Confiding in men, he is restrained by men.
Ministers, in relation to the ruler, have no kinship, but, solely because constrained by force of circumstances,
serve him. Therefore, those who minister to a ruler, always watch the mental condition of their master without
stopping even for a moment; whereas the lord of men remains idle and arrogant over them. This is the reason
why the world sees cases of ruler-molestation and regicide.
If the lord of men has much confidence in his son, then wicked ministers will utilize his son to accomplish their
selfish purposes. For illustration, Li Tai, while assisting the King of Chao, starved the Father Sovereign.
If the lord of men has much confidence in his spouse, then wicked ministers will utilize his spouse to accomplish
their selfish purposes. For illustration, Actor Shih, while assisting Princess Li, 2 murdered Shên-shêng 3 and
placed Hsi-chì 4 in his stead. 5
Indeed, even the spouse who is so near and the son who is so dear to the sovereign are not trustworthy, much less
can anybody else be trustworthy.
Besides, whether he be a ruler of ten thousand chariots or a ruler of one thousand chariots, the queen, the
concubine, or the crown prince, even though he be the legitimate son, might hope for his early death.
How do I know it is so? Indeed, man and wife, having no kinship between them, are intimate when mutually in
love and distant when not in love. Hence the saying: "If the mother is loved, the son is held in the arms." If so,
the contrary must run like this: "If the mother is unloved, the son is cast aside." Men fifty years old are as fond of
women as usual, but women only thirty years old are falling off in beauty. If women falling off in beauty have to
serve men still fond of the fair sex, then they will be neglected 6 and their sons will doubt if they will remain
heirs of their fathers. This is the reason why queens, princesses, and concubines crave the death of the rulers.
It is only when the mother is the queen dowager and the son is the sovereign that decrees never fail to prevail
and prohibitions never fail to function. Then she finds as much pleasure between man and woman as at the time
when the late ruler was still alive, and under no suspicion can she have all the powers of the ruler of ten thousand
chariots to herself. For such a reason, poisoning with wine and hanging in secret are practised.
Hence it is said in Tào-wu's7Spring and Autumn Annals: "Of the lords of men, those who died of illness were
not even half of those that died." If the ruler is ignorant of such a danger, seeds of disorder will multiply. Hence
the saying: "If those who will profit by the ruler's death are numerous, then the lord of men is in danger."
Thus, Wang Liang liked horses, and Kou-chien, King of Yüeh, liked able-bodied men, merely for driving and
fighting purposes. The physician sucks patients' cuts and holds their blood in his mouth, not because he is
intimate with them like a blood relation, but because he expects profits from them. Likewise, when the
cartwright finishes making carriages, he wants people to be rich and noble; when the carpenter finishes making
coffins, he wants people to die early. Not that the cartwright is benevolent and the carpenter is cruel, but that
unless people are noble, the carriages will not sell, and unless people die, the coffins will not be bought. Thus,
the carpenter's motive is not a hatred for anybody but his profits are due to people's death. For the same reason,
when the clique of the queen, the princess, the concubine, or the crown prince, is formed, they want the ruler to
die early. For, unless the ruler die, their positions will not be powerful. Their motive is not a hatred for the ruler,
but their profits are dependent on the ruler's death. Therefore the lord of men must specially mind those who will
profit by his death.
For illustration, though the sun and the moon are surrounded by haloes, the causes of their eclipses are inside
themselves. Similarly, though the ruler guards against what he hates, the causes of his calamity consist in what
he loves.
For this reason, the intelligent sovereign 8 would neither carry out any untenable task, 9 nor eat any inordinate
food, but would listen from all round and observe everybody closely in order thereby to scrutinize the faults of
the interior and the exterior, 10 and reflect on pros and cons so as to know the line of demarcation between
different factions, compare the results of testimony, and thereby hold every utterance responsible for an
equivalent fact, hold the consequent in correspondence with the antecedent, govern the masses in accordance
with the law, and gather causes of different affairs for comparison and observation; so that nobody shall receive
any undue reward and overstep the limits of his duties, and that every murderer shall be sentenced to proper
penalty and no convict shall be pardoned. If so, there will be left no room for wicked and villainous persons to
accomplish their self-seeking purposes.
If compulsory labour service is frequent, the people will feel afflicted; if the people are afflicted, powerful and
influential men will appear to the fore; if powerful and influential men make their appearance, exemptions will
multiply; and if exemptions multiply, the nobles will, by accepting bribes from the people exempted from labour
service, become wealthy. To afflict the people and thereby enrich the nobles and to vacate the august position
and let ministers utilize it, is not a permanent advantage to the world. Hence the saying: "If compulsory labour
service is rare, the people will feel safe; if the people are safe, the ministers will gain no extra power; if the
ministers have no extra power, powerful and influential men will be extinguished; and if powerful and influential
men disappear, all credit will be due to the sovereign."
Now, take for illustration the truism that water overpowers fire. Yet, when a tripod-kettle goes between them,
then the water will be heated and boiled till it dries up over the fire while the fire can flame with vigour and
continue burning beneath the water. Indeed, the fact that government forbids wickedness is still clearer than this.
Yet, when ministers who ought to uphold the law play the part of the tripod-kettle by standing between ruler and
subject, then the law, however clear in the sovereign's mind, has already lost its reason to forbid wickedness.
According to the sayings handed down from remote antiquity, as recorded in the Spring and Autumn Annals,
whoever violates the law, launches an insurrection, and thereby commits high treason, comes from among the
high and noble ministers. Yet what laws and orders guard against and penalties censure is always among the low
and humble. That being so, the people give up all hope of salvation and find nobody to petition for relief. The
chief vassals form juntas, obscure the ruler en bloc, and maintain their intimate relationship in secret but pretend
in the open to mutual hatred in order to prove their unselfishness, and work as the ears and eyes of one another in
order to watch for the sovereign's unguarded moments. Thus, surrounded and deluded, the lord of men has no
way to get news from outside and retains the sovereign's title but not the reality while ministers have all laws to
themselves and carry them into effect at their discretion. Of such a ruler the Sons of Heaven of Chou were good
examples. In short, if the power and influence of the Throne is deputed to any minister in particular, high and
low will displace their posts; which amounts to saying that no minister should be allowed to utilize the power
and influence of the ruler. 11
Notes
1. 備內.
2. Favourite concubine of Duke Hsien of Chin.
3. The heir apparent of Duke Hsien.
4. A bastard of Duke Hsien by Princess Li.
5. In 655 b.c.
6. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 死 above 見疏賤 is superfluous.
7. With Yü Yüeh the Episodes of Chù has 檮兀 in place of 桃左.
8. With Lu Wên-shao the Taoist Thesaurus edition has 主 in place of 王.
9. 不參之事 literally means "uncompared tasks", and refers to tasks whose names and realities cannot be
compared with each other.
10. The interior includes the queen, the princesses, the consorts, the heir apparent, the sons, the bastards, and the
courtiers; the exterior, ministers, magistrates, officers, etc.
11. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê the last eleven characters 此言人臣之不可借權勢也 originally formed an annotation
and were by mistake interposed into the text. According to Wang Hsien-shen, the passage seems to introduce
further passages which were apparently lost.
18 南面第十八
人主之過，在已任（在）臣矣，又必反與其所不任者備之，此其說必與其所任者為讎，而主反制於其所
不任者。今所與備人者，且曩之所備也。人主不能明法而以制大臣之威，無道得小人之信矣。
人主釋法而以臣備臣，則相愛者比周而相譽，相憎者朋黨而相非。非譽交爭，則主惑亂矣。
人臣者，非名譽請謁無以進取，非背法專制無以為威，非假於忠信無以不禁。三者，惽主壞法之資也。
人主使人臣雖有智能，不得背法而專制；雖有賢行，不得踰功而先勞；雖有忠信，不得釋法而不禁，此
之謂明法。
人主有誘於事者，有壅於言者，二者不可不察也。
人臣易言事者，少索資，以事誣主。主誘而不察，因而多之，則是臣反以事制主也。如是者謂之誘，誘
於事者困於患。
其進言少，其退費多，雖有功，其進言不信。不信者有罪，事有功者（必）〔不〕賞，則群臣莫敢飾言
以惽主。主道者，使人臣前言不復於後，後言不復於前，事雖有功，必伏其罪，謂之任下。
人臣為主設事而恐其非也，則先出說設言曰：「議是事者，妬事者也。」人主藏是言，不更聽群臣；群
臣畏是言，不敢議事。二勢者用，則忠臣不聽而譽臣獨任。如是者謂之壅於言，壅於言者制於臣矣。
主道者，使人臣必有言之責，又有不言之責。言無端末辯無所驗者，此言之責也；以不言避責持重位
者，此不言之責也。
人主使人臣言者必知其端以責其實，不言者必問其取舍以為之責。則人臣莫敢妄言矣，又不敢默然矣，
言、默則皆有責也。
人主欲為事，不通其端末，而以明其欲。有為之者，其為不得利，必以害反。知此者，任理去欲。舉事
有道，計其入多，其出少者，可為也。
惑主不然，計其入，不計其出，出雖倍其入，不知其害，則是名得而實亡。如是者，功小而害大矣。
凡功者，其入多，其出少，乃可謂功。今大費無罪而少得為功，則人臣出大費而成小功，小功成而主亦
有害。
不知治者，必曰：「無變古，毋易常。」變與不變，聖人不聽，正治而已。然則古之無變，常之毋易，
在常古之可與不可。
伊尹毋變殷，太公毋變周，則湯、武不王矣。管仲毋易齊，郭偃毋更晉，則桓、文不霸矣。
凡人難變古者，憚易民之安也。夫不變古者，襲亂之迹；適民心者，恣姦之行也。民愚而不知亂，上懦
而不能更，是治之失也。
人主者，明能知治，嚴必行之，故雖拂於民，（心）〔必〕立其治。
說在商君之內外而鐵殳，重盾而豫戒也。故郭偃之始治也，文公有官卒；管仲始治也，桓公有武車，戒
民之備也。
是以（遇）〔愚〕（贛）〔戇〕窳墯之民，苦小費而忘大利也，故夤虎受阿謗。而小變而失長便，故
鄒賈非載旅。狎習於亂而容於治，故鄭人不能歸。
Chapter XVIII. Facing the South1
The fault of the lord of men is: After having entrusted 2 certain ministers with the state affairs, he guards against
them with ministers not entrusted. His reason for so doing is that the non-entrusted and the entrusted will become
enemies. Contrary to his expectation, the sovereign will fall under the spell of the non-entrusted. In consequence,
the ministers with whom he is now guarding against the entrusted, are mostly those whom he used to guard
against. If the lord of men cannot make the law clear and thereby restrain the power of chief vassals, there will
be no other way to win confidence from the petty officials. 3
If the lord of men casts the law aside and guards against ministers with ministers, then those who love one
another will associate for wicked purposes and speak well of one another while those who hate one another will
form cliques and speak ill of one another. When blame and praise are crossing each other, the sovereign will fall
into bewilderment and confusion.
Those who minister to a ruler, unless they have good reputations and make frequent requests, cannot advance
their careers; unless they act contrary to the law and take all powers to themselves, they cannot uplift their
prestige; and, unless they pretend to loyalty and faithfulness, they cannot rid themselves of prohibitions. These
three ways are means of deluding the sovereign and destroying the law.
The lord of men, when employing ministers, should not allow them, however wise and able they may be, to act
contrary to the law and take all powers to themselves; should not allow them, however worthy and virtuous they
may be, to claim any priority among the men of merit and take precedence of the hard-working people; and
should not discard the law and refrain from restricting them, however loyal and faithful they may be. Such a
ruler is called an illustrator of the law.
The lord of men is sometimes tempted to tasks and sometimes deluded by words; wherefore both tasks and
words need due consideration.
Ministers who imprudently propose tasks, usually underestimate the expenditure and thereby deceive the
sovereign with the proposition. Deluded thereby, the sovereign does not carefully consider the tasks but thinks
much of the ministers. If so, they will in turn restrain the sovereign with the enterprises. Such is called
"temptation to tasks". 4 The ruler once tempted to tasks will be harassed by worries.
If the proposition purports a small task but the actual expenses are enormous, then, though meritorious services
are performed, the proposition is not one of faith. If the ministers whose propositions are of no faith are found
guilty, and if the tasks, though they provide results, get no reward, 5 nobody would dare to twist his words to
blind the sovereign. The way to be a sovereign is to make the ministers' previous words never deviate from their
subsequent sayings and the subsequent never deviate from the previous and to find them guilty in case of any
deviation, although the tasks may have provided results. This is called "skilfully employing subordinates". 6
The minister, when he devises a project for his master and fears disapproval, will make out a case and declare
such a warning as, "Whoever criticizes the project of this task is jealous of the projector." Suppose the lord of
men, keeping it in secret, never consults any other minister. The rest of the ministers, frightened by the
premonition, dare not criticize the project. If these two sets of circumstances 7 prevail, loyal ministers will not be
accepted but well-reputed ministers will be employed exclusively. Such is called "delusion by words". The ruler
once deluded by words will be restrained by ministers.
The right way to be the sovereign is to make all ministers understand the reasons why they are blamed for giving
opinions and why they are blamed for not giving opinions. If they utter words that have neither beginning nor
ending or an argument that has no proof, then they are blamed for giving opinions. If they attempt to evade
responsibilities by not giving any opinion so as to maintain their high posts, then they are blamed for not giving
opinions.
The lord of men in keeping ministers in service ought to know the motive and purpose 8 of every speaker in
order to hold his words responsible for an equivalent fact, and ask the non-speakers to decide between the pros
and cons of the proposition so as to hold them accountable for the result of the work. If so, nobody will dare to
give any arbitrary opinions nor to keep silent. Because both speaking and silence equally involve
accountabilities.
When the lord of men wants to accomplish a task, if he does not understand its beginning and ending so as to
clarify the object of his desire, and then if he attempts to accomplish it, his work will gain no advantage but will
incur disadvantage instead. If he understands this principle, he will trust to reason and get rid of avarice. The
accomplishment of every task has its proper course. If its income is estimated to be big and its outgo is estimated
to be small, the project is practicable.
Such is not the case with the deluded sovereign. For he estimates the income but never estimates the outgo. As a
result, even though the outgo is twice as much as the income, he never notices the harm. Thus in name he gains
but in fact he loses. If such is the case, the achievement will be little while the harm is great.
In general, an achievement implies a big income and a small outgo. Only in such a case can it be called an
achievement. Now that much waste incurs no crime and little gain is a merit, ministers naturally waste enormous
expenses and perform small merits. As small merits are performed, so the sovereign suffers losses.
Those who do not know the right way to political order, always say, "Never change ancient traditions, never
remove existing institutions." Change or no change, the sage does not mind. For he aims only at the rectification
of government. Whether or not ancient traditions should be changed, whether or not existing institutions should
be removed, all depends upon the question whether or not such traditions and such institutions are still useful for
present-day political purposes.
If Yi Yin had made no reform on behalf of Yin and Tàikung Wang 9 had made no reform on behalf of Chou,
neither Tàng nor Wu could become King. If Kuan Chung had made no reform on behalf of Chì and Kuo Yen 10
had made no reform on behalf of Chin, neither Duke Huan nor Duke Wên could have become hegemonic.
Generally speaking, men hesitate to change ancient traditions because they are diffident about affecting the peace
of the people. Indeed, not to change ancient traditions is to inherit the traces of disorder; to accord with the mind
of the people is to tolerate villainous deeds. If the people are stupid and ignorant of disorder and the superior is
weak-spirited and unable to reform traditions and institutions, it is a failure in the process of government.
The lord of men must be intelligent enough to know the true path to order and severe enough to carry out his
orders without reserve. Therefore, though he has to act contrary to the mind of the people, he should by all
means 11 establish an orderly government.
The basis of this argument is found in the "External and Internal Affairs" by Lord Shang, who had iron spears
and heavy shields around him whenever going out to provide against accidents. Likewise, when Kuo Yen began
to assume the reins of government, Duke Wên had an official bodyguard. When Kuan Chung began to assume
the reins of government, Duke Huan had an armoured carriage. Thus they all took precautions against mobs.
For the same reason, in dealing 12 with stupid and idle people, if one worries himself about small expenses, then
he is forgetting big profits. For instance, Yin Hu, bullied 13 and slandered, was very afraid 14 of even small
changes and lost his permanent advantage in consequence. Likewise, the salesman of Tsou was not a carrier, but
he was accustomed to chaotic conditions and chary 15 of living in an orderly world. Therefore, the man of Chêng
could not go home. . . . 16
Notes
1. 南面. To face the south means to rule from the throne. When seated on the throne according to ancient
Chinese court etiquette, the sovereign always faces the south (vide supra, p. 40).
2. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 在 below 任 is superfluous.
3. With Ku the Taoist Thesaurus edition has 小臣 in place of 小人.
4. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 於事 should be supplied below 誘.
5. With Ku 事有功者必賞 should be 事雖有功不賞.
6. 任下.
7. 二勢 refer to the facts that the sovereign never consults any other minister about the project and that nobody
dares to criticize it.
8. With Wang Hsien-shen 末 should be supplied below 端.
9. Lü Shang was his real name. He was called Tài-kung Wang, which means "grandfather's hope", because he
was found out of obscurity by the Earl of the West to fulfil the latter's grandfather's hope and prophecy.
Henceforth Tài-kung Wang became the epithet of Lü Shang.
10. Mo Tzŭ's work "On Dyeing" has 高 in place of 郭.
11. With Wang Hsien-shen 必 should be supplied above 立.
12. With Kao Hêng 愚 and 遇 in antiquity were interchangeable in meaning.

13. With Kao 阿 reads 訶.
14. With Kao #### should be 震 which means 懼.
15. With Kao 容 above 於治 should be 吝.
16. The text of the last paragraph is so corrupt and hardly intelligible that Lu Wên-shao gave up hope for
elucidation. So did Hirazawa and the Waseda University Press stopped short of their desire. According to Lu
there seem a number of hiatuses and errors between words and between sentences. According to Wang Hsien-
shen the last annotation of Canon V in Chap. XXXIII contains hiatus from the end of this chapter.
19 飾邪第十九
鑿龜數筴，兆曰「大吉」，而以攻燕者，趙也。鑿龜數筴，兆曰「大吉」，而以攻趙者，燕也。劇辛之
事燕，無功而社稷危；鄒衍之事燕，無功而國道絕。趙代先得意於燕，後〔得〕意於齊，國亂節高，自
以為與秦提衡，非趙龜神而燕龜欺也。
趙又嘗鑿龜數筴而北伐燕，將劫燕以逆秦，兆曰「大吉」。始攻大梁而秦出上黨矣，兵至釐而六城拔
矣。至陽城，秦拔鄴矣。龐援揄兵而南，則鄣盡矣。
臣故曰：趙龜雖無遠見於燕，且宜近見於秦。秦以其「大吉」，辟地有實，救燕有有名。趙以其「大
吉」，（利）〔地〕削兵辱，主不得意而死。又非秦龜神而趙龜欺也。
初時者，魏數年東鄉攻盡陶、衛，數年西鄉以失其國，此非豐隆、五行、太一、王相、攝提、六神、五
括、天河、殷搶、歲星（非）數年在西也，又非天缺、弧逆、刑星、熒惑、奎台（非）數年在東也。故
曰：龜筴鬼神不足舉勝，左右背鄉不足以專戰。然而恃之，愚莫大焉。
古者先王盡力於親民，加事於明法。彼法明則忠臣勸，罰必則邪臣止。忠勸邪止而地廣主尊者，秦是
也。群臣朋黨比周以隱正道，行私曲而地削主卑者，山東是也。亂弱者亡，人之性也。治強者王，古之
道也。
越王勾踐恃大朋之龜與（吾）〔吳〕戰而不勝，身臣入宦于吳；反國棄龜，明法親民以報吳，則夫差為
擒。故恃鬼神者慢於法，
恃諸侯者危其國。曹恃齊而不聽宋，齊攻荊而宋滅曹。（荊）〔邢〕恃吳而不聽齊，越伐吳而齊滅
（荊）〔邢〕。許恃荊而不聽魏，荊攻宋而魏滅許，鄭恃魏而不聽韓，（攻魏）〔魏攻〕荊而韓滅鄭。
今者韓國小而恃大國，主慢而聽秦、魏，恃齊、荊為用，而小國愈亡。故恃人不足以廣壤，而韓不見
也。荊為攻魏而加兵許、鄢，齊攻任、扈而削魏，不足以存鄭，而韓弗知也。此皆不明其法禁以治其
國，恃外以滅其社稷者也。
臣故曰：明於治之數，則國雖小，富；賞罰敬信，民雖寡，強。賞罰無度，國雖大，兵弱者，地非其
地，民非其民也。無地無民，堯、舜不能以王，三代不能以強。
人主又以過予，人臣又以徒取。舍法律而言先王明君之功者，上任之以國。臣故曰：是願古之功，以古
之賞賞今之人也。（以主）〔主以〕是過予，而臣以此徒取矣。主過予，則（人）〔臣〕偷幸；臣徒
取，則功不尊。無功者受賞，則財匱而民望；財匱而民望，則民不盡力矣。故用賞過者失民，用刑過者
民不畏。有賞不足以勸，有刑不足以禁，則國雖大，必危。
故曰：小知不可使謀事，小忠不可使主法。
荊恭王與晉厲公戰於鄢陵，荊師敗，恭王傷。酣戰，而司馬子反渴而求飲，其友豎穀陽奉卮酒而進之。
子反曰：「去之，此酒也。」豎穀陽曰：「非也。」子反受而飲之。子反為人嗜酒，甘之，不能絕之於
口，醉而臥。恭王欲復戰而謀事，使人召子反，子反辭以心疾。恭王駕而往視之，入幄中，聞酒臭而
還，曰：「今日之戰，寡人目親傷，所恃者司馬，司馬又如此，是亡荊國之社稷而不恤吾眾也。寡人無
與復戰矣。」罷師而去之，斬子反以為大戮。故曰：豎穀陽之進酒也，非以端惡子反也，實心以忠愛
之，而適足以殺之而已矣。此行小忠而賊大忠者也。故曰：小忠，大忠之賊也。若使小忠主法，則必將
赦罪以相愛，是與下安矣，然而妨害於治民者也。
當魏之方明立辟，從憲令（行）之時，有功者必賞，有罪者必誅，強匡天下，威行四鄰；及法慢，妄
予，而國日削矣。當趙之方明國律，從大軍之時，人眾兵強，辟地齊、燕；及國律慢，用者弱，而國日
削矣。當燕之方明奉法，審官斷之時，東縣齊國，南盡中山之地；及奉法已亡，官斷不用，左右交爭，
論從其下，則兵弱而地削，國制於鄰敵矣。故曰：明法者強，慢法者弱。強弱如是其明矣，而世主弗
為，國亡宜矣。
語曰：「家有常業，雖飢不餓；國有常法，雖危不亡。」夫舍常法而從私意，則臣〔下〕飾於智能；臣
下飾於智能，則法禁不立矣。是妄意之道行，治國之道廢也。治國之道，去害法者，則不惑於智能，不
矯於名譽矣。
昔者舜使吏決鴻水，先令有功而舜殺之；禹朝諸侯之君會稽之上，防風之君後至而禹斬之。以此觀之，
先令者殺，後令者斬，則古者先貴如令矣。
故鏡執清而無事，美惡從而比焉；衡執正而無事，輕重從而載焉。夫搖鏡則不得為明，搖衡則不得為
正，法之謂也。故先王以道為常，以法為本。本治者名尊，本亂者名絕。凡智能明通，有以則行，無以
則止。故智能單道，不可傳於人。而道法萬全，智能多失。夫懸衡而知平，設規而知圓，萬全之道也。
明主使民飾於道之故，（佚而則）〔故佚而有〕功。釋規而任巧，釋法而任智，惑亂之道也。亂主使民
飾（將）〔於〕智，不知道之故，故勞而無功。釋法禁而聽請謁，群臣賣官於上，取賞於下，是以利在
私家而威在群臣。故民無盡力事主之心，而務為交於上。民好上交，則貨財上流，而巧說者用。若是，
則有功者愈少。姦臣愈進而材臣退，則主惑而不知所行，民聚而不知所道。此廢法禁，後功勞，舉名
譽，聽請謁之失也。
凡敗法之人，必設詐託物以來親，又好言天下之所希有。此暴君亂主之所以惑也，人臣賢佐之所以侵
也。故人臣稱伊尹、管仲之功，則背法飾智有資；稱比干、子胥之忠而見殺，則疾強諫有辭。夫上稱賢
明，下稱暴亂，不可以取類，若是〔者〕禁。君之立法以為是也，今人臣多立其私智以法為非者，是邪
以智，過法立智。如是者禁，主之道也。
禁）〔明〕主之道，必明於公私之分，明法制，去私恩。夫令必行，禁必止，人主之公義也；必行其
私，信於朋友，不可為賞勸，不可為罰沮，人臣之私義也。私義行則亂，公義行則治，故公私有分。
人臣有私心，有公義。脩身潔白而行公行正，居官無私，人臣之公義也；汙行從欲，安身利家，人臣之
私心也。明主在上，則人臣去私心，行公義；亂主在上，則人臣去公義，行私心。故君臣異心，
君以計畜臣，臣以計事君。君臣之交，計也。害身而利國，臣弗為也；（富）〔害〕國而利臣，君不行
也。臣之情，害身無利；君之情，害國無親。君臣也者，以計合者也。
至夫臨難必死，盡智竭力，為法為之。
故先王明賞以勸之，嚴刑以威之。賞刑明則民盡死，民盡死則兵強主尊。刑賞不察則民無功而求得，有
罪而幸免，則兵弱主卑。故先王賢佐盡力竭智。故曰：公私不可不明，法禁不可不審，先王知之矣。
Chapter XIX. On Pretentions and Heresies: A Memorial1
It was Chao that, after boring the tortoise-shell, counting the bamboo slips, and finding the omen saying, "Great
luck," attacked Yen. 2 It was Yen that, after boring the tortoise-shell, counting the bamboo slips, and finding the
omen saying, "Great luck," attacked Chao. Chü Hsin, 3 when serving Yen, rendered no meritorious service, till
the Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain fell into danger. Tsou Yen, 4 when serving Yen, rendered no meritorious
service, till the course of the state policy came to a deadlock. Chao 5 was first successful in Yen and later
successful in Chì. Though her state once fell into confusion, yet she always held her prestige high and assumed
herself adequate to rival Chìn on an equal footing. It was not because Chao's tortoiseshell was effective and
Yen's tortoise-shell was deceptive.
Chao once again bored the tortoise-shell, counted the bamboo slips, and invaded Yen in the north with a view to
resisting Chìn by molesting Yen. 6 The omen said, "Great luck." No sooner had her army marched out 7 through
Ta-liang in Wey than Chìn began to invade 8 Shang-tang in Chao. When her troops reached Li in Yen, she had
lost six cities to Chìn. When they reached Yang-ch`êng in Yen, Chìn had taken Yeh in Chao. When Pàng Yüan
turned Chao's army southward, practically all the strongholds of Chao had fallen into Chìn's hands.
Thy servant, therefore, says: Chao's tortoise-shell, even though not able to foresee the outcome of her campaign
in Yen, should have been able to foretell the victory of Chìn's invasion at hand. Chìn, believing in the great luck
of the expedition, expanded her territory in fact and rescued Yen in the good cause. 9 Chao, believing in the great
luck of the campaign, had her soil dismembered and her forces humiliated, till the sovereign, unable to realize
his ambition, passed away. Again, this was not because Chìn's tortoise-shell was effective and Chao's tortoise-
shell was deceptive.
At the outset of the founding of the state, Wey faced the east for several years and completely conquered both
Tào and Wei. Then she turned westward for several years to cope with Chìn and, as a result, lost land to Chìn.
This was not because such lucky stars as Fêng-lung, 10 Wu-hsing, 11 Tài-yi, 12 Wang-hsiang, 13 Shê-tì, 14 Liu-
shên, 15 Wu-kua, 16 Tìen-ho, 17 Yin-chìang, 18 and Sui-hsing, 19 were for so many years 20 in the direction of
Chìn and to the west of Wey; nor was it because such unlucky stars as Tìen-ch`üeh, 21 Hu-ni, 22 Hsing-hsing, 23
Yung-hui, 24 and Kùei-tài, 25 were for so many years 26 in the direction of Wey and to the east of Chìn. Hence
the saying: "Tortoise-shells, bamboo slips, devils, and deities, are not qualified to guarantee victory; nor are the
directions of the stars, whether right or left, front or back, qualified to decide the outcome of war." If so, to
believe in them is more stupid than anything else.
In ancient times, the early kings exerted their forces to renovate the people and doubled their efforts to clarify the
law. As the law was made clear, loyal subjects were encouraged. As punishment was made definite, wicked
subjects were suppressed. It was Chìn whose loyal subjects were encouraged and wicked ones were suppressed
and whose territory was expanded and sovereign was glorified. It was the states to the east of Mount Hua whose
officials formed factions, associated for selfish purposes and thereby obscured the right way of government and
committed crookedness in secret, and whose territories were dismembered and sovereigns humiliated. That
disorderly and weak states go to ruin, is known to everybody. That orderly and strong states attain supremacy has
been the beaten track since antiquity.
Kou-chien, King of Yüeh, believed in the Ta-p`êng Tortoise and waged a war with Wu, but did not win, till
finally he had to surrender himself as vassal and went personally to serve the King of Wu. 27 Upon his return, he
threw away the tortoise, clarified the law, and renovated the people, with a view to giving Wu his revenge. In the
end Fu-chà, King of Wu, was taken captive. 28 Therefore, whoever believes in devils and deities, neglects the
law.
Similarly, whoever relies on other feudal lords, endangers his native soil. For instance, Tsào, relying on Chì,
turned a deaf ear to Sung, so that when Chì attacked Ching, Sung destroyed Tsào. Hsing, 29 relying on Wu, took
no advice from Chì, so that when Yüeh invaded Wu, Chì destroyed Hsing. Hsü, relying on Ching, would not
listen to Wey, so that when Ching attacked Sung, Wey destroyed Hsü. Chêng, relying on Wey, would not listen to
Han, so that when Wey attacked Ching, Han destroyed Chêng.
To-day, Han, being a small state, is relying upon big powers. Her sovereign, paying little attention to the law,
takes every word from Chìn. The above-mentioned small states, having relied upon Wey, Chì, Ching, and Wu
for support, 30 went to ruin one after another. Thus reliance on others is not sufficient to extend the native soil.
Yet Han never looks at these instances. Again, when Ching attacked Wey, she sent her troops to Wey's allies, Hsü
and Yen. 31 When Chì attacked Jên and Hu and dismembered Wey's territory, the combined forces of the allies
were not even sufficient to preserve Chêng. 32 Yet Han takes no notice of these instances. All these states, indeed,
never clarified laws and prohibitions in order to govern their peoples, but relied on foreign powers entirely, and
thereby drove their Altars of the Spirits of Land and Grain to extinction.
Thy servant, therefore, says: If measures for political order are clarified, the state, though small in size, will
become rich. If reward and punishment are dignified and of faith, the people, though small in number, will
become strong. If reward and punishment follow no regulations, the state, however large in size, will have weak
soldiers. For the soil is no longer its territory, the people no longer its subjects. Without territory and people,
even Yao and Shun never could reign supreme nor could the three dynasties 33 ever become strong. 34
Moreover, when the sovereign gives indiscriminately, ministers take inconsiderately. Those who discard legal
rules, praise the early kings, and thereby illustrate the achievements of the ancients, are entrusted by the ruler
with the state affairs. Thy servant, therefore, says: Such an act is to hope for ancient achievements and reward
modern men with ancient rewards. In consequence, the sovereign gives wrongly, ministers take idly. If the
sovereign gives wrongly, then ministers will expect undue rewards; if ministers take idly, meritorious services
will not be held in high esteem. If men of no merit receive rewards, the state exchequer will run low and the
people will resent it 35 ; if the state exchequer runs low and the people resent it, then nobody will apply his
strength to his duties. Therefore, who over-uses reward loses the people; who over-uses penalty cannot hold the
people in awe. If reward is not sufficient to encourage, and penalty is not sufficient to prohibit the people, then
the state, however large in size, will fall into danger.
Hence the saying: "Who knows few things, should not be allowed to scheme for enterprises; who practises
loyalty in small ways, should not be allowed to take charge of judicial administration."
Once King Kung of Ching and Duke Li of Chin fought at Yen-ling. The Ching troops suffered a defeat. King
Kung was wounded. During the bloody battle, Tzŭ-fan, High Commissioner of the Army, was thirsty and wanted
some drink. His attendant, 36 Shu Yang-ko, 37 brought a cup of wine and presented it to him. "Get away!"
exclaimed Tzŭ-fan. "It's wine." "No," replied Yang-ko. Tzŭ-fan, accordingly, took it and drank it. Habitually fond
of wine, Tzŭ-fan felt it so delicious that he could not keep it off his mouth till he became drunk and lay down
asleep. Thinking of having another battle, and fixing the stratagems therefor, King Kung sent for Tzŭ-fan, but
Tzŭ-fan gave heart-aching as excuse for his absence from the conference. Thereupon, King Kung rode in a
carriage and went to see him. As soon as he entered the tent, he smelt wine and turned back right away, saying:
"In to-day's battle, I, the King, was wounded at my eye. The only person I have looked to for help is the High
Commissioner of the Army. Now that the High Commissioner of the Army is so drunk, he is certainly ruining the
Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain of the Ching State and feeling no concern for the welfare of my subjects. I,
the King, have no reason to have him with me on the battle-field any longer." So he ceased hostilities and
retreated. He then beheaded Tzŭ-fan as an expiatory punishment for his disgrace of His Majesty. Hence the
saying: "The presentation of wine by Shu Yang-ko was not out of any malice against Tzŭ-fan, but his mind that
really loved him with loyalty was only enough to put him to death." This is to practise loyalty in small ways and
thereby betray loyalty in big ways. Hence the saying: "Small loyalty is the betrayer of big loyalty." Thus, if the
ruler puts men loyal in small ways in charge of judicial administration, they will pardon criminal offences. To
pardon culprits and thereby love them, is to enjoy temporary peace with the inferiors, whereas it stands in the
way of governing the people.
At the time when Wey was clarifying and establishing laws and upholding mandates 38 without fail, men of merit
were infallibly rewarded; men guilty of crimes were infallibly censured; her strength was sufficient to rectify All-
underHeaven and her authority prevailed among the neighbours on the four sides. As soon as laws came to be
neglected and rewards became arbitrary, the state was dismembered day after day. Similarly, at the time when
Chao was enacting state laws and training a big army, she had a large population and a strong army and extended
her territory into Chì and Yen. As soon as the state laws came to be neglected and the personnel in charge of the
state affairs became weak, the state was dismembered day after day. Again, at the time when Yen was upholding
the law and scrutinizing official decisions in detail, to the east she seized counties from the Chì State and to the
south occupied the whole territory of Central Hills. When the upholders of the law died, the official decisions
became useless, the attendants disputed with each other, and public opinion had to follow the lead of the
inferiors; then the army became weak, the soil was dismembered, and the state fell under the spell of the
surrounding enemies. Hence the saying: "Who clarifies the law, is strong; who neglects the law, is weak." The
causes of strength and weakness are so vivid. Yet sovereigns of this age never attempt to foster the cause of
strength. No wonder their states are doomed to ruin.
There is an ancient proverb saying: "The family that has a definite occupation, does not have to starve in time of
famine; the state that has definite laws, does not go to ruin in case of emergency." Indeed, if the ruler discards
definite laws and follows private opinions, then ministers will pretend to wisdom and ability; if ministers pretend
to wisdom and ability, then laws and prohibitions will not hold good. In other words, when arbitrary opinions
prevail, the way of governing the state dwindles. Therefore, the right way to govern the state is to remove the
injurers of the law. In that case, there will be neither bewilderment by pretensions to wisdom and ability nor
deception by pretensions to name and fame.
Of yore, Shun ordered officials to drain the Great Deluge. One official set himself to work before the order came,
and accomplished merit. However, Shun executed him. Once Yü received the feudal lords in audience in the
vicinity of Kuei-chi. As the Ruler of Fang-fêng arrived late, Yü beheaded him. From this viewpoint it is clear
that if those who went ahead of orders were executed and those who lagged behind orders were beheaded, the
ancients must have held conformity to orders in high esteem.
For illustration, if the mirror keeps clean and has no obstacle, then the beautiful and the ugly can be compared; if
the balance keeps right and has no obstacle, then the light and the heavy can be weighed. Indeed, when you
shake the mirror, the mirror cannot keep clear; when you shake the balance, the balance cannot keep even. The
same is true of the law. Therefore, the early kings took Tao as the constant standard, and the law as the basis of
government. For, if the basis is orderly, the name is exalted; if the basis is confused, the name is extinguished. In
general, wisdom, ability, cleverness, and erudition, if properly employed, take effect; otherwise, all come to
nought. Therefore, though wisdom and ability are exerted, 39 if the exertion is not proper, the right way of
government cannot be communicated to people. Indeed, the true path and the law are absolutely reliable, wisdom
and ability are liable to errors. Similarly, to hang up the balance and know the plane, and to turn round the
compasses and know the circle, is an absolutely reliable way.
The intelligent sovereign makes the people conform to the law 40 and thereby knows 41 the true path; wherefore
with ease he harvests meritorious results. To discard the compasses and trust to skilfulness, and to discard the
law and trust to wisdom, leads to bewilderment and confusion. The violent sovereign lets the people pretend to
wisdom but does not know the true path; wherefore in spite of his toil he gets no credit. If the sovereign discards
laws and prohibitions and imprudently grants requests and audiences, then ministers will obtain posts from the
sovereign for sale and accept pay 42 from their inferiors. For this reason, profits go to private families and
authority rests with ministers. In consequence, the people have no mind to exert their strength to serve the
sovereign but merely strive to develop friendships with their superiors. If the people are fond of developing
friendships with their superiors, then goods and cash will flow upwards and proficient speakers will be taken into
service. Should that be the case, men of merit would decrease, wicked ministers would advance, and talented
ministers would withdraw, till the sovereign falls into bewilderment and does not know what to do, and the
masses flock together but do not know whom to obey. This is the fault of discarding laws and prohibitions,
leaving merits and services behind, exalting names and reputations, and granting requests and audiences.
The law-breakers, on the whole, always set fabrications and make excuses in order thereby to seek 43 intimate
contact with the sovereign, and would also speak about events of rare occurrence in the world. This is the reason
why the outrageous rulers and violent sovereigns are bewildered, and why able ministers and worthy counsellors
are violated. For instance, ministers who praise Yi Yin and Kuan Chung for their rendering meritorious services
and their being taken into service, 44 will have sufficient reason to act against the law and pretend to wisdom;
those who praise Pi-kan and Tzŭ-hsü for their being loyal but killed, will have sufficient citations to display
hasty persuasions 45 and forcible remonstrations. Indeed, if they now praise worthy and intelligent rulers such as
the masters of Yi Yin and Kuan Chung and then blame outrageous and violent sovereigns such as the masters of
Pi-kan and Tzŭ-hsü, then their forced analogies are not worth taking. 46 Such men must be suppressed. 47 The
ruler makes laws so as to establish the standard of right. Yet most ministers of to-day exalt their private wisdom.
48
Those who condemn the law as wrong, regard heretic creeds as wise and establish their own standards of
conduct beyond the boundary of the law. 49 To suppress such crooks, is the duty of the sovereign. 50
It is the duty of the sovereign 51 to make clear the distinction between public and private interests, enact laws and
statutes openly, and forbid private favours. Indeed, to enforce whatever is ordered and stop whatever is
prohibited, is the public justice of the lord of men. To practise personal faith to friends, and not to be encouraged
by any reward nor to be discouraged by any punishment, is the private righteousness of ministers. Wherever
private righteousness prevails, there is disorder; wherever public justice obtains, there is order. Hence the
necessity of distinction between public and private interests.
Every minister cherishes both selfish motive and public justice. To refine his personality, improve his integrity,
practise public creeds, and behave unselfish in office, 52 is the public justice of the minister. To corrupt his
conduct, follow his desires, secure his personal interests, and benefit his own family, is the selfish motive of the
minister. If the intelligent sovereign is on the Throne, every minister will discard his selfish motive and practise
public justice. If the violent sovereign is on the Throne, every minister will cast public justice aside and act on
his selfish motive. Thus, ruler and minister have different frames of mind.
The ruler keeps the minister in service with a calculating mind. So does the minister with a calculating mind
serve the ruler. As both ruler and minister are equally calculating, each for himself, the minister never cares to
injure his body and benefit the state, nor does the ruler want to injure the state and benefit the minister. By nature
the minister would regard the injury of himself as unprofitable. By nature the ruler would think the injury of the
state as merciless. In short, ruler and minister work together, each with a calculating mind.
In the face of a crisis, the minister may sacrifice his life, exert his wisdom, and apply his strength. He would do
so only on account of the law.
Therefore, the early kings, in order to encourage ministers, made rewards clear, and, in order to overawe them,
made penalties severe. For, when rewards and penalties were clarified, the people would risk their lives in the
cause of their native soil; when the people were resolved to risk their lives, the army would become strong and
the sovereign would be honoured. When reward and penalty were not clearly enacted, men of no merit would
expect undue rewards; when men found guilty were pardoned by grace, the army would become weak and the
sovereign would become ignoble. Therefore, the early kings and their worthy counsellors applied their strength
and exerted their wisdom to make laws clear and penalties severe. Hence the saying: "That public and private
interests must be clearly distinguished and laws and prohibitions must be carefully enacted, the early kings
already understood."
Notes
1. 飾邪. The substance of this work seems to have been an admonitory memorial submitted to the King of Han.
2. In 242 b.c.
3. Yen's general captured by Pàng Yüan, commander of Chao's forces.
4. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê the career of Tsou Yen in Yen is not clear.
5. With Wang Wei 代 below 趙 is superfluous.
6. In 236 b.c., when Chìn and Yen were allies.
7. In 236 b.c., when Chìn and Yen were allies.
8. With Wang Hsien-shen 攻 and 出 should replace each other.
9. With Wang Wei 有有名 should read 又有名.
10. 豐隆, the star of the god of thundering.
11. 五行, the constellation having five stars around a circle.
12. 太乙, the star of a heavenly god.
13. 王相, the star commanding the motion of Wu-hsing.
14. 攝提. Both the right and left Shê-ti stars are located in the constellation of Bootes according to modern
astronomers. For this I owe Mr. Ch`ên Tsun-Kuei.
15. 六神, stars of six gods.
16. 五括, five stars clustering in a certain constellation.
17. 天河, the Milky Way.
18. 殷搶, a star portending warfare and disturbance.

19. 歲星, Jupiter.
20. With Wang Hsien-shen 非 above 數年 in both cases is superfluous.
21. 天缺, the star of the god of lightning.
22. 弧逆, four stars in a certain constellation whose arc was said to be irregular.
23. 刑星, Venus.
24. 熒惑, Mars, which ancient Chinese like ancient Greeks regarded as the god of war. Thus it is said in the
Records of the Heavens that the appearance of Yung-hui or planet Mars forecasts serious warfare, and that the
ruler in whose direction it appears is bound to incur territorial losses.
25. 奎台, the constellation having sixteen stars resembling a person striding.
26. With Wang Hsien-shen 非 above 數年 in both cases is superfluous.
27. In 494 b.c.
28. In 473 b.c.
29. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 荊 should be 刑.
30. With Kao Hêng 魏恃齊荊為用 should be 恃魏齊荊吳為用.
31. 鄢 not 燕.
32. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê there are errors and hiatuses in these few sentences, but he proposed no way of
improvement. I have kept the English rendering as intelligible and faithful to the original as possible.
33. Hsia, Yin, and Chou.
34. Clear enough, Han Fei Tzŭ regarded territory, people, and sovereignty as the three basic elements of a state.
35. With Wang Hsien-shen 望 should be 怨.
36. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê and Wang Hsien-shen 友 above 豎 is superfluous.
37. The Historical Records has 豎陽穀 in place of 豎穀陽 (vide supra, p. 70, n. 3).
38. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 行 below 憲令 is superfluous.
39. With Wang Hsien-chìen 單 means 盡.
40. With Wang Wei 法知 should be supplied above 道.
41. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 知 should precede 道.
42. With Wang Hsien-shen 賞 should read 償.
43. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 來 should be 求.
44. With Wang Hsien-shen 而見用 should be supplied below 故人臣稱伊尹管仲之功.

45. I propose the supply of 說 below 疾.
46. That is to say, because great men like Yi Yin and Kuan Chung do not appear in every age and because
remonstrants are not always as loyal as Pi-kan and Tzŭ-hsü, it is improper for such ministers to compare
themselves to Yi Yin and Kuan Chung or to Pi-kan and Tzŭ-hsü. If they do compare themselves to such great and
loyal personages, they only pretend to worthiness and loyalty.
47. Hirazawa and the Waseda University Press for 若是者禁，君之立法以為是也 misread 若是者，禁君之立
法以為是也.
48. 今人臣多立其私智.
49. 以法為非者，是邪以智，過法立智. With Kao Hêng the last character 智 should be 私.
50. 如是者禁，主之道也. For this the Japanese editors misread 如是者，禁主之道也.
51. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 禁 above 主 is superfluous.
52. With Wang Hsien-shen 正 above 居官 is superfluous.
Book Six
20 解老第二十
德者，內也；得者，外也。「上德不德」，言其神不淫於外也。神不淫於外則身全，身全之謂德。德
者，得身也。凡德者，以無為集，以無欲成；以不思安，以不用固。為之欲之，則德無舍；德無舍則不
全。用之思之則不固，不固則無功，無功則生於德。德則無德，不德則（在）有德。故曰：「上德不
德，是以有德。」
所以貴無為無思為虛者，謂其意無所制也。夫無術者，故以無為無思為虛也。夫故以無為無思為虛者，
其意常不忘虛，是制於為虛也。虛者，謂其意（所無）〔無所〕制也。今制於為虛，是不虛也。虛者之
無為也，不以無為為有常。不以無為為有常，則虛；虛，則德盛；德盛之謂上德。故曰：「上德無為而
無不為也。」
仁者，謂其中心欣然愛人也；其喜人之有福，而惡人之有禍也；生心之所不能已也，非求其報也。故
曰：「上仁為之而無以為也。」
義者，君臣上下之事，父子貴賤之差也，知交朋友之接也，親踈內外之分也。臣事君宜，下懷上
〔宜〕，子事父宜，（眾）〔賤〕敬貴宜，知交友朋之相助也宜，親者內而踈者外宜。義者，謂其宜
也，宜而為之。故曰：「上義為之而有以為也。」
禮者，所以（情貌）〔貌情〕也，群義之文章也，君臣父子之交也，貴賤賢不肖之所以別也。中心懷而
不諭，（其）〔故〕疾趨卑拜而明之；實心愛而不知，故好言繁辭以信之。禮者，外（節）〔飾〕之所
以諭內也。故曰：禮以（情貌）〔貌情〕也。
凡人之為外物動也，不知其為身之禮也。眾人之為禮也，以尊他人也，故時勸時衰。君子（以）〔之〕
為禮，以為其身；以為其身，故神之為上禮；上禮神而眾人貳，故不能相應；不能相應，故曰：「上禮
為之而莫之應。」
眾人雖貳，聖人之復恭敬盡手足之禮也不衰。故曰：「攘臂而仍之。」
道有積而（德）〔積〕有功；德者，道之功。功有實而實有光；仁者，德之光。光有澤而澤有事；義
者，仁之事也。事有禮而禮有文；禮者，義之文也。故曰：「失道而後失德，失德而後失仁，失仁而後
失義，失義而後失禮。」
禮為情貌者也，文為質飾者也。夫君子取情而去貌，好質而惡飾。夫恃貌而論情者，其情惡也；須飾而
論質者，其質衰也。何以論之？和氏之璧不飾以五采，隋侯之珠不飾以銀黃。其質至美，物不足以飾
之。夫物之待飾而後行者，其質不美也。是以父子之間，其禮〔樸〕而不明，故曰禮薄也。
凡物不並盛，陰陽是也；理相奪予，威德是也，實厚者貌薄，父子之禮是也。由是觀之，禮繁者，實心
衰也。然則為禮者，事通人之樸心者也，眾人之為禮也，人應則輕歡，不應則責怨。今為禮者事通人之
樸心，而資之以相責之分，能毋爭乎？有爭則亂，故曰：「夫禮者，忠信之薄也，而亂之首乎。」
先物行先理動之謂前識。前識者，無緣而忘意度也。何以論之？詹何坐，弟子侍，牛鳴於門外。弟子
曰：「是黑牛也而白題。」詹何曰：「然，是黑牛也，而白在其角。」使人視之，果黑牛而以布裹其
角。以詹子之術，嬰眾人之心，華焉殆矣。故曰：「道之華也。」
嘗試釋詹子之察，而使五尺之愚童子視之，亦知其黑牛而以布裹其角也。故以詹子之察，苦心傷神，而
後與五尺之愚童子同功，是以曰「愚之首也。」故曰：「前識者，道之華也，而愚之首也。」
所謂「大丈夫」者，謂其智之大也。所謂「處其厚不處其薄」者，行情實而去禮貌也。所謂「處其實不
處其華」者，必緣理不徑絕也。所謂「去彼取此」者，去貌徑絕，而取緣理好情實也。故曰：「去彼取
此。」
人有禍則心畏恐，心畏恐則行端直，行端直則思慮熟，思慮熟則得事理，行端直則無禍害，無禍害則盡
天年；得事理則必成功。盡天年則全而壽；必成功則富與貴。全壽富〔貴〕之謂福。而福本於有禍，故
曰：「禍兮福之所倚。」以成其功也。
人有福則富貴至，富貴至〔則〕衣食美，衣食美則驕心生，驕心生則〔行〕邪僻而動棄理。行邪僻則身
死夭，動棄理則無成功。夫內有死夭之難，而外無成功之名者，大禍也。而禍本生於有福，故曰：「福
兮禍之所伏。」
夫緣道理以從事者，無不能成。無不能成者，大能成天子之勢尊，而小易得卿相將軍之賞祿。夫棄道理
而妄舉動者，雖上有天子諸侯之勢尊，而（天）下有猗頓、陶朱、卜祝之富，猶失其民人而亡其財資
也。眾人之輕棄道理而易妄舉動者，不知其禍福之深大而道闊遠若是也，故諭人曰：「孰知其極。」
人莫不欲富貴全壽，而未有能免於貧賤死夭之禍也。必欲富貴全壽，而今貧賤死夭，是不能至於其所欲
至也。凡失其所欲之路而妄行者之謂迷，迷則不能至於其所欲至矣。今眾人之不能至於其所欲至，故
曰：「迷。」
眾人之所不能至於其所欲至也，自天地之剖判以至于今。故曰：「人之迷也，其日故以久矣。」
所謂方者，內外相應也，言行相稱也。所謂廉者，必生死之命也，輕恬資財也。所謂直者，義必公正，
公心不偏黨也。所謂光者，官爵尊貴，衣裘壯麗也。今有道之士，雖中外信順，不以誹謗窮墮；雖死節
輕財，不以侮罷羞貪；雖義端不黨，不以去邪罪私；雖勢尊衣美，不以夸賤欺貧。其故何也？使失路者
而肯聽習問知，即不成迷也。今眾人之所以欲成功而反為敗者，生於不知道理，而不肯問知而聽能。眾
人不肯問知聽能，而聖人強以其禍敗適之，則怨。眾人多而聖人寡，寡之不勝眾，數也。今舉動而與天
下之為讎，非全身長生之道也，是以行軌節而舉之也。故曰：「方而不割，廉而不（穢）〔劌〕，直而
不肆，光而不耀。」
聰明睿智，天也；動靜思慮，人也。人也者，乘於天明以視，寄於天聰以聽，託於天智以思慮。故視強
則目不明，聽甚則耳不聰，思慮過度則智識亂。目不明則不能決黑白之分，耳不聰則不能別清濁之聲，
智識亂則不能審得失之地。目不能決黑白之色則謂之盲，耳不能別清濁之聲則謂之聾，心不能審得失之
地則謂之狂。盲則不能避晝日之險，聾則不能知雷霆之害，狂則不能免人間法令之禍。書之所謂「治
人」者，適動靜之節，省思慮之費也。所謂「事天」者，不極聰明之力，不盡智識之任。苟極盡則費神
多，費神多則盲聾悖狂之禍至，是以嗇之。嗇之者，愛其精神，嗇其智識也。故曰：「治人事天莫如
嗇。」
眾人之用神也躁，躁則多費，多費之謂侈。聖人之用神也靜，靜則少費，少費之謂嗇。嗇之謂術也，生
於道理。夫能嗇也，是從於道而服於理者也。眾人離於患，陷於禍，猶未知退，而不服從道理。聖人雖
未見禍患之形，虛無服從於道理，以稱蚤服。故曰：「夫謂嗇，是以蚤服。」
知治人者，其思慮靜；知事天者，其孔竅虛。思慮靜，故德不去；孔竅虛，則和氣日入。故曰：「重積
德。」
夫能令故德不去，新和氣日至者，蚤服者也。故曰：「蚤服是謂重積德。」
積德而後神靜，神靜而後和多，和多而後計得，計得而後能御萬物，能御萬物則戰易勝敵，戰易勝敵而
論必蓋世，論必蓋世，故曰：「無不克。」
無不克本於重積德，故曰：「重積德則無不克。」
戰易勝敵則兼有天下，論必蓋世則民人從。進兼天下而退從民人，其術遠則眾人莫見其端末，莫見其端
〔末〕，是以莫知其極。故曰：「無不克則莫知其極。」
凡有國而後亡之，有身而後殃之，不可謂能有其國，能保其身。夫能有其國，必能安其社稷，能保其
身，必能終其天年，而後可謂能有其國，能保其身矣。夫能有其國，保其身者，必且體道。體道則其智
深，其智深則其會遠，其會遠，眾人莫能見其所極。唯夫能令人不見其事極，不見〔其〕事極者為保其
身，有其國。故曰：「莫知其極。莫知其極則可以有國。」
所謂「有國之母」，母者，道也。道也者，生於所以有國之術，所以有國之術，故謂之「有國之母」。
夫道以與世周旋者，其建生也長，持祿也久。故曰：「有國之母，可以長久。」樹木有曼根，有直根。
〔直〕根者，書之所謂「柢」也。柢也者，木之所以建生也；曼根者，木之所〔以〕持生也。德也者，
人之所以建生也；祿也者，人之所以持生也。今建於理者，其持祿也久，故曰：「深其根。」體其道
者，其生日長，故曰：「固其柢。」柢固則生長，根深則視久。故曰：「深其根，固其柢，長生久視之
道也。」
工人數變業則失其功，作者數搖徙則亡其功。一人之作，日亡半日，十日則亡五人之功矣。萬人之作，
日亡半日，十日則亡五萬人之功矣。然則數變業者，其人彌眾，其虧彌大矣。凡法令更則利害易，利害
易則民務變，務變之謂變業。故以理觀之，事大眾而數搖之則少成功，藏大器而數徙之則多敗傷，烹小
鮮而數撓之則賊其澤，治大國而數變法則民苦之，是以有道之君貴靜，不重變法。故曰：「治大國者若
烹小鮮。」
人處疾則貴醫，有禍則畏鬼。聖人在上則民少欲，民少欲則血氣治而舉動理，〔舉動理〕則少禍害。夫
內無痤疽癉痔之害，而外無刑罰法誅之禍者，其輕恬鬼也甚。故曰：「以道莅天下，其鬼不神。」
治世之民，不與鬼神相害也。故曰：「非其鬼不神也，其神不傷〔人〕也。」
鬼祟也疾人之謂鬼傷人，人逐除之之謂人傷鬼也。民犯法令之謂民傷上，上刑戮民之謂上傷民。民不犯
法則上亦不行刑，上不行刑之謂上不傷人。故曰：「聖人亦不傷民。」
上不與民相害，而人不與鬼相傷，故曰：「兩不相傷。」
民不敢犯法，則上內不用刑罰，而外不事利其產業。上內不用刑罰，而外不事利其產業，則民蕃息。民
蕃息而畜積盛，民蕃息而畜積盛之謂有德。凡所謂祟者，魂魄去而精神亂，精神亂則無德。鬼不祟人則
魂魄不去，魂魄不去而精神不亂，精神不亂之謂有德。上盛畜積而鬼不亂其精神，則德盡在於民矣。故
曰：「兩不相傷則德交歸焉。」言其德上下交盛而俱歸於民也。
有道之君，外無怨讎於鄰敵，而內有德澤於人民。夫外無怨讎於鄰敵者，其遇諸侯也外有禮義。內有德
澤於人民者，其治人事也務本。遇諸侯有禮義則役希起，治民事務本則淫奢止。凡馬之所以大用者，外
供甲兵而內給淫奢也。今有道之君，外希用甲兵，而內禁淫奢。上不事馬於戰鬭逐北，而民不以馬遠淫
通物，所積力唯田疇，〔積力於田疇〕，必且糞灌。故曰：「天下有道，卻走馬以糞也。」
人君無道（道），則內暴虐其民，而外侵欺其鄰國。內暴虐則民產絕，外侵欺則兵數起。民產絕則畜生
少，兵數起則士卒盡。畜生少則戎馬乏，士卒盡則軍危殆。戎馬乏則（將）〔牸〕馬出，軍危殆則近臣
役。馬者，軍之大用；郊者，言其近也。今所以給軍之具於（將）〔牸〕馬近臣。故曰：「天下無道，
戎馬生於郊矣。」
人有欲則計會亂，計會亂而有欲甚，有欲甚則邪心勝，邪心勝則事經絕，事經絕則禍難生。由是觀之，
禍難生於邪心，邪心誘於可欲。可欲之類，進則教良民為姦，退則令善人有禍。姦起則上侵弱君，禍至
則民人多傷。然則可欲之類，上侵弱君而下傷人民。夫上侵弱君而下傷人民者，大罪也。故曰：「禍莫
大於可欲。」
人無毛羽，不衣則不犯寒；上不屬天而下不著地，以腸胃為根本，不食則不能活；是以不免於欲利之
心。欲利之心不除，其身之憂也。故聖人衣足以犯寒，食足以充虛，則不憂矣。眾人則不然，大為諸
侯，小餘千金之資，其欲得之憂不除也。胥靡有免，死罪時活，今不知足者之憂終身不解。故曰：「禍
莫大於不知足。」
故欲利甚於憂，憂則疾生；疾生而智慧衰，智慧衰則失度量；失度量則妄舉動，妄舉動則禍害至。禍害
至而疾嬰內，疾嬰內則痛禍薄外，痛禍薄外則苦痛雜於腸胃之間。苦痛雜於腸胃之間，則傷人也憯。憯
則退而自咎，退而自咎也生於欲利。故曰：「咎莫憯於欲利。」
道者，萬物之所然也，萬理之所稽也。理者，成物之文也；道者，萬物之所以成也。故曰：「道，理之
者也。」
物有理，不可以相薄，物有理不可以相薄，故理之為物之制。萬物各異理，而道盡稽萬物之理，故不得
不化；不得不化，故無常操。無常操，是以死生氣稟焉，萬智斟酌焉，萬事廢興焉。天得之以高，地得
之以藏，維斗得〔之〕以成其威，日月得〔之〕以恆其光，五常得之以常其位，列星得之以端其行，四
時得之以御其變氣，軒轅得之以擅四方，赤松得之與天地統，聖人得之以成文章。道，與堯、舜俱智，
與接輿俱狂，與桀、紂俱滅，與湯、武俱昌。以為近乎，遊於四極；以為遠乎，常在吾側；以為暗乎，
〔其〕光昭昭；以為明乎，其物冥冥。而功成天地，和化雷霆，宇內之物，恃之以成。凡道之情，不制
不形，柔弱隨時，與理相應。萬物得之以死，得之以生；萬事得之以敗，得之以成。道譬諸若水，溺者
多飲之即死，渴者適飲之即生；譬之若劍戟，愚人以行忿則禍生，聖人以誅暴則福成。故得之以死，得
之以生，得之以敗，得之以成。
人希見生象也，而得死象之骨，案其圖以想其生也，故諸人之所以意想者皆謂之「象」也。今道雖不可
得聞見，聖人執其見功以處見其形，故曰：「無狀之狀，無物之象。」
凡理者，方圓、短長、麤靡、堅脆之分也，故理定而後可得道也。故定理有存亡，有死生，有盛衰。夫
物之一存一亡，乍死乍生，初盛而後衰者，不可謂常。唯夫與天（與）地之剖判也具生，至天地之消散
也不死不衰者謂「常」（者）。而常〔者〕，無攸易，無定理。無定理，非在於常所，是以不可道也。
聖人觀其玄虛，用其周行，強字之曰「道」，然而可論。故曰：「道之可道，非常道也。」
人始於生而卒於死。始之謂出，卒之謂入。故曰：「出生入死。」
人之身三百六十節，四肢九竅，其大具也。四肢與九竅十有三者，十有三者之動靜盡屬於生焉。屬之謂
徒也，故曰：「生之徒也十有三者。」
至死也，十有三具者皆還而屬之於死，死之徒亦有十三。故曰：「生之徒十有三，死之徒十有三。」
凡民之生生，而生者固動，動盡則損也；而動不止，是損而不止也。損而不止則生盡，生盡之謂死，則
十有三具者皆為死死地也。故曰：「民之生，生而動，動皆之死地，之十有三。」
是以聖人愛精神而貴處靜。〔不愛精神不貴處靜〕，此甚大於兕虎之害。夫兕虎有域，動靜有時。避其
域，省其時，則免其兕虎之害矣。民獨知兕虎之有爪角也，而莫知萬物之盡有爪角也，不免於萬物之
害。何以論之？時雨降集，曠野間靜，而以昏晨犯山川，則（兕虎）〔風露〕之爪角害之。事上不忠，
輕犯禁令，則刑法之爪角害之。處鄉不節，憎愛無度，則爭鬭之爪角害之。嗜慾無限，動靜不節，則
（虛）痤疽之爪角害之。好用其私智而棄道理，則網羅之爪角害之。兕虎有域，而萬害有原，避其域，
塞其原，則免於諸害矣。
凡兵革者，所以備害也。重生者雖入軍無忿爭之心，無忿爭之心，則無所用救害之備。此非獨謂野處之
軍也。聖人之遊世也，無害人之心，則必無人害，無人害則不備人。故曰：「陸行不遇兕虎。」入山不
恃備以救害，故曰：「入軍不備甲兵。」遠諸害，故曰：「兕無所投其角，虎無所錯其爪，兵無所
（害）〔容〕其刃。」
不設備而必無害，天地之道理也。體天地之道，故曰：「無死地焉。」動無死地，而謂之「善攝生」
矣。
愛子者慈於子，重生者慈於身，貴功者慈於事。慈母之於弱子也，務致其福；〔務致其福〕則事除其
禍，事除其禍則思慮熟，思慮熟則得事理，得事理則必成功，必成功則其行之也不疑，不疑之謂勇。聖
人之於萬事也，盡如慈母之為弱子慮也，故見必行之道。〔見必行之道〕則明，其從事亦不疑，不疑之
謂勇。不疑生於慈，故曰：「慈，故能勇。」
周公曰：「冬日之閉凍也不固，則春夏之長草木也不茂。」天地不能常侈常費，而況於人乎？故萬物必
有盛衰，萬事必有弛張，國家必有文武，官治必有賞罰。是以智士儉用其財則家富，聖人愛寶其神則精
盛，人君重戰其卒則民眾，民眾則國廣。是以舉之曰：「儉，故能廣。」
凡物之有形者易裁也，易割也。何以論之？有形則有短長，有短長則有小大，有小大則有方圓，有方圓
則有堅脆，有堅脆則有輕重，有輕重則有白黑。短長、大小、方圓、堅脆、輕重、白黑之謂理，理定而
物易割也。故議於大庭而後言則立，權議之士知之矣。故欲成方圓而隨其規矩，則萬事之功形矣。而萬
物莫不有規矩，議言之士，計會規矩也。聖人盡隨於萬物之規矩，故曰：「不敢為天下先。」
不敢為天下先，則事無不事，功無不功，而議必蓋世，欲無處大官，其可得乎？處大官之謂為成事長，
是以故曰：「不敢為天下先，故能為成事長。」
慈於子者不敢絕衣食，慈於身者不敢離法度，慈於方圓者不敢舍規矩。故臨兵而慈於士吏則戰勝敵，慈
於器械則城堅固。故曰：「慈，於戰則勝，以守則固。」
夫能自全也而盡隨於萬物之理者，必且有天生。天生也者，生心也，故天下之道盡之生也。若以慈衛之
也，事必萬全而舉無不當，則謂之寶矣。故曰：「吾有三寶，持而寶之。」
書之所謂「大道」也者，端道也。所謂貌「施」也者，邪道也。所謂「徑」大也者，佳麗也。佳麗也
者，邪道之分也。「朝甚除」也者，獄訟繁也。獄訟繁則田荒，田荒則府倉虛，府倉虛則國貧，國貧而
民俗淫侈，民俗淫侈則衣食之業絕，衣食之業絕則民不得無飾巧詐，飾巧詐則知采文，知采文之謂「服
文采」。
獄訟繁，倉廩虛，而有以淫侈為俗，則國之傷也若以利劍刺之。故曰：「帶利劍。」諸夫飾智故以至於
傷國者，其私家必富；私家必富，故曰：「資貨有餘。」國有若是者，則愚民不得無術而效之，效之則
小盜生。由是觀之，大姦作〔則〕小盜隨，大姦唱則小盜和。
竽也者，五聲之長者也，故竽先則鍾瑟皆隨，竽唱則諸樂皆和。今大姦作則俗之民唱，俗之民唱則小盜
必和。故「服文采，帶利劍，厭飲食，而貨資有餘者，是之謂盜竽矣。」
人無愚智，莫不有趨舍。恬淡平安，莫不知禍福之所由來。得於好惡，怵於淫物，而後變亂。所以然
者，引於外物，亂於玩好也。恬淡有趨舍之義，平安知禍福之計。而今也玩好變之，外物引之。引之而
往，故曰「校」。至聖人不然：一建其趨舍，雖見所好之物，不能引，不能引之謂「不校」；一於其
情，雖有可欲之類，神不為動，神不為動之謂「不悅」。
為人子孫者，體此道以守宗廟，〔宗廟〕不滅之謂「祭祀不絕」。
身以積精為德，家以資財為德，鄉國天下皆以民為德。今治身而外物不能亂其精神，故曰：「脩之身，
其德乃真。」真者，慎之固也。
治家，無用之物不能動其計，則資有餘，故曰：「脩之家，其德有餘。」
治鄉者行此節，則家之有餘者益眾，故曰：「脩之鄉，其德乃長。」
治邦者行此節，則鄉之有德者益眾，故曰：「脩之邦，其德乃豐。」
莅天下者行此節，則民之生莫不受其澤，故曰：「脩之天下，其德乃普。」
脩身者以此別君子小人，治鄉治邦莅天下者，各以此科適觀息耗，則萬不失一。故曰：「以身觀身，以
家觀家，〔以鄉觀鄉〕，以邦觀邦，以天下觀天下。吾奚以知天下之然也？以此。」
Chapter XX. Commentaries on Lao Tzŭ's Teachings1
Chapter XXXVIII. Discourse on

Virtue
Superior virtue is unvirtue. Therefore it has virtue. Inferior virtue never loses sight of
virtue. Therefore it has no virtue.
Superior virtue is non-assertion and without pretension. Inferior virtue asserts and
makes pretensions.
Superior benevolence acts but makes no pretensions. Superior righteousness acts and
makes pretensions.
Superior propriety acts and when no one responds to it, it stretches its arm and
enforces its rules.
Thus one leaves Tao and then Teh appears. One leaves Virtue and then Benevolence
appears. One leaves Benevolence and then Righteousness appears. One leaves
Righteousness and then Propriety appears. The rules of Propriety are the semblance of
loyalty and faith, and the beginning of disorder.
Foreknowledge is the flower of Tao, but of ignorance the beginning.
Therefore a great sportsman abides by the solid and dwells not in the superficial. He
abides in the fruit and dwells not in the flower.
Therefore he discards the latter and chooses the former.
Virtue is internal. Acquirement is external. "Superior virtue is unvirtue" means that the mind does not indulge in
external things. If the mind does not indulge in external things, the personality will become perfect. The
personality that is perfect is called "acquirement". In other words, acquirement is the acquirement of the
personality. In general, virtue begins with non-assertion, develops with non-wanting, rests secure with non-
thinking, and solidifies with non-using. If it acts and wants, it becomes restless; if restless, it is not perfect. If put
into use and thought about, it does not solidify; if it does not solidify, it cannot work successfully. If it is not
perfect 2 and cannot work successfully, it will become self-assertive virtue. If it becomes self-assertive virtue, 3 it
is non-virtue. Contrary to this, if unvirtue, it has virtue. Hence the saying: "Superior virtue is unvirtue. Therefore
it has virtue."
The reason why men value non-assertion and nonthinking as emptiness is that by remaining empty one's will is
ruled by nothing. Verily, tactless people purposely regard non-assertion and non-thinking as emptiness. To be
sure, those who purposely regard non-assertion and non-thinking as emptiness, never forget emptiness in their
minds. They are thus ruled by the will to emptiness. By "emptiness" is meant the status of the will not ruled by
anything. 4 To be ruled by the pursuit of emptiness is ipso facto not emptiness. When he who rests empty does
not assert, he does not regard non-assertion as having a constant way. If he does not regard non-assertion as
having a constant way, he is then empty. If he is empty, his virtue flourishes. The virtue that flourishes is called
"superior virtue". Hence the saying: "Superior virtue is non-assertion and without pretension." 5
By "benevolence" is meant the love of men in a pleasant mood in one's innermost heart. It is to rejoice in the
good luck of others and to lament on their bad luck. It is born of the sense of sheer necessity, but not of the want
of reward. Hence the saying: "Superior benevolence acts but makes no pretensions."
"Righteousness" covers the manners 6 of ruler and minister, superior and inferior, the distinction between father
and son, high and low, the contact between intimate acquaintances, between friends, and the difference between
the close and the distant, the internal and the external. The minister ought to serve the ruler aright; the inferior
ought to comfort the superior aright. The son ought to serve the father aright; the low ought to respect the high
aright. Intimate acquaintances and good friends ought to help each other aright. The close ought to be taken in
while the distant ought to be kept off. In short, "righteousness" implies whatever is done aright. Anything right
ought to be done aright. Hence the saying: "Superior righteousness acts and makes pretensions."
"Propriety" refers to the mode in which one's feelings are expressed. It is concerned with the cultural
embellishments of all righteous acts, such as the mutual relations of ruler and minister, father and son. It is the
way whereby high and low, worthy and unworthy, are differentiated. For instance, when one pines after someone
else but cannot make himself understood, he runs fast towards the person and bows low in front of him so as to
express his attachment to that person. Similarly, when one loves someone from one's innermost heart and cannot
make himself known, he uses pleasing words and beautiful phrases to convince the person loved. Thus, propriety
is the outer embellishment whereby the inner heart is understood. Hence 7 "propriety" refers to the mode in
which one's feelings are expressed.
In general, when a man responds to external things, he does not know that the response reveals the propriety of
his personality. The masses of the people practise propriety only to show respect for others, wherefore propriety
is now cordial and again simple. The superior man practises propriety on purpose to cultivate his personality.
Since it is practised on purpose to cultivate his personality, it is intrinsic in mind and forms superior propriety.
Since superior propriety is intrinsic in mind and popular propriety changes from time to time, they do not
respond to each other. Since they do not respond to each other, hence the saying: "Superior propriety acts and no
one responds to it."
Though the masses of the people change propriety from time to time, yet the saintly man is always courteous and
respectful, practising the rules of propriety which bind him hand and foot. In so doing he never slackens. Hence
the saying: "Superior virtue stretches its arm and enforces its rules."
Tao accumulates; accumulation 8 accomplishes an achievement; and Teh is the achievement of Tao. Achievement
solidifies; solidity shines; and Jên 9 is the shining of Teh. Shine has gloss; gloss has function; and Ih 10 is the
function of Jên. Function has propriety; propriety has embellishment; and Li 11 is the embellishment of Ih. Hence
the saying: "One leaves Tao and then Teh appears. One leaves Virtue and then Benevolence appears. One leaves
Benevolence and then Righteousness appears. One leaves Righteousness and then Propriety appears." 12
Propriety is the mode expressive of feelings. Embellishment is the decoration of qualities. Indeed, the superior
man takes the inner feelings but leaves the outer looks, likes the inner qualities but hates the outer decorations.
Who judges inner feelings by outer looks, finds the feelings bad. Who judges inner qualities by outer
decorations, finds the inner qualities rotten. How can I prove this? The jade of Pien Ho was not decorated with
the five bright colours. The bead of Marquis Sui 13 was not decorated with yellow gold. 14 Their qualities are so
good that nothing is fit to decorate them. Verily, anything that functions only after being decorated must have
poor qualities. For this reason, between father and son propriety is simple and not brilliant. Hence the saying:
"Propriety is superficial semblance only."
In general, things that do not flourish together are Yin 15 and Yang. 16 Principles that mutually take and give are
threat and favour. What is substantial in reality but simple in appearance, is the propriety between father and son.
From this viewpoint I can see that whoever observes complicated rules of propriety is rotten in his innermost
heart. Nevertheless, to observe the rules of propriety is to comply with the naïve minds of people. 17 The masses
of the people, when observing the rules of propriety, rejoice imprudently if others respond, and resent it with
blame if not. Now that the observers of the rules of propriety with a view to complying with the naïve minds of
people are given the opportunity to blame each other, how can there be no dispute? Where there is dispute, there
is disorder. Hence the saying: "The rules of propriety are the semblance of loyalty and faith, and the beginning of
disorder." 18
To act before affairs take place and move before principles are clear, is called foreknowledge. The foreknower
makes arbitrary guesses with no special cause. How can I prove this? Once upon a time, Chan Ho was seated and
his disciples were waiting upon him. When an ox mooed outside the gate, the disciples said, "It is a black ox but
white is on its forehead." In response to this, Chan Ho said, "True, it is a black ox but the white is on its horns."
Accordingly, they sent men out to investigate it and found the ox was black and its horns were wrapped with
white cloth. To bewilder the minds of the masses with the accomplished tact of Chan Tzŭ is almost as brilliant as
any gay flower. Hence the saying: "Foreknowledge is the flower of Reason."
Supposing by way of trial we discarded the foresight of Chan Tzŭ and sent out an ignorant boy less than five feet
tall to investigate it, then he would know the ox was black and its horns were wrapped with white cloth, too.
Thus, with the foresight of Chan Tzŭ, who had afflicted his mind and exhausted his energy in order to attain it,
was accomplished this same merit which an ignorant boy below five feet tall can do. Therefore, it is said to be
"the beginning of ignorance". Hence the saying: "Foreknowledge is the flower of Reason, but of ignorance the
beginning."
"A great sportsman" 19 is so called because his wisdom is great. To "abide by the solid and dwell 20 not in the
superficial", as is said, means to act upon inner feelings and realities and leave aside outer rules of propriety and
appearance. To "abide in the fruit and dwell 21 not in the flower", as is said, means to follow causes and
principles and make no arbitrary guesses. To "discard the latter and choose the former", as is said, means to
discard outer manners 22 and arbitrary guesses, and adapt causes, principles, inner feelings, and realities. 23 Hence
the saying: "He discards the former and chooses the latter."
Chapter LVIII. Adaptation to

Change
Whose government is unostentatious, quite unostentatious, his people will be

prosperous, quite prosperous. Whose government is prying, quite prying, his people will
be needy, quite needy.
Misery, alas! is what happiness rests upon. Happiness, alas! is what misery is hidden
in. But who foresees the catastrophe? It will not be prevented.
What is ordinary becomes again extraordinary. What is good becomes again

unpropitious. This bewilders people, and it happens constantly since times immemorial.
Therefore the saintly man is square but not sharp, strict but not obnoxious, upright but
not restraining, bright but not dazzling.
Man encountered by misery feels afraid in mind. If he feels afraid in mind, his motives of conduct will become
straight. If his motives of conduct are straight, his thinking processes will become careful. If his thinking
processes are careful, he will attain principles of affairs. If his motives of conduct are straight, he will meet no
misery. If he meets no misery, he will live a life as decreed by heaven. If he attains principles of affairs, he will
accomplish meritorious works. If he can live a life as decreed by heaven, his life will be perfect and long. If he
accomplishes meritorious works, he will be wealthy and noble. Who is perfect, long-lived, wealthy, and noble, is
called happy. Thus, happiness originates in the possession of misery. Hence the saying: "Misery, alas! is what
happiness rests upon" for accomplishing its merit.
When one has happiness, wealth and nobility come to him. As soon as wealth and nobility come to him, his
clothes and food become good. As soon as his clothes and food become good, an arrogant attitude appears. When
an arrogant attitude appears, his conduct will become wicked and his action unreasonable. If his conduct is
wicked, he will come to an untimely end. If his action is unreasonable, he will accomplish nothing. Indeed, to
meet the disaster of premature death without making a reputation for achievement, is a great misery. Thus,
misery originates in the possession of happiness. Hence the saying: "Happiness, alas! is what misery is hidden
in."
Indeed, those who administer affairs by following reason and principle never fail to accomplish tasks. Those who
never fail to accomplish tasks, can attain the honour and influence of the Son of Heaven for their best or at least
easily secure the rewards and bounties of ministers and generals. Indeed, those who discard reason and principle
and make arbitrary motions, though they have the honour and influence of the Son of Heaven and the feudal
lords on the one hand and possess ten times 24 the wealth of I Tun and Tào Chu, will eventually lose their
subjects and ruin their financial resources. The masses of the people who discard reason imprudently and make
arbitrary motions easily, do not know that the cycle of misery and happiness is so great and profound and the
way is so wide and long. Hence Lao Tzŭ taught men by saying: "Who foresees the catastrophe?"
Everybody wants wealth, nobility, health, and longevity. Yet none can evade the disaster of poverty, lowliness,
death, or untimely end. To have the want in mind for wealth, nobility, health, and longevity, and meet poverty,
lowliness, death, or untimely end, in the long run, means the inability to reach what one wants to reach. In
general, who misses the way he seeks and walks at random, is said to be bewildered. If bewildered, he cannot
reach the place he wants to reach. Now the masses of the people cannot reach the place they want to reach.
Hence the saying of "bewilderment".
That the masses of the people cannot reach the place they want to reach, has been true since the opening of
heaven and earth till the present. Hence the saying: "The people have been bewildered from time immemorial." 25
By "square" is implied the correspondence of the internal with the external, the agreement of word with deed. By
"strictness" is implied the determination to die in the cause of fidelity, to take matters of property and money
easy. By "uprightness" is implied the sense of duty to stand by 26 the just, the frame of mind to be impartial. By
"brightness" is implied the honour of official rank and the excellence of clothes and fur garments. Now, the
upholders of the right way of life, though earnest in mind and adaptable outside, neither slander the defamed nor
debase the fallen. Though determined to die a martyr to fidelity and not be covetous of money, they neither insult
the fickle nor put the greedy to shame. Though righteous and impartial, they neither spurn the wicked nor accuse
the selfish. Though their influence is great and their clothes excellent, they neither show off before the humble
nor look down upon the poor. What is the cause of this? Well, suppose those who have lost the way are willing to
listen to able man 27 and ask knowers of the way. Then they will not be bewildered. Now, the masses of the
people want successes but meet failures because they were born ignorant of reason and principle and are still
unwilling to ask the knowers and listen to the able. The masses of the people being thus not willing to ask the
knowers and listen to the able, if saintly men reproach 28 their misery and failure, they show resentment. The
masses are many, the saintly men are few. That the few cannot prevail upon the many, is natural. Now, to make
enemies of All-under-Heaven habitually is not the way to keep oneself intact and enjoy a long life. For this
reason, the saintly men follow the four standards of conduct and exalt them in solitude. Hence the saying: "The
saintly man is square but not sharp, strict but not obnoxious, upright but not restraining, bright but not dazzling."
Chapter LIX. The Way to Maintain Order in the State29
For governing the people and obeying heaven nothing is better than
frugality.
Now consider that frugality is said to come from early

practice.
By early practice it is said that we can accumulate an abundance of virtue. If one

accumulates an abundance of virtue, then there is nothing that cannot be overcome.
If nothing cannot be overcome, then no one knows his limit. If no one knows his limit,
one can have possession of the state.
Who has possession of the state's mother, may last and abide.
This is called the possession of deep roots and of a staunch stem. To long life and to
everlasting activity, this is the way.
Sharpness and brightness, intuition and wisdom, are endowed by heaven. Motion and repose, thinking and
worry, are enacted by man. Man by virtue of natural brightness sees, by virtue of natural sharpness hears, and
thinks and worries owing to natural intelligence. Therefore, if he sees too much, his eyes will not be bright. If he
hears too much, his ears will not be sharp. And if his thinking and worry go beyond the limits, his wisdom and
knowledge will be confused. The eyes, if not bright, cannot tell the black from the white colour. 30 The ears, if
not sharp, cannot distinguish between voiceless and voiced sounds. And wisdom and knowledge, if confused,
cannot discriminate the gaining from the losing game. The eyes unable to tell the black from the white colour are
said to be blind. The ears unable to distinguish between voiceless and voiced sounds are said to be deaf. And the
mind unable to discriminate the gaining from the losing game is said to be insane. Blind, one cannot escape
dangers whether by day or night. Deaf, one cannot perceive the damage caused by thunder. And insane, one
cannot evade the calamities of the violation of laws and decrees prevailing among his fellow men. 31Therefore,
government of the people, as is said in Lao Tzŭ's text, should suit the degree of motion and repose and save the
trouble of thinking and worry. The so-called obedience to heaven means not to reach the limits of sharpness and
brightness nor to exhaust the functions of wisdom and knowledge. If anybody ventures such extremity and
exhaustion, he will have to use too much of his mental energy. If he uses too much of his mental energy, then
disasters from blindness, deafness, and insanity will befall him. Hence the need of frugality. Who is frugal, loves
his mental energy and saves his wisdom and knowledge. Hence the saying: "For governing the people and
obeying heaven, nothing is better than frugality."
The masses of the people, when using their mental energy, are in a great hurry. If in a great hurry, they waste too
much of their energy. To waste too much energy is said to be extravagant. The saintly man, when using his
mental energy, is reposed. Reposed, he consumes little energy. To consume a small amount of energy is said to
be frugal. Frugality, called a tact, originates in reason and principle. The ability to be frugal, indeed, is due to
obedience to reason and conformity to principle. The masses of the people, though caught by troubles and
overtaken by disasters, are still not aware of the need of retirement and would not follow reason and principle.
The saintly man even before he sees the signs of misery and disaster is already humble-minded and follows
reason and principle. This is said to be early practice. Hence the saying: "Now consider that frugality is said to
come from early practice."
Who knows how to govern the people, thinks and worries in repose. Who knows how to obey heaven, keeps his
sense-organs humble. If one thinks and worries in repose, 32 his old virtue will not go out. If he keeps his sense-
organs humble, the spirit of peace will come in every day. Hence the saying: "Accumulate an abundance of
virtue."
Indeed, who can make the old virtue not go out and the spirit of peace come in every day, is a man of early
practice. Hence the saying: "By early practice it is said that we can accumulate an abundance of virtue."
After one accumulates virtue, one's mind becomes tranquil. After one's mind becomes tranquil, one's spirit of
peace becomes abundant. After one's spirit of peace becomes abundant, one becomes able to scheme well. After
one becomes able to scheme well, one becomes able to control everything. If able to control everything, one can
easily overcome enemies in warfare. If one can easily overcome enemies in warfare, his reputation will spread
all over the world. Since the reputation spreads all over the world, hence the saying: "There is nothing that
cannot be overcome."
To find nothing invulnerable results from the accumulation of an abundance of virtue. Hence the saying: "If one
accumulates an abundance of virtue, then there is nothing that cannot be overcome."
If one can easily overcome his enemies in warfare, he will be able to annex All-under-Heaven. If his reputation
spreads all over the world, the people will obey him. Thus, when going forward, he can annex All-under-Heaven;
when turning backward, he finds the people obedient to him. If his tact is profound, the masses of the people
cannot perceive its beginning and ending. Inasmuch as the people cannot perceive its beginning and ending, no
one knows his limit. Hence the saying: "If nothing cannot be overcome, then no one knows his limit."
In general, who first has the state and then loses it, and who first has the body and then drives it to misery, cannot
be called able to have possession of the state and keep the safety of the body. Indeed, who can have possession of
the state, must be able to keep the Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain in security; who can keep the safety of
the body, must be able to live through the period of life as decreed by heaven. Such a man can be called able to
have possession of the state and keep the safety of the body. Indeed, who can have possession of his state and
keep the safety of the body, always holds fast to Tao. If he holds fast to Tao, his wisdom is deep. If his wisdom is
deep, his comprehension is far and wide. If his comprehension is far and wide, then the masses of the people
cannot know its limit. It is only by realizing the true path 33 that one can prevent people from seeing the limits of
one's own affairs. Who can prevent people from seeing the limits of his own affairs, can keep the safety of his
body and have possession of his state. Hence the saying: "If no one knows his limit, 34 one can 35 have possession
of the state."
As to the so-called "possession of the state's mother", the mother is Tao. Tao appears in the craft whereby the
state is possessed. As one has possession of the craft whereby the state is possessed, he is said to have possession
of the state's mother. Indeed, Tao moves along with the world, so that it lasts long in building life and abides
forever in keeping bounty. Hence the saying: "Who has possession of the state's mother may last and abide."
Trees have both widespread roots and straight roots. The straight 36 root is what is called "stem" 37 in the text. By
means of the stem the tree builds up its life; by means of the widespread roots the tree keeps up its life. Now,
virtue is the means whereby man builds up his life; bounty is the means whereby man keeps up his life. Who
establishes himself upon principle, maintains his bounty long. Hence the saying: "Deepen the roots." Who
realizes the true path, lasts long in the course of life. Hence the saying: "Staunch the stem." If the stem is
staunched, the life will be long. If the roots are deepened, the activity will last for ever. Hence the saying: "To
deepen the roots and staunch the stem is the way to long life and everlasting activity."
Chapter LX. How to Be in

Office
Govern a big country as you would fry small fish: (neither gut nor scale
them).
If with Tao All-under-Heaven is managed, even its ghosts will not haunt. Not only will
its ghosts not haunt, but its gods will not harm the people. Not only will its gods not
harm the people, but neither will its sages harm the people. Since neither will do harm,
therefore their virtues will be combined.
The craftsman, if he frequently changes his work, will lose his accomplishment. The workman, if he frequently
shifts his occupation, will lose his accomplishment, too. If one man loses half-a-day's accomplishment every day,
in ten days he will lose five men's accomplishment. If ten thousand men each lose half-a-day's accomplishment
every day, in ten days they will lose fifty thousand men's accomplishment. If so, the more numerous those who
frequently change their works are, the greater losses they will incur. Likewise, if laws and decrees are altered,
advantages and disadvantages will become different. If advantages and disadvantages are different, the duties of
the people will change. Change of duties is said to be change of works. Therefore, by reasoning I can see that if
tasks are big and many and are frequently shifted, then few of them can be accomplished; that if anybody keeps a
great vessel and moves it too often, it will incur many damages; that if, when frying small fish, you poke them
around too often, you will ruin the cooking; and that if, when governing a big country, you alter laws and decrees
too often, the people will suffer hardships. Therefore, the ruler who follows the proper course of government,
values emptiness and tranquillity and takes the alteration of the law seriously. Hence the saying: "Govern a big
country 38 as you would fry small fish."
People when ill hold physicians in esteem, and, when miserable, hold ghosts in awe. When the sage is on the
throne, the people will have fewer desires. When the people have fewer desires, their blood and spirit will
become orderly and their behaviour and conduct reasonable. If blood and spirit are orderly 39 and behaviour and
conduct reasonable, there will be fewer disasters. Indeed, those who suffer no trouble of boils and piles inside
and incur no misery of punishment and censure outside, hold ghosts in great contempt. Hence the saying: "If
with Tao Allunder-Heaven is managed, even its ghosts will not haunt."
The people of an orderly age and ghosts and gods do not harm each other. Hence the saying: "Not only will its
ghosts not haunt, but its gods will not harm the people."
If ghosts fall upon sick persons, 40 it is then said that ghosts harm men. If men drive ghosts away, it is then said
that men harm ghosts. If the people violate laws and decrees, it is then said that the people harm the sovereign. If
the sovereign punishes and chastises the people, it is then said that the sovereign harms the people. If the people
do not violate the law, then the sovereign does not have to apply any penalty, either. If the superior does not
apply any penalty, it is then said that the sovereign does not harm the people. Hence the saying: "Not only will
its gods not harm the people, 41 but neither will its sages harm the people."
The sovereign and the people do not ruin each other while men and ghosts do not harm each other. Hence the
saying: "Neither will do harm."
If the people dare not violate the law, then the sovereign does not have to apply penalties on the one hand nor
does he have to work to the advantage of his own investments on the other. If the sovereign neither has to apply
penalties nor has to work to the advantage of his own investments, the people will multiply and prosper. When
the people are multiplying and prospering, their savings and hoardings will flourish. To have a people who
multiply and prosper and whose savings and hoardings flourish, is called to have possession of virtue. The so-
called cursed person is one whose soul is gone and whose mind is perturbed. If his mind is perturbed, he has no
virtue. If ghosts did not fall upon the man, his soul would not go away. If the soul did not go away, his mind
would not be perturbed. To have the mind not perturbed is called to have possession of virtue. Therefore, if the
sovereign encourages savings and hoardings and ghosts do not disturb their minds, then all virtue will go to the
people. Hence the saying: "Since neither will do harm, therefore 42 their virtues will be combined." This means
that the virtues of high and low flourish and in both cases are combined into the well-being of the people.
The ruler who upholds Tao incurs no hatred from the neighbouring enemies outside and bestows beneficence
upon the people at home. Verily, who incurs no hatred from the neighbouring enemies, observes the rules of
etiquette 43 when dealing with the feudal lords; who bestows beneficence upon the people, emphasizes primary
works when administering the people's 44 affairs. If he treats the feudal lords according to the rules of etiquette,
then warfare will rarely take place. If he administers the people's affairs by emphasizing their primary works,
then indulgence in pleasures and extravagant livelihood will stop. Now, horses in general are greatly useful
because they carry armour and weapons and facilitate indulgence in pleasures and extravagant livelihood.
However, inasmuch as the ruler who upholds the true path rarely employs armour and weapons and forbids
indulgence in pleasures and extravagant livelihood, the sovereign does not have to use horses in warfare and
drive them back and forth and the masses of the people never have to employ horses for transporting luxuries
between distant places. What they devote their strength to, is farms and fields only. If they devote their strength
to farms and fields, they have to haul dung for fertilizing the land and water for irrigating it. Hence the saying:
"When All-under-Heaven follows Tao, race-horses are reserved for hauling dung."
On the contrary, if the ruler of men does not uphold Tao, at home he will misgovern the people and abroad he
will offend the neighbouring states. If he misgoverns the people, the people will lose their property; if he offend
the neighbouring states, warfare will frequently take place. If the people lose their property, the cattle will
decrease; if warfare takes place frequently, officers and soldiers will be exhausted. If cattle decrease, war horses
will become few; if officers and soldiers are exhausted, the army will be jeopardized. If war horses are few, then
even mares 45 will have to appear on the battle-field; if the army is jeopardized, then even courtiers will have to
march to the front line. After all, horses are of great use to troops, and "suburb" means "neighbourhood at hand".
Since they have to replenish the army with mares 46 and courtiers, hence the saying: "When All-under-Heaven
does not follow Tao, war horses are bred in the suburbs."
When a man has wild desires, his inferences become confused. When 47 his inferences are confused, his desire
becomes intense. When his desire is intense, the crooked mind rules supreme. When the crooked mind rules
supreme, affairs go straight 48 to a deadlock. When affairs go straight 49 to a deadlock, disasters take place. From
this viewpoint it is clear that disasters are due to the crooked mind, which is in its turn due to submission to
desire. As regards submission to desire, the positive kind would lead obedient citizens to villainy, the negative
kind would lead good persons to misery. When culprits appear, the ruler will be violated and weakened. When
misery comes, most people will be harmed. Thus, all sorts of submission to desire either violate and weaken the
ruler or harm the people. To violate and weaken the ruler and harm the people is, indeed, a great crime. Hence
the saying: "No greater crime than submitting to desire."
Therefore the saintly men are never attracted to the five colours 50 nor do they indulge in music; the intelligent
ruler treats lightly amusement in curios and rids himself of indulgence in beauties. By nature man has neither
wool nor feather. If he wears no clothes at all, he cannot resist 51 cold. Above he does not belong to the heavens.
Below he is not stuck to the earth. And the stomach and intestines are what he takes as roots of his life. Unless he
eat, he cannot live. Therefore he cannot avoid having an avaricious mind. The avaricious mind, unless banished,
would cause one worries. Therefore, the saintly men, if they have sufficient clothes to resist cold and sufficient
food to fill their empty stomachs, have no worry at all. The same is not true of the ordinary man. Whether they
are feudal lords or only worth a thousand pieces of gold, their worry about what they want to get is never shaken
off. It is possible for convicts to receive special pardons; and it happens occasionally that criminals sentenced to
death live on 52 for some time. Since the worry of those who know no sufficiency is life-long and inevitable,
hence the saying: "No greater misery than not knowing sufficiency."
Therefore, if avarice is intense, 53 it causes worry. If one worries, he falls ill. If he falls ill, his intelligence
declines. If his intelligence declines, he loses the ability to measure and calculate. If he loses the ability to
measure and calculate, his action becomes absurd. If his action is absurd, then misery will befall him. If misery
befalls him, the illness will turn from bad to worse inside his body. If the illness turns from bad to worse inside
his body, he feels pain. If misery hangs over him from without, he feels distressed. The pain and distress that ply
out and in 54 would hurt the invalid seriously. Hurt seriously, the invalid retires and finds fault with himself. It is
due to the avaricious mind that he retires and finds fault with himself. Hence the saying: "No greater 55 fault than
avarice."
Tao is the way of everything, the form of every principle. Principles are the lines that complete things. Tao is the
cause of the completion of everything. Hence the saying: "It is Tao that rules 56 everything."
Things have their respective principles and therefore cannot trespass against each other. Inasmuch as things have
their respective principles and therefore cannot trespass against each other, principles 57 are determinants of
things and everything has a unique principle. Inasmuch as everything has its unique principle and Tao disciplines
the principles of all things, everything has to go through the process of transformation. Inasmuch as everything
has to go through the process of transformation, it has no fixed frame. Since everything has no fixed frame, the
course of life and death depends upon Tao, the wisdom of the myriad kinds conforms to it, and the rise and fall
of the myriad affairs is due to it. Heaven can be high because of it, earth can hold everything because of it, the
Polar Star can have its majesty because of it, the sun and the moon can make constant illumination because of it,
the five constant elements 58 can keep their positions constant because of it, all the stars can keep their orbits
right because of it, the four seasons can control their diverse expressions because of it, Hsien-yüan could rule
over the four directions at his discretion because of it, Master Red Pine 59 could live 60 as long as heaven and
earth because of it, and sages can compose essays and elaborate institutions because of it. It was manifested in
the wisdom of Yao and Shunm in the rampancy of Chieh-yü, 61 in the destruction of Chieh and Chow, and in the
prosperity of Tàng and Wu. Near as you might suppose it to be, it travels to the four poles of the world. Far as
you might suppose it to be, it always abides by the side of everybody. Dim as you might suppose it to be, its
gleam is glittering. Bright as you might suppose it to be, its body is obscure. By its achievement heaven and
earth are formed. By its harmony thundering is transformed. Thus everything in the world owes it its formation.
By nature the inner reality of Tao is neither restrained nor embodied. It is either soft or weak according as the
occasion is, and is always in correspondence with principles. Because of it everything dies. Thanks to it
everything lives. Because of it every affair fails. Thanks to it every affair succeeds. Tao can be compared to
water. Who is drowning, dies as he drinks too much of it. Who is thirsty lives on as he drinks a proper amount of
it. Again, it can be compared to a sword or a spear. 62 If the stupid man uses it for wreaking his grudge upon
others, calamities will happen. If the saintly man uses it for punishing the outrageous, good luck will ensue.
Thus, people die of it, live owing to it, fail because of it, and succeed on account of it. 63
Men rarely see living elephants. As they come by the skeleton of a dead elephant, they imagine its living
according to its features. Therefore it comes to pass that whatever people use for imagining the real is called
"image". 64 Though Tao cannot be heard and seen, the saintly man imagines its real features in the light of its
present effects. Hence the saying: "It is the form of the formless, the image of the imageless." 65
Chapter I. Understanding Tao
The Tao that can be traced as a way is not the eternal Tao. The name that can be
defined as a name is not the eternal name. What has no name is the beginning of
heaven and earth. What has a name is the mother of the myriad things. Therefore it is
said:
"He who desireless is found

The spiritual of the world will sound.
But he who by desire is bound
Sees the mere shell of things
around."
These two things are the same in source but different in name. Their sameness is called
a mystery. Indeed, it is the mystery of mysteries. Of all subtleties it is the gate.
In general, principles are what distinguish the square from the round, the short from the long, the coarse from the
fine, and the hard from the brittle. Accordingly, it is only after principles become definite that things can attain
Tao. Thus, definite principles include those of existence and extinction, of life and death, and of rise and fall.
Indeed, anything that first exists and next goes to ruin, now lives and then dies, and prospers at the beginning and
declines afterward, cannot be said to be eternal. Only that which begins with the creation of heaven and earth and
neither dies nor declines till heaven and earth disappear can be said to be eternal. What is eternal has neither a
changing location nor a definite principle 66 and is not inherent in an eternal place. 67 Therefore the eternal cannot
be traced as a way. The saintly man, looking at its mysterious emptiness and dwelling upon its universal course,
forcibly gave it the name Tao. Only thereafter it can be talked about. Hence the saying: "The Tao that can be
traced as a way is not the eternal Tao."
Chapter L. The Estimation of

Life
Appear in birth, disappear in

death.
There are thirteen dependencies of life; there are thirteen dependencies of death. On
thirteen avenues men that live pass into the realm of death.
Now, what is the reason? It is because they live life's intensity.
Yea, I understand that one who takes good care of life, when travelling on land, will not
fall a prey to the bison or the tiger. When going among soldiers, he need not fear arms
and weapons. The bison finds no place wherein to insert its horns. The tiger finds no
place wherein to put his claws. Weapons find no place wherein to thrust their blades.
What is the reason? It is because he does not belong to the realm of death.
Man begins in birth and ends in death. To begin is called to appear; to end, to disappear. Hence the saying:
"Appear in birth, disappear in death."
The human body is composed of three hundred and sixty joints with four limbs and nine passages as its
important equipment. Four limbs plus nine passages are thirteen in number. 68 The motion and the repose of all
these thirteen depend upon life. As they depend upon life, they are said to be "dependencies". Hence the saying:
"There are thirteen dependencies 69 of life."
As regards death, the thirteen equipments revert to their original status, and all depend upon death. Therefore, the
dependencies of death are also thirteen. Hence the saying: "There are thirteen dependencies of life; there are
thirteen dependencies of death."
On the whole, people who live by living life's intensity, move all the time. When motion is exerted, they incur
losses. If motion does not stop, losses will occur incessantly. If losses occur incessantly, life will come to an end.
Life's coming to an end is called "death". That is to say, the thirteen equipments are all avenues to pass into the
realm of death. Hence the saying: "People move to live in the realm of life. But motion includes all avenues to
the realm of death which are also thirteen in number." 70
Therefore, the saintly man saves mental energy and esteems the status of repose. Otherwise, conditions would
become much worse than the harm of bisons and tigers. True, bisons and tigers have lairs and their motion and
repose come on certain occasions. If you keep away from their lairs and avoid the occasions of their activities,
then you will be able to evade their harm. However, as people know bisons and tigers have horns and claws but
do not know everything else has horns and claws, they cannot evade the harm of the myriad things. How can this
be proved? Well, when seasonal rain is falling in torrents and wide fields are lonesome and quiet, if you cross
mountains and rivers at dusk or at dawn, the claws and horns of wind and dew will harm you. When serving the
superior, if you are not loyal or violate prohibitions and decrees imprudently, the claws and horns of penal law
will harm you. When living in the village, if you take no caution but show hatred and love at random, the claws
and horns of dispute and quarrel will harm you. If you satiate your appetites without limitation and never
regulate your motion and repose, the claws and horns of piles and boils will harm you. If you are habitually fond
of applying your self-seeking wisdom and discarding rational principles, the claws and horns of nets and traps
will harm you. Thus, while bisons and tigers have lairs and the myriad harms have causes, only if you can keep
away from the lairs and stop the causes, will you be able to evade their harms.
In general, weapons and armour are for providing against harm. Who clings firmly to life, though serving in the
ranks, has no mind of grudge and dispute. Without the mind of grudge and dispute, he finds no place wherein to
use the provisions against harm. This not only refers to the troops in the wilderness. But it is also concerned with
the saintly man who has no mind to harm anybody when making his way through the world. If he has no mind to
harm anybody, he will find no harm from anybody. If he finds no harm from anybody, he need not guard against
anybody. Hence the saying: "When travelling on land, he will not fall a prey to the bison or the tiger." Likewise,
he does not have to depend on the provisions against harm when walking through the world. 71 Hence the saying:
"When going among soldiers, he need not fear 72 arms and weapons." Since he can thus keep away from all kinds
of harm, hence the saying: "The bison finds no place wherein to insert its horns. The tiger finds no place wherein
to put his claws. Weapons find no place wherein to thrust their blades."
It is the rational principle of heaven and earth that man takes no precaution against any kind of harm and never is
harmed. As he merges in the course of heaven and earth, hence the saying: "He does not belong to the realm of
death." Inasmuch as he moves and does not belong to the realm of death, he is said to be taking good care of life.
Chapter LXVII. The Three Treasures
All-under-Heaven call me great; but I resemble the unlikely. Now a man is great only
because he resembles the unlikely. Did he resemble the likely, how lasting, indeed,
would his mediocrity be!
Indeed, I have three treasures which I cherish and treasure. The first is called
compassion. The second is called frugality. The third is called not daring to come to the
front of All-under-Heaven.
The compassionate can be brave; the frugal can be magnificent; those who dare not
come to the front of All-under-Heaven can become perfect as chief vessels.
Now, if people discard compassion and are brave; if they discard frugality and are
magnificent; if they discard modesty and are ambitious, they will surely die.
Indeed, the compassionate will in attack be victorious, and in defence firm. Heaven
when about to save one will with compassion protect him.
Who loves his child, is compassionate to the child. Who clings firmly to life, is compassionate to himself. Who
values successful accomplishment, is compassionate to tasks. The compassionate mother, regarding her infant
child, always strives to establish the child's well-being. If she strives to establish the child's well-being, she will
endeavour to rid the child of calamities. If she endeavours to rid the child of calamities, her reflection and
consideration become thorough. If her reflection and consideration are thorough, she will attain the principles of
affairs. If she attains the principles of affairs, she will certainly accomplish her purposes. If she is certain of
accomplishing her purposes, she will not hesitate in her action. To make no hesitation is called "bravery". Now,
the saintly man deals with the myriad affairs exactly in the same way as the compassionate mother considers the
well-being of her child. Therefore, he finds reason for determined action. If he has reason for determined action,
he will not hesitate in transacting affairs either. Thus, to make no hesitation is called "bravery"; unhesitating
action is due to compassion. Hence the saying: "The compassionate can be brave."
The Duke of Chou said: "If it does not freeze hard in winter days, grass and trees will not flourish in spring and
summer." Thus, even heaven and earth can neither always be extravagant nor always be frugal. How much less
can mankind be so? Therefore, the myriad things must have prosperity and decline, the myriad affairs must have
their rise and fall, the state must have civil and military institutions, and government must have reward and
punishment. For this reason, if wise men frugally spend their money, their families will become rich; if the
saintly man treasures his mind, his energy will become abundant; and if the ruler of men emphasizes the
usefulness of his soldiers for military purposes, his subjects will become numerous. If the subjects are numerous,
the state will become magnificent. From all these facts there can be inferred the saying: "The frugal can be
magnificent."
In general, anything that has a form can be easily cut and easily trimmed. How can I prove this? Well, if the
thing has form, it has length; if it has length, it has size; if it has size, it has a shape; if it has a shape, it has
solidity; if it has solidity, it has weight; and if it has weight, it has colour. Now, length, size, shape, solidity,
weight, and colour are called principles. As these are fixed, the thing can be easily cut. Therefore, if you present
discussions first in the government and draw your conclusion from them later, then 73 thoughtful and planful
personages will know the right decision to make. Likewise, supposing you wanted to construct squares and
circles and followed the compasses and squares, then the accomplishment of any task would take its shape. As
with everything following the compasses and squares, thinkers and speakers must inspect and follow the
compasses and squares. The saintly man thoroughly follows the compasses and squares of the myriad things.
Hence the saying: "They dare not come to the front of All-under-Heaven."
Thus, if one dare not come to the front of All-underHeaven, then everything will be done, every achievement
will be accomplished, and his theory will prevail all over the world. Then, even though he wants not to attain to
high office in government, is it possible? To attain to high office in government is called 74 to become perfect as
chief vessels. 75 Hence the saying: "Those who dare not come to the front of All-under-Heaven can become 76
perfect as chief vessels." 77
Who is compassionate to his children, dare not stop giving them clothes and food. Who is compassionate to
himself, dare not go astray from laws and regulations. Who is compassionate to squares and circles, dare not
discard the compasses and squares. For the same reason, if one in the face of warfare is compassionate to the
rank and file, he will overcome his enemies in attack; if compassionate to war implements, he will make the city-
walls hard and firm. Hence the saying: "The compassionate 78 will in attack be victorious, and in defence firm."
Indeed, who can perfect himself and thoroughly follow the principles of the myriad things, will eventually live a
heavenly life. A heavenly life refers to the right way of human nature. 79 The true path of All-under-Heaven leads
to the welfare of living beings. If it is protected with compassion, everything will be successful. Then it is called
"treasure". Hence the saying: "I have three treasures 80 which I cherish and treasure."
Chapter LIII. Gaining

Insight
If I have ever so little knowledge, I shall walk in the Grand Course. It is but expansion
that I must fear.
The Grand Course is very plain, but people are fond of by-
paths.
When the palace is very splendid, the fields are very weedy and the granaries very
empty.
To wear ornaments and gay clothes, to carry sharp swords, to be excessive in drinking
and eating, to have a redundance of costly articles, this is the pride of robbers.
Surely, this is non-Course.

The so-called Grand Course in the text is the orthodox way. The so-called hypocrisy 81 is the heretical way. The
so-called by-paths are beautiful decorations. And beautiful decorations are part of the heretical way. If the palace
is splendid, litigations will become numerous. If litigations multiply, fields will run waste. If the fields run waste,
treasuries and storehouses will become empty. If treasuries and storehouses are empty, the country will become
poor. If the country is poor, the folkways will become frivolous and extravagant. If the folkways are frivolous
and extravagant, professions for earning clothes and food will stop. If professions for earning clothes and food
stop, the people will have to pretend to genius and embellish falsehood. If the people pretend to genius and
embellish falsehood, they will use ornaments and gay clothes. To use ornaments and gay clothes is called
"wearing ornaments and gay clothes".
If litigations are numerous, granaries and storehouses are empty, and certain people practise frivolity and
extravagance as folkways, then the state will be injured as though pierced through by sharp swords. Hence the
saying of "carrying sharp swords". Again, those who pretend to wisdom and genius 82 till they injure the state,
their own families are always rich. Since the private families are always rich, hence the saying of "having a
redundance of costly articles". If there are such crooks in the state, then even stupid people will infallibly follow
the example. If they follow the bad example, then small robbers will appear. From this viewpoint I can see that
wherever great culprits start, there follow small robbers; whenever great culprits sing, then join the small
robbers.
Indeed, the Yü 83 is the head of all musical instruments. Therefore, once the Yü takes the lead, then follow bells
and harps; once the Yü sounds, then join all other instruments. Similarly, wherever great culprits start, there sing
common people; wherever common people sing, there join small burglars. Hence, to wear ornaments and gay
clothes, to carry sharp swords, to be excessive in drinking and eating, and to have a redundance of costly articles,
this is the Yü 84 of robbers.
Chapter LIV. 85 Cultivating the Observing Ability
"What is well planted is not uprooted;

What is well preserved cannot be
looted!"
By sons and grandsons the sacrificial celebrations shall not

cease.
Who cultivates it in his person, his virtue is

genuine.
Who cultivates it in his family, his virtue is

overflowing.
Who cultivates it in his village, his virtue is

lasting.
Who cultivates it in his country, his virtue is
abundant.
Who cultivates it in All-under-Heaven, his virtue is

universal.
Therefore
,
By one's person one looks at

persons.
By one's family one looks at

families.
By one's village one looks at

villages.
By one's country one looks at

countries.
By one's All-under-Heaven one looks at All-

underHeaven.
How do I know that All-under-Heaven is such? Through IT.
Men, whether stupid or intelligent, either accept or reject things. If reposed and secure, they would know the
causes of misfortune and good luck. Excited by likes and dislikes and beguiled by obscene objects, they become
different and perturbed. The reason for this is that they are attracted to external things and perturbed by likes and
tastes. In fact, repose involves the meaning of accepting likes and rejecting dislikes; security purports the
estimation of misfortune and good luck. Now, they are changed by likes and tastes and attracted to external
things. Since they are attracted to external things and thereby led astray, hence the saying of "being uprooted".
Such is not the case with the saintly man, however. Once he sets up his principle of acceptance and rejection,
then though he sees things he likes, he is never attracted to them. Not to be attracted to them is said to "be not
uprooted". Once he sets up the basis of devotion, then though there may be things that he likes, his mind is never
thereby moved. Not to be moved is said to "be not looted".
Sons and grandsons act upon this Tao and thereby maintain the ancestral halls. The indestructibility of the
ancestral halls means "the everlasting duration of the sacrificial celebrations".
To accumulate energy is virtue to oneself. To accumulate property is virtue to one's family. To tranquillize the
people is virtue to the village, to the state, and to All-under-Heaven. Since one refines his personality and
external things cannot perturb his mind, hence the saying: "Who cultivates it in his person, his virtue is genuine."
By "genuineness" is meant "firmness of prudence". 86
Who manages his family affairs, his decision is never moved by useless things. If this is so, his resources will be
overflowing. Hence the saying: "Who cultivates it in his family, his virtue is overflowing."
If the squire of the village acts upon this principle, then homes that have abundance will multiply. Hence the
saying: "Who cultivates it in his village, his virtue lasts long and spreads wide."
If the governor of the country acts upon this principle, then villages that have virtue will multiply. Hence the
saying: "Who cultivates it in his country, 87 his virtue is abundant."
If the ruler of All-under-Heaven acts upon this principle, then the livelihood of the people will always receive his
beneficence. Hence the saying: "Who cultivates it in All-under-Heaven, his virtue is universal."
If the self-cultivator differentiates the superior man from the small man by means of this principle, and if the
squire of the village, the governor of the country, and the ruler of All-under-Heaven, all follow this principle in
making a comprehensive survey of their respective gains and losses, there can be no single mistake in a myriad
cases. Hence the saying: "By one's person one looks at persons. By one's family one looks at families. By one's
village one looks at villages. By one's country one looks at countries. By one's All-under-Heaven one looks at
All-under-Heaven. How 88 do I know that All-under-Heaven is such? Through IT 89 ."
Notes
1. 解老. This chapter contains Han Fei Tzŭ's interpretations of certain chapters and certain passages quoted from
Lao Tzŭ's Tao Teh Ching or The Canon of Reason and Virtue. To understand Han Fei Tzŭ's academic
thoroughness, it is necessary to read Lao Tzŭ's works. I have therefore added in Italics before each commentary
the text of Lao Tzŭ. As regards the English translation of the Tao Teh Ching, I have largely followed Paul Carus.
2. Wang Hsien-shen proposed the supply of 不全 above 無功.
3. Wang Hsien-chìen proposed the supply of 生有 above 德.
4. With Lu Wên-shao 所無 should be 無所.
5. 無不為 should be 無以爲 in accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text.
6. With Lu Wên-shao and Wang Hsien-shen 事 should be 禮.
7. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 曰 below 故 is superfluous.
8. With Ku 德 should be 積.
9. Benevolence.
10. Righteousness.
11. Propriety.
12. With Lu Wên-shao every 失 below every 後 should be removed.

13. With Wang Hsien-shen the Imperial Library Edition has 隨 in place of 隋.
14. With Wang 銀黃 should be 黃金.
15. Negativity.
16. Positivity.
17. With Wang Hsien-chìen 通人 means 衆人.
18. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 乎 below 首 should be 也.
19. 大丈夫 is rendered as "a great organizer" by Carus. However, I regard "a great sportsman" as its most
appropriate equivalent in English.
20. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 處 above 其簿 should be 居.
21. With Ku 處 above 其華 should be 居.
22. Ku proposed the supply of 禮 above 貌.
23. With Ku 好 above 情實 is superfluous.
24. Wang Hsien-shen suspected that 卜祝 was a mistake for 十倍.
25. In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 也 below 迷 and 以 above 久 should be removed and 故 below 日 should
be 固.
26. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 公 should be 立.
27. With Wang Wei 習 should be 能.
28. With Wang 適 should read 讁.
29. The English rendering of 守道 by Paul Carus is "Hold Fast to Reason", which is a serious mistake.
30. With Wang Hsien-shen 分 should be 色.
31. Evidently, neither insanity nor ignorance was recognized as a defence.
32. With Wang 則 should be supplied above 故徳.
33. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 體道 should be supplied above 能.
34. With Lu Wên-shao 莫知其極 should not be repeated.
35. In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 則 above 可以 should be removed.
36. With Yü Yüeh 直 should be supplied above 根.
37. 柢 should be 蒂 in accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text.
38. In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 者 below 治大國 should be removed.
39. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 血氣治而 should be supplied above 擧動理.

40. With Wang Wei 也 above 疾人 is superfluous.
41. In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 非其神不傷人 should be supplied above 聖人亦不傷民, and 民 should be
人.
42. In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 則 should be 故.
43. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 外 above 有禮義 is superfluous.
44. With Wang Hsien-shen 人 should be 民.
45. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 將 should be 牸.
46. With Ku 將 should be 牸.
47. With Wang Hsien-shen 而 below 計會亂 should be 則.
48. With Wang 經 in both cases means 徑.
49. With Wang 經 in both cases means 徑.
50. 五色, including blue (including green), red, yellow, black, and white, implies all kinds of painting and
drawing.
51. With Wang Hsien-shen 犯 means 勝.
52. With Wang Hsien-chìen 有 above 免死 should be above 罪時活.
53. Hirazawa's edition reads 於 for 則.
54. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 腸胃 should be 外内.
55. In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 憯 should be 大.
56. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê and Wang Hsien-shen 理 means 紀. Therefore, Han Fei Tzŭ seemed to have derived the
quotation from the last sentence of Chapter XIV in Lao Tzŭ's text.
57. Hirazawa's edition has no 之 below 理.
58. They are Wood, Fire, Earth, Metal, and Water.
59. Master of Rain at the time of Emperor Shên-nung.
60. With Sun I-jang 統 below 天地 should be 終.
61. Alias of Lu Tùng, a native of the Chù State, who feigned himself mad to escape being importuned to
engage in public service. It was about the year 489 b.c. that Confucius passed by him, when he sang a song
satirically blaming his not retiring from the world (vide Confucian Analects, Bk. XVIII, Ch. V).
62. 戟, strictly speaking, is a kind of spear with crescent-shaped blade at the side.
63. No critic could find out exactly what part of Lao Tzŭ's text on which Han Fei Tzŭ had made the commentary
in this paragraph. It seems to me, however, that the text of the paragraph contains certain hiatuses.
64. In Chinese 象 originally means "elephant" and later comes to mean "resemblance", "copy", or "image". Apart
from its trunk and tusks 象 bears close "resemblance" to 豕 or "pig".
65. In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 無物 should be 無象.
66. With Kao Hêng 無定理 should not be repeated.
67. Kao proposed the supply of 所 below 常.
68. With Wang Hsien-shen 者 below 三 is superfluous.
69. In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 也 below 徒 and 者 below 三 should be removed.
70. The whole saying is not identical in wording with Lao Tzŭ's text but the same in meaning.
71. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 山 should be 世.
72. In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 備 should be 避.
73. With Kao Hêng 立 below 則 should be 夫.
74. With Wang Hsien-chìen 為 below 謂 is superfluous.
75. In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 事長 should be 器長.
76. Lao Tzŭ's text has no 為 above 成.
77. In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 事長 should be 器長.
78. In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 於 below 慈 should be 以.
79. With Kao Hêng 生心 should be 性.
80. Namely, frugality, compassion, and not daring to come to the front of All-under-Heaven.
81. With Kao Hêng 貌 above 施 is superfluous.
82. With Kao Hêng 故 below 智 should be 巧.
83. A kind of musical instrument consisting of thirty-six reed pipes.
84. Lao Tzŭ's text has 誇 which Carus translated as "pride". In place of 誇 Han Fei Tzŭ put 竽. With Wang
Hsien-shen 誇 conveys no specific sense in the sentence.
85. Wang's note has 五十三 in place of 五十四. I disagree with him.
86. 愼 meaning "prudence" is composed of 眞 meaning "genuineness" and 心 meaning "mind" or "heart". With
Kao Hêng 愼 should be 悳.
87. With Wang Hsien-shen 國 in Lao Tzŭ's text should be 邦. As the name of the first emperor of the Han
Dynasty was Liu Pang, scholars of this dynasty purposely put kuo (國) in place of pang (邦), both having
practically the same meaning. Han Fei Tzŭ's commentary having 邦 instead of 國 is correct.
88. Lao Tzŭ's text has 何 in place of 奚.

89. Namely, the "observing ability".
Book Seven
21 喻老第二十一
天下有道，無急患，則曰靜，遽傳不用。故曰：「卻走馬以糞。」
天下無道，攻擊不休，相守數年不已，甲冑生蟣虱，鷰雀處帷幄，而兵不歸。故曰：「戎馬生於郊。」
翟人有獻豐狐、玄豹之皮於晉文公，文公受客皮而歎曰：「此以皮之美自為罪。」夫治國者以名號為
罪，徐偃王是也。（則）以城與地為罪，虞、虢是也。故曰：「罪莫大於可欲。」
智伯兼范、中行而攻趙不已，韓、魏反之，軍敗晉陽，身死高梁之東，遂卒被分，漆其首以為溲器。故
曰：「禍莫大於不知足。」
虞君欲屈產之乘與垂棘之璧，不聽宮之奇，故邦亡身死。故曰：「咎莫憯於欲得。」
邦以存為常，霸〔王〕其可也；身以生為常，富貴其可也。不〔以〕欲自害，則邦不亡，身不死。故
曰：「知足之為足矣。」
楚莊王既勝，狩于河雍，歸而賞孫叔敖。孫叔敖請漢間之地，沙石之處。楚邦之法，祿臣再世而收地，
唯孫叔敖獨在。此不以其邦為收者，瘠也，故九世而祀不絕。故曰：「善建不拔，善抱不脫，子孫以其
祭祀世世不輟。」孫叔敖之謂也。
制在己曰重，不離位曰靜。重則能使輕，靜則能使躁。故曰：「重為輕根，靜為躁君。」故曰：「君子
終日行，不離輜重也。」
邦者，人君之輜重也。主父生傳其邦，此離其輜重者也；故雖有代、雲中之樂，超然已無趙矣。主父，
萬乘之主，而以身輕於天下。無勢之謂輕，離位之謂躁，是以生幽而死。故曰：「輕則失臣，躁則失
君。」主父之謂也。
勢重者，人君之淵也。君人者，勢重於人臣之間，失則不可復得也。簡公失之於田成，晉公失之於六
卿，而邦亡身死。故曰：「魚不可脫於深淵。」
賞罰者，邦之利器也。在君則制臣，在臣則勝君。君見賞，臣則損之以為德；君見罰，臣則益之以為
威。人君見賞，而人臣用其勢；人君見罰，人臣乘其威。故曰：「邦之利器，不可以示人。」
越王入宦於吳，而觀之伐齊以弊吳。吳兵既勝齊人於艾陵，張之於江、濟，強之於黃池，故可制於五
湖。故曰：「將欲翕之，必固張之；將欲弱之，必固強之。」
晉獻公將欲襲虞，遺之以璧馬；知伯將襲仇由，遺之以廣車。故曰：「將欲取之，必固與之。」
起事於無形，而要大功於天下，是謂微明。處小弱而重自卑〔損〕，謂（損）弱勝強也。
有形之類，大必起於小；行久之物，族必起於少。故曰：「天下之難事必作於易，天下之大事必作於
細。」是以欲制物者於其細也。故曰：「圖難於其易也，為大於其細也。」
千丈之堤以螻蟻之穴潰，百尺之室以突隙之（煙）〔熛〕焚。故曰：白圭之行堤也塞其穴，丈人之慎火
也塗其隙。是以白圭無水難，丈人無火患。此皆慎易以避難，敬細以遠大者也。
扁鵲見蔡桓公，立有間。扁鵲曰：「君有疾在腠理，不治將恐深。」桓侯曰：「寡人無。」扁鵲出，桓
侯曰：「醫之好治不病以為功。」
居十日，扁鵲復見曰：「君之病在肌膚，不治將益深。」桓侯不應。扁鵲出。桓侯又不悅。
居十日，扁鵲復見曰：「君之病在腸胃，不治將益深。」桓侯又不應。扁鵲〔出〕。桓侯又不悅。
居十日，扁鵲望桓侯而還走，桓侯故使人問之。扁鵲曰：「疾在腠理，湯熨之所及〔也〕；在肌膚，鍼
石之所及也；在腸胃，火齊之所及也；在骨髓，司命之所屬，無柰何也。今在骨髓，臣是以無請也。」
居五日，桓侯體痛，使人索扁鵲，已逃秦矣。桓侯遂死。
故良醫之治病也，攻之於腠理，此皆爭之於小者也。夫事之禍福亦有腠理之地，故（曰）聖人蚤從事
焉。
昔晉公子重耳出亡，過鄭，鄭君不禮。叔瞻諫曰：「此賢公子也，君厚待之，可以積德。」鄭君不聽。
叔瞻又諫曰：「不厚待之，不若殺之，無令有後患。」鄭（公）〔君〕又不聽。及公子返晉邦，舉兵伐
鄭，大破之，取八城焉。
晉獻公以垂棘之璧假道於虞而伐虢，大夫宮之奇諫曰：「不可。脣亡而齒寒，虞、虢相救，非相德也。
今日晉滅虢，明日虞必隨之亡。」虞君不聽，受其璧而假之道。晉已取虢，還，反滅虞。
此二臣者皆爭於腠理者也，而二君不用也。然則叔瞻、宮之奇亦虞、鄭之扁鵲也，而二君不聽，故鄭以
破，虞以亡。故曰：「其安易持也，其未兆易謀也。」
昔者紂為象箸而箕子唏，以為象箸必不加於土鉶，必將犀玉之柸；象箸玉柸必不羹菽藿，必旄、象、豹
胎；旄、象、豹胎必不衣短褐而食於茅屋之下，則錦衣九重，廣室高臺。吾畏其卒，故唏其始。
居五年，紂為肉圃，設炮烙，登糟丘，臨酒池，紂遂以亡。故箕子見象箸以知天下之禍。故曰：「見小
曰明。」
勾踐入宦於吳，身執干戈為吳王洗馬，故能殺夫差於姑蘇。文王見詈於王門，顏色不變，而武王擒紂於
牧野。故曰：「守柔曰強。」越王之霸也不病宦，武王之王也不病詈。故曰：「聖人之不病也，以其不
病，是以無病也。」
宋之鄙人得璞玉而獻之子罕，子罕不受。鄙人曰：「此寶也，宜為君子器，不宜為細人用。」子罕曰：
「爾以玉為寶，我以不受子玉為寶。」是鄙人欲玉，而子罕不欲玉。故曰：「欲不欲，而不貴難得之
貨。」
宋之鄙人得璞玉而獻之子罕，子罕不受。鄙人曰：「此寶也，宜為君子器，不宜為細人用。」子罕曰：
「爾以玉為寶，我以不受子玉為寶。」是鄙人欲玉，而子罕不欲玉。故曰：「欲不欲，而不貴難得之
貨。」
王壽負書而行，見徐馮於周塗。馮曰：「事者為也，為生於時，知者無常事。書者言也，言生於知，知
者不藏書。今子何獨負之而行？」於是王壽因焚其書而儛之。故知者不以言談教，而慧者不以藏書篋。
此世之所過也，而王壽復之，是學不學也。故曰：「學不學，復歸眾人之所過也。」
夫物有常容，因乘以導之。因隨物之容，故靜則建乎德，動則順乎道。
宋人有為其君以象為楮葉者，三年而成。豐殺莖柯，毫芒繁澤，亂之楮葉之中而不可別也。此人遂以功
食祿於宋邦。
列子聞之曰：「使天地三年而成一葉，則物之有葉者寡矣。」故不乘天地之資而載一人之身，不隨道理
之數而學一人〔之〕智，此皆一葉之行也。故冬耕之稼，后稷不能羨也；豐年大禾，藏獲不能惡也。以
一人力，則后稷不足；隨自然，則臧獲有餘。故曰：「恃萬物之自然而不敢為也。」
空竅者，神明之戶牖也。耳目竭於聲色，精神竭于外貌，故中無主。中無主，則禍福雖如丘山，無從識
之。故曰：「不出於戶，可以知天下；不闚於牖，可以知天道。」此言神明之不離其實也。
趙襄主學御於王子〔於〕期，俄而與於期逐，三易馬而三後。襄主曰：「子之教我御，術未盡也？」對
曰：「術已盡，用之則過也。凡御之所貴，馬體安于車，人心調于馬，而後可以進速致遠。今君後則欲
逮臣，先則恐逮于臣。夫誘道爭遠，非先則後也；而先後心〔皆〕在于臣，上何以調於馬？此君之所以
後也。」
白公勝慮亂，罷朝，倒杖而策銳貫顊，血流至于地而不知。鄭人聞之曰：「顊之忘，將何（為）〔不〕
忘哉？」故曰：「其出彌遠者，其智彌少。」此言智周乎遠，則所遺在近也。是以聖人無常行也。能並
智，故曰：「不行而知。」能並視，故曰：「不見而明。」隨時以舉事，因資而立功，用萬物之能而獲
利其上，故曰：「不為而成。」
楚莊王莅政三年，無令發，無政為也。右司馬御座而與王隱曰：「有鳥止南方之阜，三年不翅，不飛不
鳴，嘿然無聲，此為何名？」王曰：「三年不翅，將以（觀）長羽翼；不飛不鳴，將以觀民則。雖無
飛，飛必沖天；雖無鳴，鳴必驚人。子釋之，不穀知之矣。」
處半年，乃自聽政。所廢者十，所起者九，誅大臣五，舉處士六，而邦大治。舉兵誅齊，敗之徐州，勝
晉於河雍，合諸侯於宋，遂霸天下。莊王不為小害善，故有大名；不蚤見示，故有大功。故曰：「大器
晚成，大音希聲。」
楚莊王欲伐越，杜子諫曰：「王之伐越，何也？」曰：「政亂兵弱。」杜子曰：「臣愚患之智。如目
也，能見百步之外而不能自見其睫。王之兵自敗於秦、晉，喪地數百里，此兵之弱也。莊蹊蹻為盜於境
內而吏不能禁，此政之亂也。王之弱亂，非越之下也，〔而〕欲伐越，此智之如目也。」王乃止。故知
之難，不在見人，在自見。故曰：「自見之謂明。」
子夏見曾子。曾子曰：「何肥也？」對曰：「戰勝，故肥也。」曾子曰：「何謂也？」子夏曰：「吾入
見先王之義則榮之，出見富貴之樂又榮之。兩者戰於胸中，未知勝負，故臞。今先王之義勝，故肥。」
是以志之難也，不在勝人，在自勝也。故曰：「自勝之謂強。」
周有玉版，紂令膠鬲索之，文王不予；費仲來求，因予之。是膠鬲賢而費仲無道也。周惡賢者之得志
也，故予費仲。文王舉太公於渭濱者，貴之也；而資費仲玉版者，是愛之也。故曰：「不貴其師，不愛
其資，雖知大迷，是謂要妙。」
Chapter XXI. Illustrations of Lao Tzŭ's Teachings 1
Chapter XLVI. Moderation of Desire2
When All-under-Heaven follows Tao, there is no emergency, tranquillity increases daily, 3 and couriers are not
employed. Hence the saying: "Race-horses are reserved for hauling dung."
When All-under-Heaven does not follow Tao, there is constant warfare, and self-defence against each other lasts
for years without stopping, till the troops cannot return home, even though armour and helmets bring about lice
and moths and swallows and sparrows nest in the tents of the generals. Hence the saying: "War horses are bred in
the suburb."
Once a man of Ti presented to Duke Wên of Chin fox furs with thin haired tails and leopard fur with black spots.
Accepting the guest's presents, Duke Wên heaved a sigh, saying, "Because of the beauty of their skin, these
animals became the victims of a chastisement." Indeed, the ruler of a state who fell a victim to a chastisement
because of his popularity, was King Yen of Hsü 4 ; those who fell victims to chastisements because of their cities
and territories, were Yü and Kuo. Hence the saying: "No greater crime than submitting to desire."
Earl Chih, having annexed the fiefs of Fan and Chung-hang, attacked Chao incessantly. Meanwhile, as Han and
Wey betrayed him, his army was defeated at Chin-yang, he was killed to the east of Kao-liang, his territory was
partitioned, and his skull was lacquered and made into a liquor vessel. Hence the saying: "No greater misery than
not knowing sufficiency."
The Ruler of Yü wanted the team of the Ch`ü breed and the Jade from Chùi-chi and took no advice from Kung
Chi-Chì. In consequence his state went to ruin and he himself to death. Hence the saying: "No greater fault than
avarice."
Any country, if able to preserve itself, is fair, and, if able to attain hegemony, is excellent. Anybody, if able to
live on, is fair, and, if wealthy and noble, is excellent. Therefore, if not self-destructive, the state will not go to
ruin and the self will not be killed. Hence the saying: "Who knows sufficiency's sufficiency 5 is always 6
sufficient."
Chapter LIV. 7 Cultivating of the Observing Ability8
King Chuang of Chù, after winning the war with Chin, 9 held a hunt at Ho-yung. Upon his return, he gave a
reward to Sun-shu Ao. However, Sun-shu Ao asked for the sandy and stony land by the Han River. According to
the Law of the Chù State, allotments to feudal nobles should be confiscated after two generations, but only Sun-
shu Ao's fief was left intact. The reason why his fief 10 was not confiscated was because the land was sterile.
Accordingly, sacrifices at his family shrine lasted for nine generations unbroken. Hence the saying: "What is
well planted is not uprooted; what is well preserved cannot be looted. For by sons and grandsons the sacrificial
celebrations shall not cease." Thus was the case with Sun-shu Ao.
Chapter XXVI. The Virtue of

Gravity
The heavy is of the light the root, and rest is motion's master.
Therefore the superior man11in his daily walk does not depart from gravity. Although he
may have magnificent sights, he calmly sits with liberated mind.
But how is it when the ruler of ten thousand chariots in his personal conduct is too light
for All-under-Heaven? If he is too light, he will lose his vassals. If he is too restless, he
will lose the throne.
If the ruler has the reins of government in his grip, he is said to be "heavy". If the ruler does not depart from his
seat, he is said to be "resting". If heavy, he can control the light. If resting, he can subdue the moving. Hence the
saying: "The heavy is of the light the root, and rest is motion's master. Therefore the superior man in his daily
work does not depart from gravity."
The state is the gravity of the ruler of men. The Father Sovereign while still alive alienated the state. In other
words, he departed from gravity. Therefore, though he enjoyed himself at Tai and Yün-chung, he had already
slipped the Chao State off his grip. Thus, the Father Sovereign, having been a sovereign of ten thousand chariots,
became in his personal conduct too light for All-underHeaven. To lose one's own position 12 is said to be "light"
and to depart from one's seat is said to be "moving". Therefore, the Father Sovereign was imprisoned alive and
eventually put to an end. Hence the saying: "If he is too light, he will lose his vassals. If he is too restless, he will
lose the throne." This was the case with the Father Sovereign.
Chapter XXXVI. The Revelation of

Secrets
When you are about to contract anything, you would first expand it. When you are
about to weaken anything, you would first strengthen it. When you are about to set
down anything, you would first set it up. When you are about to take, you would give.
This is a revelation of the secrets whereby the soft conquer the hard and the weak the
strong.
As the fish should not escape from the deep, so should the state's sharp tools not be
shown to anybody.
The position that is influential is the deep to the ruler of men. Who rules men, his position must be more 13
influential than the ministers' position. Once lost, it would not be recovered. After Duke Chien lost it to Tìen
Ch`êng and the Duke of Chin lost it to the Six Nobles, their states went to ruin and they were put to death. Hence
the saying: "The fish should not escape from the deep."
True, reward and punishment are the state's sharp tools. If held in the hands of the ruler, they control the
ministers. If held in the hands of the ministers, they control the ruler. If the ruler shows the tool of reward, the
ministers will minimize it and thereby distribute private favours. If the ruler shows the tool of punishment, the
ministers will aggravate it and thereby overawe the people. Since if the ruler of men shows the tool of reward,
the ministers will abuse his position, and if he shows the tool of punishment, they will utilize his authority, hence
the saying: "The state's sharp tools should not be shown to anybody."
The King of Yüeh, after surrendering himself to Wu, 14 showed its ruler how to invade Chì with a view to
exhausting its strength. The troops of Wu, having defeated Chì's men at the Mugwort Mound, expanded their
forces from the Chiang and the Chì 15 and displayed their strength at the Yellow Pool. 16 As a result, it became
possible for the King of Yüeh to rout Wu's men at Lake Five. 17 Hence the saying: "When you are about to
weaken anything, you would strengthen it."
When Duke Hsien of Chin was about to raid Yü, he presented to them a jade and a team of horses. When Earl
Chih was about 18 to raid Chòu-yu, he presented to them grand chariots. Hence the saying: "When you are about
to take, 19 you would give."
To carry out a plan before it takes shape and thereby accomplish a great achievement in All-under-Heaven, is "a
revelation of secrets". To be small and weak but willing to keep humble, is the way "the weak conquer the
strong". 20
Chapter LXIII. Considering

Beginnings
Assert non-
assertion.
Practise non-
practice.
Taste the tasteless.
Make great the

small.
Make much the

little.
Requite hatred with
virtue.
Contemplate a difficulty when it is easy. Manage a great thing when it is small.
The most difficult undertakings in All-under-Heavennecessarily originate while easy,

and the greatest undertakings in All-under-Heaven necessarily originate while small.
Therefore, the saintly man to the end does not venture to play the great, and thus he can
accomplish his greatness.
Rash promises surely lack faith, and many easy things surely involve in many
difficulties.
Therefore, the saintly man regards everything as difficult, and thus to the end
encounters no difficulties.
What has a form, always begins its greatness from smallness. What endures a long time, always begins its
abundance from scarcity. Hence the saying: "The most difficult undertakings in All-under-Heaven necessarily
originate while easy, and the greatest undertakings in All-under-Heaven necessarily originate while small."
Therefore, who wants to control anything, starts when it is small. 21 Hence the saying: "Contemplate a difficulty
when it is easy. Manage a great thing when it is small."
A dike ten thousand feet long begins its crumbling with holes made by ants; a room one hundred feet square
begins its burning with sparks of fire 22 leaping through cracks of chimneys. For the same reason, 23 Pai Kuei on
inspecting the dikes blocked up all holes; old man 24 on suppressing fire plastered all cracks. Therefore, Pai Kuei
met no disaster of any flood and old man met no fire disaster. Both were thus good examples of taking
precautions against things when they are easy in order to avoid difficulties and paying attention to things when
they are small in order to prevent their greatness.
Pien Chìao once had an interview with Duke Huan of Chì. 25 After standing for a while, Pien Chìao said:
"Your Highness has a disease in the capillary tubes. If not treated now, it might go deep." "I have no disease,"
replied Marquis 26 Huan. After Pien Chìao went out, Marquis Huan remarked: "Physicians are fond of treating
healthy men so as to display their attainments."
Ten days later, Pien Chìao again had an interview and said: "The disease of Your Highness is in the flesh and
skin. If not treated now, it will go still deeper." To this advice Marquis Huan made no reply. Pien Chìao went
out. Marquis Huan was again displeased.
After ten more days, Pien Chìao had another interview and said: "The disease of Your Highness is in the
stomach and intestines. If not treated now, it will go still deeper." Again Marquis Huan made no reply to the
advice. Pien Chìao went out. Marquis Huan was again displeased.
After ten more days, Pien Chìao, looking at Marquis Huan, turned back and ran away. The Marquis sent men
out to ask him. "Diseases that are in the capillary tubes," said Pien Chìao, "can be reached by hot water or flat
irons. Those in the flesh and skin can be reached by metal or stone needles. Those in the stomach and intestines
can be reached by well-boiled drugs. But after they penetrate the bones and marrow, the patients are at the mercy
of the Commissioner of Life 27 wherefore nothing can be done. Now that the disease of His Highness is in his
bones and marrow, thy servant has no more advice to give."
In the course of five more days, Marquis Huan began to feel pain in his body, and so sent men out to look for
Pien Chìao, who, however, had already gone to the Chìn State. Thus ended the life of Marquis Huan.
For this reason, good physicians, when treating diseases, attack them when they are still in the capillary tubes.
This means that they manage things when they are small. Hence, 28 the saintly man begins to attend to things
when it is early enough.
Chapter LXIV. Mind the Minute
What is still at rest is easily kept quiet. What has not as yet appeared is easily
prevented. What is still feeble is easily broken. What is still minute is easily dispersed.
Treat things before they come into existence. Regulate things before disorder begins.
The stout tree has originated from a tiny rootlet. A tower of nine stories is raised by
heaping up bricks of clay. A thousand li's journey begins with a foot.
He that makes mars. He that grasps

loses.
The saintly man does not make; therefore he loses not. The people on undertaking an
enterprise are always near completion, and yet they fail.
Remain careful to the end as in the beginning and you will not fail in your
enterprise.
Therefore the saintly man desires to be desireless, and does not prize articles difficult to
obtain. He learns to be not learned, and reverts to what multitudes of people pass by.
He assists the myriad things in their natural development, but he does not venture to
interfere.
Of yore, when Prince of Chin, Chùng-erh, was living in exile, once he passed through the Chêng 29 State. The
Ruler of Chêng behaved impolitely to him. Against the manner Shu Chan remonstrated with him, saying: "He is
a worthy prince. May Your Highness treat him with great courtesy and thereby place him under an obligation!"
To this counsel the Ruler of Chêng never listened. Therefore Shu Chan again admonished him, saying: "If your
Highness does not treat him with great courtesy, the best way is to put him to death and let no calamity appear in
the future." Again the Ruler 30 of Chêng never listened. After the Prince's return to the Chin State, he raised an
army and sent an expedition against Chêng, routing them by long odds and taking eight cities from them.
When Duke Hsien of Chin with the Jade from Ch'ui-chi as present was going to borrow the way through Yü, to
attack Kuo, High Officer Kung Chi-chì admonished the Ruler of Yü, saying: "The request should not be
granted. When the lips are gone, the teeth are cold. Yü and Kuo ought to rescue each other, not because they
want to place each other under any obligation, but because if Chin destroys Kuo to-day, to-morrow Yü will
follow on its heels to ruin." The Ruler of Yü, taking no advice from him, accepted the jade and lent them the
way. After taking Kuo, Chin withdrew and destroyed Yü in turn.
Thus, these two ministers both strove to suppress troubles when they were still in capillary tubes, but both their
rulers failed to adopt their counsels. Thus, Shu Chan and Kung Chi-chì were the Pien Chìao of Chêng and Yü,
to whose words both their rulers paid no heed. As a result, Chêng was routed and Yü destroyed. Hence the
saying: "What is still at rest is easily kept quiet. What has not as yet appeared is easily prevented."
Chapter LII. Returning to the

Origin
When All-under-Heaven takes its beginning, Tao becomes the mother of All-under-
Heaven.
As one knows his mother, so she in turn knows her child; as she quickens her child, so
he in turn keeps to his mother, and to the end of life he is not in danger. Who closes his
mouth, and shuts his sense-gates, in the end of life he will encounter no trouble; but
who opens his mouth and meddles with affairs, in the end of life he cannot be saved.
Who beholds smallness is called enlightened. Who preserves tenderness is called

strong. Who uses Tao's light and return home to its enlightenment does not surrender
his person to perdition. This is called practising the eternal.
Of old, Chow made chop-sticks of ivory. Thereby was the Viscount of Chi frightened. He thought: "Ivory chop-
sticks would not be used with earthen-wares but with cups made of jade or of rhinoceros horns. Further, ivory
chop-sticks and jade cups would not go with the soup made of beans and coarse greens but with the meat of
longhaired buffaloes and unborn leopards. Again, eaters of the meat of long-haired buffaloes and unborn
leopards would not wear short hemp clothes and eat in a thatched house but would put on nine layers of
embroidered dresses and move to live in magnificent mansions and on lofty terraces. Afraid of the ending, I
cannot help trembling with fear at the beginning."
In the course of five years, Chow made piles of meat in the form of flower-beds, raised roasting pillars, walked
upon mounds of distiller's grains, and looked over pools of wine. In consequence ended the life of Chow. Thus,
by beholding the ivory chop-sticks, the Viscount of Chi foreknew the impending catastrophe of All-under-
Heaven. Hence the saying: "Who beholds smallness is called enlightened."
Kou-chien, after surrendering himself to Wu, held shield and spear and became a front guard of the horses 31 of
King Wu. Therefore, he became able to kill Fu-chà at Ku-su. Likewise, King Wên was insulted at the Jade Gate,
32
but his facial colour showed no change. In the long run, King Wu took Chow prisoner at the Pastoral Field.
Hence the saying: "Who preserves tenderness is called strong."
Chapter LXXI. The Disease of

Knowledge
To know the unknowable, that is elevating. Not to know the knowable, that is sickness.
Only by becoming sick of sickness can we be without

sickness.
The saintly man is not sick. Because he is sick of sickness, therefore he is not
sick.
The King of Yüeh could become hegemonic because he was not sick of surrender. King Wu could become
supreme because he was not sick of insult. Hence the saying: "The saintly man is not sick. As he is not sick, he
can get rid of sickness." 33
Chapter LXIV. Mind the Minute34
Once a countryman of Sung came by a jade stone, which he presented to Tzŭ-han. 35 This Tzŭ-han refused to
accept. "It is a treasure," remarked the countryman, "and should become a gentleman's possession but not for a
rustic's use." In reply Tzŭ-han said: "You regard the jade as treasure, I regard the refusal to accept the jade as
treasure." Thus, the countryman desired the possession of the jade, but Tzŭ-han did not desire it. Hence the
saying: "The saintly man desires to be desireless, and does not prize articles difficult to get."
Once Wang Shou carried books on his back when travelling, and met Hsü Fêng in Chou. To him Hsü 36 Fêng
said: "Any task is an act; action arises from the needs of the time; and time 37 has no permanent tasks. Books
contain sayings; sayings arise from knowledge; and a well-informed person does not have to keep books around.
Now, why should you carry them around?" Hearing this, Wang Shou burned the books and danced with joy. For
the same reason, well-informed persons do not teach with sayings and intelligent persons do not fill cases with
books. 38 This is what the world passes by, and Wang Shou reverted to it. In other words, he learned to be not
learned. Hence the saying: "He learns to be not learned and reverts 39 to what multitudes of people pass by."
Indeed, everything has a definite shape. It should accordingly be put to use. Accordingly, one should follow its
shape. Therefore, if reposed, one should stand on Teh; if moving, he should act on Tao.
Once a man of Sung made for the ruler mulberry leaves of ivory. 40 It took him three years to complete them.
Having stems and branches, wide and narrow, and tiny buds and colourful 41 gloss, they were scattered amidst
real mulberry leaves and showed no difference from them. After all, this man was on account of his skilfulness
endowed with a bounty in the Sung State.
When Lieh Tzŭ heard this, he said: "Supposing heaven and earth made a leaf in three years, then things that have
leaves would be few." Therefore, if you do not count on the natural resources of heaven and earth but look to one
man for everything, or if you do not follow the course of reason and principle but learn from the wisdom of one
man, it is the same as to make a single leaf in three years. For this reason, farming in winter, even the Master of
Grains 42 would not be able to turn out good crops; but rich harvests in years of abundance even bondmen and
bondmaids could not spoil. Thus, if you depend on the power of one man, even the Master of Grains would not
be sufficient; but if you follow the course of nature, then bondmen and bondmaids would be plenty. Hence the
saying: "He assists 43 the myriad things in their natural development, but he does not venture to interfere."
Chapter XLVII. Viewing the Distant
"Without passing out of the door

The Course of All-under-Heaven I
prognosticate.
Without peeping through the window
The Way of Heaven I contemplate.
The farther one goes,
The less one knows."
Therefore the saintly man does not travel, and yet he has knowledge. He does not see
things, and yet he defines them. He does not labour, and yet he completes.
Holes are the doors and windows of the spirit. The ears and the eyes are exhausted by sounds and colours.
Mental energy is exhausted by outer attractions. As a result, there is no master inside the body. If there is no
master inside the body, then though all kinds of good and bad luck pile like hills and mountains, there is no way
to know them. Hence the saying: "Without passing out of the door the Course of All-under-Heaven I
prognosticate. 44 Without peeping through the window the Way of Heaven I contemplate." 45 This amounts to
saying that the spirit never goes astray from its real abode.
Once upon a time Viscount 46 Hsiang of Chao learned driving from Prince Yü 47 -chì. All at once he started
racing with Yü-chì. He changed his horses three times, but thrice he lagged behind. Thereupon Viscount Hsiang
said: "You teach me how to drive, but the course is not as yet completed." "The course is completed," said Yü-
chì in reply, "but the fault lies in the way it is applied. In general, what is important in driving is to fix the bodies
of the horses firmly to the carriage and the mind of the driver to the horses. Then one can drive fast and far. Now,
Your Highness, whenever behind, wants to get ahead of thy servant, and, whenever ahead, is afraid of lagging
behind thy servant. To be sure, when one runs a race with others on the same road, 48 he is either ahead of or
behind others. Whether ahead or behind, if the mind of Your Highness is always concentrated on thy servant,
how can Your Highness keep the horses under control? This was the reason why Your Highness lagged behind."
When Prince Pai Shêng 49 was planning a rebellion, once after the office hour in the government he held his cane
upside down and leaned on it. 50 The tip of the cane, being so sharp, pierced through his chin. Therefrom blood
flowed down upon the ground but he never noticed it. At the news of this accident, the Chêngs said: "When he
forgot the pain on his chin, for what was it forgotten at all?" 51 Hence the saying: "The farther one goes, the less
one knows." This amounts to saying that if one's intelligence hits everything afar, what is missed will be at hand.
Therefore, the saintly man has no definite destination, but can know both far and near. Hence the saying: "He
does not travel, and yet he has knowledge." He can see both far and near. Hence the saying: "He does not see
things, and yet he defines 52 them." He inaugurates works in accordance with the times, accomplishes merits by
means of resources, and employs the utilities of the myriad things to get profits out of them. Hence the saying:
"He does not labour, and yet he completes."
Chapter XLI. Sameness in

Difference
When a superior scholar hears of Tao, he endeavours to practise it.

When an average scholar hears of Tao, he will sometimes practise it and sometimes
lose it.
When an inferior scholar hears of Tao, he will greatly ridicule it. Were it not thus
ridiculed, it would as Tao be insufficient.
Therefore the poet

says:
"The Tao-enlightened seem dark and black,

The Tao-advanced seem going back,
The Tao-straight-levelled seem rugged and slack.
"The high in virtue resembles a vale,

The purely white in shame must
quail,
The staunchest virtue seems to fail.
"The solidest virtue seems not alert,

The purest chastity seems pervert,
The greatest square will rightness
desert.
"The largest vessel becomes complete slowly,

The loudest sound is heard rarely,
The greatest form has no shape concrete."
Tao so long as it remains latent is unnameable. Yet Tao alone is good for imparting and
completing.
King Chuang, for three years after he took the reins of government, issued no decree and formulated no policy.
Therefore, one day the Right Commissioner of the Army, when attending on the Throne, made before the King
an intimation, saying: "There is a bird which has perched or a hill-top in the south. For three years it has neither
fluttered nor flown nor sung but kept silent without making any sound. What is the name of that bird?" In reply
the King said: "For three years it has not fluttered in order thereby to grow its wings and feathers, and has neither
flown nor sung in order thereby to look at the conditions of the people. Though it has not flown, yet once it starts
flying, it will soar high up into the sky. Though it has not sung, yet once it starts singing, it will surprise
everybody. Leave it as it has been. I, the King, understand what you mean."
In the course of half a year, the King began to administer the state affairs himself, abolishing ten things,
establishing nine things, censuring five chief vassals, and appointing six hitherto unknown personages to office,
with the immediate result that the state became very orderly. In the meantime he raised an army to punish Chì
and defeated them at Hsü-chou. 53 Then he triumphed over Chin at Ho-yung and called a conference of the feudal
lords in Sung, till he attained Hegemony in All-under-Heaven. Thus, King Chuang never did good in a small
way, 54 wherefore he accomplished a great achievement. Hence the saying: "The largest vessel becomes complete
slowly, the loudest sound is rarely heard."
Chapter XXXIII. The Virtue of

Discrimination
One who knows others is clever, but one who knows himself is englightened.
One who conquers others is powerful, but one who conquers himself is
mighty.
One who knows contentment is rich and one who pushes with vigour has
will.
One who loses not his place

endures.
One who may die but will not perish, has life
everlasting.
When King Chuang of Chù was thinking of attacking Yüeh, Chuang Tzŭ admonished him, asking: "For what
reason is Your Majesty going to attack Yüeh?" "It is because its government is disorderly and its army weak,"
replied the King. "Thy servant is afraid," said Chuang Tzŭ, "Your Majesty's wisdom is like eyes able to see over
one hundred steps away but unable to see their own eyelashes. Since Your Majesty's troops were defeated by
Chìn and Chin, Chù has lost a territory of several hundred li. This proves the weakness of her army. Again,
Chuang Chìao has dared robberies within the boundaries of the state, but no magistrate has been able to stop
him. This proves the disorder of her government. Thus, Your Majesty has been suffering not less weakness and
disorder than Yüeh and yet wants to attack Yüeh. This proves that Your Majesty's wisdom is like the eyes."
Thereupon the King gave up the plan. Therefore, the difficulty of knowledge lies not in knowing others but in
knowing oneself. Hence the saying: "One who knows himself is enlightened."
Once, when Tzŭ-hsia saw Tsêng Tzŭ, Tsêng Tzŭ asked, "Why have you become so stout?" "Because I have been
victorious in warfare," replied Tzŭ-hsia. "What do you mean by that?" asked Tsêng Tzŭ. In reply Tzŭ-hsia said:
"Whenever I went in and saw the virtue of the early kings I rejoiced in it. Whenever I went out and saw the
pleasure of the rich and noble I rejoiced in it, too. These two conflicting attractions waged a war within my
breast. When victory and defeat still hung in the balance, I was thin. Since the virtue of the early kings won the
war, I have become stout." Therefore the difficulty of volition lies not in conquering others but in conquering
oneself. Hence the saying: "One who conquers himself is mighty."
Chapter XXVII. The Function of

Skill
"Good Travellers leave no trace nor

track,
Good speakers show no fault nor lack,
Good counters need no counting rack.
"Good lockers bolting bars need not,

Yet none their locks can loose.
Good binders need no string nor
knot,
Yet none unties their noose."
Therefore the saintly man is always a good saviour of man, for there are no outcast
people. He is always a good saviour of things, for there are no outcast things. This is
called applied enlightenment.
Thus the good man does not respect multitudes of men. The bad man respects the
people's wealth. Who does not esteem multitudes nor is charmed by their wealth,
though his knowledge be greatly confused, he must be recognized as profoundly
mysterious.
Of old, there were carved jade plates in Chou. Once Chow sent Chiao Li to get them, but King Wên would not
give them away. Later, Fei Chung came for them, whereupon King Wên gave them out. It was because Chiao Li
was worthy and Fei Chung was not a follower of Tao. Inasmuch as Chou disliked to see any worthy man
advancing his career under King Chow, King Wên gave Fei Chung the plates. King Wên raised Tài-kung Wang
from the bank of the Wei River because he held him in high esteem, and presented Fei Chung with the jade
plates because he loved his usefulness. Hence the saying: "Who does not esteem multitudes nor is charmed by
their wealth, though his knowledge be greatly confused, he must be recognized as profoundly mysterious."
Notes
1. 喻老. This chapter contains Han Fei Tzŭ's illustrations of certain teachings selected from Lao Tzŭ's Tao Teh
Ching. Compared with the preceding one it has many facts adduced in illustration of Lao Tzŭ's ideas while the
content of the preceding chapter is largely composed of Han Fei Tzŭ's interpretations of and commentaries on
the Old Philosopher's teachings. As the text of every chapter that Han Fei Tzŭ commented in the preceding work
has already been added before each commentary, in this work I have added only the texts of new chapters.
2. Vide supra, p. 187. Italics my addition, and so throughout this chapter.
3. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 曰 should be 日.

4. As he had practised benevolence and righteousness, thirty-six feudal states situated between the Yangtse River
and the Huai River obeyed him. Therefore, King Mu (1001-946 b.c.) of Chou ordered Chù to punish Hsü. King
Yen, as he loved the people, refused to offer resistance, till his forces were completely routed by Chù.
5. In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 足 should be supplied below 之.
6. Likewise, 為 should be 常.
7. Wang Hsien-shen's note has 五十三 in place of 五十四. I disagree with him.
8. Vide supra, pp. 203-4.
9. In 597 b.c.
10. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 邦 should be 封.
11. The modern edition of Lao Tzŭ's text has 聖人 in place of 君子. With Ku it is wrong.
12. The English word "position" is probably the nearest possible equivalent of 勢 as used by Han Fei Tzŭ
throughout his works, which Chinese word implies both "influence" subjectively and "circumstance" objectively.
To Professor M. S. Bates I owe this rendering (vide infra, Chap. XL).
13. Wang Hsien-shen thought 間 was a mistake for 上.
14. In 494 b.c.
15. Both were rivers, the former referring to the Yangtse and the latter running in the lower valley of the Yellow
River.
16. In 482 b.c.
17. In 478 b.c. Lake Five was the present Tài Lake near Soochow.
18. With Wang Hsien-shen 欲 should be supplied below 將.
19. Lao Tzŭ's text has 奪 in place of 取.
20. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 而重自卑謂損弱勝強也 should read 而重自卑損，之謂弱勝強也.
21. With Wang Hsien-shen there seem hiatuses below this sentence.
22. With Wang Yin-chi 煙 should be 熛.
24. 丈人 means 老人. In the Book of Shih Tzŭ, it is said: "He who is old in age plasters cracks and takes
precautions against chimneys, wherefore throughout his life he meets no fire disaster. This, however, he never
knows to regard as virtue."
25. The Historical Records has 齊桓公 in place of 蔡桓公.
26. Marquis Huan should be Duke Huan and so throughout the illustration.
27. 司命 was the name of a star supposed to superintend the life-anddeath problem of every mortal.
29. Chap. X has 曹 in place of 鄭.
30. With Wang Hsien-shen 公 should be 君.
31. With Wang Hsien-shen 洗馬 means 先馬.
32. With Lu Wên-shao and Ku Kuang-ts`ê 王門 should be 玉門. With Kao Hêng, this incident was more
legendary than actual, however.
33. Instead of 以其不病，是以無病 Lao Tzŭ's text reads 以其病病，是以不病, With Wang Hsien-shen the
passage as rendered by Han Fei Tzŭ means: "As he never thought it worth being sick of, he could get rid of
sickness."
34. Vide supra, pp. 215-16.
35. This must not have been the Tzŭ-han of Chêng but a different person.
36. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê and Wang Hsien-shen 塗 is a mistake for 徐.
37. With Wang Wei and Wang Hsien-shen 知 above 者 should be 時.
38. With Wang Hsien-chìen 書 below 藏 should be above it.
39. Lao Tzŭ's text has no 歸 below 復.
40. The Book of Lieh Tzŭ reads 玉 for 象.
41. With Kao Hêng 繁 above 澤 should be 顏.
42. His name was Chì. He taught the people the cultivation of grains at the time of Emperor Yao, and was a
remote ancestor of the rulers of the Chou Dynasty.
43. Lao Tzŭ's text has 輔 for 恃.
44. Lao Tzŭ's text has no 可以 above 知 in both sentences.
45. Lao Tzŭ's text has no 可以 above 知 in both sentences.
46. I read 主 for 子.
47. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê and Wang Hsien-shen 於 should be supplied above 期.
48. With Kao Hêng 誘 above 道 means 進.
49. A grandson of King Pìng of Chù, and son of Prince Chien. While a refugee in the Chêng State, Chien was
killed by its ruler. Thereupon his son, Shêng, sought refuge in the Wu State. Later, after the death of King Chao
(the youngest son of King Pìng) and the ascension of King Hui in 488 b.c., Tzŭ-hsi, a half-brother of King
Pìng, called Shêng back to Chù and enfeoffed him with the district of Yen and the title of Duke of White.
Thenceforth Prince Shêng always planned to avenge his father on the Chêngs, but his plan was hampered twice
by Tzŭ-hsi, till he was forced to assassinate Tzŭ-hsi and cause a rebellion against King Hui.
50. With Kao Hêng 而 above 策銳 should be below it.

51. If Prince Shêng concentrated his mind upon his plan to avenge his father in such a way as to forget the pain
on his chin, it was because he was thinking of the very state on which he was going to avenge his father.
52. Lao Tzŭ's text has 名 in place of 明.
53. According to the Historical Records it was King Wei and not King Chuang of Chù who besieged the Chì
forces at Hsü-chou in 333 b.c.
54. With Wang Hsien-chìen 害 between 小 and 善 is superfluous.
22 說林第二十二
湯以伐桀，而恐天下言己為貪也，因乃讓天下於務光。而恐務光之受之也，乃使人說務光曰：「湯殺君
而欲傳惡聲于子，故讓天下於子。」務光因自投於河。
秦武王令甘茂擇所欲為於僕與行事，孟卯曰：「公不如為僕。公所長者，使也。公雖為僕，王猶使之於
公也。公佩僕璽而為行事，是兼官也。」
子圉見孔子於商太宰。孔子出，子圉入，請問客。太宰曰：「吾已見孔子，則視子猶蚤虱之細者也。吾
今見之於君。」子圉恐孔子貴於君也，因（請）〔謂〕太宰曰：「君已見孔子，（孔子）亦將視子猶蚤
虱也。」太宰因弗復見也。
魏惠王為臼里之盟，將復立於天子。彭喜謂鄭君曰：「君勿聽。大國惡有天子，小國利之。若君與大不
聽，魏焉能與小立之？」
晉人伐邢，齊桓公將救之。鮑叔曰：「太蚤。邢不亡，晉不敝；晉不敝，齊不重。且夫持危之功，不如
存亡之德大。君不如晚救之以敝晉，齊實利。待邢亡而復存之，其名實美。」桓公乃弗救。
子胥出走，邊候得之。子胥曰：「上索我者，以我有美珠也。今我已亡之矣。我且曰：子取吞之。」候
因釋之。
慶封為亂於齊而欲走越。其族人曰：「晉近，奚不之晉？」慶封曰：「越遠，利以避難。」族人曰：
「變是心也，居晉而可；不變是心也，雖遠越，其可以安乎？」
智伯索地於魏宣子，魏宣子弗予。任章曰：「何故不予？」宣子曰：「無故請地，故弗予。」任章曰：
「無故索地，鄰國必恐。彼重欲無厭，天下必懼。君予之地，智伯必驕而輕敵，鄰邦必懼而相親。以相
親之兵待輕敵之國，則智伯之命不長矣。《周書》曰：『將欲敗之，必姑輔之；將欲取之，必姑予
之。』君不如與之以驕智伯。且君何釋以天下圖智氏，而獨以吾國為智氏質乎？」君曰：「善。」乃與
之萬戶之邑。智伯大悅，因索地於趙，弗與；因圍晉陽。韓、魏反之外，趙氏應之內，智氏（自）
〔以〕亡。
秦康公築臺三年。荊人起兵，將欲以兵攻齊。任妄曰：「饑召兵，疾召兵，勞召兵，亂召兵。君築臺三
年，今荊人起兵將攻齊，臣恐其攻齊為聲，而以襲秦為實也，不如備之。」戍東邊，荊人（輒）〔輟〕
行。
齊攻宋，宋使臧孫子南求救於荊。荊大說，許救之，甚（歡）〔勸〕。臧孫子憂而反。其御曰：「索救
而得，今子有憂色，何也？」臧孫子曰：「宋小而齊大。夫救小宋而惡於大齊，此人之所以憂也；而荊
王說，必以堅我也。我堅而齊敝，荊之所利也。」臧孫子乃歸。齊人拔五城於宋，而荊救不至。
魏文侯借道於趙而攻中山，趙肅侯將不許。趙刻曰：「君過矣。魏攻中山而弗能取，則魏必罷。罷則魏
輕，魏輕則趙重。魏拔中山，必不能越趙而有中山也。是用兵者，魏也；而得地者，趙也。君必許之。
〔許之〕而大歡，彼將知君利之也，必將輟行。君不如借之道，示以不得已也。」
鴟夷子皮事田成子。田成子去齊，走而之燕，鴟夷子皮負傳而從。至望邑，子皮曰：「子獨不聞涸澤之
蛇乎？（涸澤）〔澤涸〕，蛇將徙。有小蛇謂大蛇曰：『子行而我隨之，人以為蛇之行者耳，必有殺
子。不如相銜負我以行，人以我為神君也。』乃相銜負以越公道。人皆避之，曰：『神君也。』今子美
而我惡。以子為我上客，千乘之君也；以子為我使者，萬乘之卿也。子不如為我舍人。」田成子因負傳
而隨之。至逆旅，逆旅之君待之甚敬，因獻酒肉。
溫人之周，周不納客。問之曰：「客耶？」對曰：「主人。」問其巷人而不知也，吏因囚之。君使人問
之曰：「子非周人也，而自謂非客，何也？」對曰：「臣少也誦《詩》，曰：『普天之下，莫非王土；
率土之濱，莫非王臣。』
今君天子，則我天子之臣也。豈有為人之臣而又為之客哉？故曰：主人也。」君使出之。
韓宣王謂樛留曰：「吾欲兩用公仲、公叔，其可乎？」對曰：「不可。晉用六卿而國分；簡公兩用田
成、闞止而簡公殺；魏兩用犀首、張儀，而西河之外亡。今王兩用之，其多力者樹其黨，寡力者借外
權。群臣有內樹黨以驕主（內），有外為交以（削）〔列〕地，則王之國危矣。」
紹績昧醉寐而亡其裘。宋君曰：「醉足以亡裘乎？」對曰：「桀以醉亡天下，而《康誥》曰『毋彝酒』
者，彝酒，常酒也。常酒者，天子失天下，匹夫失其身。」
管仲、隰朋從於桓公而伐孤竹，春往冬反，迷惑失道。管仲曰：「老馬之智可用也。」乃放老馬而隨
之，遂得道。行山中無水，隰朋曰：「蟻冬居山之陽，夏居山之陰。蟻壤一寸而仞有水。」乃掘地，遂
得水。以管仲之聖而隰朋之智，至其所不知，不難師於老馬與蟻。今人不知以其愚心而〔師〕聖人之
智，不亦過乎？
有獻不死之藥於荊王者，謁者操之以入。中射之士問曰：「可食乎？」曰：「可。」因奪而食之。王大
怒，使人殺中射之士。中射之士使人說王曰：「臣問謁者，曰『可食』，臣故食之，是臣無罪，而罪在
謁者也。且客獻不死之藥，臣食之而王殺臣，是死藥也，是客欺王也。夫殺無罪之臣，而明人之欺王
也，不如釋臣。」王乃不殺。
田駟欺鄒君，鄒君將使人殺之。田駟恐，告惠子。惠子見鄒君曰：「今有人見君，則其一目，奚
如？」君曰：「我必殺之。」惠子曰：「瞽，兩目，君奚為不殺？」君曰：「不能勿。」惠子曰：
「田駟東慢齊侯，南欺荊王，駟之於欺人，瞽也，君奚怨焉？」鄒君乃不殺。
魯穆公使眾公子或宦於晉，或宦於荊。犂鉏曰：「假人於越而救溺子，越人雖善遊，子必不生矣。失火
而取水於海，海水雖多，火必不滅矣，遠水不救近火也。今晉與荊雖強，而齊近，魯患其不救乎？」
嚴遂不善周君，患之。馮沮曰：「嚴遂相，而韓傀貴於君。不如行賊於韓傀，則君必以為嚴氏也。」
張譴相韓，病將死。公乘無正懷三十金而問其疾。居一（月）〔日〕，（自）〔君〕問張譴曰：「若子
死，將誰使代子？」荅曰：「無正重法而畏上。雖然，不如公子食我之得民也。」張譴死，因相公乘無
正。
樂羊為魏將而攻中山，其子在中山。中山之君烹其子而遺之羹，樂羊坐於幕下而啜之，盡一杯。文侯謂
堵師贊曰：「樂羊以我故而食其子之肉。」荅曰：「其子而食之，且誰不食？」樂羊罷中山，文侯賞其
功而疑其心。
孟孫獵得麑，使秦西巴（載之持）〔持之〕歸，其母隨之而啼。秦西巴弗忍而與之。孟孫歸，至而求
麑。荅曰：「余弗忍而與其母。」孟孫大怒，逐之。居三月，復召以為其子傅。其御曰：「曩將罪之，
今召以為子傅，何也？」孟孫曰：「夫不忍麑，又且忍吾子乎？」
故曰：「巧詐不如拙誠。」樂羊以有功見疑，秦西巴以有罪益信。
曾從子，善相劍者也。衛君怨吳王。曾從子曰：「吳王好劍，臣相劍者也。臣請為吳王相劍，拔而示
之，因為君刺之。」衛君曰：「子（為之）〔之為〕是也，非緣義也，為利也。吳強而富，衛弱而貧。
子必往，吾恐子為吳王用之於我也。」乃逐〔之〕。
紂為象箸〔而〕箕子唏，以為象箸〔必〕不盛羹於土（簋）〔鉶〕，則必犀（王）〔玉〕之杯；玉柸象
箸必不盛菽藿，則必旄象豹胎，旄象豹胎必不衣短褐而舍茅茨之下，則必錦衣九重，高臺廣室也。稱此
以求，則天下不足矣。聖人見微以知萌，見端以知末。故見象箸而唏，知天下不足也。
周公旦已勝殷，將攻商蓋。辛公甲曰：「大難攻，小易服。不如服眾小以劫大。」乃攻九夷而商蓋服
矣。
紂為長夜之飲，（懼）〔懽〕以失日，問其左右，盡不知也。乃使人問箕子。箕子謂其徒曰：「為天下
主而一國皆失日，天下其危矣。一國皆不知而我獨知之，吾其危矣。」辭以醉而不知。
魯人身善織屨，妻善織縞，而欲徙於越。或謂之曰：「子必窮矣。」魯人曰：「何也？」曰：「屨為履
之也，而越人跣行；縞為冠之也，而越人被髮。以子之所長，游於不用之國，欲使無窮，其可得乎？」
陳軫貴於魏王，惠子曰：「必善事左右。夫楊，橫樹之即生，倒樹之即生，折而樹之又生。然使十人樹
之而一人拔之，則毋生楊。至以十人之眾，樹易生之物，而不勝一人者，何也？樹之難而去之易也。子
雖工自樹於王，而欲去子者眾，子必危矣。」
魯季孫新弒其君，吳起仕焉。或謂起曰：「夫死者，始死而血，已血〔而〕衂，已衂而灰，已灰而土。
及其土也，無可為者矣。今季孫乃始血，其毋乃未可知也。」吳起因去之晉。
隰斯彌見田成子，田成子與登臺四望。三面皆暢，南望，隰子家之樹蔽之。田成子亦不言。隰子歸，使
人伐之。斧離數創，隰子止之。其相室曰：「何變之數也？」隰子曰：「古者有諺曰：『知淵中之魚者
不祥。』夫田子將有大事，而我示之知微，我必危矣。不伐樹，未有罪也；知人之所不言，其罪大
矣。」乃不伐也。
楊子過於宋東之逆旅。有妾二人，其惡者貴，美者賤。楊子問其故。逆旅之父荅曰：「美者自美，吾不
知其美也；惡者自惡，吾不知其惡也。」楊子謂弟子曰：「行賢而去自賢之心，焉往而不美？」
衛人嫁其子而教之曰：「必私積聚。為人婦而出，常也。其成居，幸也。」其子因私積聚，其姑以為多
私而出之。其子所以反者倍其所以嫁，其父不自罪於教子非也，而自知其益富。（令）〔今〕人臣之處
官者，皆是類也。
魯丹三說中山之君而不受也，因散五十金事其左右。復見，未語，而君與之食。魯丹出，而不反舍，遂
去中山。其御曰：「反見，乃始善我。何故去之？」魯丹曰：「夫以人言善我，必以人言罪我。」未出
境，而公子惡之曰：「為趙來間中山。」君因索而罪之。
田伯鼎好士而存其君，白公好士而亂荊。其好士則同，其所以為則異。公孫友自刖而尊百里，豎刁自宮
而（謟）〔諂〕桓公。其自刑則同，其所〔以〕自刑之為則異。慧子曰：「狂者東走，逐者亦東走。其
東走則同，其所以東走之為則異。故曰：同事之人，不可不審察也。」
Chapter XXII. Collected Persuasions, The Upper Series1
Tàng had already subjugated Chieh. Fearing lest All-under-Heaven should speak of him as covetous, he
transferred the rule over All-under-Heaven to Wu Kuang. Again, fearing lest Wu Kuang should accept the throne,
he sent men to persuade Wu Kuang that Tàng having killed the ruler wanted to pass the bad reputation to him
and so transferred the rule over All-under-Heaven to him. In consequence, Wu Kuang plunged into a river.
King Wu of Chìn ordered Kan Mu to choose the post he wanted, Grand Chamberlain or Minister of Foreign
Affairs. 2 Mêng Mao said to him: "Your Excellency had better choose the post of Grand Chamberlain. What Your
Excellency excels in is the office of an envoy. Though Your Excellency holds the post of Grand Chamberlain, yet
His Majesty will appoint you envoy in the hour of need. Then Your Excellency while holding the seal of the
Grand Chamberlain in hand will be Minister of Foreign Affairs. In other words, Your Excellency will hold an
additional post."
Tzŭ-yü once introduced Confucius to the Prime Minister of Shang. 3 Confucius went out. Tzŭ-yü went in and
asked for the Premier's opinion of the visitor. In reply the Prime Minister said: "After I have seen Confucius, you
look as small as lice and fleas to me. Now I am going to introduce him to His Highness." Afraid that Confucius
might be held in high esteem by the ruler, Tzŭ-yü persuaded the Prime Minister that after seeing Confucius, the
ruler might also consider him as small as lice and fleas. The Prime Minister, accordingly, never saw Confucius
again.
King Hui of Wey called a conference of the feudal lords at Chiu-li with a view to restoring the supreme authority
to the Son of Heaven. Thereupon P`êng Hsi said to the Ruler of Chêng: "Your Highness had better not listen to
him. Big powers dislike the existence of the Son of Heaven. Smaller states profit by it. If Your Highness sides
with the big powers and does not listen to him, then how can the Wey State together with smaller ones restore the
supreme authority to the Son of Heaven?"
When the Chins were attacking Hsing, Duke Huan of Chì thought of rescuing it. Thereupon Pao Shu said: "Too
early. Hsing is not yet going to ruin. Chin is not yet exhausted. If Chin is not exhausted, Chì cannot become
very influential. Moreover, the merit of supporting a state in danger is not as great as the virtue of reviving a
ruined one. Your Highness had better rescue it later so as to exhaust Chin! The result 4 will be advantageous in
fact. If we wait till Hsing is ruined and then revive it, it will be beautiful in name." 5 Duke Huan, accordingly,
stopped sending reinforcements to Hsing.
When Tzŭ-hsü was making his escape, a frontier patrol caught him. Tzŭ-hsü said: "The authorities want me
because they think I have a beautiful pearl. Now I have already lost it. But I will say that you have seized and
swallowed it." Thereupon the patrol released him.
Chìng Fêng had caused a civil war in Chì and was thinking of seeking refuge in Yüeh. His relatives said: "Chin
is near. Why won't you go to Chin?" "Yüeh is far," replied Chìng Fêng, "and so is good for seeking safety." "If
your rebellious nature can be changed," said the relatives, "it is all right to stay in Chin; if it cannot be changed,
though you go far away to Yüeh, will you be safe there?"
When Earl Chih demanded territory from Viscount Hsüan of Wey, the latter thought of not giving. "Why is Your
Highness not going to give?" asked Jên Chang. "For no reason," replied Viscount Hsüan, "he is demanding land
from us. Therefore I am not going to give." "If he demands territory from us without any reason," said Jên
Chang, "other neighbouring countries will be afraid of the same demand. If his greed grows insatiable, All-
under-Heaven will worry about it. If Your Highness gives him land now, he will become arrogant and slight his
enemies and the neighbouring countries will out of common fear consolidate their friendship. If mutually
friendly troops cope with the country slighting its enemies, the life of Earl Chih will not last long. It is said in the
Book of Chou, `When about to conquer anybody, be sure to assist him; when about to take, be sure to give.' Your
Highness had better give and make Earl Chih arrogant. Besides, why should Your Highness hesitate to scheme
for the Chih Clan with the rest of the world instead of making ourselves alone the target of the Chihs?" "Right,"
replied the Viscount, and, accordingly, gave out a fief of ten thousand families. Thereby Earl Chih was greatly
pleased. Then he also demanded territory from Chao. The Chaos refused to give, wherefore he besieged Chin-
yang. It came to pass that Han and Wey revolted outside while the Chaos responded to them from inside the city.
Thus in the long run 6 the Chihs were destroyed.
Once Duke Kàng of Chìn built a tower taking three years. In the meantime, the Chings raised an army and
were about to attack Chì. Thereupon Jên Wang said to the Duke: "Famine calls in invaders, pestilence calls in
invaders, compulsory labour service calls in invaders, civil war calls in invaders. For three years Your Highness
has been building the tower. Now the Chings are raising an army and are about to attack Chì, thy servant is
afraid they will fight Chì in name but raid Chìn in fact. Better take precautions against their invasion."
Accordingly, Chìn made military preparations on its eastern border, wherefore the Chings actually halted their
expedition.
Once Chì attacked Sung. Sung sent Tsàng-sun Tzŭ to ask for reinforcements from Ching. The King of Ching,
greatly pleased, promised him reinforcements in a very encouraging 7 manner. However, Tsàng-sun Tzŭ looked
worried during his return trip. Therefore the coachman asked: "The request for reinforcements has been just
granted, but why does Your Excellency look worried?" In reply Tsàng-sun Tzŭ said: "Sung is small while Chì
is big. To rescue small Sung and thereby offend big Chì, it is what everybody worries about. Yet the King of
Ching was so willing to give us help. He must thereby mean to stiffen our resistance. For if we offer stubborn
resistance, Chì will be exhausted, which will eventually be to the advantage of Ching." So saying, Tsàng-sun
Tzŭ returned. Meanwhile, the Chìs took five cities from Sung, but Ching's reinforcements did not come at all.
Once Marquis Wên of Wey wanted to borrow the way through Chao to attack Central Hills. Marquis Shu of
Chao at first thought of not letting him have the way. Thereupon Chao K`ê said: "Your Highness is mistaken.
Suppose Wey attack Central Hills and does not win, Wey will then cease hostilities. Should she cease hostilities,
she will fall into contempt while Chao will thereby increase her own prestige. Even though Wey succeeds in
taking Central Hills, she will not be able to maintain her rule over the new territory across Chao. This will
eventually mean that Wey uses her troops but Chao gains their conquered territory. Therefore, be sure to grant
their request in a very encouraging 8 manner! As soon as they come to know that Your Highness is going to profit
thereby, they will stop the expedition. Therefore better let them have the way and show that we are obliged to do
so."
Chìh-i Tzŭ-pì was working for Viscount Tìen Ch`êng. When Viscount Tìen Ch`êng left Chì and was making
an escape to Yen, Chìh-i Tzŭ-pì carried his pass along and followed him. Upon their arrival at Hope Town Tzŭ-
pì said: "Has Your Highness ever heard the story of the snakes in a dry swamp? As the swamp was drying up
and the snakes had to move away, the small snake said to the big one: Ìf you go in the front and I follow from
behind, men will think it is nothing but the migration of snakes, and some of them might kill you. Better let our
mouths hold each other. And will you carry me on your back while we are moving onward? Then men will
regard me as ruler of spirits.' Accordingly, they held each other's mouths and one carried the other. When they
were moving across the public avenue in this manner, everybody avoided them, saying, Ìt's the ruler of spirits.'
Now that Your Highness is handsome while I am homely, if Your Highness appears to be my guest of honour, I
would be taken for a ruler of one thousand chariots; if Your Highness appears to be my servant, I would be taken
for a noble serving under a ruler of ten thousand chariots. Suppose Your Highness be my retainer." Viscount
Ch`êng, accordingly, carried the pass along and followed him to an inn. The inn-keeper actually entertained them
with great hospitality and presented them with wine and meat.
Once a man of Wên went to Chou, but the Chous would not admit any alien. "An alien?" asked a Chou official.
"No, a native" was the reply. The official then asked him about the alley he was living in, but he did not know.
Therefore he put him under arrest. The Ruler of Chou then sent men to ask him, "You are not a native of Chou,
but why did you say you were not an alien?" In reply the man said: "Since thy servant was a child, he has been
reciting the poem saying:
Where'er their arch the heavens expand,

The king can claim the land below.
Within the seabounds of the land,
At his summons come or go. 9
Now that Your Majesty is the Son of Heaven, thy servant is one of his subjects. Then can thy servant be both a
subject and an alien to His Majesty? So, thy servant said he was a native." Thereupon the Ruler ordered him to
be released.
King Hsüan of Han once asked Chiu Liu: "I, the King, want to appoint to office both Kung Chung and Kung
Shu. Will it be safe?" "No, it will not be safe," replied Chiu Liu. "As Chin employed the Six Nobles, the state
was eventually partitioned; as Duke Chien employed both Tièn Ch`êng and Kan Chih, he was murdered in the
long run; and as Wey employed both Hsi-shou and Chang Yi, all the territory to the west of the Yellow River was
lost as a result. Now suppose Your Majesty employ both of them. Then the more powerful one will form his own
faction inside 10 while the less powerful one will count on foreign influence. Among the body of officials, if there
are some forming factions inside and thereby acting arrogantly towards the sovereign and some others
cultivating friendships with foreign states and thereby causing territorial dismemberment, then Your Majesty's
state will be jeopardized."
Once upon a time, Shao Chi-mei was drunk and asleep and lost his fur garment. The Ruler of Sung 11 asked, "Is
drunkenness sufficient to lose a fur garment?" In reply he said: "Because of drunkenness Chieh lost his rule over
All-under-Heaven. So does the Ànnouncement to Kàng' 12 read: `Do not indulge in wine.' To indulge in wine
means to drink wine habitually. The Son of Heaven, if he becomes a habitual drinker, will lose his rule over All-
underHeaven. An ordinary man, if he becomes a habitual drinker, will lose his life."
Kuan Chung and Hsi P`êng accompanied Duke Huan in the expedition against Ku-chu. When spring was gone
and winter came again, they went astray and lost the way. Thereupon Kuan Chung said: "The wisdom of old
horses is trustworthy." So they let old horses go of themselves and followed them from behind, till they found
the way. As they went onward, there was no water in the mountains. Thereupon Hsi P`êng said: "Ants live on the
sunny side of the mountain in winter and on the shady side in summer. Wherever there is an ant-hill one inch
high, there is always water underneath it." So they dug the ground and found water. Thus, Kuan Chung despite
his saintliness and Hsi P`êng despite his intelligence never hesitated to learn from old horses and ants what they
did not know. Men of to-day, however low their mentality may be, never think of learning from the wisdom of
saintly men. Is it not a great fault?
Once upon a time, somebody presented the elixir of life to the King of Ching. The court usher held it in his hand
and entered the palace. There the guard asked him, "May I eat it?" "Of course" was the reply. The guard,
accordingly, took it away from the usher and ate it. Enraged thereby, the King sentenced him to death. The guard
then sent men to persuade the King, saying: "Thy servant asked the usher. The usher 13 said I might eat it.
Therefore thy servant ate it. This means that thy servant is innocent and the usher is the one to blame. Further,
the guest is supposed to have presented the elixir of life. Now, if Your Majesty puts thy servant to death after thy
servant ate it, then the elixir must be a mortal drug. This will testify his deception of Your Majesty. Indeed, to put
thy innocent servant to death and thereby prove somebody else's deception of Your Majesty is not as good as to
release thy servant." Hearing this, the King refrained from killing him.
Tìen Ssŭ once deceived the Ruler of Tsou, wherefore the Ruler of Tsou was about to send men to kill him.
Fearing the penalty, Tìen Ssŭ appealed to Hui Tzŭ for help. Hui Tzŭ, accordingly, interviewed the Ruler of Tsou,
saying: "Now suppose someone look at Your Highness with one eye shut, what will Your Highness do to him?"
"I will put him to death," replied the Ruler. "Yet the blind man shuts both his eyes. Why don't you kill him?"
asked Hui Tzŭ. "It is because by nature he cannot help shutting his eyes," replied the Ruler. "Well, Tìen Ssŭ
deceived the Ruler 14 of Chì in the east," said Hui Tzŭ, "and in the south deceived the King of Ching. Ssŭ
habitually deceives people just as the blind man has to shut both his eyes. Why should Your Highness show
resentment at him in particular?" Hearing this, the Ruler of Tsou refrained from killing him.
Duke Mu of Lu sent out the various princes to take up office at the court of Chin and the court of Ching.
Thereupon Li Chü said: "Suppose we employ men from Yüeh to rescue our drowning sons. Then though the
Yüehs are good swimmers, our sons' lives would not be saved. Suppose a fire burst out and we fetch water from
the sea. Then though the water of the sea is abundant, the fire would not go into extinction. Thus, distant water
cannot put out a fire at hand. Now, though Chin and Ching are strong, Chì is a close neighbour. Should Lu
worry that Chin and Ching might not come in time to rescue Lu in case of conflict with Chì?"
Yen Sui was not on good terms with the Ruler of Chou, wherefore the Ruler of Chou 15 worried. So Fêng Chü 16
said: "Yen Sui is Premier of the Han State, but the Ruler holds Han Kùei in high respect. The best is to
assassinate Han Kùei. Then the Ruler of Han would hold the Yen Clan responsible for the act."
Chang Chìen, Premier of Han, was ill and about to die. Kung-ch`êng Wu-chêng took thirty taels of gold along in
his bosom and inquired after his health. In the course of one month the Ruler of Han went himself to ask Chang
Chìen: "If the Premier passes away, who else should take his place?" In reply Chang Chìen said: "Wu-chêng
upholds the law and reveres the superior. However, he is not as good as Prince Shih-wo in winning the hearts of
the people." Chang Chìen died. The Ruler, accordingly, appointed Wu-chêng Prime Minister.
Yo Yang commanded the Wey forces in attacking Central Hills, when his son was in that country. The Ruler of
Central Hills steamed his son and sent him the soup. Yo Yang, then seated beneath the tent, supped the soup and
drank up the whole plateful. Marquis Wên said to Tu Shih-chan: "Yo Yang on account of His Highness ate the
flesh of his son." In response to this Tu Shih-chan said: "Even his own son he ate. Who else then would he not
eat?" When Yo Yang came back from the campaign in Central Hills, Marquis Wên rewarded him for his
meritorious service but suspected his mind.
Mêng Sun went out hunting and got a fawn. He then ordered Chìn Hsi-pa to bring it home. On the way the
mother deer followed along and kept crying. Unable to bear that, Chìn Hsi-pa gave the fawn back to its mother,
when Mêng Sun arrived and asked for the fawn. In reply Hsi-pa said: "Unable to bear the mother's crying, I gave
it back to her." Enraged thereby, Mêng Sun dismissed him. In the course of three months, he recalled him and
appointed him tutor of his son. Out of wonder his coachman asked, "Why did Your Excellency blame him before
and has now called him back to be tutor of the young master?" "If he could not bear the ruin of a fawn," replied
Mêng Sun, "how would he bear the ruin of my son?"
Hence the saying: "Skilful deception is not as good as unskilful sincerity." For instance, Yo Yang despite his
merit incurred suspicion while Chìn Hsi-pa despite his demerit increased his credit.
Tsêng Tsùng Tzŭ was good in judging swords. The Ruler of Wei had ill will towards the King of Wu. Therefore
Tsêng Tsùng Tzŭ said to him: "The King of Wu is fond of swords. Thy servant is good in judging swords. May
thy servant go to judge swords for the King of Wu, and, when drawing out a sword to show him, thrust him with
it and thereby avenge Your Highness?" In reply the Ruler of Wei said: "Your action 17 is right to your own
advantage but not for any public cause. Now that Wu is strong and rich while Wei is weak and poor, if you go at
all, you would, I am afraid, be employed by the King of Wu to do the same to me." So saying, he dismissed him.
When Chow made chop-sticks of ivory, the Viscount of Chi was frightened. He thought: "Ivory chop-sticks
would not be put on earthen-wares but on cups made of jade or of rhinoceros horns. Further, jade cups and ivory
chop-sticks would not go with the soup made of beans and coarse greens, but with the meat of long-haired
buffaloes and unborn leopards. Again, eaters of the meat of longhaired buffaloes and unborn leopards would not
wear short hemp clothes and live in a thatched house but would put on nine layers of embroidered dresses and
move to live on lofty terraces and in magnificent mansions. Thus, if their demands go onward at this rate, even
All-under-Heaven will not be sufficient." The saintly man by seeing the obscure knew the manifest, and by
seeing the origin knew the outcome. Therefore, on seeing the ivory chop-sticks made, he was thereby frightened
and knew that eventually even All-under-Heaven would not be sufficient.
Duke Tan of Chou, having vanquished Yin, was about to attack Shang-kai, when Duke Chia of Hsin said to him:
"Big states are hard to attack, small ones are easy to subjugate. The best is to subjugate small states and thereby
intimidate big ones." Accordingly, they fell upon the Nine Barbarians with the result that Shang-kai submitted
also.
Chow indulged in over-night drinking and through the pleasure 18 forgot the date of the day. He asked his
attendants about the date. None of them knew. So he sent men to ask the Viscount of Chi. Thereupon the
Viscount of Chi said to his followers 19 : "Now that he who is the Lord of All-under-Heaven finds everybody in
the whole country forget the date of the day, All-under-Heaven must be in danger. Since nobody in the country is
aware of the date and I alone am aware of it, I must be in danger, too." So saying, he refused to tell the date by
pretending to drunkenness and ignorance of it.
Once upon a time, a man of Lu, who was a good maker of sandals, and whose wife was a good weaver of gloss-
silk, was about to migrate to Yüeh. Thereupon someone said, "You are bound to become poor there!" "Why?"
asked the man. "Because sandals are for the feet to wear, but the Yüehs go bare-footed. Gloss-silk is for making
crowns, but the Yüehs dishevel their hair. With your skill unemployed in that country, how can you help
becoming poor?"
Ch`ên Hsü 20 was held in esteem by the King of Wey. Hui Tzŭ said to him: "Be sure to keep on good terms with
the attendants. Indeed, the aspen, whether planted sidewise or upside down or from a branch broken off, grows
just the same. However, suppose ten men plant ten aspens and only one man pulls them out. Then there will
grow no aspen. Now, ten men planting trees so easy to grow cannot overcome only one person pulling them out.
Why? It is because it is hard to plant them but easy to pull them out. Similarly, though Your Excellency is skilful
in establishing himself with the favour of the King, if those who want to oust Your Excellency are many, Your
Excellency will be in danger."
Chi Sun of Lu had recently murdered the Ruler, while Wu Chì was still serving him. Thereupon someone said to
Wu Chì: "Indeed, a dead person who has just died still has living blood. But living blood will turn into dead
blood, dead blood into ashes, and ashes into earth. When it is earth, nothing can be done about it. Now, Chi Sun
still has living blood. Might it be possible to foreknow what he will become?" Hearing this, Wu Chì left for
Chin.
Once, when Hsi Ssŭ-mi visited Viscount Tìen Ch`êng, Viscount Tìen Ch`êng took him to a tower to look out
over the four directions. In three directions they could admire far-reaching views, but when they looked out over
the south, they saw the trees of Hsi Tzŭ's residence 21 in the way. Thereat Viscount Tìen Ch`êng as well as Hsi
Ssŭ-mi made no remark. Upon his return to his residence Hsi Tzŭ ordered servants to hew down the trees. No
sooner had the axes made several cuts than Hsi Tzŭ stopped them. "Why does Your Excellency change his mind
so suddenly?" asked the house servants. In reply Hsi Tzŭ said: "The ancients had a proverb saying, `Who knows
the fish in the abyss is unlucky.' Indeed, Viscount Tìen is about to launch an extraordinary affair. If I show him
that I know its minute details, I will be jeopardized. Not hewing down the trees will constitute no offence;
knowing what he never utters in word will amount to a serious offence." So they stopped hewing down the trees.
Once Yang Tzŭ passed through Sung and stayed 22 in an inn. The inn had two waitresses. The ugly one of them
was esteemed but the beautiful one was despised. Therefore Yang Tzŭ asked the reason. In reply the old inn-
keeper said: "The beautiful one thinks so much of her own beauty, but I never notice her being so beautiful. The
ugly one is so conscious of her own ugliness, but I never notice her being so ugly." Thereupon Yang Tzŭ said to
his disciples: "Who practises worthiness and abandons the aptitude for self-esteem, would be praised wherever
he goes."
Once a man of Wei on giving a daughter in marriage taught her, saying: "Be sure to accumulate your own
savings because it is usual for a married woman to be divorced and it is unusually lucky if she can succeed in
making a new home." The daughter, accordingly, accumulated her own savings in secret. In consequence, her
mother-in-law, regarding her as extraordinarily self-seeking, divorced her. Upon her return her possession was
twice as much as her dowry. The father not only never blamed himself for having given his daughter a wrong
precept but even considered the way he had increased his wealth astute. 23 In these days, 24 office-hunters when
appointed to posts would do the same as the daughter given in marriage.
Lu Tan thrice persuaded the Ruler of Central Hills, but his advice was never taken. So he spent fifty taels to gain
the good-will of the attendants. Then he went to have another audience, when the Ruler, before speaking one
word to him, invited him to a banquet. When Lu Tan went out, he did not return to his lodging place but left
Central Hills at once. Out of wonder his coachman asked him: "The Ruler of Central Hills only began to show
Your Excellency courtesies during the last interview, but why should Your Excellency leave so soon?" In reply
he said: "Indeed, just as he showed courtesies to me in accordance with people's words, he would charge me with
crimes in accordance with people's words, too." True, before they went out of the state border, the heir apparent
slandered him, saying that he had come to spy for Chao. The Ruler of Central Hills, accordingly, searched for
him and found him guilty.
Earl Tìen Ting loved warriors and scholars and thereby kept his Ruler in safety; the Duke of White loved
warriors and scholars and thereby threw Ching into confusion. Their loving warriors and scholars was the same,
but the motives behind the action were different. Again, Kung-sun Chi 25 cut off his feet and thereby
recommended Pai-li Hsi; Shu Tiao castrated himself and thereby ingratiated himself with Duke Huan. Their
punishing themselves was the same, but the motives behind their self-punishment were different. Therefore, Hui
26
Tzŭ said: "An insane person is running eastward and a pursuer is running eastward, too. Their running
eastward is the same, but the motives behind their running eastward are different." Hence the saying: "Men
doing the same thing ought to be differentiated in motive."
Notes
1. 說林上.
2. With Yü Yüeh 事 below 行 is superfluous.
3. Alias of Sung.
4. With Wang Hsien-shen 齊 above 實利 should be 其.
5. With Wang Wei 實 between 其名 and 美 is superfluous.
6. With Wang Hsien-shen 自 should be 遂.
7. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 歡 should be 勸.
8. With Ku 歡 should be 勸.
9. Vide Book of Poetry, Pt. II, Bk. VI, "The Decade of Pei Shan."
10. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 内 should be supplied above 樹其黨.
11. The Imperial Library has 梁 in place of 宋.
12. The Book of History has 酒誥 "Commandment against Wine" in place of 康誥. The "Announcement to
Kàng" was composed of the address of King Wu to one of his younger brothers, Fêng, also called Kàngshu, on
appointing him to the Marquisate of Wei.
13. With Wang Hsien-shen 謁者 should be repeated.

14. 齊侯 Chì was originally a Marquisate. During the Spring and Autumn Period, however, almost every feudal
lord called himself Duke. To avoid such confusion I prefer to render 侯 as "Ruler".
15. With Lu Wên-shao below 周君 there should be supplied another 周君.
16. The Book of Chou has 且 in place of 沮.
17. With Kao Hêng 子為之 should be 子之為.
18. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 懼 should be 懽.
19. The Imperial Library has 從 in place of 徙.
20. With Ku 陳 and 田 were synonyms and 軫 should be 需.
21. With Wang Hsien-chìen 家之 should be 之家.
22. With Wang Hsien-shen Chuang Tzŭ put 宿 in place of 東 and repeat 逆旅
23. With Ku Kuang-t`sê 知 reads 智.
24. Hirazawa's edition has 今 in place of 令. Wang Hsien-shen's effort to interpret the connotation of 令 seems
futile.
25. With Lu Wên-shao 友 should be 支, which was a synonym of 枝.
26. With Lu 慧 and 惠 were synonyms.
Book Eight
23 說林下第二十三
伯樂教二人相踶馬，相與之簡子廄觀馬。一人舉踶馬。（其一人舉踶馬）。其一人從後而循之，三撫其
尻而馬不踶。此自以為失相。其一人〔曰〕：「子非失相也。此其為馬也，踒肩而腫膝。夫踶馬也者，
舉後而任前，腫膝不可任也，故後不舉。子巧於相踶馬而拙於任（在腫膝而不任拙於）腫膝。」夫事有
所必歸，而以有所腫膝而不任，智者之所獨知也。惠子曰：「置猿於柙中，則與豚同。」故勢不便，非
所以逞能也。
衛將軍文子見曾子，曾子不起而延於坐席，正身於奧。文子謂其御曰：「曾子，愚人也哉！以我為君子
也，君子安可毋敬也？以我為暴人也，暴人安可侮也？曾子不僇，命也。」
鳥有翢翢者，重首而屈尾，將欲飲於河，則必顛。乃銜其羽而飲之，人之所有飲不足者，不可不索其羽
也。
鱣似蛇，蠶似蠋。人見蛇則驚駭，見蠋則毛起。漁者持鱣，婦人拾蠶，利之所在，皆為賁、諸。
伯樂教其所憎者相千里之馬，教其所愛者相駑馬。千里之馬時一，其利緩；駑馬日售，其利急。此《周
書》所謂「下言而上用者，惑也」。
桓赫曰：「刻削之道，鼻莫如大，目莫如小。鼻大可小，小不可大也；目小可大，大不可小也。」舉事
亦然：為其（不）〔後〕可復者也，則事寡敗矣。
崇侯、惡來知不適紂之誅也，而不見武王之滅之也。比干、子胥知其君之必亡也，而不知身之死也。故
曰：「崇侯、惡來知心而不知事，比干、子胥知事而不知心。」聖人其備矣。
宋太宰貴而主斷。季子將見宋君，梁子聞之曰：「語必可與太宰三坐乎，不然，將不免。」季子因說以
貴主而輕國。
楊朱之弟楊布衣素衣而出。天雨，解素衣，衣緇衣而反，其狗不知而吠之。楊布怒，將擊之。楊朱曰：
「子毋擊也，子亦猶是。曩者使女狗白而往，黑而來，子豈能毋怪哉？」
惠子曰：「羿執（鞅）〔決〕持扞，操弓關機，越人爭為持旳。弱子（扞）〔扜〕弓，慈母入室閉
戶。」故曰：「可必，則越人不疑羿；不可必，則慈母逃弱子。」
桓公問管仲：「富有涯乎？」荅曰：「水之以涯，其無水者也。（以）富之以涯，其富已足者也。人不
能自止於足而亡，其富之涯乎！」
宋之富賈有監止子者，與人爭買百金之璞玉，因佯失而毀之，負其百金，而理其毀瑕，得千溢焉。事有
舉之而有敗，而賢其毋舉之者，負之時也。
有欲以御見荊王者，眾騶妬之。因曰：「臣能撽鹿。」見王。王為御，不及鹿；自御，及之。王善其御
也，乃言眾騶妬之。
荊令公子將伐陳。丈人送之曰：「晉彊，不可不慎也。」公子曰：「丈人奚憂？吾為丈人破晉。」丈人
曰：「可。吾方廬陳南門之外。」公子曰：「是何也？」曰：「我笑勾踐也。為人之如是其易也，己獨
何為密密十年難乎？」
堯以天下讓許由，許由逃之，舍於家人，家人藏其皮冠。夫棄天下而家人藏其皮冠，是不知許由者也。
三虱相與訟，一虱過之，曰：「訟者奚說？」三虱曰：「爭肥饒之地。」一虱曰：「若亦不患臘之至而
茅之燥耳，若又奚患？」於是乃相與聚嘬其母而食之。彘臞，人乃弗殺。
蟲有（就）〔螝〕者，一身兩口，爭〔食〕相齕也。遂相殺，因自殺。人臣之爭事而亡其國者，皆
（蚘）〔螝〕類也。
宮有堊，器有滌，則潔矣。行身亦然，無滌堊之地，則寡非矣。
公子糾將為亂，桓公使使者視之。使者報曰：「笑不樂，視不見，必為亂。」乃使魯人殺之。
公孫弘斷髮而為越王騎，公孫喜使人絕之曰：「吾不與子為昆弟矣。」公孫弘曰：「我斷髮，子斷頸而
為人用兵，我將謂子何？」周南之戰，公孫喜死焉。
有與悍者鄰，欲賣宅而避之。人曰：「是其貫將滿（也），（遂去之）。」（故曰）：「（勿之）矣，
子姑待之。」答曰：「吾恐其以我滿貫也。」遂去之。故曰：「物之幾者，非所靡也。」
孔子（曰）謂弟子曰：「孰能導子西之釣名也？」子貢曰：「賜也能。」乃導之，不復疑也。孔子曰：
「寬哉！不被於利。絜哉！民性有恆。曲為曲，直為直。」孔子曰：「子西不免。」白公之難，子西死
焉。故曰：「直於行者曲於欲。」
晉中行文子出亡，過於縣邑。從者曰：「此嗇夫，公之故人，公奚不休舍？且待後車？」文子曰：「吾
嘗好音，此人遺我鳴琴；吾好佩，此人遺我玉環：是振我過者也。以求容於我者，吾恐其以我求容於人
也。」乃去之。果收文子後車二乘而獻之其君矣。
周趮謂宮他曰：「為我謂齊王曰：『以齊資我於魏，請以魏事王。』」宮他曰：「不可，是示之無魏
也，齊王必不資於無魏者，而以怨有魏者。公不如曰：以王之所欲，臣請以魏聽王。齊王必以公為有魏
也，必因公。是公有齊也，因以有齊、魏矣。」
白圭謂宋（令）〔大〕尹曰：「君長自知政，公無事矣。今君少主也而務名，不如令荊賀君之孝也，則
君不奪公位，而大敬重公，則公常用宋矣。」
管仲、鮑叔相謂曰：「君亂甚矣，必失國。齊國之諸公子其可輔者，非公子糾，則小白也。與子人事一
人焉，（相）〔先〕達者相收。」管仲乃從公子糾，鮑叔從小白。國人果弒君。小白先入為君，魯人拘
管仲而效之，鮑叔言而相之。故諺曰：「巫咸雖善祝，不能自祓也。（養）秦醫雖善除，不能自彈
也。」以管仲之聖而待鮑叔之助，此鄙諺所謂「虜自賣裘而不售，士自譽辯而不信」者也。
荊王伐吳，吳使沮衛、蹶融犒於荊師，而將軍曰：「縛之，殺以釁鼓。」問之曰：「女來，卜乎？」荅
曰：「卜。」「卜吉乎？」曰：「吉。」荊人曰：「今荊將欲女釁鼓，其何也？」荅曰：「是故其所以
吉也。吳使（人）〔民〕來也，固視將軍怒。將軍怒，將深溝高壘；將軍不怒，將懈怠。今也將軍殺
臣，則吳必警守矣。且國之卜，非為一臣卜。夫殺一臣而存一國，其不言吉，何也？且死者無知，則以
臣釁鼓無益也；死者有知也，臣將當戰之時，臣使鼓不鳴。」荊人因不殺也。
智伯將伐仇由，而道難不通，乃鑄大鐘遺仇由之君。仇由之君大說，除道將內之。赤章曼枝曰：「不
可。此小之所以事大也，而今也大以來，卒（以）〔必〕隨之，不可內也。」仇由之君不聽，遂內之。
赤章曼枝因斷轂而驅，至於齊，七月而仇由亡矣。
越已勝吳，又索卒於荊而攻晉。左史倚相〔謂〕荊王曰：「夫越破吳，豪士死，銳卒盡，大甲傷。今又
索卒以攻晉，示我不病也。不如起師與分吳。」荊王曰：「善。」因起師而從越。越王怒，將擊之。大
夫種曰：「不可。吾豪士盡，大甲傷。我與戰，必不剋，不如賂之。」乃割露山之陰五百里以賂之。
荊伐陳，吳救之，軍間三十里。雨十日，夜星。左史倚相謂子期曰：「雨十日，甲輯而兵聚，吳人必
至，不如備之。」乃為陳。陳未成也而吳人至，見荊陳而反。左史曰：「吳反覆六十里，其君子必休，
小人必食。我行三十里擊之，必可敗也。」乃從之，遂破吳軍。
韓、趙相與為難。韓子索兵於魏曰：「願借師以伐趙。」魏文侯曰：「寡人與趙兄弟，不可以從。」趙
又索兵以攻韓。文侯曰：「寡人與韓兄弟，不敢從。」二國不得兵，怒而反。已乃知文侯以搆於己，乃
皆朝魏。
齊伐魯，索讒鼎，魯以其鴈往。齊人曰：「鴈也。」魯人曰：「真也。」齊曰：「使樂正子春來，吾將
聽子。」魯君請樂正子春，樂正子春曰：「胡不以其真往也？」君曰：「我愛之（信）。」荅曰：「臣
亦愛臣之信。」
韓咎立為君未定也。弟在周，周欲重之，而恐韓咎不立也。綦母恢曰：「不若以車百乘送之。得立，因
曰為戒；不立，則曰來效賊也。」
靖郭君（曰）將城薛，客多以諫者。靖郭君謂謁者曰：「毋為客通。」齊人有請見者曰：「臣請三言而
已。過三言，臣請烹。」靖郭君因見之。客趨進曰：「海大魚。」因反走。靖郭君曰：「請聞其說。」
客曰：「臣不敢以死為戲。」靖郭君曰：「願為寡人言之。」荅曰：「君聞大魚乎？網不能止，繳不能
絓也，蕩而失水，螻蟻得意焉。今夫齊亦君之海也。君長有齊，奚以薛為？君失齊，雖隆薛城至於天，
猶無益也。」靖郭君曰：「善。」乃輟，不城薛。
荊王弟在秦，秦不出也。中射之士曰：「資臣百金，臣能出之。」因載百金之晉，見叔向，曰：「荊王
弟在秦，秦不出也。請以百金委叔向。」叔向受金，而以見之晉平公曰：「可以城壺丘矣。」平公曰：
「何也？」對曰：「荊王弟在秦，秦不出也，是秦惡荊也，必不敢禁我城壺丘。若禁之，我曰：『為我
出荊王之弟，吾不城也。』彼如出之，可以（得）〔德〕荊；彼不出，是卒惡也，必不敢禁我城壺丘
矣。」公曰：「善。」乃城壺丘。謂秦公曰：「為我出荊王之弟，吾不城也。」秦因出之。荊王大說，
以鍊金百鎰遺晉。
闔廬攻郢，戰三勝，問子胥曰：「可以退乎？」子胥對曰：「溺人者一飲而止，則無（逆）〔遂〕者，
以其（不）休也，不如乘之以沉之。」
鄭人有一子，將宦，謂其家曰：「必築壞墻，是不善，人將竊。」其巷人亦云。不時築，而人果竊之。
以其子為智，以巷人告者為盜。
Chapter XXIII. Collected Persuasions, The Lower Series1
Pai-lo2 once taught two men how to select horses that kick habitually. Later, he went with them to Viscount
Chien's stable to inspect the horses. One of the men pulled out a kicking horse. The other man 3 went near behind
the horse and patted its flank three times, but the horse never kicked. 4 Therefore, the man who had pulled out the
horse 5 thought he had been wrong in the way of selection. Yet the other man said: "You were not wrong in the
way of selection. The shoulders of this horse are short but its laps are swollen. The horse that kicks habitually
has to raise the hindlegs and lay its whole weight upon the forelegs. Yet swollen laps are not dependable. So the
hind legs cannot be raised. You were skilful in selecting kicking horses but not in observing 6 the swollen laps."
Verily, everything has the supporter of its weight. However, that the forelegs have swollen laps and therefore
cannot support its whole weight, is known only by intelligent men. Hui Tzŭ said: "Suppose the monkey was put
into a cage, it would turn as clumsy as the pig." For the same reason, as long as the position is not convenient,
nobody can exert his ability.
Viscount Wên, a general of the Wei State, once called on Tsêng Tsŭ . Tsêng Tzŭ did not stand up but asked him
to take a seat while he set himself on a seat of honour. 7 Later, Viscount Wên said to his coachman: "Tsêng Tzŭ is
rustic. If he thinks I am a gentleman, why should he pay me no respect? If he thinks I am a rascal, why should he
offend a rascal? That Tsêng Tzŭ has never been humiliated is good luck."
A kind of bird called "little cuckoo" has a heavy head and a curved tail. On drinking water from the river, it is
bound to be overturned. Therefore, another bird has to hold its feather upward and let it drink. Similarly, men
who fall short of drinking ought to find support for their own feather. 8
Eels are like snakes, silkworms like caterpillars. Men are frightened at the sight of snakes and shocked at the
sight of caterpillars. However, fishermen would hold eels in hand and women would pick up silkworms. Thus,
where there is profit, there everyone turns as brave as Mêng Pên and Chuan Chu.
Pai-lo taught men whom he disliked how to select swift race-horses and taught men whom he liked how to select
inferior horses, because swift race-horses being few and far between would yield slow profits while inferior
horses being sold every day would bring about quick profits. That swift race-horses yield profits is as casual 9 as
the use of vulgar words in a refined style mentioned in the Book of Chou.
Huan 10 Hê said: "The first step of sculpture is to make the nose large and the eyes small. Because the nose, if too
large, can be made small, but, if too small, cannot be enlarged; and the eyes, if too small, can be enlarged, but, if
too large, cannot be made small. The same is true with the beginning of any enterprise. If made recoverable at
any time, it seldom fails.
Marquis Chùng and Wu-lai knew that they would not be chastised by Chow but never foresaw that King Wu
would destroy them. Pi-kan and Tzŭ-hsü knew that their masters would go to ruin but never knew the impending
death of themselves. Hence the saying: "Marquis Chùng and Wu-lai knew the mind of their master but not the
course of events while Pi-kan and Tzŭ-hsü knew the course of events but not the minds of their masters. The
saintly man knowing both is always secure."
The Prime Minister of Sung was powerful and in charge of all important decisions. When Chi Tzŭ was about to
visit the Ruler of Sung, Liang Tzŭ heard about it and said to him: "During the interview, are you sure the Prime
Minister will be present? Otherwise, you might not be able to evade disasters." Chi Tzŭ, accordingly, persuaded
the Ruler of the need of taking care of his health 11 and leaving the state affairs in the hands of able vassals.
Yang Chu's younger brother, Yang Pu, once wore white clothes and went out. As it started raining, he took off the
white clothes and put on black ones. Upon his return, his dog, unable to recognize him, barked at him. Yang Pu
became very angry and was about to beat it, when Yang Chu said: "Don't beat the dog. You will do the same, too.
Supposing the dog went out white and came back black, wouldn't you feel strange?"
Hui Tzŭ said: "If Hou Yi put the thimble 12 on his right thumb, held the middle of the edge with his left hand,
drew the bow, and then released the string, then even men of Yüeh would contentiously go to hold the target for
him. But when a small child draws the bow, then even the compassionate mother will run into the house and shut
the door." Hence the saying: "If certain of no miss, even men of Yüeh would not doubt Hou Yi. If not certain of
no miss, even the compassionate mother will escape her small child."
Duke Huan of Chì once asked Kuan Chung if there was any limit of wealth. In reply Kuan Chung said: "Where
there is no more water, there is the limit of water. Where there is content with wealth, there lies the limit of
wealth. If one cannot stop with his content, it is because he forgets 13 the limit of wealth."
In Sung there was a rich merchant named Chien Chih Tzŭ. Once, when he was competing with other people for
buying an uncut jade quoted at one hundred taels of gold, he pretended to drop it and thereby break it by mistake.
As a result, he had to pay one hundred taels of gold for the damage. Then he repaired the breakage and sold it for
twenty thousand taels. 14 Thus, affairs are started and are sometimes ruined. People must have considered it wise
not to have started the competition at the moment when the merchant had to pay the damages.
Once there was a man who owing to his skilfulness in driving wanted to see the King of Ching. All coachmen
became jealous of him. Therefore, he said, "Thy servant when driving can catch deer." So he was granted an
audience. When the King himself drove, he could not catch any deer. Then the man drove and caught them. The
King praised his driving, when he told the King about the coachmen's jealousy of him.
When Ching ordered Kung-sun Chào 15 to lead the expeditionary forces against Ch`ên, his father-in-law saw
him off, saying, "Chin is strong. Be sure to take precautions against their reinforcements." "Why should Father
worry?" said Kung-sun Chào. "I will rout the Chins on your behalf." "All right," said his father-in-law. "Then I
will build a hut outside the south gate of the capital of Ch`ên and wait there for mournful news." "Why do you
say that?" asked Chào. "I have to laugh," replied the old man, "at the thought that if it is so easy to scheme for
the ruin of enemies as you suppose, why should Kou-chien alone have to endure ten years' hardships in secret
and solitude?"
Yao transferred the rule over All-under-Heaven to Hsü Yu. But Hsü Yu ran away. When he stayed in a farmer's
house, the farmer put his fur hat out of the guest's sight. Indeed, the farmer put his hat out of the sight of Hsü Yu
who had even declined the rule over All-under-Heaven because he never knew of Hsü Yu.
Once three lice were biting a pig and disputing with one another. Another louse, passing by them, asked, "What
are you disputing about?" "We are fighting for fat places," replied the three lice. "If you fellows do not worry
about the arrival of the mid-winter festival and the burning of the miscanthus, what else should you worry
about?" So saying, the last louse joined the three in biting the body of the pig and ate as much as they wanted. In
the meantime, the pig became very thin, wherefore people did not kill it at the time of the festival.
There is a kind of worm called "tapeworm", which has two mouths. Once they quarrelled for food and bit each
other, till they killed each other. All ministers who quarrel about public affairs and thereby ruin the state, are all
like tapeworms.
If buildings are painted white and furniture cleansed with water, then there is cleanliness. The same is true of
human conduct and personality. If there is left no room for further painting and cleansing, then faults must be
few.
When Prince Chiu was about to cause a rebellion, Duke Huan of Chì sent spies to watch him. They came back
with the report that Prince Chiu, inasmuch as he never rejoiced when laughing and never saw when looking at a
thing, would certainly cause a rebellion. Hearing this, Duke Huan made the Lus kill him.
Kung-sun Hung bobbed his hair and became a cavalier of the King of Yüeh. To sever his relationship with him,
Kung-sun Hsi sent someone to tell him, "I and you will no longer be brothers." In reply Kung-sun Hung said: "I
have my hair cut off. You might have your neck cut off while serving in the army under somebody else. What do
I have to say to you then?" True, in the battle south of Chou, Kung-sun Hsi was killed.
A man who lived next-door to a rascal thought of selling off his estate and thereby keeping away from him.
Thereupon someone said to him, "His string of wickedness will soon be full. Better wait for a while." "I am
afraid he is going to do something against me for filling his measure of wickedness," was the reply. So saying,
the man left for elsewhere. Hence the saying: "No hesitation on the verge of danger."
Confucius once asked his disciples, "Who can tell me the way Tzŭ-hsi made his name?" "Tz`ŭ 16 can," replied
Tzŭ-kung, "and hopes nobody will doubt it. Tzŭ-hsi 17 said: `Be broad-minded, never be enticed by profit, and
keep the people upright. By nature the people follow certain constant principles, considering crookedness
crooked and straightness straight.' " "Yet Tzŭ-hsi could not evade a disastrous end," remarked Confucius.
"During the rebellion of the Duke of White he was killed. Hence the saying: `Who pretends to straightness in
conduct, is crooked in desire.' "
Viscount Wên of Chung-hang of Chin, while living in exile, once passed through a county town, when his
followers said: "The squire of this place is an old acquaintance of Your Excellency. Why does Your Excellency
not stay in his house and wait for the carriage coming from behind?" In reply Viscount Wên said: "I used to love
music, when this man presented me with an automatic harp. When I liked girdle ornaments, he presented me
with a jade bracelet. In this way, he aggravated my indulgences. Who ingratiated himself with me by using such
articles as presents, will ingratiate himself with others by using me as a present too." So saying, he left the place.
Meanwhile, the man actually retained Viscount Wên's two carriages that arrived later and presented them to his
ruler.
Chou Tsào once said to Kung Tà, "Will you tell the King of Chì that if His Majesty helps me attain to high
office in Wey with Chì's influence I will in return make Wey serve Chì?" "No," replied Kung Tà. "Your
request will show him your being powerless in Wey. I am sure the King of Chì would not help any powerless
man in Wey and thereby incur hatred from the powerful men in the country. Therefore, you had better say,
`Whatever His Majesty wants, thy servant will make Wey do accordingly.' Then the King of Chì would think
you are powerful in Wey and support you. In this way, after you become influential in Chì, you will gain
influence in Wey with Chì's support." 18
Pai Kuei once said to the Premier of Sung: "As soon as your master grows up, he will administer the state affairs
himself, and you will have nothing to do. Now your master is young and fond of making a name. Better make
the Ching State congratulate him on his filial piety. Then your master never will deprive you of your post and
will pay high respects to you and you will always hold high office in Sung."
Kuan Chung and Pao Shu said to each other: "The Ruler who is extremely outrageous, is bound to lose the State.
Among all the princes in the Chì State, the one worth supporting must be Prince Hsiao-pai, if not Prince Chiu.
Let each of us serve one of them and the one who succeeds first recommend the other." So saying, Kuan Chung
served Prince Chiu and Pao Shu served Hsiao-pai. In the meantime, the Ruler was actually assassinated by his
subjects. Hsiao-pai entered the capital first and proclaimed himself Ruler. The Lus arrested Kuan Chung and sent
him to Chì. Thereupon Pao Shu spoke to the Throne about him and made him Prime Minister of Chì. Hence the
proverb saying: "The magician makes good prayers for people but cannot pray for keeping himself away from
evil spirits; Surgeon Chìn 19 was skilful in curing diseases but unable to treat himself with the needle." Similarly,
despite his own wisdom, Kuan Chung had to rely on Pao Shu for help. This is exactly the same as what a vulgar
proverb says, "The slave sells fur coats but does not buy them, the scholar praises his eloquent speeches but does
not believe in them."
The King of Ching attacked Wu. Wu sent Chü Wei and Chüeh Yung to entertain Ching's troops with presents.
The Commander of the Ching Army said, "Arrest them and kill them for painting the festive drum with their
blood." Then he asked, "Did you divine your fortunes before you started coming here?" "Yes, we did." "Good
luck?" "Of course, good luck." "Now, we are going to kill you and paint our festive drum with your blood.
Why?" "That is the reason why the omen is good," replied the two men. "Wu sent us here to test Your
Excellency. 20 If Your Excellency is serious, they will dig deep trenches and build high ramparts; if not, they will
relax their preparations. Now that Your Excellency kills thy servants, the Wus will take strict precautions against
your attack. Moreover, the state's divination was not for one or two men. Verily, if it is not called lucky to have
one subject killed and thereby preserve the whole state, what is? Again, dead persons never feel. If so, there is no
use painting the drum with the blood of thy servants. If dead persons can feel and know, thy servants will make
the drum stop sounding during the battle." Accordingly, the Chings did not kill them.
Earl Chih was about to attack the Chòu-yu State, and found the path too hazardous to go through. Thereupon he
cast large bells and offered to present them to the Ruler of Chòu-yu. The Ruler of Chòu-yu, greatly pleased
thereby, thought of clearing up the path for accepting the bells. "No," said Chìh-chang Wan-chi, "he is acting in
the way a small state pays respects to a big power. Now that a big state is sending us such a present, soldiers will
certainly follow it. Do not accept it." To this counsel the Ruler of Chòuyu would not listen but accepted the bells
in the long run. Therefore, Chìh-chang Wan-chi cut the naves of his carriage short enough for the narrow road
and drove away to the Chì State. Seven months afterwards Chòu-yu was destroyed.
Yüeh having already vanquished Wu asked for reinforcements from Ching in order to attack Chin. Thereupon
the Left Court Historiographer Yi Hsiang said to the King of Ching: "Indeed, Yüeh on smashing Wu had able
officers killed, brave soldiers extinguished, and heavily-armed warriors wounded. Now they are asking for
reinforcements from us to attack Chin and showing us that they are not exhausted. We had better raise an army to
partition Wu with them." "Good," said the King of Ching, and, accordingly, raised an army and pursued the
Yüehs. Enraged thereby, the King of Yüeh thought of attacking the Chings. "No," said the High Officer Chung.
"Our able officers are practically all gone and heavily-armed warriors wounded. If we fight them, we will not
win. Better bribe them." Accordingly, the King ceded as bribe to Ching the land of five hundred li on the shady
side of the Dew Mountains.
Ching attacked Ch`ên. But Wu went to rescue it. There was only thirty li between the opposing armies. After
having been rainy for ten days, the weather began to clear 21 up at night. Thereupon the Left Court
Historiographer Yi Hsiang said to Tzŭ-chì: "It has been raining for ten days. The Wus must have assembled
piles of armour and a number of troops. To-night they would come. Better make preparations against their raid."
Accordingly, they pitched their camps. 22 Before the camps were completed, the Wus actually arrived, but, seeing
the camps of the Chings, they withdrew. "The Wus have made a round trip of sixty li," remarked the Left Court
Historiographer. "By this time their officers must be resting, and their soldiers eating. If we go thirty li and attack
them, we will certainly be able to defeat them." Accordingly, they pursued them and routed Wu's troops by long
odds.
When Han and Chao were menacing each other, the Viscount of Han asked for reinforcements from Wey, saying,
"We hope you will lend us troops to attack Chao." In reply Marquis Wên of Wey said, "Wey and Chao are
brothers. I cannot listen to you." Likewise, when Chao asked for reinforcements from Wey to attack Han,
Marquis Wên of Wey said, "Wey and Han are brothers. I dare not listen to you." Receiving no reinforcements,
both countries were angry and withdrew. After they found out that Marquis Wên had intended to patch up a
peace between them, both paid visits to the Court of Wey.
Chì attacked Lu and demanded the tripod made in Chàn. Lu sent them a forged one. "It's a forged one," said the
Chìs. "It's a real one," said the Lus. "Then bring Yo-chêng Tzŭ-chùn here to look at it," said the Chìs. "We will
listen to what he is going to say." Thereupon the Ruler of Lu asked Yo-chêng Tzŭ-chùn to take his side. "Why
did you not send them the real one?" asked Yo-chêng Tzŭ-chùn. "Because I love it," replied the Ruler. "I love
my own reputation, too," replied Yo-chêng.
When Han Chiu proclaimed himself Ruler and everything was not as yet stabilized, his younger brother was in
Chou. The Court of Chou wanted to support him but feared the Hans might not accept him. 23 Thereupon Chì-
mu Hui said: "The best is to send him back with one hundred chariots. If the people accept him, we will say that
the chariots are precautions against emergencies. If they refuse to accept him, we will say that we are delivering
their traitor to them."
When the Lord of Chìng-kuo 24 was about to build city walls around Hsüeh, many of his guests remonstrated
against the plan. The Lord of Chìng-kuo, therefore, told the usher not to convey their messages to him.
However, there came a man from Chì who requested an interview, saying, "Thy servant begs to speak only three
words. If he utters more than three words, he will be willing to be steamed to death." The Lord of Chìng-kuo,
therefore, granted him an audience. The visitor ran forward and said, "Big sea fish," and then ran away. "May I
know its meaning?" asked the Lord of Chìng-kuo. "Thy servant dare not regard dying as joking," said the
visitor. "Be kind enough to explain its meaning to me," insisted the Lord of Chìng-kuo. In reply the visitor said:
"Has Your Highness ever heard about the big fish? Neither the net can stop it nor the string arrow can catch it.
When it jumps at random and gets out of water, then even ants would make fun of it. Now, what the Chì State is
to Your Excellency, that is the sea to the big fish. As long as Your Excellency remains powerful in Chì, why
should he care about Hsüeh? Yet once you lose power in Chì, then though the city walls of Hsüeh are as high as
heaven, you will labour in vain." "Right," said the Lord of Chìng-kuo, and, accordingly, never built walls
around Hsüeh.
The younger brother of the King of Ching was in Chìn. When Chìn refused to send him home, a certain
lieutenant 25 spoke to the King, "May Your Majesty finance thy servant with one hundred taels of gold. Then thy
servant will be able to make Prince Wu come home." Accordingly, he took one hundred taels of gold along and
went to Chin. There he called on Shu-hsiang and said: "The younger brother of the King of Ching is in Chìn but
Chìn would not let him go home. Therefore His Majesty with one hundred taels of gold as present begs Your
Excellency to help his brother go home." Having accepted the money, Shu-hsiang went to see Duke Pìng of
Chin 26 and said: "It is now time to construct walls around the Pot Hill." "Why?" asked Duke Pìng. In reply he
said: "The younger brother of the King of Ching is in Chìn but Chìn refuses to send him home. This means that
Chìn has hatred for Ching. Therefore, Chìn will certainly not dare to protest against our construction of walls
around the Pot Hill. If they do, then we will tell them that if they let the younger brother of the King of Ching go
home, we will not build the walls. In case they let Prince Wu go home, we will place the Chings under obligation
to us. In case they refuse to send him home, they will execute their wicked plan and therefore certainly not dare
to protest against our construction of the walls around the Pot Hill." "Right," said the Duke, and, accordingly,
started building walls around the Pot Hill and told the Duke of Chìn that if he would send the younger brother of
the King of Ching home, the Chins would not build the walls. In accordance with the demand Chìn sent Prince
Wu back to Ching. Thereat the King of Ching was greatly pleased, and presented Chin with two thousand taels
of fused gold.
Ho-lü attacked Ying and in the fighting won three battles. Then he asked Tzŭ-hsü, "May we turn back now?" In
reply Tzŭ-hsü said: "Who wants to drown anybody and stops after giving him one drink, cannot drown him to
death. 27 Even to keep giving him water, is not as quick as to follow the force of circumstances and sink him."
A man of Chêng 28 had a son. On going to take up his official post, he said to the family folks, "Be sure to repair
the broken places on the mud fence. Otherwise, bad men might come in to steal things." Some dweller in the
same alley also said, "Keep the fence in good repair!" Actually a thief broke into the house. The family, 29
therefore, considered the young man wise but suspected that the dweller in the same alley who had warned them
was the thief.
Notes
1. 說林下.
2. His real name was Sun Yang.
3. With Wang Hsien-shen 擧踶馬其一人 should be removed from below 其一人 to the place above 自以爲失
相, and 其 means 之.
4. I regard 此 below 踶 as superfluous.
5. Namely, 擧踶馬之一人自以爲失相.
6. With Kao Hêng 任 sometimes means 察.
7. 奧 means 宛, the south-western corner of the sitting-room where seats of honour were reserved.
8. Chao Yung-hsien suspected that there were hiatus below this passage.
9. With Kao Hêng 惑 means 或.
10. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 桓 might have been a mistake for 杜.
11. With Ku 貴主 should be 貴生.
12. With Wang Yin-chi 鞅 should be 決.
13. With Wang Hsien-shen 亡 should read 忘.
14. 千鎰. One yi was equivalent to twenty taels.
15. With Wang Hsien-shen 公子 should be 公孫朝 and so throughout the whole illustration.
16. The personal name of Tzŭ-kung.
17. Wang Hsien-shen suspected that 孔子曰 was a mistake for 子西曰.
18. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 有齊 should be 齊有.
19. Namely, Pien Chìao (vide supra, pp. 214-15).

20. With Lu Wên-shao 怒 below 將軍 is superfluous.
21. With Wang Hsien-shen 星 means 晴.
22. 陳 should be 陣.
23. I propose the change of 恐韓咎不立也 into 恐韓人不立之.
24. Namely, Tìen Ying, son of King Wei of Chì and father of Lord Mêngchàng.
25. The Imperial Library has 中尉 in place of 中射.
26. With Hirazawa 之 between 以見 and 晉平公 is superfluous.
27. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 逆 should be 遂.
28. The "Difficulties in the Way of Persuasion" has 宋 in place of 鄭 (vide supra, p. 110).
29. With Wang Hsien-shen 其家 should be supplied above 以其子為智.
24 觀行第二十四
古之人目短於自見，故以鏡觀面；智短於自知，故以道正己。故鏡無見疵之罪，道無明過之怨。目失鏡
則無以正鬚眉，身失道則無以知迷惑。西門豹之性急，故佩韋以緩己；董安于之心緩，故佩弦以自急。
故以有餘補不足，以長續短之謂明主。
天下有信數三：一曰智有所不能立，二曰力有所不能舉，三曰彊有所不能勝。
故雖有堯之智而無眾人之助，大功不立；有烏獲之勁而不得人助，不能自舉；有賁、育之彊而無法術，
不得長（生）〔勝〕。故（世）〔勢〕有不可得，事有不可成。故烏獲輕千鈞而重其身，非其身重於千
鈞也，勢不便也。離朱易百步而難眉睫，非百步近而眉睫遠也，道不可也。故明主不窮烏獲以其不能自
舉；不困離朱以其不能自見。因可勢，求易道，故用力寡而功名立。
時有滿虛，事有利害，物有生死，人主為三者發喜怒之色，則金石之士離心焉。聖賢之（撲淺）〔樸〕
深矣。故明主觀人，不使人觀己。
明於堯不能獨成，烏獲不能自舉，賁、育之不能自勝，以法術則觀行之道畢矣。
Chapter XXIV. Observing Deeds1
Men of antiquity, because their eyes stopped short of self-seeing, used mirrors to look at their faces; because
their wisdom stopped short of self-knowing, they took Tao to rectify their characters. The mirror had no guilt of
making scars seen; Tao had no demerit of making faults clear. Without the mirror, the eyes had no other means to
rectify the whiskers and eyebrows; without Tao, the person had no other way to know infatuation and
bewilderment. For the same reason, Hsi-mên Pao, being quick-tempered, purposely wore hide on his feet to
make himself slow; Tung An-yü, being slow-minded, wore bowstrings on his feet to make himself quick.
Therefore, the ruler who supplies scarcity with abundance and supplements shortness with length is called "an
intelligent sovereign".
There are in All-under-Heaven three truths: First, that even wise men find unattainable tasks; second, that even
strong men find immovable objects; and third, that even brave men find invincible opponents.
For instance, though you have the wisdom of Yao but have no support of the masses of the people, you cannot
accomplish any great achievement; though you have the physical force of Wu Huo but have no help from other
people, you cannot raise yourself; and though you have the strength of Mêng Pên and Hsia Yü and uphold
neither law nor tact, you cannot triumph for ever. 2 Therefore, certain positions are untenable; certain tasks,
unattainable. Thus, Wu Huo found a thousand chün light but his own body heavy. Not that his body was heavier
than a thousand chün, but that position would not facilitate his raising his own body. In the same way, Li Chu
found it easy to see across one hundred steps but difficult to see his own eyelashes. Not that one hundred steps
were near and eyelashes far, but that the way of nature would not permit him to see his own eyelashes. For such
reasons, the intelligent sovereign neither reproaches Wu Huo for his inability to raise himself nor embarrasses Li
Chu with his inability to see himself. Yet he counts on favourable circumstances and seeks for the easiest way, so
that he exerts small effort and accomplishes both an achievement and a reputation.
Times 3 wax and wane; affairs 4 help and harm; and things 5 come into existence and go into extinction. As the
lord of men has these three objects to face, if he expresses the colours of joy and anger, "personages of gold and
stone" 6 will be estranged while the wise and shrewd will explore the depth of the ruler's mentality. Therefore,
the intelligent sovereign observes people's deeds but never lets people observe his own motives.
Now that you understand the inability of Yao to accomplish the rule by himself, the inability of Wu Huo to raise
his own body by himself, and the inability of Mêng Pên and Hsia Yü to triumph by themselves, if you uphold
law and tact, then the course of observing deeds will be completed.
Notes
1. 觀行. Beginning with this, six successive works give the summary ideas of Han Fei Tzŭ's legalism. Concise
and simple, they seem to have been the miscellaneous records of his teachings whose details he developed in
other works.
2. I propose 長勝 for 長生. Because in the last sentence of this chapter there is found 長勝 instead of 長生 in
regard to the function of the ability of Pên and Yü.
3. 時 implies "opportunities".
4. 事.
5. 物.
6. 金石之士 refers to those men whose talents are as precious as gold and whose minds are as stable as stones.
25 安危第二十五
安術有七，危道有六。
安術：
一曰賞罰隨是非，
二曰禍福隨善惡，
三曰死生隨法度，
四曰有賢不肖而無愛惡，
五曰有愚智而無非譽，
六曰有尺寸而無意度，
七曰有信而無詐。
危道：
一曰斲削於繩之內，
二曰（斲）〔斷〕割於法之外，
三曰利人之所害，
四曰樂人之所禍，
五曰危人於所安，
六曰所愛不親，所惡不。
如此，則人失其所以樂生，而忘其所以重死。人不樂生則人主不尊，不重死則令不行也。
使天下皆極智能於儀表，盡力於權衡，以動則勝，以靜則安。治世使人樂生於為是，愛身於為非，小人
少而君子多。故社稷長立，國家久安。奔車之上無仲尼，覆舟之下無伯夷。故號令者，國之舟車也。安
則智廉生，危則爭鄙起。故安國之法，若饑而食，寒而衣，不令而自然也。先王寄理於竹帛，其道順，
故後世服。（令）〔今〕使人去饑寒，雖賁、育不能行；廢自然，雖順道而不立。強勇之所不能行，則
上不能安。上以無厭責已盡，則下對「無有」，〔無有〕則輕法。法所以為國也，而輕之，則功不立，
名不成。
聞古扁鵲之治其病也，以刀刺骨；聖人之救危國也，以忠拂耳。刺骨，故小痛在體而長利在身；拂耳，
故小逆在心而久福在國。故甚病之人利在忍痛，猛毅之君以福拂耳。忍痛，故扁鵲盡巧；拂耳，則子胥
不失。壽安之術也。病而不忍痛，則失扁鵲之巧；危而不拂耳，則失聖人之意。如此，長利不遠垂，功
名不久立。
人主不自刻以堯，而責人臣以子胥，是幸殷人之盡如比干。盡如比干，則上不失，下不亡。不權其力而
有田成，而幸其身盡如比干，故國不得一安。
廢堯、舜而立桀、紂，則人不得樂所長而憂所短。失所長，則國家無功；守所短，則民不樂生。以無功
御不樂生，（以無功御不樂生），不可行於齊民。如此，則上無以使下，下無以事上。
安危在是非，不在於強弱；存亡在虛實，不在於眾寡。故齊萬乘也，而名實不稱，上空虛於國，內不充
滿於名實，故臣得奪主。（殺）〔桀〕，天子也，而無是非：賞於無功，使讒諛以詐偽為貴；誅於無
罪，使傴以天性剖背。以詐偽〔為〕是，天性為非，小得勝大。
明主堅內，故不外失，失之近（正）〔而〕不亡於遠者無有。故周之奪殷也，拾遺於庭。使殷不遺於
朝，則周不敢望秋毫於境，而況敢易位乎？
明主之道忠法，其法忠心，故臨之而（法）〔治〕，去之而思。堯無膠漆之約於當世而（遺）〔道〕
行，舜無置錐之地於後世而德結。能立道於往（名）古，而垂德於萬世者之謂明主。
Chapter XXV. Safety and Danger1
The means of safety have seven varieties; the ways to danger, six.
Of the means of safety:—
The first is said to be "reward and punishment in accordance with right and wrong".
The second is said to be "fortune and misfortune in accordance with good and evil".
The third is said to be "life and death in accordance with laws and institutions".
The fourth is said to be "discrimination between the worthy and unworthy but not between the loved and the
hated".
The fifth is said to be "discrimination between the stupid and the wise but not between the blamed and the
praised".
The sixth is to "have feet and inches but let nobody guess the ruler's mind".
The seventh is to "have good faith but no falsehood".
Of the ways to danger:—
The first is to "make cuts within the string".
The second is to "make breaks beyond the string". 2
The third is to "profit by people's danger".
The fourth is to "rejoice in people's disaster".
The fifth is to "endanger people's safety".
The sixth is "not to keep intimate with the loved nor to keep the hated at a distance".
In cases like the above-mentioned, people will lose the reason to rejoice in life and forget the reason to take
death seriously. If people do not rejoice in life, the lord of men will not be held in high esteem; if people do not
take death seriously, orders will not take effect.
Let All-under-Heaven devote their wisdom and talent to the refinement of manners and looks and exert their
strength to the observance of yard and weight, 3 so that when you move, you triumph, and, when you rest, you
are safe. When governing the world, make men rejoice in life in doing good and make them love their bodies too
much to do evil. Then small men will decrease and superior men will increase. Consequently, the Altar of the
Spirits of Land and Grain will stand for ever and the country will be safe for aye. In a rushing carriage there is no
need of Chung-ni; beneath a wrecked ship there is no use of Po-i. So are commands and orders the ship and
carriage of the state. In time of safety, intelligent and upright men 4 are born; in case of danger, there arise
disputants and rustics. Therefore, keeping the state safe is like having food when hungry and clothes when cold,
not by will but by nature. The early kings left principles of government on bamboo slips and pieces of cloth.
Their course of government being proper, subsequent ages followed them. In the present age, to make people
discard clothes and food when they are hungry and cold, even Mêng Pên and Hsia Yü 5 cannot execute such an
order. Whoever discards the way of nature, though his course of government is proper, cannot hold well.
Wherever even strong and brave men cannot execute orders, there the superiors cannot be safe. When the
insatiable superiors blame the exhausted inferiors, the latter will always give "No more" as reply. When they
give "No more" as reply, they slight the law. The law is what the state is governed by. If it is slighted, neither
merit will be rendered nor name will be made.
They say that, of old, Pien Chìao, when treating serious 6 diseases, pierced through bones with knives. So does
the sage on rescuing the state out of danger offend the ruler's ear with loyal words. After the bone has been
pierced through, the body suffers a little pain but the person secures a permanent benefit. After the ear has been
offended, the mind feels somewhat thwarted but the state secures a permanent advantage. Therefore, seriously ill
persons gain by enduring pains; stubborn-minded rulers have good luck only through ear-offending words. If
patients could endure the pain, Pien Chìao could exert his skill. If the ruler's ear could be offended, Tzŭ-hsü
would not have ended in failure. Thus, pain-enduring and ear-offending are means to longevity and security.
Naturally, when one was ill but could not endure pain, he would miss Pien Chìao's skill; when one is in danger
but does not want to have his ear offended, he will miss the sage's counsels. Were such the case, no permanent
benefit would continue nor would any glorious fame last long.
If the lord of men does not cultivate himself with Yao as example but requests every minister to imitate Tzŭ-hsü,
he is then doing the same as expecting the Yins to be as loyal as Pi Kan. If everybody could be as loyal as Pi
Kan, the ruler would neither lose the throne nor ruin himself. As the ruler does not weigh the ministers' powers
despite the existence of rapacious ministers like Tìen Ch`êng but expects everybody to be as loyal as Pi Kan, the
state can never have a moment of safety.
If the example of Yao and Shun is set aside and that of Chieh and Chow is followed instead, then the people can
neither rejoice in their own merits nor worry over their own defects. If they lose their merits, the country will
accomplish nothing; if they stick to the defects, they will not rejoice in life. If the authorities having
accomplished nothing attempt to rule the people not rejoicing in life, they will not succeed in unifying the
people. Should such be the case, the superiors would have no way to employ the inferiors while the inferiors
would find no reason to serve the superiors.
Safety and danger rest with right and wrong but not with strength and weakness. Existence and extinction
depend upon substantiality and superficiality, but not on big and small numbers. For example, Chì was a state of
ten thousand chariots, but her name and her reality were not mutually equivalent. The ruler had superficial
powers inside the state and paved no gap between name and reality. Therefore, ministers could deprive the
sovereign of the throne. Again, Chieh 7 was the Son of Heaven but saw no distinction between right and wrong,
rewarded men of no merit, took slanderers into service, respected hypocrites as noble, censured innocent men,
ordered men born humpbacked to have their backs cut open, approved falsehood, and disapproved inborn reason.
In consequence, 8 a small country could vanquish his big one.
The intelligent sovereign consolidates internal forces and therefore encounters no external failure. Who fails
within his reach, is bound to fail at a distance. For instance, the Chous on supplanting the Yins learned by the
latter's failures in the court. Should the Yins have made no mistake in their court, even for an autumn down 9 the
Chous would not dare to hope from them. How much less would they dare to shift their throne?
The Tao of the intelligent sovereign is true to the law, and his law is true to the mind. Therefore, when standing
close by it, he acts on the law; when going away from it, he thinks of it in the mind. Thus, Yao made no covenant
as binding as glue and varnish with his age, but his Tao prevailed. Shun left no territory sufficient to set a gimlet
on with subsequent ages, but his Teh is bearing fruit. Who can trace his Tao to remote antiquity and leave his Teh
to the myriad subsequent ages, is called "an enlightened sovereign".
Notes
1. 安危.
2. With Wang Hsien-shen 法 should be 繩. That is the inked string of the carpenter, which in this case means the
fixed rule.
3. Namely, orders and prohibitions.
4. Such as Chung-ni and Po-i.
5. I propose 育 for 欲.
6. Wang Hsien-shen proposed 甚 for 其.
7. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 殺 should be 桀.
8. I propose the supply of 故 above 小得勝大.
9. 秋毫 is the down on hares and plants in autumn or the tip of an autumn spikelet, which in this case means the
tiniest thing.
26 守道第二十六
聖王之立法也，其賞足以勸善，其威足以勝暴，其備足以必完法。治世之臣，功多者位尊，力極者賞
厚，情盡者名立。善之生如春，惡之死如秋，故民勸極力而樂盡情，此之謂上下相得。上下相得，故能
使用力者自極於權衡，而務至於任鄙；戰士出死，而願為賁、育；守道者皆懷金石之心，以死子胥之
節。用力者為任鄙，戰如賁、育，中為金石，則君人者高枕而守已完矣。
古之善守者，以其所重禁其所輕，以其所難止其所易。故君子與小人俱正，盜跖與曾、史俱廉。何以知
之？夫貪盜不赴谿而掇金，赴溪而掇金則身不全。賁、育不量敵則無勇名，盜跖不計可則利不成。
明主之守禁也，賁、育見侵於其所不能勝，盜跖見害於其所不能取。故能禁賁、育之所不能犯，守盜跖
之所不能取，則暴者守愿，邪者反正。大勇愿，巨盜貞（平），則天下公平，而齊民之情正矣。
人主離法失人，則危於伯夷不妄取，而不免於田成、盜跖之（耳）〔禍〕，（可）〔何〕也？今天下無
一伯夷，而姦人不絕世，故立法度量。度量信則伯夷不失是，而盜跖不得非。法分明則賢不得奪不肖，
強不得侵弱，眾不得暴寡。託天下於堯之法，則貞士不失分，姦人不徼幸。寄千金於羿之矢，則伯夷不
得亡，而盜跖不敢取。堯明於不失姦，故天下無邪；羿巧於不失（廢）〔發〕，故千金不亡。邪人不壽
而盜跖止。
如此，故圖不載宰予，不舉六卿；書不著子胥，不明夫差。孫、吳之略廢，盜跖之心伏。人主甘服於玉
堂之中，而無瞋目切齒傾取之患；人臣垂拱〔於〕金城之內，而無扼捥聚脣嗟唶之禍。
服虎而不以柙，禁姦而不以法，塞偽而不以符，此賁、育之所患。堯、舜之所難也。故設柙，非所以備
鼠也，所以使怯弱能服虎也；立法，非所以備曾、史也，所以〔使〕庸主能止盜跖也；為符，非所以豫
尾生也，所以使眾人不相謾也，不獨恃比干之死節，不幸亂臣之無詐也；恃怯之所能服，握庸主之所易
守。當今之世，為人主忠計，為天下結德者，利莫長於（如）此。故君人者無亡國之圖，而忠臣無失身
之畫。明於尊位必賞，故能使人盡力於權衡，死節於官職。通賁、育之情，不以死易生；惑於盜跖之
貪，不以財易身，則守國之道畢備矣。
Chapter XXVI. The Way to Maintain the State1
When a sage-king makes laws, he makes rewards sufficient to encourage the good, his authority sufficient to
subjugate the violent, and his preparation sufficient to accomplish 2 a task. Ministers of an orderly age, who have
rendered the country many meritorious services, hold high posts. Those who have exerted their strength, receive
big rewards. Those who have exerted the spirit of loyalty, establish names. If good, they live on as flowers and
insects do in spring; if bad, they die out as flowers and insects do in autumn. Therefore, the people strive to
apply all their forces and rejoice in exerting the spirit of loyalty. This is said to have high and low living in
harmony. As high and low are living in harmony, users of forces exert their strength to the observance of yard
and weight and strive to play the role of Jên Pì; warriors march out at the risk of their lives 3 and hope to
accomplish the merits of Mêng Pên and Hsia Yü; and upholders of the true path all cherish the mind of gold and
stone to die in the cause of fidelity as Tzŭ-hsü did. If the users of forces are as strong as Jên Pì and fight as
bravely as Pên and Yü while cherishing the mind of gold and stone, then the ruler of men can sleep without
worries 4 and his preparations for the maintenance of the state are already complete.
In by-gone days, the good maintainers of the state forbade what they considered light with what they considered
heavy, and stopped what they considered easy with what they considered hard. Therefore, both gentlemen and
rustics were equally upright. Robber Chê and Tsêng Tsàn and Shih Chìu were equally honest. How do I know
this? Indeed, the greedy robber does not go to the ravine to snatch gold. For, if he goes to the ravine to snatch
gold, he will not be safe. Similarly, Pên and Yü, without estimating their opponents' strength, would have gained
no fame for bravery; Robber Chê, without calculating the possibilities of success, would have gained no booty.
When the intelligent sovereign enacts prohibitions, even Pên and Yü are restrained by what they cannot vanquish
and Robber Chê is afflicted with what he cannot take. Therefore, if the ruler can forbid with what Pên and Yü
cannot transgress and maintain what Robber Chê cannot take, the violent will become prudent; the brave,
respectful; and the wicked, upright. Then All-under-Heaven will become just and fair and the common people
will become right-spirited.
Once the lord of men leaves the law and loses the hearts of the people, he will fear lest Po-i should take anything
away, and will not escape such calamities as are caused by Tìen Ch`êng and Robber Chê. Why? Because the
present world has not a single man as upright as Po-i but the age is full of culprits. That is the reason why laws,
weights, and measures are made. If weights and measures are of faith, Po-i loses no reason to be right and
Robber Chê cannot do wrong. If laws are distinct and clear, the worthy cannot over-run the unworthy, the strong
cannot outrage the weak, and the many cannot violate the few. If the ruler commits All-under-Heaven to the care
of the Law of Yao, honest men never miss their due posts and wicked men never seek any godsend. If the arrow
of Hou Yi is entrusted with a thousand taels of gold, Po-i cannot lose and Robber Chê dare not take. As Yao was
too clever to miss the culprits, All-under-Heaven had no wickedness. As Yi was too skilful to miss the mark, the
thousand taels of gold would not be lost. Thus, wicked men could not live long, and Robber Chê would stop.
Should such be the case, among the pictures there would be inserted no worthy like Tsai Yü and enumerated no
rapacious ministers like the Six Nobles; among the books there would be recorded no personage like Tzŭ-hsü
and described no tyrant like Fu-chà; the tactics of Sun Wu and Wu Chì would be abandoned; and Robber Chê's
malice would give way. Then the lord of men might enjoy sound sleep inside the jade palace with no trouble of
glaring his eyes and grinding his teeth with anger and turning his ear with anxiety; while the ministers might
drop their clothes and fold their hands in an iron-walled city with no calamity of seeing their arms clutched, their
lips shut tight, and hearing sighs and griefs.
To subdue the tiger not by means of the cage, to suppress the culprit not by means of the law, or to impede the
liar not by means of the tally, would be a worry to Pên and Yü and a difficulty to Yao and Shun. Therefore, to
construct a cage is not to provide against rats but to enable the weak and timid to subdue the tiger; to establish
laws is not to provide against Tsêng Tsàn and Shih Chìu but to enable the average sovereign to prohibit Robber
Chê; and to make tallies is not to guard against Wei Shêng but to make the masses never deceive one another.
Thus, the right way is not to rely on Pi Kan's martyrdom in the cause of fidelity nor to count on the rapacious
minister's committing no deception, but to rely on the ability of the timid to subdue the tiger and appropriate the
facilities of the average sovereign to maintain the state. In the present age, who schemes loyally for the sovereign
and accumulates virtue for All-underHeaven, finds no advantage more permanent than this! 5 If so, the ruler of
men will see no figure of a doomed state and the loyal ministers will cherish no image of a ruined personality. As
the ruler knows how to honour ranks and make rewards definite, he can make people apply their strength to the
observance of yard and weight, die in the cause of their official duties, understand the real desire of Pên and Yü
not to choose the death penalty before a peaceful life, and scrutinize 6 the covetous acts of Robber Chê so as not
to ruin their characters for the sake of money. Then the way to maintain the state is completely paved.
Notes
1. 守道.
2. Lu Wên-shao suspected that 法 below 完 was superfluous.
3. With Wang Hsien-shên there are hiatuses below this passage.
4. 高枕 literally means to use a high pillow while asleep.
5. With Wang Hsien-shen 如 above 此 is superfluous.
6. With Wang Wei 惑 is a mistake. I propose 審 for it.
27 用人第二十七
聞古之善用人者，必循天順人而明賞罰。循天，則用力寡而功立；順人，則刑罰省而令行；明賞罰，則
伯夷、盜跖不亂。如此，則白黑分矣。
治國之臣，效功於國以履位，見能於官以受職，盡力於權衡以任事。人臣皆宜其能，勝其官，輕其任，
而莫懷餘力於心，莫負兼官之責於君。故內無伏怨之亂，外無馬服之患。
明君使事不相干，故莫訟；使士不兼官，故技長；使人不同功，故莫爭（訟）。爭訟止，技長立，則彊
弱不觳力，冰炭不合形，天下莫得相傷，治之至也。
釋法術而心治，堯不能正一國。去規矩而妄意度，奚仲不能成一輪。廢尺寸而差短長，王爾不能半中。
使中主守法術，拙匠守規矩尺寸，則萬不失矣。君人者，能去賢巧之所不能，守中拙之所萬不失，則人
力盡而功名立。
明主立可為之賞，設可避之罰。故賢者勸賞而不見子胥之禍，不肖者少罪而不見傴剖背，盲者處平而不
遇深谿，愚者守靜而不陷險危。如此，則上下之恩結矣。古之人曰：「其心難知，喜怒難中也。」故以
表示目，以鼓語耳，以法教心。君人者釋三易之數，而行（之）一難知之〔心〕，如此，則怒積於上而
怨積於下。以積怒而御積怨，則兩危矣。
明主之表易見，故約立；其教易知，故言用；其法易為，故令行。三者立而上無私心，則下得循法而
治，望表而動，隨繩而斲，因攢而縫。如此，則上無私威之毒，而下無愚拙之誅。故上（君）〔居〕明
而少怒，下盡忠而少罪。
聞之曰：「舉事無患者，堯不得也。」而世未嘗無事也。君人者不輕爵祿，不易富貴，不可與救危國。
故明主厲廉恥，招仁義。昔者介子推無爵祿而義隨文公，不忍口腹而仁割其肌，故人主結其德，書圖著
其名。
人主樂乎使人以公盡力，而苦乎以私奪威。人臣安乎以能受職，而苦乎以一負二。故明主除人臣之所
苦，而立人主之所樂。上下之利，莫長於此。不察私門之內，輕慮重事，厚誅薄罪，久怨細過，長侮偷
快，數以德追禍，是斷手而續以玉也，故世有易身之患。
人主立難為而罪不及，則私怨（立）〔生〕；人臣失所長而奉難給，則伏怨結。勞苦不撫循，憂悲不哀
憐；喜則譽小人，賢不肖俱賞，怒則毀君子，使伯夷與盜跖俱辱；故臣有叛主。
使燕王內憎其民而外愛魯人，則燕不用而魯不附。〔民〕見憎，不能盡力而務功；魯見說，而不能離死
命而親他主。如此，則人臣為隙穴，而人主獨立。以隙穴之臣而事獨立之主，此之謂危殆。
釋儀的而妄發，雖中小不巧；釋法制而妄怒，雖殺戮而姦人不恐。罪生甲，禍歸乙，伏怨乃結。故至治
之國，有賞罰而無喜怒。故聖人極有刑法，而死無螫毒，故姦人服。
發矢中的，賞罰當符，故堯復生，羿復立。如此，則上無殷、夏之患，下無比干之禍，君高枕而臣樂
業，道蔽天地，德極萬世矣。
夫人主不塞隙穴而勞力於赭堊，暴雨疾風必壞。不去眉睫之禍而慕賁、育之死，不謹蕭牆之患而固金城
於遠境，不用近賢之謀而外結萬乘之交於千里，飄風一旦起，則賁、育不及救，而外交不及至，禍莫大
於此。當今之世，為人主忠計者，必無使燕王說魯人，無使近世慕賢於古，無思越人以救中國溺者。如
此，則上下親，內功立，外名成。
Chapter XXVII. How to Use Men: Problems of Personnel Administration1
They say the ancients who were skilful in personnel administration always conformed to the way of heaven,
accorded with the nature of man, and clarified the principles of reward and punishment. As they conformed to
the way of heaven, they expended few efforts, but harvested fruitful results. As they accorded with the nature of
man, penal acts were simplified, but orders took effect. As they clarified the principles of reward and
punishment, Po-i and Robber Chê were never mixed up. That being so, white and black were clearly
distinguished from each other.
Ministers of an orderly state render meritorious service to the country so as to fulfil their official duties, manifest
their talents in office so as to obtain promotions, and devote their strength to the observance of yard and weight
so as to manage affairs. As all officials have due abilities, are competent for their duties, and do not covet any
additional post 2 ; and as they have no ulterior motive in mind and shift no responsibility of any of their
additional offices to the ruler; inside there occurs no uprising from hidden resentment nor does such a disaster as
caused by the Lord of Ma-fu 3 happen outside.
The intelligent ruler allows no offices to meddle with each other, wherefore no dispute can happen; no personage
to hold an additional post, wherefore everybody's talented skill can improve; and nobody to share the same
meritorious service with anybody else, wherefore no rivalry can ensue. When rivalry and dispute cease and
talents and specialities grow, the strong and the weak will not struggle for power, ice and charcoal will not mix
their features, 4 and All-underHeaven will not be able to harm one another. Such is the height of order.
Casting law and tact aside and trusting to personal judgments, even Yao could not rectify a state. Discarding
compasses and squares and trusting to optional measures, even Hsi Chung could not make a single wheel. Giving
rulers up and thereby attempting to make shortness and length even, even Wang Erh could not point out the
middle. Supposing an average sovereign abode by law and tact and an unskilful carpenter used compasses,
squares, and rulers, certainly there would be no mistake in a myriad cases. Who rules men, if he casts aside what
the wise and the skilful fall short of and maintains what the average and the unskilful never fail in, can then exert
the forces of the people to the utmost and accomplish his achievement and reputation.
The intelligent sovereign offers rewards that may be earned and establishes punishments that should be avoided.
Accordingly, worthies are encouraged by rewards and never meet Tzŭ-hsü's disaster; unworthy people commit
few crimes and never see the humpback being cut open; blind people walk on the plain and never come across
any deep ravine; stupid people keep silent and never fall into hazards. Should such be the case, the affection
between superior and inferior would be well founded. The ancients said, "It is hard to know the mind. It is hard
to balance joy and anger." Therefore, the sovereign uses bulletins to show the eye, instructions 5 to tell the ear,
and laws to rectify 6 the mind. If the ruler of men discards these three easy measures and practises the sole
difficult policy of mind-reading, then anger will be accumulated by the superior and resentment would be
accumulated by the inferior. When accumulators of anger are governing accumulators of resentment, both will be
in danger.
The bulletins of the intelligent sovereign being so easy to see, his promises keep. His teachings being so easy to
understand, his words function. His laws being so easy to observe, his orders take effect. When these three things
are well founded and the superiors have no self-seeking mind, the inferiors will obey the law and maintain order;
will look at the bulletin and move; will follow the inked string and break; and will follow the flat pins 7 and sew.
In such a case, superiors will incur no bad name for selfishness and arrogance nor will inferiors receive any
blame for stupidity and awkwardness. Hence the ruler is enlightened and rarely angry while the people are loyal
and rarely guilty.
They say, "To manage an affair and have no worry, even Yao would be unable." Yet the world is always full of
affairs. The ruler of men, unless generous in conferring titles and bounties and easy in rewarding people of merit
with riches and honours, is not worth helping in saving his jeopardized state. Therefore, the intelligent sovereign
encourages men of integrity and bashfulness and invites men of benevolence and righteousness. Of yore, Chieh
Tzŭ-tùi 8 had neither rank nor bounty but followed Duke Wên in the cause of righteousness, and, being unable
to bear the thirst of the Duke's mouth and the hunger of his stomach, sliced off his own flesh to feed his master in
the cause of benevolence. Henceforth the lords of men have cited his virtue and books and pictures have quoted
his name.
Generally speaking, the lord of men rejoices in making the people exert their strength for public causes and
suffers by the usurpation of his authority by self-seeking ministers. The minister feels content when receiving
appointment to office and overburdened when taking charge of two responsibilities at one time. The intelligent
sovereign, therefore, abolishes what the ministers suffer and establishes what the lord of men rejoices in. Such an
advantage to both superior and inferior is surpassed by nothing else. Contrary to this, if the ruler fails to observe
closely the interiors of private residences, handles important affairs with slight concerns of mind, inflicts severe
censure for minor offences, resents small faults for a long time, habitually teases people for amusement's sake
and frequently requites trouble-makers with favours, it is the same as to cut off the arm and replace it with a
jewel one. Hence the world encounters calamities of dethronement.
If the lord of men institutes difficult requirements and convicts anybody whosoever falls short of the mark, then
secret resentment will appear. If the minister disuses his merit and has to attend to a difficult work, then hidden
resentment will grow. If toil and pain are not removed and worry and grief are not appeased; if the ruler, when
glad, praises small men and rewards both the worthy and the unworthy, and, when angry, blames superior men
and thereby makes Po-i and Robber Chê equally disgraced, then there will be ministers rebelling against the
sovereign.
Supposing the King of Yen hated his people at home but loved the Lus abroad, then Yen would not serve him nor
would Lu obey him. The Yens, 9 as hated, would not exert their strength to render him meritorious services;
while the Lus, though delighted, would never forget the death-or-life question and thereby become intimate with
the sovereign of another state. In such a case, the ministers would fall into discord; the lord of men, into
isolation. The country in which ministers in discord serve the sovereign left in isolation, is said to be in a great
danger.
Supposing you discarded the mark and target and shot blindly, then though you hit it, you would not thereby be
skilful. Similarly, supposing you cast laws and institutions aside and got angry blindly, then, though you
slaughter many, the culprits would not be afraid of you. If the crime is committed by "A" but the consequent
disaster befalls "B", 10 then hidden resentment will grow. Therefore, in the state of the highest order there are
reward and punishment but neither joy nor anger. For the same reason, the sage enacts all kinds of penal law;
whereas, though he sentences criminals to death, he is neither malicious nor cruel. Hence the culprits yield to his
justice.
Wherever the shot arrow hits the mark and reward and punishment correspond with the tallies of merits and
demerits, there Yao can come to life again and Yi can reappear. In such an orderly country, superiors will
encounter no catastrophe as met by the Yins and the Hsias; inferiors will suffer no disaster as met by Pi-kan; the
ruler can sleep without worries; ministers can rejoice in their daily work; Tao will spread all over heaven and
earth; and Teh will last throughout a myriad generations.
Indeed, if the lord of men, instead of paving cracks and gaps, works hard on painting the surface with red and
white clay, be sure swift rain and sudden gale will tumble the house down. Likewise, if he does not escape the
impending disaster as near as the eyebrows and eyelashes but yearns after the manner of the death of Pên and
Yü; if he takes no heed of the imminent trouble within the enclosure but solidifies the iron castles in remote
frontiers; and if he does not adopt the schemes of the worthies near by him but cultivates friendships with the
states of ten thousand chariots a thousand li away; then once the whirlwind arises, Pên and Yü will not be in time
to rescue him nor will foreign friends arrive in time, till the catastrophe will be surpassed by none. In the present
age, whoever gives loyal counsels to the sovereign, should neither make the King of Yen like the Lus, nor make
the modern age yearn after the worthies of antiquity, nor expect the Yüehs to rescue the drowning persons in the
Central States. Should such be the case, superior and inferior would be mutually affectionate, great achievement
would be accomplished at home, and good reputation would be established abroad.
Notes
1. 用人. The English rendering by L. T. Ch`ên is "The Use of Men" (Liang Chì-chào, op. cit., p. 121, n. 3).
2. With Wang Hsien-shen 輕其任 means 不兼官.
3. The title of Chao Kua, Commander of the Chao Army, defeated by General Pai Chì in 260 b.c. at Chàng-
pìng.
4. This is to say, good and bad people, who are as clearly differentiated from each other as ice and charcoal are,
will not be confused with each other.
5. Ku Kuang-ts`ê proposed 教 for 鼓.
6. With Ku 教 is a mistake but no correction is made. I propose 嬌 for it.
7. Yü Yüeh proposed 簪 for 攢.
8. A loyal follower of Prince Chùng-erh, subsequently Duke Wên of Chin.
9. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 燕 should be supplied above 見憎.
10. 甲 in Chinese is often used as "A" in English to symbolize a certain thing or person. So is 乙 equivalent to
"B".
28 功名第二十八
明君之所以立功成名者四：一曰天時，二曰人心，三曰技能，四曰勢位。
非天時，雖十堯不能冬生一穗；逆人心，雖賁、育不能盡人力。故得天時，則〔不〕務而自生；得人
心，則不趣而自勸；因技能，則不急而自疾；得勢位，則不推進而名成。
若水之流，若船之浮。守自然之道，行毋窮之令，故曰明主。
夫有材而無勢，雖賢不能制不肖。故立尺材於高山之上，則臨千仞之谿，材非長也，位高也。桀為天
子，能制天下，非賢也，勢重也。堯為匹夫，不能正三家，非不肖也，位卑也。千鈞得船則浮，錙銖失
船則沉，非千鈞輕錙銖重也，有勢之與無勢也。故短之臨高也以位，不肖之制賢也以勢。
人主者，天下一力以共載之，故安；眾同心以共立之，故尊。人臣守所長，盡所能，故忠。以尊主
（主）御忠臣，則長樂生而功名成。名實相持而成，形影相應而立，故臣〔主〕同欲而異使。
人主之患在莫之應，故曰：一手獨拍，雖疾無聲。人臣之憂在不得一，故曰：右手畫圓，左手畫方，不
能兩成。故曰：至治之國，君若桴，臣若鼓，技若車，事若馬。故人有餘力易於應，而技有餘巧〔便〕
於事。立功者不足於力，親近者不足於信，成名者不足於勢。近者（已）〔不〕親，而遠者不結，則名
不稱實者也。聖人德若堯、舜，行若伯夷，而位不載於世，則功不立，名不遂。
故古之能致功名者，眾人助之以力，近者結之以成，遠者譽之以名，尊者載之以勢。如此，故太山之功
長立於國家，而日月之名久著於天地。此堯之所以南面而守名，舜之所以北面而效功也。
Chapter XXVIII. Achievement and Reputation1
The factors of the intelligent ruler's success in accomplishing achievement and establishing reputation are four:
The first is said to be "the time of heaven"; the second, "the hearts of the people"; the third, "technical ability";
and the fourth, "influential status."
Without the time of heaven, even ten Yaos cannot in winter grow a single ear of grain. Acting contrary to the
hearts of the people, even Pên and Yü cannot make them exert their forces to the utmost. Therefore, when grains
gain the favour of the time of heaven, they grow of themselves with no need of special care; when the ruler wins
the hearts of the people, he elevates himself without being raised. When one relies on his technical ability, he
hastens by himself without being hurried. When one occupies an influential status, his name is made without
being commended.
Like water flowing and like the ship floating, the ruler follows the course of nature and enacts boundless decrees.
Hence he is called "an enlightened sovereign".
Indeed, the possessor of talent who has no position, even though he is worthy, cannot control the unworthy. For
illustration, when a foot of timber is placed on the top of a high mountain, it overlooks the ravine a thousand
fathoms below. Not that the timber is long, but that its position is high. Chieh, while the Son of Heaven, could
rule over All-under-Heaven. Not that he was worthy but that his position was influential. Yao, while a
commoner, could not rectify three families. Not that he was unworthy but that his position was low. A weight of
one thousand chün, if aboard a ship, floats; but the utmost farthing, if overboard, sinks. Not that one thousand
chün is light and the utmost farthing is heavy, but that the former has a favourable position while the latter has
none. Therefore, the short thing can by its location overlook the tall one; the unworthy man can by his position
rule over the worthy.
The lord of men, because supported by All-under-Heaven with united forces, is safe; because upheld by the
masses of the people with united hearts, he is glorious. The minister, because he maintains his merit and exerts
his ability, is loyal. If a glorious sovereign 2 rules loyal ministers, everybody in the state can live a long and
enjoyable life and accomplish achievement and reputation. Name and reality will support each other and will be
accomplished. Form and shadow will coincide with each other and stand together. Hence sovereign and minister
have the same desire but different functions.
The anxiety of the lord of men comes from the absence of minister's responses to his call. Hence the saying:
"Nobody can clap with one hand, however fast he moves it." The anxiety of the minister lies in the inability to
secure a full-time routine of work. Hence the saying: "The right hand drawing a circle and the left hand drawing
a square at the same time cannot both succeed." Hence the saying again: "In the state at the height of order the
ruler is like the drumstick and the minister like the drum; the technique is like the carriage and the task like the
horse." Therefore, men having surplus strength respond easily to calls; techniques having excessive skill are
convenient to tasks. On the contrary, if those who accomplish achievements are not sufficiently strong; if those
who are near and dear to the ruler are not sufficiently faithful; if those who have made names are not sufficiently
influential; if only those who work within the ruler's reach become intimate; and if those who are stationed far
away are not familiar; such will instance the discrepancy between name and fact. If the position of a sage like
Yao and Shun in virtue and like Po-i in conduct is not supported by the world, his achievement will not be
accomplished and his reputation will not be established.
Therefore, the ancients who could secure both achievement and reputation, were all assisted by the multitudes
with forces, the near supporting them in earnest, 3 the distant praising them with names, and the honourable
supporting them with influences. Such being the case, their achievements as magnificent as Mountain Tài have
stood permanently in the country and their reputations as glorious as the sun and the moon have shone upon
heaven and earth for ever and ever. It was in such wise that Yao faced the south and maintained his reputation
and Shun faced the north and accomplished his achievement. 4
Notes
1. 功名.
2. With Wang Wei 主 should not be repeated.
3. With Kao Hêng 成 reads 誠.
4. This refers to the time when Yao was ruler and Shun was minister.
29 大體第二十九
古之全大體者：望天地，觀江海，因山谷，日月所照，四時所行，雲布風動；
不以智累心，不以私累己；寄治亂於法術，託是非於賞罰，屬輕重於權衡；不逆天理，不傷情性；不吹
毛而求小疵，不洗垢而察難知；不引繩之外，不推繩之內；不急法之外，不緩法之內；守成理，因自
然；禍福生乎道法，而不出乎愛惡；榮辱之責在乎己，而不在乎人。
故（致）至安之世，法如朝露，純樸不散，心無結怨，口無煩言。故車馬不疲弊於遠路，旌旗不亂於大
澤，萬民不失命於寇戎，雄駿不創壽於旗幢；豪傑不著名於圖書，不錄功於盤盂，記年之牒空虛。故
曰：利莫長於簡，福莫久於安。
使匠石以千歲之壽操鉤，視規矩，舉繩墨，而正太山；使賁、育帶干將而齊萬民；雖盡力於巧，極盛於
壽，太山不正，民不能齊。故曰：古之牧天下者，不使匠石極巧以敗太山之體，不使賁、育盡威以傷萬
民之性，
因道全法，君子樂而大姦止。澹然間靜，因天命，持大體。故使人無離法之罪，魚無失水之禍。如此，
故天下少不可。
上不天則下不遍覆，心不地則物不必載。太山不立好惡，故能成其高；江海不擇小助，故能成其富。故
大人寄形於天地而萬物備，歷心於山海而國家富。上無忿怒之毒，下無伏怨之患，上下交（撲）
〔樸〕，以道為舍。故長利積，大功立，名成於前，德垂於後，治之至也。
Chapter XXIX. The Principal Features of Legalism1
The ancients who completed the principal features of legalism, looked upon heaven and earth, surveyed rivers
and oceans, and followed mountains and ravines; wherefore they ruled as the sun and the moon shine, worked as
the four seasons rotate, and benefited the world in the way clouds spread and winds move.
They never burdened their mind with avarice 2 nor did they ever burden themselves with selfishness, but they
entrusted law and tact with the settlement of order and the suppression of chaos, depended upon reward and
punishment for praising the right and blaming the wrong, assigned all measures of lightness and heaviness to
yard and weight. They never acted contrary to the course of heaven, never hurt the feeling and reason of
mankind, never blew off any hair to find small scars, never washed off any dirt to investigate anything hard to
know, never drew the inked string off the line and never pushed the inked string inside the line, and was neither
severe beyond the boundary of law nor lenient within the boundary of law; but observed acknowledged
principles and followed self-existent standards. Thus, disaster and fortune were based on rational principles and
legal regulations, but not on love and hate; the responsibility for prosperity and humility rested with nobody but
oneself.
Therefore, in the age at the height of safety law is like the morning dew, pure and simple but not yet dispersed.
There is no resentment in the mind nor is there any quarrelsome word from the mouth. Carriages and horses,
accordingly, are not worn out on the road; flags and banners are never confused on the big swamps; the myriad
people do not lose lives among bandits and weapons; courageous warriors do not see their longevities
determined by flags and streamers 3 ; excellent men are not reputed in pictures and books nor are their merits
recorded on plates and vases 4 ; and documents of annals are left empty. 5 Hence the saying: "No benefit is more
permanent than simplicity, no fortune is more perpetual than security." 6
Supposing Carpenter Stone kept the longevity of one thousand years, had his scythes, watched his compasses
and squares, and stretched his inked string, for the purpose of rectifying Mountain Tài 7 and supposing Pên and
Yü girdled the Kan-chiang 8 Sword to unify the myriad people, then though skill is exerted to the utmost extent
and though longevity is prolonged to the utmost limit, Mountain Tài would not be rectified and the people
would not be unified. Hence the saying: "The ancient shepherds of All-underHeaven never ordered Carpenter
Stone to exert his skill and thereby break the shape of Mountain Tài nor did they instruct Pên and Yü to exercise
all their authorities and thereby harm the inborn nature of the myriad people."
If in accordance with Tao, the law is successfully enforced, the superior man will rejoice and the great culprit
will give way. Placid, serene, and leisurely, the enlightened ruler should in accordance with the decree of heaven
maintain the principal features of legalism. Therefore, he makes the people commit no crime of going astray
from law and the fish suffer no disaster by losing water. Consequently, nothing in All-under-Heaven will be
unattainable.
If the superior is not as great as heaven, he never will be able to protect all inferiors; if his mind is not as firm as
earth, he never will be able to support all objects. Mountain Tài, seeing no difference between desirable and
undesirable clouds, can maintain its height; rivers and oceans, making no discrimination against small tributaries,
can accomplish their abundance. Likewise, great men, patterning after the features of heaven and earth, find the
myriad things well provided, and, applying their mind to the observation of mountains and oceans, find the
country rich. The superior shows no harm from anger to anybody, the inferior throws no calamity of hidden
resentment at anybody. Thus, high and low both live on friendly terms and take Tao as the standard of value.
Consequently, permanent advantages are piled up and great merits accomplished. So is a name made in a
lifetime. So is the benefaction left to posterity. Such is the height of order.
Notes
1. 大體. This chapter seems to have been interposed by followers of Han Fei Tzŭ, who attempted to keep his
ideas more Taoistic than the master himself. The whole work sounds like the description of a Taoistic Utopia.
2. With Wang Hsien-shen the Imperial Library has 欲 in place of 智.
3. It means that they never have to die on the battlefield.
4. In ancient China merits of great men were often inscribed on such vessels.
5. Such are supposed to be some scenes of the Taoistic Utopia.
6. The ideal implied in this saying is typically Taoistic.
7. 太山太 seems to be a mistake for 泰.
8. 干將 (vide supra, p. 41, n. 2).
Book Nine
30 內儲說上七術第三十
主之所用也七術，所察也六微。
七術：一曰眾端參觀，二曰必罰明威，三曰信賞盡能，四曰一聽責下，五曰疑詔詭使，六曰挾知而問，
七曰倒言反事。
此七者，主之所用也。
經一：參觀。
觀聽不參則誠不聞，聽有門戶則臣壅塞。其說〔在〕侏儒之夢見竈，哀公之稱「莫眾而迷」。故齊人見
河伯，與惠子之言「亡其半」也。其患在豎牛之餓叔孫，而江（乞）〔乙〕之說荊俗也。嗣公欲治不
知，故使有敵。是以明主推積鐵之類，而察一市之患。
經二：必罰。
愛多者則法不立，威寡者則下侵上。是以刑罰不必，則禁令不行。其說在董子之行石邑，與子產之教游
吉也。故仲尼說隕霜，而殷法刑棄灰，將行去樂池，而公孫鞅重輕罪。是以麗水之金不守，而積澤之火
不救。成歡以太仁弱齊國，卜皮以慈惠亡魏王。管仲知之，故斷死人。嗣公知之，故買胥靡。
經三：賞譽。
賞譽薄而謾者下不用也，賞譽厚而信者下輕死。其說在文子稱「若獸鹿」。故越王焚宮室，而吳起倚車
轅，李悝斷訟以射，宋崇門以毀死。勾踐知〔之〕，故式怒鼃。昭侯知之，故藏弊袴。厚賞之使人為
賁、諸也，婦人之拾蠶，漁者之握鱣，是以效之。
經四：一聽。
一聽則愚智不（分）〔紛〕，責下則人臣不參。其說在索鄭與吹竽。其患在申子之以趙紹、韓沓為嘗
試。故公子氾議割河東，而應侯謀弛上黨。
經五：詭使。
數見久待而不任，姦則鹿散。使人問他則不鬻私。是以龐敬還公大夫，而戴讙詔視轀車；周主亡玉簪，
商太宰論牛矢。
經六：挾智。
挾智而問，則不智者（至）〔智〕；深智一物，眾隱皆變。其說在昭侯之握一爪也。故必南門而三鄉
得。周主索曲杖而群臣懼，卜皮（事）〔使〕庶子，西門豹詳遺轄。
經七：倒言。
倒言反事以嘗所疑，則姦情得。故陽山謾（摎）〔樛〕豎，淖齒為秦使，齊人欲為亂，子之以白馬，子
產離訟者，嗣公過關市。
說一：
衛靈公之時，彌子瑕有寵，專於衛國。侏儒有見公者曰：「臣之夢（賤）〔踐〕矣。」公曰：「何
夢？」對曰：「夢見竈，為見公也。」公怒曰：「吾聞見人主者夢見日，奚為見寡人而夢見竈？」對
曰：「夫日兼燭天下，一物不能當也；人君兼燭一國人，一人不能擁也。故將見人主者夢見日。夫竈，
一人煬焉，則後人無從見矣。今或者一人有煬君者乎？則臣雖夢見竈，不亦可乎！」
魯哀公問於孔子曰：「鄙諺曰：『莫眾而迷。』今寡人舉事，與群臣慮之，而國愈亂，其故〔何〕
也？」孔子對曰：「明主之問臣，一人知之，一人不知也。如是者，明主在上，群臣直議於下。今群臣
無不一辭同軌乎季孫者，舉魯國盡化為一，君雖問境內之人，猶（之人）不免於亂也。」
一曰：晏（嬰）子聘魯，哀公問曰：「語曰：『莫三人而迷。』今寡人與一國慮之，魯不免於亂，何
也？」晏子曰：「古之所謂『莫三人而迷』者，一人失之，二人得之，三人足以為眾矣，故曰『莫三人
而迷』。今魯國之群臣以千百數，一言於季氏之私，人數非不眾，所言者一人也，安得三哉？」
齊人有謂齊王曰：「河伯，大神也。王何不試與之遇乎？臣請使王遇之。」（遇）〔乃〕為壇場大水之
上，而與王立之焉。有間，大魚動，因曰：「此河伯。」
張儀欲以秦、韓與魏之勢伐齊、荊，而惠施欲以齊、荊偃兵。二人爭之，群臣左右皆為張子言，而以攻
齊、荊為利，而莫為惠子言。王果聽張子，而以惠子言為不可。攻齊、荊事已定，惠子入見。王言曰：
「先生毋言矣！攻齊、荊之事果利矣，一國盡以為然。」惠子因說：「不可不察也。夫齊、荊之事也誠
利，一國盡以為利，是何智者之眾也？攻齊、荊之事誠不可利，一國盡以為利，何愚者之眾也？凡謀
者，疑也。疑也者，誠疑：以為可者半，以為不可者半。今一國盡以為可，是王亡半也。劫主者，固亡
其半者也。」
叔孫相魯，貴而主斷。其所愛者曰豎牛，亦擅用叔孫之令。叔孫有子曰壬，豎牛妬而欲殺之，因與壬游
於魯君所。魯君賜之玉環，壬拜受之而不敢佩，使豎牛請之叔孫。豎牛欺之曰：「吾已為爾請之矣，使
爾佩之。」壬因佩之。豎牛因謂叔孫：「何不見壬於君乎？」叔孫曰：「孺子何足見也？」〔豎牛
曰〕：「壬固已數見於君矣。君賜之玉環，壬已佩之矣。」叔孫召壬見之，而果佩之，叔孫怒而殺壬。
壬兄曰丙，豎牛又妬而欲殺之。叔孫為丙鑄鐘，鐘成，丙不敢擊，使豎牛請之叔孫。豎牛不為請，又欺
之曰：「吾（以）〔已為〕爾請之矣，使爾擊之。」丙因擊之。叔孫聞之曰：「丙不請而擅擊鍾。」怒
而逐之。丙出走齊。居一年，豎牛為謝叔孫，叔孫使豎牛召之，又不召而報之曰：「吾已召之矣，丙怒
甚，不肯來。」叔孫大怒，使人殺之。二子已死，叔孫有病，豎牛因獨養之而去左右，不內人，曰：
「叔孫不欲聞人聲。」不食而餓殺。叔孫已死，豎牛因不發喪也，徙其府庫重寶空之而奔齊。夫聽所信
之言而子父為人僇，此不參之患也。
江（乞）〔乙〕為魏王使荊，謂荊王曰：「臣入王之境內，聞王之國俗曰：『君子不蔽人之美，不言人
之惡。』誠有之乎？」王曰：「有之。」「然則若白公之亂，得（庶）無危乎？誠得如此，臣免死罪
矣。」
衛嗣君重如耳，愛世姬，而恐其皆因其愛重以壅己也。乃貴薄疑以敵（之）如耳，尊魏姬以耦世姬，
曰：「以是相參也。」嗣君知欲無壅，而未得其術也。夫不使賤議貴，下必坐上，而必待勢重之鈞也，
而後敢相議，則是益樹壅塞之臣也。嗣君之壅乃始。
夫矢來有鄉，則積鐵以備一鄉；矢來無鄉，則為鐵室以盡備之。備之則體不傷。故彼以盡備之不傷，此
以盡敵之無姦也。
龐恭與太子質於邯鄲，謂魏王曰：「今一人言市有虎，王信之乎？」曰：「不信。」「二人言市有虎，
王信之乎？」曰：「不信。」「三人言市有虎，王信之乎？」王曰：「寡人信之。」龐恭曰：「夫市之
無虎也明矣，然而三人言而成虎。今邯鄲之去魏也遠於市，議臣者過於三人，願王察之。」龐恭從邯鄲
反，竟不得見。
說二：
董閼于為趙上地守。行石邑山中，澗深，峭如墻，深百仞，因問其旁鄉左右曰：「人嘗有入此者乎？」
對曰：「無有。」曰：「嬰兒、癡聾、狂悖之人嘗有入此者乎？」對曰：「無有。」「牛馬犬彘嘗有入
此者乎？」對曰：「無有。」董閼于喟然太息曰：「吾能治矣。使吾治之無赦，猶入澗之必死也，則人
莫之敢犯也，何為不治（之）？」
子產相鄭，病將死，謂游吉曰：「我死後，子必用鄭，必以嚴莅人。夫火形嚴，故人鮮灼；水形懦，人
多溺。子必嚴子之形，無令溺子之懦。」（故）子產死，游吉不肯嚴形，鄭少年相率為盜，處於雚澤，
將遂以為鄭禍。游吉率車騎與戰，一日一夜，僅能剋之。游吉喟然歎曰：「吾蚤行夫子之教，必不悔至
於此矣！」
魯哀公問於仲尼曰：「《春秋》之記曰：『冬十二月霣霜不殺菽。』何為記此？」仲尼對曰：「此言可
以殺而不殺也。夫宜殺而不殺，桃李冬實。天失道，草木猶犯干之，而況於人君乎！」
殷之法，刑棄灰於街者。子貢以為重，問之仲尼。仲尼曰：「知治之道也。夫棄灰於街必掩人，掩人，
人必怒，怒則鬭，鬭必三族相殘也。此殘三族之道也，雖刑之可也。且夫重罰者，人之所惡也；而無棄
灰，人之所易也。使人行之所易，而無離所惡，此治之道。」
一曰：殷之法，棄灰于公道者斷其手。子貢曰：「棄灰之罪輕，斷手之罰重，古人何太毅也？」曰：
「無棄灰，所易也；斷手，所惡也。行所易，不關所惡，古人以為易，故行之。」
中山之相樂池以車百乘使趙，選其客之有智能（有）者以為將行，中道而亂。樂池曰：「吾以公為有
智，而使公為將行，今中道而亂，何也？」客因辭而去，曰：「公不知治。有威足以服（之）人，而利
足以勸之，故能治之。今臣，君之少客也。夫從少正長，從賤治貴，而不得操其利害之柄以制之，此所
以亂也。嘗試使臣：彼之善者我能以為卿相，彼不善者我得以斬其首，何故而不治！」
公孫鞅之法也重輕罪。〔重罪〕者，人之所難犯也；而小過者，人之所易去也。使人去其所易，無離其
所難，此治之道。夫小過不生，大罪不至，是人無罪而亂不生也。
一曰：公孫鞅曰：「行刑重其輕者。輕者不至，重者不來，是謂以刑去刑也。」
荊南之地，麗水之中生金，人多竊采金。采金之禁，得而輒辜磔於市。甚眾，壅離其水也，而人竊金不
止。夫罪莫重辜磔於市，猶不止者，不必得也。故今有於此，曰：「予汝天下而殺汝身。」庸人不為
也。夫有天下，大利也，猶不為者，知必死。故不必得也，則雖辜磔，竊金不止；知必死，則〔有〕天
下不為也。
魯人燒積澤。天北風，火南倚，恐燒國。哀公懼，自將眾（輒）〔趣〕救火（者）。左右無人，盡逐獸
而火不救，乃召問仲尼。仲尼曰：「夫逐獸者樂而無罰，救火者苦而無賞，此火之所以無救也。」哀公
曰：「善。」仲尼曰：「事急，不及以賞。救火者盡賞之，則國不足以賞於人，請徒行（賞）
〔罰〕。」哀公曰：「善。」於是仲尼乃下令曰：「不救火者，比降北之罪；逐獸者，比入禁之罪。」
令下未遍，而火已救矣。
成驩謂齊王曰：「王太仁，太不忍人。」王曰：「太仁，太不忍人，非善名邪？」對曰：「此人臣之善
也，非人主之所行也。夫人臣必仁而後可與謀，不忍人而後可近也；不仁則不可與謀，忍人則不可近
也。」王曰：「然則寡人安所太仁，安不忍人？」對曰：「王太仁於薛公，而太不忍於諸田。太仁薛
公，則大臣無重；太不忍諸田，則父兄犯法。大臣無重，則兵弱於外；父兄犯法，則政亂於內。兵弱於
外，政亂於內，此亡國之本也。」
魏惠王謂卜皮曰：「子聞寡人之聲聞亦何如焉？」對曰：「臣聞王之慈惠也。」王欣然喜曰：「然則功
且安至？」對曰：「王之功至於亡。」王曰：「慈惠，行善也。行之而亡，何也？」卜皮對曰：「夫慈
者不忍，而惠者好與也。不忍則不誅有過，好予則不待有功而賞。有過不罪，無功受賞，雖亡，不亦可
乎？」
齊國好厚葬，布帛盡於衣衾，材木盡於棺椁。桓公患之，以告管仲曰：「布帛盡則無以為蔽，材木盡則
無以為守備，而人厚葬之不休，禁之柰何？」管仲對曰：「凡人之有為也，非名之，則利之也。」於是
乃下令曰：「棺椁過度者戮其尸，罪夫當喪者。」夫戮死無名，罪當喪者無利，人何故為之也？
衛嗣君之時，有胥靡逃之魏，因為襄王之后治病。衛嗣君聞之，使人請以五十金買之，五反而魏王不
予，乃以左氏易之。群臣左右諫曰：「夫以一都買胥靡，可乎？」王曰：「非子之所知也。夫治無小而
亂無大，法不立而誅不必，雖有十左氏無益也；法立而誅必，雖失十左氏無害也。」魏王聞之曰：「主
欲治而不聽之，不祥。」因載而往，徒獻之。
說三：
齊王問於文子曰：「治國何如？」對曰：「夫賞罰之為道，利器也。君固握之，不可以示人。若如臣
者，猶獸鹿也，唯薦草而就。」
越王問於大夫文種曰：「吾欲伐吳，可乎？」對曰：「可矣。吾賞厚而信，罰嚴而必。君欲〔知〕之，
何不試焚宮室？」於是遂焚宮室，人莫救之。乃下令曰：「人之救火者死，比死敵之賞；救火而不死
者，比勝敵之賞；不救火者，比降北之罪。」人塗其體，被濡衣而走火者，左三千人，右三千人。此知
必勝之勢也。
吳起為魏武侯西河之守。秦有小亭臨境，吳起欲攻之。不去則甚害田者，去之則不足以徵甲兵。於是乃
倚一車轅於北門之外而令之曰：「有能徙此南門之外者，賜之上田、上宅。」人莫之徙也。及有徙之
者，還賜之如令。俄又置一石赤菽東門之外而令之曰：「有能徙此於西門之外者，賜之如初。」人爭徙
之。乃下令（大夫）曰：「明日且攻亭，有能先登者，仕之國大夫，賜之上田宅。」人爭趨之，於是攻
亭，一朝而拔之。
李悝為魏文侯上地之守，而欲人之善射也，乃下令曰：「人之有狐疑之訟者，令之射的，中之者勝，不
中者負。」令下而人皆疾習射，日夜不休。及與秦人戰，大敗之，以人之善戰射也。
宋崇門之巷人服喪而毀甚瘠，上以為慈愛於親，舉以為官師。明年，人之所以毀死者歲十餘人。子之服
親喪者，為愛之也，而尚可以賞勸也，況君上之於民乎！
越王慮伐吳，欲人之輕死也，出見怒鼃，乃為之式。從者曰：「奚敬於此？」王曰：「為其有氣故
也。」明年之請以頭獻王者歲十餘人。由此觀之，（毀）〔譽〕之足以殺人矣。
一曰：越王勾踐見怒鼃而式之。御者曰：「何為式？」王曰：「鼃有氣如此，可無為式乎？」士人聞之
曰：「鼃有氣，王猶為式，況士人有勇者乎！」是歲，人有自剄死以其頭獻者。故（曰）〔越〕王將復
（吾）〔吳〕而試其教，燔臺而鼓之，使民赴火者，賞在火也；臨江而鼓之，使人赴水者，賞在水也；
臨戰而使人絕頭刳腹而無顧心者，賞在兵也。又況據法而進賢，其（助）〔勸〕甚此矣。
韓昭侯使人藏弊袴，侍者曰：「君亦不仁矣，弊袴不以賜左右而藏之。」昭侯曰：「非子之所知也。吾
聞明主之愛一嚬一笑。嚬有為嚬，而笑有為笑。今夫袴，豈特嚬笑哉！袴之與嚬笑〔相去〕遠矣，吾必
待有功者，故收藏之未有予也。」
鱣似蛇，蠶似蠋。人見蛇則驚駭，見蠋則毛起。然而婦人拾蠶，漁者握鱣，利之所在，則忘其所惡，皆
為孟賁。
說四：
魏王謂鄭王曰：「始鄭、梁一國也，已而別，今願復得鄭而合之梁。」鄭君患之，召群臣而與之謀所以
對魏。公子謂鄭君曰：「此甚易應也。君對魏曰：『以鄭為故魏而可合也，則弊邑亦願得梁而合之
鄭。』」魏王乃止。
齊宣王使人吹竽，必三百人，南郭處士請為王吹竽，宣王說之，廩食以數百人。宣王死，湣王立，好一
一聽之，處士逃。一曰：韓昭侯曰：「吹竽者眾，吾無以知其善者。」田嚴對曰：「一一而聽之。」
趙令人因申子於韓請兵，將以攻魏。申子欲言之君，而恐君之（欲）疑己外市也，不則恐惡於趙，乃令
趙紹、韓沓嘗試君之動貌而後言之。內則知昭侯之意，外則有得趙之功。
三國〔兵〕至韓，〔秦〕王謂樓緩曰：「三國之兵深矣！寡人欲割河東而講，何如？」對曰：「夫割河
東，大費也；免國於患，大功也。此父兄之任也，王何不召公子氾而問焉？」王召公子氾而告之，對
曰：「講亦悔，不講亦悔。王今割河東而講，三國歸，王必曰：『三國固且去矣，吾特以三城送之。』
不講，三國也入韓，則國必大舉矣，王必大悔。王曰：『不獻三城也。』臣故曰：『王講亦悔，不講亦
悔。』」王曰：「為我悔也，寧亡三城而（無）悔，〔無〕危乃悔，寡人斷講矣。」
應侯謂秦王曰：「王得宛、葉、藍田、陽夏，斷河內，困梁、鄭，所以未王者，趙未服也。弛上黨在一
而已，以臨東陽，則邯鄲口中虱也。王拱而朝天下，後者以兵中之。然上黨之安樂，其處甚劇，臣恐弛
之而不聽，柰何？」王曰：「必弛易之矣。」
說五：
龐敬、縣令也。遣市者行，而召公大夫而還之。立（以）〔有〕間，無以詔之，卒遣行。市者以為令與
公大夫有言，不相信，以至無姦。
戴驩、宋太宰，夜使人曰：「吾聞數夜有乘轀車至李史門者，謹為我伺之。」使人報曰：「不見轀車，
見有奉笥而與李史語者，有間，李史受笥。」
周主亡玉簪，令吏求之，三日不能得也。周主令人求，而得之家人之屋間。周主曰：「吾之吏之不事事
也。求簪，三日不得之；吾令人求之，不移日而得之。」於是吏皆聳懼，以為君神明也。
商太宰使少庶子之市，顧反而問之曰：「何見於市？」對曰：「無見也。」太宰曰：「雖然，何見
也？」對曰：「市南門之外甚眾牛車，僅可以行耳。」太宰因誡使者：「無敢告人吾所問於女。」因召
市吏而誚之曰：「市門之外何多牛屎？」市吏甚怪太宰知之疾也，乃悚懼其所也。
說六：
韓昭侯握爪，而佯亡一爪，求之甚急，左右因割其爪而效之。昭侯以〔此〕察左右之（臣）〔誠〕不
（割）。
韓昭〔侯〕使騎於縣。使者報，昭侯問曰：「何見也？」對曰：「無所見也。」昭侯曰：「雖然，何
見？」曰：「南門之外，有黃犢食苗道左者。」昭侯謂使者：「毋敢洩吾所問於女。」乃下令曰：「當
苗時，禁牛馬入人田中固有令（入），而吏不以為事，牛馬甚多入人田中。亟舉其數上之；不得，將重
其罪。」於是三鄉舉而上之。昭侯曰：「未盡也。」復往審之，乃得南門之外黃犢。吏以昭侯為明察，
皆悚懼其所而不敢為非。
周主下令索曲杖，吏求之數日不能得。周主私使人求之，不移日而得之。乃謂吏曰：「吾知吏不事事
也。曲杖甚易也，而吏不能得，我令人求之，不移日而得之，豈可謂忠哉！」吏乃皆悚懼其所，以君為
神明。
卜皮為縣令，其御史汙濊而有愛妾。卜皮乃使少庶子佯愛之，以知御史陰情。
西門豹為鄴令，佯亡其車轄，令吏求之不能得，使人求之而得之家人屋間。
說七：
陽山君相（謂）〔衛〕，聞王之疑己也，乃偽謗樛豎以知之。
淖齒聞齊王之惡己也（也），乃矯為秦使以知之。
齊人有欲為亂者，恐王知之，因詐逐所愛者，令走王知之。
子之相燕，坐而佯言曰：「走出門者何，白馬也？」左右皆言不見。有一人走追之，報曰：「有。」子
之以此知左右之不誠信。
有相與訟者，子產離之而無使得通辭，倒其言以告而知之。
衛嗣公使人為客過關市，關市苛難之，因事關市以金（與），關吏乃舍之。嗣公為關吏曰：「某時有客
過而所，與汝金，而汝因遣之。」關市乃大恐，而以嗣公為明察。
Chapter XXX. Inner Congeries of Sayings, The Upper Series: Seven Tacts1
There are seven tacts which the sovereign ought to employ, and six minutiæ which he ought to penetrate.
Of the seven tacts, the first is said to be "comparing and inspecting all available different theories"; the second,
"making punishment definite and authority clear"; the third, "bestowing rewards faithfully and everybody exert
his ability"; the fourth, "listening to all sides of every story 2 and holding every speaker responsible for it"; the
fifth, "issuing spurious edicts and making pretentious appointments"; the sixth, "inquiring into cases by
manipulating different information"; and the seventh, "inverting words and reversing tasks."
These seven are what the sovereign ought to employ.
1. Comparing Different Views3
If the sovereign does not compare what he sees and hears, he will never get at the real. If his hearing has any
particular passage to come through at all, he will be deluded by ministers. The saying is based on the clown's
dream of a cooking stove and on Duke Ai's saying that his mind became bewildered because of no advisory
council. For further illustration, the man of Chì claimed to have seen the Earl of the River, Hui Tzŭ remarked
that the ruler had lost half the brains in the country. Its contrary is instanced by the starvation of Shu Sun by Shu
Niu and the interpretation of Ching's customary law by Chiang Yi. Duke Ssŭ wanted political order, but, not
knowing any special kind of statecraft, merely made the ministers hostile to one another. For the same reason,
the intelligent sovereign would infer the need of guarding against rapacious ministers from the reason for piling
iron bars on the walls of the room as measures against stray arrows, and judge the existence of an impending
calamity in the market-place from the allegation of facts by three men.
2. Making Punishment Definite
If the ruler is too compassionate, the law will never prevail. If the authority is too weak, the inferior will offend
the superior. For this reason, if penalties are not definite, prohibitions and decrees will take no effect. The saying
is based on Tung Tzŭ's tour to the Stony Country and Tzŭchàn's instruction to Yu Chi. For further illustration,
Chung-ni talked about the function of frost, the Law of Yin punished anybody throwing ashes into the streets, the
highway guards left Yo Chìh, and Kung-sun Yang strictly censured minor offences. On the contrary, the gold-
dust in the Clear Water was not kept safe, the fire at the Product Swamp was not suppressed. Ch`êng Huan
thought that extreme benevolence would weaken the Chì State; Pu Pì thought that compassion and beneficence
would ruin the King of Wey. Kuan Chung, knowing the necessity of making prohibitions strict, extended
jurisdiction over dead persons. Duke Ssŭ, knowing the necessity of making punishment definite, bought back a
labour fugitive.
3. Bestowing Reward and Honour
If reward and honour are insufficient and faithless, the inferior would not obey. If reward and honour are great
and of faith, the inferior will make light of death. The saying is based on Viscount Wên's saying, "The inferior
turn to great reward and high honour just like the wild deer going to luxuriant grass." For further illustration, the
King of Yüeh set fire to the palace building, Wu Chì leaned the shaft of a carriage outside the city-gate, Li Kùei
judged lawsuits on the basis of the litigants' shooting abilities, and the people of Chùng-mên in Sung would on
account of reward and honour reduce themselves to death. Kou-chien, knowing the utility of reward and honour,
saluted an angry frog; Marquis Chao, knowing the utility of reward and honour, stored up old trousers. Big
reward, indeed, makes everybody as brave as Mêng Pên and Chuan Chu. Women daring to pick up silkworms
and fishermen daring to grasp eels, both testify to the utility of reward and honour. 4
4. Listening to All Sides of Every Story
If the ruler listens straight to one project alone, he cannot distinguish between the stupid and the intelligent. If he
holds every projector responsible, ministers cannot confound their abilities. The saying is based on the demand
of the Chêng territory by Wey and on the playing of the Yü instrument. Its opposite is instanced by Shên Tzŭ's
employment of Chao Shao and Han Ta to test the opinion of the Ruler of Han. For further instance, Prince Chìh
5
suggested the cession of the territory east of the Yellow River; Marquis Ying proposed to loosen the garrison at
Shang-tang.
5. Making Pretentious Appointments

If someone has frequent audience with his superior and is accorded a long reception but not appointed to any
office, then villainous men will disperse in his presence like deer in all directions. If the superior sends men out
to find anything other than what is in question, the inferior would not dare to sell private favours. Therefore,
Pàng Ching recalled the sheriff, Tai Huan ordered men to find out if there was any covered wagon, the
Sovereign of Chou purposely lost jade bodkins, and the Premier of Shang spoke about ox dung.
6. Manipulating Different Information
If you make inquiries by manipulating different information, then even unknown details will come to the fore. If
you know everything of something, then all the hidden will be seen in a different light. The saying is based on
Marquis Chao's holding one of his nails in his fist. For further illustration, when the knowledge of the conditions
outside the south gate became definite, conditions going on in the other three directions were found out, too. The
Sovereign of Chou looked for crooked canes, wherefore the officials became afraid of him thereafter. Pu Pì
employed 6 a petty official as detective. Hsi-mên Pao pretended 7 to have lost the linchpin of his carriage.
7. Inverting Words
Invert words and reverse affairs, and thereby cross-examine the suspect. Then you will get at the reality of
culprits. Thus, Shan-yang 8 purposely slandered Chiu Shu, Nao Chìh fabricated an envoy from Chìn, the Chìs
wanted to create disturbances, Tzŭ-chih lied about the white horse, Tzŭ-chàn separated the litigants, and Duke
Ssŭ purposely made his men go through the pass of the city.
So much above for the canons.
Annotations to Canon I:—
At the time of Duke Ling of Wei, Mi Tzŭ-hsia was in favour with him, and administered all public affairs in the
Wei State. One day, the clown, 9 while interviewing the Duke, said, "The dream of thy servant has materialized,
indeed." "What did you dream?" asked the Duke. "Thy servant dreamt that a cooking stove stood in lieu of Your
Highness," replied the clown. "What? As I understand," said the Duke in anger, "who sees the lord of men in
dreaming dreams the sun. Why did you see a cooking stove in your dream of His Highness?" In reply the dwarf
said: "Indeed, the sun shines upon everything under heaven while nothing can cover it; the ruler of men reigns all
over the country while nobody can delude 10 him. Accordingly, who sees the lord of men in dreaming, dreams the
sun. In the case of a cooking stove, however, if one person stands before it, then nobody from behind can see.
Now, supposing someone were standing before Your Highness, would it not be possible for thy servant to dream
of a cooking stove 11 ?"
Once Duke Ai of Lu asked Confucius, saying, "In spite of the popular proverb, `Getting bewildered because of
no advisory council,' why is it that in administering the state affairs the more I consult with the body of officials
the more disorderly the state becomes?" In reply Confucius said: "When the enlightened sovereign asks ministers
about state affairs, one minister might know while another might not know. In that case, the enlightened
sovereign can preside over a conference while the ministers earnestly discuss the affairs before him. Now that
every official utters every word in accord with the opinion of Chi Sun and the whole State of Lu falls under the
sway of one and the same bias, even though Your Highness consults with everybody within the state boundaries,
the state cannot help becoming disorderly."
According to a different source 12 : When Yen Ying Tzŭ visited the court of Lu, Duke Ai 13 asked, "In spite of the
common saying, `Getting bewildered because of not having three persons to consult with,' why is it that Lu
cannot help becoming disorderly, although I consult with the whole nation?" In reply Yen Tzŭ said: "The ancient
saying, `Getting bewildered because of not having three persons to consult with,' means that as one person may
miss the point while the other two may get at it, three persons are sufficient to form an advisory council. Hence
the saying, `Getting bewildered because of not having three persons to consult with.' Now that the officials
throughout the Lu State, numbering hundreds and thousands, all talk in accordance with the private bias of the
Chi Clan, though the number of persons is not small, yet what they say is the opinion of one man. Then how can
there be three?"
Once somebody of Chì said to the King of Chì: "The Earl of the River is a great god. Why may Your Majesty
not try to meet with him? May thy servant enable Your Majesty to meet with him!" Thereupon he built an altar
on the middle of the flood and stood with the King upon it. In the meantime, there was a big fish making
motions. "That is the Earl of the River!" said the man.
Chang Yi wanted to attack Chì and Ching with the allied forces of Chìn, Han, and Wey, while Hui Shih wanted
to halt the war by befriending Chì and Ching. The two opened a debate. The officials and the chamberlains all
spoke in favour of Chang Tzŭ, pointing out the advantage of attacking Chì and Ching, while nobody spoke in
favour of Hui Tzŭ. The King actually followed Chang Tzŭ's advice, considering Hui Tzŭ's proposal
impracticable. After the expedition against Chì and Ching had been successfully carried out, Hui Tzŭ went into
the court to have an audience, when the King said: "Sir, you should not have said anything at all. The expedition
against Chì and Ching actually turned out to our advantage. And the whole nation had so expected." Thereupon
Hui Tzŭ said: "May Your Majesty not refrain from deliberating upon the whole situation! Indeed, the expedition
against Chì and Ching turned out to our advantage. And so had the whole nation expected. How numerous wise
men were! If the expedition against Chì and Ching turned out to our disadvantage while the whole nation had
expected the advantage, then how numerous must stupid men have been? After all, every scheme is a doubt from
the outset. Who really doubts at all, usually considers every scheme half practicable and half impracticable. Now
that all brains of the nation took the practicable side, it means that Your Majesty lost half the brains, namely, the
brains of the negative side. The sovereign intimidated by wicked ministers is, as a rule, a loser of half the brains
in the country."
When Shu Sun was Premier of Lu, he was influential and in charge of all state affairs. His favourite, named Shu
Niu, also abused his orders. Shu Sun had a son named Jên. Jealous of Jên, Shu Niu wanted to kill him.
Accordingly, he went with Jên to visit the inner court of the Ruler of Lu. The Ruler of Lu bestowed upon him a
jade ring. Jên, making a deep bow, accepted it. But he dared not hang it on his girdle and so told Shu Niu to
secure Shu Sun's permission beforehand. Deceiving him, Shu Sun said: "I have already secured his permission
for you to wear it." Therefore Jên wore it on his girdle. Shu Niu then purposely said to Shu Sun, "Why does Your
Excellency not present Jên to the Ruler?" "Why is the boy worth presenting?" said Shu Sun. "As a matter of fact,
Jên has already had several interviews with the Ruler," said Shu Niu. "The Ruler bestowed upon him a jade ring,
which he has already started wearing." Thereupon Shu Sun summoned Jên and found him actually wearing it on
his girdle. Angered thereby, Shu Sun killed Jên.
Jên's elder brother was named Ping. Shu Niu was also jealous of him and wanted to kill him. So he cast a bell for
Ping. When the bell was ready, Ping dared not toll it and so told Shu Niu to secure Shu Sun's permission
beforehand. Instead of securing the permission for him, Shu Niu again deceived him and said: "I have already
secured his permission for you to toll it." Therefore Ping tolled it. Hearing this, Shu Sun said, "Without securing
my permission Ping tolled the bell at his own pleasure." Angered thereby, he banished Ping. Ping ran out and
escaped to Chì. One year later, Shu Niu on behalf of Ping apologized to Shu Sun. Shu Sun then ordered Shu Niu
to recall Ping. Without recalling Ping, Shu Niu in his report said, "I have already summoned Ping, but he is very
angry and will not come." Shu Sun, enraged thereby, ordered men to kill him. After the death of the two sons,
Shu Sun fell ill, wherefore Shu Niu alone took care of him, discharged the attendants, and would not let anybody
else in, saying, "Shu Sun does not want to hear anybody's noise." As a result, Shu Sun ate nothing and starved to
death. When Shu Sun was already dead, Shu Niu intentionally held no funeral service, but moved his private
storages and treasure boxes, emptied them, and ran away to Chì. Indeed, if anybody listens to the words of a
trusted crook and in consequence father and son are put to death, it is the calamity of not comparing different
views.
When Chiang Yi was sent by the King of Wey as envoy to Ching, he said to the King of Ching: "After entering
the boundaries of Your Majesty, thy servant heard that, according to the customary law of your honourable
kingdom, a gentleman should neither obscure anybody else's virtue nor expose anybody else's vice. Do you
really have such a customary law?" "Certainly, we do!" replied the King. "If so, did the Duke of White's
rebellion involve no danger at all? If you uphold such a customary law, then vicious ministers will be pardoned
for committing capital crimes."
Duke 14 Ssŭ of Wei had confidence in Ju Erh and loved Princess Shih. Fearing lest both should delude him
because of his confidence and love, he purposely ennobled Po Yi to rival Ju Erh and favoured Princess Wey to
counteract Princess Shih and said, "This is to make one compare himself or herself with the other." Duke Ssŭ
knew the need of suffering no delusion but never got at the right technique. Indeed, if the sovereign does not
allow the humble to criticize the noble and the inferior to denounce 15 the superior, but always expects the
powers of high and low to balance, then ministers on equal footing will dare to conspire with each other. In so
doing he will increase the number of delusive and deceitful officials. Thus was begun the delusion of Duke Ssŭ.
Indeed, if arrows come from a certain direction, then pile iron bars in that direction to guard against them. If
arrows come from unknown directions, then make an iron-walled room to guard against all of them. If one
guards against them this way, his body will receive no injury. Therefore, in the way one guards against all arrows
and receives no injury, the ruler should stand in opposition to all ministers and thereby encounter no culprit.
When Pàng Kung together with the Crown Prince was going to Han-tan as hostage, he said to the King of Wey:
"Now, if someone says there in the market-place is a tiger, will Your Majesty believe it?" "No, I will not believe
it," replied the King. "Then, if two men say there in the marketplace is a tiger, will Your Majesty believe it?"
"No, I will not believe it," was another reply. "If three men say there in the market-place is a tiger, will Your
Majesty believe it?" "I will believe it," affirmed the King finally. Thereupon Pàng Kung said: "That there is no
tiger in the market-place is clear enough, indeed. Nevertheless, because three men allege the presence of a tiger,
the tiger comes into existence. Now that Han-tan is far more distant from the Wey State than the market-place is
from the court and those who criticize thy servant are more than three men, may Your Majesty deliberate over
the mission of thy servant!" As expected, when Pàng Kung returned from Han-tan, he could not secure an
admission 16 into the city.
Annotations to Canon II:—
Tung An 17 -yü, Magistrate of the Upper Land in the Chao State, once toured the mountains in the Stony Country.
Seeing there a deep gorge with steep sides like high walls, one hundred fathoms deep at least, he asked the
villagers in the surrounding vicinities, "Has anybody ever walked into this gorge?" "Nobody," replied they.
"Then has any child or baby or any blind or deaf man or any insane or unconscious person ever walked into it?"
"No," they replied similarly. "Then has any ox or horse or dog or pig ever walked into it?" "No," was again the
reply. Thereat Tung An-yü heaved a deep sigh, saying: "Lo! I have acquired the ability to govern the people.
Only if I make my law grant no pardon just like the walk into the gorge always leading to death, then nobody
dare to violate it. And everything will be well governed."
Tzŭ-chàn, Premier of Chêng, when ill and about to die, said to Yu Chi: "After my death you will certainly be
appointed Premier of Chêng. Then be sure to handle the people with severity. Indeed, fire appears severe,
wherefore men rarely get burned; water appears tender, wherefore men often get drowned. You must not forget
to make your penalties severe and do not immerse yourself in tenderness." After Tzŭ-chàn's 18 death, however,
Yu Chi could not bear applying severe penalties. Meanwhile, young men in Chêng followed one another in
becoming robbers and established themselves on the Bushy Tail Swamp ready to menace Chêng at any time.
Thereupon Yu Chi led chariots and cavalrymen and fought with them. After a combat lasting a whole day and a
whole night, he finally was barely able to overcome them. Taking a heavy breath, Yu Chi sighed and said:
"Could I have practised my master's instruction early, I would not have come to regret to this point!"
Duke Ai of Lu once asked Chung-ni: "There is the record in the Spring and Autumn Annals that in winter during
the month of January 19 frost does not kill grass. 20 Why was there made such a record?" In reply Chung-ni said:
"This is to say that what ought to be killed was not killed. Indeed, frost should kill grass but never kills it. Peach-
and plum-trees bear fruits in winter. If heaven loses its proper course, even grass and trees will violate and
transgress it. How much more would the people do so if the ruler of men loses his true path?"
The Law of Yin would punish anybody throwing ashes into the streets. This Tzŭ-kung regarded as too severe and
so asked Chung-ni about it. "They knew the right way of government," replied Chung-ni. "Indeed, ashes thrown
into the streets would blow into the eyes of the passers-by and obscure their sight. And if anybody obscures the
sight of others, he would irritate them. When irritated, they start quarrelling. On quarrelling, each side would
mobilize their three clans 21 to slaughter the other. It means that throwing ashes into the streets leads to the
mutual onslaught between the three clans of both sides. Therefore it is right to punish any offender. Indeed,
heavy punishment is disliked by the people, but throwing no ashes is easy to them. To make the people do easy
things and not ignore their dislike is the right way of government."
According to a different source: According to the Law of Yin, whoever threw ashes on the public road should
have his hands cut off. Tzŭ-kung said: "The crime of ash-throwing is light but the punishment of hand-cutting is
heavy. Why were the ancients so cruel?" In reply Confucius said: "Not to throw ashes is easy but to have hands
cut off is disliked. The ancients considered it easy to enforce the easy and prevent the disliked. Therefore they
enacted the law."
Yo Chìh, Premier of Central Hills, when appointed envoy to Chao, took one hundred chariots along and selected
the wise and able men among his guests to be his highway guards. On the way they became disorderly.
"Gentlemen," said Yo Chìh, "I regarded you as wise and appointed you highway guards. Now that you are
creating a commotion on the way, what is the reason?" The guests, accordingly, resigned from their posts and
went away, saying: "Your Excellency does not know the right way of government. Indeed, it needs prestige to
keep people 22 obedient and it needs profit to encourage them. 23 Therefore good government is possible. Now,
thy servants are Your Excellency's junior guests. Indeed, to employ the junior in disciplining the senior and the
low in governing the high and thereby become unable to exercise the authorities of reward and punishment to
control the subordinates, is the cause of confusion. Suppose you employ your subordinates on trial, appoint the
good ones ministers, and behead those not good. Then how could there be disorder?"
The Law of Kung-sun Yang took minor offences seriously. Major offences are hard for men to commit while
small faults are easy for men to remove. To make men get rid of easy faults and not ignore difficult offences is
the right way of government. Indeed, when small faults never appear, big offences will not come into existence.
For this reason, men committed no crime and disorder did not appear.
According to a different source: Kung-sun Yang said, "In applying penalties, take light ones seriously because if
light penalties are not applied, heavy ones will not come at all. This is said to be getting rid of penalties by means
of penalties." 24
In the southern part of Ching the bottom of the Clear Water produced gold-dust. Many men in secret dug out
gold-dust. In accordance with the prohibition law, a number of gold-diggers were caught and stoned to death in
the market-place. Then the authorities built walls to bar the water from the people. Still people never stopped
stealing gold-dust. Indeed, no chastisement is severer than stoning to death in the market-place. That people
never stopped stealing gold-dust was because the culprits were not always caught. In this connection, supposing
someone said, "I will give you the reign over All-under-Heaven and put you to death," then even a mediocre man
would not accept the offer. Indeed, the reign over All-under-Heaven is a great advantage, but he would not
accept it as he knew he would be put to death. Therefore, if not always caught, people never stop stealing gold-
dust despite the danger of being stoned to death. But if they are certain of being put to death, then they dare not
accept even the reign over All-under-Heaven.
The Lus once set fire to the Product Swamp. As the northern winds appeared, the fire spread southward. Fearing
lest the state capital might be burned, Duke Ai trembled and personally directed the masses in suppressing the
fire. Meanwhile, he found nobody around, all having gone to hunt animals and leaving the fire unsuppressed.
Thereupon he summoned Chung-ni and asked him about it. "Indeed, hunting animals," said Chung-ni, "is a
pleasure and incurs no punishment. But putting out the fire is a hardship and promises no reward. That is the
reason why the fire is not put out." "Right," remarked Duke Ai. "It is untimely, however, to offer rewards just in
time of emergency like this," added Chung-ni. "If Your Highness has to reward all the participants in the
suppression of the fire, then even the whole state wealth is not enough for rewarding them. Suppose we enforce
the policy of punishment for the time being." "Good," said Duke Ai. Thereupon Chung-ni issued the order that
absence in the suppression of the fire should be sentenced to the same punishment as surrender to or escape from
enemies and hunting animals should be sentenced to the same punishment as trespass upon the inner court of the
palace. In consequence, the fire was put out before the order spread all over.
Ch`êng Huan 25 said to the King of Chì, "Your Majesty is too benevolent but too lenient to bear censuring
people." "Isn't it a good name to be too benevolent and too lenient to bear censuring people?" asked the King. In
reply Ch`êng Huan said: "It is good to ministers but not what the lord of men ought to do. Indeed, ministers must
be benevolent in order to be trustworthy, and must be lenient to people in order to be accessible. If not
benevolent, he is not trustworthy; if not lenient to people, he is not accessible." "If so, to whom am I too
benevolent and to whom 26 am I too lenient?" asked the King. In reply Ch`êng Huan said: "Your Majesty is too
benevolent to the Duke of Hsüeh and too lenient to the various Tìens. 27 If Your Majesty is too benevolent to the
Duke of Hsüeh, then chief vassals will show no respect for order. If Your Majesty is too lenient to the Tìens,
then uncles and brothers will violate the law. If chief vassals show no respect for order, the army will become
weak abroad. If uncles and brothers violate the law, then at home the government will fall into disorder. To have
the army weakened abroad and the government disordered at home, this is the fundamental factor ruining the
state."
King Hui of Wey said to Pu Pì, "When you hear His Majesty's voice, how does it sound to you?" "Thy servant
hears the compassion and beneficence of Your Majesty," was the reply. "Then to what extent will my
achievement progress?" asked the King in great delight. "To the extent of ruin," was the reply. "To be
compassionate and beneficent is to practise good deeds. Why should such a practice lead to ruin?" wondered the
King. In reply Pu Pì said: "To be sure, compassion means leniency; beneficence, fondness of giving favours. If
lenient, Your Majesty will not censure those who have faults; if fond of giving favours, Your Majesty will bestow
rewards without waiting for merits to appear. If men guilty of faults are not punished and those of no merit are
rewarded, isn't ruin the possible outcome?"
The people of the Chì State would hold expensive funeral rites, till cloth and silk fabrics were exhausted by
clothes and covers, and wood and lumber by inner and outer coffin-walls. Worried over this, Duke Huan said to
Kuan Chung: "If the people exhaust cloth this way, nothing will be left for national wealth. If they exhaust wood
this way, nothing will be left for military defence. And yet the people will hold expensive funeral rites and never
stop How can prohibition be effected?" In reply Kuan Chung said, "If people do anything at all, it is done for
profit if not for repute." Thereupon he issued the order that if the thickness of both inner and outer coffin-walls
were to go beyond legal limits, the corpse should be cut into pieces and the mourning relatives should be held
guilty. Indeed, to cut the corpse into pieces would create no repute; to hold guilty the mourning relatives would
produce no profit. Why should the people continue holding expensive funeral rites then?
At the time of Duke 28 Ssŭ of Wei, once a labour convict escaped to the Wey State and there took care of the
illness of the queen of King Hsiang. When Duke Ssŭ of Wei heard about this, he sent men out and offered fifty
taels of gold for the purchase money of the fugitive. The men went back and forth five times, but the King of
Wey refused to surrender the convict. Thereupon Duke Ssŭ decided to exchange the City of Tso-shih for the man.
Against this decision all the officials and attendants remonstrated with the King, asking whether it should be
practicable to exchange a city for a labour fugitive. "You, gentlemen, do not understand my reason," explained
the Ruler. 29 "Indeed, government must be concerned even with small affairs so that no serious disturbance can
take place. If the law does not stand firm and censure is not definite, there is no use in keeping ten Tso-shihs. If
the law stands firm and censure is definite, there is no harm even by losing ten Tso-shihs." Hearing about this,
the King of Wey said, "When one sovereign wants to govern well, if another does not listen to him, it is sinister."
Accordingly, he sent off the fugitive in a cart and surrendered him free of charge.
Annotations to Canon III:—
The King of Chì once asked Viscount Wên how to govern a state well. In reply Viscount Wên said: "Indeed,
reward and punishment as means of political control are sharp weapons. Your Majesty should have them in your
grip and never show them to anybody else. For ministers turn to reward and honour like wild deer going to
luxuriant grass."
The King of Yüeh once asked High Official Chung, "I want to attack Wu. Is it practicable?" "Certainly
practicable," replied Chung. "Our rewards are liberal and of faith; our punishments are strict and definite. If Your
Majesty wants to know the effect of reward and punishment, why should Your Majesty hesitate to try setting fire
to the palace building?" Thereupon fire was set to the palace building, whereas nobody would come to put the
fire out. Accordingly, an order was issued that "those who die 30 in the suppression of the fire shall be rewarded
like men killed by enemies in war, those who are not killed in the suppression of the fire shall be rewarded like
men victorious over enemies in war, and those who do not take part in putting the fire out shall be held guilty as
men surrendering to or escaping from enemies". In consequence, men who painted their bodies with mud and put
on wet clothes and rushed 31 at the fire numbered three thousands from the left and three thousands from the
right. In this way the King knew the circumstances assuring victory.
When Wu Chì was Governor of the Western River District under Marquis Wu of Wey, Chìn had a small castle
standing close by the state border. Wu Chì wanted to attack it, for if it were not got rid of, it would remain a
serious harm to the farmers in the neighbourhood. Yet, to get rid of it, he could not enlist sufficient armed troops.
Thereupon he leaned the shaft of a carriage outside the north gate and ordered that anybody able to remove the
shaft to the outside of the south gate should be awarded a first-class field and a first-class residence. Yet nobody
dared to remove it. As soon as somebody removed it, he was rewarded according to the order. All at once Wu
Chì placed one picul of red beans outside the east gate and ordered that anybody able to remove it to the outside
of the west gate should be rewarded similarly. This time men struggled to remove it. Thereupon he issued the
order, "On storming the castle to-morrow, the foremost to rush into it shall be appointed High Officer in the State
and awarded a first-class field and a first-class residence." Then men as expected struggled for precedence to
rush into the castle, so that they stormed it and took it in a forenoon.
When Li Kùei was Governor of the Upper Land under Marquis Wên of Wey, he wanted every man to shoot
well. So he issued the order that men involved in any unsettled legal dispute should be ordered to shoot the
target, and those who hit the target should win the suit and those who missed it should lose it. As soon as the
order was issued, everybody started to practise archery day and night and never stopped. When they came to war
with the Chìns, they imposed a crushing defeat upon the enemy inasmuch as every one of them was a good
archer.
Once a slum-dweller of Chùng-mên in Sung, by observing funeral rites, injured his health and became very thin.
Regarding him as filially pious to his parents, the sovereign raised him and appointed him Master of Official
Rites. In the following year more than ten men died of physical injury by observing funeral rites. Now, sons
observe funeral rites for their parents because they love them. Even then the sons can be encouraged with
rewards. How much more can ordinary people be encouraged by the ruler and superior?
The King of Yüeh schemed to attack Wu. As he wanted everybody to make light of death in war, once when he
went out and saw an angry frog, he saluted it accordingly. "Why should Your Majesty pay it such respects?"
asked his attendants. "Because it possesses a courageous spirit," replied the King. Starting from the following
year every year there were more than ten men who begged to offer their heads to the King. From this viewpoint
it is clear that honour is sufficient to drive anybody to death.
According to a different source: King Kou-chïen of Yüeh once saw an angry frog and saluted it, when the
coachman asked, "Why does Your Majesty salute it?" In reply the King said, "A frog having a courageous spirit
as such does deserve my salute!" Hearing this, both gentry and commons said: "The spirited frog was saluted by
the King, to say nothing of the gentry and commons who are brave." That year there were men who cut off their
heads to death and offered their heads to the King. Therefore, the King of Yüeh in order to wage a successful war
of revenge against Wu experimented on his instructions. When he set fire to a tower and beat the drum, the
people rushed at the fire because reward was due to the fire; when he faced a river and beat the drum, the people
rushed at the water because reward was due to the water; and when on the war front, the people had their heads
cut off and stomachs chopped open with no frightened mind because reward was due to combat. If so, it goes
without saying that to promote the wise in accordance with the law reward would be even more useful than on
those occasions.
Marquis Chao of Han once ordered men to store up old trousers. The attendants remarked: "Your Highness is
rather unkind, not giving old trousers to servants around but storing them up." "The reason is not what you,
gentlemen, know," said Marquis Chao in response. "I have heard that an enlightened sovereign, though fond of
frowning and smiling, always frowns because there is something to frown at and smiles because there is
something to smile at. Now, trousers are not as simple as sneers and smiles, nay, they are very different from the
latter. I must wait for men of merit and therefore store up the trousers and never give them away.
Eels resemble snakes, silkworms resemble moths. When men see snakes, they are frightened; when they see
moths, their hair stands up. Nevertheless, women pick up silkworms and fishermen grasp eels. Thus, where there
lies profit, people forget their dislike and all become as brave as Mêng Pên and Chuan Chu.
Annotations to Canon IV:—
The King of Wey once said to the King of Chêng 32 : "In origin Chêng and Liang 33 were one state and later
separated from each other. We hope we will recover Chêng and annex it to Liang." Worried over this, the Ruler
of Chêng summoned all the ministers and consulted with them about the measures against Wey. "It is very easy
to cope with Wey," said a prince of Chêng to the Ruler of Chêng. "May Your Majesty tell the Weys that if Chêng
is regarded as a former part of Wey and can now be annexed at all, our humble kingdom would like to annex
Liang to Chêng, too." Hearing this, the King of Wey gave up the threatening plan.
King Hsüan of Chì ordered men to play the Yü instrument and always had three hundred men in the orchestra.
Thereupon private gentlemen from the southern suburbs of the capital asked to play the same music for the King.
Delighted at them, the King fed several hundreds of them. Upon the death of King Hsüan, King Min ascended
the throne and wanted to listen to each one of them. The men went away. One day Marquis Chao of Han
remarked, "The Yü players are so numerous that I cannot by any means tell the good ones." In reply Tìen Yen
said, "By listening to them each by each."
Chao sent men out to ask for reinforcements from Han through the good office of Shên Tzŭ in order thereby to
attack Wey. Shên Tzŭ wanted to speak to the Ruler of Han but was afraid lest His Highness should suspect him
of accepting bribes from foreign authorities. Yet if he did not do so, he feared lest he should incur hatred from
Chao. Thereupon he sent Chao Shao and Han Ta to see the moves and looks of His Highness before he started
speaking. Thus at home he could foretell the opinion of Marquis Chao and abroad could render meritorious
service to Chao.
When the allied forces of the three states 34 arrived at the Armour 35 Gorge, the King of Chìn 36 said to Lou
Yüan, "The allied forces of the three states have entered deep into our line. I, the King, am thinking of ceding the
territory east of the Yellow River to them and thereby sue for peace. How is the idea?" In reply the latter said:
"Indeed, to cede the territory east of the River is a great cost, but to rescue our country from a calamity is a great
merit. Nevertheless, to make any decision as such is the duty of the royal uncles and brothers. Why does Your
Majesty not summon Prince Chìh 37 for consultation?" The King, accordingly, sent for Prince Chìh 38 and told
him the dilemma. In reply the Prince said: "It will involve a regret either to sue for peace or not to sue for peace.
Supposing Your Majesty now ceded the territory east of the River and the allies turned homeward, Your Majesty
would certainly say, `The allies from the beginning intended to withdraw. Why should we have given them three
cities purposely?' Supposing Your Majesty refused to sue for peace, then the allies would enter the Armour 39
Gorge and seize our whole country in a panic. Then Your Majesty will certainly regret a great deal, saying, 40
`That is because we would not cede the three cities to them.' Therefore, thy servant says, `Your Majesty will
regret either suing for peace or not suing for peace.' " "If I have to regret either way at all," said the King, "I
prefer to lose the three cities and regret therefor. As it will involve no danger but regret, I decide to sue for
peace."
Marquis Ying said to the King of Chìn: "Your Majesty already conquered the districts of Yüan-yeh, Lan-tìen,
and Yang-hsia, held under control the land within the River boundaries, and dominated the affairs of Liang and
Chêng. 41 But because Chao has not yet been subdued, Your Majesty has not yet attained supremacy over All-
under-Heaven. Now, to loosen the garrison at Shang-tang is to give up our hold of one district only. But if we
thereby march our main column toward Tung-yang, then Han-tan, capital of Chao, will become as precarious as
a flea in the mouth while Your Majesty will be able to fold his hands and reign over Allunder-Heaven. Later,
subdue the Chaos with troops. However, Shang-tang has peace and joy, and is very wealthy. Thy servant is,
therefore, afraid that though he proposes to loosen the garrison there, Your Majesty might not listen. Then what
else can be done?" "Certainly, the garrison there shall be loosened," said the King.
Annotations to Canon V:—
Pàng Ching, a prefect, sent tradesmen out on a mission. Suddenly he recalled the sheriff from among them,
stood with him for awhile, gave him no special instruction and sent him off finally. The tradesmen thought the
prefect and the sheriff had had some private talk and therefore would not confide in the sheriff. On the way they
dared not commit any villainy.
Tai Huan, Premier of Sung, at night sent men out and said to them, "For several nights I have heard somebody
riding in a covered wagon going to the residence of Li Shih. Carefully find that out for me?" The servants came
back with the report that they had seen no covered wagon but somebody bringing a bamboo chest as present and
speaking with Li Shih, and that after a while Li Shih accepted the chest.
The Sovereign of Chou lost jade bodkins and ordered officials to search for them. For three days they could not
find them. The Sovereign of Chou then ordered men to look for them and found them inside the room of some
private house. "Now I know the officials do not attend to their duties," remarked the Sovereign of Chou.
"Searching for the jade bodkins for three days, they could not find them. The men I ordered to look for them
found them out within one day, however." Thereafter the officials became very afraid of him, thinking His
Majesty was divine and enlightened.
The Prime Minister of Shang once sent a petty official out, and asked him upon his return what he had seen in
the market-place. "Nothing," replied the official. "Yet you must have seen something. What was that?" asked the
Premier insistently. "There were outside the south gate of the market-place a number of ox carts, through which
one could barely walk," replied the official. Accordingly, the Premier instructed the messenger not to tell
anybody else what he had asked about. Then he summoned the mayor, blamed him, and asked him why there
was so much ox dung outside the gate of the marketplace. Greatly astonished at the quickness of the Premier's
information, the mayor trembled and became afraid of his wide knowledge.
Annotations to Canon VI:—
Marquis Chao of Han once held his nails in his fist, pretending to have lost one of his nails, and was very
anxious to find it. One of his attendants purposely cut off one of his nails and presented it to His Highness.
Thereby Marquis Chao comprehended the insincerity of the attendant.
Marquis Chao of Han sent horsemen out into the local districts. When the servants came back to report, he asked
them what they had seen. "Nothing," replied they. "Yet you must have seen something. What was that?" asked
Marquis Chao insistently. "There were outside the south gate yellow calves eating rice plants on the left-hand
side of the road." Accordingly, Marquis Chao instructed the servants not to divulge what he had asked about.
Then he issued the order to the effect "that while seedlings are growing, oxen and horses be excluded from the
rice fields; that since despite the order the magistrates have neglected their duties, till a great number of oxen and
horses have entered the fields of people, the inspectors quickly count the number of them and report to the
authorities; and that if they fail in the matter, their punishment be doubled". Thereupon the inspectors counted all
the cattle in the rice fields in three directions and reported to the superior authorities. "Not yet finished,"
remarked Marquis Chao. So they went out again to investigate the case and found the yellow calves outside the
south gate. Thereafter the magistrates, thinking Marquis Chao was clear-sighted, all trembled for fear of his
sagacity and dared not commit any wrong.
The Sovereign of Chou issued an order to look for crooked canes. The officials sought after them for several
days but could not find any. The Sovereign of Chou sent men out in secret to look for them and found them
within one day. Thereupon he said to the officials: "Now I know the officials do not attend to their duties. It is
very easy to find crooked canes, but the officials could not find any. I ordered men to look for them and found
them within one day. How can you be called `loyal'? " The officials all trembled for fear of his sagacity, thinking
His Majesty was divine and enlightened.
When Po Pì was a prefect, his coachman was unclean and had a beloved concubine. So he employed a petty
official to pretend to love her in order thereby to detect the secret affairs of the coachman.
Hsi-mên Pao, Prefect of Yah, once pretended to have lost the linchpin of his carriage and therefore ordered
officials to look for it. As they could not find it, he sent out men to search for it and found it inside the room of
some private house.
Annotations to Canon VII:—
When the Lord of Shan-yang 42 heard about the King's suspicion of him, he purposely slandered Chiu Shu, a
favourite of the King, in order thereby to know the truth through Chiu Shu's reaction.
When Nao Chìh heard about the hatred of the King of Chì for him, he fabricated an envoy from Chìn in order
thereby to know the truth.
Some Chìs wanted to create disturbances and were afraid the King might know their conspiracy beforehand. So
they pretended to drive away their favourites and let 43 the King know of it, and thereby dispensed with all
suspicion.
Once Tzŭ-chih, Premier of Yen, while seated indoors, asked deceptively, "What was it that just ran outdoors? A
white horse?" All his attendants said they had seen nothing running outdoors. Meanwhile, someone ran out after
it and came back with the report that there had been a white horse. Thereby Tzŭ-chih came to know the
insincerity and unfaithfulness of the attendant.
Once there were litigants. Tzŭ-chàn separated them and never allowed them to speak to each other. Then he
inverted their words and told each the other's arguments and thereby found the vital facts involved in the case.
Duke Ssŭ of Wei once sent men out to go through the pass as travellers. There the officers made them serious
trouble, wherefore they bribed the officers with gold. The officers, accordingly, released them. Later, Duke Ssŭ
said to the officers, "At a certain time there came certain travellers to go through the pass. Since they gave you
gold, you sent them away, did you?" Thereby the officers were frightened and thought Duke Ssŭ was clear-
minded.
Notes
1. 内儲說上七術. The English rendering of 内外儲說 by Derk Bodde is "Inner and Outer Discussions", which is
inaccurate (Fung Yu-lan, History of Chinese Philosophy: The Period of the Philosophers, p. 80).
2. With Kao Hêng 一聼 means 一一聼之.
3. The text puts the topic of each discussion not at the beginning but at the end, which is confusing to readers.
Therefore, I have removed it from the end to the beginning.
4. With Yü Yüeh 是以效之 should be 以是效之 and 效 means 明.
5. 氾 should be 池 (vide infra, p. 305).
6. With Wang Hsien-shen 事 should be 使.
7. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 詳 means 佯.
8. With Ku 陽山 should be 山陽.
9. A jester or comedian in the court.
10. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 擁 should be 壅.
11. Thenceforth, "to stand before a cooking stove" came to mean "to befool one's ruler, said of a vicious
minister".
12. In Yen Tzŭ's Spring and Autumn Annals.
13. With Wang Wei Yen Tzŭ's Spring and Autumn Annals has 昭 for 哀.
14. With Wang Hsien-shen 君 should be 公, and so throughout this paragraph.
15. With Wang 必 above 坐 is superfluous.
16. With Wang Hsien-shen the Literary Works on Facts and Varieties has 入 in place of 見.
17. With Wang 閼 and 安 were synonyms.
18. With Lu Wên-shao 故 above 子產 is superfluous.
19. The twelfth month (十二月) of the lunar calendar roughly corresponds to the month of January in the solar
calendar.
20. With Wang Hsien-shen 菽 should be 草.
21. The clans of the father, the mother, and the wife.
22. I regard 之 above 人 as superfluous.

23. I propose 人 for 之.
24. It means "preventing heavy penalties by means of applying light penalties".
25. 驩 reads 歡.
26. With Wang Wei there should be 所 below 安.
27. Members of the royal family.
28. With Wang Hsien-shen 君 should be 公.
29. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 王 should be 君.
30. With Wang Hsien-shen 者死 should be 死者.
31. With Wang Hsien-shen and Lu Wên-shao 走 should be 赴.
32. 鄭 refers to 韓, as Chêng had been destroyed and incorporated into the territory of Han.
33. The name of the capital of Wey, which later became the alias of the Wey State.
34. Han, Chao, and Wey.
35. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 韓 is a mistake for 函 and 谷 should be supplied below it.
36. With Ku 秦 should be supplied above 王.
37. With Ku 氾 in both cases should be 池.
38. With Ku 氾 in both cases should be 池.
39. 韓 is again a mistake for 函.
40. With Lu Wên-shao and Wang Hsien-shen 王 above 曰 is superfluous.
41. With Wang 梁 and 鄭 refer to 魏 and 韓 respectively.
42. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 陽山 should be 山陽, and I regard 相謂 below 君 as superfluous.
43. With Yü Yüeh 走 below 令 is superfluous.
Foreword to Volume Two
Through the kind assistance given by the Text Book Committee of UNESCO the publication of this Second
Volume of The Works of Han Fei Tzŭ has been made possible twenty years after the publication of the First
Volume. It is an encouraging sign of the demand for the work that the First Volume has just been exhausted and a
re-issue, also with the aid of UNESCO, has been necessitated. Unfortunately it was not given to the translator,
Wen-Kuei Liao, to live to see the Second Volume of his work in print, nor has the Introductory Volume, planned
by him, ever been issued.
The publisher's thansk are due to Milton Rosenthal for his help in negotiating the grant from UNESCO, and to
Dr. Neville Whymant for reading the proofs, compiling the Index and suggesting minor alterations in the text.
Arthur Probsthain.
London, October, 1959.
Book Ten
31 內儲說下六微第三十一
六微：一曰權借在下，二曰利異外借，三曰託於似類，四曰利害有反，五曰參疑內爭，六曰敵國廢置。
此六者，主之所察也。
經一：權借。
權勢不可以借人。上失其一，臣以為百。故臣得借則力多，力多則內外為用，〔內外為用〕則人主壅。
其說在老聃之言失魚也。是以人主久語，而左右鬻懷刷。其患在胥僮之（權）〔諫〕厲公，與州侯之一
言，而燕人浴矢也。
經二：利異。
君臣之利異，故人臣莫忠，故臣利立而主利滅。是以姦臣者，召敵兵以內除，舉外事以眩主，苟成其私
利，不顧國患。其說在衛人之妻夫禱祝也。故戴歇議子弟，而三桓攻昭公；公叔內齊軍，而翟黃召韓
兵；太宰嚭說大夫種，大成牛教申不害；司馬喜告趙王，呂倉規秦、楚；宋石遺衛君書，白圭教暴譴。
經三：似類。
似類之事，人主之所以失誅，而大臣之所以成私也。是以門人捐水而夷射誅，濟陽自矯而二人罪，司馬
喜殺爰騫而季辛〔誅〕，鄭袖言惡臭而新人劓，費無忌教郄宛而令尹誅，陳需殺張壽而犀首走。故燒芻
廥而中山罪，殺老儒而濟陽賞也。
經四：有反。
事起而有所利，其（市）〔尸〕主之；有所害，必反察之。是以明主之論也，國害則省其利者，臣害則
察其反者。其說在楚兵至而陳需相，黍種貴而廩吏覆。是以昭奚恤執販茅，而（不）僖侯譙其次，文公
髮繞炙，而穰侯請立帝。
經五：參疑。
參疑之勢，亂之所由生也，故明主慎之。是以晉驪姬殺太子申生，而鄭夫人用毒藥，衛州吁殺其君完，
公子根取東周，王子職甚有寵而商臣果作亂，嚴遂、韓廆爭而哀侯果遇賊，田常、闞止、戴驩、皇喜敵
而宋君、簡公殺。其說在狐突之稱二好，與鄭昭之對未生也。
經六：廢置。
敵之所務，在淫察而就靡，人主不察，則敵廢置矣。故文王資費仲，而秦王患楚使，黎且去仲尼，而干
象沮甘茂。是以子胥宣（王）言而子常用，內美〔人〕而虞、虢亡，佯遺書而萇弘死，用雞猳而鄶桀
盡。
參疑廢置之事，明主絕之於內而施之於外。資其輕者，輔其弱者，此謂廟攻。參伍既用於內，觀聽又行
於外，則敵偽得。其說在秦侏儒之告惠文君也。故襄疵言襲鄴，而嗣公賜令蓆。
說一：
勢重者，人主之淵也；臣者，勢重之魚也。魚失於淵而不可復得也，人主失其勢重於臣而不可復收也。
古之人難正言，故託之於魚。賞罰者，利器也，君操之以制臣，臣得之以擁主。故君先見所賞，則臣鬻
之以為德；君先見所罰，則臣鬻之以為威。故曰：「國之利器，不可以示人。」
靖郭君相齊，與故人久語，則故人富；懷左右刷，則左右重。久語懷刷，小資也，猶以成富，況於吏勢
乎？
晉厲公之時，六卿貴，胥僮、長魚矯諫曰：「大臣貴重，敵主爭事，外市樹黨，下亂國法，上以劫主，
而國不危者，未嘗有也。」公曰：「善。」乃誅三卿。胥僮、長魚矯又諫曰：「夫同罪之人偏誅而不
盡，是懷怨而借之間也。」公曰：「吾一朝而夷三卿，予不忍盡也。」長魚矯對曰：「公不忍之，彼將
忍公。」公不聽。居三月，諸卿作難，遂殺厲公而分其地。
州侯相荊，貴而主斷。荊王疑之，因問左右，左右對曰：「無有。」如出一口也。
燕人無惑，故浴狗矢。燕人，其妻有私通於士，其夫早自外而來，士適出，夫曰：「何客也？」其妻
曰：「無客。」問左右，左右言「無有」，如出一口。其妻曰：「公惑易也。」因浴之以狗矢。
一曰：燕人李季好（好）遠出，其妻私有通於士，季突（之）〔至〕，士在內中，妻患之。其室婦曰：
「令公子裸而解髮，直出門，吾屬佯不見也。」於是公子從其計，疾走出門。季曰：「是何人也？」家
室皆〔曰〕：「無有。」季曰：「吾見鬼乎？」婦人曰：「然。」「為之柰何？」曰：「取五（姓）
〔牲〕之矢浴之。」季曰：「諾。」乃浴以矢。一曰浴以蘭湯。
說二：
衛人有夫妻禱者，而祝曰：「使我無故，得百（來）束布。」其夫曰：「何少也？」對曰：「益是，子
將以買妾。」
荊王欲宦諸公子於四鄰，戴歇曰：「不可。」「宦公子於四鄰，四鄰必重之。」曰：「子出者重，重則
必為所重之國黨，則是教子於外市也，不便。」
魯孟孫、叔孫、季孫相戮力劫昭公，遂奪其國而擅其制。魯三桓（公偪）〔偪公〕，昭公攻季孫氏，而
孟孫氏、叔孫氏相與謀曰：「救之乎？」叔孫氏之御者曰：「我，家臣也，安知公家？凡有〔季〕孫與
無季孫於我孰利？」皆曰：「無季孫必無叔孫。」「然則救之。」於是撞西北隅而入。孟孫見叔孫之旗
入，亦救之。三桓為一，昭公不勝。逐之，死於乾侯。
公叔相韓而有攻齊，公仲甚重於王，公叔恐王之相公仲也，使齊、韓約而攻魏。公叔因內齊軍於鄭，以
劫其君，以固其位，而信兩國之約。
翟璜，魏王之臣也，而善於韓。乃召韓兵令之攻魏，因請為魏王搆之以自重也。
越王攻吳王，吳王謝而告服，越王欲許之，范蠡、大夫種曰：「不可。昔天以越與吳，吳不受。今天反
夫差，亦天禍也。以吳予越，再拜受之，不可許也。」太宰嚭遺大夫種書曰：「狡兔盡則良犬烹，敵國
滅則謀臣亡。大夫何不釋吳而患越乎？」大夫種受書讀之，太息而歎曰：「殺之，越與吳同命。」
大成牛從趙謂申不害於韓曰：「以韓重我於趙，請以趙重子於韓，是子有兩韓，我有兩趙。」
司馬喜，中山君之臣也，而善於趙，嘗以中山之謀微告趙王。
呂倉，魏王之臣也，而善於秦、荊。微諷秦、荊令而攻魏，因請行和以自重也。
宋石，魏將也；衛君，荊將也。兩國搆難，二子皆將。宋石遺衛君書曰：「二（君）〔軍〕相當，兩旗
相望，唯毋一戰，戰必不兩存。此乃兩主之事也，與子無有私怨，善者相避也。」
白圭相魏（王），暴譴相韓。白圭謂暴譴曰：「子以韓輔我於魏，我以魏待子於韓，臣長用魏，子長用
韓。」
說三：
齊中大夫有夷射者，御飲於王，醉甚而出，倚於郎門。門者刖跪請曰：「足下無意賜之餘（隸）〔瀝〕
乎？」夷射（曰叱）〔叱曰〕：「去！刑餘之人，何事乃敢乞飲長者！」刖跪走退。及夷射去，刖跪因
捐水郎門霤下，類溺者之狀。明日，王出而訶之，曰：「誰溺於是？」刖跪對曰：「臣不見也。雖然，
昨日中大夫夷射立於此。」王因誅夷射而殺之。
魏王臣二人不善濟陽君，濟陽君因偽令人矯王命而謀攻己。王使人問濟陽君（濟陽君）曰：「誰與
恨？」對曰：「無敢與恨。雖然，嘗與二人不善，不足以至於此。」王問左右，左右曰：「固然。」王
因誅二人者。
季辛與爰騫相怨。司馬喜新與季辛惡，因微令人殺爰騫，中山之君以為季辛也，因誅之。
荊王所愛妾有鄭袖者，荊王新得美女，鄭袖因教之曰：「王甚喜人之掩口也，為近王，必掩口。」美女
入見，近王，因掩口。王問其故，鄭袖曰：「此固言惡王之臭。」及王與鄭袖、美女三人坐，袖因先誡
御者曰：「王適有言，必亟聽從王言。」美女前近王甚，數掩口。王悖然怒曰：「劓之！」御因揄刀而
劓美人。
一曰：魏王遺荊王美人，荊王甚悅之。夫人鄭袖知王悅愛之也，亦悅愛之，甚於王。衣服玩好，擇其所
欲為之。王曰：「夫人知我愛新人也，其悅愛之甚於寡人，此孝子所以養親，忠臣之所以事君也。」夫
人知王之不以己為妬也，因為新人曰：「王甚悅愛子，然惡子之鼻，子見王，常掩鼻，則王長幸子
矣。」於是新人從之，每見王，常掩鼻。王謂夫人曰：「新人見寡人常掩鼻，何也？」對曰：「不
（已）知也。」王強問之，對曰：「頃嘗言惡聞王臭。」王怒曰：「劓之！」夫人先誡御者曰：「王適
有言，必可從命。」御者因揄刀而劓美人。
費無極、荊令尹之近者也。郄宛新事令尹，令尹甚愛之。無極因謂令尹曰：「君愛宛甚，何不一為酒其
家？」令尹曰：「善。」因令之為具於郄宛之家。無極教宛曰：「令尹甚傲而好兵，子必謹敬，先亟陳
兵堂下及門庭。」宛因為之。令尹往而大驚，曰：「此何也？」無極曰：「君殆，去之！事未可知
也。」令尹大怒，舉兵而誅郄宛，遂殺之。
犀首與張壽為怨，陳需新入，不善犀首，因使人微殺張壽。魏王以為犀首也，乃誅之。
中山有賤公子，馬甚瘦，車甚弊。左右有私不善者，乃為之請王曰：「公子甚貧，馬甚瘦，王何不益之
馬食？」王不許。左右因微令夜燒芻廄。王以為賤公子也，乃誅之。
魏有老儒而不善濟陽君。客有與老儒私怨者，因攻老儒殺之，以德於濟陽君，曰：「臣為其不善君也，
故為君殺之。」濟陽君因不察而賞之。
一曰：濟陽君有少庶子，有不見知欲入愛於君者。齊使老儒掘藥於馬梨之山，濟陽少庶子欲以為功，入
見於君曰：「齊使老儒掘藥於馬梨之山，名掘藥也，實間君之國。君〔不〕殺之，是將以濟陽君抵罪於
齊矣。臣請刺之。」君曰：「可。」於是明日得之城陰而刺之，濟陽君還益親之。
說四：
陳需，魏王之臣也，善於荊王，而令荊攻魏。荊攻魏，陳需因請為魏王行解之，因以荊勢相魏。
韓昭侯之時，黍種嘗貴甚。昭侯令人覆廩，吏果竊黍種而糶之甚多。
昭奚恤之用荊也，有燒倉廥（）〔窌〕者而不知其人。昭奚恤令吏執販茅者而問之，果燒也。
昭僖侯之時，宰人上食而羹中有生肝焉。昭侯召宰人之次而誚之曰：「若何為置生肝寡人羹中？」宰人
頓首服死罪，曰：「竊欲去尚宰人也。」
一曰：僖侯浴，湯中有礫。僖侯曰：「尚浴免，則有當代者乎？」左右對曰：「有。」僖侯曰：「召而
來。」譙之曰：「何為置礫湯中？」對曰：「尚浴免，則臣得代之，是以置礫湯中。」
文公之時，宰臣上炙而髮繞之。文公召宰人而譙之曰：「女欲寡人之哽耶？奚為以髮繞炙？」宰人頓首
再拜請曰：「〔臣〕有死罪三：援礪砥刀，利猶干將也，切肉肉斷而髮不斷，臣之罪一也。援木而貫臠
而不見髮，臣之罪二也。奉熾爐，炭火盡赤紅，而炙熟而髮不燒，臣之罪三也。堂下得（財）（無）微
有疾臣者乎？」公曰：「善。」乃召其堂下而譙之，果然，乃誅之。
一曰：晉平公觴客，少庶子進炙而髮繞之，平公趣殺炮人，毋有反令。炮人呼天曰：「嗟乎！臣有三
罪，死而不自知乎！」平公曰：「何謂也？」對曰：「臣刀之利，風靡骨斷而髮不斷，是臣之一死也。
桑炭炙之，肉紅白而髮不焦，是臣之二死也。炙熟，又重睫而視之，髮繞炙而目不見，是臣之三死也。
意者堂下其有翳憎臣者乎？殺臣不亦蚤乎！」
穰侯相秦而齊強。穰侯欲立秦為帝而齊不聽，因請立齊為東帝，而不能成也。
說五：
晉獻公之時，驪姬貴，擬於后妻，而欲以其子奚齊代太子申生，因患申生於君而殺之，遂立奚齊為太
子。
鄭君已立太子矣，而有所愛美女欲以其子為後。夫人恐，因用毒藥賊君殺之。
衛州吁重於衛，擬於君，群臣百姓盡畏其勢重。州吁果殺其君而奪之政。
公子朝，周太子也，弟公子根甚有寵於君，君死，遂以東周叛，分為兩國。
楚成王以商臣為太子，既而又欲置公子職。商臣作亂，遂攻殺成王。
一曰：楚成王〔以〕商臣為太子，既欲置公子職。商（人）〔臣〕聞之，未察也，乃為其傅潘崇曰：
「柰何察之也？」潘崇曰：「饗江（芊）〔羋〕而勿敬也。」太子聽之。江（芊）〔羋〕曰：「呼，役
夫！宜君王之欲廢女而立職也。」商臣曰：「信矣。」潘崇曰：「能事之乎？」曰：「不能。」「能為
之諸侯乎？」曰：「不能。」「能舉大事乎？」曰：「能。」於是乃起宿營之甲而攻成王。成王請食熊
膰而死，不許，遂自殺。
韓廆相韓哀侯，嚴遂重於君，二人甚相害也。嚴遂乃令人刺韓廆於朝，韓廆走君而抱之，遂刺韓廆而兼
哀侯。
田恆相齊，闞止重於簡公，二人相憎而欲相賊也。田恆因行私惠以取其國，遂殺簡公而奪之政。
戴驩為宋太宰，皇喜重於君，二人爭事而相害也，皇喜遂殺宋君而奪其政。
狐突曰：「國君好內則太子危，好外則相室危。」
鄭君問鄭昭曰：「太子亦何如？」對曰：「太子未生也。」君曰：「太子已置而曰『未生』，何也？」
對曰：「太子雖置，然而君之好色不已，所愛有子，君必愛之，愛之則必欲以為後，臣故曰『太子未
生』也。」
說六：
文王資費仲而遊於紂之旁，令之諫紂而亂其心。
荊王使人之秦，秦王甚禮之。王曰：「敵國有賢者，國之憂也。今荊王之使者甚賢，寡人患之。」群臣
諫曰：「以王之賢聖與國之資厚，願荊王之賢人，王何不深知之而陰有之。荊以為外用也，則必誅
之。」
仲尼為政於魯，道不拾遺，齊景公患之。（梨）〔黎〕且謂景公曰：「去仲尼猶吹毛耳。君何不迎之以
重祿高位，遺哀公女樂以驕榮其意。哀公新樂之，必怠於政，仲尼必諫，諫必輕絕於魯。」景公曰：
「善。」乃令（犁）〔黎〕且以女樂六遺哀公，哀公樂之，果怠於政。仲尼諫，不聽，去而之楚。
楚王謂干象曰：「吾欲以楚扶甘茂而相之秦，可乎？」干象對曰：「不可也。」王曰：「何也？」曰：
「甘茂少而事史舉先生，史舉，上蔡之監門也，大不事君，小不事家，以苛刻聞天下。茂事之，順焉。
惠王之明，張儀之辨也，茂事之，取十官而免於罪，是茂賢也。」王曰：「相人敵國而相賢，其不可何
也？」干象曰：「前時王使邵滑之越，五年而能亡越。所以然者，越亂而楚治也。日者知用之越，今亡
之秦，不亦太亟亡乎！」王曰：「然則為之柰何？」干象對曰：「不如相共立。」王曰：「共立可相何
也？」對曰：「共立少見愛幸，長為貴卿，被王衣，含杜若，握玉環，以聽於朝，且利以亂秦矣。」
吳政荊，子胥使人宣言於荊曰：「子期用，將擊之；子常用，將去之。」荊人聞之，因用子常而退子期
也。吳人擊之，遂勝之。
晉獻公伐虞、虢，乃遺之屈產之乘，垂棘之璧，女樂六，以榮其意而亂其政。
叔向之讒萇弘也，為書曰：「萇弘謂叔向曰：『子為我謂晉君，所與君期者，時可矣。何不亟以兵
來？』」因佯遺其書周君之庭而急去行。周以萇弘為賣周也，乃誅萇弘而殺之。
鄭桓公將欲襲鄶，先問鄶之豪傑、良臣、辯智果敢之士，盡與姓名，擇鄶之良田賂之，為官爵之名而書
之。因為設壇場郭門之外而埋之，釁之以雞豭，若盟狀。鄶君以為內難也而盡殺其良臣。桓公襲鄶，遂
取之。
秦侏儒善於荊王，而陰有善荊王左右而內重於惠文君。荊適有謀，侏儒常先聞之以告惠文君。
鄴令襄疵，陰善趙王左右。趙王謀襲鄴，襄疵常輒聞而先言之魏王。〔魏王〕備之，趙乃（輒還）〔輟
行〕。
衛嗣君之時，有人於令之左右。縣令（有）發蓐而席弊甚，嗣公還令人遺之席，曰：「吾聞汝今者發蓐
而席弊甚，賜汝席。」縣令大驚，以君為神也。
Chapter XXXI. Inner Congeries of Sayings, The Lower Series: Six Minutiae
1
Of the six minutiae, the first is said to be "authority left in the hands of the inferior"; the second, "difference of
ministers in interest from the ruler and their consequent dependence upon foreign support"; the third, "resort to
disguise and falsification"; the fourth, "antinomies in matters of advantage and harm"; the fifth, "mutual
confusions in position and domestic dissentions for supremacy"; and the sixth, "manipulation of dismissal and
appointment of officials by enemy states." These six are what the sovereign ought to consider carefully.
1. On Authority and Position2
Authority and position should not be lent to anybody else. If the sovereign loses one, the minister would turn that
into one hundred. Thus, if the minister can borrow power and position from the ruler, his strength would
multiply. Should his strength multiply, then men in and out of the court would be utilized by him. If men in and
out of the court are utilized by him, then the lord of men would be deluded. The saying is based in Lao Tan's
discussion 3 on the loss of fish. For further illustration, a man became wealthy 4 simply after one evening's 5 talk
with his influential friend, and an attendant gained prestige because his master had given 6 him a hairbrush. Its
contrary is found in Hsü Tòng's remonstration with Duke Li, in Chou Hou's unification of the attendants'
sayings, and in the Yen man's bathing in dung.
2. On the Difference in Interest
Ruler and minister differ in interest. Therefore, ministers are never loyal. As soon as the minister's 7 interest
stands up, the sovereign's interest goes to ruin. Thus wicked ministers would exterminate their opponents at
home by sending for enemy troops and bewilder their lord by enumerating foreign affairs. As long as their
private interest is accomplished, they never mind any disaster to the state. An instance is found in the husband's
and wife's prayer in Wei. For further illustration, Tai Hsieh discussed the danger of allowing sons and brothers to
take up office in the courts of foreign states, the Three Huan families attacked Duke Chao, Kung-shu conspired
secretly with the army of Chì, Chieh Huang sent for troops from Han, Premier Pì persuaded High Official
Chung of his personal interest, Ta-ch`êng Wu 8 taught Shên Pu-hai the way to their mutual advantage, Ssŭ-ma
Hsi divulged secret news to the King of Chao, Lü Tsàng induced Chìn and Chù to invade his native soil; Sung
Shih wrote Wei Chün a personal letter; and Pai Kuei taught Pao Chìen the way to their mutual advantage.
3. On Disguise and Falsification
Matters of falsification and disguise make the lord of men miss what he ought to censure and make the ministers
accomplish their private interests. Thus, the gate-men poured water but I-shê was censured; the Lord of Chi-yang
forged the King's order but his two enemies paid for the crime; Ssŭ-ma Hsi killed Yuan Ch'ien but Chi Hsin was
censured; Chêng Hsiu said the new court ladies disliked the bad smell of His Majesty's breath and the
newcomers had their noses cut off; Fei Wu-chi 9 told Chì Yüan to parade weapons but the magistrate censured
the latter; Ch`ên Hsü killed Chang Shou but Hsi-shou 10 had to run into exile; and, similarly, when the silo was
burned, the King of Central Hills held the innocent prince guilty, and when the old literatus was killed, the Lord
of Chi-yang rewarded the assassin.
4. On the Existence of Opposites
If any event happens and has any advantage at all, the sovereign must master it. If it has any disadvantage, he
must discern the opposite. For this reason, the enlightened sovereign, in estimating the welfare of the country,
would reflect on the advantage when the state has any disadvantage; when the minister has any disadvantage, he
would deliberate upon its opposite. The saying is based on the appointment of Ch`ên Hsü to premiership upon
the arrival of the Chù troops, and on the rise of the price of millet seed because of the granary-keeper's
dishonesty. Thus, Chao Hsi-hsü arrested the reed-seller; Marquis Chao-hsi 11 blamed the second cook; Duke Wên
found hairs around the roast meat; and Marquis Hsiang offered to proclaim the Ruler of Chì Eastern Emperor.
5. On Mutual Confusions in Position
The situation of mutual confusions in position causes disturbances. Therefore, the enlightened sovereign takes
precautions against it. For this reason, Li-chi of Chin killed Shên-shêng; the Mistress of Chêng used poisonous
drugs; Chou Hsü of Wei murdered his Ruler, Yüan; Prince Kên occupied Eastern Chou; Prince Chih enjoyed His
Majesty's exceeding favour, wherefore Shang-ch`ên actually caused a disturbance; Yen Sui and Han Kùei
rivalled each other, wherefore Duke Ai encountered rebels; Tìen Chàng and Kan Chih, Tai Huan and Huang
Hsi, were enemies, wherefore Duke Chien of Ch'i and the Ruler of Sung were respectively murdered. The saying
is based on Hu Tù's talk on the two kinds of fondness on the part of the sovereign and on Chêng Chao's reply
that the heir apparent was not yet born.
6. On Dismissal and Appointment
What one state works after is to observe secretly the on-going affairs in its enemy states and take advantage of
their weaknesses. If the lord of men is not alert, enemies will dismiss or appoint his men. Thus King Wên
financed Fei Chung; the King of Chìn worried over the envoy from Chù; Li Chü got rid of Chung-ni; and Kan
Hsiang obstructed Kan Mu. For the same reason, Tzŭ-hsü spread rumours wherefore Tzŭ-chàng was taken into
service; beauties were accepted, wherefore Yü and Kuo went to ruin; a letter was falsified, wherefore Chàng
Hung was executed; and chicken and pig sacrifices were offered, wherefore all able men of Kùai were
exterminated.
Regarding matters of confusion and suspicion and of dismissal and appointment, the enlightened sovereign
exterminates them at home but propagates them abroad. Financing the poor and supporting the weak in the
enemy states is called "inter-palatial assaults". 12 If the system of three units and basic fives 13 is adopted inside,
while observations and informations function outside, then what can the enemy do? The saying is based on the
Chìn clown's secret report to Ruler Hui-wên. For further illustration, Hsiang Tz`ŭ foretold his master the
enemies' stratagem to fall upon Yeh, and Duke Ssŭ bestowed a new mat upon the prefect . . . 14
High authority is the pool of the lord of men. Ministers are the fish swimming in high authority. Just as the fish
once lost outside the pool cannot be recovered, so can the high authority of the lord of men once lost to the
ministers not be recovered. The ancient 15 found it difficult to say explicitly, and therefore used the metaphor of
the fish swimming in the pool. Now, reward and punishment are sharp weapons. By handling them the ruler
controls ministers. By appropriating them ministers delude the sovereign. Therefore, if the ruler let ministers see
any reward before he bestows it upon anybody, ministers would sell it as a personal favour; if the ruler let
ministers see any punishment before he inflicts it upon anybody, ministers would use it as a personal threat.
Hence the saying: "The weapons of the state should not be shown to anybody."
The Lord of Ching-kuo, Premier of Chì, once talked with an old acquaintance in an evening, 16 whereupon the
old acquaintance became wealthy. Another time he gave 17 one of his attendants a hairbrush, wherefore the
attendant gained prestige. Indeed, having an evening's talk and making a present 18 of a hairbrush constitute very
little resources. Nevertheless, they are sufficient to enrich men. How much more can authority and position left
in the hands of officials do?
At the time of Duke Li of Chin, the Six Nobles were very powerful. Therefore, Hsü Tòng and Chàng Yü-chìao
remonstrated with him, saying: "When chief vassals are powerful and influential, they rival the sovereign, cause
disputes in state affairs, and, by accepting bribes from foreign powers, forming cliques at home, and violating the
law of the state, intimidate the sovereign, wherefore the state is always endangered." "Right," said the Duke, and
accordingly, wiped out three Nobles. Again, Hsü Tòng and Chàng Yü-chiao remonstrated with him, saying:
"Indeed, to punish certain and not all of the men guilty of the same crime is to make the survivors resent and
watch for a chance." In response the Duke said: "In one morning I exterminated three of the Six Nobles. I cannot
bear exterminating all of them." "Your Highness cannot bear exterminating them, but they will bear causing Your
Highness harm,"' said Chàng Yü-chìao. To this the Duke would not listen. In the course of three months, the
remaining Nobles started a rebellion, and finally killed Duke Li and partitioned his territory.
Chou Hou, Premier of Ching, was influential and dictated to all state affairs. Suspecting him, the King of Ching
asked the attendants about his rampancy. In reply all of them said "Nothing!" as though the reply came out from
one mouth.
A man of Yen was easily bewildered and therefore would bathe in dogs' dung. The wife of the man of Yen was
intimate with a bachelor. Once, when her husband came home early from outside, the fellow happened to be
going out from the home. "Who is the visitor"? asked the husband. "No visitor at all," replied the wife, Then he
asked the servants, who all said "None!" as though the reply came from one mouth. "You certainly became
insane." So saying, his wife bathed him in dogs' dung.
According to a different source: A man of Yen, named Li Chi, would go far away. His wife was intimate with a
bachelor. One day he suddenly came home while the fellow was in. Over this his wife worried, so her woman
servant said to her: "Let the young gentleman go naked and with his hairs dispersed rush straight out through the
door. Then all of us will pretend to have been nothing." Thereupon the young fellow followed the plan and ran
out fast through the door. "Who is that man?" asked Chi. "Nobody," replied everyone in the house. "Have I seen
a ghost?" "Certainly." "What shall I do then?" "Get the dung of the five animals 19 and bathe in it." "All right,"
said Chi. So he bathed in the dung. According to another different source he bathed in hot orchid water.
Among the Weis, there were a man and his wife who once during their prayer said as benediction, "Give us no
misery but one hundred rolls of cloth." "Why is the benediction so simple?" wondered the husband. "What? If it
be more elaborate than this, then you might be thinking of buying a concubine thereby," replied the wife.
The King of Ching wanted the various princes to take up office in the courts of the neighbouring states. "It is
impracticable," said Tai Hê. "Why? If I, the King, allow them to take up official posts in the neighbouring states
the neighbouring states would certainly treat them well," said the King. "The princes sent out are well received,"
remarked Tai Hê, "However, when well treated, they become partisans of the states that treat them well. If so,
such a policy is simply to induce the princes to the betrayal of their native land to foreign powers, and therefore
is disadvantageous to Your Majesty."
The clans of Mêng Sun, Shu Sun, and Chi Sun, united their strength and molested Duke Chao, till they usurped
his state and managed all public affairs at their pleasure. At first, when the Three Huans 20 were bearing down
upon the Duke, 21 Duke Chao attacked the Chi Sun Clan. Therefore, the Mêng Sun Clan and the Shu Sun Clan
consulted with each other as to whether they should rescue the would-be victim. The coachman of the Shu Sun
Clan said: "I am just a domestic servant. How can I understand public affairs? Whether Chi Sun remains in
existence or goes into extinction, neither will gain me anything." The rest said: "If Chi Sun is gone, Shu Sun will
certainly pass out too. Let us rescue them." So they broke through the north-western corner and went in. When
the Mêng Sun Clan saw the flag of Shu Sun going in, they also ran to the rescue. The Three Huans thus became
one. Duke Chao could not overcome them but sought refuge in Chiì 22 and died at Chìen-hou.
Kung-shu was Premier of Han and, furthermore, 23 was on good terms 24 with Chì. Kung-chung was highly
trusted by the King. Kung-shu was afraid lest the King should appoint Kung-chung premier. Therefore, he made
Chì and Han form an alliance for attacking Wey. And, by conspiring secretly with the army of Chì inside the
city of Chêng, capital of Han, and thereby intimidating his master, he made his own position secure and
consolidated the alliance of the two states.
Chieh Huang was minister to the King of Wey but was on good terms with Han. Accordingly, he sent for troops
from Han and made them attack Wey. Then he purposely offered to sue for peace on behalf of His Majesty in
order thereby to elevate his own position.
The King of Yüeh attacked the King of Wu. The King of Wu apologized and offered submission. When the King
of Yüeh was thinking of forgiving him, Fan Li and High Official Chung said: "No, it is impracticable. Formerly
Heaven presented Yüeh to Wu but Wu refused the present. Now if 25 we let Fu-chà go home, we will incur a
similar calamity from Heaven. As Heaven is now presenting Wu to Yüeh, we ought to repeat bows and accept
the present. Never forgive him." Thereupon Premier Pì of Wu wrote to High Official Chung, saying: "When
wild hares are exhausted, tame dogs would be cooked; when enemy states are destroyed, state councillors would
be ruined. High Official, why would you not release Wu and keep Yüeh in worry?" When High Official Chung
received the letter, he read it, heaved a deep sigh, and said, "Put the messenger to death. The Yüeh State and my
26
life are the same."
Ta-ch`êng Wu 27 served Chao and said to Shên Pu-hai in Han: "Sir, if you would elevate my position in Chao
with the influence of Han, I should elevate your position in Han with the influence of Chao. In this way you will
extend your sphere of influence twice as large as Han while I will extend mine twice as large as Chao."
Ssŭ-ma Hsi, minister to the ruler of Central Hills, was on good terms with Chao and therefore always reported in
secret to the King of Chao the stratagems of Central Hills.
Lü Tsàng, minister to the King of Wey, was on good terms with Chìn and Ching. Once he gave Chìn and
Ching a secret hint and made them attack Wey. Then he offered to sue for peace in order thereby to make his
own position secure.
Sung Shih was a general of Wey: Wei Chün, a general of Ching. When the two States took up arms against each
other, both were commanders of their respective armies. Then Sung Shih wrote Wei Chün a personal letter,
saying: "The two armies are opposing each other. The two flags are facing each other. Let there be no fighting.
After fighting both will certainly not remain in coexistence. The present crisis is a personal feud between the two
sovereigns. You and I have no private hatred. Being good to each other, we should avoid fighting each other."
Pai Kuei was Premier of Wey; Pao Chìen, Premier of Han. The former said to the latter: "If you assist me in
Wey with the influence of Han while I support you in Han with the influence of Wey, then I will always remain
in power in Wey while you in Han."
Annotation to Canon III:—
One of the Middle Officers of Chì, named I-shê, once had a drinking feast with the King. Greatly drunk, he
went out and leaned on the gate of the lobby. Thereupon the cut-footed28 gate-man asked, "Has Your Excellency
not any intention of giving the remaining drops of wine to thy humble servant?" In reply I-shê scolded him,
saying, "Get away! How dare a penalized man ask for wine from his superior?" The cut-footed man ran away. As
soon as I-shê left the cut-footed man purposely poured water below the eaves of the lobby gate in the manner of
urination. Next day, when the King went out, he rebuked it and asked, "Who passed water here?" In reply the
cut-footed man said: "Thy servant has seen nobody. However, yesterday Middle Officer I-shê stood here. The
King, therefore, blamed I-shê and killed him.
The King of Wey had two ministers who were not on good terms with the Lord of Chi-yang. Once the Lord of
Chi-yang purposely made his men falsify the King's order to scheme to attack himself. Thereupon the King sent
out men to ask the Lord of Chi-yang, "Who bears you a grudge?" "Thy servant is not at feud with anybody,"
replied the Lord, "but he has not been on good terms with two of your Majesty's ministers. Still that displeasure
should not have come to this!" The King then asked the attendants about it, and all said, "Of course!" The King,
accordingly, censured the two ministers.
Chi Hsin and Yuan Chìen were at feud with each other. Ssŭ-ma Hsi came recently to bad terms with Chi Hsin,
and so secretly ordered men to assassinate Yuan Chìen. The ruler of Central Hills, thinking Chi Hsin was the
contriver of the murder, held him guilty.
The King of Ching had a favourite concubine named Chêng Hsiu. As the King newly got a beautiful girl, Chêng
Hsiu purposely told her, "The King was very fond of seeing people covering their mouths with hands. Be sure to
cover your mouth when 29 you go near to the King." When the beautiful girl went in to have an audience with the
King, she, accordingly, covered her mouth. The King asked the reason therefor. "She has already talked about the
bad odour of Your Majesty," replied Chêng Hsiu. One day, the King, Chêng Hsiu, and the beautiful girl, all three
took seats in a carriage, Hsiu told the coachman to carry out the order definitely and immediately as soon as the
King said any word. When the beautiful girl came up very near to the King, she covered her mouth several times.
Displeased, the King became very angry, saying, "Cut off her nose!" when the coachman drew out his sword and
cut off the beautiful girl's nose.
According to a different source: Once the King of Wey presented the King of Ching a beauty. The King of Ching
was greatly pleased by her. His royal concubine, Chêng Hsiu, knowing the King loved her with pleasure, also
loved her with pleasure even more than the King did, and among clothes and ornaments selected whatever she
wanted and gave them to her. "Madame, knowing I love the new lady, loves her with pleasure even more than I
do," remarked the King. "This is the way the dutiful son should support his parents, and loyal subjects should
serve the ruler." Knowing the King never thought she was jealous, the royal concubine purposely told the new
lady, "The King loves you very much but dislikes your nose. When you see the King, always cover your nose
with hands. Then the King will forever love you." Thereafter the new lady followed the advice, and, every time
she saw the King, would cover her nose. So the King asked his royal concubine, "Why does the new lady always
cover her nose every time she sees me?" "How can I know?" said the royal concubine. The King kept asking her
insistently. "Just a while ago," said she in reply, "I heard her saying she disliked to smell the odour of Your
Majesty." "Cut off her nose," said the King in anger. As the royal consort had instructed the coachman to carry
out any order definitely as soon as the King said any word, the coachman, accordingly drew out his sword and
cut off the beauty's nose.
Fei Wu-chi was a courtier of the Magistrate of Ching. Chì Yüan newly came to serve the magistrate. The
magistrate liked him very much. Therefore, Wu-chi said to the magistrate, "Your Excellency likes Yüan so much.
Why does Your Excellency not hold a wine feast at his home sometime?' "Good," said the magistrate, and
ordered Wu-chi to prepare a wine feast at the home of Chì Yüan. Then Wu-chi told Yüan, "The Magistrate is
very militant and fond of weapons. You should be cautious and respectful and quickly parade weapons beneath
the hall and in the courtyard." So did Yüan accordingly. When the Magistrate arrived, he was greatly surprised,
asking, "What is all this about?" "Your Excellency, be sure 30 to leave here," replied Wu-chi, "as we do not know
what is going to happen." Enraged thereby, the Magistrate took up arms, censured Chì Yüan, and finally put him
to death.
Hsi Shou and Chang Shou were at feud with each other. Ch`ên Hsü newly came on bad terms with 31 Hsi Shou,
and so made men assassinate Chang Shou. The King of Wey, thinking Hsi Shou was the contriver of the
assassination, censured 32 him.
There was in the Central Hills State a humble prince, whose horse was very skinny and carriage terribly worn-
out. Some of the chamberlains who had a private hatred for him made a request on his behalf to the King, 33
saying: "The prince is very poor. His horse is very thin. Why does Your Majesty not increase the food supplies
for his horse?" The King did not grant the request. The chamberlain, therefore, secretly set fire to the silo at
night. The King, thinking the humble prince was the contriver of the arson, censured him.
There was in Wey an old literatus who was not on good terms with the Lord of Chi-yang. One of the guests of
the Lord had private hatred for the old literatus and so purposely assaulted the old literatus and killed him.
Considering it a distinguished service to the Lord of Chi-yang, he said: "Thy servant killed him because he had
been at feud with Your Excellency." Hearing this, the Lord of Chi-yang, without investigating his motive,
rewarded him.
According to a different source: The Lord of Chi-yang had a petty official who was not noticed by his master but
wanted to win his special favour. Once upon a time, the Chì State sent an old literatus out to dig herbs in the
Horse Pear Mountain. In order to render the master some meritorious service, the petty official of Chi-yang went
in to see the Lord and said: "Chì sent an old literatus out to dig herbs in the Horse Pear Mountain. In name he is
digging herbs but in fact he is spying the country of Your Highness. If Your Highness does not 34 kill him, he will
implicate the Lord of Chi-yang in the plot against Chì. May thy servant then beg to despatch him?" "You may
do so," replied the Lord. On the following day the petty official found the old literatus on the shady side of the
city-walls and pierced him. At last the Lord admitted him into his confidence. 35
Ch`ên Hsü, minister to the King of Wey, was on good terms with the King of Ching. Once he induced Ching to
attack Wey. Then he concluded the peace terms on behalf of the King of Wey. He, accordingly, became Premier
of Wey through the influence of Ching.
At the time of Marquis Chao of Han seeds of millet continued expensive and farmers scarcely had any of it.
Therefore Marquis Chao sent men to inspect the state granary. They found the granary-keeper had been stealing
millet seeds and smuggling a big amount to foreign countries.
When Chao Hsi-hsü was in official service in Ching, once someone set fire to the openings of the state
storehouses and silos but it was not known who he was. Thereupon Chao Hsi-hsü ordered officials to arrest
sellers of reeds and examine them, and found out they were actually the incendiaries.
At the time of Marquis Chao-hsi, one day when the cook brought in the meal, the soup had pieces of raw liver in
it. Therefore, the Marquis sent for the second cook, blamed him, and asked, "Why did you put pieces of raw liver
in the soup for me?" Bowing his head to the ground, the cook admitted his capital crime and confessed that he
had thereby intended to get rid of the chief cook.
According to a different source: Once when Marquis Hsi was going to take a bath, the hot water had pebbles in
it. Marquis Hsi then asked the attendants if anybody would take up the vacancy upon the dismissal of the bath-
boy. "Certainly," replied the attendants. "Bring him here," said Marquis Hsi. Then he questioned the man why he
had put pebbles in the hot water. In reply the man said: "If the bath-boy is dismissed, thy servant will be able to
take his place. Therefore, thy servant put pebbles in the hot water."
At the time of Duke Wên, one day when the cook brought in roast meat, it was twisted with hairs. So Duke Wên
sent for the cook and asked him: "Do you intend to choke me to death? Why did you twist the roast meat with
hairs?" The cook bowed his head to the ground, repeated salutations, begged for pardon, and said: "Thy servant
has committed three capital crimes: He held the grindstone and whetted the knife till the knife became as sharp
as the Kan-chiang sword. In cutting the meat it tore the meat but the hairs did not tear. This is the first crime of
which thy servant is guilty. Then he held the awl and pierced through the meat chop but failed to see the hairs,
which is the second crime. Finally, he kept the charcoal burning in the cooking stove so that all the meat became
red and was roasted and well done, but the hairs were not burned at all, which is the third crime. Could there be
nobody inside the hall who has been jealous 36 of thy servant?" "You are right," the Duke said, and then
summoned all the subordinates inside and questioned them. Among them he actually found out the true culprit,
whom he put to death.
According to a different source: Once upon a time, when Duke Pìng entertained guests at a wine feast, a petty
official brought in roast meat which was twisted with hairs. Duke Pìng sprang to his feet and was going to kill
the cook and allowed nobody to disobey his order. The cook cried to heaven and said: "Alas! Thy servant has
committed three crimes, and how does he not know the death penalty for them himself?" "What do you mean by
saying that?" asked Duke Pìng. In reply the cook said: "The knife of thy servant is so sharp that bones can be
cut just as grass is blown down by winds, and yet hairs were not cut, which is the first capital crime thy servant is
guilty of. Roasted with mulberry charcoal, the meat became red and then white but the hairs were not burned,
which is thy servant's second capital crime. When the meat was roasted and well done, thy servant repeated
moving his eyelashes and looked at it carefully, but the hairs twisting the roast meat were not seen, which is thy
servant's third capital crime. Does it seem that there is somebody inside the hall who hates 37 thy servant? If so, is
it not too early to kill thy servant so abruptly?"
When Marquis Hsiang was Premier of Chìn, Chì was powerful. Marquis Hsiang wanted to proclaim the Ruler
of Chìn emperor, which Chì refused to recognize. Then he offered to proclaim the Ruler of Chì eastern
emperor. Thereby 38 he became able to proclaim the Ruler of Chìn emperor.
At the same time of Duke Hsien of Chin, Li-chi enjoyed the same privileges as the real duchess. She wanted her
son, Hsi-chì, to replace the heir apparent, Shên-shêng, and therefore slandered 39 Shên-shêng before the Ruler
and had him put to death. Finally she succeeded in setting up Hsi-chì as heir apparent.
The Ruler of Chêng had already installed an heir apparent, whereas his beloved beautiful girl wanted him to take
her son for the heir apparent. Fearing this, his wife used poisonous drugs, betrayed the Ruler, and put him to
death.
Chou Hsü of Wei was influential in Wei and behaved like the Ruler. The body of officials and the masses of
people were all afraid of his position and influence. Eventually Chou Hsü murdered the Ruler and usurped the
reins of government.
Prince Chao was heir apparent of Chou. His younger brother, Prince Kên, was in special favour with the ruler.
Upon the death of the royal father, Kên occupied Eastern Chou, rose in rebellion and partitioned the original
territory into two states.
King Ch`êng of Chù proclaimed Shang-ch`êng heir apparent. Later, he wanted to take Prince Chih. Therefore,
Shang-ch`ên caused a disturbance, and finally attacked and murdered King Ch`êng.
According to a different source: King Ch`êng proclaimed40 Shang-ch`ên heir apparent. Later, he wanted to set up
Prince Chih. Shang-ch`ên heard about this but was not yet sure of it. So he said 41 to his tutor, Pàn Chung, "How
can we be sure of the real situation?" "Invite Chiang Yü to dinner and show him no respect," said Pan Chung.
The Crown Prince followed the advice. Provoked thereby, Chiang Yü said: "You brute! No wonder your royal
father wants to set you down and set Chih up as heir apparent." "It's true," said Shang-ch`ên. "Will you be able to
serve Chih?" asked Pàn Chung. "No, not able." "Then will you be able 42 to take shelter under the feudal lords?"
"No, not able," "Well, then are you able to start a rebellion?" "Certainly able." Thereupon they raised all the
armed soldiers in the barracks around his court and attacked King Ch`êng. King Ch`êng asked permission to eat
a bear's paw and then die. Refused permission, he finally committed suicide.
Han Kuei was Premier to Marquis Ai of Han. Yen Sui was highly regarded by the Ruler. So the two abhorred
each other. One day, Yen Sui ordered men to assassinate Han Kuei at the court. Han Kuei ran towards His
Highness and held him in his arms. At last the assassins pierced through Han Kuei and also through Marquis Ai.
Tìen Hêng was Premier of Chì. Kan Chih was highly regarded by Duke Chien. The two hated each other and
were about to kill each other. Tìen Hêng, by distributing private favours among the masses of people, took over
the country, and finally killed Duke Chien and usurped the reins of government.
Tai Huan was Prime Minister of Sung. Huang Hsi was highly regarded by the Ruler. The two disputed in affairs
and abhorred each other. In the long run Huang Hsi killed the Ruler of Sung and usurped the reins of
government.
Hu Tu once said: "If the ruler of a state has a favourite inside, 43 the heir apparent is jeopardized; if he has a
favourite outside, 44 the premier is jeopardized."
The Ruler of Chêng once asked Chêng Chao, "How is the Crown Prince?" "The Crown Prince is not yet born,"
was the reply. "The Crown Prince has already been set up," said the Ruler, "but you said, `He is not yet born.'
Why?" In reply Chêng Chao said: "Although the Crown Prince has been set up, yet Your Highness loves women
and never stops. Supposing any of the beloved gave birth to a son, Your Highness would love him, too. Should
Your Highness love him, Your Highness would certainly want to proclaim him heir apparent. Thy servant,
therefore, said, "The Crown Prince is not yet born.' "
Annotations of Canon VI:—
King Wên financed Fei Chung, made him stay around Chow, and told him to admonish Chow and disturb his
mind.
The King of Ching once sent an envoy to Chìn. The King of Chìn showed him great courtesies. Later, he said:
"If any enemy state has worthies it causes us worries. Now that the envoy of the King of Ching is very worthy, I
am worried over it." Then the body of officials advised him, saying: "Win the envoy of the King of Ching to our
side with the worthiness and saintliness of Your Majesty and with the resources and generosity of our country.
Why does Your Majesty not cultivate deep friendship with him and pretend 45 to keep him in Your Majesty's
service? Then, if Ching thinks he is rendering service to foreign states, they will infallibly censure him."
When Chung-ni was governing the Lu State, no one would pick up things dropped on the road. Over this Duke
Ching of Chì worried. Therefore, Li Chü said to Duke Ching: "To get rid of Chung-ni is as easy as to blow off a
hair. Why does Your Highness not invite him to office with big emolument and high position and present Duke
Ai 46 girl musicians so as to make him self-conceited and bewilder 47 his ideas? When Duke Ai is rejoicing in
new pleasures, he will certainly neglect governmental affairs, and Chung-ni will certainly remonstrate with him.
If Chung-ni makes any remonstrance at all, he will certainly be slighted in Lu." "Good," said Duke Ching, and
then ordered Li Chü to present girl musicians, twice eight in number, to Duke Ai. Enjoying their dance and
music, Duke Ai actually neglected governmental affairs. Chung-ni remonstrated with him, but he would not
listen. So Chung-ni left him and went to Chù.
The King of Chù said to Kan Hsiang: "I want to support Kan Mu with Chù's influence and make him premier
of Chì Is this practicable?" "Impracticable," was the reply. "Why impracticable?" asked the King. In reply Kan
Hsiang said: "Kan Mu when young studied under Master Shih Chü. Shih Chü, while gate-man of Shang-tsài,
neither served his master well nor provided his family well, wherefore he was known throughout All-under-
Heaven to be offensive and cruel. Nevertheless, Kan Mu served him with obedience. King Hui is enlightened,
Chang Yi is discriminating. Kan Mu has served them and has been appointed to ten successive offices but has
committed no fault whatever. This shows Kan Mu's worthiness." Then the King asked, "To find a worthy 48 for
the premiership of the enemy state is not practicable. Why?" In reply Kan Hsiang said: "Formerly Your Majesty
sent out Shao Hua to Yüeh and in five years could ruin Yüeh. The reason therefore was that Yüeh was then
misgoverned while Chù was well governed. In the past 49 Your Majesty knew what to do with Yüeh but now
forgets what to do with Chìn. Is he not very quick to forget things?" "Well, if so, then what shall we do about
it?" asked the King. "We may as well make Kung Li Premier of Chìn." "Why is it practicable to make Kung Li
Premier?" asked the King. "Kung Li in his youth," replied Hsiang, "was loved and favoured, and grew up to be a
noble and an official. Wearing beautiful clothes embroidered with precious stones, 50 holding fragrant grass 51 in
his mouth and keeping jade armlets around his hands, he attends to his public duties at the court. Furthermore, he
thinks he can gain by a misgovernment of Chìn."
Wu was invading Ching. Tzŭ-hsü then sent men out to spread rumours in Ching that if Tzŭ-chì, were taken into
service by Ching, Wu would attack Ching, but if Tzŭ-chàng were taken into service, she would leave them free.
When the Chings heard about these words, they took Tzŭ-chàng into service and dismissed Tzŭ-chì from his
office. The Wus then fell upon them and triumphed over them.
Duke Hsien of Chin wanted to invade Yü and Kuo and therefore made a present of the team of the Chü breed,
the jade of Chùi-chi, and girl musicians, twice eight in number, in order thereby to bewilder 52 the ideas of their
rulers and disturb their governmental affairs.
When Shu Hsiang was slandering Chàng Hung, he falsified a letter from Chàng Hung in which the latter said
to him: "Will you please on my behalf speak to the Ruler of Chin that it is now time to carry out the agreement I
made with His Highness and ask him why he has not promptly sent troops here?" Then he pretended to drop the
letter at the court of the Ruler of Chou and left immediately. 53 The Ruler of Chou, regarding Chàng Hung as a
betrayer of Chou, censured him and put him to death.
When Duke Huan of Chêng was about to raid Kùai, he asked about the able men, worthy ministers, eloquent,
intelligent scholars, and daring, gallant warriors, recorded 54 all their names, selected the good fields of Kùai as
bribes to them, and wrote down the posts and ranks reserved for them. He then constructed an altar compound
outside the city-walls, buried the written documents there, and smeared the sacrificial vessels with the blood of
chickens and piglings as though there they had taken an oath together. The Ruler of Kùai, regarding this as a
civil disturbance, killed all his worthy subjects. Meanwhile, Duke Huan raided Kùai all of a sudden and took it.
A 55 certain clown at the Court of Chìn was on good terms with the King of Ching. Besides 56 he was secretly on
good terms with the attendants of the King of Ching and at home was highly trusted by the Ruler Hui-wên.
Whenever Ching had any stratagem, the clown would hear about it before anybody else did and reported it to the
Ruler Hui-wên.
Hsiang Tzŭ, Magistrate of Yeh, was secretly on good terms with the attendants of the King of Chao. Whenever
the King of Chao schemed to raid Yeh, Hsiang Tzŭ always heard about it and forewarned the King of Wey. As
the King of Wey always took precautions against any sudden attack, Chao had to stop 57 her expedition every
time.
At the time of Duke Ssŭ 58 of Wei, detectives by his side were ordered to watch the prefect. Once the prefect
opened up his mattress and found the mat seriously torn. That day, when Duke Ssŭ went home, he ordered men
to give the prefect a new mat and said: "His Highness has heard you just opened your mattress and found the mat
seriously torn. So he is bestowing upon you this new mat." Greatly astonished thereby, the prefect thought the
Duke was superhuman.
Notes
1. 内儲說下六徽
2. I remove the topic of each discussion from the end to the beginning.
3. v. Lao Tzŭ's Tao Tah Ching, Chap. XXXVI.
4. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 主 should be 富.
5. With Yü Yüeh 久 should be 夕.
6. With Kao Hêng 懷 means 賜.
7. With Wang Hsien-shen 故 above 臣 is superfluous.
8. With Lu Wên-shao 牛 should be 午.
9. With Wang Hsien-shen 忌 should be 極.
10. 犀首 was originally the name of the post held by Kung-sun Yen, till it almost became his pen-name.
11. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 不 above 僖俟 should be 昭.
12. 廟攻.
13. Under the system of Kuan Tzŭ the country was divided into three units for military purposes and the basis of
local organization was five families, and two thousand five hundred families formed a county ruled by a
magistrate.
14. The text has 廟攻 in the next line as though it were topic of the preceding paragraph. With Wang Hsien-shen
this is absurd inasmuch as the work is presupposed to enumerate six instead of seven minutise. Wang thought the
two characters continued from the preceding passage, which, however, can hardly make any sense, either
additional or separate.
15. Namely, Lao-tzŭ.
16. With Wang Hsien-shen 久 should be 夕, and so throughout this annotation.
17. With Kao Hêng 懷 in both cases means 賜.
18. With Kao Hêng 懷 in both cases means 賜.
19. Namely, oxen, sheep, pigs, dogs, and fowls.

20. The three families descended from Duke Huan of Lu and therefore were frequently called "Three Huans."
21. With Wang Hsien-shen 公偪 should be 偪公.
22. Wang Hsien-shen thought 逐 above 之 was a mistake for 遂 and proposed the addition of 齊 below 之.
23. With Yü Yüeh 有 reads 又.
24. With Yü 攻 means 善.
25. With Wang Hsien-shen 今天 should be 今若.
26. With Wang 吳 should be 吾.
27. With Wang 牛 should be 午.
28. With Wang 跪 means 足. Foot-cutting was a form of penalty.
29. With Wang 為 should be 如, and with Kao Hêng should be 如.
30. With Wang 殆 above 去 means 必.
31. With Yü Yüeh 入 below 新 is superfluous.
32. Wang Hsien-shen suspected 誅 "to censure" a mistake for 逐 "to banish" because Canon Three stated that Hsi
Shou ran into exile. I disagree with Wang inasmuch as Hsi Shou could run away from censure as well as from
banishment.
33. With Wang Hsien-shen 於 should be added above 王.
34. With Wang Hsien-chìen 不 should be supplied above 殺之.
35. With Wang 益 above 親之 seems superfluous.
36. With Wang 疾 means 嫉.
37. With Wang Hsien-shen the Imperial Readings has no 翳 above 憎 .
38. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 不 above 能 should be 乃.
39. With Wang Hsien-shen 患 should be 惡.
40. With Wang 以 should be added above 商臣.
41. With Wang 為 means 謂.
42. With Yü Yüeh 為 below 能 is superfluous.
43. i.e. among concubines, court ladies, etc.
44. i.e. among subordinate officials, itinerant opportunists, etc.
45. With Wang Hsien-shen 陰 should be 陽 which means 佯.
46. With Wang Duke Ai was Han Fei Tzŭ's mistake for Duke Ting.
47. With Wang Wei 榮 should be 熒.
48. With Wang 相 above 賢 is superfluous.
49. With Kao Hêng 日者 means 往昔.
50. With Yü Yüeh 王 should be 玉.
51. It must have been something like a cigar.
52. With Wang Hsien-shen 榮 should be 熒.
53. With Wang 行 below 去 is superfluous.
54. With Yü Yüeh 與 should be 擧.
55. With Wang Hsien-shen there should not be 七 at the head of this passage.
56. With Wang 有 reads 又.
57. With Wang Nien-sun 輙還 should be 輟行.
58. 嗣君 should be 嗣公.
Book Eleven
32 外儲說左上第三十二
經一：明主之道，如有若之應密子也。（明）〔人〕主之聽言也，美其辯；其觀行也，賢其遠。故群
臣士民之道言者迂弘，其行身也離世。其說在田鳩對荊王也。故墨子為木鳶，謳癸築武宮。夫藥酒
（用）〔忠〕言，明君聖主之以獨知也。
經二：人主之聽言也，不以功用為的，則說者多棘刺白馬之說；不以儀的為關，則射者皆如羿也。人
主於說也，皆如燕王學道也；而長說者，皆如鄭人爭年也。是以言有纖察微難而非務也，故（李）
〔季〕、惠、宋、墨皆畫策也；論有〔迂〕深閎大，非用也，故（畏）〔魏〕、（震）〔長〕、瞻、
（車）〔陳〕、（狀）〔莊〕皆鬼魅也；（言而）〔行有〕拂難堅确，非功也，故務、卞、鮑、介、
（墨翟）〔田仲〕皆堅瓠也。且虞慶詘匠也而屋壞，范且窮工而弓折。是故求其誠者，非歸餉也不可。
經三：挾夫相為則責望，自為則事行。故父子或怨（譟）〔譙〕，取庸作者進美羹。說在文公之先宣
言，與勾踐之稱如皇也。故桓公藏蔡怒而攻楚，吳起懷瘳實而吮傷。且先王之賦頌，鍾鼎之銘，皆播吾
之跡，華山之博也。然先王所期者利也，所用者力也。築社之諺，（目）〔自〕辭說也。請許學者而行
宛曼於先王，或者不宜今乎？如是，不能更也。鄭縣人得車厄也，衛人佐弋〔也〕，卜子妻寫弊袴也，
而其少者〔侍長者飲〕也。先王之言，有其所為小而世意之大者，有其所為大而世意〔之〕小者，未可
必知也。說在宋人之解《書》，與梁人之讀《記》也。故先王有郢書，而後世多燕說。夫不適國事而謀
先王，皆歸取度者也。
經四：利之所在民歸之，名之所彰士死之。是以功外於法而賞加焉，則上不（信）〔能〕得所利於下；
名外於法而譽加焉，則士勸名而（下）〔不〕畜之於君。故中章、胥己仕，而中牟之民棄田圃而隨文學
者邑之半；平公腓痛足痺而不敢壞坐，晉國之辭仕（記）〔託〕者國之錘。此三士者，言襲法則官府之
籍也，行中事則如令之民也，二君之禮太甚。若言離法而行遠功，則繩外民也，二君又何禮之？〔禮
之〕當亡。且居學之士，國無事不用力，有難不被甲。禮之則惰脩耕戰之功，不禮則（周）〔害〕主上
之法。國安則尊顯，危則為屈公之威。人主奚得於居學之士哉？故明（王）〔主〕論李疵視中山也。
經五：《詩》曰：「不躬不親，庶民不信。」傅說之以「無衣紫」，（緩）〔援〕之以鄭簡宋襄，責
之以尊厚耕戰。夫不明分，不責誠，而以躬親位下，〔且為下〕走睡臥，與（去）〔夫〕揜弊微服。孔
丘不知，故稱猶盂；鄒君不知，故先自僇。明主之道，如叔向賦獵，與昭侯之奚聽也。
經六：小信成則大信立，故明主積於信。賞罰不信，則禁令不行。說在文公之攻原，與箕鄭救餓也。
是以吳起須故人而食，文侯會虞人而獵。故明主〔表〕信，如曾子殺彘也。患在（尊）厲王擊警鼓，與
李悝謾兩和也。
說一：
宓子賤治單父。有若見之曰：「子何臞也？」宓子曰：「君不知賤不肖，使治單父，官事急，心憂之，
故臞也。」有若曰：「昔者舜鼓五絃，歌《南風》之詩而天下治。今以單父之細也，治之而憂，治天下
將柰何乎？故有術而御之，身坐於廟堂之上，有處女子之色，無害於治；無術而御之，身雖瘁臞，猶未
有益。」
楚王謂田鳩曰：「墨子者，顯學也。其身體則可，其言多而不辯，何也？」曰：「昔秦伯嫁其女於晉公
子，令晉為之飾裝，從衣文之媵七十人。至晉，晉人愛其妾而賤公女。此可謂善嫁妾，而未可謂善嫁女
也。楚人有賣其珠於鄭者，為木蘭之（櫃）〔櫝〕，（薰桂椒之櫝）〔薰以桂椒〕，綴以珠玉，飾以玫
瑰，輯以（羽）〔翡〕翠。鄭人買其櫝而還其珠。此可謂善賣櫝矣，未可謂善鬻珠也。今世之談也，皆
道辯說文辭之言，人主覽其文而忘有用。墨子之說，傳先王之道，論聖人之言以宣告人。若辯其辭，則
恐人懷其文忘其直，以文害用也。此與楚人鬻珠，秦伯嫁女同類，故其言多不辯。」
墨子為木鳶，三年而成，蜚一日而敗。弟子曰：「先生之巧，至能使木鳶飛。」墨子曰：「〔吾〕不如
為車輗者巧也。用咫尺之木，不費一朝之事，而引三十石之任，致遠力多，久於歲數。今我為鳶，三年
成，蜚一日而敗。」惠子聞之曰：「墨子大巧，巧為輗，拙為鳶。」
宋王與齊仇也，築武宮。謳癸倡，行者止觀，築者不倦。王聞，召而賜之。對曰：「臣師射稽之謳又賢
於癸。」王召射稽使之謳，行者不止，築者知倦。王曰：「行者不止，築者知倦，其謳不勝如癸美，何
也？」對曰：「王試度其功。」癸四板，射稽八板；擿其堅，癸五寸，射稽二寸。
夫良藥苦於口，而智者勸而飲之，知其入而已己疾也。忠言拂於耳，而明主聽之，知其可以致功也。
說二：
宋人有請為燕王以棘（剌）〔刺〕之端為母猴者，必三月齋，然後能觀之。燕王因以三乘養之。右御
（治）〔冶〕工言王曰：「臣聞人主無十日不燕之齋。今知王不能久齋（今）以觀無用之器也，故以三
月為期。凡刻削者，以其所以削必小。今臣冶人也，無以為之削，此不然物也，王必察之。」王因囚而
問之，果妄，乃殺之。冶人謂王曰：「計無度量，言談之士多棘（剌）〔刺〕之說也。」
一曰：〔燕王〕好微巧。衛人曰：「能以棘（剌）〔刺〕之端為母猴。」燕王說之，養之以五乘之奉。
王曰：「吾試觀客為棘（剌）〔刺〕之母猴。」〔客曰〕：「人主欲觀之，必半歲不入宮，不飲酒食
肉。雨霽日出，視之晏陰之間，而棘刺之母猴乃可見也。」燕王因養衛人，不能觀其母猴。鄭有臺下之
冶者謂燕王曰：「臣削者也。諸微物必以削〔削〕之，而所削必大於削。今棘（剌）〔刺〕之端不容削
鋒，難以治棘（剌）〔刺〕之端。王試觀客之削，能與不能可知也。」王曰：「善。」謂衛人曰：「客
為棘（削）〔刺〕之〔母猴也〕，〔何以理之〕？」曰：「以削。」王曰：「吾欲觀見之。」客曰：
「臣請之舍取之。」因逃。
（見）〔兒〕說，宋人，善辯者也，持「白馬非馬也」服齊稷下之辯者。乘白馬而過關，則顧白〔馬〕
之賦。故籍之虛辭則能勝一國，考實按形，不能謾於一人。
夫新砥礪殺矢，彀弩而射，雖冥而妄發，其端未嘗不中秋毫也，然而莫能復其處，不可謂善射，無常儀
的也。設五寸之的，引十步之遠，非羿、逄蒙不能必全者，有常儀的也。有度難而無度易也。有常儀
的，則羿、〔逢〕蒙以五寸為巧；無常儀的，則以妄發而中秋毫為拙。故無度而應之，則辯士繁說；設
度而持之，雖知者猶畏失也，不敢妄言。今人主聽說，不應之以度而說其辯；不度以功，譽其行而不入
關。此人主所以長欺，而說者所以長養也。
客有教燕王為不死之道者，王使人學之，所使學者未及學而客死。王大怒，誅之。王不知客之欺己，而
誅學者之晚也。夫信不然之物而誅無罪之臣，不察之患也。且人所急無如其身，不能自使其無死，安能
使王長生哉？
鄭人有相與爭年者〕，〔一人曰〕：「〔吾與堯同年〕。」〔其一人曰〕：「〔我與黃帝之兄同
年〕。」〔訟此而不決〕，〔以後息者為勝耳〕。
客有為周君畫筴者，三年而成。君觀之，與髹筴者同狀，周君大怒。畫筴者曰：「築十版之墻，鑿八尺
之牖，而以日始出時加之其上而觀。」周君為之，望見其狀，盡成龍蛇禽獸車馬，萬物之狀備具，周君
大悅。此筴之功非不微難也，然其用與素髹筴同。
客有為齊王畫者，齊王問曰：「畫孰最難者？」曰：「犬馬難。」「孰易者？」對曰：「鬼魅最易。」
夫犬馬，人所知也，旦暮罄於前，不可類之，故難。鬼（神）〔魅〕，無形者，不罄於前，故易之也。
齊有居士田仲者，宋人屈穀見之，曰：「穀聞先生之義，不恃仰人而食，今穀有（樹）〔巨〕瓠（之
道），堅如石，厚而無竅，獻之。」仲曰：「夫瓠所貴者，謂其可以盛也。今厚而無竅，則不可剖以盛
物；而任重如堅石，則不可以剖而以斟，吾無以瓠為也。」曰：「然，穀將（以欲）棄之。」今田仲不
恃仰人而食，亦無益人之國，亦堅瓠之類也。
虞慶為屋，謂匠人曰：「屋太尊。」匠人對曰：「此新屋也，塗濡而椽生。」虞慶曰：「不然。夫濡塗
重而生椽撓，以撓椽任重塗，此宜卑。」更日久，則塗乾而椽燥。塗乾則輕，椽燥則直，〔以直〕椽任
輕塗，此益尊。匠人詘，為之而屋壞。
一曰：虞慶將為屋，匠人曰：「材生而塗濡，夫材生則撓，塗濡則重，以撓任重，今雖成，久必壞。」
虞慶曰：「材乾則直，塗乾則輕。今誠得乾，日以輕直，雖久，必不壞。」匠人詘，作之成，有間，屋
果壞。
范且曰：「弓之折，必於其盡也，不於其始也。夫工人張弓也，伏檠三旬而蹈弦，一日犯機，是節之其
始而暴之其盡也，焉得無折？且張弓不然。伏檠一日而蹈弦，三旬而犯機，是暴之其始而節之其盡
也。」工人窮也，為之，弓折。
范且、虞慶之言，皆文辯辭勝而反事之情。人主說而不禁，此所以敗也。夫不謀治強之功，而艷乎辯說
文麗之聲，是卻有術之士而任壞屋折弓也。故人主之於國事也，皆不達乎工匠之搆屋張弓也。然而士窮
乎范且、虞慶者，為虛辭，其無用而勝；實事，其無易而窮也。人主多無用之辯，而少無易之言，此所
以亂也。今世之為范且、虞慶者不輟，而人主說之不止，是貴敗折之類，而以知術之人為工匠也。〔工
匠〕不得施其技巧，故屋壞弓折；知治之人不得行其方術，故國亂而主危。
夫嬰兒相與戲也，以塵為飯，以塗為羹，以木為胾，然至日晚必歸饟者，塵飯塗羹可以戲而不可食也。
夫稱上古之傳頌，辯而不愨，道先王仁義而不能正國者，此亦可以戲而不可以為治也。夫慕仁義而弱亂
者，三晉也。不慕而治強者，秦也，然而未帝者，治未畢也。
說三：
人為嬰兒也，父母養之簡，子長而怨。子盛壯成人，其供養薄，父母怒而誚之。子、父，至親也，而或
譙或怨者，皆挾相為而不周於為己也。
夫（賣）〔買〕庸而播耕者，主人費家而美食，調布而求易錢者，非愛庸客也，曰：如是，耕者且深，
耨者熟耘也。庸客致力而疾耘耕者，盡巧而正畦陌（畦畤）者，非愛主人也，曰：如是，羹且美，錢布
且易云也。此其養功力，有父子之澤矣，而心調於用者，皆挾自為心也。故人行事施予，以利之為心，
則越人易和；以害之為心，則父子離且怨。
文公伐宋，乃先宣言曰：「吾聞宋君無道，蔑侮長老，分財不中，教令不信，余來為民誅之。」
越伐吳，乃先宣言曰：「我聞吳王築如皇之臺，掘深池，罷苦百姓，煎靡財貨，以盡民力，余〔來〕為
民誅之。」
蔡女為桓公妻，桓公與之乘舟，夫人蕩舟，桓公大懼，禁之不止，怒而出之。乃且復召之，因復更嫁
之。桓公大怒，將伐蔡。仲父諫曰：「夫以寢席之戲，不足以伐人之國，功業不可冀也，請無以此為稽
也。」桓公不聽。仲父曰：「必不得已，楚之菁茅不貢於天子三年矣，君不如舉兵為天子伐楚。楚服，
因還襲蔡，曰：『余為天子伐楚，而蔡不以兵聽從。』遂滅之。此義於名而利於實，故必有〔為〕天子
誅之名，而有報讎之實。」
吳起為魏將而攻中山。軍人有病疽者，吳起跪而自吮其膿。傷者之母立泣，人問曰：「將軍於若子如
是，尚何為而泣？」對曰：「吳起吮其父之創而父死，今是子又將死也，今吾是以泣。」
趙主父令工施鉤梯而緣播吾，刻踈人迹其上，廣三尺，長五尺，而勒之曰：「主父常遊於此。」
秦昭王令工施鉤梯而上華山，以松柏之心為博，箭長八尺，棊長八寸，而勒之曰：「昭王嘗與天神博於
此矣。」
文公反國，至河，令籩豆捐之，席蓐捐之，手足胼胝，面目黧〔黑〕者後之。咎犯聞之而夜哭。公曰：
「寡人出亡二十年，乃今得反國。咎犯聞之不喜而哭，意不欲寡人反國耶？」犯對曰：「籩豆所以食
也，席蓐所以臥也，而君捐之。手足胼胝，面目黧黑，勞有功者也，而君後之。今臣有與在後，中不勝
其哀，故哭。且臣為君行詐偽以反國者眾矣。臣尚自惡也，而況於君？」再拜而辭。文公止之曰：「諺
曰：『築社者，撅而置之，端冕而祀之。』今子與我取之，而不與我治之；與我置之，而不與我祀之
焉可？」解左驂而盟于河。
鄭縣人（乙）〔卜〕子使其妻為袴，其妻問曰：「今袴何如？」夫曰：「象吾〔故〕袴。」妻子因毀
新，令如故袴。
鄭縣人有得車軛者，而不知其名，問人曰：「此何種也？」對曰：「此車軛也。」俄又復得一。問人
曰：「此是何種也？」對曰：「此車軛也。」問者大怒曰：「曩者曰車軛，今又曰車軛，是何眾也？此
女欺我也！」遂與之鬭。
衛人有佐弋者，鳥至，因先以其裷麾之，鳥驚而不射也。
鄭縣人（乙）〔卜〕子妻之市，買鱉以歸。過潁水，以為渴也，因縱而飲之，遂亡其鱉。
夫少者侍長者飲，長者飲，亦自飲也。
一曰：魯人有自喜者，見長年飲酒不能釂，則唾之，亦效唾之。
一曰：宋人有少者亦欲效善，見長者飲無餘，非（斟）〔堪〕酒飲也而欲盡之。
書曰：「紳之束之。」宋人有治者，因重帶自紳束也。人曰：「是何也？」（書）對曰：「書言之，固
然。」
書曰：「既雕既琢，還歸其（撲）〔樸〕。」梁人有治者，動作言學，舉事於文，曰：「難之。」顧失
其實。人曰：「是何也？」對曰：「書言之，固然。」
郢人有遺燕相國書者，夜書，火不明，因謂持燭者曰：「舉燭。」云而過書「舉燭」。舉燭，非書意
也。燕相受書而說之，曰：「舉燭者，尚明也；尚明也者，舉賢而任之。」燕相白王，〔王〕大說，國
以治。治則治矣，非書意也。今世舉學者多似此類。
鄭人有且置履者，先自度其足而置之其坐，至之市而忘操之。已得履，乃曰：「吾忘持度。」反歸取
之。及反，市罷，遂不得履。人曰：「何不試之以足？」曰：「寧信度，無自信也。」
說〔四〕：
王登為中牟令，上言於襄主曰：「中牟有士曰中章、胥己者，其身甚修，其學甚博，君何不舉之？」主
曰：「子見之，我將為中大夫。」相室諫曰：「中大夫，晉重列也。今無功而受，非晉臣之意。君其耳
而未之目邪？」襄主曰：「我取登，既耳而目之矣；登之所取，又耳而目之；是耳目人絕無已也。」王
登一日而見二中大夫，予之田宅。中牟之人棄其田耘，賣宅圃而隨文學者，〔邑〕之半。
叔向御坐，平公請事，公腓痛足痺轉筋而不敢壞坐。晉國聞之，皆曰：「叔向賢者，平公禮之，轉筋而
不敢壞坐。」晉國之辭仕託慕叔向者，國之錘矣。
鄭縣人有屈公者，聞敵，恐，因死；恐已，因生。
趙主父使李疵視中山可攻不也。還報曰：「中山可伐也。君不亟伐，將後齊、燕。」主父曰：「何故可
攻？」李疵對曰：「其君見好巖穴之士，所傾蓋與車以見窮閭隘巷之士以十數，伉禮下布衣之士以百數
矣。」君曰：「以子言論，是賢君也，安可攻？」疵曰：「不然。夫好顯巖穴之士而朝之，則戰士怠於
行陣；上尊學者，下士居朝，則農夫惰於田。戰士怠於行〔陳〕者，則兵弱也：農夫惰於田者，則國貧
也。兵弱於敵，國貧於內，而不亡者，未之有也。伐之不亦可乎？」主父曰：「善。」舉兵而伐中山，
遂滅也。
說五：
齊桓公好服紫，一國盡服紫。當是時也，五素不〔得〕一紫。桓公患之，謂管仲曰：「寡人好服紫，
〔紫〕貴甚，一國百姓好服紫不已，寡人柰何？」管仲曰：「君欲〔止之〕，何不試勿衣紫也？」謂左
右曰：「吾甚惡紫之臭。」於是左右適有衣紫而進者，公必曰：「少卻，吾惡紫臭。」公曰：「諾。」
於是日，郎中莫衣紫；其明日，國中莫衣紫；三日，境內莫衣紫也。
一曰：齊王好衣紫，齊人皆好也。齊國五素不得一紫。齊王患紫貴，傅說王曰：「《詩》云：『不躬不
親，庶民不信。』今（欲）〔王〕欲民無衣紫者，王（以）〔請〕自解紫衣而朝。群臣有紫衣進者，
曰：『益遠！寡人惡臭。』」是日也，郎中莫衣紫；是月也，國中莫衣紫；是歲也，境內莫衣紫。
鄭簡公謂子產曰：「國小，迫於荊、晉之閒。今城郭不完，兵甲不備，不可以待不虞。」子產曰：「臣
閉其外也已遠矣，而守其內也已固矣，雖國小，猶不危之也。君其勿憂。」是以沒簡公身無患。
〔一曰〕：子產相鄭，簡公謂子產曰：「飲酒不樂也。俎豆不大，鍾鼓竽瑟不鳴，寡人之事不一；國家
不定，百姓不治，耕戰不輯睦，亦子之罪。子有職，寡人亦有職，各守其職。」子產退而為政五年，國
無盜賊，道不拾遺，桃棗蔭於街者莫有援也，錐刀遺道三日可反。三年不變，民無飢也。
宋襄公與楚人戰於涿谷上。宋人既成列矣，楚人未及濟。右司馬購強趨而諫曰：「楚人眾而宋人寡。請
使楚人半涉，未成列而擊之，必敗。」襄公曰：「寡人聞君子曰：『不重傷，不擒二毛，不推人於險，
不迫人於阨，不鼓不成列。』今楚未濟而擊之，害義。請使楚人畢涉成陣而後鼓士進之。」右司馬曰：
「君不愛宋民，腹心不完，特為義耳。」公曰：「不反列，且行法。」右司馬反列，楚人已成列撰陣
矣，公乃鼓之。宋人大敗，公傷股，三日而死。此乃慕自親仁義之禍。夫必恃人主之自躬親而後民聽
從，是則將令人主耕以為（上）〔食〕，服戰鴈行也，民乃肯耕戰，則人主不泰危乎？而人臣不泰安
乎？
齊景公遊少海，傳騎從中來謁曰：「嬰疾甚，且死，恐公後之。」景公遽起，傳騎又至。景公曰：「趨
駕煩且之乘，使騶子、韓樞御之。」行數百步，以騶為不疾，奪轡代之御；可數百步，以馬為不進，盡
釋車而走。以煩且之良而騶子、韓〔樞〕之巧，而以為不如下走也。
魏昭王欲與官事，謂孟嘗君曰：「寡人欲與官事。」君曰：「王欲與官事，則何不試習讀法？」昭王讀
法十餘簡而睡臥矣。王曰：「寡人不能讀此法。」夫不躬親其勢柄，而欲為人臣所宜為者也，睡不亦宜
乎？
孔子曰：「為人君者，猶盂也；民猶水也。盂方水方，盂圜水圜。」
鄒君好服長纓，左右皆服長纓，〔纓〕甚貴。鄒君患之，問左右，左右曰：「君好服，百姓亦多服，是
以貴。」君因先自斷其纓而出，國中皆不服長纓。君不能下令為百姓服度以禁之，（長）〔斷〕纓出以
示先民，是先戮以蒞民也。
叔向賦獵，功多者受多，功少者受少。
韓昭侯謂申子曰：「法度甚〔不〕易行也。」申子曰：「法者，見功而與賞，因能而受官。今君設法度
而聽左右之請，此所以難行也。」昭侯曰：「吾自今以來知行法矣，寡人奚聽矣。」一日，申子請仕其
從兄官。昭侯曰：「非所學於子也。聽子之謁，敗子之道乎？亡其用子之謁？」申子辟舍請罪。
說六：
晉文公攻原，裹十日糧，遂與大夫期十日。至原十日而原不下，擊金而退，罷兵而去。士有從原中出
者，曰：「原三日即下矣。」群臣左右諫曰：「夫原之食竭力盡矣，君姑待之。」公曰：「吾與士期十
日，不去，是亡吾信也。得原失信，吾不為也。」遂罷兵而去。原人聞曰：「有君如彼其信也，可無歸
乎？」乃降公。衛人聞曰：「有君如彼其信也，可無從乎？」乃降公。孔子聞而記之曰：「攻原得衛
者，信也。」
文公問箕鄭曰：「救餓柰何？」對曰：「信。」公曰：「安信？」曰：「信名、〔信事、信義〕。信名
則群臣守職，善惡不踰，百事不怠；信事則不失天時，百姓不踰；信義則近親勸勉，而遠者歸之矣。」
吳起出，遇故人而止之食。故人曰：「諾，今返而御。」吳子曰：「待公而食。」故人至暮不來，起不
食待之。明日早，令人求故人。故人來，方與之食。
魏文侯與虞人期獵。明日，會天疾風，左右止文侯，不聽，曰：「不可。以風疾之故而失信，吾不為
也。」遂自驅車往，犯風而罷虞人。
曾子之妻之市，其子隨之而泣。其母曰：「女還，顧反為女殺彘。」適市來，曾子欲捕彘殺之，妻止之
曰：「特與嬰兒戲耳。」曾子曰：「嬰兒非與戲也。嬰兒非有知也，待父母而學者也，聽父母之教。
（令）〔今〕子欺之，是教子欺也。（父）〔母〕欺子，〔子〕而不信其母，非以成教也。」遂烹彘
也。
楚厲王有警，為鼓，以與百姓為戍。飲酒醉，過而擊之也，民大驚。使人止〔之〕，曰：「吾醉而與左
右戲，過擊之也。」民皆罷。居數月，有警，擊鼓而民不赴，乃更令明號而民信之。
李悝警其兩和，曰：「謹警敵人，旦暮且至擊汝。」如是者再三而敵不至。兩和懈怠，不信李悝。居數
月，秦人來襲之，至幾奪其軍。此不信患也。
一曰：李悝與秦人戰，謂左和曰：「速上！右和已上矣。」又馳而至右和曰：「左和已上矣。」左右和
曰：「上矣。」於是皆爭上。其明年，與秦人戰。秦人襲之，至幾奪其軍。此不信之患。
有相與訟者。子產離之而毋得使通辭，到（至）其言以告而知也。
（惠）〔衛〕嗣公使人偽關市，關市呵難之，因事關市以金，關市乃舍之。嗣公謂關市曰：「某時有客
過而予汝金，因譴之。」關市大恐，以嗣公為明察。
Chapter XXXII. Outer Congeries of Sayings, The Upper Left Series

1
I. The enlightened sovereign's way of government is like the remark Yu-jo gave Mi Tzŭ. The stupid 2 sovereign,
in listening to words, admires their eloquence, and, in observing deeds, reveres their unworldliness. In
consequence, it becomes the way of the officials, gentry and commoners, to utter roundabout and high-sounding
words and attempt in personal conduct to rise above the worldly fact. The saying is based on Tìen Chiu's reply
to the King of Ching. For further illustration, Mo Tzŭ constructed the wooden kite and the Singer Kuei built the
war palace. Indeed, drugged wine and useful advice are what wise men and enlightened sovereigns ought to
appreciate in particular. 3
II. If the lord of men, in listening to words, does not take function and utility as objective, dialecticians will
present such absurd discussions as the Stories of the Bramble Thorn and the White Horse. If there is no aim and
mark concerned, then every archer will become as skilful as Yi. The lord of men inclined towards theories is
always like the King of Yen attempting to learn the way to immortality. Those men proficient in argumentation
are all like the Chêngs contending for seniority in age. Therefore, words that are too minute to be scrutinized and
too ineffable to be carried out are not the need of honour. Thus, for instance, Chi 4 Liang, Hui Shih, Sung Hsing,
and Mo Ti, 5 were like the painter of the whip. As their theories, being roundabout, profound, magnificent, and
exaggerating, were not practical; Wey 6 Mou and Chan Ho 7 when the former was dealing 8 with the latter, were
both 9 like devils and demons inasmuch as their deeds, being frequently unnatural, difficult, stubborn, and
angular, were unpractical; and Wu Kuang, Pien Sui, Pao Chiao, Chieh Tzŭ-tùi, 10 and Tìen Chung, 11 were all
like hard gourds. Moreover, Yü Chìng impressed the carpenter 12 with reasons, wherefore the house fell to
pieces; Fan Chü brought the bow-maker to his wits' end, wherefore the bows broke to pieces. For this reason, to
seek for truth one must trust to practical means.
III. Indeed, when two persons work together, they blame each other for losses and hope for gains from each
other; when one works for himself, the affair proceeds well. Thus, even father and son sometime blame and
scold 13 each other. The employer of workmen, provides them with delicious soup. The saying is based on Duke
Wên's declaration of enemies' faults before he opened any attack upon Sung and on Kou-chien's mention of the
Ju-huang Tower built by Wu. For further illustration, Duke Huan concealed his anger at Tsài and attacked Chù.
Wu Chì wanted his subordinate officer's 14 earliest recovery and so sucked his boil. Moreover, the loose and
panegyric poems composed by the early kings as well as the precepts inscribed on bells and tripods are all like
the footprint left by the Father Sovereign of Chao on Mountain Fan-wu 15 and the backgammon made by King
Chao of Chìn on the Hua Mountain. However, what the early kings expected was material profit what they
employed was physical strength. That Duke Wên quoted the proverb about the shrine-builders was to ascertain
his self-excuse. Supposing one listened to the scholars and made glorious and exaggerating quotations from the
early kings, might not the whole thing be unsuitable to the present age? Yet conditions as such cannot be
reformed! This is just like the man from the Prefecture of Chêng getting a yoke, the man of Wei shooting
stringed arrows, 16 the wife of Po Tzŭ purposely making new trousers like old ones, the youngster attending on
the elder men drinking. 17 After all, when the early kings' words are of little use, people of the present world
think they are very useful; when they are very useful, people of the present world think they are of little use.
They cannot always tell which are really very useful and which are not so. The basis of the saying is found in the
Sung man's understanding of an ancient book and in the Liang man's reading of an ancient record. Thus,
whenever the early kings wrote down any word as the man of Ying did in his letter to the Premier of Yen, most
people of posterity revere it in the way the Premier of Yen interpreted the meaning of the word. Indeed, whoever
does not suit means of political control to actual state affairs but takes advice solely from the words of the early
kings instead, is like the man going home from the shoe market to get the measurements of his feet.
IV. Wherever lies profit, there people go; wherever fame is offered, there officers die. Therefore, if any
meritorious service goes beyond the limits of the law and reward is bestowed therefore, then the superior cannot
18
gain any profit from the inferior; if fame goes beyond the limits of the law and honour accompanies it, then
officers will strive after their own fame but never 19 will cultivate any fame for the ruler. For this reason, after
Chung-chang and Hsü-i had been appointed to office, the people of Chung-mou deserted their fields and farms
and those who pursued the literary studies numbered half the population of the fief. Similarly, because Duke
Pìng, in spite of the soreness of his calves and the numbness of his legs, dared not leave his seat when Shu
Hsiang was having an audience with him, men of Chin who resigned from official posts and yearned after Shu
Hsiang occupied one-third 20 of the size of the country. These three personages, when their words were in
accordance with the law, were merely subjects loyal to the government, and, when their deeds were suitable to
affairs, were simply people obedient to orders. Yet the tributes paid them by both their Rulers were too great. If
their words went beyond the limits of the law and their deeds were far from meritorious, then they were people
slipping out of the inked string. 21 In that case why should both their Rulers have paid them any tribute at all? If
they did, they missed the point of propriety. Moreover, private scholars pursuing studies, when the state is at
peace, never exert their physical strength, and, once an emergency comes, never don armour. If revered, they
neglect the work of farming and fighting; if not revered, they injure 22 the law of the sovereign. When the state is
in security, they are ennobled and celebrated; when the state is in danger, they are as cowardly 23 as Ch`ü Kung.
Such being the case, what can the lord of men gain out of the private scholars pursuing studies? Therefore, the
enlightened sovereign 24 would take into consideration Li Tz`ŭ's report of the Central Hills State.
V. It is said in the Book of Poetry, "In him, himself inert, the people put no trust." 25 Of this precept a Grand Tutor
persuaded a feudal lord to wear no purple clothes. In illustration of it the cases of Duke Chien of Chêng and
Duke Hsiang of Sung can be cited. 26 It charges every ruler with the duty of honouring and esteeming, 27 farming
and fighting. Indeed, who distinguishes between high and low, does not hold subordinates responsible for
successful outcome, 28 but merely makes himself an example to the inferior, 29 does the same 30 as Duke Ching
when he left the carriage and ran on foot, King Chao read the code and fell down asleep, and a certain ruler 31
covered with his hands his worn-out plain clothes. Kung Chìu, not knowing this, said that the ruler was like a
basin. The Ruler of Tsou, not knowing this, humiliated himself before doing anything else. The way of the
enlightened sovereign is the same as Shu Hsiang distributing bounties 32 and as Marquis Chao granting nobody
any request.
VI. If small faith is well accomplished, great faith will naturally be established. Therefore, the enlightened
sovereign accumulates faith. If reward and punishment are of no faith, then prohibitions and orders cannot
prevail. The basis of the saying is found in Duke Wên's attack on Yüan and in Chi Chêng's rescue of the
starvelings. For the same reason, Wu Chì waited for his old friend till he came to dine with him; Marquis Wên
met the men of Yü at the appointed time before he started hunting. Therefore, the enlightened sovereign would
value 33 faith in the way Tsêng Tzŭ killed a pig. The calamity of breaking faith is illustrated by King Li's 34
beating the alarm drum and by Li Kuei`s deceiving the guards of both gates.
So much for the canons.
Mi Tzŭ Chien governed San-fu. Once Yu-jo saw him and asked him. "Why have you become so thin?" In reply
Mi Tzŭ said: "His Highness, not knowing my inferiority and unworthiness, appointed me Governor of San-fu.
The official duties are urgent. My mind is always worried over them. Therefore I have become thin." Thereupon
Yu-jo remarked: "In bygone days Shun played the five-stringed guitar and sang the South Wind Poem 35 but All-
underHeaven was well governed. Now that San-fu is so tiny and you have worried about governing it, what can
be done with All-under-Heaven? Thus, if you have the right craft to rule the country, then even though you
remain seated in the hall of the palace and retain the charming complexion of a girl, there will be no harm to
political order. But if you have no tact to rule the country, then even though your body becomes exhausted and
skinny, still there will not be help to political order."
The King of Chù once said to Tìen Chiu: "Mo Tzŭ was a celebrity for learning. What he personally practised 36
is agreeable but his sayings are mostly not eloquent. Why?" In reply Tìen Chiu said: "Formerly when the Earl of
Chìn married his daughter to the prince of Chin, he embellished her dowry 37 by adding seventy beautifully
dressed 38 maids to it. Upon their arrival in Chin, the Chins loved the concubines but slighted the princess. This
may be said to be good in marrying out the concubines but cannot be said to be good in marrying out the
daughter. Once upon a time a man of Chù was selling pearls in Chêng. For the pearls he made magnolia boxes,
which he perfumed with cassia spice, bound with beads, decorated them with red gems, and filled harmoniously
with the kingfisher's feather. 39 In the long run people in Chêng bought the caskets but returned the pearls. This
may be said to be good in selling caskets but cannot be said to be good in trading pearls. Now, the itinerants of
the present world all speak with the words of eloquent persuasiveness and literary phrasing. In consequence the
lord of men reads the literature with exceeding interest but forgets its utility. The teachings of Mo Tzŭ convey
the principles of the early kings and theorize the words of the saintly men and thereby propagate ideas among
people. If he made his phrasing eloquent, people might, it was feared, harbour the literature but forget the utility,
40
that is to say, he might injure the utility with the literature. That would be doing exactly the same thing as the
man of Chù trading pearls and the Earl of Chìn marrying out his daughter. Therefore, the sayings of Mo Tzŭ
were mostly not eloquent."
Mo Tzŭ once constructed a wooden kite, which it took him three years to complete. After flying for one day, it
broke. His disciples said: "The master's skill is so excellent as to make the wooden kite fly." Mo Tzŭ said: "I am
not as skilful as the maker of the cross-bar for yoking the oxen. He uses a piece of wood eight inches or one foot
41
long and spends less time than one morning while the bar can pull the burden of thirty piculs, 42 has the
strength for going a long way, and lasts for a number of years. Now, in constructing a wooden kite, it took me
three years to complete it, which broke after one day's flying." Hearing about this, Hui Tzŭ said, "Mo Tzŭ was
exceedingly skilful, considering the construction of the cross-bar skilful and the construction of the wooden kite
clumsy."
The King of Sung was at feud with Chì. When he was building the war palace, the Singer Kuei led the chorus of
the workmen. As a result, the passers-by stopped to see them while the builders never felt tired. Hearing about
this, the King summoned Kuei and rewarded him therefor. Thereupon Kuei said, "Thy servant's master Hsieh
Chi, sings better than thy servant does." The King, accordingly, summoned Hsieh Chi and ordered him to sing.
As a result, the passers-by never stopped while the builders perceived their own weariness. "Now that the
passers-by do not know what is going on while the builders perceive their own weariness, he sings not 43 as well
as Kuei. What is the reason?" asked the King. In reply Kuei said, "Suppose Your Majesty measure the respective
results. Kuei by his singing had only four panel boards done while Hsieh Chi had eight. As regards the solidity of
the walls, they can pierce five inches through Kuei's work but only two inches through Hsieh Chi's work."
Indeed, good drugs are bitter to the mouth, but intelligent people are willing to take them because they know the
drugs after being taken will cure their diseases. Loyal words are unpleasant to the ears, but the enlightened
sovereign listens to them, because he knows they will bring about successful results.
Once a man of Sung asked permission to engrave a female ape on the edge of a bramble thorn for the King of
Yen. According to him, the King must remain purified for three months before he could see it. The King,
accordingly, supported him with the emolument 44 of three chariots. 45 Thereupon the smith who attended on the
King said 46 to him: "Thy servant has heard, `No lord of men can remain purified for ten days without having a
drinking feast in the meantime.' Now that the Sung man knows the inability of Your Majesty to remain purified
long enough in order to see a useless object, he purposely set three months as the period of purification. As a
rule, the instruments of engravers and carvers must always be smaller than their objects. Being a smith himself,
thy servant finds no way to make him any instrument for carving. It is an unattainable object. May Your Majesty
deliberate on the matter!" Accordingly, the King arrested and questioned the man of Sung, found out his
falsehood, and put him to death. The smith again said to the King, "If the state has no weights and measures to
regulate things, itinerants would present mostly such absurd discussions as the Bramble Thorn Story."
According to a different source: Once the King of Yen was recruiting skilful artists, when a man of Wei asked
permission to engrave a female ape on the edge of a bramble thorn. Delighted, the King of Yen supported him
with the emolument of five chariots. Then the King asked "May I, the King, for trial see the ape on the bramble
thorn engraved by my honourable guest?" "If the lord of men wants to see it," replied the guest, "he must be
absent from his harem and abstain from wine and meat for half a year. Then, when the rain clears up and the sun
shines again, he will be able to see the female ape in a dark shady place." In consequence, the King of Yen
purposely supported the man of Wei but could not see his female ape. In the meantime a smith famous for
making kitchen utensils in Chêng said to the King of Yen: "Thy servant is a carver. Every tiny object to be
carved must have a carving knife, and the carving instrument is always larger than the object to be carved. Now
that the edge of the bramble thorn is too small even for the tip of an awl, it must be extraordinarily difficult to
handle the edge of the bramble thorn. Suppose Your Majesty try to see the awl of the guest. Then either his
ability or inability will be known." "Good," the King said, and then asked the man of Wei, "What kind of an
instrument does my honour-able guest use in carving the female ape on the bramble thorn?" 47 "An awl," "I want
to see 48 it," said the King. "May thy servant go back to his lodging place and get it?" So saying, the guest ran
away.
Ni Yüeh 49 was a skilful dialectician among the Sungs. Maintaining the argument that "the white horse is not the
horse," 50 he overcame the debaters beneath the Grain 51 Gate of the capital of Chì. Once when he rode a white
horse and came to a pass, he had to pay the horse-tax for the white horse. Thus, on playing with empty terms, he
could triumph over the whole country, but on investigating facts and examining features he could not deceive
anybody.
Indeed, suppose you sharpen an arrow, draw the bow, and shoot the arrow, then though you close your eyes and
shoot at random, the pointed head of the arrow is bound to hit the tip of an autumn spikelet. However, unless you
can hit the same spot again, you cannot be called a skilful archer. For you have no constant aim and mark. Now
if the target were five inches in diameter and the arrow were shot from a distance of one hundred steps, 52 then
nobody other than Yi and Fêng Mêng could with certainty hit 53 the mark every time. For there would then be a
constant aim and mark. Therefore, in the presence of a constant aim and mark the straight hit by Hou Yi and
Fêng Mêng at a target five inches in diameter is regarded as skilful; whereas in the absence of a constant aim and
mark the wild hit at the tip of an autumn spikelet is regarded as awkward. For the same reason, if the sovereign
has no fixed standard and makes responses to any speaker, then the itinerants will talk too much nonsense;
whereas if he establishes a fixed standard and holds any speaker to it, then even intelligent men will be afraid of
making mistakes and dare not speak at random. 54 Now, the lord of men, in listening to suggestions, does not
consider them under a fixed standard but simply approves 55 of their eloquence, does not measure them with their
meritorious services but plainly honours their virtuous deeds, and does not take any concern in a constant aim
amd mark. 56 This is the reason why the lord of men is always deceived and the itinerants are for ever supported.
Once a traveller taught the King of Yen the way to immortality. The King then sent men to learn it. Before the
men sent to learn completed their study, the traveller died. Enraged thereby, the King chastized the students.
Thus, the King did not know that he himself had been deceived by the traveller, but censured the students for
their tardiness. Indeed, to believe in an unattainable thing and chastize innocent subjects is the calamity of
thoughtlessness. Moreover, what a man cares for is nothing other than his own self. If he could not make himself
immortal, how could he make the King live for ever?
Once there were men of Chêng contending for seniority in age. One man said, "My age is the same as Yao's."
Another man said, "I am as old as the elder brother of the Yellow Emperor." They brought the dispute to the
court, but the judge could not make any decision. Finally he ruled that the one who was the last to stop arguing
won the case.
Once a traveller, who painted the whip for the Ruler of Chou, spent three years to complete it. When the Ruler
saw it, it looked exactly like a plainly varnished whip. Thereby the Ruler of Chou was enraged. Then the painter
of the whip said, "Build a wall twenty feet 57 high and a window eight feet long. Place the whip upon it at sunrise
and then look at it." The Ruler of Chou, accordingly, looked at the features of the whip in the way he had been
instructed and found them all turning into dragons, serpents, birds, beasts, carriages, and horses, and the forms of
myriad other things all present. Thereat he was greatly pleased. The work done to this whip certainly was
delicate and difficult. Yet its utility was the same as that of any plainly varnished whip.
Once upon a time there was a traveller drawing for the King of Chì. "What is the hardest thing to draw?" asked
the King. "Dogs and horses are the hardest." "Then what is the easiest?" "Devils and demons are the easiest.
Indeed, dogs and horses are what people know and see at dawn and dusk in front of them. To draw them no
distortion is permissible. Therefore they are the hardest. On the contrary, devils and demons have no shapes and
are not seen in front of anybody, therefore it is easy to draw them."
In Chì there was a retired scholar named Tìen Chung. Once a man of Sung named Ch`ü Ku saw him and said:
"Ku 58 has heard about the principle of the respected master not to depend upon people for his food supplies.
Now, Ku has a way of planting the gourd, whose fruits are as hard as stones and are solid but not hollow inside.
Therefore, he is presenting them to the master." Then Chung said: "Indeed, gourds are valuable because they can
serve as vessels. Now that they are solid and not hollow, they cannot 59 serve up anything. If they are as hard as
stones, 60 they cannot be split for emptying out. 61 I have no use for these gourds." "If so, Ku will throw them
away." Now that Tìen Chun not depending upon people for food supplies was also of no use to the country of
people, he was like the hard gourds.
Yü Chìng was building a house, and said to the carpenter, "This house will be too high." Then the carpenter
said: "This is a new house, its plaster being wet and its beams supporting the eaves still unseasoned. Indeed the
wet plaster is heavy and the unseasoned beams are curved. With curved beams supporting wet plaster, the house
ought to become low enough." "That will not be so," said Yü Chìng. "After a number of days, the plaster will be
dry and the beams will be seasoned. When dry, the plaster will be light; when seasoned, the beams will be
straight. With straight beams supporting dry plaster, the house will be still higher." Thereby the carpenter gave in
and did the building in the way Yü Chìng wanted, but the house collapsed.
According to a different source: Yü Chìng was going to build a house, when the carpenter said: "The wood is
unseasoned and the plaster is wet. Indeed, when unseasoned, the wood is curved; when wet, the plaster is heavy.
With curved wood supporting heavy plaster, the house, though it may be completed now, will certainly collapse
as time goes on." In response to this Yü Chìng said: "When dry, the wood will become straight; when dry the
plaster will become light. Suppose the wood and the plaster are really dry now. Then they will become lighter
and straighter day by day and will never collapse even after a long period of time." Thereby the carpenter gave in
and did the building in the way Yü Chìng wanted. In the meantime following the completion, the house actually
collapsed.
Fan Chü 62 said: "The bow breaks always towards the end and never at the beginning. To be sure, the bow-maker
first draws the bow, leaves it in the stand for thirty days, 63 then puts the string on it, and after one day shoots
arrows with it. Thereby he makes it tender at the beginning and tough towards the ending. How can the bow not
break? Chü's way of making bows is not the same—namely, to leave the bow in the stand for one day, then put
the string on it, and after thirty days shoot arrows with it. Thereby I make it tough at the beginning and tender
towards the ending." At his wits' end, the bow-maker made bows in the way Fan Chü wanted. The bows broke to
pieces.
The sayings of Fan Chü and Yü Chìng are all eloquent in structure and excellent in diction to the realities of
things. Yet the lord of men is always delighted at such sayings and never suppresses them. This is the cause of
his failure. Indeed, not to seek for the merits in attaining order and strength but to covet the voices in making
eloquent speeches and beautiful compositions, is to reject the experts in statecraft and trust to such laymen as
would break houses and bows. Therefore, the lord of men in administering state affairs is always not as skilful as
the carpenter in building houses and the craftsman in making bows. However, the experts are driven to their wits'
end by Fan Chü and Yü Chìng. Because 64 of the futility of 65 empty phrases the latter triumph. Because of the
immutability of 66 practical things the former are driven at bay. The lord of men makes much of useless eloquent
speeches and makes light of immutable propositions. This is the cause of disorder. In the present world there are
always men who would imitate Fan Chü and Yü Chìng, but the lord of men is uncreasingly delighted with them.
This is to revere such types of men as the house- and bow-makers and look at the technical experts as carpenters
or craftsmen. As the carpenter and the craftsman 67 could not exert their technical skill, the house collapsed and
the bow broke. Likewise, as the experts in statecraft cannot carry out their policy, the state is disorderly and the
sovereign is jeopardized.
To be sure, children, when they play together, take soft earth as cooked rice, muddy water as soup, and wood
shavings as slices of meat. However, at dusk they would go home for supper because dust rice and mud soup can
be played with but cannot be eaten. Indeed, tributes to the legacy of remote antiquity, are appreciative and
eloquent but superficial; and admiration of the early kings for their benevolence and righteousness, cannot
rectify the course of the state. Therefore, they can be played with but cannot be used as instruments of
government, either. Indeed, those who have longed after benevolence and righteousness and become weak and
disorderly are the Three Chins. The one who has never longed but has become orderly and strong is Chìn.
However, she has not yet become an empire because her government is not yet perfect.
If one receives no good care in his childhood from his parents, when he grows up, as a son he shows resentment
at them. Though the son grows to be a big and strong man, his provisions for his parents are rather scanty. Then
the parents become angry and reprimand him. Now, father and son are the closest relatives. Yet they either
reprimand or show resentment at each other simply because they are driven together by force of circumstances
and neither can accomplish his self-seeking purpose.
Indeed, in the case of workmen selling their services in sowing seeds and tilling farms, the master would at the
expense of his housekeeping give them delicious food and by appropriating cash and cloth 68 make payments for
their services. Not that they love the hired workmen, but that, they say, by so doing they can make the workmen
till the land deeper and pick the weed more carefully. 69 The hired workmen, by exerting their physical strength,
speedily pick the weed and till the land, 70 and, by using their skill, rectify the boundaries between different tracts
71
of ground and the dykes separating different fields. 72 Not that they love their master, but that, they say, by their
so doing the soup will be delicious and both cash and cloth will be paid to them. Thus, the master's provisions
and the workmen's services supplement each other as if between them there were the compassion of father and
son. However, their minds are well disposed to act for each other because they cherish self-seeking motives
respectively. Therefore, when men deal with each other in managing affairs and rendering services, if their
motive is hope for gain, then even with a native from Yüeh, it will be easy to remain harmonious. If the motive is
fear of harm, then even father and son will become estranged and show resentment toward each other. 73
Duke Wên attacked Sung but made a declaration beforehand, saying: "I have heard the Ruler of Sung follows no
right way of government, insulting seniors and elders, making unfair distribution of alms, and issuing faithless
precepts and ordinances. Therefore, I am coming to punish him on behalf of the people."
Yüeh was attacking Wu. The King of Yüeh made a declaration beforehand, saying: "I have heard the King of Wu
built the Ju-huang Tower and dug the Deep Spring Pool, wearing out the hundred surnames and wasting the
money and resources of the country and thereby exhausting the strength of the people. Therefore, I am coming to
punish him on behalf of the people."
A princess of Tsài became a concubine of Duke Huan. One day Duke Huan and she went on a boat. She moved
the boat at random. Much frightened, Duke Huan stopped her but she kept on doing it. Enraged, he divorced her.
Soon he recalled her. But the Tsàis replied that they had married her out elsewhere. Thereat Duke Huan became
very angry and thought of attacking Tsài. Uncle Chung, accordingly, admonished him, saying: "Indeed, the
trouble due to the play between sleeping partners makes no sufficient cause for attacking their country.
Otherwise, the achievement of Hegemony cannot be expected. Please do not take this as a wise plan." Duke
Huan would not listen. So Uncle Chung said: "Suppose Your Highness cannot help attacking Tsài. Well, for
three years Chù has not brought thorny reeds 74 as tribute to the Son of Heaven. Your Highness had better raise
an army and attack Chù on behalf of the Son of Heaven. After Chù is subdued, turn back and raid Tsài and say
to the world, `when His Highness was attacking Chù on behalf of the Son of Heaven, Tsài never followed him
with reinforcements. Therefore His Highness is destroying it.' This will be righteous in name and profitable in
fact. In consequence, Your Highness will have the name of punishing the disobedient on behalf of the Son of
Heaven and the fact of taking revenge."
Wu Chì commanded Wey's forces in attacking Central Hills. Among his soldiers someone became sick of boils.
Therefore, Wu Chì knelt down himself and sucked the pus out of the boil. The mother of the wounded soldier
was standing by and crying. People then asked her, "The general is so kind to your son. Why should you keep
crying?" In reply she said: "Wu Chì sucked the pus out of his father's wound and his father later died fighting.
Now the son will die fighting, too. I 75 am, therefore, crying."
The Father Sovereign of Chao once ordered masons to use a scaling ladder, thereby climb Mountain Fan-wu, and
on the summit engrave a human footprint three feet wide and five feet long, and inscribe it, "The Father
Sovereign once strolled here."
King Chao of Chìn ordered masons to use a scaling ladder, thereby climb the Hua Mountain, on the summit
construct a backgammon board with the kernels of pines and cypresses and arrows eight feet long and chess
pieces eight inches long, and inscribe on the board, "King Chao once played backgammon with a heavenly god
here." 76
Duke Wên on the way to his homeland reached the Yellow River, where he ordered all bamboo and wooden
vessels for food to be thrown into the river, the sheets and mats to be thrown into the river, the men whose hands
and feet are thick and chapped and those whose faces and eyes were black or dark to follow from behind.
Hearing about this, Uncle 77 Fan wept all night. So Duke Wên asked him, "I have been exiled for twenty years till
now when I am barely able to return to my native soil. Hearing about this, Uncle Fan is not delighted but crying
all the time. Does it mean that he does not want His Highness to return to his native country?" In reply Fan said:
"The bamboo and wooden vessels have been used for serving food but Your Highness is going to throw them
away. The sheets and mats have been used for making beddings but Your Highness is going to give them up. The
men whose hands and feet are thick and chapped and faces and eyes are black or dark have rendered meritorious
services but Your Highness is going to keep them following from behind. Now thy servant happens to be among
the group following from behind. Unable to bear the sadness, I am crying. Moreover, thy servant in order to
enable Your Highness to return to his native country committed misrepresentations many times. Of this even thy
servant never approves. How much less would Your Highness?" 78 So saying, he repeated bowing and took his
leave. Stopping him from leaving, Duke Wên said: "There is a proverb saying, `Builders of the shire take off
their clothes when installing the image in it but wear their black hats straight when commemorating the
enshrined spirit.' Now, with me you have recovered the country but you are not going to govern the country with
me. This is the same as though you installed the image in the shrine with me but would not commernorate the
enshrined spirit with me." So saying, he untied the horse attached to the left of the yoke of his carriage and swore
by the River to repeal the order.
Once a man of the Prefecture of Chêng, named Po Tzŭ, asked his wife to make a pair of trousers. "How would
you like to have your trousers made this time?" asked the wife. "Like my old trousers," replied the husband.
Accordingly the wife tore the new trousers and made them look like the old ones.
Once a man of the Prefecture of Chêng came by a yoke but did not know its name. So he asked somebody else,
"What thing is this?" 79 "It is a yoke," was the reply. Suddenly he found a yoke again and asked, "What thing is
this?" "It is a yoke," was again the reply. Thereby the man was enraged and said, "You called the former one a
yoke and are again calling the present one a yoke. Why so many? Aren't you deceiving me?" So saying, he
started quarrelling with the man.
A man of Wei intended to shoot arrows with strings tied to them. When a bird came, he beckoned to the bird with
the ball of string. The bird was frightened. He did not shoot.
Once the wife of Po Tzŭ, a man of the Prefecture of Chêng, went to the market, bought turtles, and was bringing
them home. Passing by the Ying Water, she thought the turtles were thirsty, let them go drinking, and lost her
turtles.
Once upon a time a youngster was attending an elder man drinking wine. But every time the elder took a drink,
he would himself drink, 80 too.
According to a different source: A man of Lu wanted to learn etiquette. 81 He saw elder people drinking wine and
spitting it out whenever unable to finish it. So he followed them in spitting wine out.
According to another different source: A youngster of Sung wanted to learn etiquette. Once at a feast he saw
elder people drinking a toast and not leaving a single drop. So he started finishing the whole cup though not
drinking a toast.
It is said in an ancient book, "Gird yourself, belt yourself!" A man of Sung, who once ran across this passage,
doubled his sash and girdled himself with it accordingly. "Why do you do that?" asked someone else. "The
ancient book saying so, so must I do," was the reply.
It is said in an ancient record, 82 "Already engraved and already carved, it reverts to its naiveté." A man of Liang,
who once ran across this passage, would talk about learning in his daily action and quote facts from the writing
in illustration of his theory. Everyday 83 he would do the same, till he lost the genuineness of his nature.
Thereupon someone else asked him, "Why do you do that?" "The ancient record saying so, so must I do," was
the reply.
A man of Ying once wrote a letter to the Prime Minister of Yen. He wrote the letter at night. When the light was
not bright, he, accordingly, said to the candle-holder, "Raise the candle!" So saying he wrote down by mistake
the words, "Raise the candle," although raising candles was not the gist of the letter. However, the Prime
Minister of Yen on receiving the letter was glad and said: "To raise the candle means to exalt the bright. To exalt
the bright means to elevate the worthy and appoint them to office." Therefore, the Premier of Yen spoke to the
King about the policy of appointing the worthy to office, which the King was very glad to carry into effect. In
consequence, the state became orderly. As regards the problem of political order, they did attain political order.
But it was not the gist of the letter! Thus, scholars of the present world mostly resemble the Premier of Yen in
interpreting the meaning of words.
Once a man of Chêng wanted to buy a pair of shoes for himself. He measured his feet first and left
measurements on his seat. He arrived at the market-place, but had forgotten to take the measurements along.
Though he had already found the shoes for himself, he said, "I have forgotten to take the measurements along.
Let me go home to get them here." When he came back again, the market was closed, however. He could not get
the shoes after all. "Why didn't you try the shoes with your own feet?" asked people. "I have confidence in the
measurements but not in my own feet," was the reply.
Wang Têng, Magistrate of Chung-mou, once in his proposition to Lord Hsiang of Chao said: "Chung-mou has
scholars named Chung-chang and Hsü-i, whose personal appearances are very refined and whose learning is
very erudite. Why does Your Highness not take them into service?" In reply Lord Hsiang said: "You go to find
them. I will appoint them Middle Officials." Thereupon the Premier remonstrated with him, saying, "The post of
the Middle Official is an important rank in Chin. Now, appointment of men of no merit to office is not in
accordance with the constitution of Chin. Your Highness has only heard about them but not yet seen them, isn't it
so?" "When I took Têng into service," replied the Lord, "I saw him after having heard about him. The men he
has recommended I will see after I have heard about them, too. This is the way to use others as my own ears and
eyes without cease." Thus, Wang Têng in one day recommended two Middle Officials to interview the Lord, who
bestowed upon them fields and residences. In consequence, the people of Chung-mou, who stopped tilling fields
and mowing grass, sold their houses and farms, and pursued literary studies, numbered half the population of the
fief.
Shu Hsiang sat by Duke Pìng and reported to him on different affairs. Though the calves of Duke Pìng became
sore and the legs numb, yet he only turned his muscles around but dared not leave his seat. Hearing about this,
everybody in the Chin State said: "Shu Hsiang is a worthy. Duke Pìng respected him so much that during the
interview he only turned his muscles around but dared not leave his seat." In consequence, men in the Chin State
who resigned from official posts and yearned after Shu Hsiang occupied one-third 84 the size of the country.
A man of Chêng, named Ch`ü Kung, whenever he heard enemies were coming, would fear lest he himself 85
should die at their hands and also fear lest he himself should be captured alive by them.
The Father Sovereign of Chao sent Li Tz`ŭ to inspect Central Hills and see whether or not the country could be
attacked. Upon his return Tz`ŭ reported that the country could be attacked and that if His Majesty did not strike
early enough, he would lag behind Chì and Yen. "Why can the country be attacked?" asked the Father
Sovereign. In reply Li Tz`ŭ said: "It is because the Ruler is fond of celebrating retired scholars in rocky caves.
For tens of times, he pulled down his carriage-cover and offered seats in his carriage when meeting scholars
from destitute village gates or narrow alleys. The times that he paid such courtesies to scholars wearing hemp
clothes as if they were his equals, numbers hundreds." "According to your description and estimation," remarked
the Father Sovereign, "he is a worthy ruler. Why then can the country be attacked?" "That is not so," replied
Tz`ŭ, "because if the Ruler is fond of celebrating retired scholars from rocky caves and employs them in the
court, then warriors will neglect their duties at the camps; if the superior esteems learned men, condescends to
country scholars, and employs them in the court, 86 then farmers will relax their efforts in the fields. If the
warriors neglect their duties at the camps, the army becomes weak: if the farmers relax their efforts in the fields,
the state becomes poor. With the army weakened by enemies and the state impoverished at home, no country
ever evades destruction. Isn't it then practicable to attack such a country?" "Right." So saying, the Father
Sovereign raised an army, attacked Central Hills, and finally destroyed the country.
Duke Huan of Chì was fond of wearing purple clothes, till everybody in the country wore purple clothes, too. At
that time, nobody could get one purple thread at the cost of five plain white threads. Worried over this, Duke
Huan said to Kuan Chung, "I am fond of wearing purple clothes, but purple clothes are very expensive. The
hundred surnames in the country like to wear purple clothes continually. What should I do about that?" "If Your
Highness wants to stop them," replied Kuan Chung, "why doesn't he for a time not wear any purple clothes at all,
and tell the attendants, `His Highness dislikes the bad odour of purple clothes'." "All right," said the Duke. 87
Thenceforth, whenever any attendant in purple clothes came in, the Duke would say, "Get away a little! I dislike
the bad odour of purple clothes." Accordingly, that day no courtier wore purple clothes; next day nobody in the
state capital wore purple clothes; and by the third day nobody within the state boundaries wore purple clothes.
According to a different source: The King of Chì was fond of wearing purple clothes. So were the people of
Chì. As a result, in the Chì State with the cost of five plain white threads nobody could buy a purple one. Over
the expensiveness of purple clothes, the King of Chì worried. Thereupon the Grand Tutor said to the King: "It is
said in the Book of Poetry, Ìn him, himself inert, the people put no trust.' Now, if Your Majesty wants the people
to wear no purple clothes, let Your Majesty take off purple clothes himself and then go to the court, and, when
any officials wearing purple clothes come in, tell him, `Get away farther! I dislike the bad odour!" In
consequence, that day no courtier wore purple clothes; in a month nobody in the state capital wore purple
clothes; and in a year nobody within the state boundaries wore purple clothes.
Duke Chien of Chêng once said to Tzŭ-chàn: "Our country is small and pressed between Ching and Chin. Now
that the city-walls of the capital are not in good repair and weapons and armour are not well prepared, we cannot
provide against eventualities." "Thy servant has already shut the outer foes far off," said Tzŭ-Chàn, "and already
made the inner defences firm. Though the country is small, yet thy servant does not think it is in danger. May
Your Highness not worry over it?" Therefore, Duke Chien had no worry in his life.
According to another source 88 : Tzŭ-chàn was Premier of Chêng. Once Duke Chien said to him: "If drinking
wine is no joy, sacrifical vessels 89 are not large, and bells, drums, Yü 90 instruments, and sê 91 harps do not sound,
I must be responsible 92 therefor. If political 93 affairs are not unified, the state is not stabilized, the hundred
surnames do not keep order, and farmers and warriors do not live in peace and harmony, you must similarly be
responsible therefor. You have your official duties, I have my own, too. Let each of us attend to his duties." Tzŭ-
chàn withdrew and administered the state affairs for five years, till the country had neither thieves nor robbers,
no one would pick up things dropped on the road, peaches and dates hanging over the street were not picked off,
and such tiny things as gimlets and knives dropped on the road were promptly returned to their owners within
three days. The same continued for three years and the people never suffered starvation.
Duke Hsiang of Sung fought with the Chùs in the Cho River Gorge. When the Sung forces had already formed
in line, the Chù troops had not yet finished their lines. Thereupon the Right Minister of War, Kou Chìang, ran
forward and advised the Duke, saying: "As the Chùs are numerous and the Sungs are few, let us attack them
when they are half crossing the River and not yet in line. They will certainly be defeated." "I have heard," said
Duke Hsiang, "the gentleman would not wound the wounded, not capture men having two kinds of hair, 94 not
push people into danger, not drive people to bay, and not beat the drum towards enemies not yet in line. Now, the
Chù troops have not completed their lines. If we attack them, we act against righteousness. Let them finish
crossing the River and complete their lines. Then beat the drum and lead the army." "Your Highness does not
love the people of Sung in leaving the confidential supporters in precariousness solely for the sake of
righteousness." "If you do not return to your line," said the Duke, "I will enforce the martial law." The Right
Minister returned to his line, when the Chù troops had already formed in line and established their positions.
Then the Duke beat the drum. The Sung forces suffered a crushing defeat. The Duke was wounded in the thigh
and died in three days. 95 This is the calamity of yearning 96 after benevolence and righteousness. Indeed, to
expect the lord of men to do everything himself as a good example and the people to obey him and follow his
example afterwards is to make the lord of men till the land and thereby acquire his food supplies 97 and bear arms
and line up with the soldiers before the people are willing to till and fight. If so, is the sovereign not facing too
much danger and are the subjects not enjoying too much security?
Once, when Duke Ching of Chì travelled to the Small Sea, a courier rushed from inside the capital to have an
audience with him, and said, "Premier Yen Yin is very ill and about to die, and is afraid Your Highness might
arrive after his death." Duke Ching quickly rose from his seat, when another courier came. "Quickly prepare the
carriage of the good horse, Fan-chieh," said Duke Ching, "and order Coachman Han Ch`ü to drive it." After
setting out a few hundred steps, he thought the coachman was not fast enough, took the reins away from his
hands, and drove the carriage in his place. After another few hundred steps, he thought the horse would not go
farther, 98 and alighted from the carriage, and ran on foot. Thus, in spite of the speed of Fan-chieh and the skill of
Coachman Han Ch`ü Duke Ching thought it the best to get off the carriage and run on foot.
King Chao of Wey wanted to have a hand in the official routine and said to the Lord of Mêng-chàng, "I, the
King, want to have a hand in the official routine." "If Your Majesty wants to go through the official routine," said
the Lord, "why does he not for trial learn and read the legal code?" King Chao, accordingly, started reading the
code. After reading ten and some bamboo slips, 99 he fell asleep. "I am unable to read this code," said the King.
After all, if the ruler does not hold the august position and supreme handles firmly in hand but wants to perform
the duties which the ministers ought to perform, is it not reasonable that he falls asleep in so doing?
Confucius said: "The ruler of men is like the basin, the people like water. If the basin is square, the water is
square; if the basin is round, the water is round."
The ruler of Tsou was fond of wearing long fringes. So were all his attendants. In consequence, fringes became
very expensive. Worried over this, he asked the attendants about it. In reply they said: "As Your Highness is fond
of wearing them, most of the hundred surnames wear them too. Therefore, they are expensive!" Accordingly, the
Ruler cut off his fringes himself and went out. As a result, nobody in the country would wear long fringes any
more. Thus, the Ruler, unable to issue orders to regulate the style of the clothing of the hundred surnames and
thereby prohibit them from wearing long fringes, cut off his own fringes and went out to show his example to the
people. In this way he exercised his authority over the people through self-humiliation.
Shu Hsiang in distributing emoluments bestowed more for the more meritorious and less for the less meritorious.
Marquis Chao of Han once said to Shên Tzŭ, "Laws and rules are not easy to enforce." "The law is such a
principle," said Shên Tzŭ, "that men of merit are given rewards and able personages are taken into office. Now,
Your Highness establishes laws and rules but grants the attendants' requests. This is the cause of the difficulty in
enforcing laws and rules." "From now onward," said Marquis Chao, "I know how to enforce laws, and will not
grant anybody any request." One day Shên Tzŭ begged the Marquis to appoint his elder cousin to an official
post. In regard to his request, Marquis Chao said: "This is not what I learned from you. If I grant you such a
request, I contradict your teaching. I had better not allow your request." 100 Thereupon Shên Tzŭ withdrew to his
residence and apologized for his fault.
Duke Wên of Chin attacked Yüan. As he packed ten days' food supplies, he set the time limit at ten days to his
High Officers. When ten days had elapsed, he arrived at Yüan, but in ten days Yüan did not fall. Therefore, he
ordered them to cease hostilities and leave for home. Meanwhile, some men coming out from the Yüan capital
said: "In three more days Yüan will fall." All the ministers and attendants also remonstrated with him, saying:
"The food of Yüan is running low and her strength is exhausted. May Your Highness wait longer!" In response
the Duke said: "I set the time limit to my men at ten days for the expedition. If I do not leave, I will violate faith
with my men. Taking Yüan and thereby breaking faith, I can not bear." So saying, he stopped the campaign and
left. Hearing about this, the Yüans said: "Such a faithful ruler they have! How can we refuse to turn to him?" So
saying, they surrendered themselves to the Duke. The Weis, hearing about the same, said: "Such a faithful ruler
they have! How can we refuse to obey him?" So saying, they surrendered, too. Confucius heard about this and
recorded: "That Duke Wên attacked Yüan at the beginning but even won the submission of Wei in the end, was
because of his faithfulness."
Duke Wên asked Chi Chêng how to rescue the starvelings? "By keeping faith," was the reply. "What shall I keep
of faith?" asked the Duke. "Keep titles of faith, keep affairs of faith, and keep righteousness of faith! 101 If you
keep titles of faith, all officials will attend to their respective duties; the good and the bad will not override each
other; and every kind of work will not be neglected. If you keep affairs of faith, you will not miss the times of
heaven and the hundred surnames will not make mistakes in farming. If you keep righteousness of faith, the near
and dear will be encouraged thereby and become diligent while the distant will turn to you for government."
Once Wu Chì went out, met an old friend, and invited him to dinner. "All right. When I come back, I shall dine
with you," said the old friend. "I shall wait for you to come," said Wu Tzŭ, and "and then eat". The old friend did
not come when evening arrived. Wu Chì did not eat all evening and waited. Next day he sent men out to invite
his friend. When the friend came, he then dined with him.
Marquis Wên of Wey once made an appointment with the Yüs to go hunting. On the following day the weather
happened to be very windy. The attendants stopped Marquis Wên, but he would not listen. "Nobody should break
faith," said the Marquis, "because it is very windy. I will not break faith!" Finally he drove the carriage himself,
went to the hunting ground against the winds, and told the Yüs to stop the hunting.
One day the wife of Tsêng Tzŭ went to the market. His son went along with her and kept crying. "You go home,"
said the mother, "and when Mother comes home from shopping, Mother will kill a pig for you." When she came
home from the market, Tsêng Tzŭ wanted to catch a pig and kill it. His wife stopped him and said, "That was just
a joke with the child." "Be sure," said Tsêng Tzŭ, "children are not supposed to be joked with. They do not
possess any inborn ideas. They depend upon their parents for learning, and listen to their parents' teachings.
Now, if you deceive him, it means you teach him the way of deception. If the mother deceives her son, the son
will have no faith in his mother. This is not the way to give teaching to children." At last they killed a pig and
cooked the pork for their son.
King Li of Chù had an alarm drum. By beating the drum he gave the hundred surnames warnings. One day he
took wine and was very drunk and beat the drum. The people were frightened very much. Thereupon the King
sent men to stop their fright and said to them, "I was then drunk and playing with the attendants when I struck
the drum." The people all gave up the fright. In the course of several months, there was a real alarm. The drum
was beaten but the people made no move. Therefore, the King changed his orders and made the signal clear and
of faith, so that the people began to have faith in him.
Li Kùei warned the guards of the right and left gates of the camp and said: "Be prudent and alert! The enemies
might come at dawn or at dusk to attack you." He repeated the same over and over again. Yet the enemies never
came. Both groups of guards became tired and neglected their duties and had no faith in Li Kùei. In the course
of several months the Chìns came to raid them and almost put the whole army to rout. This is the calamity of
being faithless.
According to a different source: Li Kùei fought with the Chìns and said to the guards of the left gates, "Scale
the walls quickly! The guards of the right gate have already gone up." Then he drove to the other flank and said
to the guards of the right gate, "The left have already gone up." The left and right guards, 102 accordingly,
struggled with each other to scale the walls. In the following year, when they fought with the Chìns, the Chìns
raided them and almost routed the whole army. This was a calamity of being faithless.
Once there were litigants. Tzŭ-chàn separated them and never allowed them to speak to each other. Then he
inverted 103 their words and told each other's argument and thereby found the vital facts involved in the case.
Duke Ssŭ of Wei 104 once sent men out to go 105 through the pass. There the officers made them serious troubles,
wherefore they bribed the officers with gold. The officers, accordingly, released them. Later, Duke Ssŭ said to
the officers: "At a certain time there came certain travellers to go through the pass. Since they gave you gold,
you sent them away." Thereby the officers were frightened very much and thought Duke Ssŭ was clear-minded.
106
Notes
1. 外儲說左上
2. Hirazawa's edition has 暗主 while Wang's has 明主. The former suits the general sense better than the latter.
3. With Wang Hsien-shen 藥酒用言明君聖主之以獨知也 should be 藥酒忠言知者明主之所以獨知也.

4. With Ku Kuang-ts'ê 李 should be 季.
5. With Ku 季惠宋墨 refer to 季良，惠施，宋鉼，墨翟.
6. With Ku 畏 should be 魏 referring to 魏傘.
7. With Ku 瞻 refers to 瞻何, a philosopher mentioned by Chuang Tzŭ, Work XX has 詹 in place of 詹.
8. With Ku 震 should be 處.
9. With Ku 車 should be 陳 which means 駢, and 狀皆 below it should be 皆狀.
10. With Ku 務卞鮑介 refer to 務光，卞隨，鮑焦，介子推.
11. With Wang Hsien-shen 墨翟 is a mistake for 田仲.
12. With Wang 也 below 匠 is superfluous.
13. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 譟 should be ###.
14. With Wang Hsien-shen 實 seems to be a mistake for 士.
15. With Wang 播 should be 番.
16. 弋 means "an arrow with a string tied to it."
17. With Wang Hsien-chìen 侍長者飲 was left out below 而其少者 and so should be supplied.
18. With Wang Hsien-shen Chao Yung-hsien's edition has 不能 in place of 不信.
19. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 下畜 should be 不畜.
20. With Tsùi Chuan 錘 should be 垂 which means "one of two sides". With Kao Hêng 垂 in antiquity meant
one-third.
21. In short, they are outlaws.
22. With Lu Wên-shao 周 is a mistake for 害.
23. With Wang Hsien-chìen 威 means 畏.
24. With Lu Wên-shao 王 should be 主.
25. Bk. IV, vii, 4, Legge's trans.
26. I propose 援 for 緩，援 meaning 引證.
27. With Kao Hêng 厚 below 尊 should be 重.
28. With Kao 誠 below 不足 means 成.
29. With Wang 位下 means 涖下.
30. I propose 猶為 for 且為.

31. As the annotation of this last illustration was lost, the name of this ruler has remained unknown.
32. Hirazawa proposed 祿 for ###.
33. With Ku Kuang-ts'ê 尊 should be supplied above 信.
34. With Ku 尊 above 厲王 is superfluous.
35. It runs:—
The South Wind's genial balm

Gives to my people's sorrows ease;
Its breath amidst the season's calm,
Brings to their wealth a large increase.
(Li Ki, Bk. XVII, sec. ii, i, f., Legge's trans.)
36. With Wang Hsien-chìen 身體 should be 體身.
37. With Wang Hsien-shen the Royal Readings has no 令晉 above 為之.
38. With Wang the same edition has 衣文 in place of 文衣.
39. The same edition has 翡翠 in place of 羽翠.
40. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 用 should be supplied below 忘其.
41. One Chinese foot is about the same as one English foot but is divided into ten instead of twelve inches.
42. 石. One shih consists of four chün (鈞) and one chün of thirty chin (斤) or catties, and one chin is roughly
equivalent to one pound and one-third.
43. With Wang Hsien-shên, Chang's edition has no 勝 between 不 and 如.
44. With Wang Hsien-shen 之奉 should be supplied below 三乘.
45. Emoluments were measured by chariots during the Chou Dynasty, one chariot being supported by a locality
of six square li.
46. With Wang Hsien-shen 言 above 王 should be 謂.
47. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 削 below 棘 should be 刺, and 毋猴何以 should be supplied below 為棘刺之.
48. With Ku 見 below 觀 is superfluous.
49. 兒說 in this case should read 倪悅.
50. 白馬非馬. As there is no article in Chinese, in English this can be rendered into several qualitatively and
quantitatively different propositions as follows:—
1. "The white horse is not the horse"—true.

2. "A white horse is not a horse"—false.
3. "The white horse is not a horse"—false.

4. "A white horse is not the horse"—true.
Of the above-stated propositions, the first and the last are true while the second and the third are false because it
is self-evident that the number of horses, taken as a whole, is far greater than the number of white horses only.
The subject-predicate relationships in these four propositions, therefore, is neither mutual identification nor
mutual exclusion, but subjective inclusion. Accordingly, the white horse is not the horse but is a horse, and a
white horse is not the horse but is a horse. Ni Yüeh was right if by 白馬非馬 he meant the first or the last
proposition; but his opponents could be equally right if by 白馬非馬 they meant the second or the third
proposition. He always won because he seemed able to distinguish between the subject-predicate relationship of
identification and that of inclusion while his opponents were apparently unable to do the same. Were there
Article and Number in Chinese Grammar, no dispute as such could take place.
51. 稷 refers to the Grain Gate (稷門) on the city-walls of the capital of Chì. Nearby the Gate there was built by
King Hsüan a club house for literary men and itinerant scholars from All-under-Heaven. Therefore, anybody
invited to lecture and debate in the place was called "A Grain Gate Scholar" (稷下之士) and enjoyed practically
the same prestige as the F. R. S. of the present age.
52. With Wang Hsien-shen 十步 should be 百步.
53. Work XLI has 中 in place of 全.
54. With Wang Hsien-chìen 也 below 畏失 should be below 妄言.
55. Ku Kuang-ts`ê proposed the supply of 之 below 度, and 而 above 譽.
56. I propose the replacement of 入 between 不 and 關 with 以儀的為.
57. 十版.
58. In Chinese to speak in the third person is regarded as polite.
59. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 剖 below 不可 is superfluous.
60. With Ku 任重 above 如堅石 is superfluous.
61. With Ku 以 above 斟 is superfluous.
62. With Ku Kuang tsè 范且 refers to Fan Chü (范睢) as 且 and 睢 are sometimes synonyms.
63. 三旬.
64. With Kao Hêng 為 above 虛辭 should be 因.
65. With Kao 其 above 無用 should be 之.
66. With Kao 其 above 無易 should be 之.
67. With Ku 工匠 should be supplied above 不得施.
68. With Kao Hêng 調 means 擇, and 錢 below 易 should be above 布.
69. With Ku 且 should be supplied above 熟, and 耘 below 熟 should be 云.
70. With Ku 者 below 耕耘 is superfluous.

71. 畦 is a piece of ground fifty mou in area.
72. With Ku 畦 above 畤 should be 疇.
73. Bodde's translation of this whole paragraph (Fung, op. cit., p. 327) like those of many other citations from
Han Fei Tzŭ involves inaccuracies on many points, and, what is worse, contains omissions.
74. 菁茅, namely, thorny reeds triangular in shape used for filtering wine on ceremonial occasions.
75. With Wang Hsien-shen 今 above 吾 is superfluous.
76. With Wang the Imperial Readings has no 矣 below 此.
77. 咎 reads 舅, and Fan was an epithet of Hu Yen.
78. With Wang Hsien-shen the Digests of Classics has 乎 below 君.
79. With Kao Hêng 何種 means 何物.
80. According to the Chinese etiquette a youngster is not supposed to drink at the same time at the same table
with elder people.
81. With Wang Hsien-shen 自喜 below 有 seems a mistake for 效善.
82. With Wang 書 should be 記 and so throughout this annotation.
83. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 曰 above 難之 should be 日.
84. With Wang Hsien-shen 錘 is a mistake for 垂, which with Kao Hêng means one-third.
85. With Wang 己 should be supplied above 因死.
86. With Wang the Imperial Readings has 下居士而朝之 in place of 下士居朝.
87. I remove 公曰諾 here from above 於是日郎中莫衣紫.
88. With Wang Hsien-shen — 一曰 should be supplied above 子產相鄭.
89. 俎豆. 俎 is for serving meat; 豆 for vegetables.
90. 竽 is a kind of musical instrument consisting of thirty-six reed pipes.
91. 瑟 is a kind of harp or lute.
92. With Wang Hsien-shen 任 should be supplied below 寡人之.
93. Hirazawa's edition has 政 above 事.
94. Old people having black and white hairs.
95. With Lu Wên-shao Duke Hsiang died in the year (637 b.c.) following the great humiliation.
96. With Wang Hsien-shen 自親 above 仁義 is superfluous.
97. With Wang 上 should be 食.

98. 進 and 盡 in antiquity had the same meaning. I regard one of the two characters in the text as superfluous.
99. Before the invention of paper bamboo slips were used as pages of books.
100. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê there are histuses below this.
101. With Yüeh Yüeh 信事信義 should be supplied below 信名.
102. With Wang Hsien-shén 日上矣 below 左右和 is superfluous.
103. With Wang 到 should be 倒, and 至 below it is superfluous.
104. With Wang 惠 should be 衛.
105. With Wang 偽 should be 過.
106. The last two annotations, not mentioned in the canon, are practically the same as the last two in Work XXX.
Book Twelve
33 外儲說左下第三十三
經一：以罪受誅，人不怨上，跀危坐子皋。以功受賞，臣不德君，翟璜操右契而乘軒。襄王不知，故
昭卯五乘而履屩。上不過任，臣不誣能，即臣將為（失）〔夫〕少室周。
經二：恃勢而不恃信，故東郭牙議管仲。恃術而不恃信，故渾軒非文公。故有術之主，信賞以盡能，
必罰以禁邪。雖有駮行，必得所利。簡主之相陽虎，哀公問「一足」。
經三：失臣主之理，則文王自履而矜。不易朝燕之處，則季孫終身莊而遇賊。
經四：利所禁，禁所利，雖神不行。譽所罪，毀所賞，雖堯不治。夫為門而不使入，委利而不使進，
亂之所以產也。
齊侯不聽左右，魏主不聽譽者，而明察照群臣，則鉅不費金錢，孱不用璧。西門豹請復治鄴，足以知
之。猶盜嬰兒之矜裘，與跀危子榮衣。子綽左右畫，去蟻驅蠅。安得無桓公之憂索官，與宣（王）
〔主〕之患臞馬也？
經五：臣以卑儉為行，則爵不足以觀賞；寵光無節，則臣下侵偪。說在苗賁皇非獻伯，孔子議晏嬰。
故仲尼論管仲與（叔孫）〔孫叔〕敖。而出入之容（孌）〔變〕，陽虎之言見其臣也。而簡主之應人臣
也失主術。朋黨相和，臣下得欲，則人主孤；群臣公舉，下不相和，則人主明。陽虎將為趙武之賢、解
狐之公，而簡〔主〕以為枳棘，非所以教國]。
經六：公室卑則忌直言，私行勝則少公功。說在文子之直言，武子之用杖；〔子產忠諫〕，〔子國譙

怒〕；梁車用法，而成侯收璽；管仲以公，而國人謗怨。
說一：
孔子相衛，弟子子皋為獄吏，刖人足，所跀者守門。人有惡孔子於衛君者，曰：「尼欲作亂。」衛君欲
執孔子。孔子走，弟子皆逃，子皋從出門，跀危引之而逃之門下室中，吏追不得。夜半，子皋問跀危
曰：「吾不能虧主之法令而親跀子之足，是子報仇之時也，而子何故乃肯逃我？我何以得此於子？」跀
危曰：「吾斷足也，固吾罪當之，不可柰何。然方公之獄治臣也，公傾側法令，先後臣以言，欲臣之免
也甚，而臣知之。及獄決罪定，公憱然不悅，形於顏色，臣見又知之。非私臣而然也，夫天性仁心固然
也。此臣之所以悅而德公也。」
田子方從齊之魏，望翟黃乘軒騎駕出。方以為文侯也，移車異路而避之，則〔徒〕翟黃也。方問曰：
「子奚乘是車也？」曰：「君謀欲伐中山，臣薦翟角而謀得果；〔且〕伐之，臣薦樂羊而中山拔；得中
山，憂欲治之，臣薦李克而中山治：是以君賜此車。」方曰：「寵之稱功尚薄。」
秦、韓攻魏，昭卯西說而秦、韓罷；齊、荊攻魏，卯東說而齊、荊罷。魏襄王養之以五乘（將軍）。卯
曰：「伯夷以將軍葬於首陽山之下，而天下曰：『夫以伯夷之賢與其稱仁，而以將軍葬，是手足不掩
也。』今臣罷四國之兵，而王乃與臣五乘，此其稱功，猶嬴勝而履蹻。」
（孔子曰）：「（善為利者樹德），（不能為利者樹怨）。（概者平量者也），（吏者平法者也），
（治國者不可失平也）。」
少室周者，古之貞廉潔愨者也，為趙襄主力士。與中牟徐子角力，不若也，入言之襄主以自代也。襄主
曰：「子之處，人之所欲也，何為言徐子以自代？」曰：「臣以力事君者也。今徐子力多臣，臣不以自
代，恐他人言之而為罪也。」
一曰：少室周為襄主驂乘，至晉陽，有力士牛子耕，與角力而不勝。周言於主曰：「主之所以使臣
（騎）〔驂〕乘者，以臣多力也。今有多力於臣者，願進之。」
說二：
齊桓公將立管仲，令群臣曰：「寡人將立管仲為仲父。善者入門而左，不善者入門而右。」東郭牙中門
而立。公曰：「寡人立管仲為仲父，令曰：『善者左，不善者右。』今子何為中門而立？」牙曰：「以
管仲之智，為能謀天下乎？」公曰：「能。」「以斷，為敢行大事乎？」公曰：「敢。」牙曰：
「（君）〔若〕知能謀天下，斷敢行大事，君因專屬之國柄焉。以管仲〔之〕能，乘公之勢以治齊國，
得無危乎？」公曰：「善。」乃令隰朋治內，管仲治外以相參。
晉文公出亡，箕鄭挈壺餐而從，迷而失道，與公相失，飢而道泣，寢餓而不敢食。及文公反國，舉兵攻
（用）〔原〕，（兌）〔克〕而拔之。文公曰：「夫輕忍飢餒之患而必全壺餐，是將不以原叛。」乃舉
以為原令。大夫渾軒聞而非之，曰：「以不動壺餐之故，怙其不以原叛也，不亦無術乎？」故明主者，
不恃其不我叛也，〔恃〕吾不可叛也；不恃其不我欺也，恃吾不可欺也。
陽虎議曰：「主賢明則悉心以事之，不肖則飾姦而試之。」逐於魯，疑於齊，走而之趙，趙簡主迎而相
之。左右曰：「虎善竊人國政，何故相也？」簡主曰：「陽虎務取之，我務守之。」遂執術而御之。陽
虎不敢為非，以善事簡主，興主之強，幾至於霸也。
魯哀公問於孔子曰：「吾聞古者有夔一足，其果信有一足乎？」孔子對曰：「不也，夔非一足也。夔者
忿戾惡心，人多不說喜也。雖然，其所以得免於人害者，以其信也。人皆曰：『獨此一，足矣。』夔非
一足也，一而足也。」哀公曰：「審而是，固足矣。」
一曰：哀公問於孔子曰：「吾聞夔一足，信乎？」曰：「夔，人也，何故一足？彼其無他異，而獨通於
聲。堯曰：『夔一而足矣。』使為樂正。故君子曰：夔有一（之）〔足〕，非一足也。」
說三：
文王伐崇，至鳳黃虛，韤係解，因自結。太公望曰：「何為也？」王曰：「〔上〕君與處皆其師；中皆
其友；下盡其使也。今（王）〔皆〕先君之臣，故無可使也。」
〔一曰〕：〔晉文公與楚戰〕，〔至黃鳳之陵〕，〔履係解〕，〔因自結之〕。〔左右曰〕：「〔不可
以使人乎〕？」〔公曰〕：「〔吾聞〕：〔上君所與居〕，〔皆其所畏也〕；〔中君之所與居〕，〔皆
其所愛也〕；〔下君之所與居〕，〔皆其所侮也〕。〔寡人雖不肖〕，〔先君之人皆在〕，〔是以難之
也〕。」
季孫好士，終身莊，居處衣服常如朝廷。而季孫適懈，有過失，而不能長為也。故客以為厭易己，相與
怨之，遂殺季孫。故君子去泰去甚。
〔一曰〕：南宮敬子問顏涿聚曰：「季孫養孔子之徒，所朝服與坐者以十數而遇賊，何也？」曰：「昔
周成王近優侏儒以逞其意，而與君子斷事，是能成其欲於天下。今季孫養孔子之徒，所朝服而與坐者以
十數，而與優侏儒斷事，是以遇賊。故曰：不在所與居，在所與謀也。」
孔子御坐於魯哀公，哀公賜之桃與黍。哀公〔曰〕：「請用。」仲尼先飯黍而後啗桃，左右皆揜口而
笑。哀公曰：「黍者，非飯之也，以雪桃也。」仲尼對曰：「丘知之矣。夫黍者，五穀之長也，祭先王
為上盛。果蓏有六，而桃為下，祭先王不得入廟。丘之聞也，君子以賤雪貴，不聞以貴雪賤。今以五穀
之長雪果蓏之下，是（從）〔以〕上雪下也。丘以為妨義，故不敢以先於宗廟之盛也。」
簡主謂左右：「車席泰美。夫冠雖賤，頭必戴之；屨雖貴，足必履之。今車席如此，太美，吾將何屩以
履之？夫美下而耗上，妨義之本也。」
費仲說紂曰：「西伯昌賢，百姓悅之，諸侯附焉，不可不誅；不誅，必為殷〔禍〕。」紂曰：「子言，
義主，何可誅？」費仲曰：「冠雖穿弊，必戴於頭；履雖五采，必踐之於地。今西（戎）〔伯〕昌，人
臣也，修義而人向之，卒為天下患，其必昌乎？人（人）〔臣〕不以其賢為其主，非可不誅也。且主而
誅臣，焉有過？」紂曰：「夫仁義者，上所以勸下也。今昌好仁義，誅之不可。」三說不用，故亡。
齊宣王問匡倩曰：「儒者博乎？」曰：「不也。」王曰：「何也？」匡倩對曰：「博貴梟，勝者必殺
梟。殺梟者，是殺所貴也。儒者以為害義，故不博也。」又問曰：「儒者弋乎？」曰：「不也。弋者，
從下害於上者也，是從下傷君也。儒者以為害〔義〕，故不弋。」又問：「儒者鼓瑟乎？」曰：「不
也。夫瑟以小絃為大聲，以大絃為小聲，是大小易序，貴賤易位。儒者以為害義，故不鼓也。」宣王
曰：「善。」
仲尼曰：「與其使民（謟）〔諂〕下也，寧使民（謟）〔諂〕上。」
說四：
（詎）〔鉅〕者，齊之居士；孱者，魏之居士。齊、魏之君不明，不能親照境內，而聽左右之言，故二
子費金璧而求入仕也。
西門豹為鄴令，清剋潔愨，秋毫之端無私利也。而甚簡左右。左右因相與比周而惡之。居期年，上計，
君收其璽。豹自〔請〕曰：「臣昔者不知所以治鄴，今臣得矣，願請璽復以治鄴。不當，請伏斧鑕之
罪。」文侯不忍而復與之。豹因重斂百姓，急事左右。期年，上計，文侯迎而拜之。豹對曰：「往年臣
為君治鄴，而君奪臣璽；今臣為左右治鄴，而君拜臣。臣不能治矣。」遂納璽而去。文侯不受，曰：
「寡人曩不知子，今知矣。願子勉為寡人治之。」遂不受。
齊有狗盜之子與刖危子戲而相誇。盜子曰：「吾父之裘獨有尾。」〔刖〕危子曰：「吾父獨冬不失
袴。」
子綽曰：「人莫能左畫方而右畫圓也。
以肉去蟻，蟻愈多；以魚驅蠅，蠅愈至。」
桓公謂管仲曰：「官少而索者眾，寡人憂之。」管仲曰：「君無聽左右之（謂）請，因能而受祿，錄功
而與官，則莫敢索官，君何患焉？」
韓宣子曰：「吾馬菽粟多矣，甚臞，何也？寡人患之。」周市對曰：「使騶盡粟以食，雖無肥，不可得
也。名為多與之，其實少；雖無臞，亦不可得也。主不審其情實，坐而患之，馬猶不肥也。」
桓公問置吏於管仲，〔管仲〕曰：「辯察於辭，清潔於貨，習人情，夷吾不如絃商，請立以為大理。登
降肅讓，以明禮待賓，臣不如隰朋，請立以為大行。墾草仞邑，辟地生粟，臣不如甯（武）〔戚〕，請
以為大田。三軍既成陣，使士視死如歸，臣不如公子成父，請以為大司馬。犯顏極諫，臣不如東郭牙，
請立以為諫臣。治齊，此五子足矣；將欲霸王，夷吾在此。」
說〔五〕：
（孟）〔盂〕獻伯相（魯）〔晉〕，堂下生藿藜，門外長荊棘，食不二味，坐不重席，晉無衣帛之妾，
居不粟馬，出不從車。叔向聞之，以告苗賁皇。賁皇非之曰：「是出主之爵祿以附下也。」
一曰：（孟）〔盂〕獻伯拜上卿，叔向往賀，門有御，馬不食禾。向曰：「子無二馬二輿，何也？」獻
伯曰：「吾觀國人尚有飢色，是以不秣馬；班白者（不）〔多以〕徒行，故不二輿。」向曰：「吾始賀
子之拜卿，今賀子之儉也。」向出，語苗賁皇曰：「助吾賀獻伯之儉也。」苗子曰：「何賀焉？夫爵祿
旂章，所以異功伐，別賢不肖也。故晉國之法，上大夫二輿二乘，中大夫二輿一乘，下大夫專乘，此明
等級也。且夫卿必有軍事，是故（循）〔脩〕車馬，比卒乘，以備戎事。有難，則以備不虞；平夷，則
以給朝事。今亂晉國之政，乏不虞之備，以成節，以絜私名，獻伯之儉也可與？又何賀？」
管仲相齊，曰：「臣貴矣，然而臣貧。」桓公曰：「使子有三歸之家。」曰：「臣富矣，然而臣卑。」
桓公使立於高、國之上。曰：「臣尊矣，然而臣踈。」乃立為仲父。孔子聞而非之曰：「泰侈偪上。」
一曰：管仲父出，朱蓋青衣，置鼓而歸，庭有陳鼎，家有三歸。孔子曰：「良大夫也，其侈偪上。」孫
叔敖相楚，棧車牝馬，糲（餅）〔〕菜羹，枯魚之膳，冬羔裘，夏葛衣，面有飢色，則良大夫也，其
儉偪下。
陽虎去齊走趙，簡主問曰：「吾聞子善樹人。」虎曰：「臣居魯，樹三人，皆為令尹；及虎扺罪於魯，
皆搜索於虎也。臣居齊，薦三人，一人得近王，一人為縣令，一人為候吏；及臣得罪，近王者不見臣，
縣令者迎臣執縛，候吏者追臣至境上，不及而止。虎不善樹人。」主俛而笑曰：「樹橘柚者，食之則
甘，嗅之則香；樹枳棘者，成而刺人。故君子慎所樹。」
中牟無令，晉平公問趙武曰：「中牟，（三）〔吾〕國之股肱，邯鄲之肩髀，寡人欲得其良令也，誰使
而可？」武曰：「（刑）〔邢〕伯子可。」公曰：「非子之讎也？」曰：「私讎不入公門。」公又問
曰：「中府之令，誰使而可？」曰：「臣子可。」故曰：「外舉不避讎，內舉不避子。」趙武所薦四十
六人，及武死，各就賓位，其無私德若此也。
平公問叔向曰：「群臣孰賢？」曰：「趙武。」公曰：「子黨於師人。」〔向曰〕：「武立如不勝衣，
言如不出口，然所舉士也數十人，皆得其意，而公家甚賴之。及武子之生也不利於家，死不託於孤，臣
敢以為賢也。」
解狐薦其讎於簡主以為相。其讎以為且幸釋己也，乃因往拜謝。狐乃引弓（送）〔迎〕而射之，曰：
「夫薦汝，公也，以汝能當之也。夫讎汝，吾私怨也，不以私怨汝之故擁汝於吾君。」故私怨不入公
門。
〔一曰〕：解狐舉邢伯柳為上黨守，柳往謝之，曰：「子釋罪，敢不再拜？」曰：「舉子，公也；怨
子，私也。子往矣，怨子如初也。」
鄭縣人賣豚，人問其價。曰：「道〔遠〕日暮，安暇語汝。」
說六：
范文子喜直言，武子擊之以杖：「夫直議者，不為人所容，無所容，則危身。非徒危身，又將危父。」
子產者，子國之子也。子產忠於鄭君，子國譙怒之曰：「夫介異於人臣，而獨〔忠〕於主。主賢明，能
聽汝；不明，將不汝聽。聽與不聽未可必知，而汝已離於群臣。離於群臣，則必危汝身矣。非徒危己
也，又且危父矣。」
梁車新為鄴令，其姊往看之，暮而後，門閉，因踰郭而入。車遂刖其足。趙成侯以為不慈，奪之璽而免
之令。
管仲束縛，自魯之齊，道而飢渴，過綺烏封人而乞食。烏封人跪而食之，甚敬。封人因竊謂仲曰：「適
幸，及齊不死而用齊，將何報我？」曰：「如子之言，我且賢之用，能〔之〕使，勞之論。我何以報
子？」封人怨之。
Chapter XXXIII. Outer Congeries of Sayings, The Lower Left Series

1
I. Censured for a crime, nobody feels bitter against the superior. For this reason, the footless 2 gate-keeper saved
the life 3 of Tzŭ-kao. Rewarded for merit, no subject feels grateful to the sovereign. For this reason Chieh Huang
held the right half of a tally in hand and rode in the coach of a feudal lord. King Hsiang did not know this
principle, wherefore Chao Mao compared the reward of five chariots for his meritorious services to the upstart's
wearing hemp sandals. If the principal makes no mistake in appointing subordinates to office and the
subordinates do not feign ability, then every subordinate will be as good as Shao Shih-chou.
II. The sovereign should depend upon his own position and not upon the faithfulness of the ministers. For this
reason, Tung-kuo Ya lodged a protest against the appointment of Kuan Chung to premiership. The sovereign
should count on his tact and not on the faithfulness of the ministers. For this reason, Hun Hsien disapproved
Duke Wên's policy. Therefore the tactful sovereign would make reward of faith so as to exert the abilities of the
subjects and make punishment definite so as to forbid wickedness. Though the ministers have mixed deeds, he
would always get the benefit out of them. For instance, Lord Chien appointed Yang Hu to premiership; and Duke
Ai asked about the one-legged creature.
III. If the distinction between ruler and minister is lost sight of, the ruler will have to do the same as King Wên,
who tied 4 his own sock strings and boasted of his virtue. If no difference between court ceremonies and private
etiquette is made, one will have to live in the same way as Chi-sun who maintained his dignity all his life but met
assassins in the end.
IV. If the sovereign expects profit from what ought to be prohibited and prohibits what is profitable, be he
superhuman, he cannot enforce his policy. If he honours men held guilty and disgraces the rewarded, be he as
great as Yao, he cannot attain any political order. Indeed, to open a gate but not to make people go through it, or
to promise profit but not to make the people strive for it, is the cause of disorder.
If the Ruler of Chì granted his attendants no request and the Sovereign of Wey listened to no honourable
recommendation but observed clearly and carefully the body of officials, then Chü could not spend money and
Chùan could not use jade as a bribe. Hsi-mên Pao petitioned for reappointment to the Magistracy of Yeh.
Thereby he knew the harm caused by the courtiers of the country. The courtiers would honour or disgrace the
people as improperly as the son of the petty thief boasted of his father's fur coat and the son of the legless man
prided himself upon his father's specially made clothes. If the ruler listens to the courtiers, he is doing what Tzŭ-
chò called "drawing a circle with the left hand and a square with the right hand simultaneously" and the same as
a stupid man who tried to get rid of ants with meat and drive flies away with fish. If so, how can he avoid the
same worry as Duke Huan had over the number of office-hunters and Viscount 5 Hsüan had over the skinniness
of the horses?
V. If ministers regard humility and frugality as virtues, then ranks are not sufficient to encourage and reward
them. If favour and glory are not regulated, ministers will violate and intimidate the ruler. The saying is based on
Miao Pên-huang's criticism of Hsien-pai and on Confucius's estimate of Yen Ying. For further illustration,
Chung-ni spoke of Kuan Chung and Sun-shu 6 Ao about the former's extreme extravagance and the latter's
extreme frugality; Yang Hu said his subordinates' attitude to him at his departure had become different from their
attitude to him when he entered Chì and recommended them to the Ruler 7 ; and Lord Chien's remark on the
way of recommending officials missed the right tact of a sovereign. If friends and partisans play into each other's
hands and ministers give rein to their ambitions, the lord of men will be left in isolation. If all the officials make
upright recommendations and do not play into each other's hands then the lord of men will be clear-sighted and
even Yang Hu will become as worthy as Chao Wu and as just as Chieh Hu. However, Lord Chien condemned
those officials who were first recommended by their friends and later acted against them as hedge and bramble
thorns, which is not the right way to teach the people in the country to become public-spirited.
VI. If the prestige of the royal house is low, then ministers will refrain from uttering upright words. If self-
seeking deeds triumph, then meritorious services for the public will become few. The saying is based on Wên-
tzŭ's speaking without reserve, for which his father, Wu-tzŭ, used a stick to whip him, and on Tzŭ-chàn's loyal
remonstrations, for which his father, Tzŭ-kuo, blamed him and was angry at him. Furthermore, Liang Ch`ê
enforced the law but Marquis Ch`êng recalled the official seal from him. Kuan Chung acted according to public
justice, but his countrymen spoke ill of him and resented his action.
So much for the Canons.
Confucius was Premier of Wei. His disciple, Tzŭ-kao, was the judge of a criminal court and once cut off the feet
of a criminal. The footless man became their gate-keeper. Some people slandered Confucius before the Ruler of
Wei, saying that Chung-ni was plotting a disturbance. Therefore, the Ruler of Wei wanted to arrest Confucius.
Confucius ran away. All his disciples escaped. Tzŭ-kao went to the back 8 gate. The footless gate-keeper led the
way and sheltered him in the basement beneath the gate. The officials sought for him but could not find him. At
midnight, Tzŭ-kao asked the footless gate-keeper, "I could not bend the legal decree of the sovereign and cut off
your feet with my own hands. This is the time for you to take revenge. Why are you willing to shelter me? How
can I receive such a kindness from you?" In reply the footless man said: "I had my feet cut off as my crime
deserved such punishment. Nothing could be done about it. Nevertheless, when Your Excellency was about to
decide on the case against thy servant, Your Excellency interpreted the ordinance in all possible ways and
supplied words either before or after thy servant's pleas, being so anxious to hold thy servant innocent, which thy
servant understood very well. When the case was settled and the sentence was passed, Your Excellency in excess
of pity felt unpleasant as expressed in the facial colour, which thy servant saw and also understood. That was not
because of Your Excellency's private favour to thy servant but because of his inborn nature and benevolent heart.
This is the reason why I have felt pleased and grateful to Your Excellency."
Tìen Tzŭ-fang went to Wey from Chì. He saw from a distance Chieh Huang riding in the coach of a feudal lord
with cavaliers around and marching out in full dignity. Fang at first thought Marquis Wên was going out, and
therefore moved his carriage to a side-track in order to avoid the procession. Later, he found Chieh Huang alone
9
in the coach. "Why are you riding in this coach?" asked Fang. In reply Huang said: "When His Highness was
scheming to attack Central Hills, thy servant recommended Chieh Chioh to him and a proper scheme was
devised. When His Highness was actually going to attack Central Hills, thy servant recommended Yo Yang to
him and Central Hills was taken. After the conquest of Central Hills, His Highness worried over the
governorship of the country, when thy servant recommended Li Kò to him, and as a result Central Hills became
orderly. For this reason, His Highness awarded thy servant this coach." Thereupon Fang said: "To such a merit
the reward is still too small to be equivalent."
When Chìn and Han were attacking Wey, Chao Mao went westward on an itinerant tour and Chìn and Han
stopped the campaign. When Chì and Ching were attacking Wey, Mao went eastward on an itinerant tour and
Chì and Ching stopped the campaign. Accordingly, King Hsiang of Wey supported him with the emolument 10
of five chariots. Complaining of the meagreness of the emolument, Mao said: "Formerly, when Po-i was buried
with the dignity of a general at the foot of the Shou-yang Mountain, All-under-Heaven said, Ìndeed, in view of
the worthiness of Po-i and his reputation for benevolence, to bury him with the dignity of a general is hardly
sufficient—not even enough to cover his hands and feet underground.' Now thy servant stopped the invading
forces of four states. And for meritorious services Your Majesty granted thy servant five chariots. To reward for
such meritorious services in this way is to do the same as an upstart in spite of his wealth wearing hemp sandals.
Confucius said: "Who knows how to be an official, plants gratitude in the mind of the people; who does not
know how to be an official plants resentment in the mind of the people. The strickle is for adjusting the measure.
The official is for adjusting the law. Who governs a state should not lose sight of the means of adjustment."
Shao Shih-chou was a faithful, honest, clean, and earnest man of antiquity. He served Lord Hsiang of Chao as
bodyguard. Once he contested in strength with Hsü Tzŭ from Chung-mou and found himself not as strong as Hsü
Tzŭ. He then went into the court and told Lord Hsiang to replace himself with Hsü Tzŭ. "Your post," said Lord
Hsiang, "is coveted by everybody else. Why do you want Hsü Tzŭ to replace you?" "Thy servant serves Your
Highness," replied Shao Shih-chou, "with his physical strength. Now, Hsü Tzŭ's strength is greater than mine.
Unless thy servant offers to be replaced by him, thy servant is afraid others might recommend him to Your
Highness and thy servant might be guilty of suppressing an able man."
According to a different source: Shao Shih-chou served as aide-de-camp to Lord Hsiang. Upon their arrival at
Chin-yang, a wrestler named Niu Tzŭ contested with him in strength, but he could not win. Thereupon Chou
spoke to the Lord: "Your Highness made thy servant an aide-decamp11 because Your Highness thought thy
servant had great strength. Now that there is somebody having greater strength than thy servant may thy servant
beg to present him to Your Highness?"
When Duke Huan of Chì was going to make Kuan Chung Uncle Chung, he ordered the officials to the effect
that as His Highness was going to make Chung Kuan Uncle Chung, those in favour of the measure, after entering
the gate, keep to the left, and those against it, after entering the gate, keep to the right. Tung-kou Ya kept standing
in the centre of the gate. Thereupon Duke Huan asked: "I am making Kuan Chung Uncle Chung and have
ordered those in favour of the measure to keep to the left and those against it to keep to the right. Now why do
you keep standing in the centre of the gate?" "Does Your Highness regard the wisdom of Kuan Chung as able 12
to devise schemes for coping with Allunder-Heaven?" asked Ya in return. "Certainly able," replied the Duke.
"Does Your Highness think his decisions daring to carry out great plans?" "Certainly daring." "If his wisdom 13 is
able to scheme for All-under-Heaven and his decisions dare to carry out any great plan wherefore Your Highness
trusts him with the grips of the state, then how can the Chì State, as governed by Kuan Chung with his own
wisdom and the advantage of Your Highness's position, be without danger?" "Right," said the Duke, and,
accordingly, ordered Hsi P`êng to administer home affairs and Kuan Chung to administer foreign affairs so as to
make them watch each other.
When Duke Wên went out into exile, Chì Chêng carried bowls of food along and followed him. One day he lost
his way and went astray from the Duke. Hungry, he wept by the road. Sleeping off his starvation, he dared not
eat the food. After Duke Wên returned to his country, raised an army to attack Yüan, vanquished it, and took it,
Duke Wên said: "Who could easily endure the hardship of hunger and would by all means keep the bowls of
food perfect, is certainly not going to rebel in Yüan." So saying he raised Chêng and appointed him Governor of
Yüan. Hearing about this, High Officer Hun Hsien disapproved the policy and said: "Is it not tactless to expect
Chêng not to rebel in Yüan because he did not touch the bowls of food? Thus the enlightened sovereign would
not count on people's non-violation of him, but on his own inviolability by them; not on people's nondeception of
him, but on his own undeceivability by them."
Yang Hu, in discussing the attitude of minister towards ruler said: "If the sovereign is worthy and enlightened,
then exert all your mental energy to serve him; if he is unworthy, then devise crooked artifices to test him."
Banished by Lu and suspected by Chì, he came to Chao, where Lord Chien of Chao welcomed him and
appointed him premier. With wonder the attendants asked: "Hu is skilful in usurping the reins of government
from the ruler. Why did Your Highness make him premier?" In reply Lord Chien said: "Yang Hu strives to usurp
the power. I strive to maintain the power." So saying, he held right tact in hand and thereby controlled him. As a
result, Yang Hu dared not do any wrong, but served Lord Chien well and promoted the strength of the Lord till
he nearly became Hegemonic Ruler.
Duke Ai of Lu once asked Confucius: "I have heard that there was a one-legged 14 creature called Kuei. Was it
really one-legged?" "No," replied Confucius, "Kuei was not one-legged. Kuei was irritable and ill-tempered.
Most people did not like him. However, he was not hurt by anybody because of his faithfulness. Therefore,
people used to say, Ònly one good quality like this is sufficient'. Thus, Kuei was not a one-legged creature, but
his only one good point was sufficient." "Certainly, if he possessed such a good quality, that was sufficient," said
Duke Ai.
According to a different source: Duke Ai asked Confucius, "I have heard that Kuei was one-legged. Was it true?"
In reply Confucius said: "Kuei was a man. Why was he one-legged? He was not different from anybody else
except in his proficiency in music. Therefore, Yao said, `Kuei has one talent and that is sufficient,' and made him
Master of Music. Thenceforth, gentlemen would say, `Kuei has one sufficiency.' He was not one-legged."
Annotations of Canon III:—
King Wên was attacking Chùng. When he arrived at the Yellow Phoenix Mound, 15 the strings of his socks
became loosened. Accordingly, he tied them up himself. "Why did you do that?" asked Tài-kung Wang. "Of the
people whom the ruler deals with," replied the King, "on the top 16 all are the ruler's teachers, in the middle all
are his friends, and on the bottom all are his employees. Now, everybody here was a minister to the late King.
Therefore, I found nobody to tie my strings."
According to a different source: Duke Wên was at war with the Chiu men. When he arrived at the Yellow
Phoenix Hill, his shoe strings became loosened. Accordingly, he tied them up himself. "Could you not find
anybody to do it for you?" asked the attendants. In reply the Duke said: "I have heard, Èverybody around the
superior is respected by him; everybody around the ordinary ruler is loved by him; and everybody around the
inferior ruler is despised by him.' Although Your Highness is unworthy, the late ruler's men are all here. So it is
hard to have anybody tie my shoe strings."
Chi-sun was fond of entertaining scholars. All his life he lived in a dignified manner. In his private dwelling and
clothing he always kept the same formality as in the court. Once he happened to neglect the formality and
commit some faults, and could not keep up the same dignity. In consequence his guests thought he disliked and
despised them, and altogether developed resentment at him, till they killed him. Hence the saying: "The
gentleman shuns excess and shuns deficit."
According to a different source 17 : Nan-kung Ching-tzŭ asked Yen Cho-chü: "Chi-sun supported Confucius's
disciples. Those who wore court costumes and sat with him in the court, numbered tens. But he met assassins.
Why?" In reply Yen said: "Formerly King Ch`êng of Chou kept actors and clowns around in order to amuse
himself as he wanted, but consulted with gentlemen when he decided on state affairs. That was the reason why
he could realize his ambition in All-under-Heaven. On the contrary, Chi-sun supported Confucius's disciples, and
those who wore court costumes and sat with him in the court, numbered tens, but when deciding on state affairs,
he consulted with actors and clowns. That was the reason why he met assassins. Hence the saying: `Success or
failure rests not with room-mates but with councillors.' "
Confucius was attending on Duke Ai of Lu, when Duke Ai gave him peaches and grains of glutinous millet.
"Please help yourself," said Duke Ai. Confucius ate the millet first and then the peaches. Thereat the attendants
all, covered their mouths with their hands, and laughed. "The grains are not for eating," remarked Duke Ai, "but
for wiping off the skin of the peaches." In reply Chung-ni said: "Chìu knew it from the beginning. Indeed,
glutinous millet is the head of the five 18 cereals. On commemorating the early kings it is used as the best
offering. There are six 19 kinds of tree and grass fruits, 20 among which the peach is the lowest in rank and cannot
enter the shrine on commemorating the early kings. Chìu has heard, `The gentlemen cleans the noble with the
humble,' but never heard that he cleans the humble with the noble. Now, to clean the lowest among fruits with
the highest among the cereals is to clean the worst with the best. Chìu regards such an act as contrary to
righteousness and therefore dare not eat the peaches 21 before eating the best offering in the shrine of the royal
ancestors."
Viscount Chien of Chao once said to the Chamberlains: "The sheet inside the carriage is too beautiful. Indeed,
the crown, however simple, is always put on the head; the shoes, however good, are always put on the feet. Now,
the sheet inside the carriage is very beautiful. What shoes shall I wear? Indeed, to wear beautiful things below
and simple things above is the origin of the violation of righteousness."
Fei Chung spoke to Chow: "The Earl of the West, Chàng, is worthy. The hundred surnames like him. The feudal
lords turn to him. He must be censured. If not ousted, he will be a menace to the Yin Dynasty." "You are
speaking," said Chow, "of a righteous lord. Why should he be censured?" In reply Fei Chung said: "The crown,
however worn-out, is always put on the head; the shoes, though decorated with five colours, are trodden upon the
ground. Now the Earl of the West, Chàng, is subordinate to Your Majesty. He has practised righteousness,
wherefore people turn to him. Surely, it must be Chàng who will eventually become a trouble to All-under-
Heaven. Any minister 22 who does not serve his master with his worthiness must be censured. Moreover, being
the ruler, Your Majesty censures a guilty minister. How can there be any fault in so doing?" "Indeed, with
benevolence and righteousness the ruler encourages the subjects. Now that Chàng is fond of benevolence and
righteousness, it is impracticable to censure him." Though persuaded for three times, he never listened. Hence
followed the fall of Yin.
King Hsüan of Chì asked Kùang Ching: "Do the literati gamble?" "No, they don't." "Why?" asked the King. In
reply Kùang Ching said: "The gamblers make much of the owl dice. 23 The winner of the owl dice, however, has
to kill 24 it. Thus, to kill the owl dice is to kill the object of esteem. The literati, regarding this as harmful to
righteousness, refrain from gambling." "Do the literati shoot birds with stringed arrows?" asked the King further.
"No, they don't. To shoot birds with stringed arrows is to shoot above from below. This is the same as the
subjects who injure the ruler. The literati, regarding this as harmful to righteousness, refrain from shooting with
stringed arrows." "Do the literati play the instrument Sê?" asked the King furthermore. "No, they don't. Indeed,
that kind of harp gets large sounds from small strings and small sounds from large strings. This is the same as the
large and the small reversing their order and high and low exchanging status. The literati, regarding this as
harmful to righteousness, refrain from playing the Sê instrument." "Good," said King Hsüan.
Chung-ni said, "Better let the people flatter the superior than let them flatter the inferior". 25
Chü was a retired scholar in Chì; Chùan in Wey. The Rulers of Chì and Wey were not enlightened and not able
to penetrate into the actual conditions within the boundaries, and both followed the words of the attendants.
Therefore, the two men used gold and jade and sought to join governmental service.
Hsi-mên, while Magistrate of Yeh, was clean and honest and had no self-interest even as small as the tip of an
autumn spikelet. He was, however, very indifferent towards the courtiers. Therefore the courtiers joined one
another and together did him an ill turn. After one yeat of his term, he handed in his report on local finance; then
the Ruler took back his official seal. Thereupon he presented to the Ruler his own petition saying: "Formerly thy
servant did not know how to be Magistrate of Yeh. Now that thy servant has the right way, may he petition for
the seal in order to govern Yeh again? If his work is again not equal to the official duty, may Your Highness
sentence him to capital punishment with axe and anvil." Marquis Wên, unable to bear dismissing him, gave him
the post again. Pao, accordingly, imposed heavy taxes upon the hundred surnames and began to bribe the
courtiers as promptly as possible. After one year he handed in his report. This time Marquis Wên went out to
welcome him and even made bows to him. In response Pao said: "During the preceding year thy servant
governed Yeh for Your Highness's sake, but Your Highness took away the official seal of thy servant. This year
thy servant governed Yeh for the courtiers' sake, but Your Highness makes bows to thy servant. Thy servant is no
longer able to govern the place." So saying he returned the seal and took his leave. Marquis Wên, refusing to
accept the seal, said: "Formerly I did not know you but now know you well. Please do now well govern the place
for my sake." So saying he did not accept the resignation.
In Chì once the son of a dog-like thief 26 and the son of a legless man played together and boasted before each
other. The thief's son said: "My father's fur-coat alone has a tail." "My father alone never falls short of trousers 27
even in cold winter," said the other boy.
Tzŭ-chò said: "Nobody is able to draw a square with the left hand and a circle with the right hand at the same
time."
Expel ants with meat! Then ants will multiply. Drive flies away with fish! Then flies will come nearer and nearer.
Once Duke Huan said to Kuan Chung: "Official posts are few, but office-hunters are many. Over this I am
worried." "If Your Highness grants the attendants no request but awards men with emoluments only in
accordance with their abilities and gives men official posts only in correspondence to their merits, then nobody
dare hunt any office. What will Your Highness be worried about then?"
Viscount Hsüan of Han said: "My horses have had an abundance of madder 28 and grain. But why are they so
skinny? I am worried over it." In reply Chou Shih said: "If the stableman feeds them with all the beans and grain,
then they are bound to become fat. But suppose he give them much in the name but little in fact. Then they are
bound to become skinny. If Your Highness does not investigate the causes of the fact but remains seated and
worried over it, the horses never will become fat."
Duke Huan asked Kuan Chung about the appointment of officials to different posts. Kuan Chung said: "With
reference to eloquence and penetration in wording, honesty and integrity in money, and knowledge of human
affairs, thy servant is not as good as Hsien Shang. May Your Highness appoint him Supreme Judge! With
reference to the manners in ascending and descending steps and courtesies shown to guests, thy servant is not as
good as Hsi P`êng. May Your Highness appoint him Supreme Usher. In matters of cultivating grass lands,
collecting taxes from towns, opening up wildernesses, and growing grain, thy servant is not as good as Ning Wu.
May Your Highness appoint him Minister of Agriculture. Regarding the ability to make the warriors look upon
death as going home when the three armies 29 have already formed in line, thy servant is not as good as Prince
Ch`êng-fu. May Your Highness appoint him Minister of War. In moving against the facial expression of the ruler
and making utmost remonstrations, I am not as good as Tung-kuo Ya. May Your Highness appoint him Minister
of Censorship. To govern the Chì State, these five gentlemen are sufficient. If our Highness wants to become
Hegemonic Ruler, I-wu is here at his service." 30
Yü 31 Hsien-pai was Premier of Chin. 32 Beneath his reception hall there grew beans and weeds and outside his
gate thorns and brambles. He never had two courses at a meal nor two sheets on the chair. None of his
concubines wore silk. At home he gave no grain to his horses. When out, he never took his carriage. Hearing
this, Shu Hsiang told Miao Pêng-huang about it. Pêng-huang, disapproving such a life, said: "This is to win the
hearts of the subordinate people with the rank and emolument bestowed by the sovereign."
According to a different source: Yü 33 Hsien-pai of Chin was newly appointed High Noble. Shu Hsiang went to
congratulate him. By the gate there were a coachman and a carriage, 34 but the horse was not eating fodder.
Therefore, Hsiang asked, "Why don't you have two horses and two carriages?" In reply Hsien-pai said: "Our
fellow countrymen seem still hungry to me. Therefore, I do not give fodder to my horses. Most of the grey-
haired men walk on foot. Therefore, I do not have two carriages." "At first I came," said Hsiang, "to congratulate
you upon your appointment to High Nobility, but now I congratulate you upon your frugality." Then Hsiang went
out and told Miao Pêng-huang, "Join me in congratulating Hsien-pai on his frugality." "Congratulations on
what?" remarked Miao Tzŭ. "Indeed, to bestow ranks and emoluments, flags and badges, is to differentiate the
various kinds of merits as well as to distinguish between the worthy and the unworthy. Thus, according to the
law of the Chin State, a Senior High Officer is entitled to two carriages and two teams of horses, 35 a Middle
High Officer, to two carriages and one team: and a Junior High Officer, to one team only. This is to make grade
and ranks clear. Moreover, every noble must attend to military duties, and therefore must keep his carriages and
horses in good condition, 36 form his soldiers and chariots in lines, and thereby prepare for military action, so that
in case of emergency they can provide against all eventualities and in time of peace they can serve in the court
affairs. Now, he has been disturbing the state affairs of Chin and loosening the provisions against eventualities
simply on purpose to perfect his private virtue and exalt his personal reputation. Is the frugality of Hsien-pai
commendable at all? If not, then congratulations on what?" 37
Kuan Chung, on becoming Premier of Chì, said to Duke Huan, "Thy servant is noble but poor." "You shall have
the same wealth as the Building of Three Returns," 38 said Duke Huan. "Then thy servant is wealthy but still low
in rank." Duke Huan, accordingly, raised him above the Kaos and the Kuos. "Thy servant is now high in rank but
very remote in relation from the ruling family." Thereupon the Duke made him Uncle Chung. Hearing this,
Confucius disapproved of him and said, "Having become too extravagant he came to embarrass his superior."
According to a different source: Uncle Kuan Chung on going out would put red covers on his carriages and blue
costumes on his attendants, and on coming home would have drum music played. In his yard stood tripods. His
household has as much wealth as the Building of Three Returns. Therefore, Confucius said: "A good official,
indeed! But his extravagance is sufficient to embarrass his superior. Sun-shu Ao, Premier of Chù, used a
wooden cart pulled by a mare and took coarse rice with vegetable soup and dried fish for his meal. In winter he
wore a lamb-skin coat and linen clothes in summer. His face always had the look of hunger. A good official,
indeed. But in this case his frugality is sufficient to oppress his inferiors." 39
Yang Hu left Chì and found shelter in Chao. There Lord Chien asked him, "I have heard that you are good in
raising able men." "While in Lu," said Hu, "thy servant raised three men, all of whom became magistrates. After
Hu was found guilty in Lu, all of them searched after Hu. While living in Chì, thy servant recommended three
men: One became an attendant on the King; one became a prefect; and the third became an official receiver of
public guests. After I was found guilty, the attendant refused to see me; the prefect intended to arrest me on
receiving me; and the official receiver pursued me up to the frontier, could not catch me, and stopped. Really I
am not good in raising men." The Lord turned his face downwards with a smile and said: "Indeed, the planter of
mandarin orange and pomelo trees, 40 on eating fruits, gets the sweet taste; the planter of hedgerows and
brambles finds them prickly when they grow up. Hence the gentleman is cautious in raising men."
Chung-mou had no magistrate. Therefore Duke Pìng of Chin 41 asked Chao Wu: "Chung-mou is a place
strategically important to three countries. 42 It is the key to the city of Han-tan. I want a good magistrate for it.
Who will be the right man?" "Hsing Pai-tzŭ will be the right man," replied Wu. "Isn't he your enemy?" asked the
Duke. "No private feud should go through public gates," was the reply. Then the Duke asked, "For the
magistracy of Chung-fu, who is the right man?" "My son is the right one," was the reply. Hence the saying:
"Recommend the right man from outsiders even if your enemy; recommend the right man among your relatives
even if your son." Upon Chao Wu's death, all the forty-six men whom he had recommended to the Ruler, took
their seats among the guests at his funeral service. To such an extent he had shown no personal favour to
anybody all his life!
Duke Pìng once asked Shu Hsiang, "Among the ministers, who is the worthiest?" "Chao Wu," was the reply.
"You side with your senior official," remarked the Duke. "No," said Hsiang, "Chao Wu, when standing up, looks
undignified even in his full dress, and, when speaking, seems unable to utter his sentiments. Nevertheless, the
officials he recommended number several tens, all of whom he enabled to exert their respective abilities, and in
whom the public authorities put great trust, not to mention the fact that in his life Wu never utilized them to
benefit his own family and upon his death never committed orphans to their charge. Therefore, thy servant dares
to consider him the worthiest."
Chieh Hu recommended his enemy to Lord Chien for premiership. The enemy thought he had by good luck
forgiven him, and so went purposely to thank him. Thereupon Hu drew his bow, and, on receiving him, aimed at
him, saying: "To be sure, I recommended you because I regarded your ability equal to the post. To have hatred
for you is my private feud with you. I never on account of my feud with you kept 43 you from my master." Hence
the saying: "No private feud should go through public gates."
According to a different source: Chieh Hu recommended Hsing Pai-liu to the governorship of Shang-tang. Liu
went to thank him and said: "You have forgiven me my fault. How dare I not repeat bows to you?" In reply Hu
said: "To raise you is a public matter; to hate you is a private affair. You had better go. My hatred for you
remains the same as before."
One day a man from the Prefecture of Chêng was selling pigs. When somebody asked him about the price, he
said, "The way is still so long. The sun is setting. How can I have time to talk with you?" 44
Fan Wên-tzŭ was fond of speaking without reserve. His father, Wu-tzŭ, whipped him with a stick and said 45 :
"Who makes discussions without reserve is not tolerated by people. If tolerated by nobody, he is in danger. He
endangers not only himself but also his father."
Tzŭ-chàn was son of Tzŭ-kuo. Tzŭ-chàn was loyal to the Ruler of Chêng. Thereat Tzŭ-kuo was angry and
reprimanded him, saying: "To be sure, when you act sharply different from the rest of the ministers and remain
loyal to the sovereign by yourself, if the sovereign is worthy and enlightened, he will listen to you; if he is not
enlightened, he will not listen to you. You cannot always foretell whether or not he is going to listen to you. Yet
you have estranged yourself from the rest of ministers. If estranged from them, you certainly endanger yourself
—not only yourself, but your father too."
Liang Ch`ê was Magistrate of Yeh. One day his elder sister went to see him. At dusk she arrived too late for the
office hour. The gate was shut. 46 So she went over the wall and entered the city. Ch`ê cut off her feet,
accordingly. Regarding this as not compassionate, Marquis Ch`êng of Chao took the official seal away from him
and dismissed him from the magistracy.
Kuan Chung was arrested and brought from Lu to Chì. On the way he was hungry and thirsty. When passing
through I-wu, he begged the frontier guard for food. The guard knelt down and presented the food to him with
great reverence. Then in private the guard said to Chung: "If by any lucky chance you are not killed after you
reach Chì but are taken into service instead, with what are you going to requite me?" In reply Kuan Chung said:
"If my fate turns out as you have just said, I will take the worthy into service, give the able employment, and
commend the serviceable. With what shall I requite you?" Accordingly the guard resented such an ungrateful
saying.
Notes
1. 外儲說左下.
2. 跀危. With Wang Hsien-shên 危 should read 跪 which means 足.
3. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê and Wang Hsien-chìen 坐 should be 生.
4. With Wang Hsien-chìen 繫 should be supplied between 自 and 履.
5. 王 should be 子.
6. 叔孫 should be 孫叔 in accordance with the annotation.
7. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê, Hirazawa, and the Waseda University Press 而出入之容變 continues from 仲尼論管仲
與孫叔敖 Ku thought the sentence involves mistakes. Hirazawa and the Waseda University Press both made a
forced interpretation of its sense. With Wang Hsien-shên it leads to 陽虎之言見其臣也. The order of words,
Wang says, is an ancient way of sentence construction.
8. With Wang Hsien-shên 出門 should be 后門.
9. 徙 means 獨.
10. With Wang Hsien-shên 將軍 seems to be a mistake for 之奉.
11. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 騎 should be 驂.
12. With Ku 君 should be 若.
13. With Ku 知 should be 智.
14. 足 means "leg" as well as "sufficient". Hence the equivocation of 一足.
15. I read 黃鳳虛 for 鳳黃虛.
16. 上 should be supplied above 皆其師.
17. With Wang Hsien-shên 一曰 should be supplied above 南宮敬子.
18. Namely, glutinous millet, millet, wheat, hemp seed, and beans.
19. Namely, plums, apricots, chestnuts, melons, peaches, and mulberry.
20. 果 means the fruits of trees; 蓏, the fruits of grass.
21. With Wang Hsien-shên 桃 should be supplied above 先.
22. 人人 should be 人臣.
23. The dice on which an owl is engraved.
24. To kill the die means to discard it throughout the rest of the game.
25. The last four annotations are never referred to in the Canon.
26. 狗盜, namely, a sly thief wearing the dog's fur on stealing into people's houses as dogs do.
27. Poor people in particular fall short of trousers in winter while a legless man does not need them all the year.
28. With Kao Hêng 菽 should be 茹.
29. According to the system of Chou one army consisted of five divisions, each division having two thousand
five hundred soldiers, and three armies made the biggest unit for military operations.
30. This last annotation is not referred to in the Canon.
31. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 孟 should be 盂.
32. With Ku 魯 should be 晉.
33. 孟 should be 盂.
34. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 車 should be supplied below 御.

35. Eight horses altogether.
36. With Wang Wei 循 above 車馬 should be 脩.
37. The annotation of Confucius's estimate of Yen Ying, which ought to follow this, is missing.
38. A famous tower of antiquity for keeping money and treasures.
39. With Wang Hsien-chìen these passages beginning with 孫叔敖相楚 are Confucius's sayings and therefore
should be included in the same quotation.
40. 祖黎 above 橘柚 is superfluous.
41. Hirazawa's edition has 晉 in place of 魯.
42. Chao, Chì, and Yen.
43. With Lu Wên-shao 擁 should be 壅.
44. This annotation is not referred to in the Canon. Wang Hsien-shên suspected that these passages were hiatuses
from the end of Work XVIII, "Facing the South" (v. p. 155 n. 6).
45. With Wang Hsien-shên 夫 above 直議 should be 曰.
46. 閉門 should be 門閉.
Book Thirteen
34 外儲說右上第三十四
君所以治臣者有三。
經一：勢不足以化則除之。師曠之對，晏子之說，皆（合）〔舍〕勢之易也而道行之難，是與獸逐走
也，未知除患。患之可除，在子夏之說《春秋》也：「善持勢者蚤絕其姦萌。」故季孫讓仲尼以遇勢，
而況錯之於君乎？是以太公望殺狂矞，而臧獲不乘驥。嗣公知之，故（而）〔不〕駕鹿。薛公知之，故
與二欒博。此皆知同異之反也。故明主之牧臣也，說在畜（焉）〔烏〕。
經二：人主者，利害之軺轂也，射者眾，故人主共矣。是以好惡見則下有因，而人主惑矣。辭言通則

臣難言，而主不神矣。說在申子之言「六慎」，與唐易之言弋也。患在國（年）〔羊〕之請變，與宣王
之太息也。明之以靖郭氏之獻十珥也，與犀首、甘（戍）〔茂〕之道穴聞也。堂谿公知術，故問玉卮；
昭侯能術，故以聽獨寢。明主之道，在申子之勸獨斷也。
經三：術之不行，有故。不殺其狗，則酒酸。夫國亦有狗，且左右皆社鼠也。人主無堯之再誅，與莊
王之應太子，而皆有薄媼之決蔡嫗也。知貴、不能，以教歌之法先揆之。吳起之出愛妻，文公之斬顛
頡，皆違其情者也。故能使人彈疽者，必其忍痛者也。
說一：
賞之譽之不勸，罰之毀之不畏，四者加焉不變，則其除之。
齊景公之晉，從平公飲，師曠侍坐。景公問政於師曠曰：「太師將奚以教寡人？」師曠曰：「君必惠民
而已。」中坐，酒酣，將出，又復問政於師曠曰：「太師奚以教寡人？」曰：「君必惠民而已矣。」景
公出之舍，師曠送之，又問政於師曠。師曠曰：「君必惠民而已矣。」景公歸，思，未醒，而得師曠之
所謂：公子尾、公子夏者，景公之二弟也，甚得齊民，家富貴而民說之，擬於公室，此危吾位者也。今
謂我惠民者，使我與二弟爭民耶？於是反國，發廩粟以賦眾貧，散府餘財以賜孤寡，倉無陳粟，府無餘
財，宮婦不御者出嫁之，七十受祿米。鬻德惠施於民也，已與二弟爭。居二年，二弟出走，公子夏逃
楚，公子尾走晉。
景公與晏子遊於少海，登柏寢之臺而還望其國，曰：「美哉！泱泱乎，堂〔堂〕乎！後世（出）將孰有
此？」晏子對曰：「其田成氏乎！」景公曰：「寡人有此國也，而曰田成氏有之，何也？」晏子對曰：
「夫田成氏甚得齊民。其於民也，上之請爵祿行諸大臣，下之私大斗斛區釜以出（貨）〔貸〕，小斗斛
區釜以收之。殺一牛，取一豆肉，餘以食士。終歲，布帛取二制焉，餘以衣士。故市木之價，不加貴於
山；澤之魚鹽龜鱉蠃蚌，不貴於海。君重斂，而田成氏厚施。齊嘗大飢，道旁餓死者不可勝數也，父
子相牽而趨田成氏者不聞不生。故（周秦）〔秦周〕之民相與歌之曰：『謳乎，其已乎！苞乎，其往歸
田成子乎！』《詩》曰：『雖無德與女，式歌且舞。』今田成氏之德而民之歌舞，民德歸之矣。故曰：
『其田成氏乎！』」公泫然出涕曰：「不亦悲乎！寡人有國，而田成氏有之。今為之柰何？」晏子對
曰：「君何患焉？若君欲奪之，則近賢而遠不肖，治其煩亂，緩其刑罰，振貧窮而恤孤寡，行恩惠而給
不足，民將歸君，則雖有十田成氏，其如君何？」
或曰：景公不知用勢，而師曠、晏子不知除患。夫獵者，託車輿之安，用六馬之足，使王良佐轡，則身
不勞而易及輕獸矣。今釋車輿之利，捐六馬之足與王良之御，而下走逐獸，則雖樓季之足無時及獸矣。
託良馬固車，則臧獲有餘。國者，君之車也；勢者，君之馬也。夫不處勢以禁誅擅愛之臣，而必德厚以
與天下齊行以爭（名）〔民〕，是皆不乘君之車，不因馬之利，〔舍〕車而下走者也。故曰：「景公不
知用勢之主也，而師曠（不知）、晏子不知除患之臣也。」
子夏曰：「《春秋》之記臣殺君、子殺父者，以十數矣。皆非一日之積也，有漸而以至矣。」凡姦者，
行久而成積，積成而力多，力多而能殺，故明主蚤絕之。今田常之為亂，有漸見矣，而君不誅。晏子不
使其君禁侵陵之臣，而使其主行惠，故簡公受其禍。故子夏曰：「善持勢者，蚤絕姦之萌。」
季孫相魯，子路為郈令。魯以五月起眾為長溝，當此之為，子路以其私秩粟為漿飯，要作溝者於五父之
衢而飡之。孔子聞之，使子貢往覆其飯，擊毀其器，曰：「魯君有民，子奚為乃飡之？」子路怫然怒，
攘肱而入，請曰：「夫子疾由之為仁義乎？所學於夫子者，仁義也；仁義者，與天下共其所有而同其利
者也。今以由之秩粟而飡民，不可何也？」孔子曰：「由之野也！吾以女知之，女徒未及也。女故如是
之不知禮也！女之飡之，為愛之也。夫禮，天子愛天下，諸侯愛境內，大夫愛官職，士愛其家，過其所
愛曰侵。今魯君有民而子擅愛之，是子侵也，不亦誣乎！」
言未卒，而季孫使者至，讓曰：「肥也起民而使之，先生使弟子令徒役而飡之，將奪肥之民耶？」孔子
駕而去魯。以孔子之賢，而季孫非魯君也，以人臣之資，假人主之術，蚤禁於未形，而子路不得行其私
惠，而害不得生，況人主乎！以景公之勢而禁田常之侵也，則必無劫弒之患矣。
太公望東封於齊，齊東海上有居士曰狂矞、華士昆弟二人者立議曰：「吾不臣天子，不友諸侯，耕作而
食之，掘井而飲之，吾無求於人也。無上之名，無君之祿，不事仕而事力。」太公望至於營丘，使吏執
殺之以為首誅。周公旦從魯聞之，發急傳而問之曰：「夫二子，賢者也。今日饗國而殺賢者，何也？」
太公望曰：「是昆弟二人立議曰：『吾不臣天子，不友諸侯，耕作而食之，掘井而飲之，吾無求於人
也。無上之名，無君之祿，不事仕而事力。』彼不臣天子者，是望不得而臣也；不友諸侯者，是望不得
而使也；耕作而食之，掘井而飲之，無求於人者，是望不得以賞罰勸禁也。且無上名，雖知，不為望
用；不仰君祿，雖賢，不為望功。不仕則不治，不任則不忠。且先王之所以使其臣民者，非爵祿則刑罰
也。今四者不足以使之，則望當誰為君乎？不服兵革而顯，不親耕耨而名，又〔非〕所以教於國也。
今有馬於此，如驥之狀者，天下之至良也。然而驅之不前，卻之不止，左之不左，右之不右，則臧獲雖
賤，不託其足。臧獲之所願託其足於驥者，以驥之可以追利辟害也。今不為人用，臧獲雖賤，不託其足
焉。已自謂以為世之賢士而不為主用，行極賢而不用於君，此非明主之所臣也，亦驥之不可左右矣，是
以誅之。」
一曰：太公望東封於齊。海上有賢者狂矞，太公望聞之往請焉，三卻馬於門而狂矞不報見也，太公望誅
之。當是時也，周公旦在魯，馳往止之；比至，已誅之矣。周公旦曰：「狂矞，天下賢者也，夫子何為
誅之？」太公望曰：「狂矞也議不臣天子，不友諸侯，吾恐其亂法易教也，故以為首誅。今有馬於此，
形容似驥也，然驅之不往，引之不前，雖臧獲不（許）託足於其軫也。」
如耳說衛嗣公，衛嗣公說而太息。左右曰：「公何為不相也？」公曰：「夫馬似鹿者，而題之千金。然
而有（百）〔千〕金之馬而無（一）〔千〕金之鹿者，馬為人用而鹿不為人用也。今如耳，萬乘之相
也，外有大國之意，其心不在衛，雖辨智，亦不為寡人用，吾是以不相也。」
薛公之相魏昭侯也，左右有欒子者曰陽胡、潘其，於王甚重，而不為薛公。薛公患之，於是乃召與之
博，予之人百金，令之昆弟博；俄又益之人二百金。方博有閒，謁者言客張季之子在門，公怫然怒，撫
兵而授謁者曰：「殺之！吾聞季之不為文也。」立有間，時季羽在側，曰：「不然。竊聞季為公甚，顧
其人陰未聞耳。」乃輟不殺客，大禮之，曰：「曩者聞季之不為文也，故欲殺之；今誠為文也，豈忘季
哉！」告廩獻千石之粟，告府獻五百金，告騶私廄獻良馬固車二乘，因令奄將宮人之美妾二十人并遺季
也。欒子因相謂曰：「為公者必利，不為公者必害，吾曹何愛不為公？」因（斯）〔私〕競勸而遂為
之。薛公以人臣之勢，假人主之術也，而害不得生，況錯之人主乎！
夫馴烏〔者〕斷其下（頷）〔翎〕焉。斷其下（頷）〔翎〕，則必恃人而食，焉得不馴乎？夫明主畜臣
亦然，令臣不得不利君之祿，不得無服上之名。夫利君之祿，服上之名，焉得不服？
說二：
申子曰：「上明見，人備之；其不明見，人惑之。其知見，人（惑）〔飾〕之；不知見，人匿之。其無
欲見，人司之；其有欲見，人餌之。故曰：吾無從知之，惟無為可以規之。」
一曰：申子曰：「慎而言也，人且知女；慎而行也，人且隨女。而有知見也，人且匿女；而無知見也，
人且意女。女有知也，人且臧女；女無知也，人且行女。故曰：惟無為可以規之。」
田子方問唐易鞠曰：「弋者何慎？」對曰：「鳥以數百目視子，子以二目御之，子謹周子廩。」田子方
曰：「善。子加之弋，我加之國。」鄭長者聞之〔曰〕：「田子方知欲為廩，而未得所以為廩。夫虛無
無見者，廩也。」
一曰：齊宣王問弋於唐易子曰：「弋者奚貴？」唐易子曰：「在於謹廩。」王曰：「何謂謹廩？」對
曰：「鳥以數十目視人，人以二目視鳥，柰何不謹廩也？故曰『在於謹廩』也。」（故）〔王〕曰：
「然則為天下何以為此廩？今人主以二目視一國，一國以萬目視人主，將何以自為廩乎？」對曰：「鄭
長者有言曰：『夫虛靜無為而無見也。』其可以為此廩乎！」
國羊重於鄭君，聞君之惡己也，侍飲，因先謂君曰：「臣適不幸而有過，願君幸而告之。臣請變更，則
臣免死罪矣。」
客有說韓宣王，宣王說而太息。左右引王之說之（曰）〔以〕先告客以為德。
靖郭君之相齊也，王后死，未知所置，乃獻玉珥以知之。
一曰：薛公相齊，齊威王夫人死，中有十孺子皆貴於王，薛公欲知王所欲立，而請置一人以為夫人。王
聽之，則是說行於王，而重於置夫人也；王不聽，是說不行，而輕於置夫人也。欲先知王之所欲置以勸
（之）王置之，於是為十玉珥而美其一而獻之。王以賦十孺子。明日坐，視美珥之所在而勸王以為夫
人。
甘茂相秦惠王，惠王愛公孫衍，與之間有所言，曰：「寡人將相子。」甘茂之吏道穴聞之（曰），以告
甘茂。甘茂入見王，曰：「王得賢相，臣敢再拜賀。」王曰：「寡人託國於子，安更得賢相？」對曰：
「將相犀首。」王曰：「子安聞之？」對曰：「犀首告臣。」王怒犀首之泄，乃逐之。
一曰：犀首，天下之善將也，梁王之臣也。秦王欲得之與治天下，犀首曰：「衍其人臣者也，不敢離主
之國。」居期年，犀首抵罪於梁王，逃而入秦，秦王甚善之。樗里疾，秦之將也，恐犀首之代之將也，
鑿穴於王之所常隱語者。俄而王果與犀首計，曰：「吾欲攻韓，奚如？」犀首曰：「秋可矣。」王曰：
「吾欲以國累子，子必勿泄也。」犀首反走再拜曰：「受命。」於是樗里疾也道穴聽之矣。郎中皆曰：
「兵秋起攻韓，犀首為將。」於是日也，郎中盡知之；於是（日）〔月〕也，境內盡知之。王召樗里疾
曰：「是何匈匈也，何道出？」樗里疾曰：「似犀首也。」王曰：「吾無與犀首言也，其犀首何哉？」
樗里疾曰：「犀首也羈旅，新抵罪，其心孤，是言自嫁於眾。」王曰：「然。」使人召犀首，已逃諸侯
矣。
堂谿公謂昭侯曰：「今有千金之玉卮，通而無當，可以盛水乎？」昭侯曰：「不可。」「有瓦器而不
漏，可以盛酒乎？」昭侯曰：「可。」對曰：「夫瓦器，至賤也，不漏可以盛酒。雖有乎千金之玉卮，
至貴而無當，漏，不可（乘）〔盛〕水，則人孰注漿哉？今為人之主而漏其群臣之語，是猶無當之玉卮
也。雖有聖智，莫盡其術，為其漏也。」昭侯曰：「然。」昭侯聞堂谿公之言，自此之後，欲發天下之
大事，未嘗不獨寢，恐夢言而使人知其謀也。
一曰：堂谿公見昭侯曰：「今有白玉之卮而無當，有瓦卮而有當。君渴，將何以飲？」君曰：「以瓦
卮。」堂谿公曰：「白玉之卮美，而君不以飲者，以其無當耶？」君曰：「然。」堂谿公曰：「為人主
而漏泄其群臣之語，譬猶玉卮之無當。」堂谿公每見而出，昭侯必獨臥，惟恐夢言泄於妻妾。
申子曰：「獨視者謂明，獨聽者謂聰。能獨斷者，故可以為天下主。」
說三：
宋人有酤酒者，升概甚平，遇客甚謹，為酒甚美，縣幟甚高著，然不售，酒酸。怪其故，問其所知，問
長者楊倩。倩曰：「汝狗猛耶？」曰：「狗猛，則酒何故而不售？」曰：「人畏焉。或令孺子懷錢挈壺
罋而往酤，而狗迓而齕之，此酒所以酸而不售也。」夫國亦有狗，有道之士懷其術而欲以明萬乘之主，
大臣為猛狗迎而齕之，此人主之所以蔽脅，而有道之士所以不用也。
故桓公問管仲：「治國最奚患？」對曰：「最患社鼠矣。」公曰：「何患社鼠哉？」對曰：「君亦見夫
為社者乎？樹木而塗之，鼠穿其閒，（堀）〔掘〕穴託其中。燻之則恐焚木，灌之則恐塗阤，此社鼠之
所以不得也。今人君之左右，出則為勢重而收利於民，入則比周而蔽惡於君。內閒主之情以告外，外內
為重，諸臣百吏以為富。吏不誅則亂法，誅之則君不安。據而有之，此亦國之社鼠也。」故人臣執柄而
擅禁（禦），明為己者必利，而不為己者必害，此亦猛狗也。
夫大臣為猛狗而齕有道之士矣，左右又為社鼠而間主之情，人主不覺。如此，主焉得無壅，國焉得無亡
乎？
一曰：宋之酤酒者有莊氏者，其酒常美。或使僕往酤莊氏之酒，其狗齕人，使者不敢往，乃酤佗家之
酒。問曰：「何為不酤莊氏之酒？」對曰：「今日莊氏之酒酸。」故曰：「不殺其狗則酒酸。」
桓公問管仲曰：「治國何患？」對曰：「最苦社鼠。夫社，木而塗之，鼠因自託也。燻之則木焚，灌之
則塗，此所以苦於社鼠也。今人君左右，出則為勢重以收利於民，入則比周謾侮蔽惡以欺於君，不誅
則亂法，誅之則人主危。據而有之，此亦社鼠也。」
故人臣執柄擅禁，明為己者必利，不為己者必害，亦猛狗也。故左右為社鼠，用事者為猛狗，則術不行
矣。
堯欲傳天下於舜，鯀諫曰：「不祥哉！孰以天下而傳之於匹夫乎？」堯不聽，舉兵而誅殺鯀於羽山之
郊。共工又諫曰：「孰以天下而傳之於匹夫乎？」堯不聽，又舉兵而誅共工於幽州之都。於是天下莫敢
言無傳天下於舜。仲尼聞之曰：「堯之知舜之賢，非其難者也。夫至乎誅諫者必傳之舜，乃其難也。」
一曰：「不以其所疑敗其所察則難也。」
荊莊王有茅門之法，曰：「群臣大夫諸公子入朝，馬蹄踐霤者，廷理斬其輈，戮其御。」於是太子入
朝，馬蹄踐霤，廷理斬其輈，戮其御。太子怒，入為王泣曰：「為我誅戮廷理。」王曰：「法者，所以
敬宗廟，尊社稷。故能立法從令尊敬社稷者，社稷之臣也，焉可誅也？夫犯法廢令不尊敬社稷者，是臣
乘君而下尚校也。臣乘君則主失威，下尚校則上位危。威失位危，社稷不守，吾將何以遺子孫？」於是
太子乃還走，避舍露宿三日，北面再拜請死罪。
一曰：楚王急召太子。楚國之法，車不得至於茆門。天雨，廷中有潦，太子遂驅車至於茆門。廷理曰：
「車不得至茆門。〔至茆門〕，非法也。」太子曰：「王召急，不得須無潦。」遂驅之。廷理舉殳而擊
其馬，敗其駕。太子入為王泣曰：「廷中多潦，驅車至茆門，廷理曰：『非法也。』舉殳擊臣馬，敗臣
駕。王必誅之。」王曰：「前有老主而不踰，後有儲主而不屬，矜矣！是真吾守法之臣也。」乃益爵二
級，而開後門出太子。「勿復過。」
衛嗣君謂薄疑曰：「子小寡人之國以為不足仕，則寡人力能仕子，請進爵以子為上卿。」乃進田萬頃。
薄子曰：「疑之母親疑，以疑為能相萬乘所不窕也。然疑家巫有蔡嫗者，疑母甚愛信之，屬之家事焉。
疑智足以信言家事，疑母盡以聽疑也。然已與疑言者，亦必復決之於蔡嫗也。故論疑之智能，以疑為能
相萬乘而不窕也；論其親，則子母之間也；然猶不免議之於蔡嫗也。今疑之於人主也，非子母之親也，
而人主皆有蔡嫗。人主之蔡嫗，必其重人也。重人者，能行私者也。夫行私者，繩之外也；而疑之
〔所〕言，法之內也。繩之外與法之內，讎也，不相受也。」
一曰：衛君之晉，謂薄疑曰：「吾欲與子皆行。」薄疑曰：「媼也在中，請歸與媼計之。」衛君自請薄
媼。〔薄媼〕曰：「疑，君之臣也，君有意從之，甚善。」衛君曰：「吾以請之媼，媼許我矣。」薄疑
歸，言之媼也，曰：「衛君之〔愛〕疑奚與媼？」媼曰：「不如吾愛子也。」「衛君之賢疑奚與媼
也？」曰：「不如吾賢子也。」「媼與疑計家事，已決矣，乃請決之於卜者蔡嫗。今衛君從疑而行，雖
與疑決計，必與他蔡嫗敗之。如是，則疑不得長為臣矣。」
夫教歌者，使先呼而詘之，其聲反清徵者，乃教之。
一曰：教歌者，先揆以法，疾呼中宮，徐呼中徵。疾不中宮，徐不中徵，不可謂教。
吳起，衛左氏中人也，使其妻織組而幅狹於度。吳子使更之。其妻曰：「諾。」及成，復度之，果不中
度，吳子大怒。其妻對曰：「吾始經之而不可更也。」吳子出之，其妻請其兄而索〔入〕。其兄曰：
「吳子，為法者也。其為法也，且欲以與萬乘致功，必先踐之妻妾，然後行之，子毋幾索入矣。」其妻
之弟又重於衛君，乃因以衛君之重請吳子。吳子不聽，遂去衛而入荊也。
一曰：吳起示其妻以組，曰：「子為我織組，令之如是。」組已就而效之，其組異善。起曰：「使子為
組，令之如是，而今也異善，何也？」其妻曰：「用財若一也，加務善之。」吳起曰：「非語也。」使
之衣歸。其父往請之，吳起曰：「起家無虛言。」
晉文公問於狐偃曰：「寡人甘肥周於堂，卮酒豆肉集於宮，壺酒不清，生肉不布，殺一牛遍於國中，一
歲之功盡以衣士卒，其足以戰民乎？」狐子曰：「不足。」文公曰：「吾弛關市之征而緩刑罰，其足以
戰民乎？」狐子曰：「不足。」文公曰：「吾民之有喪資者，寡人親使郎中視事，有罪者赦之，貧窮不
足者與之，其足以戰民乎？」狐子對曰：「不足。此皆所以慎產也；而戰之者，殺之也。民之從公也，
為慎產也，公因而迎殺之，失所以為從公矣。」曰：「然則何如足以戰民乎？」狐子對曰：「令無得不
戰。」公曰：「無得不戰柰何？」狐子對曰：「信賞必罰，其足以戰。」公曰：「刑罰之極安至？」
對曰：「不辟親貴，法行所愛。」文公曰：「善。」
明日令田於圃陸，期以日中為期，後期者行軍法焉。於是公有所愛者曰顛頡後期，吏請其罪，文公隕涕
而憂。吏曰：「請用事焉。」遂斬顛頡之脊，以徇百姓，以明法之信也。而後百姓皆懼曰：「君於顛頡
之貴重如彼甚也，而君猶行法焉，況於我則何有矣。」
文公見民之可戰也，於是遂興兵伐原，克之。伐衛，東其畝，取五鹿。攻陽。勝虢。伐曹。南圍鄭，反
之陴。罷宋圍。還與荊人戰城濮，大敗荊人，返為踐土之盟，遂（城）〔成〕衡雍之義。一舉而八有
功。所以然者，無他故異物，從狐偃之謀，假顛頡之脊也。
夫痤疽之痛也，非刺骨髓，則煩心不可支也；非如是，不能使人以半寸砥石彈之。今人主之於治亦然：
非不知有苦則安；欲治其〔國〕，非如是不能聽聖知而誅亂臣。〔亂臣〕者，必重人；重人者，必人主
所甚親愛也。人主所甚親愛也者，是同堅白也。夫以布衣之資，欲以離人主之堅白所愛，是以解左髀說
右髀者，是身必死而說不行者也。
Chapter XXXIV. Outer Songeries of Sayings, The Upper Right Series

1
The ways whereby the sovereign rules over the ministers are three:—
I. If the sovereign finds his influence insufficient to transform the ministers, then he should remove them.
Musician Kùang in his reply and Yen Tzŭ in his persuasion both discarded 2 the easy policy of position and
advocated the difficult measure of virtue. This is the same as to run on foot after animals while not yet aware
how to remove an impending disaster. The possibility of removing disasters is revealed in Tzŭ-hsia's explanation
of the Spring and Autumn Annals, "Who is skilful in maintaining his position would nip an evil in the bud early
enough." Thus, even Chi-sun reprimanded Chung-ni for obstructing 3 his position. How much more should a
sovereign blame rampant ministers? For the same reason, Tài-kung Wang killed Kùang-yü; and the bondmen
and bondwomen refused to ride the noble steed. Duke Ssŭ knew this reason, wherefore he refused to yoke any
deer. Hsüeh Kung knew this reason, wherefore he gambled with the twins. Both these statesmen knew the
opposition between identity and difference. Thus, the way the enlightened sovereign raises ministers is illustrated
by the story of domesticating crows.
II. The lord of men is an attractive 4 target 5 of benefit and injury, which numerous persons would aim to shoot.
Therefore, the lord of men is surrounded in common by a number of people. For this reason, if his like and hate
are revealed, the inferiors will find opportunity to take, till the lord of men falls into delusion. Should the
sovereign communicate the word and opinion of one minister to another, then every minister will hesitate to
speak to him while he will lose his dignity. The saying is based on Shên Tzŭ's enumeration of six prudences and
on Tàng I-chü's 6 discussion of the archer with stringed arrows. The calamity of the ruler's revealing like and
hate is instanced by Kuo Yang's petition for self-reformation and King Hsüan's heaving deep sighs. The attempt
to detect the opinion of the ruler is instanced by Lord Ching-kuo's 7 presenting ten ear-beads and Kan Mu's
overhearing Hsi-shou's 8 affairs. Tàng-chì Kung knew the tact, wherefore he asked about the jade cups.
Marquis Chao was skilful in applying the tact, wherefore after listening to any advice, he would sleep by
himself. The way of the enlightened sovereign lies in making decisions by himself as encouraged by Shên Tzŭ.
III. If tact does not work, there are always reasons for it. If the wine merchant does not kill his fierce dog, his
wine will become sour. Similarly, the state has dogs. Moreover, all the attendants are like the rats gnawing the
shrine. Now, the lords of men are not as decisive as Yao in punishing both the first and the second remonstrants
or as King Chuang in responding to the Crown Prince, but all are like the mother of Po Yi who would always ask
the old woman of Tsài to give a decision. They may be anxious to know 9 how to rule over the state, but unable
to make rules beforehand in the way the teachers of singing have melodies composed beforehand. Wu Chì who
divorced his beloved wife and Duke Wên who executed Tien Chieh, both acted contrary to personal feelings.
Thus, who can cut open the boils of people must be able to endure the same pain himself.
Not encouraged after being rewarded and honoured and not afraid after being punished and disgraced—in other
words, not transformed after the four methods are applied— then such ministers must be removed.
Duke Ching of Chì went to Chin and was invited by Duke Pìng to a carousal. Musician Kùang was in
company with them. At the opening of the feast, Duke Ching asked Musician Kùang about government, "What
will Grand Tutor teach me?" "Your Highness, be sure only to confer favours upon the people," replied Musician
Kùang. At the height of the feast, when half-seas-over and about to leave, he again asked Musician Kùang
about government. "What will Grand Tutor teach me?" "Your Highness, be sure only to confer favours upon the
people," replied Kùang. When Duke Ching was leaving for his lodge and Musician Kùang was seeing him off,
he again asked Musician Kùang about government. "Your Highness, be sure only to confer favours upon the
people," was again the reply. Upon his return Duke Ching kept thinking about the meaning of the precept and
comprehended the saying of Musician Kùang before he awoke fully from the intoxication. Prince Wei and
Prince Hsia were two younger brothers of Duke Ching. They won the hearts of the people of Chì very well.
Their families were noble and wealthy while the people liked them. Thus, their influences rivalled that of the
royal house. "This must be endangering my throne," thought Duke Ching. "Now that he told me to confer
favours upon the people, does it mean that I must fight with my two younger brothers for winning the hearts of
the people?" Accordingly, after his return to his country he opened the granary for distributing alms among all
the poor and took money 10 out of the treasury for giving help to orphans and widows, till the granary had no old
grain and the treasury had no money left. Those court ladies who did not wait on his bed were given out in
marriage. People above the age of seventy were granted pensions of rice. Thus, by displaying beneficence and
distributing favours, 11 he fought with his two younger brothers for the people. In the course of two years, the two
younger brothers ran out of the country, Prince Hsia finding shelter in Chù and Prince Wei running to Chin.
Once Duke Ching and Yen Tzŭ travelled to the district of Small Sea. They went up the Cypress-Bed Terrace.
Turning homeward to survey his country, Duke Ching exclaimed, "What a beautiful country! Woven with blue
winding and deep rolling rivers and dotted with stately and dignified mountains! Who will possess it in the
future?" "Will that be the family of Tìen Ch`êng?" said Yen Tzŭ. "I am in possession of this country. Why do
you say, `The family of Tìen Ch`êng will have it'?" asked the Duke. In reply Yen Tzŭ said: "Indeed, the family
of Tìen Ch`êng have won the hearts of the people of Chì very well. On the one hand, he asks for ranks and
emoluments, which he distributes among the chief vassals. On the other, he enlarges the measures on lending
grain out to poor people and contracts the measures 12 on taking the grain back from them. Whenever he kills an
ox, he takes only one plate of the beef and with the rest feeds scholars and warriors. 13 All the year round he takes
only thirty-six feet 14 of cloth for his own use and gives the rest to scholars and warriors for clothing.
Woods at the market-place are not more expensive than in the mountains. Fish, salt, tortoises,
turtles, conches, and mussels, from swamps are not more expensive than from the sea. While the
Ruler is increasing taxes, Tìen Ch`êng enlarges his alms. Once there was a famine in Chì. Those who
starved to death by the wayside were innumerable. It was never heard that father and son who led
each other and turned to Tìen Ch`êng for help were not saved from death. Therefore, even the
peoples of Chou and Chìn have been in groups singing the song:—
Shall we sing his praises, now,

Or shall we stop for fear? 15
Shall we starve to death?
Or turn to Tìen Ch`êng, the dear?
It is said in The Book of Poetry,
And though to you no virtue I can add,

Yet we will sing and dance, in spirit glad. 16
Now that for the virtue of Tìen Ch`êng the people sing and dance, 17 they consider it a virtuous act to turn to him
for government. Therefore, thy servant has said, `Will that be the family of Tìen Ch`êng?' " Melting bitterly into
tears, the Duke said, "Isn't it sad? I have the country now, but the family of Tìen Ch`êng will have it in the
future. Now, what can be done about it?" In reply Yen Tzŭ said: "What does Your Highness have to worry about?
If Your Highness wants to rob him of the reins of government, the best is to keep the worthy near by and the
unworthy far off, put the chaos in order, loosen penalties, relieve the poor and destitute, give alms to orphans and
widows, distribute favours among the masses and support the needy with supplies. Then the people will turn to
Your Highness, and even ten Tìen Ch`êngs will not be able to do anything against Your Highness."
Somebody said: "Duke Ching did not know how to make use of his position while Musician Kùang and Yen
Tzŭ did not know how to get rid of troubles. To be sure if the hunter relies on the security of the carriage, utilizes
the legs of the six horses, and makes Wang Liang hold their reins, then he will not tire himself and will find it
easy to overtake swift animals. Now supposing he discarded the advantage of the carriage, gave up the useful
legs of the horses and the skill of Wang Liang, and alighted to run after the animals, then even though his legs
were as quick as Lou Chi's, he would not be in time to overtake the animals. In fact, if good horses and strong
carriages are taken into use, then mere bondmen and bondwomen will be good enough to catch the animals.
Now, the state is the ruler's carriage while position is his horse. Indeed, not to utilize the position and thereby
interdict favour-selling ministers, but to make favours and kindnesses definite and confer them upon All-under-
Heaven and do the same as crooked ministers would do in order thereby to fight with them for winning the
hearts of the people, is always the same as not to ride the ruler's carriage and not to take advantage of the speed
of horses, but to leave the carriage and alight to run after the animals. Hence the saying 18 : `Duke Ching was a
sovereign not knowing how to utilize his position while Musician Kùang and Yen Tzŭ were ministers not
knowing how to get rid of troubles.' "
Tzŭ-hsia said: "Regicides and parricides as recorded in the Spring and Autumn Annals number tens. Nine of
them was an outcome of one day's fermentation. It always grew from a bud and developed into maturity. On the
whole the wicked deeds, repeatedly committed, become a pile. When the pile is mature, the urge to commit
further villainy becomes strong. When the urge is strong, it is liable to extend to murder. Therefore, the
enlightened sovereign uproots them early. Now the attempt of Tìen Ch`êng to launch a rebellion could be seen
budding, but the ruler never censured him. Yen Tzŭ never made his ruler suppress offensive ministers but
advised him to confer favours. In consequence, Duke Chien suffered the calamity in posterity. Therefore, Tzŭ-
hsia says, `Who is skilful in maintaining his position would nip an evil in the bud.' "
Chi-sun was Premier of Lu. Tzŭ-lu was Magistrate of Hou. In the fifth month of the year the Lu State
requisitioned a number of able-bodied men to dig a long ditch. During the period of time Tzŭ-lu made rice gruel
with the grain out of his private emolument and fed the workmen at the quarters of Wu-fu. Hearing about this,
Confucius sent Tzŭ-kung there to overturn the food, break the vessels, and tell him, "The Ruler of Lu rules over
the people. Why should you feed them?" Thereby, Tzŭ-lu, changing his colour from anger bared his arms, went
in, and said, "Master, do you dislike Yu 19 practising benevolence and righteousness? What Yu has learned from
the Master is benevolence and righteousness. To be benevolent and righteous is to give All-under-Heaven one's
own possessions and let them share one's own profits. Why do you consider it wrong for Yu to feed the people
with the grain out of his private emolument?" In reply Confucius said: "How crude Yu is! I thought you would
know as much as this. Yet really you have not come to that. Thus you do not know the rules of propriety. Now,
by feeding them you think you love them. To be sure, according to the rules of propriety, the Son of Heaven
loves All-under-Heaven, the feudal lords love people within their respective domains, High Officials love their
official duties, and scholars and warriors love their families. Who goes beyond the sphere of his love is called
òffensive'. Now that the Ruler of Lu rules over the people while you attempt to love them at your pleasure, it
means you are offensive. Aren't you absurd?"
Before Confucius had finished his speech, the messenger of Chi-sun arrived, blamed Confucius, and said, "Fei 20
requisitioned the men and set them to work, whereas Master sent a disciple to stop them and feed them. Would
you mean to rob Fei of the people?" Thereupon Confucius took his carriage and left Lu. Thus, despite the
worthiness of Confucius, even Chi-sun, not being the Ruler of Lu but merely applying the tact of the lord of men
from the position of a minister, would nip an evil in the bud, shows that Tzŭ-lu was not allowed to confer private
favours and no calamity could grow. How much more should the lord of men? Should the offensiveness of Tìen
Ch`êng have been stopped with the position of Duke Ching, there would be no calamity of intimidation and
regicide.
Tài-kung Wang was enfeoffed eastward in Chì. By the eastern sea of Chì there were retired scholars named
Kùangyü and Hua-shih. Being two brothers, both set up the principle: "Neither of us would minister to the Son
of Heaven and make friends with the feudal lords, but would till and work and live on the crops and dig a well
and drink the water. We would not ask anybody for help and accept neither title from any superior nor
emolument from any ruler. We attend not to any official post but to our own physical strength." When Tài-kung
Wang arrived at Camp Hill, he sent men to arrest them and kill them at the first execution. Hearing about this,
Duke Tan of Chou, sent out an urgent message from Lu and asked: "Indeed, the two gentlemen were worthies.
Why did you kill worthies on receiving the rule over the country?" In reply Tài-kung Wang said: "These two
brothers had set up the principle: `Neither of us would minister to the Son of Heaven and make friends with the
feudal lords. We would till and work and live on the crops and dig a well and drink the water. We would not ask
anybody for help and receive neither title from any superior nor emolument from any ruler. We attend not to any
official post but to our own physical strength.' Their refusal to minister to the Son of Heaven forecast Wang's
inability to rule them as subjects. Their refusal to make friends with the feudal lords forecast Wang's inability to
set them to work. Their pledge to till and work and live on the crops and dig a well and drink the water and
thereby ask nobody for help forecast Wang's inability to encourage them with reward and prohibit them with
punishment. Moreover, their decision to accept no title from any superior implied their refusal to work for Wang
however intelligent they might be. Their expectation of no emolument from the ruler implied their refusal to
render Wang any meritorious service however worthy they might be. Should they refuse any appointment to
office, they would choose anarchy; should they attend to no official duties, they would be disloyal. Furthermore,
the means whereby the early kings employed their ministers and subjects were either rank and emolument or
censure and punishment. Now, if these four means be not sufficient to employ them, over whom shall Wang
rule? To let them become celebrated without bearing arms and wearing armour and become famous without
tilling the land and weeding the farm is not 21 the way to give teaching to the country. Now suppose there is a
horse here which looks like a noble steed and is the best in All-under-Heaven. However, if it would not advance
when driven forward nor would it stop when pulled back: and, if pulled to the left, it would not go to the left,
and, pulled to the right, it would not go to the right; then even bondmen and bondwomen, humble as they are,
would not rely on its legs. Bondmen and bondwomen want to rely on the legs of the steed because thereby they
can seek gain and avoid harm. Now that it would not work for anybody, the slaves, humble as they are, would
not rely on its legs. Similarly, the two brothers proclaimed themselves worthy personages of the world but would
not work for any sovereign. However worthy their deeds might be, if they would not work for the ruler, they
were not what the enlightened sovereign ought to take as subjects. They were like the steed that cannot be pulled
to the left or right. This was the reason why they were executed."
According to a different source: Tài-kung Wang was enfeoffed eastward in Chì. By the sea there was a worthy
named Kùang-yü. Hearing of him, Tài-kung Wang went to ask for an interview with him. Thrice in front of the
gate he left his horse and walked on foot, but Kùang-yü never granted him an interview. Therefore, Tài-kung
Wang censured him. At that time, Duke Tan of Chou was in Lu and went on horseback to stop the execution.
Upon his arrival the execution had already been accomplished. "Kùang-yü was a worthy man," said Duke Tan
of Chou, "of All-under-Heaven. Why did you punish him, indeed?" In reply Tài-kung Wang said: "Kùang-yü 22
considered it righteous 23 not to minister to the Son of Heaven nor to make friends with the feudal lords. I was
afraid he might disturb the law and alter the morals. Therefore, I took him for the first execution. Now suppose
there is a horse here which looks like a noble steed. However, if it would not advance when driven forward, then
even bondmen and bondwomen would not rely on its legs for turning the wheels 24 of their carriage."
Ju-êrh once persuaded Duke Ssŭ of Wei of the way of government. Duke Ssŭ was pleased with his persuasion
but heaved deep sighs. "Why does Your Highness not appoint him prime minister?" asked the chamberlains.
"Indeed, any horse that looks like a deer," replied the Duke, "can be quoted at one thousand pieces of gold.
However, there are horses each worth one thousand 25 pieces of gold but no deer worth one thousand pieces of
gold. Why? It is because horses would work for men but no deer would work for men. Now, Ju-êrh deserves the
premiership in a state of ten thousand chariots, and, besides, has an intention to serve a big state. His mind is not
in Wei. Though eloquent and intelligent, he will not work for me. That is the reason why I do not appoint him
premier."
When Hsüeh Kung was premier to Marquis Chao of Wey, there were twin brothers among the chamberlains,
named Yang-hu and Pan-chì. Both were highly regarded by the sovereign 26 but would not do Hsüeh Kung any
good. Over this Hsüeh Kung was worried. Therefore, he invited them to a gambling party. He gave each one
hundred pieces of gold and let the brothers gamble. Of a sudden, he gave each two hundred pieces more. After
they had gambled for a while, the usher came in and said, "The son of Chang Chi is waiting at the gate."
Changing colour from anger, Kung took a weapon and passed it to the usher and said, "Kill him with this! I have
heard Chi would never do Wên 27 any good." The usher kept standing for a while. Then Chi Yü by the side of
them said, "That is not so. In secret I have heard Chi has been doing Your Excellency much good. It seems that
nobody else has let Your Excellency know." Thereupon he rejected killing the visitor, and welcomed him as a
guest, paid him great courtesies, and said: "Formerly I heard Chi would not do me any good. So I thought of
killing him. Now I know he has been sincerely doing me good. How can I forget his kindness?" So saying, he
told the granary-keeper to prepare one thousand piculs of grain, the treasurer to prepare five hundred pieces of
gold, the stableman to prepare two teams of good horses and strong carriages out of his own stable, and besides
ordered the eunuch to get ready twenty beautiful maids from among the court ladies. Of all these he made Chi a
present. Accordingly, the twin brothers said to each other: "Who does Kung good, always gains everything; who
does not do him good, always loses everything. Why should we choose not to do him good?" Thenceforth they
personally encouraged each other to do him good. Thus, even Hsüeh Kung from the position of a minister, by
applying the tact of the lord of men, could prevent an evil growing. How much more could the lord of men by
doing the same?
To be sure the crow-tamer cuts off the lower feathers. Then the bird must depend upon him for food. How can it
go wild? Indeed, the same is true when the enlightened sovereign wants to keep ministers under control. He must
make the ministers always profit by the emoluments bestowed by the ruler and submit to the titles conferred by
the superior. If they profit by the emoluments bestowed by the ruler and submit to the titles conferred by the
superior, how can they remain disobedient?
Shên Tzŭ said: "If the superior's cleverness is visible, people will guard against it; if his stupidity is visible,
people will bewilder him; if his knowledge is visible, people will disguise 28 themselves; if his ignorance is
visible, people will hide their faults; if his freedom from avarice is visible, people will watch for unguarded
moments; if his possession of avarice is visible, people will allure him. Hence the saying: Ì find no way to know
them. Only by not doing anything I can watch 29 them.' "
According to a different source: Shên Tzŭ said: "Be prudent in your speech, or people will accord 30 with you. Be
prudent in your action, or people will follow after you. When you can see, 31 people will hide their defects from
you. When your ignorance is visible, people will deceive you. When you have knowledge, people will keep you
off. When you have no knowledge, people will trespass against you. Hence the saying Ònly by not doing
anything the ruler can watch the ministers.' "
Tìen Tzŭ-fang asked Tàng I-chü, "Of what must the archer with stringed arrows be cautious?" In reply I-chü
said: "The bird sees you with several hundred eyes, whereas you aim at it with two eyes. You had better be
careful about your hiding-place." "Good," said Tìen Tzŭ-fang, "You apply this principle to shooting with
stringed arrows; I will apply it to the state." Hearing this, an elder of Chêng said: "Tìen Tzŭ-fang knows the
need of making a hiding-place but has not yet found how to make it. To be sure, nihilism and invisibility make
the hiding-place."
According to a different source: King Hsüan of Chì asked Tàng I Tzŭ about the art of shooting with stringed
arrows, "What is most essential to the art of shooting with stringed arrows?" "Carefulness about the hiding-
place," replied Tàng I Tzŭ. "What do you mean by `carefulness about the hiding-place'?" asked the King. In
reply I Tzŭ said: "The bird sees man with tens of eyes, whereas man sees it with two eyes. How can man not be
careful about his hiding-place? Therefore, I say, `The essence of the art lies in carefulness about the hiding
place.' " "How is the rule over All-under-Heaven," remarked the King, "different from this? Now, with two eyes
the lord of men sees the whole country, whereas the country sees the lord of men with a myriad eyes. Then how
can he make himself a hiding-place?" In reply I Tzŭ said: "An elder of Chêng had the saying, Ìndeed, the ruler,
being empty and tranquil and doing nothing, is invisible.' Is this the way to make the hiding-place?"
Kuo Yang was highly regarded by the ruler of Chêng. When he heard the Ruler disliked him, he accompanied
him at a carousal and purposely said beforehand to the Ruler: "If thy servant happens to be so unlucky as to have
committed certain faults, may Your Highness kindly permit thy servant to know them. Then thy servant will ask
permission to reform himself in hope that he may evade capital punishment."
Once an itinerant spoke to King Hsüan of Han about the way of government. King Hsüan was pleased with his
theory and heaved deep sighs. On the same day 32 the courtiers reported the King's pleasure promptly to the
itinerant in order to place him under an obligation.
When Lord Ching-kuo 33 was Premier of Chì, the Queen died. As nobody had yet known who would be installed
as the new Queen, he presented ear-beads to the King and thereby knew it.
According to a different source: Hsüeh Kung was Premier under King Wei of Chì, when the royal consort died.
There were then ten ladies admired by the King. Among these Hsüeh Kung wanted to know the one whom the
King wanted in particular, so that he would ask the King to install that one as the new consort. However, should
the King listen to him, then his suggestion would prevail upon the King and he would be highly regarded by the
new consort; should the King not listen to him, his persuasion must have been ineffective and he would be
slighted by the new consort. Thus, he wanted to know beforehand the one whom the King wanted in order to
encourage the King to install that one. Thereupon he ordered ten ear-beads and specially beautified one of them.
Then he presented them to the King. The King distributed them among the ten ladies. Next day, when he went to
court, he saw the lady who had the most beautiful bead and so encouraged the King to install her as the new
consort.
When Kan Mu was premier to King Hui of Chìn, King Hui liked Kung-sun Yen. One day he spoke in private to
him, "I am going to appoint you prime minister." This was overheard through a hole in the wall by a subordinate
official of Kan Mu, and was reported to him. Meanwhile, Kan Mu went in to have audience with the King and
said, "As Your Majesty has found a worthy premier, thy servant dares to repeat bows and offer his
congratulations." "I have committed the state," said the King, "to your hands. Why should I find another worthy
premier?" "Your Majesty is going to make Hsi-shou premier," was the reply. "Where did you hear that?" asked
the King. "Hsi-shou told thy servant." Angry at Hsi-shou's letting out the news, the King banished him.
According to a different source: Hsi-shou was a good general in All-under-Heaven serving under the King of
Liang-Wey. The King of Chìn wanted to get him and entrust him with the rule over All-under-Heaven. "Yen is a
minister," replied Hsi-shou, "and therefore dare not leave the country of his ruler at any time." In the course of
one year Hsi-shou displeased the King of Liang-Wey and sought refuge in Chìn. The King of Chìn accorded
him a very cordial reception. Chu Li-chi, the then Commander of Chìn's forces, fearing lest Hsi-shou should
replace him, bored a hole through the wall of the room where the King would have confidential conversations.
Suddenly, the King actually consulted with Hsi-shou and said, "I want to attack Han. What will be the best
way?" "The coming autumn will be the right time," replied Hsi-shou. "I want to entrust you," said the King,
"with the state affairs then. You must not let out this secret." Running backward and repeating his bows, Hsi-
shou said, "At your service." By that time Chu Li-chi had already heard the conversation. He told every courtier
he met, "An army will be raised in autumn to attack Han with Hsi-shou as Commander." Thus, in a day all the
courtiers knew this. In a month everybody within the boundary knew it. The King, accordingly, summoned Chu
Li-chi and said, "Why is everybody panic-stricken? Whence did the rumour come out?" "It seems," replied Chu
Li-chi, "that Hsi-shou declared the news." "I never spoke to Hsi-shou," said the King, "about the expedition.
Why did he create such a rumour?" In reply Chu Li-chi said: "Hsi-shou is a refugee finding shelter in this
country. As he trespassed against his former ruler recently, he is still feeling helpless in a new place. Therefore,
he has created such a rumour in order to exercise his influence among the masses of people." "Right," the King
said and sent men to summon Hsi-shou, but Hsi-shou had already made his escape to some other feudal lord.
Tàng-chì Kung said to Marquis Chao, "Suppose there is a jade cup worth one thousand pieces of gold, but it
has no bottom. Can it be used in serving water?" "No," replied Marquis Chao. "Then suppose there is an earthen
pot which does not leak. Can it be used in serving wine?" "Yes," replied Marquis Chao. Thereupon Chi Kung
said: "Indeed, the earthen pot is the cheapest vessel, but, not leaking, can be used in serving wine. The jade cup,
worth one thousand pieces of gold, is the most expensive vessel, but without a bottom it leaks and cannot be
used in serving water. If so, who will ever pour any kind of liquid into it? Now, the lord of men who lets out the
words of ministers is similar to the jade cup without a bottom. Though possessed of holiness and intelligence, he
cannot exercise his tact to the utmost, for he divulges secrets." "Right," said the Marquis. Ever after Marquis
Chao had heard these words from Tàng-chi Kung, whenever he wanted to launch any drastic measure in
Allunder-Heaven, he would always sleep by himself for fear lest he should talk in his sleep and let anybody else
know his scheme.
According to a different source: Tàng-chi Kung had an interview with Marquis Chao and said: "Suppose there
are a white jade cup with no bottom and a pottery one with a bottom. When thirsty, which will Your Highness
use for drinking?" "The pottery one of course," replied the Marquis. "The white jade cup is beautiful," said Tàng
chi-kung, "but Your Highness will not drink from it. Is it because it has no bottom?" "Yes," replied the Ruler.
Then Tàng Chi-kung said: "The lord of men who divulges the words of ministers, is comparable to the jade cup
with no bottom." Thenceforth, every time after Tàng Chi-kung had an audience and went out, Marquis Chao
would always lie by himself simply for fear lest he should talk in his sleep and divulge the conversation to his
consorts.
Shên Tzŭ said: "Who sees things by himself, is called clear-sighted; who hears things by himself is called acute;
and who can make decision by himself, is fit to rule 34 over All-under-Heaven.
Once there was a Sung man selling wine. His measures were very fair. His reception of customers was very
courteous. The wine he made was excellent. He hoisted his banner 35 in an imposing manner. Yet he had no
business and the wine would become sour. Wondering at the cause, he asked his acquaintance, an elder of the
village, named Yang Ching. "It is because your dog is fierce," replied Ching. "If my dog is fierce, why does my
wine not sell well?" "Because customers are afraid of it. When people send out children with money and pots or
jars to buy wine from you, your dog would jump at them and sometimes bite them. This is the reason why your
wine does not sell well and becomes sour." Indeed, the state has dogs, too. Thus experts in statecraft, bearing the
right tact in mind, want to enlighten the sovereign of ten thousand chariots, whereas ministers like the fierce dog
of the wine merchant would jump at them and bite them. This is the reason why the lord of men is deluded and
experts in statecraft are not taken into service.
Similarly, Duke Huan asked Kuan Chung what was the greatest menace to the government of a state. "The
greatest menace is the shrine rats," was the reply. "Why should we worry so much about the shrine rats?" asked
the Duke. Then Kuan Chung replied: "Your Highness must have seen people building a shrine. They set up the
beams and then plaster them. Yet rats gnaw holes through the plaster and shelter themselves inside. Then, if you
smoke them out, you are afraid you might burn the wood; if you pour water over them, you are afraid the plaster
might crumble. This is the reason why the shrine rats cannot be caught. Now the courtiers of the ruler of men,
when out, are influential in position and thereby exploit the people; when in, they join one another in hiding their
faults from the ruler. From inside they spy out the ruler's secrets and report them to foreign authorities, till they
become influential both at home and abroad and all ministers and magistrates regard them as helpful. 36 If the
authorities do not censure them, they continue disturbing laws; if they censure them, then the ruler will shield 37
them from blame, shelter them from punishment, 38 and still keep them around. They are the shrine rats in the
state. Similarly, ministers who have the grip on state affairs and issue prohibitions at their pleasure, always
giving advantages to those doing them good and causing injuries to those not doing them any good, are the same
as fierce dogs.
Indeed, when chief vassals have become fierce dogs and would bite upholders of the true path, and when the
courtiers have turned into shrine rats and would spy out the ruler's secrets, if the lord of men takes no notice of
the impending danger, how can he avoid delusion and how can the state evade ruin?
According to a different source: Among the wine merchants in Sung there was a certain Chuang family. Their
wine was always excellent. One day somebody sent a servant to buy the wine of the Chuangs. As their dog
would bite customers, the servant dared not go to them and bought wine from another family. When he was
asked why he did not buy the wine of the Chuangs, he replied, "The wine of the Chuangs is to-day sour." Hence
the saying: "If the wine merchant does not kill his dog, his wine will become sour."
According to another different source: Duke Huan asked Kuan Chung, "What was the chief menace to the
government of a state?" "The greatest distress is caused by the shrine rats," was the reply. "Indeed, after the
shrine had its beams 39 set up and had them plastered, rats would hide themselves inside. If you attempt to smoke
them out, the wood will be burned; if you pour water over them, the plaster will crumble. This is the way you are
distressed by the shrine rats. Now, the courtiers of the ruler of men, when out, are influential in position and
thereby exploit the people; when in, they join one another in slandering their enemies and in covering their own
faults, and thereby deceive the ruler. If not censured, they keep disturbing laws; if censured the lord of men will
shield 40 them from blame, shelter them from punishment, and still keep them around. They are shrine rats, too."
Similarly, ministers who have the grip on state affairs and issue prohibitions at their pleasure, always giving
advantages to those doing them good and causing injuries to those not doing them any good, are fierce dogs, too.
Therefore, if the courtiers become shrine rats and the administrators of state affairs turn into fierce dogs, the right
type of statecraft will not function.
When Yao wanted to transfer the rule over All-underHeaven to Shun, against such a measure Kùn remonstrated
with him saying: "How inauspicious! Who would transfer the rule of All-under-Heaven to a commoner?" Yao
never listened to him but raised an army and killed him in the vicinity of the Feather Mountains. Likewise, the
Minister of Public Works remonstrated with him, saying, "Nobody should transfer the rule over All-under-
Heaven to a commoner." Yao never listened to him but also raised an army and banished the Minister of Public
Works to the city of Yu-chou. Thenceforth, All-under-Heaven dared not disapprove the transfer of the rule over
All-under-Heaven to Shun. Hearing this, Chung-ni said: "It is not difficult for Yao to know the worthiness of
Shun. Indeed, to punish the remonstrants and thereby effect the transfer of the throne to Shun was his difficulty."
According to a different source: Chung-ni said, "Not to ruin the result of observation with the object of suspicion
is difficult."
King Chuang of Ching once issued the law of the inner gate 41 to the effect that "When any Ministers, High
Officers, and Princes enter the court, if the hoofs of anybody's horse walk upon the èavesdrops', the court guard
should cut down the shaft of his carriage and execute his coachman." In the meantime, the Crown Prince entered
the court. As soon as his horse trod on the "eavesdrops", the guard cut down the shaft of his carriage and
executed his coachman. Angry at this, the Crown Prince went in to see the King and with tears in his eyes said,
"May Your Majesty punish the guard for me!" In response the King said: "The law is the means whereby the
ancestral shrine and the Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain are revered. Therefore, who can live up to the law,
carry out orders, and thereby revere the Shrine of the Spirits of Land and Grain, is a loyal subject to the
community. Why should such a man be punished then? To be sure, who violates the law, discards orders, and
thereby shows no respect to the Shrine of the Spirits of Land and Grain, is a subject offending his ruler and an
inferior disobeying his superior. 42 If the subject offends his ruler, then the sovereign will lose his authority; if the
inferior disobeys his superior, then the superior's status will be endangered. With my authority lost and my status
endangered and the Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain not safeguarded what can I bequeath to my
descendants?" Thereupon the Crown Prince ran backward, kept away from his residence, stayed outdoors for
three days, faced the north, repeated his bows, and apologized for the capital crime.
According to a different source: Once upon a time the King of Chù sent urgently for the Crown Prince. The law
of the Chù State allowed no carriage to reach the inner gate of the palace. It was raining. There were puddles in
the courtyard. Therefore, the Crown Prince had to take his carriage as far as the inner gate. "No carriage is
allowed," shouted the court guard, "to reach the inner gate. To take any carriage as far as the inner gate 43 is
against the law." "His majesty's summon is so urgent," said the Crown Prince, "that I cannot wait till the puddles
dry up." So saying, he drove onward. Raising his halberd, the guard hit the horse and broke the yoke. The Crown
Prince then went in to see the King and with tears in his eyes said: "There were in the courtyard so many puddles
that I had to take the carriage as far as the inner gate. The guard, however, said it was against the law, raised his
halberd, hit thy servant's horse and broke the yoke of thy servant's carriage. May Your Majesty be sure to punish
him!" "With the aged sovereign in the front," remarked the King, "he never neglected the law; with the future
ruler in the rear he never showed any favour. How worthy he must be! He is truly my law-abiding subject."
Thereupon the King raised the rank of the guard by two grades, sent out the Crown Prince through the back gate,
and prevented him from going through the inner gate again.
Duke Ssŭ 44 of Wei said to Po Yi: "You regard my state as small and therefore not worth serving. Yet I have
ability to take you into service. Shall I raise your rank and appoint you High Noble?" So saying, he added one
million mou 45 of fields to his emolument. In response to this Po Tzŭ said: "Yi's mother loves Yi and thinks Yi is
even able to serve as prime minister to a ruler of ten thousand chariots with no insufficiency. However, Yi's
family witch, Old Woman Tsài, is very much liked and believed by Yi's mother and is entrusted with all
domestic affairs. Now, Yi is intelligent enough to be told 46 about the domestic affairs and his mother should
always listen to him. However, whatever she had agreed with Yi, she would always refer to Old Woman Tsài for
decision. Thus, for instance, after discussing Yi's wisdom and ability with the old woman, she came to consider
Yi able to serve as prime minister to a ruler of ten thousand chariots. As regards the relationship, it lies between
mother and son. Nevertheless, she could not help consulting Old Woman Tsài. Now, the relationship between Yi
and the lord of men is not as intimate as that between mother and son while the lord of men always has witches
like Old Woman Tsài. The witches of the lord of men are, no doubt, his powerful vassals, who are able to
practise selfishness. Indeed, to practise selfishness is contrary to the inked string, whereas what Yi speaks about
is always in accordance with the law. Who acts contrary to the inked string and who stands in accordance with
the law are enemies and never tolerate each other."
According to a different source: The Ruler of Wei was going to Chin and said to Po Yi: "I want you to go along
with me." "Mother is at home. May I go home and consult with her about the matter?" Thereupon the Ruler of
Wei went himself to ask permission. "Yi is a subject," said Mother Po, "to Your Highness. It is very kind of you
to take him along." Then the Ruler said to Po Yi: "I already 47 asked Mother. She gave me permission." When Po
Yi went home, he asked his mother, "Who loves Yi better, His Highness or Mother?" "He does not love my son
so much as I do," replied the mother. "Who recognizes Yi's worthiness more, His Highness or Mother?" "He does
not recognize my son's worthiness so much as I do." Finally Yi said: "Every time after Mother and Yi discussed
domestic affairs and decided on a certain plan, she would refer it to the Old Woman of Tsài, a fortune-teller, for
the second decision. Now the ruler of Wei is going to take Yi along. Though he will decide with Yi on his plans,
yet he will certainly consult some other Old Woman Tsài and break the plans. If such be the case, Yi will not be
able to serve him long as Minister."
Indeed, the teacher of singing first teaches the pupil vocal gestures and different pitches. After the pupil becomes
48
able to express the clear lingual sounds, then the teacher begins to teach him real singing.
According to a different source: The teacher of singing, first of all, conforms the pupil's voice to certain rules.
When singing staccato,49 the pupil must set his tone with guttural sounds; when singing legato,50 he must set his
tone with lingual sounds. If his staccato is not set with guttural sounds and his legato not with lingual sounds,
then he is not teachable. 51
Wu Chì was a native of Tso-shih in Wei. Once he asked his wife to weave a silk band. When finished, the band
was too narrow for the regular width. So he asked her to weave a new one. "All right," said his wife. When
finished, it was measured as before but fell short of the regular width, too. At this Wu Chì was very angry. In
response his wife said: "After I had set in the warp, I could not change the width any more." Wu Chì divorced
her. Then his wife asked her elder brother to send her back. Her elder brother said: "Wu Chì is a law-abiding
man. In abiding by the law, he wants to apply legalism to his wife first and then to his son in order that some day
he will be in a position to render a ruler of ten thousand chariots meritorious services. Give up your hope for
reinstatement as his wife." Her younger brother had 52 influence on the Ruler of Wei. Therefore, through the
influence of the Ruler of Wei he asked Wu Chì to take her back, but Wu Chì never listened to him and finally
left Wei for Ching.
According to a different source: Wu Ch'i showed his wife a silk band and said to her: "Will you weave for me a
silk band exactly like this one?" When the band was woven, he tried 53 it and found it extraordinarily well done.
"I told you," said Wu Chì, "to weave for me a silk band exactly like this one, but now it is extraordinarily well
done. Why?" In reply his wife said: "The material was the same, but I added a great deal of effort to make it
better than the sample." "That was not what I told you to do." So saying, Wu Chì let his wife wear it and sent
her home. Her father went to ask him to take her back. However, Wu Chì said, "Chì's house admits no empty
word."
Duke Wên of Chin once asked Hu Yen: "If your Highness fills the reception hall with sweet tastes and fat meat,
leaves a few cups of wine and a few plates of meat in the inner court, and lets the wine in the jar have no time to
become clear and the raw meat have no time to be laid out, and if on killing an ox he would distribute the beef
among the people in the country and clothe the officers and soldiers with the whole year's products of the
weavers, will this be sufficient to make the people go to war?" "Insufficient," replied Hu Tzŭ. "Suppose I reduce
the custom duties and business taxes and loosen censure and punishment, will that be sufficient to make the
people go to war?" "Insufficient," replied Hu Tzŭ. "Suppose I personally send a courtier to look after the matter
when anybody needs money for a funeral rite, give pardons to criminals and bestow favours upon the poor and
the needy. Will this be sufficient to make the people go to war?" In reply Hu Tzŭ said: "All these methods are
ways of earning one's livelihood. To make the people go to war, however, is to put them to death. Now that the
people obey Your Highness on purpose to earn their livelihood, if Your Highness thereby drives them to their
death, then they will lose the cause to obey Your Highness." "If so," asked the Duke, "what will be sufficient to
make the people go to war?" "Make them unable to do anything but fighting," was the reply. "How to make them
unable to do anything but fighting?" asked the Duke. "By making reward of faith and punishment definite,"
replied Hu Tzŭ. "This will be sufficient to make them go to war." "How far must the extremity of censure and
punishment extend?" asked the Duke. "As far as any relative or noble held guilty. The law must prevail among
the most beloved," replied Hu Tzŭ. "Good," remarked the Duke.
On the following day Duke Wên issued an order: A field-hunt is to be held at the Gardening Land; the time is
fixed at noon sharp; whoever arrives late shall be court-martialled. There arrived late a favourite of Duke Wên,
named Tien Chieh. The criminal judge asked the Duke to pass a sentence on him. Shedding tears, the Duke
worried over it. But the judge said, "May Your Highness carry out the order!" Finally he cut Tien Chieh in two at
the back in order to warn the hundred surnames and to prove the faith of the law. Thenceforth all the hundred
surnames were afraid of punishment and said: "His Highness made so much of Tien Chieh. Still he applied the
law to the case. How much less can we hope for pardon?"
Perceiving his ability to make the people go to war, Duke Wên raised an army, attacked Yüan, and took it.
Attacking Wei, he made their field-ridges run eastward and thereby facilitate his military operations. He took
Five Deer, attacked Yang, and defeated Kuo. Then he attacked Tsào and marched southward to besiege Chêng
and upset the city walls. Then he raised the siege of Sung and fought with the Chings at Ch`êng-pù and put
them to rout. Turning homeward, he took an oath at Foot-Earth, and finally accomplished at Hêng-yung the
righteousness of honouring the House of Chou. Thus, in an expedition he completed eight achievements. As to
why he was so successful, there was no other reason than this, that he followed the counsel of Hu Yen and made
use of the back of Tien Chieh.
Indeed the pain of the boil, unless the bone and marrow are pierced, the worried mind will no longer be able to
bear. If the bone and marrow are not pierced, nobody can use the half-inch stone-needle to cut the boil open. The
same is true with the lord of men in government. Unless he knows hardship, he cannot have peace. If he wants to
govern his country, unless he experiences the pain, he will not be able to listen to the holy and the intelligent and
remove the rebellious ministers. Rebellious ministers are always powerful men. Powerful men are always very
near and dear to the lord of men. The relationship between the sovereign and his favourites is as inseparable as
that between "Hard and White". 54 Indeed, if any wearer of hemp clothes attempts from such a humble position to
remove the favourites of the lord of men who are as inseparable from him as hard from white, it will be as
dangerous as to cut off the left thigh and speak to the right one. This is the reason why his body will be put to
death and his theory never will prevail.
Notes
1. 外儲說右上.
2. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 合 above 勢 should be 舍.
3. With Wang Hsien-shên 遇 above 勢 should be 遏.
4. With Kao Hêng 軺 reads 招.
5. With Kao 轂 reads 彀.
6. 鞠 should be supplied below 易 in accordance with the annotation.
7. With Wang Hsien-shên 氏 should be 君.
8. 犀首 was originally name of an official post in Wey, which post Kung-sun Yen held so long, till it became his
style.
9. With Wang Hsien-shên 知貴 seems to be a mistake for 欲知.
10. With Yü Yüeh 餘 above 財 is superfluous.

11. With Wang Hsien-shên 惠施 should be 施惠.
12. 斗斛區釜 refer to different measures for grain.
13. 士 or "gentry" in this case connotes both scholars and warriors.
14. 二制. One chih is about eighteen feet.
15. They feared they might be held under suspicion by the ruling authorities if they kept singing his praises.
16. The Book of Poatry, Pt. II. Bk. VII, IV, 3, trans. by Legge.
17. With Wang Hsien-shen 之歌舞 should be 歌舞之.
18. Both Hirazawa's and Waseda's editions have 故曰 in place of 或曰.
19. The personal name of Tzŭ-lu.
20. The personal name of Chi-sun.
21. 非 should be supplied above 所以教於囯.
22. With Wang Hsien-shen 也 below 狂矞 is superfluous.
23. 議 means 義.
24. 軫 really means "the bar behind a carriage". When it turns, the wheels of the carriage turn, too. Therefore, to
turn the bar is the same as to turn the wheels.
25. With Kao Hêng 百 above 金 should be 千 as found in Wang Chùng's "Refutation of Han Fei Tzŭ".
26. I propose 主 for 王.
27. The personal name of Hsüeh Kung, i.e. Lord Mêng-chàng.
28. Hirazawa's edition has 飾 in place of 惑 below 人.
29. With Kao Hêng 規 in both cases means 窺.
30. With Yü Yüeh 知 is a mistake for 和.
31. With Kao Hêng 知 above 見 is superfluous.
32. With Yü Yüeh 曰 should be 日 and 引 above 王 should be 以.
33. Tìen Ying was his real name.
34. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 主 should be 王.
35. In addition to the sign-board he hangs up, the Chinese storekeeper frequently hoists his banner for
advertising purposes.
36. With Wang Hslen-shên 富 is a mistake for 輔.
37. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 安 above 据 means 案, and 不 above it should be 所.

38. With Ku 腹 should be supplied below 據.
39. With Kao Hêng 樹 should be supplied above 木.
40. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 危 above 據 should be 安.
41. With Sun I-jang 茅門 should be 雉門.
42. With Wang Hsien-shên 下尚校 should be 下校尚 which means 下亢上.
43. With Wang 至茆門 should be repeated.
44. 嗣君 should be 嗣公 and so throughout the annotation.
45. 萬頃. One chìng is one hundred mou. One mou is a Chinese acre; one English acre is about 6.6 mou.
46. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 信 above 言 is superfluous.
47. With Wang Hsien-shên 以 below 吾 should be 已.
48. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 反 should be 及.
49. 疾呼.
50. 徐呼.
51. 謂 above 教 means 為.
52. With Wang Hsien-shên 又 reads 有.
53. With Wang 效 should be 較 but with Kao Hêng 效 means 考 or 驗.
54. Kung-sun Lung made a epistemological analysis of the qualities of physical objects with special reference to
the tactile and the visible qualities, for example, hardness and whiteness. A similar analysis was made two
thousand years later in the West, first by Descartes and Locke and then by Berkeley and Hume. Distinguishing
between the primary and the secondary qualities, Descartes and Locke considered solidity or hardness as primary
and whiteness as secondary. According to them, the primary qualities of physical objects have objective
existence while the secondary qualities are due to mental activities of the perceiver. Thus, both of them were
subjectified by Berkeley, and Hume even went so far as to disprove the substantiality of the perceiving mind.
The attention of our Chinese philosopher, Kung-sun Lung, was attracted to the relationship between hardness
and whiteness, namely, between a primary quality and a secondary one, which has evidently interested no thinker
in the West. According to Kung-sun Lung, whiteness is perceived by the eyes but never by the hand. Yet both
inhere equally in the same object. Are hardness and whiteness two distinct qualities in objective existence or are
they the same thing perceived by different senses? If neither the hands nor the eyes can solve this problem, who
can solve it? These were some of the puzzling problems Kung-sun Lung raised and attempted to solve.
Book Fourteen
35 外儲說右〔下〕第三十五
經一：賞罰共，則禁令不行。何以明之？〔明之〕以造父、於期。子罕為出彘，田恆為圃池，故宋

君、簡公弒。患在王良、造父之共車，田連、成竅之共琴也。
經二：治強生於法，弱亂生於阿，君明於此，則正賞罰〔而〕非仁下也。爵祿生於功，誅罰生於罪，
臣明於此，則盡死力而〔非〕忠君也。君通於不仁，臣通於不忠，則可以王矣。昭襄知主情而不發五
苑；田鮪知臣情故教田章，而公儀辭魚。
經三：明主者，鑒於外也，而外事不得不成，故蘇代非齊王。人主鑒於上也，而居者不適不顯，故潘
壽言禹情。人主無所覺悟，方吾知之，故恐同衣（於）〔同〕族，而況借於權乎！吳章知之，故說以
佯，而況借於誠乎！趙王惡虎目而壅。明主之道，如周行人之卻衛侯也。
經四：人主者，守法責成以立功者也。聞有吏雖亂而有獨善之民，不聞有亂民而有獨治之吏，故明主

治吏不治民。說在搖木之本與引網之綱。故失火之嗇夫，不可不論也。救火者，吏操壺走火，則一人之
用也。操鞭使人，則役萬夫。故所遇術者，如造父之遇驚馬，牽馬推車則不能進，代御執轡持筴則馬咸
騖矣。是以說在椎鍛平夷，榜檠矯直。不然，敗在淖齒用齊戮閔王，李兌用趙餓主父也。
經五：因事之理，則不勞而成。故茲鄭之踞轅而歌以上高梁也。其患在趙簡主稅吏請輕重；薄疑之言
「國中飽」，簡主喜而府庫虛，百姓餓而姦吏富也。故桓公巡民而管仲省腐財怨女。不然，則在延陵乘
馬不得進，造父過之而為之泣也。
說一：
造父御四馬，馳驟周旋而恣欲於馬。恣欲於馬者，擅轡筴之制也。然馬驚於出彘，而造父不能禁制者，
非轡筴之嚴不足也，威分於出彘也。王子於期為駙駕，轡筴不用而擇欲於馬，擅芻水之利也。然馬過於
圃池而駙（馬）〔駕〕敗者，非芻水之利不足也，德分於圃池也。
故王良、造父，天下之善御者也，然而使王良操左革而叱咤之，使造父操右革而鞭笞之，馬不能行十
里，共故也。田連、成竅，天下善鼓琴者也，然而田連鼓上、成竅擑下而不能成曲，亦〔共〕故也。
夫以王良、造父之巧，共轡而御不能使馬，人主安能與其臣共權以為治？以田連、成竅之巧，共琴而不
能成曲，人主又安能與〔其〕臣共勢以成功乎？
一曰：造父為齊王駙駕，渴馬服成，效駕圃中。渴馬見圃池，去車走池，駕敗。
王子於期為趙簡主取道爭千里之表，其始發也，〔彘〕伏溝中。王子於期齊轡筴而進之，彘突出於溝
中，馬驚駕敗。
司城子罕謂宋君曰：「慶賞賜與，民之所喜也，君自行之；殺戮誅罰，民之所惡也，臣請當之。」宋君
曰：「諾。」於是出威令，誅大臣，君曰：「問子罕也。」於是大臣畏之，細民歸之。處期年，子罕殺
宋君而奪政。故子罕為出彘以奪其君國。
簡公在上位，罰重而誅嚴，厚賦斂而殺戮民。田成恆設慈愛，明寬厚。簡公以齊民為渴馬，不以恩加
民；而田成恆以仁厚為圃池也。
一曰：造父為齊王駙駕，以渴服馬，百日而服成。服成，請效駕齊王，王曰：「效駕於圃中。」造父驅
車入圃，馬見圃池而走，造父不能禁。造父以渴服馬久矣，今馬見池，駻而走，雖造父不能治。今簡公
之〔以〕法禁其眾久矣，而田成恆利之，是田成恆傾圃池而示渴民也。
一曰：王子於期為宋君為千里之逐。已駕，察手吻文。且發矣，驅而前之，輪中繩；引而卻之，馬掩
迹。拊而發之，彘逸出於竇中。馬退而卻，筴不能進前也；馬駻而走，轡不能正也。
一曰：司城子罕謂宋君曰：「慶（駕）〔賞〕賜予者，民之所好也，君自行之；誅罰殺戮者，民之所惡
也，臣請當之。」於是戮細民而誅大臣，君曰：「與子罕議之。」居朞年，民知殺生之命制於子罕也，
故一國歸焉。故子罕劫宋君而奪其政，法不能禁也。故曰：「子罕為出彘，而田成常為圃池也。」今王
良、造父共車，人操一邊轡而（入）〔出〕門閭，駕必敗而道不至也。令田連、成竅共琴，人撫一絃而
揮，則音必敗，曲不遂矣。
說二：
秦昭王有病，百姓里買牛而家為王禱。公孫述出見之，入賀王曰：「百姓乃皆里買牛為王禱。」王使人
問之，果有之。王曰：「訾之人二甲。夫非令而擅禱，是愛寡人也。夫愛寡人，寡人亦且改法而心與之
相循者，是法不立；法不立，亂亡之道也。不如人罰二甲，而復與為治。」
一曰：秦襄王病，百姓為之禱；病愈，殺牛塞禱。郎中閻遏、公孫衍出見之，曰：「非社臘之時也，奚
自殺牛而祠社？」怪而問之。百姓曰：「人主病，為之禱；今病愈，殺牛塞禱。」閻遏、公孫衍說，見
王，拜賀曰：「過堯、舜矣。」王驚曰：「何謂也？」對曰：「堯、舜其民未至為之禱也。今王病，而
民以牛禱；病愈，殺牛塞禱。故臣竊以王為過堯、舜也。」王因使人問之，何里為之，訾其里正與伍老
屯二甲。閻遏、公孫衍媿不敢言。居數月，王飲酒酣樂，閻遏、公孫衍謂王曰：「前時臣竊以王為過
堯、舜，非直敢諛也。堯、舜病，且其民未至為之禱也。今王病而民以牛禱，病愈，殺牛塞禱。今乃訾
其里正與伍老屯二甲，臣竊怪之。」王曰：「子何故不知於此？彼民之所以為我用者，非以吾愛之為我
用者也，以吾勢之為我用者也。吾（適）〔釋〕勢與民相收，若是，吾適不愛而民因不為我用也，故遂
絕愛道也。」
秦大饑，應侯請曰：「五苑之草著：蔬（）〔菜〕、橡果、棗栗，足以活民，請發之。」昭襄王曰：
「吾秦法，使民有功而受賞，有罪而受誅。今發五苑之蔬草者，使民有功與無功俱賞也。夫使民有功與
無功俱賞者，此亂之道也。夫發五苑而亂，不如棄棗蔬而治。」
一曰：「令發五苑之蓏、蔬、棗、栗，足以活民，是用民有功與無功爭取也。夫生而亂，不如死而治，
大夫其釋之。」
田鮪教其子田章曰：「欲利而身，先利而君；欲富而家，先富而國。」
一曰：田鮪教其子田章曰：「主賣官爵，臣賣智力。故自恃無恃人。」
公儀休相魯而嗜魚，一國盡爭買魚而獻之，公儀子不受。其弟諫曰：「夫子嗜魚而不受者，何也？」對
曰：「夫唯嗜魚，故不受也。夫即受魚，必有下人之色；有下人之色，將枉於法；枉於法，則免於相。
雖嗜魚，此不必（能自給）致我魚，我又不能自給魚。即無受魚而不免於相，雖嗜魚，我能長自給
魚。」此明夫恃人不如自恃也，明於人之為己者不如己之自為也。
說三：
子之相燕，貴而主斷。蘇代為齊使燕，王問之曰：「齊王亦何如主也？」對曰：「必不霸矣。」燕王
曰：「何也？」對曰：「昔桓公之霸也，內事屬鮑叔，外事屬〔管〕仲，桓公被髮而御婦人，日遊於
市。今齊王不信其大臣。」於是燕王因益大信子之。子之聞之，使人遺蘇代金百鎰，而聽其所使
（之）。
一曰：蘇代為（秦）〔齊〕使燕，見無益子之，則必不得事而還，貢賜又不出，於是見燕王，乃譽齊
王。燕王曰：「齊王何若是之賢也？則將必王乎？」蘇代曰：「救亡不暇，安得王哉？」燕王曰：「何
也？」曰：「其任所愛不均。」燕王曰：「其亡何也？」曰：「昔者齊桓公愛管仲，置以為仲父，內事
理焉，外事斷焉，舉國而歸之，故一匡天下，九合諸侯。今齊任所愛不均，是以知其亡也。」燕王曰：
「今吾任子之，天下未之聞也？」於是明日張朝而聽子之。
潘壽謂燕王曰：「王不如以國讓子之。人所以謂堯賢者，以其讓天下於許由，許由必不受也，則是堯有
讓許由之名，而實不失天下也。今王以國讓子之，子之必不受也，則是王有讓子之之名，而與堯同行
也。」於〔是〕燕王因舉國而屬之子之，〔子之〕大重。
一曰：潘壽，（闞）〔隱〕者。燕使人聘之。潘壽見燕王曰：「臣恐子之之如益也。」王曰：「何益
哉？」對曰：「古者禹死，將傳天下於益，啟之人因相與攻益而立啟。今王信愛子之，將傳國子之，太
子之人盡懷印，為子之之人無一人在朝廷者。王不幸棄群臣，則子之亦益也。」王因收吏璽，自三百石
以上皆效之子之，子之大重。夫人主之所以鏡照者，諸侯之士徒也，今諸侯之士徒皆私門之黨也。人主
之所以自淺娋者，巖穴之士徒也，今巖穴之士徒皆私門之舍人也。是何也？奪（號）〔褫〕之資在子之
也。故吳章曰：「人主不佯憎愛人。佯愛人，不得復憎也；佯憎人，不得復愛也。」
一曰：燕王欲傳國於子之也，問之潘壽，對曰：「禹愛益而任天下於益，已而以啟人為吏。及老，而以
啟為不足任天下，故傳天下於益，而勢重盡在啟也。已而啟與友黨攻益而奪之天下，是禹名傳天下於
益，而實令啟自取之也。此禹之不及堯、舜明矣。今王欲傳之子之，而吏無非太子之人者也，是名傳之
而實令太子自取之也。」燕王乃收璽，自三百石以上皆效之子之，〔子之〕遂重。
方吾子曰：「吾聞之古禮：行不與同服者同車，不與同族者共家，而況君人者乃借其權而外其勢乎！」
吳章謂韓宣王曰：「人主不可佯愛人，一日不可復憎；不可以佯憎人，一日不可復愛也。故佯憎佯愛之
徵見，則諛者因資而毀譽之。雖有明主，不能復收，而況於以誠借人也！」
趙王遊於圃中，左右以菟與虎而輟，（盼）〔盻〕然環其眼。王曰：「可惡哉，虎目也！」左右曰：
「平陽君之目可惡過此。見此未有害也，見平陽君之目如此者，則必死矣。」其明日，平陽君聞之，使
人殺言者，而王不誅也。
衛君入朝於周，周行人問其號，對曰：「諸侯辟彊。」周行人卻之曰：「諸侯不得與天子同號。」衛君
乃自更曰：「諸侯燬。」而後內之。仲尼聞之曰：「遠哉禁偪，虛名不以借人，況實事乎？」
說四：
搖木者一一攝其葉，則勞而不徧，左右拊其本，而葉徧搖矣。臨淵而搖木，鳥驚而高，魚恐而下。善張
網者引其綱，（不）〔若〕一一攝萬目而後得，則是勞而難；引其綱，而魚已囊矣。故吏者，民之本、
綱者也，故聖人治吏不治民。
救火者，令吏挈壺甕而走火，則一人之用也；操鞭箠指麾而趣使人，則制萬夫。是以聖人不親細民，明
主不躬小事。
造父方耨，（得）〔時〕有子父乘車過者，馬驚而不行，其子下車牽馬，父子推車，請造父助我推車。
造父因收器，輟而寄載之，援其子之乘，乃始檢轡持筴，未之用也，而馬（轡驚）〔咸騖〕矣。使造父
而不能御，雖盡力勞身助之推車，馬猶不肯行也。今身使佚，且寄載，有德於人者，有術而御之也。故
國者，君之車也；勢者，君之馬也。無術以御之，身雖勞，猶不免亂；有術以御之，身處佚樂之地，又
致帝王之功也。
椎鍛者，所以平不夷也；榜檠者，所以矯不直也。聖人之為法也，所以平不夷，矯不直也。
淖齒之用齊也，擢閔王之筋；李兌之用趙也，餓殺主父。此二君者，皆不能用其椎鍛榜檠，故身死為
戮，而為天下笑。
一曰：入齊，則獨聞淖齒而不聞齊王；入趙，則獨聞李兌而不聞趙王。故曰：人主者不操術，則威勢輕
而臣擅名。
一曰：田嬰相齊，人有說王者曰：「終歲之計，王不一以數日之閒自聽之，則無以知吏之姦邪得失
也。」王曰：「善。」田嬰聞之，即遽請於王而聽其計。王將聽之矣，田嬰令官具押券斗石參升之計。
王自聽計，計不勝聽，罷食後，復坐，不復暮食矣。田嬰復謂曰：「群臣所終歲日夜不敢偷怠之事也，
王以一夕聽之，則群臣有為勸勉矣。」王曰：「諾。」俄而王已睡矣，吏盡揄刀削其押券升石之計。王
自聽之，亂乃始生。
一曰：武靈王使惠文王莅政，李兌為相，武靈王不以身躬親殺生之柄，故劫於李兌。
說五：
茲鄭子引輦上高梁而不能支。茲鄭踞轅而歌，前者止，後者趨，輦乃上。使茲鄭無術以致人，則身雖絕
力至死，輦猶不上也。今身不至勞苦而輦以上者，有術以致人之故也。
趙簡主出稅者，吏請輕重。簡主曰：「勿輕勿重。重則利入於上，若輕則利歸於民。吏無私利而正
矣。」
薄疑謂趙簡主曰：「君之國中飽。」簡主欣然而喜曰：「何如焉？」對曰：「府庫空虛於上，百姓貧餓
於下，然而姦吏富矣。」
齊桓公微服以巡民家，人有年老而自養者，桓公問其故。對曰：「臣有子三人，家貧無以妻之，傭未
反。」桓公歸，以告管仲。〔管仲〕曰：「畜積有腐棄之財，則人飢餓；宮中有怨女，則民無妻。」桓
公曰：「善。」乃論宮中有婦人而嫁之。下令於民曰：「丈夫二十而室，婦人十五而嫁。」
一曰：桓公微服而行於民間，有鹿門稷者，行年七十而無妻。桓公問管仲曰：「有民老而無妻者乎？」
管仲曰：「有鹿門稷者，行年七十矣而無妻。」桓公曰：「何以令之有妻？」管仲曰：「臣聞之：上有
積財，則民臣必匱乏於下；宮中有怨女，則有老而無妻者。」桓公曰：「善。」令於宮中「女子未嘗御
出嫁之」。乃令男子年二十而室，女年十五而嫁。則內無怨女，外無曠夫。
延陵卓子乘蒼龍挑文之乘，鉤飾在前，錯錣在後，馬欲進則鉤飾禁之，欲退則錯錣貫之，馬因旁出。造
父過而為之泣涕，曰：「古之治人亦然矣。夫賞所以勸之而毀存焉，罰所以禁之而譽加焉。民中立而不
知所由，此亦聖人之所為泣也。」
一曰：延陵卓子乘蒼龍與翟文之乘，前則有錯飾，後則〔有〕利錣（筴），進則引之，退則筴之。馬前
不得進，後不得退，遂避而逸，因下抽刀而刎其腳。造父見之，泣，終日不食，因仰天而歎曰：「筴，
所以進之也，錯飾在前；引，所以退之也，利錣在後。今人主以其清潔也進之，以其不適左右也退之，
以其公正也譽之，以其不聽從也廢之。民懼，中立而不知所由，此聖人之所為泣也。」
Chapter XXXV. Outer Congeries of Sayings, The Lower Right Series

1
I. If the Ruler enforces reward and punishment with the minister, then prohibitions and ordinances will take no
effect. How can I make this clear? With the cases of Tsao-fu and Yü-chì as illustration. Tzŭ-han acted like the
jumping pig; Tìen Hêng made benevolence and kindness as attractive as the garden pool. In consequence, the
Ruler of Sung and Duke Chien were murdered. The calamity of its practice is also illustrated by Wang Liang and
Tsao-fu driving the same chariot and Tìen Lien and Ch`êng Chiao playing the same lute.
II. Order and strength are due to the law; weakness and disorder, to its crookedness. If the ruler understands this
principle, he must rectify reward and punishment but never assume humanity towards his inferiors. Rank and
emolument are due to meritorious services; censure and punishment, to criminal offences. If the minister
understands this, he must exert his strength even at the risk of his life but never assume loyalty to the ruler. Thus,
with the ruler well versed in the practice of inhumanity and the minister in that of disloyalty, it is possible to rule
over All-under-Heaven. For illustration, King Chao-hsiang, knowing the gist of the sovereign, stopped giving the
starvelings fruits and vegetables from the Five Parks; and Tìen Yu, knowing the gist of the minister, gave
instructions to his son, Tìen Chang. Kung Yi refused the present of fish.
III. If the lord of men takes no interest in foreign affairs, then itinerants from abroad are bound to be successful.
For instance, Su Tai reproved the King of Chì before the King of Yen. If the lord of men takes interest 2 in
ancient precepts, then private scholars are certain to become celebrated. For instance, Pàn Shou extolled the acts
of King Yü. It was because the lord of men in so doing perceived no fault of his own. Knowing this principle,
Fang Wu was afraid of sharing anything with any kin. How much more should the ruler of men be afraid of
letting any minister exercise his authority? Knowing this principle, Wu Chang spoke about the futility of
anybody showing pretentious love or hatred. How much more futile must it be to show true love or true hatred?
The King of Chao disliked the tiger's eyes and thereby incurred delusion. The way of the enlightened sovereign
is very often like the way of the official usher of the court of Chou refusing the Ruler of Wei admission.
IV. The lord of men abides by the law and calls actual results to account in order thereby to perform his great
achievement. We hear about people who behave well by themselves despite the dissipation of the magistrate; but
we never hear about any magistrate who governs himself well but has rebellious people. Therefore, the
enlightened sovereign governs the magistrates but never directly governs the people. The basis of this argument
is found in shaking the tree by its root and drawing the net by its rope. Therefor, take for further illustration the
fire brigade. On suppressing the fire, if the captain takes one jar of water and runs to the fire with it, it means that
he performs the function of only one man; whereas if he takes a whip in hand and drives other men to work then
he can make a myriad men work. Therefore, upholders of tact can accomplish the result as easily as Tsao-fu
handling a frightened horse. When Tsao-fu led the horse and pulled the carriage, he could not advance them.
When he replaced the coachman, held the reins in hand and took the whip along, then the horses would all start
galloping. Therefore, the principle can be illustrated with the iron hammer flattening metallic plates and the
wooden stand straightening bows. Action contrary to the principle is 3 instanced by Cho Chìh serving Chì and
murdering King Min and in the case of Li Tai serving Chao and starving the Father Sovereign to death.
V. If you follow the right course of a task, you will accomplish it without hard work. For this reason, Tzŭ Chêng
sat on the shaft and sang and thereby went across the arch of a bridge. The contrary is instanced by the tax
collector asking Lord Chien of Chao about the increase and decrease in taxation and by Po Yi speaking about the
satiation of the stomach of the country. In this remark Lord Chien rejoiced, but the public treasury was running
empty; the hundred surnames were starving, but the officials were wealthy. For further illustration, Duke Huan
inspected the real situation of the people, so that Kuan Chung used up the surplus money in the treasury and sent
away the resentful girls from the court. Action contrary to the principle is instanced by Cho Tzŭ of Yen-ling who
could not advance his carriage while driving the horses and by whom Tsao-fu passed and for whom he wept.
Tsao-fu managed four horses, drove them as fast as possible, turned them around everywhere, and thus moved in
any direction as he pleased. He could manage the horses in the way he pleased, because he handled the reins and
the whip at his will. However, when horses were frightened by the jumping pig, Tsao-fu lost control of them, not
because the severity of the reins and the whip became insufficient, but because his authority over the horses was
shaken by the jumping pig. Prince Yü-Chì harnessed extra horses alongside his chariot, and, without holding the
reins and any whip, managed the horses at his pleasure. This was on account of the attractiveness of the fodder
and water he was giving them. However, when the horses passed by the garden pool, the extra horses broke
away, not because the benefit of his fodder and water became insufficient, but because his kindness was shaken
by the garden pool.
For the same reason, though Wang Liang and Tsao-fu were skilful drivers in All-under-Heaven, if you let Wang
Liang hold the left rein and thunder the horse onward and let Tsai-fu hold the right rein and whip it on, the horse
will not be able to go even ten li, because they held the reins of the same horse together. Likewise, though Tìen
Lien and Ch`êng Chiao were skilful players of the lute in Allunder-Heaven, yet if Tìen Lien played the upper
notes and Ch`êng Chiao played the lower notes, the result could not be any tune at all, because they handled the
same lute. Indeed, even Wang Liang and Tsao-fu, despite their skill could not put the horse to use when they held
the reins and the horse together. How much less could the lord of men succeed in government by sharing his
power with his ministers? Even Tìen Lien and Ch`êng Chiao, despite their skill, could not make a tune when
they played the same lute together. How much less could the lord of men accomplish any achievement by
sharing his august position with his ministers?
According to a different source: Tsao-fu served as assistant charioteer to the King of Chì. Once, when he
thought his work in training the horses to bear thirst was complete he drove the chariot to the garden. As soon as
the thirsty horses saw the garden pool they broke away from the chariot and ran to the pool, so that the harness
was broken to pieces.
As regards Prince Yü-chì, he on behalf of Lord Chien of Chao shaped his course to race for a goal one thousand
li away. When he started, a pig hid itself in a ditch. As he got the reins and the whip ready and began to make a
rush for the goal, the pig all of a sudden jumped out from the ditch. Thereby the horse was frightened, and the
harness was broken to pieces.
Tzŭ-han, Garrison Commander of the Capital, said to the Ruler of Sung: "Reward and bestowal are welcomed by
the people. May Your Highness confer them! Execution and punishment are disliked by the people. May thy
servant beg to perform them?" "All right," replied the Ruler of Sung. Thenceforth, on issuing important
ordinances and on censuring chief vassals, he always said: "Ask Tzŭ-han to give a decision!" Thereupon, chief
vassals became afraid of Tzŭ-han while the masses of people turned to him. In the course of one year, Tzŭ-han
murdered the Ruler of Sung and usurped the reins of government. Thus, Tzŭ-han acted like a jumping pig and
thereby usurped the state from his ruler.
Duke Chien from his supreme status inflicted heavy punishment, carried severe censure, increased taxes, and
executed culprits. On the contrary, Tìen Hêng 4 always created compassion and favour and displayed generosity
and kindness. Thus, Duke Chien turned the people into thirsty horses and conferred no favour upon them;
whereas Tìen Hêng made benevolence and kindness as attractive to the people as the garden pool to the thirsty
horses.
According to a different source: Tsao-fu served as assistant charioteer to the King of Chì and trained the horses
to bear thirst. In one hundred days the training was complete. 5 Then he asked the King of Chì to try harnessing
the team. "Try them in the garden," ordered the King. When Tsao-fu drove the chariot into the garden, the horses,
seeing the garden pool ran wild, and Tsao-fu could not stop them. For a long time Tsao-fu trained the horses to
bear thirst. Yet in the presence of a pool the horses all at once ran wild, when even Tsao-fu could not restrain
them. Now, for a long period the law of Duke Chien restrained the people; whereas Tìen Hêng gave all kinds of
profits to them. In other words, Tìen Hêng emptied the water of the garden pool and showed it to the thirsty
people.
According to a different source: Prince Yü-chì on behalf of the Ruler of Sung was running a race of one
thousand li. After he had harnessed the horses to the chariot, he rubbed the mane 6 and touched the line of the
bridle-bit. Then he started, drove on, and advanced the horses. The rings of the yokes hit the leather-ropes, which
he immediately stretched and pulled. The horses then bent their knees, straightened their bodies, and started
galloping. All of a sudden a pig jumped out from a ditch. The horses moved back and retreated. Even by
whipping them he could not drive them forward. They ran wild. He could not stop them by holding the reins.
According to a different source: Ssŭ-ch`êng Tzŭ-han said to the Ruler of Sung: "Reward and bestowal are
welcomed by the people. May Your Highness confer them personally! Punishment and execution are disliked by
them. May thy servant beg to take charge of them?" Thenceforth, on executing crooked people or on censuring
chief vassals, the Ruler always said, "Ask Tzŭ-han to give decision!" In the course of one year, the people knew
the order to kill was issued by Tzŭ-han. In consequence, the whole country turned to him. In the long run, Tzŭ-
han intimidated the Ruler of Sung and usurped his reins of government. Hence the saying: "Tzŭ-han acted like
the jumping pig; Tìen Hêng 7 made benevolence and kindness as attractive as the garden pool." Suppose Wang
Liang and Tsao-fu drove the same chariot, each holding the rein on one side, and went out 8 of the village gate.
Then the harness would break, and the destination would never be reached. Suppose Tìen Lien and Ch`êng
Chiao had the same lute, each handling one string, and started playing it. Then the notes would become
disharmonious and no tune could be performed.
King Chao of Chìn was ill. The hundred surnames in every hamlet bought an ox and every family prayed for the
King's earliest recovery. When Kung-sun Shu went out, he saw it. Therefore, he went in to congratulate the King
and said, "The hundred surnames in every village bought an ox to pray for Your Majesty's earliest recovery." The
King, accordingly, sent men out to inquire into the matter, and found it true. Therefore, the King said: "Make the
people of every village pay a fine 9 of two suits of armour. To be sure, who with no order offers prayers at his
pleasure, loves me, the King. Indeed, when the people love me, I will have to alter the law and bend my will to
comply with their requests. In this manner the law will not stand. If the law does not stand, it leads to chaos and
ruin. Thus, the best measure is to fine the people of every village two suits of armour and restore them to order."
According to a different source: King Hsiang of Chìn was ill. The hundred surnames prayed for his earliest
recovery. When he was perfectly recovered from illness, they killed oxen as sacrifices to thank the gods. When
courtier Yen O and Kung-sun Yen went out, they saw it and said, "This is not the time of any festival. 10 Why do
the people kill oxen and sacrifice them at the shrines?" Out of curiosity they put the question to the people. In
reply they said: "When His Majesty was ill, we prayed for his recovery. As he is perfectly recovered from the
illness, we kill oxen as sacrifice to thank the gods." Glad to hear this, Yen O and Kung-sun Yen interviewed the
King and offered bows and congratulations, saying, "Your Majesty has surpassed Yao and Shun!" "What do you
mean?" asked the King in wonder. In reply they said: "During the reigns of Yao and Shun the people never came
to pray for the ruler's recovery from his illness. Now, when Your Majesty was ill, the people in the prayers for his
earliest recovery promised the gods oxen sacrifices. When Your Majesty had perfectly recovered from the
illness, they killed the oxen to fulfil their promise. Therefore, thy servants personally think that Your Majesty
surpasses Yao and Shun." The King, accordingly, sent men out to inquire into the matter, found out those villages
which had held prayers, and fined every village headman and every leader of five families two suits of armour 11
each. Ashamed of their thoughtlessness, Yen O and Kung-sun Yen dared not speak about it. Several months
afterwards, one day, when the King was half-seas-over and happy at a carousal, they both said to the King:
"Formerly thy servants said Your Majesty surpassed Yao and Shun, and thereby dared not mean to flatter you.
When Yao and Shun were ill, the people never came to pray for the ruler's recovery. Now, when Your Majesty
was ill, the people in their prayers for his earliest recovery pledged themselves to sacrifice oxen. When Your
Majesty was perfectly recovered from the illness, they killed the oxen to fulfil their pledge. Unexpectedly,
however, Your Majesty fined every village headman and every leader of five families two suits of armour each.
At such a measure thy servants have been wondering personally." In response the King said: "Why don't you
gentlemen know such a reason as this? As to why the people work for me, it is not because of my love that they
work for me, it is because of my position. Suppose I discard my position and attempt to win the hearts of the
people with love. Then, as soon as I happen to slacken my love, they will no longer work for me. Therefore, I
extirpate the policy of love."
Once, when Chìn had a great famine, Marquis Ying petitioned His Majesty and said: "The grass, 12 vegetables,
acorns, dates, and chestnuts in the Five Parks are sufficient to save the people. May Your Majesty give them
out?" In reply King Chao-hsien said: "In accordance with the law of our country the people shall be rewarded for
merits and punished for crimes. Now, if I give out the vegetables and fruits of the Five Parks, I will in so doing
reward men of merit and no merit equally. To be sure, to reward men of merit and no merit equally, leads to
disorder. Indeed, instead of giving out the products of the Five Parks and thereby inviting confusion, we may as
well discard the fruits and vegetables and thereby maintain order."
According to a different source, the King said: "If I order the fruits of grass, vegetables, dates, and chestnuts in
the Five Parks to be given out to the people, these may be sufficient to save them. The measure, however, is to
make men of merit and no merit struggle with each other for my gifts. To be sure, instead of giving life to them
and thereby inviting confusion, we may as well let them die and thereby keep order. High Officer, leave the
matter out!"
Tìen Yu taught his son, Tìen Chang, and said: "If you want to benefit yourself, benefit your ruler first; if you
want to benefit your family, benefit your country first."
According to a different source: Tìen Yu taught his son, Tìen Chang, and said: "The sovereign offers ranks and
offices; the minister offers wisdom and strength. Hence the saying `Rely on nobody but yourself!' "
Kung-yi Hsiu, Premier of Lu, was fond of fish. Therefore, people in the whole country contentiously bought fish,
which they presented to him. However, Kung-yi Tzŭ would not accept the presents. Against such a step his
younger brother remonstrated with him and said: "You like fish, indeed. Why don't you accept the present of
fish?" In reply he said: "It is solely because I like fish that I would not accept the fish they gave me. Indeed, if I
accept the fish, I will be placed under an obligation to them. Once placed under an obligation to them, I will
sometime have to bend the law. If I bend the law, I will be dismissed from the premiership. After being dismissed
from the premiership, I might not be able to supply myself with fish. On the contrary, if I do not accept the fish
from them and am not dismissed the premiership, however fond of fish, I can always supply myself with fish."
Thus, he understood the principle that self-reliance is better than reliance on others and also the principle that
self-help is better than help by others.
Tzŭ-chih, Premier of Yen, was influential and in charge of all governmental decisions. Once Su Tai representing
Chì went to Yen, where the King asked him, "What kind of a ruler is the King of Chì?" "He will never attain
Hegemony," was the reply. "For what reason?" asked the King of Yen. "When Duke Huan was Hegemonic
Ruler," replied Tai, "he entrusted Pao Shu with home affairs and Kuan Chung with foreign affairs while he
himself left his hair uncombed, enjoyed drives with women, and every day strolled down-town. The present
King of Chì, however, put no trust in his chief vassals." Thereafter, the King of Yen increased his confidence in
Tzu-chih accordingly. Hearing about this, Tzu-chih sent men to present Su Tai one hundred ih of gold and let
him use it at his pleasure.
According to a different source: Su Tai went to Yen as envoy from Chìn. Perceiving that unless he could benefit
Tzŭ-chih, he would have to go homeward without accomplishing his mission and would be given no bestowal
upon his return to Chìn, therefore, when he was having an audience with the King of Yen, he purposely praised
the King of Chì. "If the King of Chì is so worthy," asked the King of Yen, "will he become ruler over All-
underHeaven?" "If he is hardly able to save his country from ruin," replied Tai, "how can he become ruler over
Allunder-Heaven?" "Why?" asked the King of Yen. "Because he does not put his whole confidence in his
beloved ministers," replied Tai. "Why will the country go to ruin?" asked the King of Yen. In reply Tai said:
"Formerly Duke Huan of Chì loved Kuan Chung, made him Uncle, and let him administer home affairs and
give decision on foreign affairs, till the whole country turned to him for government. As a result, Duke Huan
brought All-under-Heaven under one rule and called nine conferences of the feudal lords. The present King of
Chì, however, does not put his whole confidence in his beloved ministers. Therefore, thy servant knows his
country will go to ruin." "All-under-Heaven have not yet heard," said the King of Yen, "that I have put my whole
confidence in Tzŭ-chih." On the following day, he, accordingly, called an assembly of officials in the court and
entrusted Tzŭ-chih with all state affairs.
Pàn Shou said to the King of Yen: "Your Majesty had better transfer the state to Tzŭ-chih. People have called
Yao worthy because he transferred the rule over All-underHeaven to Hsü Yu. As Hsü Yu never would accept the
throne, Yao gained the fame for abdicating in favour of Hsü Yu while in fact he never lost his rule over All-
under-Heaven. Now, if Your Majesty alienate the state to Tzŭ-chih, Tzŭ-chih never will accept it. Yet in that case
Your Majesty will gain fame for abdicating in favour of Tzŭ-chih and do the same as Yao." The King of Yen,
accordingly, committed the whole state affairs to the hands of Tzŭ-chih, wherefore Tzŭ-chih became very
powerful.
According to a different source: Pàn Shou was a retired 13 scholar. Yen sent out men to engage him in public
service. When Pàn Shou had an audience with the King of Yen, he said. "Thy servant is afraid Tzŭ-chih will be
like Ih." "Why will he be like Ih?" asked the King. In reply Shou said: "In antiquity, when Yü was dying and
about to transfer the rule over All-under-Heaven to Ih, the followers of Chì joined one another in attacking Ih
and set up Chì on the throne. Now, Your Majesty trusts and loves Tzŭ-chih and is going to alienate the state to
him. Yet all the followers of the Crown Prince are holding official seals, whereas there is none of Tzŭ-chih's men
in the court. Should by any unlucky chance Your Majesty pass away from the body of officials, Tzŭ-chih would
suffer like Ih." Accordingly, the King recalled all the seals from the officials whose bounties were above three
hundred piculs, and left them in the hands of Tzŭ-chih, whereupon Tzŭ-chih became very powerful. Indeed, the
means whereby the lord of men looks at himself as in a mirror, are envoys from other feudal lords, but now all
those envoys are partisans of private families. Again, the means whereby the lord of men spreads his own powers
are scholars from rocky caves, but now all those envoys are henchmen of private families. What is the reason for
this? This is because the power of life and death is held by such influential men as Tzŭ-chih. Therefore, Wu
Chang said: "The lord of men should not pretentiously hate or love anybody. Should he pretentiously love
anybody, he would be unable to hate the person again; should he pretentiously hate anybody, he would not be
able to love the person again."
According to another different source: When the King of Yen wanted to alienate the state to Tzŭ-chih, he asked
Pàn Shou about the measure. In reply Pàn Shou said: "Yü loved Ih and entrusted him with All-under-Heaven.
Later, he appointed followers of Chì officials. In his old age, he considered Chì unfit to rule over All-under-
Heaven and therefore alienated All-under-Heaven from Ih; while all posts and powers were held in the hands of
Chì. Later, Chì and his partisans attacked Ih and robbed him of the rule over All-under-Heaven. Thus, in name
Yü transferred the rule over All-under-Heaven to Ih, but in fact he let Chì take the throne. Clearly enough from
this viewpoint, Yü was not as great as Yao and Shun. Now, Your Majesty wants to abdicate in favour of Tzŭ-chih
while every official is a follower of the Crown Prince. This is to abdicate in favour of him in name but let the
Crown Prince take the throne in fact." Thereupon the King of Yen recalled all seals from the officials whose
bounties were above three hundred piculs, and left all of them in the hands of Tzŭ-chih. After all, Tzŭ-chih
became powerful.
Fang Wu Tzŭ said: "I have heard that according to the etiquette of antiquity no ruler should take the same
carriage with any wearer of the same kind of clothes or share the same house with any kin. How much less
should he allow any minister to exercise his ruling authority and dislocate his august position?"
Wu Chang said to King Hsüan of Han: "The lord of men should not pretentiously love anybody; for, if he does
one day, he will not be able to hate him again. Nor should he pretentiously hate anybody; or, if he does one day,
he will not be able to love him again. Therefore, if the signs of pretentious hatred and pretentious love 14 are
visible, then flatterers will take advantage of the opportunities either to disgrace their enemies or to honour their
friends. Even then the enlightened sovereign cannot save the situation. How much less could he restore the status
of affairs if he showed anybody true love or true hatred?"
One day the King of Chao took a walk in the Royal Garden. When the attendants were going to give rabbits to
the tiger, he stopped to look at the tiger. The tiger angrily strained its eyes round and round. "How awful the
tiger's eyes are!" remarked the King. "The eyes of Lord Pìngyang," said some attendant, "are even more awful
than these. When people see the tiger's eyes, they do not always get hurt; but when they see the eyes of Lord
Pìng-yang strained in this way, they are sure to die." On the following day, Lord Pìng-yang heard about this
remark and sent men to kill the speaker, but the King never censured them.
Once the Ruler of Wei was paying a visit to the court of Chou. The official usher of Chou asked his pen-name.
"The Feudal Lord of Wei, 15 Land-Extender," 16 was the reply. The usher, refusing him admission, said, "No
feudal lord is supposed to have the same name as the Son of Heaven." Thereupon the Ruler of Wei changed his
pen-name and said, "The Feudal Lord of Wei, Hui." Thereafter he was ushered into the court. Hearing about this,
Chung-ni said: "How extensive the prohibition of intimidation is! Even an empty name would not be lent to
others, to say nothing of a real fact."
If someone wants to move a tree and pulls each leaf, he works hard but cannot shake the whole tree. If he holds
the root from the right and the left, then all the leaves will be shaken. If you shake the tree by the pool, then the
birds will be scared and fly up and the fish will be frightened and swim down. Who is skilful in hauling in a net,
draws in the rope and never pulls the knots, one after another, till he gets the whole net. If he pulls the knots, one
after another, so as to get the whole net, he works hard and meets difficulties. If he draws in the net by the rope,
the fish will have been trapped. For the same reason, magistrates are the roots and ropes of the people. Therefore,
the sage governs the magistrates but never directly governs the people.
In the case of the fire brigade, if the captain carries water in jars and pots and runs to the fire, he will perform the
function of only one man; whereas if he takes a whip in hand and thereby gives directions to the workmen, then
he will rule over a myriad of men. For this reason, the sage does not look after the trifles of the people and the
enlightened sovereign does not attend to small affairs.
One day, when Tsao-fu was picking weeds in the field, there passed by him father and son riding in a carriage.
The horses were frightened and refused to go any farther. The son alighted from the carriage and pulled the
horses. The father 17 pushed the carriage. Then they asked Tsao-fu, "Will you help us move the carriage?" Tsao-
fu, accordingly put the implements together, stopped 18 working, and left them on the carriage. Then he helped
the son get into the carriage. Finally, he held the reins in hand and took the whip along. Before he started moving
the reins and the whip, the horses all began galloping 19 of a sudden. Were Tsao-fu unable to drive the carriage,
then even though he exerted his strength and exhausted his body to help them move the carriage, the horses
would still be unwilling to go forward. Because he knew how to drive, he took his ease, had a ride, and placed
strangers under an obligation. Likewise, the state is the carriage of the Ruler; the august position is his horse. If
the Ruler does not know how to drive the carriage, then even though he exhausts himself, he cannot avoid chaos.
If he knows how to drive, he will remain in the place of ease and joy and accomplish the achievement of the
emperor and the king.
Iron hammers are for flattening metallic plates. Wooden stands are for collecting crooked arrows. The sage
makes laws in order thereby to flatten the indented and correct the crooked.
When Cho Chìh was serving Chì he pulled the sinews out of King Min's body. When Li Tai was serving Chao,
he starved the Father Sovereign to death. These two rulers were both unable to use their iron hammers and
wooden stands with the result that they were put to death and became the laughing-stock of All-under-Heaven.
According to a different source: After entering Chì one would hear of Cho Chìh only and never hear of the
King of Chì; after entering Chao one would hear of Li Tai only and never hear of the King of Chao. Hence the
saying: "If the lord of men does not apply tact, his prestige and position will become insignificant and ministers
will celebrate themselves at leisure."
According to another different source: When Tìen Ying was Premier of Chì, somebody said to the King of
Chì: "If Your Majesty does not spend a few days in listening to the annual financial reports personally, then
Your Majesty will have no other way to know the officials' wickednesses and corruptions." "Right," said the
King. Hearing about this Tìen Ying immediately went to ask the King to listen to his reports. When the King
was about to listen to the reports, Tìen Ying ordered his subordinate officials to get ready the officially signed
documents and the accounts of measures of grain. To these the King listened personally, till he could no longer
listen to any more reports. After his lunch, 20 he sat down again. At dusk he had no more time left for his supper.
Then Tìen Ying said: "These reports involve such duties as the officials night and day all year around dare not
neglect. If Your Majesty spends an evening in listening to them, the officials will be encouraged." "All right,"
said the King. All of a sudden the King fell asleep. In the meantime the officials pulled knives out and whittled
the remaining documents and accounts of measures. 21 Thus, as the King listened to the reports personally,
disorder began.
According to a different source: King Wu-ling entrusted King Hui-wên with the state affairs, and appointed Li
Tai premier. As King Wu-ling did not hold the power of life and death over the people himself, he was eventually
intimidated by Li Tai.

Tzŭ Chêng was pulling a push-cart to go across the arch of a bridge, but was unable to bear the weight. So he sat
on the shaft and started singing. Meanwhile the passers-by from the front stopped and those from the rear ran
forward to help him, till the push-cart went up the arch. Suppose Tzŭ Chêng had no technique to attract people.
Then even though he exhausted himself to death, the cart would not be able to go across the bridge. Now that he
did not exhaust himself while the cart went up the arch of the bridge, was because he had the technique to make
use of people.
When Lord Chien of Chao was sending tax-collectors out, they asked him about the rate of taxation. Thereupon
Lord Chien said: "Neither too high nor too low. If too high, it will profit the superior. If too low, it will profit the
people. The magistrates who seek no private profit, are honest . . ." 22
Once Po Yi said to Lord Chien of Chao: "The stomach of the country of your Highness is well satiated."
Rejoicing in such a remark, Lord Chien gladly asked, "In what way?" In reply Yi said: "On the top the treasury
and the granary are empty and running low; at the bottom the hundred surnames are poor and starving; whereas
in the centre the crooked officials are wealthy."
Once Duke Huan went out in disguise and inspected the domestic conditions of the people. There was an aged
man in a house supporting himself. So Duke Huan asked him why he was left alone. In reply the man said: "Thy
servant has three sons. The whole family being poor, I have been unable to find wives for them. They are in the
employ of other people and have not yet come back." Upon his return to the court, Duke Huan related this
situation to Kuan Chung. Kuan Chung said: "If the public treasury has a surplus amount of money, the people
must be suffering hunger and starvation. If the court has discontented girls, many men must be having no wives."
"Right," the Duke said, and then instructed the court to give women in marriage and issued an order among the
people to the effect that "men must start housekeeping at twenty, and women must get married at fifteen."
According to a different source: Once Duke Huan went out in disguise among the people. There was an old man
named Lu Mên-chi. He had lived seventy years and had no wife. Therefore, Duke Huan asked Kuan Chung, "Is
there anyone among the people who has lived up to old age and had no wife?" "There is a man," replied Kuan
Chung, "named Lu Mên-chi who has lived seventy years and had no wife." "Then how can we make every man
have a wife?" asked Duke Huan. "Thy servant has heard," replied Kuan Chung, "if the sovereign has money
saved, the subjects must be suffering destitution. If the court has discontented girls, there must be men who live
up to old age and have no wives." "Right," said Duke Huan. Then he ordered the court to give in marriage those
girls who had never attended on the Ruler, and also ordered men to start housekeeping at twenty and women to
get married at fifteen. In consequence, there were no discontented girls inside the court and no wifeless men
outside.
Cho Tzŭ of Yen-ling rode in a carriage pulled by a team of blue-haired horses with the herring-bone design. 23
The horses were equipped with spur-reins 24 in the front and with hoes plated with gold in the back. Thus, on
going forward, they were stopped by the spur-ornaments; on going backward, the plated hoes struck them.
Finally the horses began to jump sideways. Thereby Tsao-fu passed and with tears running down said: "Exactly
in the same way the ancients governed the people. Indeed, reward is for encouraging people, but disgrace goes
with it. Punishment is for prohibiting people, but to it is added honour. The people, then standing on the middle
line, do not know which way to follow. For this reason the sage wept for them."
According to a different source: Cho Tzŭ of Yen-ling rode in a carriage pulled by a team of blue-haired horses
with the herring-bone design. They were equipped with spurornaments in the front and sharp hoes at the back.
On going forward, he pulled the spurs; on going backward, he moved the hoes. The horses could not go either
forward or backward, till they avoided either way and jumped sideways. Therefore, he pulled his knife and cut
off the horses' legs. Seeing this, Tsao-fu shed tears and stopped eating all day long. Looking up to heaven, he
sighed and said: "By whipping the horses he wanted to advance them, but the spur-ornaments were in the front.
By pulling them he wanted to withdraw them, but the sharp hoes were in the back. Now, the lord of men
promotes men on account of their purity and honesty, but degrades them because they do not suit the courtiers.
He honours men on account of their justice and fairness, but removes them because they do not blindly obey
him. In consequence, the people, feeling uneasy, keep standing on the middle line and do not know which way to
follow. For this reason, the sage weeps for them."
Notes
1. 外儲說右下.
2. 明主 should be 人主 inasmuch as 明主 here makes no sense, and so throughout this canon.
3. With Wang Hsien-shên 敗 below 不然 should be 則.
4. With Wang Hsien-shen 成 above 恆 is superfluous as it was a posthumously given name, and so throughout
this annotation.
5. With Wang Hsien-chìen 服成 above 請效 is superfluous.
6. With Wang Hsien-shen 手 should be 毛.
7. I propose 田恆 for 田成常 inasmuch as 成 was posthumously given and was altered into 常 by scholars
during the Han Dynasty to avoid the sacred name of an emperor.
8. With Wang Hsien-shĕng 入 should be 出.
9. With Kao Hêng 訾 stands for 貲 which means "a fine paid to escape punishment."
10. 社臘. 社 refers to the festivals in spring and autumn and 臘 refers to those following the winter solstice.
11. With Kao Hêng 屯 above 二甲 should be 出.
12. With Yü Yüeh and Wang Hsien-shen 著 below 草 is superfluous.
13. 闞 should be 隱.
14. With Wang Hsien-shen 佯愛人 and 佯憎人 should be repeated respectively.
15. With Wang 諸俟 both above 辟疆 and above 燬 should be 衛俟.
16. 辟疆. The Son of Heaven alone was entitled to such a pen-name as they thought the Son of Heaven alone
deserved to open land and extend territory.
17. With Wang Hsien-shën 子 below 父 is superfluous.
18. With Wang 輟而 below 收器 should be 而輟.
19. I propose 咸騖 for 轡驚 in accordance with the Canon.
20. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 後 below 罷食 is superfluous.
21. Made of bamboo slips, they could be easily whittled with knives.
22. With Wang Hsien-shên there must be hiatuses below this passage.
23. With Yü Yüeh 挑文 should read 翟文.
24. With Kao Hêng 飾 below 鉤 should stand for 勒.

Book Fifteen
36 難一第三十六
晉文公將與楚人戰，召舅犯問之，曰：「吾將與楚人戰，彼眾我寡，為之柰何？」舅犯曰：「臣聞之：
繁禮君子，不厭忠信；戰陣之閒，不厭詐偽。君其詐之而已矣。」文公辭舅犯，因召雍季而問之，曰：
「我將與楚人戰，彼眾我寡，為之柰何？」雍季對曰：「焚林而田，偷〔取〕多獸，後（不）必無獸；
以詐遇民，偷取一時，後必無復。」文公曰：「善。」辭雍季，以舅犯之謀與楚人戰以敗之。歸而行
爵，先雍季而後舅犯。群臣曰：「城濮之事，舅犯謀也。夫用其言而後其身，可乎？」文公曰：「此非
（君）〔若〕所知也。夫舅犯言，一時之權也；雍季言，萬世之利也。」仲尼聞之，曰：「文公之霸
也，宜哉！既知一時之權，又知萬世之利。」
或曰：雍季之對，不當文公之問。凡對問者，有因問小大緩急而對也。所問高大，而對以卑狹，則明主
弗受也。今文公問「以少遇眾」，而對曰「後必無復」，此非所以應也。且文公不知一時之權，又不知
萬世之利。戰而勝，則國安而身定，兵強而威立，雖有後復，莫大於此，萬世之利奚患不至？戰而不
勝，則國亡兵弱，身死名息，拔拂今日之死不及，安暇待萬世之利？待萬世之利，在今日之勝；今日之
勝，在詐於敵；詐敵，萬世之利而已。故曰：雍季之對，不當文公之問。且文公又不知舅犯之言。舅
犯所謂「不厭詐偽」者，不謂詐其民，（請）〔謂〕詐其敵也。敵者，所伐之國也；後雖無復，何傷
哉？文公之所以先雍季者，以其功耶？則所以勝楚破軍者，舅犯之謀也；以其善言耶？則雍季乃道其
「後之無復」也，此未有善言也。舅犯則以兼之矣。舅犯曰「繁禮君子不厭忠信」者，忠，所以愛其下
也；信，所以不欺其民也。夫既以愛而不欺矣，言孰善於此？然必曰「出於詐偽」者，軍旅之計也。舅
犯前有善言，後有戰勝。故舅犯有二功而後論，雍季無一為而先賞。「文公之霸，不亦宜乎？」仲尼不
知善賞也。
歷山之農者侵畔，舜往耕焉，朞年，甽畝正。河濱之漁者爭坻，舜往漁焉，朞年而讓長。東夷之陶者器
苦窳，舜往陶焉，朞年而器牢。仲尼歎曰：「耕、漁與陶，非舜官也，而舜往為之者，所以救敗也。舜
其信仁乎！乃躬藉處苦而民從之。故曰：聖人之德化乎！」
或問儒者曰：「方此時也，堯安在？」其人曰：「堯為天子。」「然則，仲尼之聖堯柰何？聖人明察在
上位，將使天下無姦也。今耕漁不爭，陶器不窳，舜又何德而化？舜之救敗也，則是堯有失也。賢舜，
則去堯之明察；聖堯，則去舜之德化，不可兩得也。
楚人有鬻楯與矛者，譽之曰：『〔吾〕楯之堅，〔物〕莫能陷也。』又譽其矛曰：『吾矛之利，於物無
不陷也。』或曰：『以子之矛陷子之楯，何如？』其人弗能應也。夫不可陷之楯與無不陷之矛，不可同
世而立。今堯、舜之不可兩譽，矛楯之說也。
且舜救敗，朞年已一過，三年已三過。舜有盡，壽有盡，天下過無（以）已者；〔以〕有盡逐無已，所
止者寡矣。賞罰使天下必行之，令曰：『中程者賞，弗中程者誅。』令朝至暮變，暮至朝變，十日而海
內畢矣，奚待朞年？舜猶不以此說堯令從己，乃躬親，不亦無術乎？
且夫以身為苦而後化民者，堯、舜之所難也；處勢而（驕）〔矯〕下者，庸主之所易也。將治天下，釋
庸主之所易，道堯、舜之所難，未可與為政也。」
管仲有病，桓公往問之，曰：「仲父病，不幸卒於大命，將奚以告寡人？」管仲曰：「微君言，臣故將
謁之。願君去豎刁，除易牙，遠衛公子開方。易牙為君主〔味〕，〔君〕惟人肉未嘗，易牙烝其子首而
進之。夫人（惟）情莫不愛其子，今弗愛其子，安能愛君？君妬而好內，豎刁自宮以治內。人情莫不愛
其身，身且不愛，安能愛君？（聞）開方事君十五年，齊、衛之間不容數日行，棄其母，久宦不歸。其
母不愛，安能愛君？臣聞之：矜偽不長，蓋虛不久。願君去此三子者也。」管仲卒死，桓公弗行。及桓
公死，蟲出（尸）〔戶〕不葬。
或曰：管仲所以見告桓公者，非有度者之言也。所以〔去〕豎刁、易牙者，以不愛其身，適君之欲也。
曰「不愛其身，安能愛君？」然則臣有盡死力以為其主者，管仲將弗用也？曰「不愛其死力，安能愛
君？」是〔欲〕君去忠臣也。且以不愛其身，度其不愛其君，是將以管仲之不能死公子糾度其不死桓公
也，是管仲亦在所去之域矣。
明主之道不然，設民所欲以求其功，故為爵祿以勸之；設民所惡以禁其姦，故為刑罰以威之。慶賞信而
刑罰必，故君舉功於臣，而姦不用於上。雖有豎刁，其柰君何？且臣盡死力以與〔君市〕，君垂爵祿以
與臣市。君臣之際，非父子之親也，計數之所出也。君有道，則臣盡力而姦不生；無道，則臣上塞主明
而下成私。管仲非明此度數於桓公也，使去豎刁，一豎刁又至，非絕姦之道也。
且桓公所以身死蟲流出（尸）〔戶〕不葬者，是臣重也。臣重之實，擅主也。有擅主之臣，則君令不下
究，臣情不上通。一人之力能隔君臣之間，使善敗不聞，禍福不通，故有不葬之患也。
明主之道：一人不兼官，一官不兼事；卑賤不待尊貴而進（論），大臣不因左右而見，百官脩通，群臣
輻湊；有賞者君見其功，有罰者君知其罪。見知不悖於前，賞罰不弊於後，安有不葬之患？管仲非明此
言於桓公也，使去三子，故曰：管仲無度矣。
襄子圍於晉陽中，出圍，賞有功者五人，高赫為賞首。張孟談曰：「晉陽之事，赫無大功，今為賞首，
何也？」襄子曰：「晉陽之事，寡人國家危，社稷殆矣。吾群臣無有不驕侮之意者，惟赫子不失君臣之
禮，是以先之。」仲尼聞之曰：「善賞哉，襄子！賞一人而天下為人臣者莫敢失禮矣。」
或曰：仲尼不知善賞矣。夫善賞罰者，百官不敢侵職，群臣不敢失禮。上設其法，而下無姦詐之心。如
此，則可謂善賞罰矣。使襄子於晉陽也，令不行，禁不止，是襄子無國，晉陽無君也，尚誰與守哉？今
襄子於晉陽也，知氏灌之，（曰）〔臼〕竈生龜，而民無反心，是君臣親也。襄子有君臣親之澤，操令
行禁止之法，而猶有驕侮之臣，是襄子〔失〕罰也。為人臣者，乘事而有功則賞。今赫僅不驕侮，而襄
子賞之，是失賞也。明主賞不加於無功，罰不加於無罪。今襄子不誅驕侮之臣，而賞無功之赫，安在襄
子之善賞也？故曰「仲尼不知善賞」。
晉平公與群臣飲，飲酣，乃喟然歎曰：「莫樂為人君，惟其言而莫之違。」師曠侍坐於前，援琴撞之。
公披衽而避，琴壞於壁。公曰：「太師誰撞？」師曠曰：「今者有小人言於側者，故撞之。」公曰：
「寡人也。」師曠曰：「啞！是非君人者之言也。」左右請除之。公曰：「釋之，以為寡人戒。」
或曰：平公失君道，師曠失臣禮。夫非其行而誅其身，君之於臣也；非其行，則陳其言，善諫不聽，則
遠其身者，臣之於君也。今師曠非平公之行，不陳人臣之諫，而行人主之誅，舉琴而親其體，是逆上下
之位，而失人臣之禮也。夫為人臣者，君有過則諫，諫不聽，則輕爵祿以待之，此人臣之禮（義）也。
今師曠非平公之過，舉琴而親其體，雖嚴父不加於子，而師曠行之於君，此大逆之術也。臣行大逆，平
公喜而聽之，是失君道也。故平公之迹不可明也，使人主過於聽而不悟其失；師曠之行亦不可明也，使
姦臣襲極諫而飾弒君之道。不可謂兩明，此為兩過。故曰：平公失君道，師曠亦失臣禮矣。
齊桓公時，有處士曰小臣稷，桓公三往而弗得見。桓公曰：「吾聞布衣之士，不輕爵祿，無以易萬乘之
主；萬乘之主，不好仁義，亦無以下布衣之士。」於是五往乃得見之。
或曰：桓公不知仁義。夫仁義者，憂天下之害，趨一國之患，不避卑辱，謂之仁義。故伊尹以中國為亂
道，為宰（于）〔干〕湯；百里奚以秦為亂道，〔為〕虜（于）〔干〕穆公。皆憂天下之害，趨一國之
患，不辭卑辱，故謂之仁義。今桓公以萬乘之勢，下匹夫之士，將欲憂齊國，而小臣不行，見小臣之忘
民也。忘民不可謂仁義。仁義者，不失人臣之禮，不敗君臣之位者也。是故四封之內，執（會）〔禽〕
而朝名曰臣，臣吏分職受事名曰萌。今小臣在民萌之眾，而逆君上之欲，故不可謂仁義。仁義不在焉，
桓公又從而禮之。使小臣有智能而遁桓公，是隱也，〔宜刑〕；若無智能而虛驕矜桓公，是誣也，宜
戮。小臣之行，非刑則戮。桓公不能領臣主之理，而禮刑戮之人。是桓公以輕上侮君之俗教於齊國也，
非所以為治也。故曰：桓公不知仁義。
靡笄之役，韓獻子將斬人。郄獻子聞之，駕往救之。比至，則已斬之矣。郄子因曰：「胡不以徇？」其
僕曰：「曩不將救之乎？」郄子曰：「吾敢不分謗乎？」
或曰：郄子言，不可不察也，非分謗也。韓子之所斬也，若罪人，〔則〕不可救，救罪人，法之所以敗
也，法敗則國亂。若非罪人，則〔不可〕勸之以徇，勸之以徇，是重不辜也，重不辜，民所以起怨者
也，民怨則國危。郄子之言，非危則亂，不可不察也。且韓子之所斬若罪人，郄子奚分焉？斬若非罪
人，則已斬之矣，而郄子乃至，是韓子之謗已成，而郄子且後至也。夫郄子曰「以殉」，不足以分斬人
之謗，而又生殉之謗。是子言分謗也？昔者紂為炮烙，崇侯、惡來又曰斬涉者之脛也，奚分於紂之謗？
且民之望於上也甚矣，韓子弗得，且望郄子之得之也；今郄子俱弗得，則民絕望於上矣。故曰：郄子之
言非分謗也，益謗也。且郄子之往救罪也，以韓子為非也，不道其所以為非，而勸之「以殉」，是使韓
子不知其過也。夫下使民望絕於上，又使韓子不知其失，吾未得郄子之所以分謗者也。
桓公解管仲之束縛而相之。管仲曰：「臣有寵矣，然而臣卑。」公曰：「使子立高、國之上。」管仲
曰：「臣貴矣，然而臣貧。」公曰：「使子有三歸之家。」管仲曰：「臣富矣，然而臣。」於是立以
為仲父。霄略曰：「管仲以賤為不可以治（國）〔貴〕，故請高、國之上；以貧為不可以治富，故請三
歸；以為不可以治親，故處仲父。管仲非貪，以便治也。」
或曰：今使臧獲奉君令詔卿相，莫敢不聽，非卿相卑而臧獲尊也，主令所加，莫敢不從也。今使管仲之
治，不緣桓公，是無君也。國無君，不可以為治。若負桓公之威，下桓公之令，是臧獲之所以信也，奚
待高、國、仲父之尊而後行哉？當世之行事、都丞之下徵令者，不辟尊貴，不就卑賤。故行之而法者，
雖巷伯信乎卿相；行之而非法者，雖大吏詘乎民萌。今管仲不務尊主明法，而事增寵益爵，是非管仲貪
欲富貴，必闇而不知術也。故曰：管仲有失行，霄略有過譽。
韓宣王問於樛留：「吾欲兩用公仲、公叔，其可乎？」樛留對曰：「昔魏兩用樓、翟而亡西河，楚兩用
昭、景而亡鄢、郢。今君兩用公仲、公叔，此必將爭事而外市，則國必憂矣。」
或曰：昔者齊桓公兩用管仲、鮑叔，成湯兩用伊尹、仲虺。夫兩用臣者國之憂，則是桓公不霸，成湯不
王也。湣王一用淖齒而（手）〔身〕死乎東廟，主父一用李兌，減食而死。主有術，兩用不為患；無
術，兩用則爭（爭）事而外市，一則專制而劫弒。今留無術以規上，使其主去兩用一，是不有西河、
鄢、郢之憂，則必有身死減食之患，是樛留未有善以知言也。
Chapter XXXVI. Criticisms of The Ancients, Series One

1
When Duke Wên of Chin was about to fight the Chù forces, he summoned Uncle Fan 2 and asked him: "We are
about to fight the Chùs. They are many. We are few. What shall we do?" In reply Uncle Fan said: "Thy servant
has heard, in observing the rules of strict etiquette, gentlemen never become weary of loyalty and faithfulness; in
engaging enemies at the battlefield, they never disapprove the measures of deception and falsification. May Your
Highness deceive them by all means!" After sending out Uncle Fan, Duke Wên summoned Yung Chi and asked
him: "We are about to fight the Chùs. They are many. We are few. What shall we do?" In reply Yung Chi said:
"If you burn the forest and go hunting, you will temporarily have much game, but there will be no more animals
left afterwards. If you adopt the measure of deception in dealing with people, you may have the advantage for a
time, but the same measure can never be repeated afterwards." "Right," said Duke Wên. Then he sent Yung Chi
out. However, by applying Uncle Fan's stratagem, he engaged the Chùs and defeated them. After his victorious
return, when he conferred ranks, he ranked Yung Chi first and Uncle Fan next. Thereupon the body of officials
said: "The victory at Ch`êng-po was due to Uncle Fan's stratagem. Is it right to take his advice and put him in the
second place?" In response Duke Wên said: "This is not what you, gentlemen, understand. To be sure, what
Uncle Fan suggested was a temporary expediency; whereas what Yung Chi advised was an everlasting
advantage." Hearing about this, Chung-ni said: "How reasonable it must be that Duke Wên became Hegemonic
Ruler! He knew both the temporary expediency and the everlasting advantage."
Some critic 3 says: Yung Chi's reply did not suit Duke Wên's question. As a rule, who replies to a question must
make out the objective, and give his reply according to whether the object of the question is either big or small,
urgent or lenient. If the objective of the question is high and big but the reply is low and narrow, the enlightened
sovereign will not accept it. Now Duke Wên asked Yung Chi how to face the many with the few, but Yung Chi
replied, "The same measure can never be repeated afterwards." Thereby the reply was not to the point of the
question. On the other hand, Duke Wên himself did not understand either a temporary expediency or an
everlasting advantage. If he won the war at all, he could safeguard his country and stabilize his position while his
army would become strong and his prestige would be enhanced. Therefore, even though there might be another
war much greater than this, why should he worry that he would not gain another everlasting advantage? If he lost
the war, the country would decline and the army would become weak while he would die broken-hearted and
lose his fame. Thus, if he could hardly evade the impending death of the present, how could he have time to wait
for an everlasting advantage? The everlasting advantage rested with the present victory. The present victory
depended upon deception 4 of the enemies. In short, the deception of enemies implied an everlasting advantage.
Hence the saying: "Yung Chi's reply did not suit Duke Wên's question." Furthermore, Duke Wên did not
understand Uncle Fan's suggestion. By saying, "Gentlemen never disapprove the measure of deception and
falsification," Uncle Fan did not mean that they approved the deception of their own people, but meant that they
approved the deception of their enemies. After all, enemies belonged to the country they were attacking. Even
though the same could not be repeated, what harm would there be in adopting the measure of deception? Did
Duke Wên rank Yung Chi first for Yung Chi's meritorious service? The victory over Chù and the defeat of the
enemies were due to Uncle Fan's stratagem, however. Did he do that for Yung Chi's virtuous advice? Yung Chi
only said, "The same measure could never be repeated," which involved no virtuous word at all. As regards
Uncle Fan's saying, it involved both a merit and a virtue. Uncle Fan said: "In observing the rules of strict
etiquette, gentlemen never become weary of loyalty and faithfulness." By remaining loyal they love their
subordinates; by remaining faithful they do not deceive their people. Thus, he advocated the measure of love and
nondeception. What saying could be more virtuous than this? However, he had to suggest the measure of
deception and falsification because it was based on strategical consideration. Thus, Uncle Fan uttered a virtuous
saying at the beginning and waged a victorious war in the end. Accordingly, he had two merits, but was ranked
second. Yung Chi had none but was rewarded first. "How reasonable it must be that Duke Wên became
Hegemonic Ruler!" Chung-ni, when making such a remark, did not know the right way to reward people.
Once upon a time, farmers of the Li Mountains trespassed on each other's fields. Thereupon Shun went there and
tilled among them. In the course of one year, all the boundary ridges of the fields became correct. Another time
fishermen living by the Yellow River disputed about small shoals. Thereupon Shun went there and fished among
them. In the course of one year they came to make concessions to elders. The potters in the Eastern Barbaric
Land made very poor earthenware. Thereupon Shun went there and made earthenware among them. In the
course of one year, the earthenware they made became substantial. With admiration Chung-ni said: "Neither
tillage nor fishing nor earthen industry was Shun's official duty. Yet he went to pursue such kinds of work in
order thereby to save the fallen. How benevolent a man Shun was! He experienced all hardships himself, till the
people followed his example. Hence the saying `Great is, indeed, the moral influence of the sage!'"
Somebody asked the literati, "At that time where was Yao?" "Yao was then the Son of Heaven," they replied. "If
so, why did Chung-ni regard Yao as saintly? The saintly man, being clear-sighted and seated on the throne, was
supposed to purge All-under-Heaven from wickedness, make 5 the tillers and fishermen stop disputing, and allow
no poor earthenware to be made. In that case, how could Shun exercise his moral influence at all? If Shun had to
save the fallen, Yao must have had faults. Therefore, if one considers Shun worthy, he disproves the clear-
sightedness of Yao; if he considers Yao saintly, he disproves the moral influence of Shun. He can not praise both
of them."
Once there was a man of Chù selling shields and halberds. In praising his shields he said, "My shields are so
solid that nothing can penetrate them." Again, in praising his halberds, he said, "My halberds are so sharp that
they can penetrate anything." In response to his words somebody asked, "How about using your halberds to
pierce through your shields?" To this the man could not give any reply. Indeed, impenetrable shields and
absolutely penetrative halberds cannot stand together at the same time. Now both Yao and Shun cannot be
praised at the same time just as the halberds and the shields are mutually incompatible. 6
Moreover, in saving the fallen, Shun stopped one fault in a year and three faults in three years. The length of
Shun's 7 life was limited, but the faults in All-under-Heaven were unlimited in number, If he attempted to remove
the unlimited number of faults in the limited length of his life, what he could stop in his life would be very little.
Contrary to this, reward and punishment make laws enforcible throughout All-under-Heaven. Suppose there is
issued an order to the effect that who conforms to the law shall be rewarded and who does not conform to the
law shall be punished. Then, if the order arrives in the morning, the people will change by the evening; if it
arrives in the evening, they will change by the morning. In the course of ten days everybody within the seas will
change. Why should the ruler wait a year then? However, Shun, instead of persuading Yao of this idea to make
the people follow his orders, experienced all hardships himself. Was he not tactless?
Furthermore, to experience hardships personally and thereby transform the people afterwards was difficult even
for Yao and Shun; whereas to make use of one's august position and thereby correct 8 the people is easy even for
an average sovereign. When about to govern All-under-Heaven, if the ruler discards what is easy to the average
sovereign and extols what was difficult to Yao and Shun, it is still practicable to assist him in political
administration.
When Kuan Chung was ill, Duke Huan called on him and asked, "Uncle Chung is now ill. Should he
unfortunately pass away by the decree of fate, what advice will he bequeath to me?" In reply Kuan Chung said:
"Without Your Highness's asking, thy servant intended to address a memorial. Will Your Highness dismiss Shu
Tiao, remove Yi Ya, and alienate the Wei Prince Kài-fang. When Yi Ya was the chef of Your Highness, because
Your Highness had never tasted human flesh, he purposely steamed his son's head and served it. 9 Indeed, it is
human nature that everybody loves his own son. Now that he did not love his son, how could he love his master?
Similarly, as Your Highness was jealous and fond of women, Shu Tiao castrated himself in order thereby to
manage the harem. It is human nature that everyone loves his body. If he did not love his body, how could he
love his master? Kài-fang has served Your Highness for fifteen years. The distance between Chì and Wei takes
only a few days' walk. Yet he left his mother at home and has never been home to see her during his long-term
service. If he does not love his mother, how can he love his master? Thy servant has heard, `Forced hypocrisy 10
never lasts long; covered falsehood is soon uncovered.' May Your Highness remove these three men!" After the
death 11 of Kuan Chung, Duke Huan never carried his advice into practice. In consequence, when Duke Huan
died, he was left unburied, till worms crawled outdoors. 12
Some critic says: What Kuan Chung suggested to Duke Huan was not what an upholder of legal standards ought
to have said. His reason for suggesting the removal of Shu Tiao and Yi Ya was that in order to meet the demands
of their master they stopped loving themselves. "If they did not love themselves," said he, "how could they love
their master?" If so, then ministers who exert their strength to death for the sake of their sovereign, Kuan Chung
would never take into service, saying, "If they did not love their lives and physical forces, how could they love
their master?" This means that he wanted the ruler to remove loyal ministers. Moreover, if you infer their not
loving their master from their not loving themselves, you will also infer Kuan Chung's inability to die for the
sake of Duke Huan from his inability to die for the sake of Prince Chiu. This means that Kuan Chung himself
also fell under the rule of removal.
The way of the enlightened sovereign is not the same, however. He establishes what the people want and thereby
gets meritorious services from them, wherefore he bestows ranks and emoluments to encourage them. Similarly,
he establishes what the people dislike and thereby prohibits them from committing villainy, wherefore he inflicts
censure and punishment to overawe them. As bestowal and reward are sure and censure and punishment are
definite, the ruler can raise ministers of merit and no crook can join governmental service. Then, even though
there are crooks like Shu Tiao and Yi Ya, what can they do against the ruler? Moreover, ministers exert their
strength to death to comply with the ruler's need; the ruler confers ranks and emoluments to comply with the
minister's want. Thus, the relationship of ruler and minister is not as intimate as the bond of father and son; It is
an outcome of mutual calculations. 13 If the ruler follows the right way, ministers will exert their strength and no
crook will appear. If he misses the right way, ministers will delude the sovereign on the one hand and accomplish
their selfish designs on the other. Now, Kuan Chung did not explain these rules 14 to Duke Huan. Supposing he
successfully made him remove one Shu Tiao, another Shu Tiao would certainly appear. It was not the way to
exterminate crooks.
Furthermore, that Duke Huan died and worms crawled outdoors while the corpse lay unburied, was because his
ministers were too powerful. The ministers being overpowerful resulted in their manipulation of the sovereign.
Were there sovereign-manipulating ministers, then the ruler's decrees could not take effect downward among the
inferiors and the true information about the ministers would not travel upward to the superior. Thus, one man's
power could block the communication between ruler and minister, and make success and failure unknown to the
ruler and good and bad news not transmitted to him. Hence followed the calamity of leaving the corpse unburied.
According to the way of the enlightened sovereign, nobody can hold any additional office; no office involves any
extra duty; the low and humble do not have to depend upon the favour of the high and noble for distinction 15 ;
chief vassals do not have to count on the courtiers in order to interview the sovereign; all officials can
communicate their ideas to the throne; all ministers concentrate upon the interest of the country; the ruler sees
the meritorious service rendered by the rewarded and knows the criminal offence committed by the punished; in
seeing and knowing he is not mistaken; and in matters of reward and punishment he is not unjust. Were this the
case, how could there arise the calamity of leaving his corpse unburied? Instead of explaining this principle to
Duke Huan, however, Kuan Chung advised him to remove the three men. Hence the saying: "Kuan Chung
upheld no legal standard."
Viscount Hsiang stood a long siege in Chin-yang. After the siege was raised he rewarded five men for their
distinguished services, among whom Kao Ho was ranked at the top. Thereupon Chang Mêng-tàn said: "During
the siege at Chin-yang, Ho rendered no great meritorious service. Why does Your Highness now confer the first
reward upon him?" In reply Viscount Hsiang said: "During the crisis at Chin-yang my country and family were
in peril and the Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain was jeopardized. All my officials showed a contemptuous
attitude to me, but Ho alone never broke the etiquette between ruler and minister. This is the reason why I rank
him at the top." Hearing about this, Chung-ni said: "How well he rewarded people! Because Viscount Hsiang
conferred the first reward upon one man, all ministers in All-under-Heaven dared not break etiquette."
Some critic says: Chung-ni did not know the right way of rewarding people. Indeed, if the superior knows the
right way of rewarding and punishing people, all officials dare not override their commissions; no minister dares
to break etiquette; the superior enacts the law; and the subjects have no crooked mind. Were this the case, he
could be considered skilful in rewarding and punishing people. Suppose while Viscount Hsiang was in Chin-
yang his orders took no effect and his prohibitions stopped nothing. This would mean that Viscount Hsiang had
no country and Chin-yang had no ruler. Then with whom could he defend the city? Now, while Viscount Hsiang
was besieged in Chin-yang, though the Chih Clan inundated the city till frogs made their nests inside the mortars
and ovens, yet the people had no rebellious mind. Thus were ruler and minister attached to each other.
Notwithstanding that Viscount Hsiang enjoyed the intimate relationship between ruler and minister and that he
had the legal authority of issuing effective orders and enforcible prohibitions, if there still remained arrogant
ministers, it must have been because he missed the right way of punishing people. If ministers render meritorious
services in the hour of need, they deserve reward. Now that solely because Ho had never been arrogant, Viscount
Hsiang rewarded him, he certainly missed the right way of rewarding people. The enlightened sovereign neither
bestows reward upon men of no merit nor inflicts punishment upon innocent people. Now that Viscount Hsiang
did not punish arrogant ministers but rewarded Ho for no meritorious service, where could be found his right
way of rewarding people? Hence the saying: "Chung-ni did not know the right way of rewarding people."
Once Duke Pìng of Chin held a carousal with the body of officials. When half-seas-over, he heaved a sigh and
said, "Nothing is more pleasant to the ruler of men than the obedience of his lords." In response to this, Musician
Kùang, seated in the front, raised the harp and threw it at the Duke. Immediately the Duke spread out the lapel
in front of his coat and avoided it. The harp made a hole in the wall. Then the Duke said, "Whom did the Grand
Tutor intend to strike?" "Just now," replied the Musician Kùang, "some small man by my side played upon
words. Therefore, I threw the harp at him." "It was I," said the Duke. "Alas!" exclaimed Musician Kùang. "It
was not what the ruler of men should have said." The attendants asked permission to plaster 16 the broken wall.
The Duke said, "Leave it there as a constant admonition to me." 17
Some critic says: Duke Pìng missed the way of the ruler: Musician Kùang broke the ministerial etiquette.
Indeed, to censure the person when disapproving his action is the ruler's measure against the minister. To address
a memorial when disapproving the ruler's action and withdraw from the government if the remonstration is not
followed, is the minister's attitude to the ruler. Now that Musician Kùang disapproved Duke Pìng's action but
did not address any ministerial remonstration against it, and, instead, performed the censure as the lord of men
would do by raising the harp to strike the Duke's body, he reversed high and low positions and broke the
ministerial etiquette. Indeed, who is minister, if the ruler has any fault, should remonstrate against it, and, if the
remonstration is not followed, should make light of his title and emolument and leave 18 him. This is the
ministerial etiquette. 19 Now, Musician Kùang, on disapproving Duke Pìng's fault, raised the harp to strike his
body. Even a severe father would not inflict such punishment upon his son, but Musician Kùang inflicted it
upon his master. This was an act of high treason. When the minister committed high treason, Duke Pìng was
glad to listen to him. Thereby he missed the way of the ruler. Thus the step taken by Duke Pìng was
unjustifiable, for it would make the lord of men listen too much to ministers but never realize their faults.
Likewise the action taken by Musician Kùang was unjustifiable, for it would make wicked ministers abuse
exorbitant remonstration and justify the art of regicide. They cannot both be 20 reasonable. They constitute two
faults. Hence the saying: "Duke Pìng missed the way of the ruler; Musician Kuàng broke the ministerial
etiquette."
At the time of Duke Huan of Chì there was a private scholar named Hsiao-ch`ên Chi. Duke Huan paid him three
visits but could not see him. Then Duke Huan said: "I have heard, `The commoner, unless he makes light of rank
and emolument, has no way to keep off the sovereign of ten thousand chariots; the sovereign of ten thousand
chariots, unless he is fond of benevolence and righteousness, has no way to condescend to associate with the
commoner.' " Accordingly, he went five times and was finally able to see him.
Some critic says: Duke Huan did not know benevolence and righteousness. Indeed, who is benevolent and
righteous worries about the evil of All-under-Heaven and rushes at the calamity of the whole country regardless
of his personal humility and disgrace, is called benevolent and righteous. For example Yi Yin regarded the
Central States as disorderly and therefore became a cook in order thereby to ingratiate 21 himself with King
Tàng; and Pai-li Hsi regarded Chìn as disorderly and therefore became a captive in order thereby to ingratiate 22
himself with Duke Mu. Both worried about the evil of All-under-Heaven and rushed at the calamity of the whole
country regardless of their personal humility and disgrace. Hence they have been called benevolent and
righteous. Now, Duke Huan from the position of a ruler of ten thousand chariots condescended to associate with
a commoner and thereby intended to eradicate the worry of the Chì state, but Hsiao-ch`ên refused him an
interview. 23 This 24 meant that Hsiao-ch`ên took no notice of the welfare of the people. Who takes no notice of
the welfare of the masses, cannot be called benevolent and righteous. A benevolent and righteous person would
neither break the ministerial etiquette nor confuse the positions of ruler and minister. For this reason, within the
four boundaries those who bring birds 25 to visit the court are called vassals." When vassals and officials
differentiate their duties and attend to their respective posts, then they are called "subjects." Now, Hsiao-ch`ên,
mingling among the mass of subjects, acted contrary to the wish of the ruler and therefore could not be called
benevolent and righteous. While benevolence and righteousness were not found in him, Duke Huan
condescended to pay him his respects. Suppose Hsiao-ch`ên had wisdom and talent and purposely avoided Duke
Huan. Then his action meant retirement from useful life, wherefore he ought to be punished. If he had neither
wisdom nor talent but made all kinds of pretences and behaved arrogantly toward Duke Huan, it meant fraud, for
which he should be executed. Thus, Hsiao-ch`ên for his action should have been either penalized or executed.
However, Duke Huan, unable to grasp the principle governing the relations between sovereign and subject, paid
his repects to a man deserving penalty and execution. Thereby Duke Huan inculcated upon the people in the Chì
State the habit of slighting the superior and insulting the ruler. It is not the way to political order. Hence the
saying: "Duke Huan did not know benevolence and righteousness."
At the battle of Mt. Mi-chi, when Han Hsien-Tzŭ was about to execute a man, Chì Hsien-tzŭ went in a carriage
to save the man. Upon his arrival the man had already been executed. Chì Tzŭ, accordingly, said, "Why is the
execution not used as a warning to the masses?" Then his servants said, "Didn't you intend to save the man?" In
response Chì Tzŭ said, "How dare I not share the fault for executing an innocent man?"
Some critic says: Chì Tzŭ's saying must be carefully scrutinized. Were the man executed by Han Tzŭ guilty,
then he could not be saved. Saving the criminal would break the law. Should the law be broken, the country
would fall into confusion. If the victim was not guilty, then Chì Tzŭ should not have advised 26 Han Tzŭ to use
the unjust execution as a warning to the masses. To use the unjust execution as a warning would double the
injustice. Doubling the injustice would arouse popular resentment. Should the people become resentful, the
country would be endangered. Thus the saying of Han Tzŭ would cause the country either danger or confusion. It
must be carefully scrutinized. Moreover, were the man executed by Han Tzŭ not guilty, then what blame could
Chì Tzŭ share? Suppose the victim was not guilty. Then since Chì Tzŭ arrived after the execution, it meant that
after the fault of Han Tzŭ had been completed, Chì Tzŭ arrived on the scene. Indeed, Chì Tzŭ said, "Use the
execution as a popular warning!" Because he could not share the fault of executing an innocent man, he brought
about the fault of using the unjust execution as a popular warning. In this way the saying of Chì Tzŭ was not to
share the original fault but to bring about a new fault. 27 Of old, when Chow inflicted the punishment of climbing
a roasting pillar, Chung Hou and Wu Lai said, "Cut the shins of waders!" How could these two men share the
fault of Chow then? Moreover, the hope of the masses for justice from the authorities was very urgent. If they
could not get it from Han Tzŭ, they would hope to get it from Chì Tzŭ. Now that they could not get it from Chì
Tzŭ, either, they would give up their hope in the authorities. Hence the saying: "The saying of Chì Tzŭ was not
to share the original fault but to bring about a new fault." Furthermore, Chì Tzŭ went to save the man because
he thought Han Tzŭ was not right. Yet instead of telling Han Tzŭ that he was wrong, he advised him to use the
unjust execution as a popular warning, whereby he made Han Tzŭ not realize his fault. Verily he made the people
give up hope in the authorities and, besides, made Han Tzŭ not realize his fault. Thus, I have not yet found the
way Chì Tzŭ could share the fault of Han Tzŭ.
After Duke Huan had untied the bonds of Kuan Chung and appointed him premier, Kuan Chung said: "Thy
servant has enough favour, but is low in rank." "I will raise you above the Kaos and Kuos," said the Duke.
Meanwhile, Kuan Chung said, "Thy servant is noble but poor." "You shall have the wealth of the Building of
Three Returns," said the Duke. "Thy servant is now wealthy," said Kuan Chung, "but still very distant in relation
to the ruling family." Thereupon the Duke made him Uncle Chung. 28 Commenting on this, Hsiao Lüeh said:
"Kung Chung, considering a humble man unable to govern the noble 29 asked the ruler to raise him above the
Kaos and Kuos. Considering a poor man unable to govern the wealthy, he asked for the wealth of the Building of
Three Returns. Finally, considering a man distant in relation to the ruling family unable to govern the close
relatives of the ruler, he asked for the title of Uncle Chung. In so doing, Kuan Chung was not greedy, but wanted
to provide his government with facilities."
Some critic says: Now suppose bondmen and bondwomen by the ruler's order summon nobles and ministers.
Then nobody dares to disobey them. Not that the nobles and ministers are low in rank and the bondmen and
bondwomen are high, but that nobody dares to disobey the sovereign's decree. Now, suppose Kuan Chung's
government did not rely on Duke Huan's authority. Then it would have no sovereign. Without a sovereign, no
country could by any means be governed. If he acted under Duke Huan's authority and issued decrees in his
name, he could be trusted as the bondmen and bondwomen were. Why was it necessary for him to have the rank
of the Kaos and the Kuos and the title of Uncle Chung before he enforced his rule over the country? The petty
officials and local magistrates of the present age, on enforcing the orders of their superiors, neither except the
high and noble nor apply them to the low and humble only. As long as the enforcement is legal, even business
eunuchs in the court would be trusted by nobles and ministers. If the enforcement is illegal, even high officials
would have to give way to ignorant people. Now that Kuan Chung, instead of striving to elevate the prestige of
the sovereign and clarify the law, simply attended to the increase of personal favour and the promotion of his
rank, if he was not covetous of wealth and nobility he must have been stupid and ignorant of the right tact. Hence
the saying: "Kuan Chung had misbehaved himself; Hsiao Lüeh overestimated him."
King Hsüan of Han asked Chiu Liu, "I want to employ both Kung-chung and Kung-shu simultaneously. Is it
practicable?" In reply Chiu Liu said: "Formerly Wey employed both Lou Yüan and Chieh Huang and, as a result,
lost the Western River. Likewise, Chù employed both the Chaos and the Chings and, as a result, lost the districts
of Yen and Ying. Now, if Your Majesty employs both Kung-chung and Kung-shu, both will certainly dispute
about affairs and cultivate private friendships with foreign countries. Then the state will, doubtless, have
worries."
Some critic says: Of old, Duke Huan of Chì employed both Kuan Chung and Pao Shu while King Tàng, the
successful, employed both Yi Yin and Chung Hui. If the simultaneous employment of two able men would cause
the state worries at all, then Duke Huan could not become Hegemonic Ruler and Tàng, the Successful, could not
become King. Contrary to this, King Min entrusted Cho Chìh alone with all state affairs and, in consequence,
had himself murdered in the Easter Shrine. Likewise, the Father Sovereign entrusted Li Tai with all state affairs
and, in consequence, had his food reduced till he starved to death. If the sovereign is tactful at all, the
simultaneous employment of two able men will beget no worry. If he is tactless, the simultaneous employment of
two able men will create disputes about affairs and private frienships with foreign countries and the employment
30
of only one man will result in autocracy, intimidation, and regicide. Now, Liu had no tact to rectify the policy
of the sovereign. Instead, he advised him not to employ two men at the same time but to entrust one alone with
the state affairs. As a result if the sovereign had no worry about territorial losses such as the losses of the Western
River and the Yen and Ying districts, he would certainly suffer such disasters as regicide and starvation to death.
Thus, Liu was 31 not yet skilful in giving advice to his master.
Notes
1. 難一.
2. Tzŭ-fan was the pen-name of Hu Yen who was a maternal uncle of Duke Wên. Therefore, Hu Yen was
frequently called Uncle Fan.
3. By "some critic" Han Fei Tzŭ apparently meant himself.
4. With Wang Hsien-shen 詐於 should be 於詐.
5. With Wang Wei 今 should be 令.
6. v. infra, Work XL, p. 203.
7. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 有盡 below 舞 is superfluous.
8. With Ku 驕 should be 矯.
9. v. Work VII, p. 50, and Work X, p. 89.
10. With Yü Yüeh 矜偽 should be 務偽.
11. With Wang Hsien-shen 卒 above 死 is superfluous.
12. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 尸 should be 戶 and so throughout the criticism.
13. The ruler calculates the strength exerted by the minister; the minister calculates the emolument bestowed by
the ruler.
14. With Wang Hsien-chìen 數 below 度 is superfluous.
15. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 進 above 論 is superfluous.
16. With Lu Wên-shao 除 should be 凃.
17. Wang Hsien-shen suspected that there were hiatuses below this passage.
18. With Wang Hsien-shen 待 should be 去.
19. With Wang 義 below 禮 is superfluous.
20. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 謂 below 不可 is superfluous.
21. With Ku 于 above 湯 should be 干.
22. With Ku 于 above 穆公 should be 干.
23. With Wang Hsien-shen 行 above 見 should be 得.
24. Wang proposed the supply of 是 above 小臣.
25. 執會. Hirazawa's edition has 禽 in place of 會. The Waseda University Press edition regarded 會 as a mistake
for 禽. Alfred Forke mistook 執禽 for 執擒 in Work L. (v. infra, p. 306, f.3).
26. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 則 above 勸 should be 不可.
27. With Yü Yüeh 是子言分謗也 should be 是郤子之言, 非分謗也，益謗也
28. v. supra, Work XXXIII, p. 80.
29. With Wang Wei 國 should be 貴.
30. Ku Kuang-ts`ê proposed the supply of 用 below —.
31. With Wang Hsien-shên 有 below 未 should be 為.
37 難二第三十七
景公過晏子，曰：「子宮小，近市，請徙子家豫章之圃。」晏子再拜而辭曰：「且嬰家貧，待市食，而
朝暮趨之，不可以遠。」景公笑曰：「子家習市，識貴賤乎？」是時景公繁於刑，晏子對曰：「踴貴而
屨賤。」景公曰：「何故？」對曰：「刑多也。」景公造然變色曰：「寡人其暴乎！」於是損刑五。
或曰：晏子之貴踴，非其誠也，欲便辭以止多刑也。此不察治之患也。夫刑當無多，不當無少。無以不
當聞，而以太多說，無術之患也。敗軍之誅以千百數，猶（且）〔北〕不止；即治亂之刑如恐不勝，而
姦尚不盡。今晏子不察其當否，而以太多為說，不亦妄乎？夫惜草茅者耗禾穗，惠盜賊者傷良民。今緩
刑罰，行寬惠，是利姦邪而害善人也，此非所以為治也。
齊桓公飲酒醉，遺其冠，恥之，三日不朝。管仲曰：「此（非）有國之恥也，公胡其不雪之以政？」公
曰：「故其善！」因發倉囷，賜貧窮，論囹圄，出薄罪。處三日而民歌之曰：「公胡不復遺冠乎！」
或曰：管仲雪桓公之恥於小人，而生桓公之恥於君子矣。使桓公發倉囷而賜貧窮，論囹圄而出薄罪，非
義也，不可以雪恥；使之而義也，桓公宿義，須遺冠而後行之，則是桓公行義，非為遺冠也？是雖雪遺
冠之恥於小人，而亦〔生〕遺義之恥於君子矣。且夫發囷倉而賜貧窮者，是賞無功也；論囹圄而出薄罪
者，是不誅過也。夫賞無功，則民偷幸而望於上；不誅過，則民不懲而易為非。此亂之本也，安可以雪
恥哉？
昔者文王侵（孟）〔盂〕、克莒、舉酆，三舉事而紂惡之。文王乃懼，請入洛西之地、赤壤之國方千
里，以請解炮烙之刑。天下皆說。仲尼聞之，曰：「仁哉，文王！輕千里之國而請解炮烙之刑。智哉，
文王！出千里之地而得天下之心。」
或曰：仲尼以文王為智也，不亦過乎？夫智者，知禍難之地而辟之者也，是以身不及於患也。使文王所
以見惡於紂者，以其不得人心耶？則雖索人心以解惡可也。紂以其大得人心而惡之，已又輕地以收人
心，是重見疑也，固其所以桎梏、囚於羑里也。鄭長者有言：「體道，無為無見也。」此最宜於文王
矣，不使人疑之也。仲尼以文王為智，未及此論也。
晉平公問叔向曰：「昔者齊桓公九合諸侯，一匡天下，不識臣之力也，〔君之力也〕？」叔向對曰：
「管仲善制割，賓胥無善削縫，隰朋善純緣，衣成，君舉而服之。亦臣之力也，君何力之有？」師曠伏
琴而笑之。公曰：「太師奚笑也？」師曠對曰：「臣笑叔向之對君也。凡為人臣者，猶炮宰和五味而進
之君，君弗食，孰敢強之也？臣請譬之：君者，壤地也；臣者，草木也。必壤地美，然後草木碩大。亦
君之力〔也〕，臣何力之有？」
或曰：叔向、師曠之對，皆偏辭也。夫一匡天下，九合諸侯，美之大者也，非專君之力也，又非專臣之
力也。昔者宮之奇在虞，僖負羈在曹，二臣之智，言中事，發中功，虞、曹俱亡者，何也？此有其臣而
無其君者也。且蹇叔處干而干亡，〔處〕秦而秦霸，非蹇叔愚於干而智於秦也，此有君與無（臣）
〔君〕也。向曰「臣之力也」，不然矣。
昔者桓公宮中二市，婦閭二百，披髮而御婦人。得管仲，為五伯長；失管仲、得豎刁而身死，蟲流出
（尸）〔戶〕不葬。以為非臣之力也，且不以管仲為霸；以為君之力也，且不以豎刁為亂。昔者，晉文
公慕於齊女而亡歸，咎犯極諫，故使反晉國。故桓公以管仲合，文公〔以〕舅犯霸。而師曠曰「君之力
也」，又不然矣。凡五霸所以能成功名於天下者，必君臣俱有力焉。故曰：叔向、師曠之對，皆偏辭
也。
齊桓公之時，晉客至，有司請禮。桓公曰「告仲父」者三。而優笑曰：「易哉，為君！一曰仲父，二曰
仲父。」桓公曰：「吾聞『君人者勞於索人，佚於使人』。吾得仲父已難矣，得仲父之後，何為不易乎
哉？」
或曰：桓公之所應優，非君人者之言也。桓公以君人為勞於索人，何索人為勞哉？伊尹自以為宰干湯，
百里奚自以為虜干穆公。虜，所辱也；宰，所羞也。蒙羞辱而接君上，賢者之憂世急也。然則君人者無
（道）〔逆〕賢而已矣，索賢不為人主難。
且官職，所以任賢也；爵祿，所以賞功也。設官職，陳爵祿，而士自至，君人者奚其勞哉！使人又非所
佚也。人主雖使人，必〔以〕度量準之，以刑名參之；以事遇於法則行，不遇於法則止；功當其言則
賞，不當則誅。以刑名收臣，以度量準下，此不可釋也，君人者焉佚哉？
索人不勞，使人不佚，而桓公曰「勞於索人，佚於使人」者，不然。且桓公〔得〕管仲又不難。管仲不
死其君而歸桓公，鮑叔輕官讓能而任之，桓公得管仲又不難，明矣。
已得管仲之後，奚遽易哉？管仲非周公旦。周公旦假為天子七年，成王壯，授之以政，非為天下計也，
為其職也。夫不奪子而行天下者，必不背死君而事其讎；背死君而事其讎者，必不難奪子而行天下；不
難奪子而行天下者，必不難奪其君國矣。管仲，公子糾之臣也，謀殺桓公而不能，其君死而臣桓公。管
仲之取舍非周公旦，（未）可知也。若使管仲大賢也，且為湯、武。〔湯、武〕，桀、紂之臣也；桀、
紂作亂，湯、武奪之。今桓公以易居其上，是以桀、紂之行，居湯、武之上，桓公危矣。若使管仲不肖
人也，且為田常。田常，簡公之臣也，而弒其君。今桓公以易居其上，是以簡公之易，居田常之上也，
桓公又危矣。
管仲非周公旦以明矣，然為湯、武與田常，未可知也。為湯、武有桀、紂之危；為田常有簡公之亂也。
已得仲父之後，桓公奚遽易哉？若使桓公之任管仲，必知不欺己也，是知不欺主之臣也。然雖知不欺主
之臣，今桓公以任管仲之專，借豎刁、易牙，蟲流出（尸）〔戶〕而（作）〔不〕葬，桓公不知臣欺主
與不欺主已明矣，而任臣如彼其專也，故曰桓公闇主。
李（兌）〔克〕治中山，苦陘令上計而入多。李（兌）〔克〕曰：「語言辨，聽之說，不度於義，謂之
窕言。無山林澤谷之利而入多者，謂之窕貨。君子不聽窕言，不受窕貨。（之）〔子〕姑免矣。」
或曰：李子設辭曰：「夫言語辨，聽之說，不度於義者，謂之窕言。」辯在言者，說在聽者，言非聽者
也。所謂不度於義，非謂聽者，必謂所聽也。聽者，非小人，則君子也。小人無義，必不能度之義也；
君子度之義，必不肯說也。夫曰「言語辯，聽之說，不度於義」者，必不誠之言也。
入多之為窕貨也，未可遠行也。李子之姦弗蚤禁，使至於計，是遂過也。無術以知而入多，入多者，穰
也，雖倍入，將柰何？舉事慎陰陽之和，種樹節四時之適，無早晚之失，寒溫之災，則入多。不以小功
妨大務，不以（和）私欲害人事，丈夫盡於耕農，婦人力於織紝，則入多。務於畜養之理，察於土地之
宜，六畜遂，五穀殖，則入多。明於權計，審於地形、舟車、機械之利，用力少，致功大，則入多。利
商市關梁之行，能以所有致所無，客商歸之，外貨留之，儉於財用，節於衣食，宮室器械周於資用，不
事玩好，則入多。入多，皆人為也。若天事，風雨時，寒溫適，土地不加大，而有豐年之功，則入多。
人事、天功，二物者皆入多，非山林澤谷之利也。夫無山林澤谷之利入多，因謂之窕貨者，無術之
（害）〔言〕也。
趙簡子圍衛之郛郭，犀楯、犀櫓，立於矢石之所〔不〕及，鼓之而士不起。簡子投枹曰：「烏乎！吾之
士數弊也。」行人燭過免冑而對曰：「臣聞之：亦有君之不能耳，〔士〕無弊者。昔者吾先君獻公并國
十七，服國三十八，戰十有二勝，是民之用也。獻公沒，惠公即位，淫衍暴亂，身好玉女，秦人恣侵，
去絳十七里，亦是人之用也。惠公沒，文公授之，圍衛，取鄴，城濮之戰，五敗荊人，取尊名於天下，
亦此人之用也。亦有君不能（士）耳，士無弊也。」簡子乃去楯、櫓，立矢石之所及，鼓之而士乘之，
戰大勝。簡子曰：「與吾得革車千乘，不如聞行人燭過之一言也。」
或曰：行人未有以說也，乃道惠公以此人是敗，文公以此人是霸，未見所以用人也。簡子未可以速去
（脅）〔楯〕、櫓也。嚴親在圍，輕犯矢石，孝子之所〔以〕愛親也。孝子愛親，百數之一也。今以為
身處危而人尚可戰，是以百族之子於上皆若孝子之愛親也，是行人之誣也。好利惡害，夫人之所有也。
賞厚而信，人輕敵矣；刑重而必，（失）〔夫〕人不北矣。長行徇上，數百不一（失）〔人〕，喜利畏
罪，人莫不然。將眾者不出乎莫不然之數，而道乎百無（失）〔一〕人之行，〔行〕人未知〔用〕眾之
道也。
Chapter XXXVII. Criticisms of the Ancients, Series Two

1
Duke Ching passed by the house of Yen Tzŭ and said, "Your residence is small and close by the market. Pray
move your home to the Garden of Yü-chang." Repeating his bows, Yen Tzŭ declined the offer, saying, "The
home of thy servant 2 , Ying, is poor and dependent on the market for daily supplies. As every morning and
evening we have to run to the market, we cannot live too far away from the place." Duke Ching laughed and
said, "If your family is used to shopping at the market, do you know the prices of goods?" At that time Duke
Ching was busy inflicting many punishments. Therefore, Yen Tzŭ replied, "The shoes of the footless men are
dear; the ordinary shoes cheap." "Why?" asked the Duke. "Because there are many punishments of foot-cutting,"
replied Yen Tzŭ. Astonished thereat, Duke Ching changed his colour and said, "Am I as cruel as that?"
Meanwhile he abolished five articles under the criminal law.
Some critic says: Yen Tzŭ's making dear the shoes of footless men was not sincere. He simply wanted to utilize
the words to eliminate the number of punishments. This was the calamity of his ignorance of the bases of
political order. Indeed, punishments equivalent to crimes are never too many; punishments not equivalent to
crimes are never too few. 3 Instead of informing the ruler about the punishments that were not equivalent to
crimes, Yen Tzŭ persuaded him that the punishments were too many. This was the calamity of his tactlessness.
When defeated troops are censured, though the punishments number hundreds and thousands, yet they still keep
running away. When penalties for settling order out of confusion are inflicted, though the punishments seem
innumerable, yet the culprits are still not exterminated. Now that Yen Tzŭ never considered whether or not the
punishments were equivalent to the crimes but took their extraordinary number as the basis of his remark, was
his counsel not absurd? Verily, who spares weeds and reeds, hurts the ears of the rice-plants; who tolerates
thieves and robbers, injures good citizens. Similarly, to loosen censure and punishment and give pardons and
favours, is to benefit the crooks and injure the good. It is not the way to attain political order.
Once Duke Huan of Chì was drunk and dropped his crown. Feeling disgraced thereby, he did not hold
court for three days. Kuan Chung said, "This is not what the ruler of a state should feel disgraced by.
Why does Your Highness not wipe away such disgrace by means of good government?" "Right,"
replied the Duke, and, accordingly, opened the granaries and gave aid to the poor, and made a
thorough investigation of the convicts and let out the misdemeanants. In the course of three days,
the people began to sing his praises, saying:
Duke, Duke, Duke! We have asked in vain,

Why doesn't he drop his crown again?
Some critic says: Kuan Chung wiped away Duke Huan's disgrace among small men but displayed his disgrace
before superior men. 4 To make Duke Huan open the granaries, give aid to the poor, investigate the convicts, and
let out the misdemeanants, was not righteous and not able to wipe away the disgrace. Granting it to be a
righteous act, Duke Huan and neglected such righteousness that he dropped his crown, and then began to act
righteously. If so, the righteous act was done because Duke Huan had neglected 5righteousness rather than
because he had dropped his crown. Thus, though he might have wiped away the disgrace of dropping the crown
among small men, yet he had already left the disgrace of neglecting 6 righteousness before gentlemen. Moreover,
to open the granaries and give aid to the poor was to reward men of no merit; to investigate the convicts and let
out the misdemeanants was to inflict no punishment upon offenders. Indeed, if men of no merit are rewarded,
then the people will enjoy the godsends and hope for the same from the sovereign; if offenders are not punished,
then the people will take no warning and become liable to misconduct. This is the root of confusion. How could
it wipe away any disgrace at all?
In bygone days, King Wên invaded Yü, defeated Chü, and took Fêng. After he had waged these three campaigns,
King Chow came to dislike him. Afraid thereof, he offered to present the King with the land to the west of the Lo
River and the country of the Red Soil, altogether one thousand li square in area, and asked him to abolish the
punishment of climbing the roasting pillar. Thereat All-under-Heaven were delighted. Hearing about this, Chung-
ni said: "How benevolent King Wên was! By making light of a country of one thousand li square, he asked for
the abolishment of the punishment of climbing the roasting pillar. How wise King Wên was! By offering the land
of one thousand li square, he won the hearts of All-under-Heaven."
Some critic says: Chung-ni thought King Wên was wise. Was he not mistaken? Indeed, the wise man knows the
unlucky and dangerous zone and can avoid it, so that he never suffers the calamity himself. Suppose the reason
why King Wên was disliked by Chow was his inability to win the hearts of the people. Then though he might
seek to win the hearts of the people in order thereby to dispel Chow's dislike, yet Chow would dislike him the
more because he made a great success in winning the hearts of the people. Besides, he made light of his territory
and thereby won the hearts of the people, which would double Chow's suspicion of him. No wonder, he was
fettered in jail at Yu-li. The saying of the elder of Chêng, "Have personal experience of the Way of Nature, do not
do anything, and reveal nothing," would be the most suitable warning to King Wên. It is the way to incur
nobody's suspicion. Thus, Chung-ni in regarding King Wên as wise fell short of this saying.
Duke Pìng of Chin asked Shu Hsiang, saying: "Formerly Duke Huan of Chì called nine conferences of the
feudal lords and brought All-under-Heaven under one rule. Was that due to the abilities of the ministers or the
ability of the ruler?" In reply Shu Hsiang said, "Kuan Chung was skilful in cutting the shape of the dress; Pin
Hsü-wu was skilful in sewing 7 the seams of the dress; and Hsi Pêng was skilful in decorating the dress with
plaits and bindings. When the dress was ready, the ruler took it and wore it. The dress-making was thus due to
the minister's abilities. What ability did the Ruler have?" Thereat Musician Kùang lay down upon the harp and
laughed. "Grand Tutor, why are you laughing?" asked the Duke. "Thy servant," replied the Musician Kùang, "is
laughing at the reply Shu Hsiang has given to Your Highness. As a rule, who ministers to a ruler is like a cook
synthesizing the five tastes and serving the food to the master. If the master refuses to eat it, who dare force him?
May thy servant compare the ruler to farming soil and ministers to grass and trees. The soil must be fertile before
grass and trees grow big. Similarly, the Hegemony of Duke Huan was due to the ruler's ability. What abilities did
the ministers have?"
Some critic says: The replies of both Shu Hsiang and Musician Kùang were equally eccentric views. Verily, to
bring All-under-Heaven under one rule and call nine conferences of the feudal lords was a brilliant achievement.
However, it was neither entirely due to the ability of the ruler nor entirely due to the abilities of the ministers.
Formerly, Kung Chi-chì served Yü, Hsi Fu-chì served Tsào. Both ministers were so wise that their words
always hit the truth of affairs and the execution of the counsels could always harvest successful results. Yet why
did Yü and Tsào go to ruin? It was because they had able ministers but no able rulers. Likewise, Chìen Shu 8
served Yü, 9 but Yü went to ruin; then he served Chìn, which attained Hegemony. Not that Chìen Shu was
stupid in Yü and wise in Chìn, but that serving under an able ruler was different from serving under an unable
ruler. 10 Therefore, Hsiang's saying that the success was due to the abilities of the ministers was not true.
Formerly, Duke Huan built two markets inside the palace and two hundred gates of harems between them.
Everyday he wore no hat and took drives with women. After he got Kuan Chung, he became the first of the Five
Hegemonic Rulers. 11 After he lost Kuan Chung, he got Shu Tiao with the result that following his death worms
crawled outdoors12 while the corpse still lay unburied. If success was not due to the ability of the minister, Duke
Huan would not have attained Hegemony because of Kuan Chung. Were it entirely due to the ability of the ruler,
he would not have suffered any disturbance because of Shu Tiao. Formerly, Duke Wên was so much in love with
his Chì wife that he forgot the necessity to return to his native country. Therefore, Uncle 13 Fan made a forceful
remonstration with him and thereby enabled him to go back to the Chin State. Thus, Duke Huan brought All-
under-Heaven under one rule because of Kuan Chung while Duke Wên attained Hegemony because of Uncle
Fan. Therefore, Musician Kùang's saying that the success was due to the ability of the ruler was also not true.
On the whole, the Five Hegemonic Rulers could accomplish their achievements and reputations in All-
underHeaven because in every case both ruler and minister had abilities. Hence the saying: "The replies of both
Shu Hsiang and Musician Kùang were equally eccentric views."
At the time of Duke Huan of Chì, once an envoy from Chin arrived. When the chief usher asked about the kind
of treatment he should be accorded, Duke Huan thrice said, "Ask Uncle Chung about it." Therefore the clown
laughed, saying, "How easy it is to be a ruler! First Your Highness says, Àsk Uncle Chung!' and next also says,
Àsk Uncle Chung!' " In response Duke Huan said: "I have heard that the ruler of men has a hard time to find
right men for office but has an easy time when making use of them. I already had a hard time to find Uncle
Chung. After having found him, why should I not have an easy time?"
Some critic says: The reply of Duke Huan to the clown was not what the ruler of men ought to have made. Duke
Huan thought the ruler of men must undergo the hardship of finding right men for office. Why should finding
men be a hardship at all? Yi Yin became a cook and thereby 14 ingratiated himself with King Tàng; Pai-li Hsi
became a war prisoner and thereby ingratiated himself with Duke Mu. To become a war prisoner is a
humiliation; to become a cook is a disgrace. Yet because the worthy's worry about the world is urgent, he would
go through humiliation and disgrace and thereby approach the ruler. If so, the rulers of men should cause only
the worthies no obstacle. Verily, to find right men for office does not constitute any difficulty to the lord of men.
Moreover, to offices and commissions worthies are appointed; with titles and bounties men of merit are
rewarded. Once offices and commissions are established and titles and bounties are paraded, talented men will
appear of themselves. Then why should the ruler of men have any hardship at all?
Likewise, personnel administration is not an easy thing. The lord of men, while using men, must regulate them
with rules and measures, and compare their deeds with their words in the way forms are compared with names. If
any project is lawful, it should be carried out; if unlawful, it should be stopped. If the result is equivalent to the
proposal, the proposer should be rewarded; if not, he should be punished. Rectify the ministers with forms and
names, regulate the subordinates with rules and measures. This principle should not be neglected. Then what
ease does the ruler of men have?
Thus finding men is not a hardship; using men is not easy. Consequently, Duke Huan's saying, "The ruler has a
hard time to find men but has an easy time when using them," was not true. Moreover, Duke Huan went through
no hardship to find Kuan Chung. Kuan Chung did not die in the cause of loyalty to his first master, but
surrendered himself to Duke Huan. Besides, Pao Shu made light of his own official position, gave way to the
able man, and recommended him for the post of premiership. Clearly enough, Duke Huan's finding Kuan Chung
was not any hardship at all.
After having found Kuan Chung, how could he have an easy time all at once? Kuan Chung was not like Duke
Tàn of Chou. Duke Tàn of Chou acted for the Son of Heaven for seven years till King Ch`êng reached full age,
when he returned the reins of government to him. This was not because he thought of the welfare of All-under-
Heaven, but because he wanted to perform his duty. Indeed, who does not usurp the orphan's throne and thereby
rule over All-under-Heaven, never will desert the dead ruler and serve the enemy; who deserts the dead ruler and
serves the enemy, will not always hesitate to usurp the orphan's throne and thereby rule over All-under-Heaven;
and who does not hesitate to usurp the orphan's throne and thereby rule over All-under-Heaven, will not hesitate
to usurp the ruler's state. Now Kuan Chung was originally a minister under Prince Chiu. Once he even schemed
to assassinate Duke Huan, but in vain. Following the death of his old master, he served Duke Huan. Clearly
enough, in matters of submission and desertion Kuan Chung was not as great as Duke Tàn of Chou. 15 Nobody
could tell whether or not he would remain worthy. 16 Supposing he would remain worthy, then he might do the
same as King Tàng and King Wu. Tàng and Wu were originally ministers under Chieh and Chow respectively.
Chieh and Chow caused confusion, wherefore Tàng and Wu deprived them of the throne. Now that Duke Huan
easily stood above Kuan Chung, he was doing the same as Chieh and Chow did standing above Tàng and Wu.
Duke Huan was in danger then. Supposing Kuan Chung should become an unworthy man, then he might do the
same as Tìen Chàng. Tìen Chàng was a minister to Duke Chien but murdered his master. Now that Duke
Huan stood easily above Kuan Chung, he was doing the same as Duke Chien standing easily above Tìen
Chàng. Again Duke Huan was in danger.
Thus clearly 17 enough, Kuan Chung was not as great as Duke Tàn of Chou. However, nobody could tell
whether he would do the same as Tàng and Wu or as Tìeh Chàng. Should he do the same as Tàng and Wu,
there would be the danger of Chieh and Chow; should he do the same as Tìen Chàng, there would be the
catastrophe of Duke Chien. After having found Uncle Chung, how could he have an easy time all at once?
Supposing Duke Huan took Kuan Chung into service because he was sure he would never deceive him, then he
could direct ministers who were not deceitful. However, though at one time he could direct ministers who were
not deceitful, yet as he later entrusted Shu Tiao and I Ya with the same affairs which he had committed to the
hands of Kuan Chung with the result that worms crawled outdoors 18 while his corpse lay unburied, it goes
without saying that Duke Huan could not tell between ministers who would deceive the ruler and those who
would not deceive the ruler. Nevertheless, so exclusively he put his trust in ministers when he took them into
service! Hence the saying: "Duke Huan was a stupid sovereign."
Li Kò 19 governed Central Hills. The magistrate of Hard Paths presented his fiscal report, in which the annual
revenue appeared enormous in amount. Therefore, Li Kò said: "Speeches, eloquent and delightful to the ear but
in discord with the cause of righteousness, are called èntrancing words.' The revenue, enormous in amount but
not due to the products from mountains, forests, swamps, and valleys, is called àn attractive income.' The
gentleman never listens to attractive words nor accepts any attractive income. You had better leave your office."
Some critic says: Li Tzŭ proclaimed the theory, "Speeches, eloquent and delightful to the ear but in discord with
the cause of righteousness, are called àttractive words'." To be sure, the eloquence of speeches depends upon the
speaker while their delight rests with the listener. Thus, the speaker is not the listener. What he called "discord
with the cause of righteousness" is not concerned with the listener. It must be concerned with what is heard. The
listener must be either a rascal or a gentleman. The rascal, having no cause of righteousness, must be unable to
estimate the speeches from the standpoint of righteousness; whereas the gentleman, estimating them from the
standpoint of righteousness, is certainly not delighted at them. Verily, the argument that speeches, eloquent and
delightful to the ear, are in discord with the cause of righteousness must be an absurd saying.
The argument that a revenue enormous in amount is an attractive income is not applicable to many cases. Li Tzŭ
did not stop corruptions early enough and let them creep into the fiscal report. In this way he allowed criminal
offences to be accomplished. He had no way of knowing why the revenue was enormous. If the enormous
revenue was due to a bountiful harvest, then though the amount was doubled, what could be done about it? If in
doing any kind of work people look after the harmony of the positive and negative factors 20 ; if in planting trees
they follow the suitable periods of the four seasons; and if at dawn and at dusk there is no suffering from cold or
heat; then revenue will be enormous. If important duties are not obstructed by small profits; if public welfare is
not injured by private interest; if men exert their strength to tillage; and if women devote their energies to
weaving; then revenue will be enormous. If the methods of animal husbandry are improved, the qualities of the
soil are examined, the six animals 21 flourish, and the five cereals abound, then revenue will be enormous. If
weights and measures are made clear; if topographical features are carefully surveyed; and if through the
utilization of boats, carts, and other mechanical devices, the minimum amount of energy is used to produce the
maximum amount of efficiency; then revenue will be enormous. If traffic on markets, cities, passes, and bridges
is facilitated, so that needy places are supplied with sufficient commodities; if merchants from abroad flock to
the country and foreign goods and money come in; if any unnecessary expenditure is cut down, extravagant
clothing and food are saved, houses and furniture are all limited to necessities, and amusements and recreations
are never over-emphasized; then revenue will be enormous. In these cases, the increase in revenue is due to
human effort. Granted that natural events, winds, rain, seasons, cold, and heat are normal and the territory
remains the same, then if the people can reap the fruits of the abundant year, then revenue will be enormous too.
Thus, human effort and heavenly support both are the main factors of increases in revenue, but the products from
mountains, forests, swamps, and valleys are not. Verily, to call the enormous revenue not due to the products
from mountains, forests, swamps, and valleys "an attractive income," is a tactless saying.
When Viscount Chien of Chao was laying siege to the outer walls 22 of the capital of Wei, he covered himself
with a shield and a turret both made of rhinoceros-hide and stood at a spot beyond the reach of arrow-heads.
Therefrom he beat the drum, but the warriors made no progress. Throwing down the drumsticks, Duke Chien
said, "Alas! My men are already exhausted." In response a herald named Chu Kuo took off his helmet and said:
"Thy servant has heard, `The ruler may be incapable, but no warrior is ever exhausted.' In bygone days, 23 our
former ruler, Duke Hsien, annexed seventeen states, subdued thirty-eight states, and won twelve wars, which
altogether was due to his way of making use of the people. Following the death of Duke Hsien, Duke Hui
ascended the throne. As he continued lewd, flighty, cruel, and violent, and pleasured himself in beautiful women,
the Chìns invaded the country at their pleasure and came within the distance of seventeen li from the city of
Chiang, which also was due to his way of using the people. Following the death of Duke Hui, Duke Wên
accepted the reins of government, besieged Wei, took Yeh, and at the battle of Ch`êng-pù defeated the Chings
five times, till he attained the highest fame in All-under-Heaven, which also was due to his way of using men.
Thus, the ruler may be incapable, but no warrior is ever exhausted." Accordingly, Duke Chien discarded the
shield and the turret and stood on a spot within the reach of arrow-heads. Therefrom he beat the drum, under
whose influence the warriors fought and won a great victory. Thereupon Duke Chien said, "One thousand
armoured chariots given to me would not be as effective as one counsel heard from Chu Kuo."
Some critic says: The herald did not speak to the point. He simply reminded his master that Duke Hui on account
of his personnel administration failed while Duke Wên on account of his personnel administration attained
hegemony, but did not yet explain to him the right technique of personnel administration. Therefore, Duke Chien
should not have discarded the shield and the turret so soon. When the father is besieged, to slight personal safety
and venture the arrowheads is the way the dutiful son loves his father. However, among one hundred there may
be one dutiful son loving his father to such an extent. Now that the herald thought the people could fight even in
the face of personal dangers, he presumed that all the sons of the hundred clans 24 would serve the superior in the
same way as the dutiful son loves his father. Such was the absurd idea of the herald. To love profit and dislike
injury is the tendency everybody has. Therefore, if reward is big and trusted, everybody will rush at enemies
with ease. If punishment is heavy and definite, nobody 25 will run 26 away from enemies. Among one hundred
men there is not even one who would practise high virtue and die in the cause of loyalty to the superior, yet
everybody is equally fond of profit and afraid of punishment. Therefore, in advising the leader of the masses not
to go on the way which they would follow by necessity but to count on such virtue as none out of a hundred
would practise, the herald was certainly not yet aware of the right method of making use of the people.
Notes
1. 難二.
2. With Wang Hsien-shên 且 above 嬰 should be 臣 ch`ên, minister.
3. Unjust punishments, however few in number, are still unjust.
4. With Wang Hsien-shên, small men regard dropping the crown as a disgrace while gentlemen regard dropping
righteousness as a disgrace.
5. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 行 should be 遺.
6. 宿 should be supplied below 遺.
7. With Kao Hêng 削 bove 縫 means 縫, too.
8. As a matter of fact, it was Pai Hsi who first served Yü and later went to Chìn. Chien Shu was brought in by
Pai-li Hsi, but he never served Yü.
9. With Yü Yüeh 干 should be 虞, and so throughout the criticism.
10. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 臣 should be 君.
11. 五百 should be 五伯 which means 五霸.
12. With Wang Haien-shen 尸 should be 戶.
13. 咎犯 should be 舅犯.
14. With Yü Yüeh 自 in both cases should be 由.
15. With Chang Pàng and Wang Hsien-shen 亦以明矣 should be supplied below 非周公旦.
16. With Chang and Wang 然其賢與不賢 should be supplied above 未可知也.
17. With Wang 以 above 明 should be 已.
18. With Wang 尸 should be 戶.
19. 兌 should be 克 (v. supra, Work XXXIII, p. 68).
20. 陰陽.
21. Namely, horses, oxen, sheep, chickens, dogs, and pigs.
22. With Wang Hsien-shen 郛郭 should be 附郭.
23. Hirazawa's edition has 臣聞之 above 昔者, which is wrong.
24. 百族 like 百姓 "the hundred surnames" means the masses of people
25. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 失 above 人 should be 夫.
26. With Wang Hsien-shën, Chao Yung-hsien's edition has 北 in place of 比.
Book Sixteen
38 難三第三十八
魯穆公問於子思曰：「吾聞龐氏之子不孝，其行奚如？」子思對曰：「君子尊賢以崇德，舉善以觀
民。若夫過行，是細人之所識也，臣不知也。」子思出，子服厲伯入見。〔問〕龐氏子，子服厲伯對
曰：「其過三，皆君之所未嘗聞。」自是之後，君貴子思而賤子服厲伯也。
或曰：魯之公室，三世劫於季氏，不亦宜乎？明君求善而賞之，求姦而誅之，其得之一也。故以善聞之
者，以說善同於上者也；以姦聞之者，以惡姦同於上者也，此宜賞譽之所（力）〔及〕也。不以姦聞，
是異於上而下比周於姦者也，此宜毀罰之所及也。今子思不以過聞而穆公貴之，厲伯以姦聞而穆公賤
之。人情皆喜貴而惡賤，故季氏之亂成而不上聞，此魯君之所以劫也。且此亡王之俗，取魯之民所以自
美，而穆公獨貴之，不亦倒乎？
文公出亡，獻公使寺人披攻之蒲城，披斬其袪，文公奔翟。惠公即位，又使攻之惠竇，不得也。及文公
反國，披求見。公曰：「蒲城之役，君令一宿，而汝即至；惠竇之難，君令三宿，而汝一宿，何其速
也？」披對曰：「君令不二。除君之惡，〔惟〕恐不堪。蒲人、翟人，余何有焉？今公即位，其無蒲、
翟乎？且桓公置射鉤而相管仲。」君乃見之。
或曰：齊、晉絕祀，不亦宜乎？桓公能用管仲之功，而忘射鉤之怨，文公能聽寺人之言，而棄斬袪之
罪，桓公、文公能容二子者也。後世之君，明不及二公；後世之臣，賢不如二子。不忠之臣以事不明之
君，君不知，則有燕操、子罕、田常之賊；知之則以管仲、寺人自解。君必不誅，而自以為有桓、文之
德，是臣讎而明不能燭，多假之資，自以為賢而不戒，則雖無後嗣，不亦可乎？且寺人之言也，直飾君
令而不貳者，則是貞於君也。死君（後）〔復〕生臣不愧而（復）〔後〕為貞。今惠公朝卒而暮事文
公，寺人之不貳何如？
人有設桓公隱者，曰：「一難，二難，三難，何也？」桓公不能對，以告管仲。管仲對曰：「一難也，
近優而遠士。二難也，去其國而數之海。三難也，君老而晚置太子。」桓公曰：「善。」不擇日而廟禮
太子。
或曰：管仲之射隱不得也。士之用不在近遠，而俳優侏儒，固人主之所與燕也。則近優而遠士，而以為
治，非其難者也。夫處（世）〔勢〕而不能用其有，而悖不去國，是以一人之力禁一國。以一人之力禁
一國者，少能勝之。明能照遠姦而見隱微，必行之令，雖遠於海，內必無變。然則去國之海而不劫殺，
非其難者也。楚成王置商臣以為太子，又欲置公子職，商臣作難，遂弒成王。公子宰，周太子也，公子
根有寵，遂以東州反，分而為兩國。此皆非晚置太子之患也。夫分勢不二，庶孽卑，寵無藉，雖處大
臣，晚置太子可也。然則晚置太子，庶孽不亂，又非其難也。物之所謂難者，必借人成勢而勿〔使〕侵
害己，可謂一難也。貴妾不使二后，二難也。愛孽不使危正適，專聽一臣而不敢隅君，此則可謂三難
也。
葉公子高問政於仲尼，仲尼曰：「政在悅近而來遠。」哀公問政於仲尼，仲尼曰：「政在選賢。」齊景
公問政於仲尼，仲尼曰：「政在節財。」三公出，子貢問曰：「三公問夫子政一也，夫子對之不同，何
也？」仲尼曰：「葉都大而國小，民有背心，故曰『政在悅近而來遠』。魯哀公有大臣三人，外障距諸
侯四鄰之士，內比周而以愚其君，使宗廟不掃除，社稷不血食者，必是三臣也，故曰『政在選賢』。齊
景公築雍門，為路寢，一朝而以三百乘之家賜者三，故曰『政在節財』。」
或曰：仲尼之對，亡國之言也。（恐）〔葉〕民有倍心，而（誠）說之「悅近而來遠」，則是教民懷
惠。惠之為政，無功者受賞，而有罪者免，此法之所以敗也。法敗而〔政〕亂，以亂政治敗民，未見其
可也。且民有倍心者，君上之明有所不及也。不紹葉公之明，而使之悅近而來遠，是舍吾勢之所能禁而
使與（不）〔下〕行惠以爭民，非能持勢者也。夫堯之賢，六王之冠也。舜一（從而咸包）〔徙而成
邑〕，而堯無天下矣。有人無術以禁下，恃為舜而不失其民，不亦無術乎？明君見小姦於微，故民無大
謀；行小誅於細，故民無大亂。此謂「圖難於其所易也，為大者於其所細也」。今有功者必賞，賞者不
得君，力之所致也；有罪者必誅，誅者不怨上，罪之所生也。民知誅（罰）〔賞〕之皆起於身也，故疾
功利於業，而不受賜於君。「太上，下智有之」。此言太上之下民無說也，安取懷惠之民？上君之民無
利害，說以「悅近來遠」，亦可舍已。
哀公有臣外障距內比周以愚其君，而說之以「選賢」，此非功伐之論也，選其心之所謂賢者也。使哀公
知三子外障距內比周也，則三子不一日立矣。哀公不知選賢，選其心之所謂賢，故三子得任事。燕子噲
賢子之而非孫卿，故身死為僇；夫差智太宰嚭而愚子胥，故滅於越。魯君不必知賢，而說以選賢，是使
哀公有夫差、燕噲之患也。明君不自舉臣，臣相進也；不自賢，功自徇也。論之於任，試之於事，課之
於功，故群臣公政而無私，不隱賢，不進不肖。然則人主奚勞於選賢？
景公以百乘之家賜，而說以「節財」，是使景公無術（使智◇）〔以知富〕之侈，而獨儉於上，未免於
貧也。有君以千里養其口腹，則雖桀、紂不侈焉。齊國方三千里，而桓公以其半自養，是侈於桀、紂
也；然而能為五霸冠者，知侈儉之地也。為君不能禁下而自禁者謂之劫，不能飾下而自飾者謂之亂，不
節下而自節者謂之貧。明君使人無私，以詐而食者禁；力盡於事，歸利於上者必聞，聞者必賞；汙穢為
私者必知，知者必誅。然故忠臣盡忠於（方）公，民士竭力於家，百官精剋於上，侈倍景公，非國之患
也。然則說之以節財，非其急者也。
夫對三公一言而三公可以無患，知下之謂也。知下明則禁於微，〔禁於微〕則姦無積，姦無積則無比
周，無比周則公私分，公私分則朋黨散，朋黨散則無外障距內比周之患。知下明則見精沐，見精沐則誅
賞明，誅賞明則國不貧，故曰：一對而三公無患，知下之謂也。
鄭子產晨出，過（朿）〔東〕匠之閭，聞婦人之哭，撫其御之手而聽之。有間，遣吏執而問之，則手絞
其夫者也。異日，其御問曰：「夫子何以知之？」子產曰：「其聲懼。凡人於其親愛也，始病而憂，臨
死而懼，已死而哀。今哭已死，不哀而懼，是以知其有姦也。」
或曰：子產之治，不亦多事乎？（必姦）〔姦必〕待耳目之所及而後知之，則鄭國之得姦者寡矣。不任
典成之吏，不察參伍之政，不明度量，恃（毒）〔盡〕聰明，勞智慮，而以知姦，不亦無術乎？且夫物
眾而智寡，寡不勝眾，智不足以徧知物，故（則）因物以治物。下眾而上寡，寡不勝眾者，言君不足以
徧知臣也，故因人以知人。是以形體不勞而事治，智慮不用而姦得。故宋人語曰：「一雀過羿，〔羿〕
必得之，則羿誣矣。以天下為之羅，則雀不失矣。」夫知姦亦有大羅，不失其一而已矣。不循其理，而
以己之胸察為之弓矢，則子產誣矣。《老子》曰：「以智治國，國之賊也。」其子產之謂矣。
秦昭王問於左右曰：「今時韓、魏孰與始強？」左右對曰：「弱於始也。」「今之如耳、魏齊孰與曩之
孟（常）〔嘗〕、芒卯？」對曰：「不及也。」王曰：「孟（常）〔嘗〕、芒卯率強韓、魏猶無柰寡人
何也。」左右對曰：「甚然。」中期推琴而對曰：「王之料天下過矣。夫六晉之時，知氏最強，滅范、
中行而從韓、魏之兵以伐趙，灌以晉水，城之未沈者三板。知伯出，魏宣子御，韓康子為驂乘。知伯
曰：『始吾不知水可以滅人之國，吾乃今知之。汾水可以灌安邑，絳水可以灌平陽。』魏宣子肘韓康
子，康子踐宣子之足，肘足接乎車上，而知氏分於晉陽之下。今足下雖強，未若知氏；韓、魏雖弱，未
至如其〔在〕晉陽之下也。此天下方用肘足之時，願王勿易之也。」
或曰：昭王之問也有失，左右、中期之對也有過。凡明主之治國也，任其勢。勢不可害，則雖強天下無
柰何也，而況孟（常）〔嘗〕、芒卯、韓、魏能柰我何？其勢可害也，則不肖如〔如〕耳、魏齊，及
韓、魏猶能害之。然則害與不侵，在自恃而已矣，奚問乎？自恃其不可侵，〔則〕強與弱奚其擇焉？失
在不自恃，而問其柰何也，其不侵也幸矣。申子曰：「失之數而求之信，則疑矣。」其昭王之謂也。
知伯無度，從韓康、魏宣而圖以水灌滅其國。此知伯之所以國亡而身死，頭為飲柸之故也。今昭王乃問
孰與始強，其畏有水人之患乎。雖有左右，非韓、魏之二子也，安有肘足之事？而中期曰「勿易」，此
虛言也。且中期之所官，琴瑟也。絃不調，弄不明，中期之任也，此中期所以事昭王者也。中期善承其
任，未慊昭王也，而為所不知，豈不妄哉？左右對之曰「弱於始」與「不及」則可矣，其曰「甚然」則
諛也。申子曰：「治不踰官，雖知不言。」今中期不知而尚言之。故曰：昭王之問有失，左右、中期之
對皆有過也。
管子曰：「見其可，說之有證；見其不可，惡之有形。賞罰信於所見，雖所不見，其敢為之乎？見其
可，說之無（說）證；見其不可，惡之無形。賞罰不信於所見，而求所不見之外，不可得也。」
或曰：廣廷嚴居，眾人之所肅也。宴室獨處，曾、史之所僈也。觀人之所肅，非行情也。且君上者，臣
下之所為飾也。好惡在所見，臣下之飾姦物以愚其君，必也。明不能燭遠姦，見隱微，而待之以觀飾
行，定賞罰，不亦弊乎？
管子曰：「言於室，滿於室；言於堂，滿於堂；是謂天下王。」
或曰：管仲之所謂言室滿室、言堂滿堂者，非特謂遊戲飲食之言也，必謂大物也。人主之大物，非法則
術也。法者，編著之圖籍，設之於官府，而布之於百姓者也。術者，藏之於胸中，以偶眾端而潛御群臣
者也。故法莫如顯，而術不欲見。是以明主言法，則境內卑賤莫不聞知也，不獨滿於堂；用術，則親愛
近習莫之得聞也，不得滿室。而管子猶曰：「言於室滿室，言於堂滿堂。」非法術之言也。
Chapter XXXVIII. Criticism of the Ancients, Series Three

1
Duke Mu of Lu once asked Tzŭ-ssŭ, saying, "I have heard that the son of the Chien family in the village of
Pàng 2 is not dutiful. How is his conduct?" In reply Tzŭ-ssŭ said, "The superior man esteems the worthy and
thereby exalts the virtuous. He promotes the good and thereby encourages 3 the people. In the case of
misconduct, it is recognized by small men. Thy servant does not know anything about his conduct at all." After
Tzŭ-ssŭ had gone out, Tzŭ-fu and Li-pai went in to interview the Duke. Then Duke Mu again asked about the
conduct of the son of the Chien family in the village of Pàng. In reply Tzŭ-fu and Li-pai said, "He has three
defects, all of which your Highness has never heard about." Thenceforth, the ruler respected Tzŭ-ssŭ but
despised Tzŭ-fu and Li-pai.
Some critic says: Was it unreasonable that the ruling family of Lu was menaced by the Chi Clan successively for
three generations? The enlightened ruler searches for good men and rewards them. He searches for wicked men
and punishes them. He search is one. Therefore, who reports of good men agrees with the superior on the
approval of good deeds; who reports of wicked men agrees with the superior on the dislike of bad deeds. Both
equally deserve reward and honour. Who does not report of wicked men, is an opponent of the superior and a
partisan of the wicked men. He deserves disgrace and punishment. Now, Tzŭ-ssŭ did not report of any defect of
the son, whereas Duke Mu respected him. Li-pai reported of the wickedness of the son, whereas Duke Mu
despised him. It is human nature, however, that everybody loves respect and dislikes being despised. Naturally,
even when the rebellious plot of the Chi Clan was mature, nobody reported of it to the superior. This was the
reason for which the Ruler of Lu was eventually molested. Verily, it is the beaten track of the sovereigns 4 of
declining states, which was appreciated by the men of Tsou and Lu. 5 Was it absurd that Duke Mu esteemed it in
particular?
When Duke Wên fled into exile, Duke Hsien sent eunuch, Pì, to assault him at Rush City. Pì only succeeded in
cutting a sleeve off his coat. Then Duke Wên escaped to Chieh. When Duke Hui ascended the throne, he also
sent Pì to assault Duke Wên by the side of the Wei River. 6 But he could not get at the Duke. After the return of
Duke Wên to his native country, Pì petitioned for an audience with the Duke. Thereupon, the Duke said, "Before
the assault at Rush City, His Highness had ordered you to stay one night on the way, but you went straight there.
Before the catastrophe by the side of the Wei River, His Highness had ordered you to stay three nights on the
way, but you spent one night only. Why were you so quick?" In reply Pì said, "The ruler's order must not be
disobeyed. To eliminate the ruler's enemy I was afraid of my inability. At that time Your Highness was merely a
man of Rush or a man of Chieh, with whom I had no relationship whatever. Now that Your Highness has
ascended the throne, would there be no memory of the events at Rush and in Chieh? Indeed, Duke Huan even
forgot the shooting of the ribbon-hook of his crown and appointed Kuan Chung premier." Hearing this, the Duke
granted him an audience.
Some critic says: That festivals to the memory of the ancestors of the Chìs and the Chins were finally stopped,
was perfectly reasonable. Duke Huan could make use of Kuan Chung's meritorious services and forgot the
grudge against the shooting of the ribbon-hook. Duke Wên could listen to the eunuch's saying and ignored the
crime of cutting off his sleeve. Thus, Dukes Huan and Wên could tolerate the two men. Rulers of subsequent
generations, however, were not as enlightened as these two Dukes while ministers of subsequent generations
were not as worthy as these two men. When disloyal ministers were serving unintelligent rulers, if the rulers did
not notice their disloyalty, then there would appear such traitors as Tsào 7 of Yen, Tzŭ-han, and Tìen Chàng; if
they noticed their disloyalty, then the ministers would justify their misconduct with the actions of Kuan Chung
and the eunuch as precedents, so that the rulers would not censure them and assumed themselves to be as
virtuous as Dukes Huan and Wên. In this manner, the ministers owed the rulers 8 grudges in secret, but the rulers
were not intelligent enough to eliminate the dark matters. If the rulers vested the ministers with more powers
while pretending to worthiness themselves and taking no precaution against any eventuality, was it not
reasonable that their posterity was exterminated? Moreover, the saying of the eunuch was too ostentatious. Who
does not disobey the ruler's order, is said to be faithful to the ruler. However, unless the minister never feels
ashamed of his conduct even when the dead ruler comes to life again, he is not truly faithful. Now that Duke Hui
died at dawn, the eunuch turned to serve Duke Wên at dusk, how about his principle of nondisobedience?
Once somebody put a riddle to Duke Huan, saying, "The first difficulty, the second difficulty, and the third
difficulty. What are they?" Unable to solve the riddle, Duke Huan asked Kuan Chung to do it. In reply Kuan
Chung said, "The first difficulty is due to the ruler's intimacy with actors and remoteness from scholars and
warriors; the second, due to his absence from the state capital and frequent visit to the seaside; and the third, due
to the choice of the Crown Prince late in the ruler's old age." "Right," remarked Duke Huan. Without choosing a
lucky day, he celebrated in the ancestral shrine the installation of the Crown Prince.
Some critic says: Kuan Chung's solution of the riddle was not to the point. The serviceability of the scholars and
warriors does not rest with their distance from the ruler. Actors and clowns are from the beginning supposed to
accompany the lord of men at every feast. If so, then to keep actors near and the scholars and warriors far and
thereby maintain political order would not be any difficulty at all. Again, who is in the position and not able to
make the best use of his authorities but counts on his constant presence at the state capital, means to suppress
wickedness throughout the whole country with one person's strength. If the ruler attempts to suppress
wickedness throughout the whole country with his own strength only, then he can hardly succeed. If his
intelligence is able to illuminate distant crooks and disclose vicious secrets, and if he is certain to apply decrees
to such cases, then though he travels far away to the seaside, there will be no disorder at home. If so, then to
leave the state capital for the seaside and thereby invite neither menace nor murder, would constitute no
difficulty at all. As regards the third difficulty, King Ch`êng of Chù first made Shang-ch`êng Crown Prince, and
later thought of making Prince Chih Crown Prince, wherefore Shang-ch`êng caused a disturbance and finally
murdered King Ch`êng. Similarly, Prince Tsai 9 was the Crown Prince of Chou, but Prince Kên won the ruler's
favour, caused a rebellion in the eastern part of Chou, 10 and split the country into two. In these cases the
calamity was not due to the late installation of the crown prince. If the ruler is not double-dealing in matters of
distinction and position, keeps bastards in low status, and grants his favourites no special request, then though he
waits till an old age, the late installation of the crown prince is practicable. If so, then to install the crown prince
late and thereby incur no turmoil from bastards, would constitute no difficulty at all. The so-called difficulties
are: to let people accumulate their influences and not to let them trespass against the ruler, which constitutes the
first difficulty; to favour concubines but not let them rival the wife, which constitutes the second difficulty; and,
to love bastards but not to let them jeopardize the heir apparent, and to trust one minister exclusively and see that
he dare not rank with the ruler himself, which can be called the third difficulty.
When the Duke of Sheh, Tzŭ-kao, asked Chung-ni about government, Chung-ni said, "The way of good
government is to content the near and attract the distant." 11 When Duke Ai asked Chung-ni about government,
Chung-ni said, "The way of good government is to select worthies for office." When Duke Ching of Chì asked
Chung-ni about government, Chung-ni said, "The way of good government is to economize expenditure." After
the three Dukes had gone out, Tzŭ-kung asked, "The question raised to Master by the three Dukes about
government was the same one, but why did Master reply to them differently?" Chung-ni said, "In Sheh the
capital is too big for the country while the people have the rebellious mind. Therefore, I said, `The way of good
government is to content the near and attract the distant'. Duke Ai of Lu has three chief vassals, who spurn
envoys from other feudal lords and the neighbouring countries and join one another in befooling their master. It
must be these three ministers who will stop the festivals of the ancestral shrine and remove the sacrifices from
the Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain. Therefore I said, `The way of good government is to select worthy
men for office.' Duke Ching of Chì constructed the Yung Gate, built the Roadbed Tower, and in one morning
rewarded three officials each with a fief of one hundred chariots. Therefore, I said, `The way of good
government is to economize expenditure.' "
Some critic says: The reply of Chung-ni was a state-ruining saying. Notwithstanding that the Sheh people had
the rebellious mind, he advised the ruler to content the near and attract the distant, whereby he encouraged the
people to cherish gratitude to the ruler for his favours. To be sure, the government by favour rewards men of no
merit and absolves criminals of guilt. This is the reason why the law is broken. If the law is broken, government
will fall into confusion. To govern a spoilt people with confused regulations is never practicable. Moreover, if
the people have the rebellious mind, it is because the ruler's insight has fallen short of certain objects. Now,
instead of persuading 12 the Duke of Sheh to extend his insight, Chung-ni advised him to content the near and
attract the distant. In this way he advised the ruler to discard what his position is able to prohibit and struggle
with his subordinates 13 to win the hearts of the people by conferring favours. Thereby he will not be able to
maintain his influence. Indeed, in worthiness Yao was the first one of the six rulers, 14 but wherever Shun went,
people flocked around him, till Yao had no more influence in All-under-Heaven. Suppose there is a ruler who has
no way of preventing his subordinates from misbehaving but counts on their imitation of Shun and expects not to
lose the hearts of the people. Is he not tactless? The enlightened ruler sees an evil in the bud, wherefore the
people cannot plot any large-scale rebellion. As he inflicts small punishments for minor offences, the people
cannot cause any serious disturbance. This means "to contemplate a difficulty when it is easy and manage a great
thing when it is small." 15 Now, if men of merit are always rewarded, the rewarded do not feel grateful 16 to the
ruler, because the reward is due to their effort. If men guilty of offences are always punished, the punished bear
no grudge against the authorities, because the punishment is due to their misconduct. As the people understand
that both punishment and reward 17 are due to their own deeds, they will strive to harvest merits and profits in
their daily work and will not hope for undue gifts from the ruler. "Of the greatest ruler, the people simply know
the existence." 18 This means that under the greatest ruler the people have no undue joy. Then where can be found
people bearing gratitude to the ruler? The subjects of the greatest ruler receive neither undue profit nor undue
injury. Therefore, the persuasion to content the near and attract the distant should be set at nought.
As Duke Ai had ministers who spurned visitors from outside and formed juntas at home in deceiving the ruler,
Chung-ni persuaded him to select worthies for office. By worthies he meant not men who would exert their
strength and render meritorious services, but those whom the ruler judged to be worthy. Now, supposing Duke Ai
knew that the three ministers spurned visitors from outside and formed juntas at home, then the three men could
not continue misbehaving one day longer. It was because Duke Ai did not know how to select worthies for office
but simply selected those men he judged to be worthy that the three men could have charge of state affairs.
However, Tzŭ-kùai of Yen considered Tzŭ-chih worthy and disapproved the character of Sun Chìng with the
result that he was murdered and became a laughing-stock of the world. Likewise, Fu-chà regarded Chancellor
Pì as wise and Tzŭ-hsü as stupid with the result that he was extinguished by Yüeh. Thus, the Ruler of Lu did not
necessarily know worthy men, but Chung-ni persuaded him to select worthy men, whereby he would drive him
to the disaster of Fu-chà and Kùai of Yen. Verily, the enlightened ruler does not have to promote ministers
himself, for they advance according to their meritorious services. 19 He does not have to select 20 worthies
himself, for they make their appearances 21 according to their meritorious services. He appoints them to various
posts, examines them in their works, and judges them according to their results. Therefore, all officials have to
be fair and just and never self-seeking. Neither obscuring the worthy nor promoting the unworthy, what worry
does the lord of men have about the selection of worthy men?
As Duke Ching rewarded officials each with a fief of one hundred chariots, Chung-ni persuaded him to
economize expenditure, whereby he advised him to have no way of enjoying pleasures and luxuries but remain
personally frugal. In consequence, the country would fall into poverty. Suppose there is a ruler who supports
himself with the income from the area of one thousand li square. Then even Chieh and Chow could not be more
extravagant than he. Now, the Chì State covers an area of three thousand li square. With half of its income Duke
Huan supported himself. In this manner he was more extravagant than Chieh and Chow. Yet he could become the
first one of the Five Hegemonic Rulers because he knew the respective spheres of frugality and extravagance. To
be a ruler of men who cannot 22 restrain his subjects but has to restrain himself instead, is called "suffering"; to
be unable to reform his subjects and have to reform himself instead, is called "confusion"; and, not to economize
in the expenditure of his subjects but to economize in his own expenditure, is called "poverty". The enlightened
ruler makes people public-spirited, stops men who earn their livelihood by means of deception, and always hears
about those who exert their strength in public enterprises and contribute profits to the authorities. Whenever
heard about, the men of merit are rewarded. Likewise, he always knows those who are corrupt and self-seeking.
Whenever known, the wicked men are punished. If so, 23 then loyal ministers will exert their spirits of loyalty for
public causes, gentry and commoners will apply their strength to the welfare of their families, and all officials
will be assiduous and deny themselves in serving the superior. Therefore, the extravagance of the enlightened
ruler, be it twice as much as that of Duke Ching, will constitute no menace to the state. If so, the persuasion to
economize expenditure was not an urgent need of Duke Ching.
Indeed, a single reply to the three Dukes that would enable them to get rid of all worries should be "Know your
inferiors". If the ruler knows the inferiors well, then he can nip an evil in the bud. If evils are nipped in the bud,
no villainy will be accumulated. If no villainy is accumulated, no junta will be formed. If no junta is formed,
public welfare and private interest will be distinguished from each other. If public welfare and private interest are
distinguished from each other, all partisans will disperse. If the partisans disperse, there will be no trouble-
makers spurning visitors from outside and forming wicked juntas inside. Moreover, when the ruler knows his
inferiors well, he will discover all their minute details. 24 When all their minute details are disclosed, censure and
reward will be clarified. When censure and reward are clarified, the country will not be poor. Hence the saying:
"A single reply that would enable the three Dukes to get rid of all worries should be `Know your inferiors'."
One morning when Tzŭ-chàn of Chêng went out and passed through the quarters of eastern craftsmen, he heard
a woman crying. Therefore, he held the coachman's hand still and listened to the crying. Meanwhile, he sent out
an official to arrest her. After examining her, he found out that she had strangled her husband with her own
hands. Another day the coachman asked, "Master, how could you tell that she had killed her husband?" "Her
voice was fearful," said Tzŭ-chàn. "As a rule, people react to their beloved in the following ways: When the
beloved has just fallen ill, they are worried about the illness; when he or she is dying, they feel fearful; after the
death, they feel sad. Now that the woman crying over her dead husband was not sad but fearful, I could tell there
was villainy behind it."
Some critic says: Was Tzŭ-chàn's way of government not burdensome? The culprit was found out only after she
had fallen within the reaches of the premier's ears and eyes. If so, very few culprits could be found out in the
Chêng State. Not employing judicial officials, not carefully observing the system of three units and basic fives, 25
and not clarifying rules and measures, but solely depending on the exertion of his auditory and visual sagacity
and the exhaustion of his wisdom and reason for detecting culprits, was he not tactless? Verily, things are many;
wise men, few. As the few are no match for the many, the wise are not sufficient to know all the things.
Therefore, regulate things with things. The inferior are many; the superior, few. As the few are no match for the
many, the ruler alone is not sufficient to know all the officials. Therefore, govern men with men. In this way,
without damaging his features and his body, the ruler administers state affairs successfully; without making use
of his wisdom and reason, he can find out culprits. Hence follows the proberb of the Sungs, saying "Yi would be
unreasonable if he claimed his ability to shoot down every sparrow passing by him. Supposing All-under-Heaven
became a net, then no sparrow would be missed". To comb the culprits, the ruler must have a large net, so that
none of them will be missed. Not studying these principles but using his own guess-work as bows and arrows,
Tzŭ-chàn was unreasonable. Thus, Lao Tzŭ said, "Who attempts to govern the state with wisdom, will
eventually betray the country." 26 How applicable this was to Tzŭ-chàn's case!
King Chao of Chìn asked the chamberlains, saying, "How is the present strength of Han and Wey compared
with their former strength?" In reply they said, "They are now weaker than before." "How are Ju êrh and Wey
Chì at present compared with Mêng Chàng 27 and Mang Mao in the past?" "The former are not as great as the
latter," replied the chamberlains. Then the King said, "Mêng Chàng and Mang Mao led the strong forces of Han
and Wey, but could do nothing against me. Now, they put such unable men as Ju êrh and Wey Chì in command
of the weak forces of Han and Wey to attack Ch'in. Clearly enough, they will not be able to do anything against
me." 28 In response they said, "That is very true." However, Musician Chung Chì put his lute aside and said in
reply: "Your Majesty is mistaken in estimating the situation of All-under-Heaven. Indeed, at the time of the Six
Chins, the Chih Clan was the strongest among all. After destroying the Fan and the Chung-hang Clans, they took
the troops of Han and Wey along to attack Chao. They inundated the capital of Chao with the water from the
Chin River, till only six feet 29 square of land inside the city was not flooded. One day, Earl Chih went out with
Viscount Hsüan of Wey as the charioteer and Viscount Kàng of Han in charge of the extra team. On the way,
Earl Chih said, `Never before have I known that water can destroy enemies' states. I have just come to know it.
The water of the Fêng River can inundate the city of An-i 30 ; and the water of the Chiang River can inundate the
city of P'ing-yang. 31 Hearing this remark, Viscount Hsüan of Wey pushed the elbow of Viscount Kàng of Han
while Viscount Kàng stepped on Viscount Hsüan's foot. Soon after the elbow was pushed and the foot was
stepped on in the carriage, the possessions of the Chih Clan were divided beneath the walls of Chin-yang. Now,
Your Majesty, though strong, is not yet as powerful as the Chih Clan. Han and Wey, though weak, are not yet as
helpless as the people besieged at Chin-yang. 32 To-day is the very moment when All-under-Heaven push their
elbows and step on their feet. May Your Majesty, therefore, not look down upon them!"
Some critic says: King Chao's question was mistaken; the replies by the chamberlains and Chung-chì were
wrong. As a rule, the enlightened sovereign in governing the state holds fast to his position. As long as his
position is not injured, even though the forces of All-under-Heaven combine against him, they could do nothing
against him. Then how much less could Mêng Chàng, Mang Mao, Han, and Wey do against Chìn? However, if
the position can be injured, then even unworthy men like Ju êrh and Wey Chì and the weak forces of Han and
Wey can be detrimental to it. Such being the case, violability and inviolability both rest on nothing but the
reliability of one's own position. Why did he raise the question then? If the sovereign relies on the inviolability
of his own position, he minds no enemy whether strong or weak. If he cannot rely on his own position but keeps
asking about the strength of his enemies, suffering no invasion will be a godsend to him. Shên Tzŭ said, "Who
loses sight of calculations and looks to people's words for bases of belief, will for ever be in doubt," which was
applicable to King Chao's case.
Earl Chih had no rules of self-restraint. Thus, while taking Viscounts Kàng of Han and Hsüan of Wey along, he
thought of flooding and ruining their countries with water. This was the reason why Earl Chih had his country
destroyed, himself killed, and his skull made into a drinking cup. Now, when King Chao asked if enemies were
stronger than they had been before, there was no worry about his flooding lands. Though he had the
chamberlains around, they were not the same as the Viscounts of Han and Wey. Then how could there be any
elbow-pushing and foot-stepping intrigues? Nevertheless, Chung-chì said, "Do not look down upon them!" This
was an empty saying. Moreover, what Chung-chì took charge of was harps and lutes. Were the strings not
harmonious and the notes not clear, it would be his duty to fix them. In this post Chung-chì 33 served King Chao.
He was willing to enter upon the duties of that post. Yet before he as yet proved satisfactory in his official
capacity to King Chao, he spoke on what he did not know. Was he not thoughtless? The chamberlains' replies,
"Both are weaker now than before," and, "The former are not as great as the latter," were fair, but their last reply,
"That is very true," was certainly flattery. Shên Tzŭ said, "The way to order is not to overstep the duties of one's
post and not to speak about people's business though aware of it." Now, Chung-chì did not know politics but
spoke on it. Hence the saying: "King Chao's question was mistaken: the replies by the chamberlains and Chung-
chì were wrong."
Kuan Tzŭ said, "When the ruler approves the minister's conduct, he manifests evidences 34 of liking him; when
he disapproves the minister's conduct, he produces facts of disliking him. If reward and punishment accord with
what is seen, the minister will dare do no wrong even in unseen places. Suppose when the ruler sees the
minister's conduct approvable, of liking him he manifests no evidence; when he sees the minister's conduct not
approvable, of disliking him he produces no fact. Then if reward and punishment do not accord with what is
seen, it is impossible to expect the minister to do good at unseen places."
Some critic says: Public grounds and sublime shrines are places where all behave with respect; dark rooms and
solitary quarters are places where even Tsêng Shan and Shih Chìn become undisciplined. To observe people
when they behave respectfully is not to be able to get at the realities of them. Moreover, in the presence of the
ruler and superior every minister and inferior is forced to polish his manners. If both approval and disapproval
rest on what is seen, it is certain that ministers and inferiors will disguise wicked things and thereby befool their
masters. If the ruler's own insight cannot illuminate distant crooks and discern hidden secrets and thereby guard
against them, to fix reward and punishment by observing disguised deeds is certainly harmful.
Kuan Tzŭ said, "Whose words said inside the private room prevail upon everybody in the room, and whose
words said inside the public hall prevail upon everybody in the hall, he can be called ruler of All-under-Heaven."
35
Some critic says: What Kuan Chung meant by the so-called words which were said inside the room and
prevailed upon everybody in the room and those which were said inside the hall and prevailed upon everybody
in the hall, was not restricted to talks given in sport and play or after drinking and eating, but inclusive of serious
discussions of important business. The important business of the lord of men is either law or tact. The law is
codified in books, kept in governmental offices, and promulgated among the hundred surnames. The tact is
hidden in the bosom and useful in comparing diverse motivating factors of human conduct and in manipulating
the body of officials secretly. Therefore, law wants nothing more than publicity; tact abhors visibility. For this
reason, when the enlightened sovereign speaks on law, high and low within the boundaries will hear and know it.
Thus, the speech prevails not only upon everybody in the hall. When he applies his tact, none of his favourites
and courtiers will notice it at all. Thus, it cannot display itself all over the room. Nevertheless, Kuan Tzŭ insisted
on saying, "The words said in the private room prevail upon everybody in the room; the words said in the public
hall prevail upon everybody in the hall," which is not an utterance of the spirit of law and tact at all.
Notes
1. 難三.
2. 龐##氏. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê Wang Chùng's "Refutation of Han Fei Tzŭ" has 橺 in place of ###.
3. 觀 should be 勸.
4. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 王 should be 主.
5. 取魯之民. With Hirazawa 取 should read 鄒. By the men of Tsou and Lu the author evidently meant
Confucius and his immediate descendants and followers who were natives of the two countries.
6. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 惠竇 should be 渭濱 throughout this criticism.
7. Namely, Kung-sum Tsào, Tzŭ-chih being his pen-name.
8. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 君 should be supplied below 讐
9. Work XXXI has 朝 in place of 宰 (v. supra, p. 19).
10. Work XXXI has 周 in place of 州 (v. supra, p. 4).
11. Cf. Confucian Analects, Bk. XIII, Ch. XVI, 2, Legge's trans.
12. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 紹 should be 詔.
13. With Ku 不 should be 下.
14. Namely, Yao, Shun, Yü, Tàng, Wên, and Wu.
15. v. Lao Tzŭ's Tao-Teh-Ching, Ch. LXIII, 3, trans. by Carus.
16. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 得 should be 德.
17. With Ku 罰 below 誅 should be 賞.
18. v. Lao Tzŭ's Tao-Teh-Ching, Ch. XVII, 1, trans. by Carus. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 智 reads 知.
19. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 巨 above 相進 should be 功.
20. With Ku 選 should be supplied above 賢.
21. With Ku 自 above 徇 should be 相.
22. With Wang Hsien-shên 能 should be supplied below 不.
23. With Wang Hsien-shên 然故 means, 然則.
24. With Sun I-jang 精沐 seemingly should be 精悉.

25. v. supra, p. 265.
26. Cf. Tao-Teh-Ching, Ch. LXV, 2, trans. by Carus.
27. 常 should be 嘗 and so throughout this criticism.
28. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê The Book of Warring States has 今以無能之如耳魏齊，帥弱韓魏，以攻秦，其無奈

寡人何，亦明矣 below the preceding sentence. I deem it necessary to supply this sentence below the preceding
one.
29. 三板.
30. The then capital of Wey.
31. The then capital of Han.
32. With Wang Hsien-shen 其 above 晉陽 is superfluous.
33. 旗 reads 期.
34. Kuan Tzŭ's "Cultivating Powers" has 徵 in place of 證.
35. Kuan Tzŭ, "On the Shepherd of the People."
39 難四第三十九
衛孫文子聘於魯，公登亦登。叔孫穆子趨進曰：「諸侯之會，寡君未嘗後衛君也。今子不後寡君一等，
寡君未知所過也，子其少安。」孫子無辭，亦無悛容。穆子退而告人曰：「孫子必亡。亡臣而不後君，
過而不悛，亡之本也。」
或曰：天子失道，諸侯伐之，故有湯、武。諸侯失道，大夫伐之，故有齊、晉。臣而伐君者必亡，則是
湯、武不王，晉、齊不立也。孫子君於衛，而後不臣於魯，臣之君也。君有失也，故臣有得也。不命亡
於有失之君，而命亡於有得之臣，不察。魯不得誅衛大夫，而衛君之明不知不悛之臣。孫子雖有是二
也，（臣）〔巨〕以亡？其所以亡其失，所以得君也。
或曰：臣主之施分也。臣能奪君者，以得相踦也。故非其分而取者，眾之所奪也；辭其分而取者，民之
所予也。是以桀索岷山之女，紂求比干之心，而天下（謂）〔離〕；湯身易名，武身受詈，而海內服；
趙咺走山，田〔氏〕外僕，而齊、晉從。則湯、武之所以王，齊、晉之所以立，非必以其君也，彼得之
而後以君處之也。今未有其所以得，而行其所以處，是倒義而逆德也。倒義，則事之所以敗也；逆德，
則怨之所以聚也。敗亡之不察，何也？
魯陽虎欲攻三桓，不剋而犇齊，景公禮之。鮑文子諫曰：「不可。陽虎有寵於季氏而欲伐於季孫，貪其
富也。今君富於季孫，而齊大於魯，陽虎所以盡詐也。」景公乃囚陽虎。
或曰：千金之家，其子不仁，人之急利甚也。桓公，五伯之上也，爭國而殺其兄，其利大也。臣主之
間，非兄弟之親也。劫殺之功，制萬乘而享大利，則群臣孰非陽虎也？事以微巧成，以踈拙敗。群臣之
未起難也，其備未具也。群臣皆有陽虎之心，而君上不知，是微而巧也。陽虎貪，〔知〕於天下，以欲
攻上，是踈而拙也。不使景公加誅於〔齊之巧臣〕，〔而使加誅於〕拙虎，是鮑文子之說反也。臣之忠
詐，在君所行也。君明而嚴則群臣忠，君懦而闇則群臣詐。知微之謂明，無救赦之謂嚴。不知齊之巧臣
而誅魯之成亂，不亦妄乎！
或曰：仁貪不同心。故公子目夷辭宋，而楚商臣弒父；鄭去疾予弟，而魯桓弒兄。五伯兼并，而以桓律
人，則是皆無貞廉也。且君明而嚴，則群臣忠。陽虎為亂於魯，不成而走，入齊而不誅，是承為亂也。
君明則誅，知陽虎之可以濟亂也，此見微之情也。語曰：「諸侯以國為親。」君嚴則陽虎之罪不可失，
此無救赦之實也，則誅陽虎，所以使群臣忠也。未知齊之巧臣，而廢明亂之罰，責於未然，而不誅昭昭
之罪，此則妄矣。今誅魯之罪亂以威群臣之有姦心者，而可以得季、孟、叔孫之親，鮑文之說，何以為
反？
鄭伯將以高渠彌為卿，昭公惡之，固諫不聽。及昭公即位，懼其殺己也，辛卯，弒昭公而立子亶也。君
子曰：「昭公知所惡矣。」公子圉曰：「高伯其為戮乎，報惡已甚矣。」
或曰：父子圉之言也，不亦反乎？昭公之及於難者，報惡晚也。然則高伯之晚於死者，報惡甚也。明君
不懸怒，懸怒，則（臣罪）〔罪臣〕輕舉以行計，則人主危。故靈臺之飲，衛侯怒而不誅，故褚師作
難。食黿之羹，鄭君怒而不誅，故子公殺君。
君子之舉「知所惡」，非甚之也，曰：知之若是其明也，而不行誅焉，以及於死。故「知所惡」，以見
其無權也。人君非獨不足於見難而已，或不足於斷制。今昭公見惡稽罪而不誅，使渠彌含憎懼死以徼
幸，故不免於殺，是昭公之報惡不甚也。
或曰：報惡甚者，大誅報小罪。大誅〔報〕小罪也者，獄之至也。獄之患，故非在所以誅也，以讎之眾
也。是以晉厲公滅三郄而欒、中行作難，鄭子都殺伯咺而食鼎起禍，吳王誅子胥而越勾踐成霸。則衛侯
之逐，鄭靈之弒，不以褚師之不死而公父之不誅也，以未可以怒而有怒之色，未可誅而有誅之心。怒其
當罪，而誅不逆人心，雖懸奚害？夫未立有罪，即位之後，宿罪而誅，齊（故）胡之所以滅也。君行之
臣，猶有後患，況為臣而行之君乎？誅既不當，而以盡為心，是與天下（有）〔為〕讎也。則雖為戮，
不亦可乎！
衛靈〔公〕之時，彌子瑕有寵，〔專〕於衛國。侏儒有見公者曰：「臣之夢淺矣。」公曰：「奚夢？」
「夢見竈者，為見公也。」公怒曰：「吾聞〔見〕人主者夢見日，奚為見寡人而夢見竈乎？」侏儒曰：
「夫日兼照天下，一物不能當也。人君兼照一國，一人不能壅也。故將見人主而夢日也。夫竈，一人煬
焉，則後人無從見矣。或者一人煬君邪？則臣雖夢竈，不亦可乎？」公曰：「善。」遂去雍鉏，退彌子
瑕，而用司空狗。
或曰：侏儒善假於夢以見主道矣，然靈公不知侏儒之言也。去雍鉏，退彌子瑕，而用司空狗者，是去所
愛而用所賢也。鄭子都賢慶建而壅焉，燕子噲賢子之而壅焉。夫去所愛而用所賢，未免使一人煬己也。
不肖者煬主，不足以害明；今不加知而使賢者煬（主）己，則（賢）〔必危〕矣。
或曰：屈到嗜芰，文王嗜菖蒲葅，非正味也，而二賢尚之，所味不必美。晉靈侯說參無恤，燕噲賢子之
（之），非正士也，而二君尊之，所賢不必賢也。非賢而賢用之與愛而用之同。賢誠賢而舉之，與用所
愛異狀。故楚莊舉（叔孫）〔孫叔〕而霸，商辛用費仲而滅，此皆用所賢而事相反也。燕噲雖舉所賢而
同於用所愛，衛奚距然哉？則侏儒之未可見也。君壅而不知其壅也，已見之後而知其壅也，故退壅臣，
是加知之也。（日）〔曰〕「不加知而使賢者煬己，則必危」，而今以加知矣，則雖煬己，必不危矣。
Chapter XXXIX. Criticisms of the Ancients, Series Four

1
Once Sun Wên-tzŭ of Wei visited the court of Lu. When the Duke was going up a flight of steps, he also went
up at the same time. Thereupon Shu-sun Mu-tzŭ rushed forward and said, "At every conference of the feudal
lords, His Highness never walks behind the Ruler of Wei. Now, you are not walking one step behind our Ruler
while our Ruler does not notice the fault. Will you go a little bit more slowly?" Yet Sun Tzŭ neither had any
word to say nor showed any sign of reform. When Mu-tzŭ withdrew from the party, he said to people, "Sun Tzŭ
will go to ruin. Being a failing minister, he would not walk behind a ruler. Committing a fault, he would not
reform himself. This is the basic factor of ruin."
Some critic says: When Sons of Heaven lost the way of government, feudal lords replaced 2 them. For example,
Tàng and Wu replaced Chieh and Chow. When feudal lords lost the way of government, high officers replaced
them. For example, high officers in Chì and Chin replaced their rulers. Were the minister replacing the ruler
doomed to ruin, then Tàng and Wu could not become rulers and the new ruling dynasties in Chì and Chin 3
could not be established. Now, Sun Tzŭ in Wei rivalled his ruler in power but never became a minister in Lu. If
any minister turns ruler, it is because the original ruler has lost the reins of government. Therefore,
notwithstanding that Sun Tzŭ had gained the reins of government, Mu-tzŭ warned the minister having the gain,
of ruin instead of warning the ruler suffering the loss, of ruin. Thus, Mu-tzŭ was not clear-sighted at all. Indeed,
Lu could not punish the envoy from Wei while the Ruler of Wei was not enlightened enough to know the
unreformable minister. Though Mu-tzŭ had found these two faults, how 4 could he foretell Sun Tzŭ's ruin? The
way he ruined his status as minister 5 was the way he broke the ministerial etiquette and thereby acquired the
power of the ruler. 6
Some other critic says: Minister and ruler have their respective duties. If the minister can rob the ruler of the
throne, it is because they have over-ridden each other's duties. Therefore, if the ruler takes what is not his due,
the masses will take it away from him. If the minister declines his due and takes it afterwards, the people will
give it back to him. For this reason, Chieh sought after the girls of Min-shan and Chow made request for Pi
Kan's heart with the immediate result that All-under-Heaven were thereby estranged from them. Likewise, Tàng
had to change his personal name and Wu received punishment 7 , wherefore everybody within the seas obeyed
them. Similarly, Viscount Hsüan 8 of Chao fled to the mountains and Viscount Tìen Ch`êng took refuge abroad.
In consequence, however, the peoples of Chì and Chin followed them. Such being the case, Tàng and Wu could
become kings and the new ruling dynasties of Chì and Chin could be established, not because they usurped the
throne first and then took what was their due, but because they first took what was their due and later proceeded
to the throne. Now that Sun Wên-tzŭ never took what was his due but behaved himself like a ruler, he opposed
the principle of justice and violated the doctrine of propriety. To oppose the principle of justice causes the failure
of affairs; to violate the doctrine of propriety causes the accumulation of the people's grudge. Why did the critic
take no notice of the impending calamity of failure and destruction?
Yang Hu of Lu schemed to attack the Three Huans, failed in the campaign, and fled to Chì. There Duke Ching
paid him great respects. Against such a measure Pao Wên-tzŭ remonstrated with him, saying, "It is not
practicable. Yang Hu had been in favour with the Chi Clan but attempted to attack 9 Chi-sun because he was
covetous of their wealth. Now that Your Highness is wealthier than Chi-sun and Chì is larger than Lu, Yang Hu
will exert all his deceitful tricks." Duke Ching, accordingly, imprisoned Yang Hu.
Some critic says: If the millionaire's son is not benevolent, it is because everybody is by nature anxious to gain
profit. Duke Huan was the first of the Five Hegemonic Rulers, but in struggling for the throne, he killed his elder
brother because the profit was great. The relationship between minister and ruler is not even as intimate as that
between brothers. If through the accomplishment of intimidation and murder one can rule over the state of ten
thousand chariots and enjoy the great profit, then who among the body of officials will not do the same as Yang
Hu? To be sure, every plan, if delicately and skilfully carried out, will succeed, and, if crudely and clumsily
carried out, is bound to fail. The ministers do not cause any disturbance because they are not yet well prepared. If
the ministers all have the mind of Yang Hu which the ruler does not notice, their plan must be delicate and
skilful. Contrasted with them, Yang Hu was known to be covetous of the rule over All-under-Heaven and
schemed to attack his superior, wherefore his plan must have been crude and clumsy. Instead of advising Duke
Ching to censure 10 the astute ministers of Chì, Pao Wên-tzŭ advised him to censure clumsy Hu. Thus, his
persuasion was unreasonable. Whether the ministers are loyal or deceitful, it all depends upon the ruler's action.
If the ruler is enlightened and strict, all the ministers will be loyal to him. If the ruler is weak and stupid, then all
ministers will be deceitful. To be well informed of secrets is called "enlightened"; to grant no pardon is called
"strict". Pao Wên-tzŭ did not know the astute ministers of Chì but wanted to censure the plotter of a disturbance
in Lu. Was this not absurd?
Some other critic says: Benevolence and covetousness do not inhere in the same mind. For instance, Prince Mu-i
declined the throne of Sung offered by his brother, whereas Shang-ch`ên of Chù murdered his royal father in
order to get the throne. Ch`ü-chih of Chêng passed the reins of government over to his younger brother, whereas
Duke Huan of Lu murdered his elder brother, Duke Yin. The Five Hegemonic Rulers practised the policy of
annexing weaker states with Duke Huan, 11 as example. If so, all of them observed no code of fidelity and
integrity. Moreover, if the ruler is enlightened, all the officials will be loyal. Now, Yang Hu plotted a disturbance
in Lu, failed, and fled to Chì. If the authorities of Chì did not censure him, they would be doing the same as
taking over an unsuccessful trouble-maker from Lu. If the ruler were enlightened, he would know 12 that by
censuring Yang Hu an impending civil disturbance could be prevented. This is the right way of disclosing an evil
in the bud. According to an old saying, "Every feudal lord must consider his friendship with other states as more
important than with any private individual." If the Ruler of Chì was strict at all, he would never overlook the
guilt of Yang Hu. This is the practice of giving no pardon. If so, to censure Yang Hu would be the way to make
the body of officials loyal. Who took no notice of the astute ministers of Chì but neglected the punishment of a
culprit already guilty of treason in Lu, blamed a person before he as yet committed any offence but refused to
censure a man evidently convicted of felony, was thoughtless, indeed. Therefore, to punish the criminal guilty of
treason in Lu and thereby both over-awe the crooked-minded ministers of Chì and cultivate terms of friendship
with the Clans of Chi-sun, Mêng-sun, and Shu-sun, Pao Wên's persuasion was by no means absurd as alleged by
the preceding critic.
When Chêng Pai was about to appoint Kao Chü-mi high officer, Duke Chao, then the heir apparent, disliked him
and remonstrated firmly with his father. His father, however, would not listen. After Duke Chao's accession to
the throne, Kao Chü-mi, afraid of being killed by the new ruler, murdered Duke Chao on the day of the Golden
Rabbit 13 and established his younger brother, Prince Wei, 14 on the throne. Gentlemen of that time gave comment
on the events, saying, "Duke Chao knew the right man to dislike." Prince Yü said, "How murderous Kao Pai
must be! His revenge for a dislike was too much."
Some critic says: Prince Yü's remark was absurd. Duke Chao met the disaster because he was too late in
revenging himself on his enemy. If so, Kao Pai died late because his revenge for a dislike was too serious.
Indeed, the enlightened ruler does not manifest his indignation. For, if he manifests his indignation at any
minister, then the guilty minister 15 will rashly scheme to carry out his plot. If so, the lord of men will fall into
danger. For instance, during the carousal at the Spiritual Tower, the Ruler of Wei was angry at Chù Shih but did
not censure him. In consequence, Chù Shih caused a disturbance. Again, when Prince Tzŭ-kung tasted the turtle
soup, the Ruler of Chêng was angry at him but did not punish him. In consequence, Tzŭ-kung murdered him.
The gentleman's remark on Duke Chao's knowledge of the right man to dislike did not mean that the dislike was
too serious, but that in spite of his clear knowledge as such he never inflicted punishment upon the man till
finally he died at the hands of the man. Therefore, the saying, "He knew the right man to dislike," exposed the
powerlessness of Duke Chao. As a ruler of men, he not only failed to foresee an impending danger, but also
failed to prevent and suppress it. Now, Duke Chao displayed his dislike for Kao Chü-mi but suspended the
conviction of his crime and did not censure him. Thereby he made Chü-mi bear him a grudge, fear capital
punishment, and risk his own fortune. In consequence, the Duke could not evade murder. Thus, Kao Pai's 16
revenge for dislike was natural and never too serious.
Some other critic says: Who over-compensates for an evil, would inflict a big punishment for a small offence. To
inflict a big punishment for a small offence is an eccentric action by the criminal court. It constitutes a worry to
the court. The menace arises not from the criminals already 17 punished but from the number of enemies thereby
made. For instance, Duke Li of Chin destroyed three Chìs, 18wherefore the Luans and the Chung-hangs caused a
disturbance; Tzŭ-tu of Chêng executed Pai-hsüan, wherefore Shih-ting started a trouble; and the King of Wu
chastised Tzŭ-hsü, wherefore Kou-chien of Yüeh became Hegemonic Ruler. Such being the case, that the Ruler
of Wei was banished and the Duke of Chêng was murdered, was not because Chù Shih had not been executed
and Tzŭ-kung had not been punished, but because the rulers had the angry colour when they should not have
expressed their indignation, and they had the mind to punish them when they were not in the position to punish
them. In fact, when they were angry at the two crooks, if the punishment of them would not go against public
opinion, there would be no harm in manifesting their indignation. Indeed, to blame a minister before the
accession and wait to punish him for the previous offence after the accession was the reason why Duke Hu of
Chì was destroyed by Tsou Ma-hsü. Thus, even the ruler's manifestation of his anger at the minister has evil
after-consequences; how much more so should be the minister's manifestation of his anger at the ruler? If it was
not right to censure the minister, then to strive to realize his wish would be the same as to make enemies with
All-under-Heaven. If so, was it unreasonable that he was murdered?
At the time of Duke Ling of Wei, Mi Tzŭ-hsia was in favour with him in the Wei State. One day, a certain clown,
when seeing the Duke, said, "The dream of thy servant has materialized, indeed." "What did you dream?" asked
the Duke. "Thy servant dreamt of a cooking stove," replied 19 the clown, "on seeing your Highness." "What? As I
understand," said the Duke in anger, "who sees the lord of men in dreaming, dreams of the sun. Why did you see
a cooking stove in your dream of me?" The clown then said, "Indeed, the sun shines upon everything under
heaven while nothing can cover it. Accordingly, who sees the lord of men in dreaming, dreams the sun. In the
case of a cooking stove, however, if one person stands before it, then nobody from behind can see. Supposing
someone were standing before Your Highness, would it not be possible for thy servant to dream of a cooking
stove?" "Right" said the Duke and, accordingly, removed Yung Chù, dismissed Mi Tzŭ-hsia, and employed Ssŭ-
kùng Kou.
Some critic says: The clown did very well in making a pretext of dreaming of a cooking stove and thereby
rectifying the way of the sovereign, whereas Duke Ling did not fully understand the clown's saying. For to
remove Yung Chù, dismiss Mi Tzŭ-hsia, and employ Ssŭ-kùng Kou, was to remove his favourites and employ
a man he regarded as worthy. For the same reason, Tzŭ-tu of Chêng regarded Chìn Chien as worthy, he was
deluded; Tzŭ-kùai regarded Tzŭ-chih as worthy, he was deluded. Indeed, who dismisses his favourites and
employs men he considers worthy, cannot help allowing the "worthies" to stand before him. If an unworthy man
stands before the sovereign, he is not sufficient to hurt the sovereign's sight. Now, if the Duke in no wise
increased his wisdom 20 but allowed an astute man to stand before him, he would certainly endanger himself.
Some other critic says: Ch`ü Tao tasted water-chestnuts, King Wên tasted calamus pickles. The two worthies did
taste them, though both were not delicious tastes. Thus, what man tastes is not necessarily delicious. Duke 21
Ling of Chin liked Shan Wu-hsü, Kùai of Yen regarded Tzŭ-chih as worthy. The two rulers did esteem them,
though neither was an honest man. Thus, who is regarded by the ruler as worthy, is not necessarily worthy. To
regard an unworthy man as worthy and take him into service, is the same as to employ a favourite. However, to
regard a real worthy as worthy and raise him, is not the same 22 as to employ a favourite. For this reason, King
Chuang of Chù raised Sun-shu 23 Ao, wherefore he became Hegemonic Ruler; Hsing 24 of Ying employed Fei
Chung, wherefore he went to ruin. Both these Kings employed men they considered worthy but harvested
entirely opposite results. Kùai of Yen, though he raised a man he considered worthy, did the same as employing
a favourite. Whether or not the Ruler of Wei was making the same mistake, who could be sure? Before the clown
saw Duke Ling, the Duke, though deluded, did not know he was being deluded. It was only after the clown had
interviewed him that he came to know the deception. Therefore, to dismiss the deluding ministers was to
increase his wisdom. 25 The preceding critic said 26 : "If the ruler, without increasing his wisdom, allows any
astute man to stand before him, he will fall into danger." Now that the Duke had increased his wisdom by
dismissing two deceitful men, though the new man he employed might stand before him, he never would be
jeopardized.
Notes
1. 難四. In this Work each criticism is followed by a counter-criticism.
2. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 伐 should be 代 and so in the following sentence.
3. With Wang Hsien-shen 晉齊 should be 齊晉.
4. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 臣 should be 巨 which means 詎.
5. With Wang Hsien-shen 其所以亡 means 亡其為臣.
6. With Wang 其失所以得君 means 失其為臣之禮, 故得為其君.
7. With Kao Hêng this referred to Wu's being enchained at the Jade Gate (Cf. supra, XXI, p. 218).
8. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 咺 should be 宣.
9. With Wang 於 below 伐 is superfluous.
10. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê below 不使景公加誅於 should be supplied 齊之巧臣，而使加誅於.
11. Wang Hsien-shen thought 桓 referred to the Three Huans and so proposed the supply of 三 above it. I
disagree with him. 桓 must refer to Duke Huan inasmuch as he, being the first Hegemonic Ruler, was guilty of
fratricide and could make no good example.
12. With Wang 知 below 誅 should be above it.
13. 辛卯. 辛 is the eighth one among the ten heavenly stems, and 卯, the fourth one among the twelve earthly
branches according to the accepted cosmology of classic antiquity in China. By framing the ten stems with the
twelve branches ancient Chinese invented the cosmic cycle with sixty steps, each representing one type of the
chance combination of heavenly and earthly factors. After this cycle they have named from time immemorial the
years, the months, the days, and the hours, the Chinese having divided one day into twelve instead of twenty-
four hours.
14. Lu Wên-shao suspected 亶 was a mistake for 亹.
15. With Ku 臣罪 should be 罪臣.

16. With Wang Hsien-shen 昭公 should be 高伯.
17. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 以 above 誅 should be 已.
18. Chì Chih, Chì Yi, and Chì Chìu.
19. Work XXX has 對曰 above 夢見.
20. Both Hirazawa's and the Waseda edition have 知 in place of 誅. The following counter-criticism has 知 in its
quotation from the present critic. I believe 誅 should be 知.
21. Both Hirazawa's and the Waseda edition have 公 in place of 候.
22. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 狀 below 異 is superfluous.
23. With Wang Wei 叔孫 should be 孫叔.
24. Namely, King Chow.
25. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 之 below 知 is superfluous.
26. I regard 日 as a mistake for 曰. The Palace Library edition has 曰 in place of 日, too. Ku considered it
wrong, however.
Book Seventeen
40 難勢第四十
慎子曰：
「飛龍乘雲，騰蛇遊霧，雲罷霧霽，而龍蛇與螾螘同矣，則失其所乘也。賢人而詘於不肖者，則權輕位
卑也；不肖而能服於賢者，則權重位尊也。堯為匹夫，不能治三人；而桀為天子，能亂天下：
吾以此知勢位之足恃，而賢智之不足慕也。夫弩弱而矢高者，激於風也；身不肖而令行者，得助於眾
也。堯教於隸屬而民不聽，至於南面而王天下，令則行，禁則止。由此觀之，賢智未足以服眾，而勢位
足以（缶）〔屈〕賢者也。」
應慎子曰：
飛龍乘雲，騰蛇遊霧，吾不以龍蛇為不託於雲霧之勢也。雖然，夫（擇）〔釋〕賢而專任勢，足以為治
乎？則吾未得見也。夫有雲霧之勢而能乘遊之者，龍蛇之材美（之）也。今雲盛而螾弗能乘也，霧醲而
螘不能遊也，夫有盛雲醲霧之勢而不能乘遊者，螾螘之材薄也。今桀、紂南面而王天下，以天子之威為
之雲霧，而天下不免乎大亂者，桀、紂之材薄也。且其人以堯之勢以治天下也，其勢何以異桀之勢也，
亂天下者也。夫勢者，非能必使賢者用（己）〔之〕，而不肖者不用（己）〔之〕也。賢者用之則天下
治，不肖者用之則天下亂。
人之情性，賢者寡而不肖者眾，而以威勢之利濟亂世之不肖人，則是以勢亂天下者多矣，以勢治天下者
寡矣。夫勢者，便治而利亂者也。故《周書》曰：「毋為虎傅翼，〔將〕飛入邑，擇人而食之。」
夫乘不肖人於勢，是為虎傅翼也。桀、紂為高臺深池以盡民力，為炮烙以傷民性，桀、紂得（乘）
〔成〕（四）〔肆〕行者，南面之威為之翼也。使桀、紂為匹夫，未始行一而身在刑戮矣。勢者，養虎
狼之心而成暴（風）亂之事者也，此天下之大患也。勢之於治亂，本（末）〔未〕有位也，而語專言勢
之足以治天下者，則其智之所至者淺矣。
夫良馬固車，使臧獲御之則為人笑，王良御之而日取千里。車馬非異也，或至乎千里，或為人笑，則
〔巧〕拙相去遠矣。今以國位為車，以勢為馬，以號令為轡，以刑罰為鞭筴，使堯、舜御之則天下治，
桀、紂御之則天下亂，則賢不肖相去遠矣。夫欲追速致遠，不知任王良；欲進利除害，不知任賢能，此
則不知類之患也。夫堯、舜亦治民之王良也。
復應之曰：
其人以勢為足恃以治官。客曰「必待賢乃治」，則不然矣。夫勢者，名一而變無數者也。勢必於自然，
則無為言於勢矣。吾所為言勢者，言人之所設也。
夫（聖）〔堯〕、舜生而在上位，雖有十桀、紂不能亂者，則勢治也；桀、紂亦生而在上位，雖有十
堯、舜而亦不能治者，則勢亂也。故曰：「勢治者則不可亂，而勢亂者則不可治也。」此自然之勢也，
非人之所得設也。
若吾所言，謂人之所得（勢）〔設〕也而已矣，賢何事焉？何以明其然也？
客曰：「人有鬻矛與楯者，譽其楯之堅：『物莫能陷也。』俄而又譽其矛曰：『吾矛之利，物無不陷
也。』人應之曰：『以子之矛，陷子之楯，何如？』其人弗能應也。」
以為不可陷之楯，與無不陷之矛，為名不可兩立也。夫賢之為（勢）〔道〕不可禁，而勢之為道也無不
禁，以不可禁之〔賢與無不禁之〕勢，此矛楯之說也。夫賢勢之不相容亦明矣。
且夫堯、舜、桀、紂千世而一出，是比肩隨踵而生也。世之治者不絕於中，吾所以為言勢者，中也。中
者，上不及堯、舜，而下亦不為桀、紂。抱法處勢則治，背法去勢則亂。今廢勢背法而待堯、舜，堯、
舜至乃治，是千世亂而一治也。抱法處勢而待桀、紂，桀、紂至乃亂，是千世治而一亂也。且夫治千而
亂一，與治一而亂千也，是猶乘驥、駬而分馳也，相去亦遠矣。
夫棄隱栝之法，去度量之數，使奚仲為車，不使成一輪。無慶賞之勸，刑罰之威，釋勢委法，堯、舜戶
說而人辨之，不能治三家。夫勢之足用亦明矣，而曰「必待賢」，則亦〔不〕然矣。
且夫百日不食以待粱肉，餓者不活；今待堯、舜之賢乃治當世之民，是猶待粱肉而救餓之說也。
夫曰「良馬固車，臧獲御之則為人笑，王良御之則日取乎千里」，吾不以為然。夫待越人之善海遊者以
救中國之溺人，越人善遊矣，而溺者不濟矣。夫待古之王良以馭今之馬，亦猶越人救溺之說也，不可亦
明矣。夫良馬固車，五十里而一置，使中手御之，追速致遠，可以及也，而千里可日致也，何必待古之
王良乎？
且御，非使王良也，則必使倉獲敗之；治，非使堯、舜也，則必使桀、紂亂之。此味非飴蜜也，必苦
萊、亭歷也。
此則積辯累辭，離理失術，兩（未）〔末〕之議也，奚可以難夫道理之言乎哉？客議未及此論也。
Chapter XL. A Critique of the Doctrine of Position

1
Shên Tzŭ said:—
"The flying dragon rides on the clouds and the rising serpent strolls through the mists; but as soon as the clouds
disperse and the mists clear up, the dragon and the serpent become the same as the earthworm and the large-
winged black ant, because they have then lost what they rested on. If worthies are subjected by unworthy men, it
is because their power is weak and their status is low; whereas if the unworthy men can be subjected by the
worthies, it is because the power of the latter is strong and their status is high. Yao, while a commoner, could not
govern three people, whereas Chieh, being the Son of Heaven, could throw All-underHeaven into chaos.
"From this I know that position and status are sufficient to rely on, and that virtue and wisdom are not worth
yearning after. Indeed, if the bow is weak and the arrow flies high, it is because it is driven up by the wind; if the
orders of an unworthy man take effect, it is because he is supported by the masses. When Yao was teaching in an
inferior status, the people did not listen to him; but, as soon as he faced the south, and became Ruler of All-
under-Heaven, whatever he ordered took effect and whatever he forbade stopped. From such a viewpoint I see
that virtue and wisdom are not sufficient to subdue the masses, and that position and status may well subject 2
even worthies."
In response to Shên Tzŭ some critic says:—
"True, the flying dragon rides on the clouds and the rising serpent strolls through the mists. The dependence of
the dragon and the serpent on the circumstances of the clouds and the mists I never deny. However, if you cast
worthiness aside and trust to position entirely, is it sufficient to attain political order? No such instance have I
ever been able to witness. Indeed, if the dragon and the serpent, when having the circumstances of clouds and
mists, can ride on and stroll through them, it is because their talents are excellent. 3 Now, though the clouds are
thick, the earthworm cannot ride on them; though the mists are deep, the ant cannot stroll through them. Indeed,
if the earthworm and the ant, when having the circumstances of thick clouds and deep mists, cannot ride on and
stroll through them, it is because their talents are feeble. Now, while Chieh and Chow were facing the south and
ruling All-under-Heaven with the authority of the Son of Heaven as the circumstances of clouds and mists, All-
under-Heaven could not evade chaos, although the talents of Chieh and Chow were feeble. Again, if All-under-
Heaven was governed by Yao with his position, then how could that position differ from Chieh's position with 4
which he threw All-under-Heaven into chaos? After all, position cannot always make worthies realize their 5
good-will and unworthy persons realize their 6 malice. If worthies use it, the world becomes orderly; if unworthy
persons use it, the world becomes chaotic.
"As regards human nature, worthies are few and worthless persons many. Because the unworthy men who
disturb the world are supplied with the advantage of authority and position, those who by means of their position
disturb the world are many and those who by means of their position govern the world well are few. Indeed,
position is both an advantage to order and a facility to chaos. Hence the History of Chou says: `Do not add wings
to tigers. Otherwise, they will fly into the village, catch people, and devour them.'
"Indeed, to place unworthy men in advantageous positions is the same as to add wings to tigers. Thus, Chieh and
Chow built high terraces and deep pools to exhaust people's strength and made roasting pillars to injure people's
lives. 7 Chieh and Chow could abuse their position and give themselves over to all vices 8 because the south-
facing authority 9 worked as their wings. Were Chieh and Chow commoners, then before they as yet committed a
single vice, their bodies would have suffered the death penalty. Thus, position can rear in man the heart of the
tiger and the wolf and thereby foster outrageous and violent events. In this respect it is a great menace to All-
under-Heaven. Thus, concerning the relation of position to order and chaos, there is from the outset no 10 settled
view. Nevertheless, if anyone devotes his whole discourse to the sufficiency of the doctrine of position to govern
All-under-Heaven, the limits of his wisdom must be very narrow.
"For instance, a swift horse and a solid carriage, if you make bondmen and bondwomen drive them, will be
ridiculed by people, but, if driven by Wang Liang, will make one thousand li a day. The horse and the carriage
are not different. Yet, if they sometimes make one thousand li a day and are sometimes ridiculed by people, it is
because the skilful coachman is so different from the unskilful ones. Now, compare the state 11 to the carriage,
position to the horse, commands and orders to the reins and the bridle, 12 and punishments to the whip and the
cord, and then let Yao and Shun drive them. Be sure All-under-Heaven would fall into chaos. It is because the
worthy and the unworthy are very different from each other. Indeed, if anybody wants to drive fast and far but
does not know to employ Wang Liang, or if one wants to increase advantages and remove dangers but does not
know to employ worthy and talented men, it is the calamity of the ignorance of analogy. After all, Yao and Shun
are the Wang Liangs in governing the people." 13
In response to the foregoing criticism some other critic says:—
"The philosopher considered position sufficiently reliable for governing officials and people. The critic said that
you had to depend on worthies for political order. As a matter of truth, neither side is reasonable enough. Indeed,
the term shih 勢 is a generic name. Its species cover innumerable varieties. If the term shih is always restricted to
that variety entirely due to nature, then there will be no use in disputing on the subject. What is meant by shih on
which I am talking is the shih created by man. Now, the critic said, `When Yao and Shun had shih, order
obtained; when Chieh and Chow had shih, chaos prevailed.' Though I do not deny the success of Yao and Shun,
yet I do assert that shih is not what one man alone can create.
"Indeed, if Yao and Shun were born in the superior status and even ten Chiehs and Chows could not create any
commotion, the political order would then be due to the force of circumstances. If Chieh and Chow were born in
the superior status and even ten Yaos and Shuns could not attain order, the political chaos would then be due to
the force of circumstances. Hence the saying: `Where there is order by force of circumstances, there can be no
chaos; where there is chaos by force of circumstances, there can be no order.' Such is the shih due to nature; it
cannot be created by man.
"By shih the critic 14 meant what man can create. By shih I mean only the kind of shih as acquired by man.
Worthiness has nothing to do with it. How to clarify this point?
"Somebody said: Once there was a man selling halberds and shields. He praised his shields for their solidity as
such that nothing could penetrate them. All at once he also praised his halberds, saying, `My halberds are so
sharp that they can penetrate anything.' In response to his words people asked, `How about using your halberds
to pierce through your shields?' To this the man could not give any reply.
"In fact, the shields advertised to be ìmpenetrable' and the halberds advertised to be àbsolutely penetrative'
cannot stand together. Similarly, worthiness employed as a form of shih cannot forbid anything, but shih
employed as a way of government forbids everything. Now, to bring together worthiness that cannot forbid
anything and shih that forbids everything 15 is a `halberd-and-shield' fallacy. 16 Clearly enough, worthiness and
circumstances are incompatible with each other.
"Moreover, Yao and Shun as well as Chieh and Chow appear once in a thousand generations; whereas the
opposite 17 types of men are born shoulder to shoulder and on the heels of one another. As a matter of fact, most
rulers in the world form a continuous line of average men. It is for the average rulers that I speak about shih. The
average rulers neither come up to the worthiness of Yao and Shun nor reach down to the wickedness of Chieh
and Chow. If they uphold the law and make use of their august position, order obtains; if they discard the law
and desert their august position, chaos prevails. Now suppose you discard the position and act contrary to the law
and wait for Yao and Shun to appear and suppose order obtains after the arrival of Yao and Shun, then order will
obtain in one out of one thousand generations of continuous chaos. Suppose you uphold the law and make use of
the august position and wait for Chieh and Chow to appear and suppose chaos prevails after the arrival of Chieh
and Chow, then chaos will prevail in one out of one thousand generations of continuous order. To be sure, one
generation of chaos out of one thousand generations of order and one generation of order out of one thousand
generations of chaos are as different from each other as steed-riders driving in opposite directions are far apart
from each other.
"Indeed, when you abandon the tools of stretching and bending and give up the scales of weights and measures,
then though you try to make Hsi Chung construct a carriage, he would not be able to finish even a single wheel.
Similarly, without the promise of reward and the threat of penalty, and casting the position out of use and giving
up the law, then even if Yao and Shun preached from door to door and explained to everybody the gospel of
political order, they could not even govern three families. Verily, that shih is worth employing, is evident. To say
that it is necessary to depend upon worthiness is not true.
"Besides, if you let anyone eat nothing for one hundred days while waiting for good rice and meat to come, the
starveling will not live. Now, to depend upon the worthiness of Yao and Shun for governing the people of the
present world is as fallacious as to wait for good rice and meat to save the starveling's life.
"Indeed, I do not consider it right to say that a swift horse and a solid carriage, when driven by bondmen and
bondwomen, will be ridiculed by people, but, when driven by Wang Liang, will make a thousand li a day. For
illustration, if you wait for a good swimmer 18 from Yüeh to rescue a drowning man in a Central State, 19
however well the Yüeh swimmer may do, the drowning person will not be rescued. In the same way, waiting for
the Wang Liang of old to drive the horse of to-day is as fallacious as waiting for the man from Yüeh to rescue
that drowning person. The impracticability is evident enough. But, if teams of swift horses and solid carriages
are placed in readiness in relays fifty li apart and then you make an average coachman drive them, he will be
able to drive them fast and far and cover one thousand li a day. Why should it then be necessary to wait for the
Wang Liang of old?
"Further, in matters of driving, the critic chose Wang Liang for a case of success and took bondmen and
bondwomen for a case of failure; in matters of government, he selected Yao and Shun for attaining order and
Chieh and Chow for creating chaos. To run from one extreme to another is as fallacious as to consider taste as
sweet as wheat-gluten and honey or else as bitter as parti-coloured lettuce and bitter parsley.
"In short, the criticism, composed of flippant contentions and wordy repetitions, is absurd and tactless. It is a
dilemma involving two extremes 20 as the only alternatives. If so, how can it be used to criticize a reasonable and
consistent doctrine? The argument of the critic, however, is not as sound as the doctrine under consideration."
Notes
1. 難勢. Its English rendering by L. T. Chen is "Misgivings on Circumstances" (Liang, History of Chinese
Political Thought during the Early Tsin Period, p. 117, f.I), which is a great mistake. Derk Bodde rendered shih
(勢) as "power" or "authority" (Fung, History of Chinese Philosophy: The Period of the Philosophers, p. 318 ff.),
which is inaccurate. For shih, a special term employed by the ancient Chinese legalists, I have chosen "position"
in English inasmuch as it implies "circumstance" objectively and "influence" subjectively and, moreover, is
intimately related to wei (位) for which I have used "status".
2. With Yü Yüeh and Wang Hsien-shen 缶 is a mistake for 詘.
3. With Wang Hsien-chìen 之 below 美 is superfluous.
4. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 也 below 勢 should be 以.
5. With Yü Yüeh 已 in both cases should be 己.
6. With Yü Yüeh 已 in both cases should be 己.
7. I read 生 for 性.
8. With Wang Hsien-shen 勢 should be supplied below 乘 and 四 above 行 should be 肆.
9. Namely, the circumstance and influence of the throne.
10. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 未 below 本 should be 末.
11. With Wang Hsien-shen the Digest of Classics has no 位 below 國.
12. With Wang the same book has 銜 below 轡.
13. So much for the critical analysis of Shên Tzŭ's doctrine of position. In the following passages Han Fei Tzŭ
attempted a critical estimate of the two foregoing systems.
14. With Wang Hsien-shen 吾 between 若 and 所言 is a mistake for 客.
15. The passage 以不可禁之勢，此矛楯之說也 involves both mistakes and hiatuses. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê it
should be 以不可禁之賢與無不禁之勢兩立，此矛楯之說也.
16. 矛楯之說, logically speaking, is a violation of the Law of Contradiction, the same preducats cannot be both
affirmed and denied of precisely the same subject.
17. With Wang Hsien-shen 反 should be supplied above 是比肩隨踵而生也.
18. With Lu Wên-shao 海 above 游 is superfluous.
19. Places hundreds of miles apart.

20. With Kao Hêng 未 below 兩 should be 末.
41 問辯第四十一
或問曰：「辯安生乎？」
對曰：「生於上之不明也。」
問者曰：「上之不明因生辯也，何哉？」
對曰：「明主之國，令者，言最貴者也；法者，事最適者也。言無二貴，法不兩適，故言行而不軌於法
令者必禁。若其無法令而可以接詐、應變、生利、揣事者，上必采其言而責其實。言當，則有大利；不
當，則有重罪。是以愚者畏罪而不敢言，智者無以訟。此所以無辯之故也。
亂世則不然，主有令，而民以文學非之；官府有法，〔而〕民以私行矯之。人主顧漸其法令而尊學者之
智行，此世之所以多文學也。
夫言行者，以功用為之的彀者也。夫砥礪殺矢而以妄發，其端未嘗不中秋毫也，然而不可謂善射者，無
常儀的也。設五寸之的，引十步之遠，非羿、逄蒙不能必中者，有常〔儀的〕也。故有常，則羿、逄蒙
以〔中〕五寸的為巧；無常，則以妄發之中秋毫為拙。今聽言觀行，不以功用為之的彀，言雖至察，行
雖至堅，則妄發之說也。
是以亂世之聽言也，以難知為察，以博文為辯；其觀行也，以離群為賢，以犯上為抗。人主者說辯察之
言，尊賢抗之行，故夫作法術之人，立取舍之行，別辭爭之論，而莫為之正。是以儒服、帶劍者眾，
而耕戰之士寡，堅白無厚之詞章，而憲令之法息。故曰：上不明，則辯生焉。」
Chapter XLI. Inquiring into the Origin of Dialectic

1
Somebody asked: "How does dialectic originate?"
The reply was: "It originates from the superior's lack of enlightenment."
The inquirer asked: "How can the superior's lack of enlightenment produce dialectic?"
The reply was: "In the state of an enlightened sovereign, his orders are the most precious among the words of
men and his laws are the most appropriate rules to affairs. Two different words cannot be equally precious nor
can two different laws be equally appropriate. Therefore, words and deeds not conforming to laws and decrees
must be forbidden. If anybody, not authorized by laws and orders, attempts to cope with foreign intrigues, guard
against civil disturbances, produce public benefit, or manage state affairs, his superior should heed his word and
hold it accountable for an equivalent fact. If the word turns out true, he should receive a big reward: if not true,
he should suffer a heavy penalty. Therefore, stupid persons fear punishment and dare not speak, and intelligent
persons find nothing to dispute. Such is the reason why in the state of an enlightened sovereign there is neither
dispute nor controversy. 2
"The same is not true in a chaotic age. The sovereign issues orders, but the subjects by means of their cultural
learning derogate them; official bureaux promulgate laws, but 3 the people through their conduct alter them. The
lord of men, while seeing the violation 4 of his laws and orders, honours the wisdom and conduct of the learned
men. Such is the reason why the world has so many men of letters.
"Indeed, words and deeds should take function and utility as mark and target. To be sure, if someone sharpens an
arrow and shoots it at random, then though its pointed head may by chance hit the tip of an autumn spikelet, he
cannot be called a skilful archer. For he has no constant aim and mark. Now, if the target were five inches in
diameter and the arrow were shot from a distance of one hundred steps, 5 then nobody other than Hou Yi and
Pàng Mêng could with certainty hit the mark every time. For there would then be a constant aim and mark.
Therefore, in the presence of a constant aim and mark the straight hit by Hou Yi and Pàng Mêng at a target five
inches in diameter is regarded as skilful; whereas in the absence of a constant aim and mark the wild hit at the tip
of an autumn spikelet is regarded as awkward. Now, when adopting words and observing deeds, if someone does
not take function and utility for mark and target, he will be doing the same as wild shooting, however profound
the words may be and however thorough the deeds may be.
"For this reason, in a chaotic age, people, when listening to speeches, regard unintelligible wordings as profound
and far-fetched discussions as eloquent; and, when observing deeds, regard deviations from group creeds as
worthy and offences against superiors as noble. Even the lord of men likes eloquent and profound speeches, and
honours worthy and noble deeds. In consequence, though upholders of law and craft establish the standards of
acceptance and rejection and differentiate between the principles of diction and contention, neither ruler nor
people are thereby rectified. For this reason, men wearing the robes of the literati and girding the swords of the
cavaliers are many, but men devoted to tilling and fighting are few; discussions on "Hard and White" 6 and "The
Merciless" 7 prevail, but mandates and decrees come to a standstill. Hence the saying: `Wherever the sovereign
lacks enlightenment, there originates dialectic.' "
Notes
1. 問辯. The Chinese word pien 辯 connotes both "dispute" and "controversy" in English. Therefore in the
translation of this work sometimes both are simultaneously used for difference in emphasis.
2. Most probably because of his methodological differences, Derk Bodde made a very different rendering of this
paragraph (v. Fung, op. cit., p. 323).
3. With Wang Hsien-shen 而 should be supplied above 民.
4. With Kao Hêng 漸 above 其法令 means 姦.
5. Wang Hsien-shen proposed 百步 for 十步.
6. By Kung-sun Lung. See supra, p. 116.
7. By Têng Hsi Tzŭ. In place of Têng Hsi, Bodde put Hui Shih (Fung, op. cit., p. 323, f.1), which is wrong.
In his essay on "The Merciless" Têng Hsi enumerated certain challenging ideas as follows:—
Heaven cannot prevent the causes of malignancy and adversity and thereby make short-
lived people to live on and good citizens to live long. To mankind this is merciless. As a
rule, people make holes through walls and steal things, because they were born amidst
needy circumstances and brought up in poverty and destitution. Nevertheless, the ruler
would stick to the law and censure them. To the people this is merciless. Yao and Shun
attained the status of the Son of Heaven, but Tan Chu and Shang Chün remained hemp
clothed commoners. To sons this is merciless. The Duke of Chou censured Kuan and
Tsài. To brothers this is merciless . . . .
42 問田第四十二
徐渠問田鳩曰：「臣聞智士不襲下而遇君，聖人不見功而接上。（令）〔今〕陽成義渠，明將也，而措
於（毛）〔屯〕伯；公孫亶回，聖相也，而關於州部，何哉？」
田鳩曰：「此無他故異物，主有度，上有術之故也。且足下獨不聞楚將宋觚而失其政，魏相馮離而亡其
國？二君者驅於聲詞，眩乎辯說，不試於（毛）〔屯〕伯，不關乎州部，故有失政亡國之患。由是觀
之，夫無（毛）〔屯〕伯之試，州部之關，豈明主之備哉！」
堂谿公謂韓子曰：「臣聞服禮辭讓，全之術也；修行退智，遂之道也。今先生立法術，設度數，臣竊以
為危於身而殆於軀。何以效之？所聞先生術曰：『楚不用吳起而削亂，秦行商君而富（疆）〔彊〕。二
子之言已當矣，然而吳起支解而商君車裂者，不逄世遇主之患也。』逢遇不可必也，患禍不可斥也。夫
舍乎全遂之道而肆乎危殆之行，竊為先生無取焉。」
韓子曰：「〔臣〕明先生之言矣。夫治天下之柄，齊民萌之度，甚未易處也。然所以廢先王之教，而行
賤臣之所取者，竊以為立法術，設度數，所以利民萌，便眾庶之道也。故不憚亂主闇上之患禍，而必思
以齊民萌之資利者，仁智之行也。憚亂主闇上之患禍，而避乎死亡之害，知明〔夫身〕而不見民萌之資
（夫科身）〔利〕者，貪鄙之為也。臣不忍嚮貪鄙之為，不敢傷仁智之行。先（王）〔生〕有幸臣之
意，然有大傷臣之實。」
Chapter XLII. Asking T'ien1: Two Dialogues2
Hsü Chü once asked Tìen Chiu, saying: "Thy servant has heard that wise men do not have to start from a low
post before they win the ruler's confidence, nor do sages have to manifest their merits before they approach the
superior. Now Yang-ch`êng Ih-chü was a famous general, but he rose from a mere camp 3 master; Kung-sun
Tàn-hui was a great minister, but he started as a district-magistrate. Why?"
In reply Tìen Chiu said: "It is for no other reason than this: The sovereign has rules and the superior has tacts.
Moreover, have you never heard that Sung Ku, a general of Chù, disordered the government, and Fêng Li,
Premier of Wey, ruined that state? It was because both their rulers, as misled by their high-sounding phrases and
bewildered by their eloquent speeches, never tested their abilities as camp master and district-magistrate that the
miseries of misgovernment and state-ruin ensued. From this viewpoint it is clear that without making the trial at
the camp and the test in the district the intelligent sovereign cannot provide against eventualities."
Tàng-chì Kung once said to Han Tzŭ 4 : "Thy servant has heard that observing rules of propriety and
performing deeds of humility is the art of safeguarding one's own life and that improving one's conduct and
concealing one's wisdom is the way to accomplish one's own career. Now, you, my venerable master,
propounded principles of law and tact and established standards of regulations and statistics, thy servant in
private presumes that this will jeopardize your life and endanger your body. How can thy servant prove 5 this? As
I have heard, Master in his discussion on tact says: `Chù, not employing Wu Chì, was dismembered and
disturbed; Chìn, practising the Law of Lord Shang, became rich and strong.' The words of the two philosophers
were equally true, yet Wu Chì was dismembered and Lord Shang was torn to pieces by chariots because they
had the misfortune to miss both the right age and the right master. Nobody can be certain of meeting the right
age and the right master, nor can anybody repulse misery and disaster. Indeed, to discard the way of security and
accomplishment and indulge in a precarious living thy servant personally does not consider it worth Master's
while."
In response to the remark Han Tzŭ said: "Thy servant understands your honourable counsels very well. Indeed,
the exercise of the ruling authority of All-under-Heaven and the unification of the regulation of the masses is not
an easy task. Nevertheless, the reason why thy servant has given up your honourable 6 teachings and is practising
his own creeds is that thy servant personally regards the formulation of the principles of law and tact and the
establishment of the standards of regulations and measures as the right way to benefit the masses of people.
Therefore, not to fear the threat and outrage of the violent sovereign and stupid superior but to scheme definitely
for the advantages of unifying the people, is an act of benevolence and wisdom; whereas to fear the threat and
outrage of the violent sovereign and stupid superior and thereby evade the calamity of death, is a clear
understanding of personal advantages, 7 and to ignore the public benefit of the masses, is an act of greed and
meanness. Since thy servant cannot bear entertaining the act of greed and meanness and dare not destroy the act
of benevolence and wisdom, though Master 8 has the kind intention to make thy servant happy, yet in fact it will
be detrimental to thy servant."
Notes
1. 問田.
2. The two dialogues are not directly related either in structure or in subject-matter. Known as famous sayings,
however, they were apparently written posthumously by followers of the author to explain the untimely death of
the master. The basic ideas set forth in both dialogues by no means betray his confidence in them.
3. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 毛 should be 屯.
4. Han Fei had been called Han Tzŭ up to the time of Han Yü (a.d. 768-824).
5. With Kao Hêng 効 below 何以 means 驗.
6. Wang Wei proposed 先生 for 先王.
7. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 身 below 夫 should be 利.
8. With Yü Yüeh 先王 should be 先生.
43 定法第四十三
問者曰：「申不害、公孫鞅，此二家之言孰急於國？」
應之曰：「是不可程也。人不食十日則死，大寒之隆，不衣亦死。謂之衣食孰急於人，則是不可一無
也，皆養生之具也。今申不害言術，而公孫鞅為法。術者，因任而授官，循名而責實，操殺生之柄，課
群臣之能者也，此人主之所執也。法者，憲令著於官府，刑罰必於民心，賞存乎慎法，而罰加乎姦令者
也，此臣之所師也。君無術則弊於上，臣無法則亂於下，此不可一無，皆帝王之具也。」
問者曰：「徒術而無法，徒法而無術，其不可何哉？」
對曰：「申不害，韓昭侯之佐也。韓者，晉之別國也。晉之故法未息，而韓之新法又生；先君之令未
收，而後君之令又下。申不害不擅其法，不一其憲令則姦多。故利在故法前令則道之，利在新法後令則
道之。利在故新相反，前後相勃，則申不害雖十使昭侯用術，而姦臣猶有所譎其辭矣。故託萬乘之勁韓
（七十）〔十七〕年而不至於霸王者，雖用術於上，法不勤飾於官之患也。
公孫鞅之治秦也，設告相坐而責其實，連什伍而同其罪，賞厚而信，刑重而必。是以其民用力勞而不
休，逐敵危而不卻，故其國富而兵強；然而無術以知姦，則以其富強也資人臣而已矣。及孝公、商君
死，惠王即位，秦法未敗也，而張儀以秦殉韓、魏。惠王死，武王即位，甘茂以秦殉周。武王死，昭襄
王即位，穰侯越韓、魏而東攻齊，五年而秦不益尺土之地，乃城其陶邑之封。應侯攻韓八年，成其汝南
之封。自是以來，諸用秦者皆應、穰之類也。故戰勝則大臣尊，益地則私封立，主無術以知姦也。商君
雖十飾其法，人臣反用其資。故乘強秦之資數十年而不至於帝王者，法（不）〔雖〕勤飾於官，主無術
於上之患也。」
問者曰：「主用申子之術，而官行商君之法，可乎？」
對曰：「申子〔未盡於術〕，〔商君〕未盡於法也。
申子言『〔治〕不踰官，雖知〔弗〕言。』治不踰官，謂之守職也可；知而弗言，是不謂過也。人主以
一國目視，故視莫明焉；以一國耳聽，故聽莫聰焉。今知而弗言，則人主尚安假借矣？
商君之法（日）〔曰〕：『斬一首者爵一級，欲為官者為五十石之官；斬二首者爵（一）〔二〕級，欲
為官者為百石之官。』官爵之遷與斬首之功相稱也。今有法曰：『斬首者令為醫、匠。』則屋不成而病
不已。夫匠者手巧也，而醫者齊藥也，而以斬首之功為之，則不當其能。今治官者，智能也；今斬首
者，勇力之所加〔也〕。〔以勇力之所加〕而治（者）智能之官。是以斬首之功為醫、匠也。
故曰：二子之於法術，皆未盡善也。」
Chapter XLIII. Deciding Between Two Legalistic Doctrines1
Some inquirer asked: "Of the teachings of the two authorities, Shên Pu-hai and Kung-sun Yang, which is more
urgently needful to the state?"
In reply I said: "It is impossible to compare them. Man, not eating for ten days, would die, and, wearing no
clothes in the midst of great cold, would also die. As to which is more urgently needful to man, clothing or
eating, it goes without saying that neither can be dispensed with, for both are means to nourish life. Now Shên
Pu-hai spoke about the need of tact and Kung-sun Yang insisted on the use of law. Tact is the means whereby to
create posts according to responsibilities, hold actual services accountable according to official titles, exercise
the power over life and death, and examine the officials' abilities. It is what the lord of men has in his grip. Law
includes mandates and ordinances that are manifest in the official bureaux, penalties that are definite in the mind
of the people, rewards that are due to the careful observers of laws, and punishments that are inflicted on the
offenders against orders. It is what the subjects and ministers take as model. If the ruler is tactless, delusion will
come to the superior; if the subjects and ministers are lawless, disorder will appear among the inferiors. Thus,
neither can be dispensed with: both are implements of emperors and kings."
The inquirer next asked: "Why is it that tact without law or law without tact is useless?"
In reply I said: "Shên Pu-hai was assistant to Marquis Chao of Han. Han was one of the states into which Chin
had been divided. Before the old laws of Chin had been repealed, the new laws of Han appeared; before the
orders of the earlier rulers had been removed, the orders of the later rulers were issued. As Shên Pu-hai neither
enforced the laws nor unified the mandates and ordinances, there were many culprits. Thus, whenever old laws
and earlier orders produced advantages, they were followed; whenever new laws and later orders produced
advantages, they were followed, too. So long as old and new 2 counteracted each other and the earlier and later
orders contradicted each other, even though Shên Pu-hai advised Marquis Chao ten times to use tact, yet the
wicked ministers still had excuses to twist their words. Therefore, though he counted on Han's strength of ten
thousand chariots, Han failed to attain Hegemony in the course of seventeen years, 3 which was the calamity of
the neglect of law by the officials despite the use of tact by the superior.
"Kung-sun Yang, while governing Chìn, established the system 4 of denunciation and implication and called the
real culprit to account; he organized groups of ten and five families and made members of the same group share
one another's crime. Rewards were made liberal and certain; punishments were made severe and definite.
Consequently, the people exerted their forces laboriously but never stopped, pursued the enemy perilously but
never retreated. Therefore, the state became rich and the army strong. However, if he had no tact whereby to
detect villainy, by enriching the state and strengthening the army he benefited nobody other than the subsequent
ministers. Following the death of Duke Hsiao and Lord Shang and the accession of King Hui to the throne, the
law of Chìn had as yet fallen to the ground, when Chang Yi at the cost of Chìn's interest complied with the
demands of Han and Wey. Following the death of King Hui and the accession of King Wu to the throne, Kan Mu
at the cost of Chìn's interest complied with the request of Chou. Following the death of King Wu and the
accession of King Chao Hsiang to the throne, Marquis Jang crossed Han and Wey and marched eastward to
attack Chì, whereas the five years' campaign gained Chìn not even one foot of territory but merely secured for
him the Fief of Tào. Again, Marquis Ying attacked Han for eight years only to secure for himself the Fief of Ju-
nan. Thenceforward, those who have served Chìn, have been the same types of men as Ying and Jang.
Therefore, whenever the army wins a war, chief vassals are honoured; whenever the state expands its territory,
private feuds are created. So long as the sovereign had no tact whereby to detect villainy, even though Lord
Shang improved his laws ten times, the ministers in turn utilized the advantages. Therefore, though he made use
of the resources of strong Chìn, Chìn failed to attain the status of an empire in the course of several decades, 5
which was the calamity of the sovereign's tactlessness despite 6 the officials' strict observance of law."
The inquirer again asked: "Suppose the ruler applies the tact of Shên Tzŭ and the officials observe the law of
Lord Shang. Would everything work out right?"
In reply I said: "Shên Tzŭ was not thorough in the doctrine of tact, Lord Shang was not thorough in the doctrine
of law."
"According to Shên Tzŭ, no official should override his commission and utter uncalled-for sentiments despite his
extra knowledge. Not to override one's commission means to keep to his duty. To utter uncalled-for sentiments
despite one's extra knowledge, is called a fault. After all, it is only when the lord of men sees things with the aid
of everybody's eyes in the country that in visual power he is surpassed by none; it is only when he hears things
with the aid of everybody's ears in the country that in auditory power he is surpassed by none. Now that those
who know do not speak, where is the lord of men going to find aid?
"According to the Law of Lord Shang, `who cuts off one head in war is promoted by one grade in rank, and, if he
wants to become an official, is given an office worth fifty piculs; who cuts off two heads in war is promoted by
two grades in rank, and, if he wants to become an official, is given an office worth one hundred piculs'. Thus,
promotion in office and rank is equivalent to the merit in head-cutting. Now supposing there were a law
requesting those who cut off heads in war to become physicians and carpenters, then neither houses would be
built nor would diseases be cured. Indeed, carpenters have manual skill; physicians know how to prepare drugs;
but, if men are ordered to take up these professions on account of their merits in beheading, then they do not
have the required abilities. Now, governmental service requires wisdom and talent in particular; beheading in
war is a matter or courage and strength. To fill governmental offices which require wisdom and talent with
possessors of courage and strength, is the same as to order men of merit in beheading to become physicians and
carpenters."
Hence my saying: "The two philosophers in the doctrines of law and tact were not thoroughly perfect."
Notes
1. 定法. Its English rendering by L. T. Chên is "The Codification of Law" (Liang, op. cit., p. 114, f.3), which is a
serious mistake.
2. With Lu Wên-shao 利在 above 故新 is superfluous.
3. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 七十 should be 十七. Shên Pu-hai was Premier of Han from 351 to 337 b.c.
4. One failing to denounce anybody else's crime was punished as if he had committed the crime oneself.
5. Kung-sun Yang went to Chìn in 361 b.c., the first year of the reign of Duke Hsiao. His petition for radical
changes in the law was accepted in 359 b.c. when Duke Hsiao trusted him with all state affairs. Upon the death
of Duke Hsiao in 335 b.c. Lord Shang had already governed Chìn for over twenty years, which period of time
was thereby referred to in the text.
6. With Lu Wên-shao and Ku Kuang-ts`ê 不 above 勤飾 should be 雖.
44 說疑第四十四
凡治之大者，非謂其賞罰之當也。賞無功之人，罰不辜〔之〕民，非所謂明也。賞有功，罰有罪，而不
失其人，方在於人者也，非能生功止過者也。是故禁姦之法，太上禁其心，其次禁其言，其次禁其事。
今世皆曰：「尊主安國者，必以仁義智能」，而不知卑主危國者之必以仁義智能也。故有道之主，遠仁
義，去智能，服之以法。是以譽廣而名威，民治而國安，知用民之法也。凡術也者，主之所（以）執
也；法也者，官之所（以）師也。然使郎中日聞道於郎門之外，以至於境內日見法，又非其難者也。
昔者有扈氏有失度，讙兜氏有孤男，三苗有成駒，桀有（侯）〔隹〕侈，紂有崇侯虎，晉有優施，此六
人者，亡國之臣也。言是如非，言非如是，內險以賊，其外小謹，以徵其善；稱道往古，使良事沮；善
禪其主，以集精微，亂之以其所好；此夫郎中左右之類者也。
往世之主，有得人而身安國存者，有得人而身危國亡者。得人之名一也，而利害相千萬也，故人主左右
不可不慎也。為人主者誠明於臣之所言，則別賢不肖如黑白矣。
若夫許由、續牙、晉伯陽、秦顛頡、衛僑如、狐不稽、重明、董不識、卞隨、務光、伯夷、叔齊，此十
二人者，皆上見利不喜，下臨難不恐，或與之天下而不取，有萃辱之名，則不樂食穀之利。夫見利不
喜，上雖厚賞，無以勸之；臨難不恐，上雖嚴刑，無以威之：此之謂不令之民也。此十二〔人〕者，或
伏死於窟穴，或槁死於草木，或飢餓於山谷，或沉溺於水泉。有〔民〕如此，先古聖王皆不能臣，當今
之世，將安用之？
若夫關龍逄、王子比干、隨季梁、陳泄冶、楚申胥、吳子胥，此六人者，皆疾爭強諫以勝其君。言聽事
行，則如師徒之勢；一言而不聽，一事而不行，則陵其主以語，待之以其身，雖〔身〕死家破，要領不
屬，手足異處，不難為也。如此臣者，先古聖王皆不能忍也，當今之時，將安用之？
若夫齊田恆、宋子罕、魯季孫意如、晉僑如、衛子南勁、鄭太宰欣、楚白公、周單荼、燕子之，此九人
者之為其臣也，皆朋黨比周以事其君，隱正道而行私曲，上偪君，下亂治，援外以撓內，親下以謀上，
不難為也。如此臣者，唯聖王智主能禁之，若夫昏亂之君，能見之乎？
若夫后稷、皋陶、伊尹、周公旦、太公望、管仲、隰朋、百里奚、蹇叔、舅犯、趙（襄）〔衰〕、范
蠡、大夫種、逢同、華登，此十五人者為其臣也，皆夙興夜寐，卑身賤體，竦心白意；明刑辟，治官職
以事其君，進善言，通道法而不敢矜其善，有成功立事而不敢伐其勞。不難破家以便國，殺身以安主，
以其主為高天泰山之尊，而以其身為壑谷鬴洧之卑；主有明名廣譽於國，而身不難受壑谷鬴洧之卑。如
此臣者，雖當昏亂之主尚可致功，況於顯明之主乎？此謂霸王之佐也。
若夫周滑之、鄭王孫申、陳公孫寧、儀行父、荊芋尹、申亥、隨少師、越種干、吳王孫頟、晉陽成泄、
齊豎刁、易牙，此十二人者之為其臣也，皆思小利而忘法義，進則揜蔽賢良以陰闇其主，退則撓亂百官
而為禍難；皆輔其君，共其欲，苟得一說於主，雖破國殺眾，不難為也。有臣如此，雖當聖王尚恐奪
之，而況昏亂之君，其能無失乎？
有臣如此者，皆身死國亡，為天下笑。故周威公身殺，國分為二；鄭子陽身殺，國分為三；陳靈〔公〕
身死於夏徵舒氏；荊靈王死於乾谿之上；隨亡於荊；吳并於越；知伯滅於晉陽之下；桓公身死七日不
收。故曰：（謟）〔諂〕諛之臣，唯聖王知之，而亂主近之，故至身死國亡。
聖王明君則不然，內舉不避親，外舉不避讎。是在焉，從而舉之；非在焉，從而罰之。是以賢良遂進而
姦邪並退，故一舉而能服諸侯。其在記曰：堯有丹朱，而舜有商均，啟有五觀，商有太甲，武王有管、
蔡。五王之所誅者，皆父兄子弟之親也，而所殺亡其身，殘破其家者，何也？以其害國傷民敗法類也。
觀其所舉，或在山林藪澤巖穴之間，或在囹圄緤紲纏索之中，或在割烹芻牧飯牛之事。然明主不羞其卑
賤也，以其能，為可以明法，便國利民，從而舉之，身安名尊。
亂主則不然，不知其臣之意行，而任之以國，故小之名卑地削，大之國亡身死，不明於用臣也。
無數以度其臣者，必以其眾人之口斷之。眾之所譽，從而悅之；眾之所非，從而憎之。故為人臣者破家
殘賥，內構黨與，外接巷族以為譽，從陰約結以相固也，虛相與爵祿以相勸也。曰：「與我者將利之，
不與我者將害之。」眾貪其利，劫其威：「彼誠喜，則能利己；忌怒，則能害己。」眾歸而民留之，以
譽盈於國，發聞於主。主不能理其情，因以為賢。
彼又使譎詐之士，外假為諸侯之寵使，假之以輿馬，信之以瑞節，鎮之以辭令，資之以幣帛，使諸侯，
淫說其主，微挾私而公議。所為使者，異國之主也；所為談者，左右之人也。主說其言而辯其辭，以此
人者天下之賢士也。內外之於左右，其諷一而語同。大者不難卑身尊位以下之，小者高爵重祿以利之。
夫姦人之爵祿重而黨與彌眾，又有姦邪之意，則姦臣愈反而說之，曰：「古之所謂聖君明王（君）者，
非長幼（弱也）〔世〕及以次序也。以其構黨與，聚巷族，偪上弒君而求其利也。」彼曰：「何知其然
也？」因曰：「舜偪堯，禹偪舜，湯放桀，武王伐紂。此四王者，人臣弒其君者也，而天下譽之。察四
王之情，貪得（人）之意也；度其行，暴亂之兵也。然四王自廣措也，而天下稱大焉；自顯名也，而天
下稱明焉。則威足以臨天下，利足以蓋世，天下從之。」
又曰：「以今時之所聞，田成子取齊，司城子罕取宋，太宰欣取鄭，單氏取周，易牙之取衛，韓、魏、
趙三子分晉，此（六人）〔八人者〕，臣之弒其君者也。」姦臣聞此，蹶然舉耳以為是也。故內搆黨
與，外攄巷族，觀時發事，一舉而取國家。
且夫內以黨與劫弒其君，外以諸侯之（懽驕）〔權矯〕易其國，隱（敦適）〔正道〕，持私曲，上禁
君，下撓治者，不可勝數也。是何也？則不明於擇臣也。記曰：「周宣王以來，亡國數十，其臣弒其君
〔而〕取國者眾矣。」然則難之從內起，與從外作者相半也。能一盡其民力，破國殺身者，尚皆賢主
也。若夫轉身（法）易位，全眾（傅）〔傳〕國，最其病也。
為人主者，誠明於臣之所言，則雖罼弋馳騁，撞鍾舞女，國猶且存也；不明臣之所言，雖節儉勤勞，布
衣惡食，國猶自亡也。
趙之先君敬侯，不修德行，而好縱慾，適身體之所安，耳目之所樂，冬日罼弋，夏浮淫，為長夜，數日
不廢御觴，不能飲者以筩灌其口，進退不肅，應對不恭者斬於前。故居處飲食如此其不節也，制刑殺戮
如此其無度也，然敬侯享國數十年，兵不頓於敵國，地不虧於四鄰，內無（君）〔群〕臣百官之亂，
外無諸侯鄰國之患，明於所以任臣也。
燕君子噲，邵公奭之後也，地方數千里，持戟數十萬，不安子女之樂，不聽鍾石之聲，內不堙汙池臺
榭，外不罼弋田獵，又親操耒耨以修畎畝。子噲之苦身以憂民如此其甚也，雖古之所謂聖王明君者，其
勤身而憂世不甚於此矣。然而子噲身死國亡，奪於子之，而天下笑之。此其何故也？不明乎所以任臣
也。
故曰：人臣有五姦，而主不知也。為人（主）〔臣〕者，有侈用財貨賂以取譽者，有務慶賞賜予以移眾
者，有務朋黨徇智尊士以擅逞者，有務解免赦罪獄以事威者，有務奉下直曲、怪言、偉服、瑰稱以眩民
耳目者。此五者，明君之所疑也，而聖主之所禁也。去此五者，則譟詐之人不敢北面（談立）〔立
談〕；文言多，實行寡而不當法者，不（誣敢）〔敢誣〕情以談說。是以群臣居則修身，動則任力，非
上之令不敢擅作疾言誣事，此聖王之所以牧臣下也。
彼聖主明君，不適疑物以闚其臣也。見疑物而無反者，天下鮮矣。故曰：孽有擬適之子，配有擬妻之
妾，廷有擬相之臣，臣有擬主之寵，此四者國之所危也。故曰：內寵並后，外寵貳政，枝子配適，大臣
擬主，亂之道也。故《周記》曰：「無尊妾而卑妻，無孽適子而尊小枝，無尊嬖臣而匹上卿，無尊大臣
以擬其主也。」四擬者破，則上無意，下無怪也。四擬不破，則隕身滅國矣。
Chapter XLIV. On Assumers1
In general, the principal way of government does not solely mean the justice of reward and punishment. Much
less does it mean 2 to reward men of no merit and punish innocent people. However, to reward men of merit,
punish men of demerit, and make no mistake in so doing but affect such persons only, 3 can neither increase men
of merit nor eliminate men of demerit. For this reason, among the methods of suppressing villainy the best is to
curb the mind, the next, the word, and the last, the work.
Modern people all say, "Who honours the sovereign and safeguards the country, always resorts to benevolence,
righteousness, wisdom, and ability"; while they ignore the fact that those who actually humble the sovereign and
endanger the country, always appeal to benevolence, righteousness, wisdom, and ability. Therefore, the
sovereign pursuing the true path would estrange upholders of benevolence and righteousness, discard possessors
of wisdom and ability, and subdue the people by means of law. That being so, his fame spreads far and wide, his
name becomes awe-inspiring, his subjects are orderly, and his country is safe, because he knows how to employ
the people. As a rule, tact is what the sovereign holds in hand; law is what the officials take as models. 4 If so, it
will not be difficult to make the courtiers get news everyday from outside and see the law prevail from the
neighbourhood of the court 5 to the state-frontiers.
In bygone days, the Yu-hu Clan had Shih Tu; the Huan-tou Clan had Ku Nan; the Three Miaos had Ch`êng Chü;
Chieh had Hu Chì; Chow had Marquis Chùng; and Chin had Actor Shih. These six men were "state-ruining
ministers". 6 They spoke of right as if it were wrong, and of wrong as if it were right. Being crafty in mind, they
acted contrary to their outward looks; pretending to a little prudence, they testified to their goodness. They
praised remote ancients to hinder present enterprises. Skilful in manipulating 7 their sovereigns, they gathered
detailed secrets and perturbed them with their likes and dislikes. They were the same types of men as most
courtiers and attendants.
Of the former sovereigns, some got men through whom they became safe and their states were preserved, and
some got men through whom they were jeopardized and their states went to ruin. The getting of men was one
and the same but the differences between gains and losses are hundreds of thousands. Therefore, the lord of men
must not fail to take precautions against his attendants. If the lord of men clearly understands the words of the
ministers, he can differentiate the worthy from the unworthy as black from white.
Hsü Yu, Shu Ya, Pai Yang, 8 Tien Chieh of Chìn, 9 Chìao Ju of Lu, 10 Hu Pu-chi, Chung Ming, Tung Pu-shih,
Pien Sui, Wu Kuang, Po-i, and Shu-chì, all twelve men were neither delighted at evident profits nor afraid of
impending disasters. Some of them, when given the rule over All-under-Heaven, never took it. Some of them,
afraid of incurring humility and disgrace, never welcomed the privilege of receiving bounties. 11 Indeed, not
delighted at evident profits, they could never be encouraged, though the superior made rewards big; not afraid of
impending disasters, they could never be terrified, though the superior made penalties severe. They were the so-
called "disobedient people". 12 Of these twelve men, some be dead in caves and holes, some died of exhaustion
among grass and trees, some starved to death in mountains and ravines, and some drowned themselves in
streams and fountains. If there were people like these, even sage-kings of antiquity could not subject them. How
much less would rulers of the present age be able to employ them?
Kuan Lung-p`êng, Prince Pi Kan, Chi Liang of Sui, Hsieh Yeh of Ch`ên, Pao Shên 13 of Chù, and Tzŭ-hsü of
Wu, these six men disputed straightly and expostulated bitterly with their masters in order to overcome them.
When their words were listened to and their projects were carried out, then they would assume the attitude of
tutor towards pupil; when even a word was not listened to and but one project was not carried out, then they
would humiliate their sovereigns with offensive phraseology and threatening gestures. Even in the face of death,
the break-up of their families, the severing of their waists and necks, and the separation of their hands and feet,
they had no hesitation in so doing. If ministers like these could not be tolerated by the sage-kings of antiquity,
how could they be employed by rulers of the present age?
As regards Tìen Hêng of Chì, Tzŭ-han of Sung, Chi-sun I-ju, Chìao Ju 14 of Lu, Tzŭ Nan Ching of Wei,
Chancellor Hsin of Chêng, Duke White of Chù, San Tu of Chou, and Tzŭ-chih of Yen, these nine men, while
ministers, all formed juntas for self-seeking purposes in serving their rulers. In obscuring the right way and
thereby practising private crookedness, in intimidating the rulers above and thereby disturbing the government
below, in securing foreign support to bend the policy of internal administration, and in making friends with the
inferiors so as to plot against the superiors, they had no hesitation. Ministers like these could be suppressed only
by sage-kings and wise sovereigns. Would it be possible for stupid and outrageous rulers 15 to discover them?
Hou Chi, Kao Yao, Yi Yin, Duke Tan of Chou, Tài-kung Wang, Kuan Chung, Hsi P`êng, Pai Li-hsi, Chien Shu,
Uncle Fan, Chao Shuai, Fan Li, High Official Chung, Fêng Tung, Hua Têng, these fifteen men, while ministers,
all got up early in the morning and went to bed late at night, humbled themselves and debased their bodies; they
were, cautious in mind and frank in intention, and clarified penal actions and attended to official duties in serving
their rulers. When they presented good counsels to the Throne and convinced their masters thoroughly of right
laws, they dared not boast of their own goodness. When they had achieved merits and accomplished tasks, they
dared not show off their services. They made no hesitation in sacrificing their family interests to benefit their
countries and no hesitation in sacrificing their lives to safeguard the sovereigns, holding their sovereigns in as
high esteem as high heaven and the Tài Mountain and regarding themselves as low as the deep ravines and the
Fu-yu 16 Stream. Though their sovereigns had a distinguished name and a widespread fame in the states, they had
no hesitation in keeping themselves as low as the deep ravines and the Fu-yu Stream. Ministers like these, even
under stupid and outrageous masters, could still achieve meritorious service. How much more could they do
under brilliant sovereigns? Such are called "Assistants to Hegemonic Rulers". 17
Hua Chih of Chou, Kung-sun 18 Shên of Chêng, Kung-sun Ning and Yi Hsing-fu of Ch`ên, Yü Yin Shên Hai of
Ching, Shao Shih of Sui, Chung Kan of Yüeh, Wang-sun O of Wu, Yang-ch`êng Hsieh of Chin, Shu Tiao and Yi
Ya of Chì, these twelve 19 man, while ministers, all thought about small profits and forgot legal justice. In public
they kept worthy and good personages in obscurity in order to delude and befool their sovereigns; in private they
disturbed all the officials and caused them disasters and difficulties. When serving their masters, they partook of
the same tastes with them to such an extent that if they could give one pleasure to the sovereigns, they would
have no hesitation in plunging the states into ruin and putting the masses to death. Were there ministers like
these, even sage-kings would fear lest they should be dismayed. How much less could stupid and outrageous
rulers avoid losses?
Whoever had ministers like these men, always was put to death and his state driven to ruin, and has been
ridiculed by All-under-Heaven. Thus, Duke Wei of Chou was killed and his state divided into two; Tzŭ-yang of
Chêng was killed and his state divided into three; Duke Ling of Ch`ên was killed by Hsia Chêng-shu; King Ling
of Ching died by the Dry Brook; Sui was ruined by Ching; Wu was annexed by Yüeh; Earl Chih was
extinguished in the vicinity of Chin-yang; while Duke Huan lay dead and unburied for sixty-seven 20 days. Hence
the saying: "Adulatory ministers are known only by sage-kings." Outrageous sovereigns welcome them. In
consequence, they are killed and their states go to ruin.
The same is not true of sage-kings and enlightened rulers. When selecting able men for office, they mind neither
relatives nor enemies. Whoever is right is raised, whoever is wrong is punished. Therefore, the worthy and good
are advanced; the vicious and wicked are dismissed. Naturally they can at one effort bring all the feudal lords
under submission. Thus in ancient Records there is the saying: "Yao had Tan-chu, Shun had Shang-chün, Chì
had Five Princes, Shang had Tài-chia, and King Wu had Kuan and Tsài." Now, all these men censured by the
five rulers were related to them as father and son, uncle and nephew, cousins, or brothers. But why were their
bodies broken and their families ruined? It was because they were state-ruining, people-harming, and
lawbreaking men. Suppose we look at the personages the five rulers appointed to office. They were found amidst
mountains, forests, jungles, swamps, rocks, and caves, or in jails, chains, and bonds, or in the status of a cook, a
cattle-breeder, and a cowherd. Nevertheless, the intelligent sovereigns, not ashamed of their low and humble
origins, considered them able to illustrate the law, benefit the state, and prosper the people, and, accordingly,
appointed them to office. In consequence, they gained personal safety and honourable reputation.
The ignoble sovereigns would act differently. Not aware of the motives and actions of their ministers, they
entrusted them with state affairs. In consequence, their names are debased and their territories dismembered; or,
what is worse, their states are ruined and they themselves are killed. For they do not know how to employ
ministers.
Rulers who have no measures to estimate their ministers, always judge them on the basis of the sayings of the
masses. Whoever is praised by the masses, is liked. Therefore, those who minister to rulers would even disrupt
their families and ruin their property to form factions inside and keep contact with influential clans and thereby
become known. When they form secret promises and alliances and thereby strengthen their positions, and when
they deceptively reward 21 people with ranks and bounties as encouragements, each of them would say:
"Whoever sides with me shall be benefited and whoever does not side with me shall be damaged." The masses,
greedy of the gain and afraid of the threat, believe that when really happy, they will benefit them, and when
really 22 angry, they will damage them, wherefore all turn and stick to them. As a result, their fame spreads all
over the country and reaches the ear of the sovereigns. Unable to understand the real situation, the sovereigns
regard them as worthies.
They also disguise deceitful men as favourite envoys from the feudal lords and equip them with coaches and
horses, provide them with jade and bamboo tablets, 23 dignify them with writs of appointment, and supply them
with money and silk. Thus, they make the false envoys from the feudal lords beguile their sovereigns. With self-
seeking motives in mind the false envoys discuss public affairs. They pretend to represent the sovereigns of other
states, but in reality they speak for the men around the sovereigns they are visiting. Delighted at their words and
convinced by their phraseology, they regard these men as worthies in All-under Heaven, the more so as
everybody, whether in or out, right or left, 24 makes only one kind of reputation for them and repeats the same
conversation about them. In consequence, the sovereigns have no hesitation in lowering themselves and their
supreme status and thereby condescending to them or at least benefiting them with high rank and big bounties.
Indeed, if the ranks and bounties of wicked men are influential and their partisans and adherents are many, and if
besides, they have vicious and wicked motives, their wicked subordinates will persuade them time and time
again, saying: "The so-called sage-rulers and enlightened kings of antiquity succeeded their predecessors not as
juniors succeeding seniors in the natural order, 25 but because they had formed parties and gathered influential
clans and then molested their superiors, murdered the rulers, and thereby sought after advantage." "How do you
know that?" they ask. In reply the subordinates say: "Shun intimidated Yao, Yü intimidated Shun, Tàng
banished Chieh, and King Wu censured Chow. These four rulers were ministers who murdered their rulers, but
All-under-Heaven have extolled them. The inner hearts of these four rulers, if observed carefully, displayed
nothing but the motive of greediness and gain 26 ; their actions, if estimated closely, were simply weapons of
violence and outrage. Nevertheless, while the four rulers were extending their powers at their pleasure, All-
under-Heaven made much of them; while they were noising their names abroad, All-under-Heaven regarded
them as intelligent. In consequence, their authority became sufficient to face Allunder-Heaven and their
advantages became sufficient to challenge their age. Naturally All-under-Heaven followed them."
"As witnessed by recent times," continue the crooks further, "Viscount Tìen Chêng took Chì, Ssŭ-ch`êng Tzŭ-
han took Sung, Chancellor Hsin took Chêng, the San Clan took Chou, Yi Ya 27 took Wei, and the three Viscounts
of Han, Chao, and Wey partitioned Chin. These eight men 28 were ministers who murdered their rulers." Hearing
this, the wicked ministers would spring to their feet, prick up their ears, and regard it as right. Accordingly, they
will form parties at home, develop friendly contact 29 with influential clans outside, watch for the right moment
to launch the turn of affairs, and take the state at one stroke.
Again, those who intimidate and murder the rulers with partisans and adherents at home and reform or alter their
states through the influences of the feudal lords outside, thus concealing the right way and upholding private
crookedness so as to restrain the ruler above and obstruct the government below, are innumerable. Why? It is
because the ruler does not know how to select ministers. The ancient Records says: "Since the time of King
Hsüan of Chou ruined states number several tens and ministers who murdered their rulers and took their states
are many." If so, the calamities which originated inside and those which developed from outside were half and
half. Those who had exerted the forces of the masses, broke up the states, and sacrificed their lives, were all
worthy sovereigns; whereas those who overexerted themselves, 30 changed their positions, saved the masses but
estranged 31 the states, were the most pitiful sovereigns.
If the lord of men 32 really penetrates the ministers' speeches, then even though he spends all his time in hunting
with nets and stringed arrows, driving and riding around, playing bell music, and, seeing girl dancers, his state
will remain in existence; whereas, if he does not penetrate the ministers' speeches, then even though he is frugal
and industrious, wears hemp clothes, and eats poor food, the state will go to ruin of itself.
For example, Marquis Ching, an early Ruler of Chao, never cultivated his virtuous conduct, but would give rein
to the satisfaction of desires and enjoy physical comforts and auditory and visual pleasures. He spent winter days
in hunting with nets and stringed arrows and summer time in boating and fishing. He would sometimes drink all
night long, sometimes even hold his wine cup for several days, pour wine with bamboo ladles into the mouths of
those who could not drink, and behead anybody not prudent in advance and retreat or not reverent in response
and reply. Though his way of living, acting, drinking, and eating, was so unscrupulous and his way of censure
and execution was so reckless, yet he enjoyed ruling his state for more than ten years, 33 during which period of
time his soldiers were never crushed by enemy states, nor was his land ever invaded by any surrounding
neighbour, nor was there any disorder between ruler and minister or among the officials at home, nor was there
any worry about the feudal lords and the neighbouring states, for he knew how to appoint ministers to office.
Contrary to this, Tzŭ-kùai, Ruler of Yen, a descendant of Duke Shih of Chao, ruled 34 over a territory several
thousand li square and had spear-carriers several hundred thousands in number, and neither indulged in the
pleasures of pretty girls, nor listened to the music of bells and stones, nor cared for the reflecting pool and the
raised kiosk inside the palace, nor went hunting with nets and stringed arrows in the fields outside. Furthermore,
he personally handled ploughs and hoes to rectify the dikes and tracts of farms and fields. So extremely did Tzŭ-
kùai distress himself in grieving at the people's sorrows that even the so-called sage-kings and enlightened
rulers of antiquity who had themselves worked and grieved at the sorrows of the world could not be compared
with him. However, Tzŭ-kùai was killed; his state was lost to and usurped by Tzŭ-chih; and he has become a
laughing-stock of All-under-Heaven. What was the reason 35 for this? It was because he did not know how to
appoint ministers to office.
Hence the saying: "Ministers have five wickednesses, which the sovereign does not know." Some would make
extravagant use of cash and goods as bribes for acquiring honours; some would endeavour to bestow rewards
and favours for winning the hearts of the masses; some would endeavour to form cliques, exert their wisdom,
and honour scholars, and thereby abuse their authority; some would endeavour to pardon criminals and thereby
increase their influence; and some would follow the inferiors in praising the straight and blaming the crooked
and bewilder the people's ears and eyes by virtue of strange phraseology, queer clothing, and novel action. These
five kinds of action are what the intelligent rulers punish 36 and the sage-sovereigns forbid. With these five kinds
of action forbidden, deceitful men dare not face the north and stand 37 and talk; and talkative but impractical and
law-breaking men dare not falsify facts and thereby embellish their discussions. For this reason, the officials in
daily life will cultivate their personalities and in action will exert their abilities. But for the superior's orders, they
will not dare to do anything as they please, utter irresponsible words, and fabricate affairs. That is the way the
sage-kings superintend the ministers and the inferiors.
Indeed, if the sage-sovereigns and enlightened rulers do not make 38 use of camouflage to watch their ministers,
most of their ministers will become double-faced at the sight of camouflage. Hence the saying: "Among bastards
some children presume to be legitimate sons; among consorts some concubines presume to be wives; in the court
some officials presume to be premiers; and among ministers the favourites presume to be sovereigns." These
four are dangers to the state. Hence the saying: "The inner favourites compatible with the queen, the outer
favourites dividing the ruling prerogative, the bastards rivalling the legitimate son, and the chief vassals
assuming the air of the sovereign, all lead to confusion." Hence the Record of Chou says: "Do not exalt the
concubine and humble the wife. Do not debase the legitimate son and exalt the bastard. Do not exalt any
favourite subordinate as rival to high officials. Do not exalt any chief vassal to assume the majesty of his
sovereign." If the four assumers collapse, the superior will have no worry and the inferiors will have no surprise.
39
If the four assumers do not collapse, the sovereign will lose his life and ruin his state.
Notes
1. 說疑. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 疑 reads 擬. The English rendering of 說疑 by L. T. Chên is "Misgivings" (Liang,
op. cit., p. 116, f. 1), which is a serious mistake.
2. With Ku 明 below 謂 is superfluous.
3. With Kao Hêng 方在於人 means 僅及於有功有罪之人耳 .
4. I propose the supply of 則 below 然.
5. With Kao Hêng 於 above 郎門之外 is superfluous.
6. 亡國之臣 means "ministers who caused the states to go to ruin".
7. With Wang Hsien-shen 禪 means 擅.
8. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 晉 above 伯陽 is superfluous.
9. With Yü Yüeh 秦 is a mistake for 晉.
10. With Yü Yüeh 衛 is a mistake for 魯.
11. 食穀 literally means "eating grains".
12. 不令之民.
13. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 申胥 should be 葆申 who was a minister to King Wên of Chù and was famous for his
bitter expostulation.
14. With Wang Hsien-shen 晉 above 僑如 is superfluous. Chìao Ju was Shu-sun Hsüan-pai of Lu.
15. With Wang 若夫 above 昏亂之君 should be removed.
16. With Wang 鬴洧 refers to 釜鍑, which traces its source to the Yang-ch`êng Mountains.
17. 霸王之佐.
18. With Wang Hsien-shen 王孫 should be 公孫.
19. The men enumerated number eleven instead of twelve. With Ku Kuangts`ê there must be some hiatus among
them.
20. With the Historical Records 六十 should be supplied above 七日.
21. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 相 above 與 is superfluous.
22. With Wang Hsien-shen 忌 should be 誠.
23. 瑞節. In ancient China credentials carried by envoys and messengers were made of 瑞 "jade tablets" or 節
"bamboo tablets".
24. With Lu Wên-shao 之於 above 左右 is superfluous.
25. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 弱 below 長幼 is superfluous and 也 above 及 should be 世.
26. With Ku 人 below 得 is superfluous.
27. How Yi Ya took Wei, is not known.
28. With Wang Hsien-shen 六人 should be 八人.
29. With Wang 攄 should be 接.
30. With Yü Yüeh 法 below 轉身 is superfluous.
31. With Yü 傅 should be 傳.
32. With Wang Hsien-shen the Chìen-tao edition has 主 in place of 臣.
33. I propose 十數年 for 數十年 because according to the Historical Records Marquis Ching was on the throne
only for twelve years.
34. With Kao Hêng 湮 reads 抑 which means 治.
35. With Wang Hsien-shen 其何故 should be 其故何.
36. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 疑 reads 擬. To me 擬 here refers to 擬罪.
37. With Wang Hsien-chìen 立談 should be 談立.
38. Wang Hsien-shen proposed 道 for 適.
39. 上無意下無怪 means, according to Wang Hsien-shen, that the ruler does not have to make use of
camouflage to watch his ministers while the ministers do not have to fabricate facts to embellish their
discussions.
45 詭使第四十五
聖人之所以為治道者三：一曰利，二曰威，三曰名。夫利者，所以得民也；威者，所以行令也；名者，
上下之所同道也。非此三者，雖有不急矣。
今利非無有也，而民不化上；威非不存也，而下不聽從；官非無法也，而治不當名。三者非不存也，而
世一治一亂者，何也？夫上之所貴與其所以為治相反也。
夫立名號，所以為尊也；今有賤名輕實者，世謂〔之〕高。設爵位，所以為賤貴基也；而簡上不求見
者，世謂之賢。威利，所以行令也，而無利輕威者，〔世〕謂之重。法令，所以為治也，而不從法令為
私善者，世謂之忠。官爵，所以勸民也，而好名義不進仕者，世謂之烈士。刑罰，所以擅威也，而輕法
不避刑戮死亡之罪者，世謂之勇夫。民之急名也，甚其求利也；如此，則士之飢餓乏絕者，焉得無巖居
苦身以爭名於天下哉？
故世之所以不治者，非下之罪，上失其道也。常貴其所以亂，而賤其所以治，是故下之所欲，常與上之
所以為治相詭也。
今下而聽其上，上之所急也。而惇愨純信，用心怯言，（時）〔則〕謂之窶。守法固，聽令審，則謂之
愚。敬上畏罪，則謂之怯。言時節，行中適，則謂之不肖。無二心私學（吏），聽吏從教者，則謂之
陋。難致，謂之正。難予，謂之廉。難禁，謂之齊。有令不聽從，謂之勇。無利於上，謂之愿。少
欲、寬惠、行德，謂之仁。重厚自尊，謂之長者。私學成群，謂之師徒。閑靜安居，謂之有思。損仁逐
利，謂之疾。險躁佻反覆，謂之智。先為人而後自為，類名號，言汎愛天下，謂之聖。言大本，稱而不
可用，行而乖於世者，謂之大人。賤爵祿，不撓上者，謂之傑。
下漸行如此，入則亂民，出則不便也。上宜禁其欲，滅其（近）〔迹〕，而不止也；又從而尊之，是教
下亂上以為治也。
凡〔上之〕所〔以〕治者，刑罰也；今有私行義者尊。社稷之所以立者，安靜也；而譟險讒諛者任。四
封之內所以聽從者，信與德也；而陂知傾覆者使。令之所以行，威之所以立者，恭儉聽上〔也〕；而巖
居非世者顯。倉廩之所以實者，耕農之本務也；而綦組、錦繡、刻畫為末作者富。名之所以成，城池之
所以廣者，戰士也；今死〔士〕之孤飢餓乞於道，而優笑酒徒之屬乘車衣絲。賞祿，所以盡民力易下死
也；今戰勝攻取之士勞而賞不霑，而卜筮、視手理、狐（蟲）〔蠱〕為順辭於前者日賜。
上握度量，所以擅生殺之柄也；今守度奉量之士欲以忠嬰上而不得見，巧言利辭，行姦軌以倖偷世者數
御。據法直言，名刑相當，循繩墨，誅姦人，所以為上治也，而愈遠，（謟）〔諂〕施順意從欲以危
世者近習。悉租稅，專民力，所以備難充倉府也，而士卒之逃事（狀）〔伏〕匿，附託有威之門以避傜
賦，而上不得者萬數。
夫陳善田利宅，所以戰士卒也，而斷頭裂腹，播骨乎平原野者，無宅容身，〔身〕死田（畝）〔奪〕；
而女妹有色，大臣左右無功者，擇宅而受，擇田而食。賞利一從上出，所〔以〕善剬下也；而戰介之士
不得職，而間（官）〔居〕之士尊顯。上以此為教，名安得無卑，位安得無危？
夫卑名〔危〕位者，必下之不從法令，有二心（無）〔務〕私學反逆世者也；而不禁其行，不破其群以
散其黨，又從而尊之，用事者過矣。
上（世）之所以立廉恥者，所以（屬）〔厲〕下也；今士大夫不羞汙泥醜辱而宦，女妹私義之門不待次
而宦。
賞賜（之），所以為重也；而戰鬭有功之士貧賤，而便辟優徒超級。名號誠信，所以通威也；而主揜
障，近習女謁並行，百官主爵遷人，用事者過矣。大臣官人，與下先謀比周，雖不法行，威利在下，
則主卑而大臣重矣。
夫立法令者，以廢私也。法令行而私道廢矣。私者，所以亂法也。而士有二心私學，巖居窞路，託伏深
慮，大者非世，細者惑下；上不禁，又從而尊之以名，化之以實，是無功而顯，無勞而富也。如此，則
士之有二心私學者，焉得無深慮，勉知詐與誹謗法令，以求索與世相反者也？
凡亂上反世者，常士有二心私學者也。故《本言》曰：「所以治者，法也；所以亂者，私也。法立，則
莫得為私矣。」故曰：道私者亂，道法者治。上無其道，則智者有私詞，賢者有私意。上有私惠，下
有私欲。聖智成群，造言作辭，以非法措於上，上不禁塞，又從而尊之，是教下不聽上，不從法也。是
以賢者顯明而居，姦人賴賞而富。賢者顯名而居，姦人賴賞而富，是以上不勝下也。
Chapter XLV. Absurd Encouragements1
Means the sage employs to lead to political order are three. The first is said to be profit; the second, authority;
and the third, fame. Profit is the means whereby the people's hearts are won; authority is the means whereby to
enforce orders; fame is the common way linking superior and inferior. Nothing other than these three is so
needful to government.
In these days, there is no lack of profit, but the people are not won over to the superior's wishes; there is no
absence of authority, but the inferiors do not obey decrees; and there is no absence of laws among the officials,
but government does not correspond to fame. In short, though the three means are not out of existence, yet order
and chaos in the world follow on each other's heels. Why is this?
Indeed, what the superior values is often contrary to the purpose of government. For instance, to institute names
and titles is to embody honours; but those who look down upon fame and make light of facts, the world calls
advanced. Again, to institute ranks and grades is to establish the basal scale of high and low; but those who slight
the superior and never petition for audience, the world calls worthy. Again, authority and profit are means to
enforce orders; but those who desire no profit and disregard all authority, the world calls dignified. Again, laws
and decrees are means to attain political order; but those who obey neither laws nor decrees but pursue their own
good, the world calls loyal. Again, office and rank are means to encourage people; but those who like fame but
want no office, the world calls heroic patriots. Finally, punishments are means to solidify authority; but those
who make light of law, and award neither penalty nor slaughter, the world calls fearless. If the people seek fame
more urgently than they look for profit, small wonder scholars who are starving and destitute would even dwell
in rocky caves and torture themselves purposely to fight for a name in the world.
Therefore, the cause of disorder in the world is not the inferior's fault but the superior's loss of Tao. As the
superior always values the way to chaos and despises the way to order, the ideal of the inferiors is always
contrary to the purpose of the superior's government.
Now, the inferiors' obedience to the superior is what the superior urgently needs. However, those who are
generous, sincere, genuine, and faithful, and active in mind but timid in speech, are called spiritless; those who
follow laws firmly and obey orders fully, are called stupid; those who revere the superior and fear punishment,
are called cowardly; those who speak on the right occasions and act in the proper manner are called unworthy;
and those who are not double-faced and engaged in private studies 2 but listen to magistrates and conform to
public instructions, are called vulgar. Those who are hard to employ, are called righteous; those who are hard to
reward, are called clean-handed; and those who are hard to rule, are called heroic; those who do not obey
decrees, are called courageous; those who render no profit to the superior, are called straightforward; and those
who extend kindnesses and bestow favours, are called benevolent. Those who are self-assertive and arrogant, are
called elders; those who pursue private studies and form juntas, are called tutors and pupils; those who lead a
tranquil and complacent life, are called considerate; those who betray their fellow men and grab advantages, are
called smart; those who are crafty, deceitful, 3 and fickle, 4 are called wise; those who act for others first and for
themselves later, coin terms and invent words, and assume to love All-under-Heaven, are called sages; those who
speak on big subjects and talk about fundamental but impracticable principles, and act contrary to the beaten
track of the world, are called great men; and those who despise ranks and bounties and do not yield to the
superior's opinions are called excellent.
The inferiors, acting in such wicked 5 ways, would disturb the people in private and do no good when in office.
The superior, who ought to suppress their desires and constantly uproot their motives, lets them go and honours
their deeds. This is to attain political order by teaching the inferiors how to violate the superior.
In general, what the superior administers, is penal infliction, but people doing favours in private are honoured.
The Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain can stand because of national safety and tranquillity, but deceitful,
crafty, slanderous, and flattering people are appointed to office. Everybody under the jurisdiction of the state
obeys orders because of trust and justice, but people exerting their wisdom to upset the present regime are
employed. Orders prevail widely and authority stands well because of the inferiors' prudence and alertness to
obey the superior, but men living in rocky caves and cursing the world are celebrated. Public storehouses and
granaries are full because of the people's devotion to the primary duties of tilling and farming, but men engaged
in such secondary callings as weaving twilled cloth, embroidering and knitting clothes in gold and silver, and
engraving and drawing, are enriched. Reputation is accomplished and territory 6 is extended because of the
warrior's services, but in these days war orphans go hungry, starving, and begging in the streets, while relatives
of actors, harlots, and drinkers, ride in carriages and wear silk. Rewards and bounties are meant to exert the
people's forces and risk their lives, but in these days warriors winning in warfare and taking in attack, work hard
but are not properly rewarded, while diviners, palmists, and swindlers, 7 playing with compliant words before the
Throne, receive gifts every day.
The superior holds scales and measures in his hands in order to have the power over everybody's life in his grip,
but nowadays men who obey scales and observe measures, though anxious to exert the spirit of loyalty to serve
the superior, cannot have an audience, while those who utter artful words and flattering phrases, play villainous
tricks, and by lucky chance rise in the world, frequently attend on the Throne. To abide by law, talk straight, keep
fame equal to norm, and censure the culprit according to the inked string, is to promote order on behalf of the
superior, but people so doing are estranged while adulatory and heretical 8 men, obeying the opinions and
following the desires of the superior and thereby endangering the world, become courtiers. To exact taxes and
revenues and concentrate the people's forces is to provide against eventualities and fill up the public storehouses
and the state treasury, but officers and soldiers who desert their posts, hide themselves, find shelter in the
residences of powerful men, and thereby evade taxation and military service, but whom the superior fails to
catch, number tens of thousands.
Indeed, to parade good fields and pretty residences is to encourage warriors to fight, but men resolved to have
their heads cut off, abdomens torn open, and bones exposed in wildernesses, 9 though they may lose their lives
this way, have neither shelter nor estates 10 , while persons whose daughters and sisters are attractive and chief
vassals and attendants who render the country no distinguished services, receive residences of their own choice
and live on fields selected by themselves. Rewards and profits issue solely from the superior purposely to control
the inferiors with success, but warriors and armed officers get no post while men idling their time away are
honoured and celebrated. Now that the superior takes these practices for the ways of civic education, how can his
name escape degradation and how can his position escape dangers?
Indeed, when the superior's name is degraded and his position endangered, it is always because the inferiors are
not obedient to laws and orders, double-faced, pursuing private studies, 11 and acting against the world. Yet if
their actions are not forbidden, their gangs are not dissolved, and their partisans are not thereby dispersed, but
they are honoured instead, it is the fault of the authorities in charge of state affairs.
The superior sets up the principles of integrity and bashfulness for the purpose of encouraging 12 the inferiors,
whereas gentry and officials of to-day are not ashamed of dirty mud and ugly insults, but under the influence of
daughters and sisters married to powerful men and of private friends they take up office with no need of
following the proper order.
Prizes and gifts are meant to exalt men of merit, but men having given distinguished service in warfare remain
poor and humble while flatterers and actors rise above their due grades, names, and titles. Sincerity and faith are
meant to manifest authority, but the sovereign is deluded by courtiers; ladies and interviewers proceed in
parallel; officials administer the bestowal of ranks and change the personnel as they please. This is the fault of
the authorities in charge of state affairs. If chief vassals appoint people to office by intriguing with the
subordinates beforehand and then play into each other's hands, and, though against the law, they extend their
influence and benefits among their subordinates, then the sovereign will become powerless and the chief vassals
will become influential.
Indeed, the purpose of enacting laws and decrees is to abolish selfishness. Once laws and decrees prevail, the
way of selfishness collapses. Selfishness disturbs the law. Nevertheless, scholars, who, being double-faced,
pursue private studies, dwell in rocky caves, hide themselves by the roadside, and pretend to profound thought,
denounce the world in general and beguile the inferiors in particular. Instead of suppressing them, the superior
honours them with titles and provides them with actual support. Thereby men of no merit are celebrated and men
doing no service are enriched. If so, scholars who are double-faced and are pursuing private studies, will pretend
to profound thought, endeavour to learn intrigues, denounce laws and decrees, and thereby elaborate opposite
views to the course of the age.
In general, whoever disturbs the superior and acts contrary to the age, is always a scholar having a double-face
and pursuing private studies. Therefore, in my main discourse I say: "The cause of order is law, the cause of
chaos is selfishness. Once law is enacted, no selfish act can be done." Hence the saying: "Whoever tolerates
selfishness finds chaos, whoever upholds law finds order." If the superior misses the right way, astute men will
use selfish phraseology and worthies will cherish selfish motives, principals will bestow selfish favours, and
subordinates will pursue selfish desires. When worthy and astute men form juntas, coin terms, manipulate
phrases, and thereby denounce laws and decrees 13 before the superior, if the superior, instead of stopping and
debarring them, honours them, it is to teach the inferiors neither to follow the superior nor to obey the law. For
this reason, worthies cultivate their fame and live comfortably and wicked men count on rewards and accumulate
wealth. Because the worthies live comfortably by cultivating their fame and wicked men accumulate wealth by
counting on rewards, the superior is unable to subdue the inferiors.
Notes
1. 詭使.
2. 私學. By "private studies" Han Fei Tzŭ means studies in any subject not directly allied with Politics and
Jurisprudence.
3. With Kao Hêng 躁 below 險 reads 譟 which means 詐.
4. With Wang Hsien-shen 佻 above 反覆 is superfluous.
5. With Kao Hêng 漸 above 行 means 姦亂.
6. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 池 should be 地, and with Yü Yüeh 城 above it is superfluous.
7. With Yü 狐蟲 should be 孤蠱.
8. With Kao Hêng 施 below 諂 stands for 迆 which means "to walk out of the straight path".
9. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 平 before 原野 is superfluous.
10. With Kao Hêng 無宅容身死田畝 should be 身死無宅舍田畝 .
11. With Lu Wên-shao 無 above 私學 is superfluous.
12. With Wang Nien-sun 屬 is a mistake for 厲.
13. 措 below 法 should be 令.
Book Eighteen
46 六反第四十六
畏死〔遠〕難，降北之民也，而世尊之曰「貴生之士」。學道立方，離法之民也，而世尊之曰「文學之
士」。遊居厚養，牟食之民也，而世尊之曰「有能之士」。語曲牟知，偽詐之民也，而世尊之曰「辯智
之士」。行劍攻殺，暴憿之民也，而世尊之曰「磏勇之士」。活賊匿姦，當死之民也，而世尊之曰「任
譽之士」。此六民者，世之所譽也。
赴險殉誠，死節之民，而世少之曰「失計之民」也。寡聞從令，全法之民也，而世少之曰「樸陋之民」
也。力作而食，生利之民也，而世少之曰「寡能之民」也。嘉厚純粹，整穀之民也，而世少之曰「愚戇
之民」也。重命畏事，尊上之民也，而世少之曰「怯懾之民」也。挫賊遏姦，明上之民也，而世少之曰
「讇讒之民」也。此六民者，世之所毀也。
姦偽無益之民六，而世譽之如彼；耕戰有益之民六，而世毀之如此，此之謂六反。
布衣循私利而譽之，世主聽虛聲而禮之，禮之所在，利必加焉。百姓循私害而訾之，世主壅於俗而賤
之，賤之所在，害必加焉。故名賞在乎私惡當罪之民，而毀害在乎公善宜賞之士，索國之富強，不可得
也。
古者有諺曰：「為政猶沐也，雖有棄髮，必為之。」愛棄髮之費而忘長髮之利，不知權者也。
夫彈痤者痛，飲藥者苦，為苦憊之故不彈痤飲藥，則身不活，病不已矣。
今上下之接，無子父之澤，而欲以行義禁下，則交必有郄矣。且父母之於子也，產男則相賀，產女則殺
之。此俱出父母之懷衽，然男子受賀，女子殺之者，慮其後便，計之長利也。故父母之於子也，猶用計
算之心以相待也，而況無父子之澤乎？
今學者之說人主也，皆去求利之心，出相愛之道，是求人主之過父母之親也，此不熟於論恩，詐而誣
也，故明〔主〕不受也。聖人之治也，審於法禁，法禁明著，則官（法）〔治〕；必於賞罰，賞罰不
阿，則民用。（官）〔民用〕官治則國富，國富則兵強，而霸王之業成矣。霸王者，人主之大利也。人
主挾大利以聽治，故其任官者當能，其賞罰無私。使士民明焉，盡力致死，則功伐可立而爵祿可致，
爵祿致而富貴之業成矣。富貴者，人臣之大利也。人臣挾大利以從事，故其行危至死，其力盡而不望。
此謂君不仁，臣不忠，則（不）可以霸王矣。
夫姦必知則備，必誅則止；不知則肆，不誅則行。夫陳輕貨於幽隱，雖曾、史可疑也；懸百金於市，雖
大盜不取也。不知，則曾、史可疑於幽隱；必知，則大盜不取懸金於市。
故明主之治國也，眾其守而重其罪，使民以法禁而不以廉止。母之愛子也倍父，父令之行於子者十母；
吏之於民無愛，令之行於民也萬父。母積愛而令窮，吏〔用〕威嚴而民聽從，嚴愛之筴亦可決矣。
且父母之所以求於子也，動作則欲其安利也，行身則欲其遠罪也。君上之於民也，有難則用其死，安平
則盡其力。親以厚愛關子於安利而不聽，君以無愛利求民之死力而令行。明主知之，故不養恩愛之心，
而增威嚴之勢。故母厚愛處，子多敗，推愛也。父薄愛教笞，子多善，用嚴也。
今家人之治產也，相忍以飢寒，相強以勞苦，雖犯軍旅之難，飢饉之患，溫衣美食者，必是家也。相憐
以衣食，相惠以佚樂，天飢歲荒，嫁妻賣子者，必是家也。故法之為道，前苦而長利；仁之為道，偷樂
而後窮。聖人權其輕重，出其大利，故用法之相忍，而棄仁人之相憐也。學者之言皆曰「輕〔刑〕」，
此亂亡之術也。凡賞罰之（心）〔必〕者，勸禁也。賞厚則所欲之得也疾，罰重則所（惠）〔惡〕之禁
也急。夫欲利者必惡害，害者，利之反也。反於所欲，焉得無惡？欲治者必惡亂，亂者，治之反也。是
故欲治甚者，其賞必厚矣；其惡亂甚者，其罰必重矣。今取於輕刑者，其惡亂不甚也，其欲治又不甚
也。此非特無術也，又乃無行。是故決賢、不肖、愚、知之（美）〔筴〕，在賞罰之輕重。
且夫重刑者，非為罪人也。明主之法，揆也。治賊，非治所（揆）〔治〕也，〔治〕所（揆）〔治〕也
者，是治死人也。刑盜，非治所刑也；治所刑也者，是治胥靡也。故曰：重一姦之罪而止境內之邪，此
所以為治也。重罰者，盜賊也，而悼懼者，良民也。欲治者奚疑於重刑（名）！
若夫厚賞者，非獨賞功也，又勸一國。受賞者甘利，未賞者慕業，是報一人之功而勸境內之眾也，欲治
者何疑於厚賞！
今不知治者皆曰：「重刑傷民，輕刑可以止姦，何必於重哉？」此不察於治者也。夫以重止者，未必以
輕止也；以輕止者，必以重止矣。是以上設重刑者而姦盡止，姦盡止，則此奚傷於民也？
所謂重刑者，姦之所利者細，而上之所加焉者大也。民不以小利加大罪，故姦必止者也。所謂輕刑者，
姦之所利者大，上之所加焉者小也。民慕其利而傲其罪，故姦不止也。故先聖有諺曰：「不躓於山，而
躓於垤。」山者大，故人順之；垤微小，故人易之也。今輕刑罰，民必易之。犯而不誅，是驅國而棄之
也；犯而誅之，是為民設陷也。是故輕罪者，民之垤也。是以輕罪之為民道也，非亂國也，則設民陷
也，此則可謂傷民矣。
今學者皆道書筴之頌語，不察當世之實事，曰：「上不愛民，賦斂常重，則用不足而下（恐）〔怨〕
上，故天下大亂。」此以為足其財用以加愛焉，雖輕刑罰，可以治也。此言不然矣。凡人之取重（賞）
罰，固已足之之後也。雖財用足而後厚愛之，然而輕刑，猶之亂也。
夫富家之愛子，財貨足用。財貨足用則輕用，輕用則侈泰。親愛之則不忍，不忍則驕恣。侈泰則家貧，
驕恣則行暴。此雖財用足而愛厚，輕（利）〔刑〕之患也。
凡人之生也，財用足則隳於用力，上懦則肆於為非。財用足而力作者，神農也；上治懦而行脩者，曾、
史也，夫民之不及神農、曾、史亦明矣。
老聃有言曰：「知足不辱，知止不殆。」夫以殆辱之故而不求於足之外者，老聃也。今以為足民而可以
治，是以民為皆如老聃也。故桀貴在天子而不足於尊，富有四海之內而不足於寶。君人者雖足民，不
能足使為（君）天子，而桀未必〔以〕為天子為足也，則雖足民，何可以為治也？故明主之治國也，適
其時事以致財物，論其稅賦以均貧富，厚其爵祿以盡賢能，重其刑罰以禁姦邪，使民以力得富，以事致
貴，以過受罪，以功致賞，而不念慈惠之賜，此帝王之政也。
人皆寐，則盲者不知；皆嘿，則喑者不知。覺而使之視，問而使之對，則喑盲者窮矣。不聽其言也，則
無術者不知；不任其身也，則不肖者不知。聽其言而求其當，任其身而責其功，則無術不肖者窮矣。夫
欲得力士而聽其自言，雖庸人與烏獲不可別也；授之以鼎俎，則罷健效矣。故官職者，能士之鼎俎也，
任之以事而愚智分矣。故無術者得於不用，不肖者得於不任。
言不用而自文以為辯，身不任（者）而自飾以為高，世主眩其辯，濫其高而尊貴之，是不須視而定明
也，不待對而定辯也，喑盲者不得矣。明主聽其言必責其用，觀其行必求其功，然則虛舊之學不談，矜
誣之行不飾矣。
Chapter XLVI. Six Contrarieties1
Who fears death and shuns difficulty, is the type of citizen who would surrender or retreat, but the world reveres
him by calling him "a life-valuing gentleman". Who studies the ways of the early kings and propounds theories
of his own, is the type of citizen that would neglect the law, but the world reveres him by calling him "a cultured
and learned gentleman". Who idles his time away and obtains big awards, is the type of citizen who would live
on charities, but the world reveres him by calling him "a talented gentleman". Who twists his speeches and
pretends to erudition, is the fraudulent and deceitful type of citizen, but the world reveres him by calling him "an
eloquent and intelligent gentleman". Who brandishes his sword and attacks and kills, is the violent and savage
type of citizen, but the world reveres him by calling him "a hardy and courageous gentleman". Who saves
thieves and hides culprits, is the type of citizen that deserves the death penalty, but the world reveres him by
calling him "a chivalrous and honourable gentleman". These six types of citizens are what the world praises.
Who would venture risks and die in the cause of loyalty, is the type of citizen that chooses death before infidelity,
but the world despises him by calling him "a planless subject". Who learns little but obeys orders, is the law-
abiding type of citizen, but the world despises him by calling him "a naive and rustic subject". Who works hard
and earns his livelihood, is the productive type of citizen, but the world despises him by calling him "a small-
talented subject". Who is frank, generous, pure, and genuine, is the right and good type of citizen, but the world
despises him by calling him "a foolish and silly subject". Who esteems commands and reveres public affairs, is
the superior-respecting type of citizen, but the world despises him by calling him "a cowardly and fainthearted
subject". Who suppresses thieves and oppresses culprits, is the superior-obeying type of citizen, but the world
despises him by calling him "a flattering and slanderous subject". These six types of citizens are what the world
blames.
Thus, the wicked, fraudulent, and useless citizens include six types, but the world praises them in those manners;
so do the tilling, fighting, and useful citizens include six types, but the world blames them in these manners.
These are called "six contrarieties".
If the hemp-clothed commoners in accordance with their private interests praise people, and if the lord of this
age believing in bubble reputations respects them, then whoever is respected, will be accorded profits. If the
hundred surnames on account of private feud with them slander them, and if the lord of this age, as misled by the
beaten track of men, despises them, then whoever is despised, will suffer damage. Therefore, fame and rewards
will go to selfish, vicious citizens deserving punishment; while blame and damages will befall public-spirited,
upright gentlemen deserving reward. If so, then to strive for the wealth and strength of the state is impossible.
The ancients had a proverb saying: "To govern the people is like washing one's head. Though there are falling
hairs, the washing must needs be done." Whoever regrets the waste of the falling hairs and forgets the gain of the
growing hairs, does not know the doctrine of expediency. 2
Indeed, opening boils causes pain; taking drugs causes bitter taste. Yet, if boils are not opened on account of pain
and drugs not taken on account of bitterness, the person will not live and the disease will not stop.
Now the relationship between superior and inferior involves no affection of father and son, if anyone wishes to
rule the inferiors by practising righteousness, the relationship will certainly have cracks. Besides, parents in
relation to children, when males are born, congratulate each other, and, when females are born, lessen 3 the care
of them. Equally coming out from the bosoms and lapels of the parents, why should boys receive congratulations
while girls are ill-treated? Because parents consider their future conveniences and calculate their permanent
benefits. Thus, even parents in relation to children use the calculating mind in treating them, how much more
should those who have no affection of parent and child?
The learned men of to-day, on counselling the lord of men, all persuade him to discard the profit-seeking mind
and follow the way of mutual love. Thereby they demand more from the lord of men than from parents. Such is
an immature view of human relationships: it is both deceitful and fallacious. Naturally the enlightened sovereign
would not accept it. The sage, in governing the people, deliberates upon laws and prohibitions. When laws and
prohibitions are clear and manifest, all officials will be in good order. 4 He makes reward and punishment
definite. When reward and punishment are never unjust, the people will attend to public duties. If the people
attend to public duties and officials are in good order, 5 then the state will become rich; if the state is rich, then
the army will become strong. In consequence, hegemony will be attained. The enterprise of the Hegemonic Ruler
is the highest goal of the lord of men. With this highest goal in view the lord of men attends to governmental
affairs. Therefore, the officials he appoints to office must have the required abilities, and the rewards and
punishments he enforces must involve no selfishness but manifest public justice to gentry and commoners.
Whoever exerts his strength and risks his life, will be able to accomplish merits and attain rank and bounty.
When rank and bounty have been attained, the enterprise of wealth and nobility will be accomplished. Now,
wealth and nobility constitute the highest goal of the ministers. With this highest goal in view the ministers
attend to their official duties. Therefore, they will work hard at the peril of their lives and never resent even the
exhaustion of their energy. This amounts to the saying that if the ruler is not benevolent and the ministers are not
loyal, hegemony cannot be attained.
Indeed, the culprits, if infallibly detected, would take precautions; if definitely censured, they would stop. If not
detected, they would become dissolute; if not censured, they would become active. For illustration, when cheap
articles are left at a deserted spot, even Tsêng Shan and Shih Chìn can be suspected of stealing them; whereas
when a hundred pieces of gold hang at the market-place, even the greatest robber dare not take them. Even Tsêng
Shan and Shih Chìn are liable to suspicion at a deserted spot if detection is unlikely; if sure to be found out, the
greatest robber dare not touch the gold hanging at the market-place.
Therefore, the enlightened sovereign in governing the state would increase custodians and intensify penalties and
make the people stop vices according to law but not owing to their own sense of integrity. For illustration,
mothers love children twice as much as fathers do, but a father enforces orders among children ten times better
than a mother does. Similarly, officials have no love for the people, but they enforce orders among the people ten
thousand times better than their parents do. Parents heap up their love but their orders come to naught; whereas
officials exercise force and the people obey them. Thus, you can easily make the choice between severity and
affection.
Furthermore, what parents desire of children is safety and prosperity in livelihood and innocence in conduct.
What the ruler requires of his subjects, however, is to demand their lives in case of emergency and exhaust their
energy in time of peace. Now, parents, who love their children and wish 6 them safety and prosperity, are not
listened to; whereas the ruler, who neither loves nor benefits his subjects but demands their death and toil, can
enforce his orders. As the enlightened sovereign knows this principle, he does not cultivate the feeling of favour
and love, but extends his influence of authority and severity. Mothers love sons with deep love, but most of the
sons are spoilt, for their love is over-extended; fathers show their sons less love and teach them with light
bamboos, 7 but most of the sons turn out well, for severity is applied.
If any family of to-day, in making property, share hunger and cold together and endure toil and pain with one
another, it would be such a family that can enjoy warm clothes and nice food in time of warfare and famine. On
the contrary, those who help one another with clothing and food and amuse one another with entertainments,
would become such families that give wives in marriage and set children for sale in time of famine and during
the year of drought. Thus, law as the way to order may cause gain at first, but will give gain in the long run;
whereas benevolence as the way to order may give pleasure for the moment, but will become fruitless in the end.
Measuring their relative weights and choosing the one for the greatest good, the sage would adopt the legal way
of mutual perseverance and discard the benevolent 8 way of mutual pity. The teachings of the learned men all
say, "Mitigate penalties". This is the means of inviting turmoil and ruin. In general, the definiteness of reward
and punishment is based on encouragement and prohibition. If rewards are liberal, it is easy to get what the
superior wants; if punishments are heavy, it is easy to forbid what the superior hates. Indeed, whoever wants
benefit, hates injury, which is the opposite of benefit. Then how can there be no hatred for the opposite of the
wanted? Similarly, whoever wants order, hates chaos, which is the opposite of order. For this reason, who wants
order urgently, his rewards must be liberal; who hates chaos badly, his punishments must be heavy. Now, those
who apply light penalties are neither serious in hating chaos nor serious in wanting order. Such people are both
tactless and helpless. Therefore, the distinction 9 between the worthy and the unworthy, between the stupid and
the intelligent, 10 depends on whether reward and punishment are light or heavy.
Moreover, heavy penalties are not for the sole purpose of punishing criminals. The law of the intelligent
sovereign, in suppressing rebels, is not disciplining only those who are being suppressed, for to discipline only
the suppressed is the same as to discipline dead men only 11 ; in penalizing robbers, it is not disciplining only
those who are being penalized, for to discipline only the penalized is the same as to discipline convicts only.
Hence the saying: "Take seriously one culprit's crime and suppress all wickednesses within the boundaries." This
is the way to attain order. For the heavily punished are robbers, but the terrified and trembling are good people.
Therefore, why should those who want order doubt the efficacy of heavy penalties?
Indeed, liberal rewards are meant not only to reward men of merit but also to encourage the whole state. The
rewarded enjoy the benefits; those not as yet rewarded look forward to their future accomplishment. This is to
requite one man for his merit and to encourage the whole populace within the boundaries. Therefore, why should
those who want order doubt the efficacy of liberal rewards?
Now, those who do not know the right way to order all say: "Heavy penalties injure the people. Light penalties
can suppress villainy. Then why should heavy penalties be necessary?" Such speakers are really not well versed
in the principles of order. To be sure, what is stopped by heavy penalties is not necessarily stopped by light
penalties; but what is stopped by light penalties is always stopped by heavy penalties. For this reason, where the
superior sets up heavy penalties, there all culprits disappear. If all culprits disappear, how can the application of
heavy penalties be detrimental to the people?
In the light of the so-called "heavy penalties", what the culprits can gain, is slight, but what the superior inflicts,
is great. As the people never venture a big penalty for the sake of a small gain, malefactions will eventually
disappear. In the face of the so-called "light penalties", however, what the culprits gain, is great, but what the
superior inflicts, is slight. As the people long for the profit and ignore the slight punishment, malefactions never
will disappear. Thus, the early sages had a proverb, saying: "Nobody stumbles against a mountain, but everybody
trips over an ant-hill." The mountain being large, everyone takes notice 12 of it; the ant-hill being small, everyone
disregards it. Now supposing penalties were light, people would disregard them. To let criminals go unpunished
is to drive the whole state to the neglect of all penalties; to censure criminals properly is to set traps for the
people. Thus, light punishment is an ant-hill to the people. For this reason, the policy 13 of light punishment
would either plunge the state into confusion or set traps for the people. Such a policy may thus be said to be
detrimental to the people.
The learned men of to-day, one and all, cite the panegyrics in the classics, and, without observing closely the real
facts, of the present age, say: "If the superior does not love the people and always levies exactions and taxations,
then living expenses will become insufficient and the inferiors will hate 14 the superior. Hence the chaos in the
world." This means that if the superior lets the people have enough money to spend and loves them besides, then
notwithstanding light punishment order can be attained. Such a saying is not true. Generally speaking, men incur
heavy punishment 15 only after they have had enough money. Therefore, though you let them have enough
money to spend and love them dearly, yet light penalties cannot get them out of disorder.
Take, for example, the beloved sons of wealthy families, who are given sufficient money to spend. Having
sufficient money to spend, they spend it freely. Spending money freely, they indulge in extravagance. The
parents, loving them so much, cannot bear to restrict them. Not restricted, they become self-willed. Being
extravagant, they impoverish their families. Being self-willed, they practise violence. Such is the calamity of
deep love and light penalty, even though there is enough money to spend.
Men as a whole, while living, if they have enough money to spend, do not use energy; if the superior's rule is
weak, they indulge in doing wrong. He who has enough money to spend and yet still exerts himself strenuously,
can be nobody but Shên-nung. Those who cultivate their conduct though the superior's rule is weak, can be
nobody but Tsêng Shan and Shih Chìu. Clearly enough, indeed, the masses of people cannot live up to the levels
of Shên-nung, Tsêng Shan and Shih Chìu.
Lao Tan 16 said: "Who knows how to be content, gets no humiliation, who knows where to stop, risks no
vitiation." 17 Indeed, who on account of vitiation and humiliation seeks nothing other than contentment, can be
nobody but Lao Tan. Now, to think that by contenting the people order can be attained is to assume everybody to
be like Lao Tan. For illustration, Chieh, having the dignity of the Son of Heaven, was not content with the
honour; and, having the riches within the four seas, was not content with the treasures. The ruler of men, though
able to content the people, cannot content all of them with the dignity of the Son of Heaven while men like
Chieh would not necessarily be content with the dignity of the Son of Heaven. If so, even though the ruler might
attempt to content the people, how could order be attained? Therefore, the intelligent sovereign, when governing
the state, suits his policy to the time and the affairs so as to increase his financial resources, calculates taxes and
tributes so as to equalize the poor and the rich, extends ranks and bounties for the people so as to exert their
wisdom and ability, enlarges penal implements so as to forbid villainy and wickedness, and makes the people
secure riches by virtue of their own efforts, receive punishments owing to their criminal offences, get rewards by
performing meritorious services, and never think of any gift by beneficence and favour. Such is the course of
imperial and kingly government.
If all men are asleep, no blind man will be noticed; if all men remain silent, no mute will be detected. Awake
them and ask each one to see, or question them and ask each one to reply. Then both the blind and the mute will
be at a loss. Likewise, unless their speeches be heeded, the tactless will not be known; unless appointed to office,
the unworthy will not be known. Heed their speeches and seek their truth; appoint them to office and hold them
responsible for the results of their work. Then both the tactless and the unworthy would be at a loss. Indeed,
when you want to get wrestlers but merely listen to their own words, then you cannot distinguish between a
mediocre man and Wu Huo. Given tripods and bowls, then both the weak and the strong come to the fore.
Similarly, official posts are the tripods and bowls to able men. Entrusted with affairs, the stupid and the
intelligent will be differentiated. As a result, the tactless will not be used; the unworthy will not be appointed to
office.
Nowadays, those who find their words not adopted, pretend to eloquence by twisting their sentences; those who
are not appointed to office, pretend to refinement by disguising themselves. Beguiled by their eloquence and
deceived by their refinement, the sovereigns of this age honour and esteem them. This is to tell the bright without
finding their sight and to tell the eloquent without finding their replies, wherefore the blind and the mute never
will be detected. Contrary to this, the intelligent sovereign, whenever he listens to any speech, would hold it
accountable for its utility, and when he observes any deed, would seek for its merit. If so, empty and obsolete
learning cannot be discussed and praised and fraudulent action cannot be disguised.
Notes
1. 六反. Its English rendering by L. T. Chen is "Six Contradictions" (Liang, op. cit., p. 126, f. 1).
2. 權. The doctrine of expediency is peculiarly utilitarian: The end justifies any means. It is what the Confucians
abhorred most and the Legalists practised best.
3. With Hirazawa 殺 here does not mean "kill" but 減 "lessen" or "subtract."
4. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 法 should be 洽.
5. With Ku 官官治 should be 民用官治.
6. With Kao Hêng 關 above 子 means 置 or 措.
7. Used in punishing criminals and mischievous children.
8. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 人 below 仁 is superfluous.
9. With Ku 美 should be 分.
10. With Ku 知 should be 智.
11. According to Yü Yüeh the original of this passage should be 明主之法也揆賊非治所揆也治所揆也者是治

死人也。
12. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 順 should read 愼.
13. With Wang Hsien-shen 民 above 道 is superfluous.
14. With Ku and Wang 恐 is a mistake for 怨.
15. With Wang Wei 賞 should be 刑.
16. Lao Tzŭ's appellation.
17. v. Lao Tzŭ's Tao Tah Ching, Chap. XLIV.
47 八說第四十七
為故人行私謂之不棄，以公財分施謂之仁人，輕祿重身謂之君子，枉法曲親謂之有行，棄官寵交謂之有
俠，離世遁上謂之高傲，交爭逆令謂之剛材，行惠取眾謂之得民。
不棄者，吏有姦也；仁人者，公財損也；君子者，民難使也；有行者，法制毀也；有俠者，官職曠也；
高傲者，民不事也；剛材者，令不行也；得民者，君上孤也。此八者，匹夫之私譽，人主之大敗也。
反此八者，匹夫之私毀，人主之公利也。人主不察社稷之利害，而用匹夫之私譽，索國之無危亂，不可
得矣。
任人以事，存亡治亂之機也。無術以任人，無所任而不敗。人君之所任，非辯智則脩潔也。任人者，使
有勢也。智士者未必信也，為多其智，因惑其信也。以智士之計，處乘勢之資而為其私急，則君必欺
焉。為智者之不可信也，故任脩士者，使斷事也。脩士者未必智，為潔其身，因惑其智。以愚人之所
惽，處治事之官而為〔其〕所然，則事必亂矣。故無術以用人，任智則君欺，任脩則君事亂，此無術之
患也。
明君之道，賤（德義）〔得議〕貴，下必坐上，決誠以參，聽無門戶，故智者不得詐欺。計功而行賞，
程能而授事，察端而觀失，有過者罪，有能者得，故愚者不任事。智者不敢欺，愚者不得斷，則事無失
矣。
察士然後能知之，不可以為令，夫民不盡察。賢者然後〔能〕行之，不可以為法，夫民不盡賢。楊朱、
墨翟，天下之所察也，干世亂而卒不決，雖察而不可以為官職之令。鮑焦、華角，天下之所賢也，鮑焦
木枯，華角赴河，雖〔賢〕不可以為耕戰之士。故人主之〔所〕察，智士盡其辯焉；人主之所尊，能士
能盡其行焉。今世主察無用之辯，尊遠功之行，索國之富強，不可得也。
博習辯智如孔、墨，孔、墨不耕耨，則國何得焉？脩孝寡欲如曾、史，曾、史不戰攻，則國何利焉？匹
夫有私便，人主有公利。不作而養足，不仕而名顯，此私便也；息文學而明法度，塞私便而一功勞，此
公利也。錯法以道民也，而又貴文學，則民之所師法也疑；賞功以勸民也，而又尊行脩，則民之產利也
惰。夫貴文學以疑法，尊行脩以貳功，索國之富強，不可得也。
搢笏干戚，不適有方鐵銛；登降周旋，不逮日中奏百；《狸首》射侯，不當強弩趨發；干城距（衡）
衝，不若堙穴伏（櫜）〔橐〕。
古人亟於德，中世逐於智，當今爭於力。古者寡事而備簡，樸陋而不盡，故有珧銚而推車者。古者人寡
而相親，物多而輕利易讓，故有揖讓而傳天下者。然則行揖讓，高慈惠，而道（推）仁厚，皆推政也。
處多事之時，用寡事之器，非智者之備也；當大爭之世，而循揖讓之軌，非聖人之治也。故智者不乘推
車，聖人不行推政也。
法所以制事，事所以名功也。法有立而有難，權其難而事成，〔則立之〕；事成而有害，權其害而功
多，則為之。無難之法，無害之功，天下〔無〕有也。是以拔千丈之都，敗十萬之眾，死傷者軍之乘，
甲兵折挫，士卒死傷，而賀戰勝得地者，出其小害計其大利也。夫沐者有棄髮，除者傷血肉。為人見其
難，因釋其業，是無術之（事）〔士〕也。先聖有言曰：「規有摩而水有波，我欲更之，無柰之何！」
此通權之言也。是以說有必立而曠於實者，言有辭拙而急於用者。故聖人不求無害之言，而務無易之
事。
人之不事衡石者，非貞廉而遠利也，石不能為人多少，衡不能為人輕重，求索不能得，故人不事也。明
主之國，官不敢枉法，吏不敢為私利，貨賂不行，是境內之事盡如衡石也。此其臣有姦者必知，知者必
誅。是以有道之主，不求清潔之吏，而務必知之術也。
慈母之於弱子也，愛不可為前。然而弱子有僻行，使之隨師；有惡病，使之事醫。不隨師則陷於刑，不
事醫則疑於死。慈母雖愛，無益於振刑救死，則存子者非愛也。
子母之性，愛也；臣主之權，筴也。母不能以愛存家，君安能以愛持國？明主者通於富強，則可以得欲
矣。故謹於聽治，富強之法也。明其法禁，察其謀計。法明則內無變亂之患，計得（於）〔則〕外無死
虜之禍。故存國者，非仁義也。仁者，慈惠而輕財者也；暴者，心毅而易誅者也。慈惠則不忍，輕財則
好與。心毅則憎心見於下，易誅則妄殺加於人。不忍則罰多宥赦，好與則賞多無功。憎心見則下怨其
上，妄誅則民將背叛。故仁人在位，下肆而輕犯禁法，偷幸而望於上；暴人在位，則法令妄而臣主乖，
民怨而亂心生。故曰：仁暴者，皆亡國者也。
不能具美食而勸餓人飯，不為能活餓者也；不能辟草生粟而勸貸施賞賜，不能為富民者也。今學者之言
也，不務本作而好末事，知道虛聖以說民，此勸飯之說。勸飯之說，明主不受也。
書約而弟子辯，法省而民訟簡，是以聖人之書必著論，明主之法必詳盡事。盡思慮，揣得失，智者之所
難也；無思無慮，挈前言而責後功，愚者之所易也。明主慮愚者之所易，（以）〔不〕責智者之所難，
故智慮力勞不用而國治也。
酸甘鹹淡，不以口斷而決於宰尹，則廚人輕君而重於宰尹矣。上下清濁，不以耳斷而決於樂正，則瞽工
輕君而重於樂正矣。治國是非，不以術斷而決於寵人，則臣下輕君而重於寵人矣。人主不親觀聽，而制
斷在下，託食於國者也。
使人不衣不食而不飢不寒，又不惡死，則無事上之意。意欲不宰於君，則不可使也。今生殺（人）
〔之〕柄，在大臣，而主令得行者，未嘗有也。虎豹必不用其爪牙而與鼷鼠同威，萬金之家必不用其富
厚而與監門同資。有土之君，說人不能利，惡人不能害，索人欲畏重己，不可得也。
人臣肆意陳欲曰俠，人主肆意陳欲曰亂，人臣輕上曰驕，人主輕下曰暴。行理同實，下以受譽，上以得
非。人臣大得，人主大亡。明主之國，有貴臣，無重臣。貴〔臣〕者，爵尊而官大也；重臣者，言聽而
力多者也。明主之國，遷官襲級，官爵受功，故有貴臣。言不度行而有偽必誅，故無重臣也。
Chapter XLVII. Eight Fallacies1
Who does private favours to old acquaintances, is called a kind-hearted alter ego. Who distributes alms with
public money, is called a benevolent man. Who makes light of bounties but thinks much of himself, is called a
superior man. Who strains the law to shield his relatives, is called a virtuous man. Who deserts official posts for
cultivating personal friendships, is called a chivalrous man. Who keeps aloof from the world and avoids all
superiors, is called lofty. Who quarrels with people and disobeys orders, is called an unyielding hero. Who
bestows favours and attracts the masses of people, is called a popular idol.
However, the presence of kind-hearted men implies the existence of culprits among the magistrates; the presence
of benevolent men, the losses of public funds; the presence of superior men, the difficulty in employing the
people; the presence of virtuous men, the violation of laws and statutes; the appearance of chivalrous men,
vacancies of official posts; the appearance of lofty men, the people's neglect of their proper duties; the
emergence of unyielding heroes, the inefficacy of orders; and the appearance of popular idols, the isolation of the
sovereign from the subjects.
These eight involve private honours to ruffians but great damage to the lord of men. The opposite of these eight
involve private damage to ruffians but public benefits to the lord of men. If the lord of men does not consider the
benefits and damage to the Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain but promotes the private honours of ruffians, to
find neither danger nor chaos in the state will be impossible.
To entrust men with state affairs is the pivot between life and death, between order and chaos. If the superior has
no tact to appoint men to office, every appointment to office will end in failure. Now, those who are taken into
office by the ruler of men are either eloquent and astute or refined and polished. To entrust men is to let them
have influence. Yet astute men are not necessarily trustworthy. Inasmuch as the ruler makes much of their
wisdom, he is thereby misled to trust them. If such astute men, with their calculating mind, take advantage of
their official influence and work after their own private needs, the ruler will, no doubt, be deceived. For astute
men are not trustworthy. For the same reason, to appoint refined gentlemen to office is to let them decide on state
affairs. Yet the refined gentlemen are not necessarily wise. Inasmuch as the ruler makes much of their polished
manners, he is thereby misled to regard them as wise. If such stupid men, 2 despite their mental confusion, take
advantage of their administrative posts and do as they please, the state affairs will fall into turmoil. Thus, if the
ruler has no tact to use men, when astute men are taken into service, he will be deceived; when refined men are
appointed to office, the state affairs 3 will fall into turmoil. Such is the calamity of tactlessness.
According to the Tao of the enlightened ruler, the humble can 4 criticize the faults of the noble; the inferiors must
denounce the crimes of the superiors; sincerity is judged by the comparison of diverse opinions; and information
has no biased channel. Consequently, wise men can not practise fraud and deceit; rewards are bestowed
according to meritorious services; men are assigned different duties according to their respective talents; and
failures are determined in the light of original purposes. Whoever commits an offence, is convicted; whoever has
a special talent, is given a post. Therefore, stupid men can not be entrusted with state affairs. If astute men dare
not deceive the superior and stupid men can not decide on any state affair, then nothing will fail.
What can be understood only by clear-sighted scholars should not be made an order, because the people are not
all clear-sighted. What can be practised only by wise men should not be made a law, because the people are not
all wise. Yang Chu and Mo Ti were regarded as clear-sighted by Allunder-Heaven. Though their teachings have
alleviated the chaos of the world, yet they have not brought the world into order. However enlightened, the
creeds should not be promulgated as decrees by any governmental organ. Pao Chiao and Hua Chioh were
regarded as wise by All-underHeaven. Yet Pao Chiao dried up to death like a tree while Hua Chioh drowned
himself in a river. However wise, they could not be turned into farmers and warriors. Therefore, whoever is
regarded by the lord of men as clear-sighted, must be a wise man who would exert his eloquence; whoever is
regarded by the lord of men as honourable, must be an able man who would do his best. Now that sovereigns of
this age give ear to useless eloquence and uphold fruitless conduct, to strive after the wealth and strength of the
state is impossible.
Erudite, learned, eloquent, and wise, as Confucius and Mo Tzŭ were, if Confucius and Mo Tzŭ would never till
and weed farming land, what could they contribute to the state? Cultivating the spirit of filial piety and
eliminating desires as Tsêng Shan and Shih Chìu did, if Tsêng Shan and Shih Chìu would never fight and
attack, how could they benefit the state? The ruffians have their private advantages, the lord of men has his
public benefits. Acquiring enough provisions without hard work and cultivating fame without holding office, are
private advantages. Clarifying laws and statutes by forbidding literary learning and concentrating on meritorious
services by suppressing private advantages, are public benefits. To enact the law is to lead the people, whereas if
the superior esteems literary learning, the people will become sceptical in following 5 the law. To reward for
merit is to encourage the people, whereas if the superior honours the cultivation of virtuous conduct, the people
will become lazy in producing profits. If the superior holds literary learning in high esteem and thereby causes
doubt in the law, and if he honours the cultivation of virtuous conduct and thereby causes disbelief in meritorious
work, to strive after the wealth and strength of the state is impossible.
Neither the official tablet inserted in the girdle nor the dancer's shield and small axe can rival 6 the real halberd 7
and the iron harpoon. The manners of ascending and descending the steps and standing and turning in the court
can not be compared with the march 8 of one hundred li a day. Shooting the feigned badger's head 9 is not
equivalent to discharging swift arrows from the wide-drawn cross-bow. Shield and walls as well as huge war
chariots 10 are not as good defence works as earthen forts, trenches, and under-ground bellows.
Men of antiquity strove to be known as virtuous; those of the middle age struggled to be known as wise; and now
men fight for the reputation of being powerful. In antiquity, events were few; measures were simple, naïve,
crude, and incomplete. Therefore there were men using spears made of mother-of-pearl, and those pushing carts.
In antiquity, again people were few and therefore kind to one another; things being few, they made light of
profits and made alienations easy. Hence followed alienations of the throne by courtesy and transfer of the rule
over All-under-Heaven. That being so, to do courteous alienations, promote compassion and beneficence, and
follow benevolence and favour, was to run the government in the primitive way. In the age of numerous affairs,
to employ the instruments of the management of affairs that were few, is not the wise man's measure. Again, in
the age of great struggles, to follow the track of courteous alienations, is not the sage's policy. For this reason,
wise men do not personally push carts and sages do not run any government in the primitive way.
Laws are means of controlling affairs. Affairs are means of celebrating merits. When laws are made and found to
involve difficulties, then the ruler must estimate the difficulties. If he finds the tasks can be accomplished, then
he must enact them. If he finds the accomplishment of the tasks involves losses, then he must estimate the losses.
If he finds gains will exceed losses, then he must transact them. For there are in Allunder-Heaven neither laws
without difficulties nor gains without losses. For this reason, whoever takes a city whose walls are ten thousand
feet long and defeats any army of one hundred thousand troops, though he has to lose at least one third 11 of his
men and see his arms and weapons either crushed or broken and his officers and soldiers either killed or injured,
yet he celebrates his victory in the war and his gain of new territory because by calculation he has harvested
great gains at the cost of small losses. Indeed, the washer of the head has falling hair, the curer of boils hurts
blood and flesh. Who governs men, encounters difficulties in the way, and therefore gives up the work, is a
tactless man. The early sages said: "When compasses have aberrations, or when water has waves, though I want
to correct them, nothing can be done." This is a dictum well used in the doctrine of expediency. For this reason,
there are theories that are plausible but far from practical and there are speeches that have poor wording but are
urgently useful. The sages, accordingly, never looked for any harmless word but attended to difficult tasks.
Men make no fuss about balance and weight. This is not because they are upright and honest and would ward off
profits, but because the weight can not change the quantities of things according to human wants nor can the
balance make things lighter or heavier according to human wishes. Acquiescing in the inability to get what they
want, people make no fuss. In the state of an intelligent sovereign, officials dare not bend the law, magistrates
dare not practise selfishness, and bribery does not prevail. It is because all tasks within the boundary work like
weight and balance, wherefore any wicked minister is always found out and anybody known for wickedness is
always censured. For this reason, the sovereign upholding the true path, instead of seeking magistrates who are
pure and honest, strives after omniscience.
The compassionate mother, in loving her little child, is surpassed by none. Yet, when the child has mischievous
actions, she sends him to follow the teacher; when he is badly ill, she sends him to see the physician. For without
following the teacher he is liable to penalty; without seeing the physician he is susceptible to death. Thus, though
the compassionate mother loves the child, she is helpless in saving him from penalty and from death. If so, what
preserves the child is not love.
The bond of mother and child is love, the relationship of ruler and minister is expediency. If the mother can not
preserve the family by virtue of love, how can the ruler maintain order in the state by means of love? The
intelligent sovereign, if well versed in the principles of wealth and strength, can get what he wants. Thus,
prudence in heeding memorials and managing affairs is the royal road to wealth and strength. He makes his laws
and prohibitions clear and considers his schemes and plans carefully. If laws are clear, at home there will be no
worry about any emergency or disturbance; if plans are right, there will be no disaster of either death or captivity
abroad. Therefore, what preserves the state is not benevolence and righteousness. Who is benevolent, is tender-
hearted and beneficent and makes light of money; who is violent, has a stubborn mind and censures people
easily. If tender-hearted and beneficent, he will be unable to bear executions; if easy in money, he will like to
bestow favours. If he has a stubborn mind, he will reveal his ill will to the inferiors; if he censures people easily,
he will inflict the death penalty upon anybody. Unable to bear executions, one would remit most punishments;
fond of bestowing favours, one would mostly reward men of no merit. When ill will is revealed, the inferiors
will hate the superiors; when arbitrary censure prevails, the people will rebel. Therefore, when a benevolent man
is on the throne, the inferiors are wild, easily violate laws and prohibitions, expect undue gifts, and hope for
personal favours from the superior. When a violent man is on the throne, laws and decrees are arbitrary; ruler and
minister oppose each other; the people grumble and beget the spirit of disorder. Hence the saying: "Both
benevolence and violence drive the state to ruin."
Who can not prepare good food but invites starvelings to diet, can not save their lives. Who can not mow grass
and grow rice but promotes the distribution of loans, alms, prizes, and gifts, can not enrich the people. The
learned men of today, in their speeches, do not emphasize the need of primary callings but are fond of advocating
secondary works and preach the gospel of emptiness and saintliness so as to delight the people. To do this is as
fallacious as to invite people to poor diet. Any persuasion of the "invitation-to-poor-diet" 12 type the intelligent
sovereign never accepts.
When writings are too sketchy, pupils debate; when laws are too vague, vagabonds dispute 13 . For this reason,
the writings of the sages always illustrate their discussions, the laws of the intelligent ruler always penetrate the
minute details of fact. To exert thought and consideration and forecast gains and losses, is hard even to wise
men; to hold the antecedent word accountable for the consequent result, is easy even to fools. The intelligent
sovereign accepts what is easy to stupid men but rejects 14 what is difficult to wise men. Therefore, without
resorting to wisdom and thought, the state is in good order.
If the taste, whether sour or sweet, salty or insipid, is not judged by the mouth of the sovereign but determined
by the chef, then all the cooks will slight the ruler and revere the chef. If the note, whether high or low, clear or
mixed, is not judged by the ear of the sovereign but by the head musician, then the blind 15 players will slight the
ruler and revere the head musician. Similarly, if the government of the state, whether right or wrong, is not
judged by the sovereign's own tact but determined by his favourites, then the ministers and inferiors will slight
the ruler and revere the favourites. The lord of men, who does not personally observe deeds and examine words
but merely entrusts the inferiors with all matters of restriction and judgment, is nobody other than a lodger and
boarder in the state.
Suppose people have neither clothes nor food and suffer neither hunger nor cold and, moreover, do not fear
death, then they will have no intention to serve the superior. If they intend not to be ruled by the ruler, the ruler
can not employ them. Now, if the power over life and death is vested in the chief vassals, then no decree of the
sovereign can ever prevail. Should tigers and leopards make no use of their claws and fangs, in influence they
would become the same as rats and mice; should families worth ten thousand pieces of gold make no use of their
riches, in status they would become the same as gate-keepers. If the ruler of a country could neither benefit men
he approves nor injure men he disapproves, to make men fear and revere him would be impossible.
Ministers who act at random and give rein to their wants, are said to be chivalrous; the lord of men who acts at
random and gives rein to his wants, is said to be outrageous. Ministers who slight the superior, are said to be
brave 16 ; the lord of men who slights the inferiors is said to be violent. While the principles of conduct follow the
same track, the inferiors thereby receive praises and the superior thereby incurs blame. If the ministers gain so
much, the lord of men will lose so much. In the state of an intelligent sovereign, however, there are noble
ministers but no powerful ministers. By noble ministers are meant those whose ranks are high and whose posts
are big; by powerful ministers are meant those whose counsels are adopted and whose influences are enormous.
In the state of the intelligent sovereign, again, officials are raised and ranks are granted according to their
respective merits, 17 wherefore there are noble ministers; words always turn into deeds 18 and any fraud is always
censured, wherefore there are no powerful ministers.
Notes
1. 八說. Its English rendering by L. T. Chen is "The Eight Theories" (Liang, op. cit., p. 127, f. 3), which is
inaccurate.
2. With Wan Hsien-chìen 所 before 惽 is superfluous.
3. With Wang 君 before 事 is superfluous.
4. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 德 should be 得.
5. With Wang Hsien-chìen 所 before 師法 is superfluous.
6. Ku Kuang-ts'ê read 適 for 敵.
7. With Sun I-jang 有方 should be 酋矛.

8. Ku Kuang-ts'ê read 奏 for 溱.
9. Such was the practice of one of the Six Arts in the school curriculum during the Chou Dynasty.
10. These were special kinds of weapons employed by King Wên of Chou.
11. Wang Hsien-shen proposed 垂 for 乘.
12. 勸飯之說.
13. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 民訟簡 should be 民盟訟.
14. With Ku 以 above 責 should be 不.
15. Most famous musicians in those days were talented blind folk.
16. Sun I-jang proposed 橋 for 驕.
17. With Wang Hsien-shen 遷官襲級官爵受功 means 遷官襲紙必因其功.
18. With Wang 言不度行 should be 言必行.
48 八經第四十八
48．1 因情
凡治天下，必因人情。人情者有好惡，故賞罰可用；賞罰可用，則禁令可立，而治道具矣。君執柄以處
勢，故令行禁止。柄者，殺生之制也；勢者，勝眾之資也。
廢置無度則權瀆，賞罰下共則威分。是以明主不懷愛而聽，不留說而計。故聽言不參，則權分乎姦；智
力不用，則君窮乎臣。故明主之行制也天，其用人也鬼。天則不非，鬼則不困。勢行教嚴，逆而不違，
毀譽一行而不議。故賞賢罰暴，舉善之至者也；賞暴罰賢，舉惡之至者也：是謂賞同罰異。
賞莫如厚，使民利之；譽莫如美，使民榮之；誅莫如重，使民畏之；毀莫如惡，使民恥之。然後一行其
法，禁誅於私家，不害功罪。賞罰必知之，知之，道盡矣。
48．2 主道
力不敵眾，智不盡物。與其用一人，不如用一國，故智力敵而群物勝。揣中則私勞，不中則（在）
〔任〕過。
下君盡己之能，中君盡人〔之〕力，上君盡人之智。是以事至而結智，一聽而公會。聽不一則後悖於
前，後悖於前則愚智不分；不公會則猶豫而不斷，不斷則事留。自取一，則毋（道）墮壑之累。故使之
諷，諷定而怒。是以言陳之（曰）〔日〕，必有筴籍。結智者事發而驗，結能者功見而謀成敗。成敗有
徵，賞罰隨之。事成則君收其功，規敗則臣任其罪。
君人者合符猶不親，而況於力乎？事智猶不親，而況於懸乎？故（非）〔其〕用人也不取同，同則君
怒。使人相用則君神，〔君神〕則下盡。下盡（下），則臣上不因君，而主道畢矣。
48．3 起亂
知臣主之異利者王，以為同者劫，與共事者殺。故明主審公私之分，審利害之地，姦乃無所乘。
亂之所生六也：主母，后姬，子姓，弟兄，大臣，顯賢。任吏責臣，主母不放；禮施異等，后姬不疑；
分勢不貳，庶適不爭；權籍不失，兄弟不侵；下不一門，大臣不擁；禁賞必行，顯賢不亂。
臣有二因，謂外內也。外曰畏，內曰愛。所畏之求得，所愛之言聽，此亂臣之所因也。外國之置諸吏
者，結誅親暱重帑，則外不籍矣；爵祿循功，請者俱罪，則內不因矣。外不籍，內不因，則姦（充）
〔宄〕塞矣。
官襲節而進，以至大任，智也。其位至而任大者，以三節持之：曰質，曰鎮，曰固。親戚妻子，質也；
爵祿厚而必，鎮也；參伍（貴帑）〔責怒〕，固也。賢者止於質，貪饕化於鎮，姦邪窮於固。忍不制則
下上，小不除則大誅，而名實當則徑之。生害事，死傷名，則行飲食；不然，而與其讎，此謂除陰姦
也。（醫）〔翳〕曰詭，詭曰易。（易）〔見〕功而賞，見罪而罰，而詭乃止。是非不泄，說諫不通，
而易乃不用。
父兄賢良播出曰遊禍，其患鄰敵多資。僇辱之人近習曰狎賊，其患發忿疑辱之心生。藏怒持罪而不發曰
增亂，其患徼幸妄舉之人起。大臣兩重提衡而不踦曰卷禍，其患家隆劫殺之難作。脫易不自神曰彈威，
其患賊夫酖毒之亂起。此五患者，人主之不知，則有劫殺之事。廢置之事，生於內則治，生於外則亂。
是以明主以功論之內，而以利資之外，（其故）〔故其〕國治而敵亂。即亂之道：臣憎，則起外若眩；
臣愛，則起內若藥。
48．4 立道
參伍之道：行參以謀多，揆伍以責失。行參必拆，揆伍必怒。不拆則瀆上，不怒則相和。拆之徵足以知
多寡，怒之前不及其眾。觀聽之勢，其徵在比周而賞異也，誅毋謁而罪同。言會眾端，必揆之以地，謀
之以天，驗之以物，參之以人。四徵者符，乃可以觀矣。
參言以知其誠，易視以改其澤，執見以得非常。一用以務近習，重（官）〔言〕以懼遠使。舉往以悉其
前，即邇以知其內，置以知其外。握明以問所闇，詭使以絕黷泄。倒言以嘗所疑，論反以得陰姦。設
諫以綱獨為，舉錯以觀姦動。明說以誘避過，卑適以觀直諂。宣聞以通未見，作鬭以散朋黨。深一以
（敬）〔警〕眾心，泄異以易其慮。
似類則合其參，陳過則明其固。知〔罪〕辟罪以止威，陰使時循以省（）〔衷〕，漸更以離通比。下
約以侵其上，相室約其廷臣，廷臣約其官屬，（兵士）〔軍吏〕約其（軍吏）〔兵士〕，遣使約其行
介，縣令約其辟吏，郎中約其左右，后姬約其宮媛。
此之謂條達之道，言通事泄，則術不行。
48．5 參言
明主，其務在周密，是以喜見則德償，怒見則威分。故明主之言隔塞而不通，周密而不見。故以一得十
者下道也，以十得一者上道也。明主兼行上下，故姦無所失。伍、（官）〔閭〕、連、縣而鄰，謁過
賞，失過誅。上之於下，下之於上亦然。是故上下貴賤相畏以法，相誨以（和）〔利〕。民之性，有生
之實，有生之名。為君者，有賢知之名，有賞罰之實。名實俱至，故福善必聞矣。
48．6 聽法
聽不參，則無以責下；言不督乎用，則邪說當上。言之為物也以多信，不然之物，十人云疑，百人然
乎！千人不可解也。吶者言之疑，辯者言之信。姦之食上也，取資乎眾，籍信乎辯，而以類飾其私。人
主不饜忿而待合參，其勢資下也。
有道之主聽言，督其用，課其功，功課而賞罰生焉，故無用之辯不留朝。任事者知不足以治職，則
（放）官收。說大而誇則窮端，故姦得而怒。無故而不當為誣，誣而罪臣。言必有報，說必責用也，故
朋黨之言不上聞。
凡聽之道，人臣忠論以聞姦，博論以內一；人主不智，則姦得資。明主之道，己喜，則求其所納；己
怒，則察其所搆；論於已變之後，以得毀譽公私之徵。
眾諫以效智故，使君自取一以避罪。故眾之諫也敗，君之取也。無副言於上以設將然，（今）〔令〕符
言於後以知謾誠語。明主之道，臣不得兩諫，必任其一語；不得擅行，必合其參，故姦無道進矣。
48．7 類柄
官之重也，毋法也；法之息也，上闇也。上闇無度，則官擅為；官擅為，故奉重無前；〔奉重無前〕，
則徵多；徵多故富。官之富重也，亂功之所生也。
明主之道，取於任，賢於官，賞於功。言程，主喜，俱必利；不當，主怒，俱必害；則人不私父兄而進
其仇讎。勢足以行法，奉足以給事，而私無所生，故民勞苦而輕官。
任事也毋重，使其寵必在爵；處官者毋私，使其利必在祿，故民尊爵而重祿。爵祿，所以賞也；民重所
以賞也，則國治。
刑之煩也，名之繆也。賞譽不當則民疑，民之重名與其重賞也均。賞者有誹焉，不足以勸；罰者有譽
焉，不足以禁。明主之道，賞必出乎公利，名必在乎為上。賞譽同軌，非誅俱行。然則民無榮於賞之
內。有重罰者必有惡名，故民畏。罰，所以禁也；民畏所以禁，則國治矣。
48．8〔主威〕
行義示則主威分，慈仁聽則法制毀。民以制畏上，而上以勢卑下，故下肆很觸而榮於輕君之俗，則主威
分。民以法難犯上，而上以法撓慈仁，故下明愛施而務賕（紋）〔納〕之政，是以法令隳。尊私行以貳
主威，行賕（紋）〔納〕以疑法。聽之則亂治，不聽則謗主，故君輕乎位而法亂乎官，此之謂無常之
國。
明主之道，臣不得以行義成榮，不得以家利為功。功名所生，必出於官法。法之所外，雖有難行，不
以顯焉，故民無以私名。設法度以齊民，信賞罰以盡民能，明誹譽以勸沮。名號、賞罰、法令三隅。故
大臣有行則尊君，百姓有功則利上，此之謂有道之國也。
Chapter XLVIII. Eight Canons1
1. Accordance with Human Feelings 2: Accumulation of Wisdom 3
Generally speaking, the order of All-under-Heaven must accord with human feelings. Human feelings have likes
and dislikes, wherefore reward and punishment can be applied. If reward and punishment are applicable,
prohibitions and orders will prevail and the course of government will be accomplished. As the ruler has the
handles in his grip and thereby upholds his august position, what is ordered works and what is prohibited stops.
The handles are regulators of life and death; the position is the means of overcoming the masses.
If dismissal and appointment have no constant rule, the sovereign's prerogative will be profaned; if matters of
reward and punishment are administered in common by the sovereign and the inferiors, the sovereign's authority
will be shaken. For this reason, the intelligent sovereign does not listen with the attitude of love nor does he
scheme with the sense of delight. For, if he does not compare the words he heeds, his prerogative will be shaken
by rapacious ministers; if he does not make use of the ministers' wisdom and strength, he will be harassed by the
ministers. Therefore, the sovereign, when enforcing regulations, is as magnificent as heaven, and, when using
men, is as mysterious as the spirit. For heaven cannot be confuted and the spirit cannot be harassed by human
beings. When the position functions and the training is strict, though the ruler acts contrary to the world, nobody
dares to disobey. Once blame and praise prevail under a unified system, nobody dares to dispute. Therefore, to
reward the wise and punish the violent is the best way to exalt good people; to reward the outrageous and punish
the wise is the extremity to exalt bad people, which is said to be rewarding participants in wickedness and
punishing opponents to it.
Now, rewards should not be otherwise than liberal, so that the people will consider them profitable; honours
should not be otherwise than attractive, so that the people will consider them glorious; censures should not be
otherwise than strict, so that the people will consider them severe; and blame should not be otherwise than
odious, so that the people will consider it disgraceful. Thereafter, the ruler will universally enforce his laws.
When prohibitions and censures of private families mean no harm to the people, and when men of merit
deserving reward and culprits deserving punishment are always known, the system of intelligent service is
accomplished.
2. The Tao of the Sovereign4: Organizing the Wise 5
As one man in physical strength can not rival a multitude of people and in wisdom can not comprehend
everything, using one man's strength and wisdom can not be compared with using the strength and wisdom of
the whole state. Therefore, who with his own strength and wisdom defies people, will be overcome in all things.
If he by chance hits the object, he will have already over-worked himself; if he misses the object, he will be held
responsible 6 for the mistake.
The inferior ruler exerts his own ability; the average ruler exerts people's physical strength; and the superior ruler
exerts people's wisdom. For this reason, in case of emergency he gathers the wise men, listens to each one, and
calls a conference. If he does not listen to each one, consequent results will be contrary to antecedent words. If
consequent results are contrary to antecedent words, there will be no distinction 7 between the stupid and the
wise. If the ruler does not call a conference, there will be hesitation and no decision. Without decision,
everything will come to a standstill. If the ruler adopts one of the counsels himself, he will have no fear of falling
into the trap of rapacious people. Therefore, he should let everybody utter his opinions. After opinions are
settled, he should hold them responsible 8 for equivalent results. For this purpose, on the day that opinions are
uttered, he should make written memoranda. Thus, the organizer of wise men verifies their words after starting
the tasks; the organizer of able men estimates 9 their merits after seeing their works. Success and failure leave
evidence, which reward and punishment follow respectively. If tasks are successfully accomplished, the ruler
harvests their fruits; if they fail, the ministers face criminal charges.
Who rules over men, never busies himself with the identification of tallies, not to mention laborious work. Nor
does he busy himself in case of 10 emergency at hand, still less with distant affairs. Therefore, self-exhaustion is
not the right policy in personnel administration. The ruler does not take advice from the same source. If ministers
unify their words, the ruler will reprimand them. If he makes people exert their respective abilities, he will
become godlike. If he is godlike, the inferiors will exert their wisdom. If every inferior exerts his wisdom 11 the
ministers will not take advantage of the ruler and the Tao of the sovereign will be accomplished.
3. Preventing the Rise of Commotions12
Who knows ruler and minister differ in interest, will become supreme. Who regards the difference 13 as identity,
will be intimidated. Who administers the state affairs in common with his ministers, will be killed. Therefore, the
intelligent sovereign will scrutinize the distinctions between public and private interests and the relative
positions of benefit and harm, so that wicked men will find no chance to act.
There are six kinds of creators of commotions, namely, dowagers, concubines, bastards, brothers, chief vassals,
and celebrities for wisdom. If magistrates are appointed and ministers bear responsibilities in accordance with
law, the sovereign's mother will not dare any kind of rampancy. If propriety and bestowal have different grades,
concubines can not speculate whether their sons might replace the heir apparent. If the supreme position tolerates
no rivalry, bastards cannot dispute with legitimate sons. If authority and position 14 are not shaken, royal brothers
cannot trespass on the ruler's power. If subordinate officials are not from the same clan, chief vassals can not
delude the ruler. If prohibitions and rewards are always enforced, celebrities for wisdom cannot create any
commotion. . . . 15
Ministers have two resorts, called outer and inner. The outer is said to be "the feared"; the inner, "the loved".
What is requested by the feared is granted; what is suggested by the loved, is followed. Thus, the feared and the
loved are what the rapacious ministers appeal to. If officials recommended by foreign states are cross-examined
16
and censured for their continuous development of personal friendships and acceptance of bribes from abroad,
they will not count on the outer resort. If ranks and bounties follow meritorious services, and if those who make
request on behalf of their friends and relatives are equally implicated in the practice of favouritism, nobody will
count on the inner resort. If both the outer and the inner resorts are not relied on, culprits outside and inside 17 the
court will be suppressed.
Officials who advance according to the regular order till they reach posts of great responsibilities, are wise.
Those whose posts are high and responsibilities are great, should be held under surveillance by three means of
control, namely, "taking hostages" 18 , "holding securities" 19 , and "finding sureties" 20 . Relatives, wives and sons
can be taken as hostages; ranks and bounties can be held as securities; and the "three units and basic fives" that
are implicated 21 in any of the members' illegal acts, can be found as sureties. Worthies refrain from evils for fear
of "hostage-taking"; greedy people are transformed by the measure of "security-holding"; and culprits are
harassed by the measure of "surety-using". If the superior does not exercise these means of control, the inferiors
will dare to infringe upon his authority 22 . If small culprits are not eliminated, he will have to censure great
culprits. When censuring 23 culprits, if name and fact correspond to each other, he should immediately enforce
the censure. If their life is detrimental to the state affairs and their death penalty is harmful to the ruler's name,
then he should poison them through drinking or eating, otherwise send them into the hands of their enemies. This
is said to "eliminate invisible culprits" 24 . Harbouring 25 culprits is due 26 to the practice of misrepresentation.
The practice of misrepresentation is due to the contempt for the law. If visible merits are always rewarded and
disclosed crimes are punished, the practice of misrepresentation will stop. Him who gives no opinion of right or
wrong, presents unreasonable persuasions and remonstrations, and shows contempt for the law, the ruler should
not take into service.
Uncles, cousins, or worthy and excellent ministers, living in exile, are said to be "roaming calamities" 27 . Their
menace comes from their provision of neighbouring enemies with numerous opportunities. Eunuchs and
courtiers are said to be "profligate rebels". 28 Their menace comes from their ill will caused by irritation and
suspicion. To conceal anger, shelter criminals, and harbour them, is said to "increase commotions" 29 . The
menace lies in the rise of men expecting godsends and making arbitrary promotions. To delegate equal authority
to two chief vassals and maintain the balance of power between them without partiality, is said to "nourish
calamities" 30 . The menace lies in the precipitation of family quarrels 31 , intimidations, and regicides. To be
careless and not to keep oneself godlike, is called to "lose prestige" 32 . Its menace lies in the rise of such treason
as regicide by poisoning. These five are menaces, which, if the lord of men ignores them, will eventually
precipitate such disasters as intimidation and regicide. If matters of dismissal and appointment originate from
inside, then there will be order; if from outside 33 , then chaos. Therefore, the intelligent sovereign would
estimate meritorious services inside the court and harvest profits from abroad. Consequently, his state is always
orderly; his enemies, always chaotic. The reason for chaos is that unduly hated ministers would create such outer
commotions by means of delusion, and unduly loved vassals would create such inner commotions by means of
poisoning.
4. Enforcing the System of Three Units and Basic Fives34
The system of "three units and basic fives" means to choose the plan held by the majority when different
opinions are subsumed under three categories, and to organize basic groups of five families and implicate all the
members of each group in any member's misconduct. Thus, the comparison of different opinions always
differentiates the majority and the minority from each other; the organization of groups of five families always
holds members of the same group jointly responsible 35 . If not differentiated, they would profane the superior's
authority; if not held responsible, they would co-operate in evil doings. 36 Therefore, the ruler should differentiate
them when their number is still small and can be easily known. When angry, he should censure only the culprits
but not their relatives. His position of observing deeds and heeding speeches is demonstrated by his punishing 37
all clique members, rewarding non-partisans 38 , censuring women 39 interviewers, and convicting their adherents.
Regarding the diverse opinions uttered simultaneously, he should estimate them in the light of their backgrounds,
scrutinize them with the principles of heaven, verify them by the course of affairs, and compare them with the
sentiments of mankind. If these four demonstrations coincide with one another, then the ruler may proceed to
observe deeds.
Compare different words and thereby know the true one. Change 40 the perspectives and thereby detect 41 the
choice abode. Stick to your own view and thereby hold your extraordinary 42 standpoint. Unify the system of
personnel administration and thereby warn the courtiers. 43 Dignify your words and thereby scare distant
officials. Cite the past facts and thereby check the antecedent words. Keep detectives near by the officials and
thereby know their inner conditions. Send detectives 44 afar and thereby know outer affairs. Hold to your clear
knowledge and thereby inquire into obscure objects. Give ministers false encouragements and thereby extirpate
their attempts to infringe on the ruler's rights. Invert your words and thereby try out the suspects. Use
contradictory arguments 45 and thereby find out the invisible culprits. Establish the system of espionage 46 and
thereby rectify the fraudulent 47 people. Make appointments and dismissals and thereby observe the reactions of
wicked officials. Speak explicitly and thereby persuade people to avoid faults. Humbly follow others' speeches
and thereby discriminate between earnest men and flatterers. Get information from everybody and know things
you have not yet seen. Create quarrels among adherents and partisans and thereby disperse them. Explore the
depths of one culprit and thereby warn the mind of the many. Divulge false ideas and thereby make the inferiors
think matters over.
In the case of similarities and resemblances, identify their common points. When stating anybody's faults, grasp
the causes, know the due penalties, 48 and thereby justify 49 the exercise of your authority. Send out spies in secret
to inspect the enemy states from time to time and thereby find their signs of decay. Gradually change envoys sent
abroad and thereby break up their secret communications and private friendships with foreign states. Put every
subordinate under surveillance by his immediate principal. Thus, ministers discipline their vassals; vassals
discipline their dependents; soldiers and officials discipline their troops; envoys discipline their deputies;
prefects discipline their subordinates; courtiers discipline their attendants; and queens and concubines discipline
their court maids. Such is said to be "the systematic thorough way" 50 .
If words are divulged and affairs leak out, then no statecraft will function at all.
5. Devotion to Secrecy51
The lord of men has the duty of devoting his attention to secrecy. For this reason, when his delight is revealed,
his conduct will be slighted; 52 when his anger is revealed, his prestige will fall to the ground. The words of the
intelligent sovereign, therefore, are blockaded in such wise that they are not communicable outwards and are
kept in such secrecy that they are unknowable. Therefore, to find ten culprits with the wisdom of one person is
an inferior way, to find one culprit through the mutual watch of ten persons is a superior way. 53 As the intelligent
sovereign takes both the superior and the inferior ways, no culprit is ever missed. Members of the same group of
five families, of the same village, 54 and of the same county, 55 all live like close neighbours. Who denounces
anybody else's fault, is rewarded; who misses 56 anybody else's fault, is censured. The same is true of the superior
towards the inferior and of the inferior towards the superior. Accordingly, superior and inferior, high and low,
warn each other to obey the law, and teach each other to secure profits. 57 By nature everybody wants to live in
fact and in reputation. So does the ruler want both the name of being worthy and intelligent and the fact of
rewarding and punishing people. When fame and fact are equally complete, he will certainly be known as lucky
and good.
6. Comparing Different Speeches58
If speeches heard from inferiors are not compared, the superior will find no reason to call the inferiors to
account. If speeches are not held responsible for their utility, heretical theories will bewilder the superior. A word
is such that people believe in it because its upholders are numerous. An unreal thing, if its existence is asserted
by ten men, is still subject to doubt; if its existence is asserted by one hundred men, its reality becomes probable;
and if its existence is asserted by one thousand men, it becomes undoubtable. Again, if spoken about by
stammerers, it is susceptible to doubt; if spoken about by eloquent persons, it becomes believable. Wicked men,
when violating their superior, rely on the support of the many for their background, display their eloquence by
quoting forced analogies so as to embellish their selfish acts. If the lord of men shows no anger at them but
expects to compare and identify their deeds with their words, by force of circumstances his inferiors will be
benefited.
The sovereign upholding the true path, when heeding words, holds them accountable for their utility, and charges
them with their functions. From the requirement of successful functions there issue matters of reward and
punishment. Therefore, whoever displays useless eloquence, is never kept in the court; whoever is appointed to
office, if known to be unable to perform his duties, is removed from his post; 59 and whoever talks big and
exaggerates everything, is driven to his wits' end by the disappointing outcome. In consequence, there will be
disclosed wickednesses, wherefore the superior will be in a position to reprimand the culprits. Any word that
does not truly materialize with no extraneous hindrance, is a fraud. Of fraud the speaker should then be
convicted. In other words, every word has its retribution; every theory has its responsibility for utility.
Consequently, the words of rapacious ministers' adherents and partisans will not go into the superior's ear.
According to the right way of heeding suggestions in general, the ruler requires the minister to speak loyally to
him about any culprit, and to cite wide illustrations of every suggestion presented to him for adoption. 60 If the
sovereign is not wise, culprits will gain the advantage. Yet according to the intelligent sovereign's way, the ruler,
when pleased by any counsellor, would examine the accepted counsel in detail; when angered by any counsellor,
he would reconsider the whole contentions for the argument, and profane his judgment till his feelings have
become normal in order that he may thereby find sufficient reason to award the counsellor honour or disgrace
and determine whether his motive is public justice or private greediness.
Ministers usually present as many counsels as possible to display their wisdom and let the ruler choose one out
of them, so that they can avoid responsibilities. Therefore, when numerous counsels appear simultaneously, only
the fallen ruler would heed them. As for the intelligent sovereign, he would admit no alternative word in addition
to the original, but enact the system of future testimony by making 61 the consequent result testify the antecedent
project so as to ascertain the falsity or sincerity 62 of the counsellor. The way of the intelligent sovereign never
tolerates two different counsels by one minister, but restricts one person to one counsel at one time, allows
nobody to act at random, and always synthesizes the results of comparison. Therefore, the culprits find no way to
advance.
7. Confiding in the Law63
Officials are over-powerful because there are no effective laws. Laws stop functioning because the superior is
stupid. If the superior is stupid and upholds no rule, the officials will act at random. As the officials act at
random, their salaries will be surpassed by no precedent. If their salaries are surpassed by no predecessor, taxes
will be increased. As taxes are increased, they will become wealthy. The wealth and powerfulness of the officials
eventually breed chaos. 64
Under the intelligent sovereign's Tao, only trustworthy men are taken into service, only dutiful officials are
praised, and only men of merit are rewarded. When anybody recommends anybody else to the sovereign, if his
word materializes truly and thereby delights the ruler, then both he and the official should be equally benefited; if
his word does not truly materialize and thereby angers the ruler, then both he and that official should be equally
punished. If so, ministers will not dare grant their uncles and cousins personal favours, but will recommend their
enemies who have the required abilities. Their influences are sufficient to enforce the law, their allowances are
sufficient to perform their duties, and their self-seeking activities find no room to grow in. In consequence, the
people will work hard and lessen the officials' burden.
Whoever is entrusted with public affairs, should not be over-powerful. Only to his rank should the ruler ascribe
his honour. Whoever holds office should not be self-seeking. Only to his bounty should the ruler limit his
income. In consequence, the people will honour ranks and esteem bounties. Thus, rank and bounty will become
means of reward. When the people esteem these means of reward, the state will be in good order.
If norms are intricate, it is because terms are mistaken. If prizes and praises are not adequate, the people will
hang in suspense. Now that the people hold both fame and prizes in equal esteem, if the rewarded are slandered,
reward will not be fit to encourage people; if the punished are admired, then punishment will not be fit to
suppress culprits. It is the intelligent sovereign's way that rewards always result from contributions to public
benefit and that fame always originates in services to the superior. If reward and fame follow the same track and
slander and censure proceed in parallel, the people will find nothing more glorious than to be rewarded 65 and the
receivers of heavy penalties will always incur bad names. In consequence, the people will fear punishment, that
is, means of prohibition. If the people fear means of prohibition, the state will be in good order.
8. Upholding the Sovereign's Dignity66
If the sovereign manifests chivalrous conduct, his dignity will be shaken. If he follows theories of compassion
and benevolence, legal institutions will crumble. On account of such institutions the people revere the superior;
by virtue of his position the superior holds down the inferior. Therefore, if inferiors act at random,
unscrupulously violate the law, and honour the custom of slighting the ruler, then the sovereign's dignity will be
shaken. The people on account of the law hesitate to violate the superior; the superior on account of the law
suppresses the sentiments of compassion and benevolence. Thus, the inferiors appreciate favours and charities
and strive for a government with bribes and pay. 67 For this reason, laws and orders are failing in their aim.
Private actions are honoured, whereby the sovereign's dignity is shaken. Bribes and pay are used, whereby the
efficacy of laws and orders 68 is doubted. If such vices are tolerated, the government will be disturbed; if not, the
sovereign will be slandered. In the long run, the ruler's status will be despised and the regulations for the officials
will be confused. Such is called "a state without constant authority" 69 .
Under the Tao of the intelligent sovereign, no minister is allowed to practise chivalry and give honours nor is he
allowed to accomplish any merit for his family's sake. Achievement and reputation are always based on the
initiative of the regulations of the officials. What is against law, though it may involve difficulties, cannot be
celebrated. In consequence, the people will find no reason to make their reputation. Now, to establish laws and
regulations is to unify the people; to make reward and punishment faithful is to exert their abilities; and to make
slander and honours clear is to encourage good and discourage evil. Fame and titles, rewards and punishments,
laws and orders, are three pairs 70 of statecraft. . . . 71 Therefore, any action by the chief vassals will aim to
honour the ruler; any service by the hundred surnames will aim to benefit the superior. Such is called "a state on
the true path" 72 .
Notes
1. 八經. The text of this work was originally so corrupt that Ku Kuang-ts'ê gave it up as hopeless. Since the time
of Wang Hsien-shen scholars have managed to read it intelligibly. 八經 literally means "eight warps", each warp
representing a canon giving the ruler advice on how to control his ministers. In structure and function this work
closely resembles those on the "Inner and Outer Congeries of Sayings".
2. 因情, removed from the end of the canon to the beginning.
3. 收智. The sub-title is original.
4. 主道.
5. 結智. The sub-title is original.
6. With Wang Hsien-shên 在 should be 任.
7. With Kao Hêng 分 below 不 should be 紛. I disagree with him.
8. With Kao 怒 below 而 means 責.
9. With Wang Hsien-shên 誅 is a mistake for 論.
10. With Ku Kuang-ts'ê 智 should be 至.
11. With Wang Hsien-shen 下 above 則 is superfluous.
12. 起亂.
13. With Wang, Chao's edition has 異 below 以.
14. With Kao Hêng 籍 below 權 means 勢位.
15. Wang Hsien-shen thought there were hiatuses following this passage.
16. With Sun I-jang and Wang Hsien-chìen 結 above 誅 should be 詰.
17. 姦 refers to culprits outside; 宄 to those inside.
18. 質.
19. 鎭.
20. 固.
21. Wang Hsien-shen proposed 責怒 for 貴帑.
22. With Wang 忍不制則下上 should be 上不制則下忍.
23. With Ku Kuang-ts'ê 誅 should be supplied above 而.
24. 除陰姦. "Invisible culprits" refer to those who do not openly violate any written law and so can not be
publicly convicted of any crime, but are in reality antagonists to the existing law.
25. With Yü Yüeh 翳 means 蔽.
26. With Kao Hêng 曰 in both cases should be 因.
27. 游禍.
28. 狎賊.
29. 增亂.
30. 卷禍. With Sun I-jang 卷 should be 養.
31. Sun read 隆 for 關.
32. 彈威. With Wang Hsien-ch'ien 彈 is a mistake for 殫.
33. "To originate from inside" means "to originate on the initiative of the ruler himself" and "to originate from
outside" means "to originate with enemy states".
34. 立道. 道 here refers to 叅伍之道. Cf. Supra, XXXI, p. 5, f. 2.
35. With Kao Hêng 怒 in both cases should be 責.
36. With Kao 前 stands for 剪 meaning 剪裁.
37. Kao proposed the supply of 罰 above 比周.
38. With Kao and Lu Wên-shao 也 below 賞異 is superfluous.
39. With Kao 母謁 means 女謁.
40. With Wang Hsien-shen 攻 should be 攷.
41. With Wang 澤 should read 擇.
42. Hirazawa proposed 其常 for 非常. To me the change is unnecessary.
43. With Kao Hêng 務 above 近習 should be 矜 which means 戒.
44. With Yü Yüeh 疏置 should be 置疏.
45. With Yü 論反 should be 反論.
46. Wang Wei read 諫 for 閒.
47. Wang Hsien-chìen read 讀 for 偽.

48. With Kao Hêng 辟 refers to ### which is synonymous with 罪.
49. With Kao 止 above 威 should be 正.
50. 條達之道.
51. For the topic of this canon Hirazawa's edition has 周密 in place of 叅言. I regard 周密 as more suitable than
叅言.
52. Ku Kuang-ts'ê read 償 for 瀆.
53. Kao Hêng called the former way of judicial administration "deductive" and the latter "inductive."
54. 連 consists of two hundred and fifty families.
55. 縣 consists of two thousand five hundred families.
56. Wang Hsien-shen was wrong in regarding 失 as superfluous.
57. Wang proposed 利 for 和.
58. 叅言 as the title of this canon suits the content very well.
59. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 放 below 則 is superfluous, and 官收 should be 收官.
60. With Wang Hsien-chìen 内 means 納.
61. With Lu Wên-shao and Wang Hsien-shen 今 is a mistake for 令.
62. With Wang 語 below 誠 is superfluous.
63. 聼法.
64. With Wang Hsien-ch'ien 功 below 亂 is superfluous.
65. Wang Wei thought the sentence 然則民無榮於賞之内 involves errors or hiatuses. Hirazawa's and the
Waseda edition proposed 外 for 内. Evidently they treated 於 above 賞之外 as a preposition, "inside". Then 無
榮於賞之外 means in English "no glory except reward". To me there is no need of changing 内 into 外. As 於
can be treated as a conjunction, "than", 無榮於賞之内 means "nothing more glorious than to be included among
the rewarded" or concisely "nothing more glorious than to be rewarded."
66. 主威. The text of Canon Eight has 類柄 at the beginning and 主威 at the end. 主威 suits the general thought
of this canon better than 類柄.
67. With Sun I-jang 紋 should be 納.
68. Wang Hsien-shen proposed the supply of 令 below 法.
69. 無常之國.
70. I read 隅 for 偶.
71. Wang Hsien-shen thought there were hiatuses following this passage.
72. 有道之國.
Book Nineteen
49 五蠹第四十九
上古之世，人民少而禽獸眾，人民不勝禽獸蟲蛇。有聖人作，搆木為巢以避群害，而民悅之，使王天
下，號曰有巢氏。民食果蓏蜯蛤，腥臊惡臭而傷害腹胃，民多疾病。有聖人作，鑽燧取火以化腥臊，而
民說之，使王天下，號之曰燧人民。
中古之世，天下大水，而鯀、禹決瀆。近古之世，桀、紂暴亂，而湯、武征伐。
今有搆木鑽燧於夏后氏之世者，必為鯀、禹笑矣；有決瀆於殷、周之世者，必為湯、武笑矣。然則今有
美堯、舜、湯、武、禹之道於當今之世者，必為新聖笑矣。
是以聖人不期脩古，不法常可，論世之事，因為之備。
宋人有耕田者，田中有株，兔走觸株，折頸而死，因釋其耒而守株，冀復得兔，兔不可復得，而身為宋
國笑。今欲以先王之政，治當世之民，皆守株之類也。
古者丈夫不耕，草木之實足食也；婦人不織，禽獸之皮足衣也。不事力而養足，人民少而財有餘，故民
不爭。是以厚賞不行，重罰不用，而民自治。今人有五子不為多，子又有五子，大父未死而有二十五
孫。是以人民眾而貨財寡，事力勞而供養薄，故民爭，雖倍賞累罰而不免於亂。
堯之王天下也，（有）茅茨不翦，采椽不斲；糲粢之食，藿之羹；冬曰麑裘，夏曰葛衣，雖監門之服
養，不虧於此矣。禹之王天下也，身執耒臿以為民先，股無（肢）〔胈〕。脛不生毛，雖臣虜之勞，不
苦於此矣。以是言之，夫古之讓天子者，是去監門之養，而離臣虜之勞也，古傳天下而不足多也。今之
縣令，一日身死，子孫累世絜駕，故人重之。
是以人之於讓也，輕辭古之天子，難去今之縣令者，薄厚之實異也。
夫山居而谷汲者，膢臘而相遺以水；澤居苦水者，買庸而決竇。故饑歲之春，幼弟不饟；穰歲之秋，
客必食。非骨肉愛過〔客〕也，多少之實異也。是以古之易財，非仁也，財多也；今之爭奪，非鄙
也，財寡也。輕辭天子，非高也，勢薄也；爭（土）〔士〕橐，非下也，權重也。故聖人議多少，論薄
厚為之政。故罰薄不為慈，誅嚴不為戾，稱俗而行也。故事因於世，而備適於事。
古者，（大）〔文〕王處豐、鎬之間，地方百里，行仁義而懷西戎，遂王天下。徐偃王處漢東，地方五
百里，行仁義，割地而朝者三十有六國。荊文王恐其害己也，舉兵伐徐，遂滅之。故文王行仁義而王天
下，偃王行仁義而喪其國，是仁義用於古不用於今也。故曰：世異則事異。當舜之時，有苗不服，禹將
伐之。舜曰：「不可。上德不厚而行武，非道也。」乃脩教三年，執干戚舞，有苗乃服。共工之戰，鐵
銛（矩）〔短〕者及乎敵，鎧甲不堅者傷乎體。是干戚用於古不用於今也。故曰：事異則備變。
上古競於道德，中世逐於智謀，當今爭於氣力。齊將攻魯，魯使子貢說之。齊人曰：「子言非不辯也，
吾所欲者土地也，非斯言所謂也。」遂舉兵伐魯，去門十里以為界。
故偃王仁義而徐亡，子貢辯智而魯削。以是言之，夫仁義辯智，非所以持國也。去偃王之仁，息子貢之
智，循徐、魯之力使敵萬乘，則齊、荊之欲不得行於二國矣。
夫古今異俗，新故異備。如欲以寬緩之政，治急世之民，猶無轡策而御駻馬，此不知之患也。
今儒、墨皆〔稱〕先王兼愛天下，則視民如父母。何以明其然也？曰：「司寇行刑，君為之不舉樂；聞
死刑之報，君為流涕。」此所舉先王也。
夫以君臣為如父子則必治，推是言之，是無亂父子也。人之情性莫先於父母，皆見愛而未必治也，雖厚
愛矣，奚遽不亂？今先王之愛民，不過父母之愛子，子〔未〕必不亂也，則民奚遽治哉？
且夫以法行刑，而君為之流涕，此以效仁，非以為治也。夫垂泣不欲刑者，仁也；然而不可不刑者，法
也。先王勝其法，不聽其泣，則仁之不可以為治亦明矣。
且民者固服於勢，寡能懷於義。仲尼，天下聖人也，脩行明道以游海內，海內說其仁，美其義而為服役
者七十人。蓋貴仁者寡，能義者難也。故以天下之大，而為服役者七十人，而仁義者一人。魯哀公，下
主也，南面君國，境內之民莫敢不臣。民者固服於勢，〔勢〕誠易以服人，故仲尼反為臣而哀公顧為
君。仲尼非懷其義，服其勢也。故以義則仲尼不服於哀公，乘勢則哀公臣仲尼。今學者之說人主也，不
乘必勝之勢，而（勝）務行仁義則可以王，是求人主之必及仲尼，而以（勢）〔世〕之凡民皆如列徒，
此必不得之數也。
今有不才之子，父母怒之弗為改，鄉人譙之弗為動，師長教之弗為變。夫以父母之愛，鄉人之行，師長
之智，三美加焉而終不動，其脛毛不改。州部之吏，操官兵，推公法，而求索姦人，然後恐懼，變其
節，易其行矣。故父母之愛不足以教子，必待州部之嚴刑者，民固驕於愛，聽於威矣。
故十仞之城，樓季弗能踰者，峭也；千仞之山，跛牂易牧者，夷也。故明主峭其法而嚴其刑也。布帛尋
常，庸人不釋；鑠金百溢，盜跖不掇。不必害則不釋尋常，必害手則不掇百溢，故明主必其誅也。
是以賞莫如厚而信，使民利之；罰莫如重而必，使民畏之；法莫如一而（故）〔固〕，使民知之。故主
施賞不遷，行誅無赦，譽輔其賞，毀隨其罰，則賢、不肖俱盡其力矣。
今則不然：〔以〕其有功也爵之，而卑其士官也；以其耕作也賞之，而少其家業也；以其不收也外之，
而高其輕世也；以其犯禁〔也〕罪之，而多其有勇也。毀譽、賞罰之所加者，相與悖繆也，故法禁壞而
民愈亂。
今兄弟被侵，必攻者，廉也；知友〔被〕辱，隨仇者，貞也。廉貞之行成，而君上之法犯矣。人主尊貞
廉之行，而忘犯禁之罪，故民程於勇，而吏不能勝也。不事力而衣食，則謂之能；不戰功而尊，
〔則〕謂之賢。賢能之行〔成〕，〔而兵弱而地荒矣〕。〔人主說賢能之行〕，而忘兵弱地（弱）
〔荒〕之禍，則私行立而（功）公利滅矣。
儒以文亂法，俠以武犯禁，而人主兼禮之，此所以亂也。夫離法者罪，而諸先（王）〔生〕以文學
〔取〕；犯禁者誅，而群俠以私劍養。故法之所非，君之所取；吏之所誅，上之所養也。法、趣、上、
下，四相反也，而無所定，雖有十黃帝，不能治也。故行仁義者非所譽，譽之則害功；文學者非所用，
用之則亂法。
楚之有直躬，其父竊羊，而謁之吏。令君曰：「殺之！」以為直於君而曲於父，報而罪之。以是觀之，
夫君之直臣，父之暴子也。
魯人從君戰，三戰三北。仲尼問其故，對曰：「吾有老父，身死莫之養也。」仲尼以為孝，舉而上之。
以是觀之，夫父之孝子，君之背臣也。故令尹誅而楚姦不上聞，仲尼賞而魯民易降北。上下之利，若是
其異也，而人主兼（也）舉匹夫之行，而求致社稷之福，必不幾矣。
古者蒼頡之作書也，自環者謂之私，背私謂之公。公私之相背也，乃蒼頡固以知之矣。今以為同利者，
不察之患也。
然則為匹夫計者，莫如脩行義而習文學。仁義脩則見信，見信則受事；文學習則為明師，為明師則顯
榮：此匹夫之美也。然則無功而受事，無爵而顯榮，為有政如此，則國必亂，主必危矣。
故不相容之事，不兩立也。斬敵者受賞，而高慈惠之行；拔城者受爵祿，而信廉愛之說；堅甲厲兵以備
難，而美薦紳之飾；富國以農，距敵恃卒，而貴文學之士；廢敬上畏法之民，而養遊俠私劍之屬。舉
行如此，治強不可得也。國平養儒俠，難至用介土，所利非所用，所用非所利。是故服事者簡其業，而
（於）游學者日眾，是世之所以亂也。
且世之所謂賢者，貞信之行也；所謂智者，微妙之言也。微妙之言，上智之所難知也。今為眾人法，而
以上智之所難知，則民無從識之矣。故糟糠不飽者不務粱肉，短褐不完者不待文繡。夫治世之事，急者
不得，則緩者非所務也。今所治之政，民間之事，夫婦所明知者不用，而慕上知之論，則其於治反矣。
故微妙之言，非民務也。
若夫賢（良）貞信之行者，必將貴不欺之士；不欺之士者，亦無不欺之術也。布衣相與交，無富厚以相
利，無威勢以相懼也，故求不欺之士。今人主處制人之勢，有一國之厚，重賞嚴誅，得操其柄，以脩明
術之所燭，雖有田常、子罕之臣，不敢欺也，奚待於不欺之士？今貞信之士不盈於十，而境內之官以百
數，必任貞信之士，則人不足官。人不足官，則治者寡而亂者眾矣。故明主之道，一法而不求智，固術
而不慕信，故法不敗，而群官無姦詐矣。
今人主之於言也，說其辯而不求其當焉；其用於行也，美其聲而不責其功。是以天下之眾，其談言者務
為辨而不周於用，故舉先王言仁義者盈廷，而政不免於亂；行身者競於為高而不合於功，故智士退處巖
穴，歸祿不受，而兵不免於弱。〔兵不免於弱〕，政不免於亂，此其故何也？民之所譽，上之所禮，亂
國之術也。
今境內之民皆言治，藏商、管之法者家有之，而國〔愈〕貧，（民）〔言〕耕者眾，執耒者寡也。境內
皆言兵，藏孫、吳之書者家有之，而兵愈弱，言戰者多，被甲者少也。
故明主用其力，不聽其言；賞其功，（伐）〔必〕禁無用，故民盡死力以從其上。
夫耕之用力也勞，而民為之者，曰：可得以富也。戰之〔為〕事也危，而民為之者，曰：可得以貴也。
今脩文學，習言談，則無耕之勞而有富之實，無戰之危而有貴之尊，則人孰不為也？是以百人事智而一
人用力，事智者眾則法敗，用力者寡則國貧，此世之所以亂也。
故明主之國，無書簡之文，以法為教；無先王之語，以吏為師；無私劍之捍，以斬首為勇。是境內之
民，其言談者必軌於法，動作者歸之於功，為勇者盡之於軍。是故無事則國富，有事則兵強，此之謂王
資。既畜王資而承敵國之舋，超五帝侔三王者，必此法也。
今則不然，士民縱恣於內，言談者為勢於外，外內稱惡，以待強敵，不亦殆乎？故群臣之言外事者，非
有分於從衡之黨，則有仇讎之忠，而借力於國也。從者，合眾（強）〔弱〕以攻一（弱）〔強〕也；而
衡者，事一強以攻眾弱也；皆非所以持國也。
今人臣之言衡者，皆曰：「不事大，則遇敵受禍矣。」事大未必有實，（舉則）〔則舉〕圖而委，效璽
而請兵矣。獻圖則地削，效璽則名卑，地削則圖削。名卑則政亂矣。事大為衡，未見其利也，而亡地亂
政矣。
人臣之言從者，皆曰：「不救小而伐大，則失天下，失天下則國危，國危而主卑。」救小未必有實，
則起兵而敵大矣。救小未必能存，而（交）〔伐〕大未必不有，有則為強國制矣。出兵則軍敗，退
守則城拔。救小為從，未見其利，而亡地敗軍矣。
是故事強，則以外權士官於內；救小，則以內重求利於外。國利未立，封土厚祿至矣；主上雖卑，人臣
尊矣；國地雖削，私家富矣。事成，則以權長重；事敗，則以富退處。
人主之（於其）聽說（也）於其臣，事未成則爵祿已尊矣；事敗而弗誅，則游說之士，孰不為用矰繳之
說而徼倖其後？故破國亡主以聽言談者之浮說。此其故何也？是人君不明乎公私之利，不察當否之言，
而誅罰不必其後也。
皆曰：「外事，大可以王，小可以安。」夫王者，能攻人者也；而安則不可攻也。強則能攻人者也，治
則不可攻也。治強不可責於外，內政之有也。今不行法術於內，而事智於外，則不至於治強矣。
鄙諺曰：「長袖善舞，多錢善賈。」此言多資之易為工也。故治強易為謀，弱亂難為計。故用於秦者，
十變而謀希失；用於燕者，一變而計希得，非用於秦者必智，用於燕者必愚也，蓋治亂之資異也。
故周去秦為從，朞年而舉；衛離魏為衡，半歲而亡。是周滅於從，衛亡於衡也。使周、衛緩其從衡之
計，而〔嚴〕其境內之治，明其法禁，必其賞罰，盡其地力以多其積，致其民死以堅其城守，天下得
其地則其利少，攻其國則其傷大，萬乘之國莫敢自頓於堅城之下，而使強敵裁其弊也，此必不亡之術
也。舍必不亡之術而道必滅之事，治國者之過也。智困於（內）〔外〕而政亂於（外）〔內〕，則亡不
可振也。
民之政計，皆就安利如辟危窮。今為之攻戰，進則死於敵，退則死於誅，則危矣。棄私家之事而必汗馬
之勞，家困而上弗論，則窮矣。窮危之所在也，民安得勿避？故事私門而完解舍，解舍完則遠戰，遠戰
則安。行貨賂而襲當塗者則求得，求得則私安，私安則利之所在，安得勿就？是以公民少而私人眾矣。
夫明王治國之政，使其商工游食之民少而名卑，以寡趣本務而趨末作。今世近習之請行，則官爵可買，
官爵可買，則商工不卑也矣。姦財貨賈得用於市，則商人不少矣。聚斂倍農而致尊過耕戰之士，則耿介
之士寡而（高價）〔商賈〕之民多矣。
是故亂國之俗，其學者則稱先王之道以籍介義，盛容服而飾辯說，以疑當世之法，而貳人主之心。其言
（古）〔談〕者，為設詐稱，借於外力，以成其私，而遺社稷之利。其帶劍者，聚徒屬，立節操，以顯
其名，而犯五官之禁。其患御者，積於私門，盡貨賂，而用重人之謁，退汗馬之勞。其商工之民，脩治
苦窳之器，聚弗靡之財，蓄積待時，而侔農夫之利。此五者，邦之蠹也。人主不除此五蠹之民，不養
耿介之士，則海內雖有破亡之國，削滅之朝，亦勿怪矣。
Chapter XLIX. Five Vermin: A Pathological Analysis of Politics1
In the age of remote antiquity, human beings were few while birds and beasts were many. Mankind being unable
to overcome birds, beasts, insects, and serpents, there appeared a sage who made nests by putting pieces of wood
together to shelter people from harm. Thereat the people were so delighted that they made him ruler of All-
under-Heaven and called him the Nest-Dweller. In those days the people lived on the fruits of trees and seeds of
grass as well as mussels and clams, which smelt rank and fetid and hurt the digestive organs. As many of them
were affected with diseases, there appeared a sage who twisted a drill to make fire which changed the fetid and
musty smell. Thereat the people were so delighted that they made him ruler of All-under-Heaven.
In the age of middle antiquity, there was a great deluge in All-under-Heaven, wherefore Kung and Yü opened
channels for the water. In the age of recent antiquity, Chieh and Chow were violent and turbulent, wherefore
Tàng and Wu overthrew them.
Now, if somebody fastened the trees or turned a drill in the age of the Hsia-hou Clan, he would certainly be
ridiculed by Kung and Yü. Again, if somebody opened channels for water in the age of the Yin and Chou
Dynasties, he would certainly be ridiculed by T'ang and Wu. That being so, if somebody in the present age
praises the ways of Yao, Shun, Kung 2 , Yü 3 , Tàng, and Wu, he would, no doubt, be ridiculed by contemporary
sages.
That is the reason why the sage neither seeks to follow the ways of the ancients nor establishes any fixed
standard for all times but examines the things of his age and then prepares to deal with them.
There was in Sung a man, who tilled a field in which there stood the trunk of a tree. Once a hare, while running
fast, rushed against the trunk, broke its neck, and died. Thereupon the man cast his plough aside and watched
that tree, hoping that he would get another hare. Yet he never caught another hare and was himself ridiculed by
the people of Sung. Now supposing somebody wanted to govern the people of the present age with the policies
of the early kings, he would be doing exactly the same thing as that man who watched the tree.
In olden times, men did not need to till, for the seeds of grass and the fruits of trees were sufficient to feed them;
nor did women have to weave, for the skins of birds and beasts were sufficient to clothe them. Thus, without
working hard, they had an abundance of supply. As the people were few, their possessions were more than
sufficient. Therefore the people never quarrelled. As a result, neither large rewards were bestowed nor were
heavy punishments employed, but the people governed themselves. Nowadays, however, people do not regard
five children as many. Each child may in his or her turn beget five offspring, so that before the death of the
grandfather there may be twenty-five grand-children. As a result, people have become numerous and supplies
scanty; toil has become hard and provisions meager. Therefore people quarrel so much that, though rewards are
doubled and punishments repeated, disorder is inevitable.
When Yao was ruling All-under-Heaven, his thatched roof was untrimmed and his beam unplaned. He ate
unpolished grain and made soup of coarse greens and wore deerskin garments in winter and rough fibre-cloth in
summer. Even the clothes and provisions of a gate-keeper were not more scanty than his. When Yü was ruling
All-under-Heaven, he led the people with plough and spade in hands, till his thighs had no down and his shins
grew no hair. Even the toil of a prisoner of war was not more distressful than his. Speaking from this viewpoint,
indeed, he who abdicated the throne of the Son of Heaven in favour of others in olden times, was simply
foresaking the living of a gate-keeper and the toil of a prisoner of war. Therefore the inheritance of All-
underHeaven in olden days was not very great. Yet the prefect of today, upon the day of his death, hands down
luxurious chariots to his descendants from generation to generation. Accordingly people think much of his
position.
Thus, in the matter of leaving office, men make light of resigning from the ancient dignity of the Son of Heaven
and consider it hard to quit the present post of a prefect. Really it is the difference between meagerness and
abundance.
Indeed, those who dwell in the mountains and draw water from the valleys, give water to each other on the
occasion of festivals; those who live in swamps hire men to open channels for the water. Likewise, in the spring
of famine years men do not even feed their infant brothers, while in the autumn of abundant years even strange
visitors are always well fed. Not that men cut off their blood-relations and love passers-by, but that the feelings
are different in abundance and in scarcity. For the same reason, men of yore made light of goods, not because
they were benevolent, but because goods were abundant; while men of today quarrel and pillage, not because
they are brutish, but because goods are scarce. Again, men of yore made light of resigning from the dignity of the
Son of Heaven, not because their personalities were noble, but because the power of the Son of Heaven was
scanty; while men of today make much of fighting for office in government 4 , not because their personalities are
mean, but because the powers of the posts are great. Therefore the sage, considering quantity and deliberating
upon scarcity and abundance, governs accordingly. So it is no charity to inflict light punishments nor is it any
cruelty to enforce severe penalties: the practice is simply in accordance with the custom of the age. Thus,
circumstances change with the age and measures change according to circumstances.
Of old, King Wên, located between Fêng and Kao, in a territory of one hundred square li, practised benevolence
and righteousness and won the affection of the Western Barbarians, till he finally became ruler 5 of All-under-
Heaven. King Yen of Hsü, located to the east of the Han River in a territory of five hundred square li, practised
benevolence and righteousness, till the states that ceded their territories and paid tributary visits to his court
numbered thirty-six 6 . King Wên of Ching, fearing lest King Yen should do him harm, raised armies, attacked
Hsü, and finally destroyed it. 7 Thus, King Wên practising benevolence and righteousness became ruler of All-
under-Heaven, while King Yen practising benevolence and righteousness lost his state. Evidently benevolence
and righteousness once serviceable in olden times are not so at present. Hence the saying: "There are as many
situations as there are generations." In the time of Shun the Miao 8 tribes disobeyed. When Yü moved to send an
expedition against them, Shun said: "By no means. As our Teh 9 is not great, any resort to arms is not in accord
with the Tao 10 ." Thenceforth for three years he cultivated the ways of civic training and then he made a parade
of shields and battle-axes, whereupon the Miao tribes submitted. In a subsequent age, during the war with the
Kung-kung tribes men using short iron weapons hardly reached their enemies while those whose armour was not
strong suffered bodily injuries. It means that mere parade with shields and battle-axes once effective in olden
times is not so at present. Hence the saying: "Situations differ, so measures change."
Men of remote antiquity strove to be known as moral and virtuous; those of the middle age struggled to be
known as wise and resourceful; and now men fight for the reputation of being vigorous and powerful. When Chì
was about to attack Lu, Lu sent Tzŭ-kung to dissuade Chì. To the peace envoy the spokesman of Chì said:
"Your speech is not ineloquent. But what we want is territory, and that is not what you are talking about." 11 In
the end Chì raised armies, invaded Lu, and settled the inter-state boundary at ten li from the city-gate of the
capital of Lu.
Thus, although King Yen was benevolent and righteous, Hsü went to ruin; although Tzŭ-kung was benevolent
and righteous, Lu was dismembered. From such a viewpoint, indeed, benevolence, righteousness, eloquence, and
intelligence, are not instruments to maintain the state. If the benevolence of King Yen were put aside and the
intelligence of Tzŭ-kung extinguished, and if the forces of Hsü and Lu were exerted, they could resist the powers
of ten thousand chariots. Then the ambitions of Chì and Ching could never be accomplished in those two states.
Thus, we see that ancients and moderns have different customs, new and old have different measures. To govern
with generous and lenient regulations a people in imminent danger is the same as to drive wild horses without
reins or slips. This is a calamity of ignorance.
In these days, the Literati 12 and the Mohists 13 all praise the early kings for practising impartial love for which
the people revered 14 them as parents. How do they know that was so? They say: "We know that was so because
whenever the Minister of Punishment inflicted any penalty, the ruler would stop having music, and at the news
of any capital punishment he would shed tears. This is the reason why we praise the early kings."
Indeed, from the proposition that if ruler and minister act like father and son, there is always order, there can be
inferred the judgment that there are no disorderly fathers and sons. It is human nature, however, that nobody is
more affectionate than parents. If both parents reveal love to their children, and yet order is not always found in a
family, then how could there be no disorder in a state even though the ruler deepens his love for the ministers?
Since the early kings loved the people not more than parents love their children, and children do not always
refrain from causing disturbance, how could the people so easily keep order?
Moreover, when a penalty was inflicted in accordance with the law, the ruler shed tears therefor. By so doing he
intended to show his benevolence but not to do any good to political order. To shed bitter tears and to dislike
penalties, is benevolence; to see the necessity of inflicting penalties, is law. Since the early kings held to the law
and never listened to weeping, it is clear enough that benevolence cannot be applied to the attainment of political
order.
Still further, the people are such as would be firmly obedient to authority, but are rarely able to appreciate
righteousness. For illustration, Chung-ni, who was a sage of All-under-Heaven, cultivated virtuous conduct,
exemplified the right way, and travelled about within the seas; but those within the seas who talked about his
benevolence and praised his righteousness and avowed discipleship to him, were only seventy. For to honour
benevolence was rare and to practise righteousness was hard. Notwithstanding the vastness of All-under-Heaven,
those who could become his avowed disciples, were only seventy, and there was only one person really
benevolent and righteous—Chung-ni himself! Contrary to this, Duke Ai of Lu, inferior ruler as he was, when he
faced the south and ruled the state, found nobody among the people within the boundary daring disobedience.
This was because the people are by nature obedient to authority. As by exercising authority it is easy to lord it
over people, Chung-ni remained minister while Duke Ai continued on the throne. Not that Chung-ni appreciated
the righteousness of Duke Ai but that he submitted to his authority. Therefore, on the basis of righteousness
Chung-ni would not have yielded to Duke Ai, but by virtue of authority Duke Ai did lord it over Chung-ni! Now,
the learned men of today, when they counsel the Lord of Men, assert that if His Majesty applied himself to the
practice of benevolence and righteousness instead of making use of victory-ensuring authority, he would
certainly become ruler of All-under-Heaven. This is simply to require every lord of men to come up to the level
of Chung-ni and all the common people of the world to act like his disciples. It is surely an ineffectual measure.
Now suppose there is a boy who has a bad character. His parents are angry at him, but he never makes any
change. The villagers in the neighbourhood reprove him, but he is never thereby moved. His masters teach him,
but he never reforms. Thus with all the three excellent disciplines, the love of his parents, the conduct of the
villagers, and the wisdom of the masters, applied to him, he makes no change, not even a hair on his shins is
altered. It is, however, only after the district-magistrate sends out soldiers in accordance with the law to search
for wicked men that he becomes afraid and changes his ways and alters his deeds. So the love of parents is not
sufficient to educate children. But if it is necessary to have the severe penalties of the district-magistrate come at
all, it is because people are naturally spoiled by love and obedient to authority 15 .
Thus, over a city-wall forty feet 16 high, even Lou-chi 17 could not pass, for it is steep; but on a mountain four
thousand feet high even crippled she-goats can easily graze, for it is flat-topped. 18 For the same reason the
intelligent king makes his laws strict and his punishments severe. Again, where there is a piece of cloth eight 19
or sixteen 20 feet long, common people would not give it up, but where there is molten gold two thousand pounds
in weight, even Robber Shih would not pick it up. Thus, if no harm at all should come to them 21 , people would
not give up eight or sixteen feet of cloth; but if their hands would always be hurt, they would never dare to pick
up even two hundred pounds of molten gold. Therefore, the intelligent ruler makes his punishments definite.
That being so, rewards should not be other than great and certain, thus making the people regard them as
profitable; punishments should not be other than severe and definite, thus making the people fear them; and laws
should not be other than uniform and steadfast, thus making the people comprehend them. Consequently, if the
ruler in bestowing rewards makes no change and in carrying out punishments grants no pardon, but adds honour
to rewards and disgrace to punishments, then both the worthy and the unworthy will exert their efforts.
That is not true at present. On the one hand, ranks are conferred for meritorious services; but on the other,
official careers are scorned. Rewards are bestowed for diligent tillage, but hereditary occupations 22 are slighted.
Whoever declines appointment to office is shunned, but his contempt for worldly affairs is esteemed. Whoever
transgresses prohibitions is convicted, but his boldness is admired. Thus there are nowadays opposed to each
other the objectives of honour and disgrace as well as of reward and punishment. Small wonder laws and
interdicts are ruined and the people are becoming more and more violent.
Now, he who would always fall on the enemy when his brother is attacked, is called upright; he who would
always resent an insult to his good friend, is called pure. Yet once these deeds of uprightness and purity are done,
the law of the ruler is violated. In case the lord of men esteems such deeds of uprightness and purity and forgets
the crime violating his prohibitions, the people will be honoured according to their boldness and the magistrates
will be unable to control them. Again, he who gets clothes and food without working hard, is called capable; he
who gets honours without rendering any meritorious service in war, is called worthy. Yet once the deeds of
capability and worthiness are done, the army will become weak and the land will be waste. If the Lord of Men is
delighted at such deeds of worthiness and capability and forgets the calamities of the army in decline and the
land in waste, then private advantage will prevail and public welfare will come to naught.
The literati by means of letters disturbed laws, the cavaliers by means of weapons transgressed prohibitions. Yet
the lord of men respects them both. That is the reason why disorder prevails. Indeed, every departure from laws
ought to be condemned, but all the professors are taken into office on account of their literary learning. Again,
every transgression of prohibitions ought to be punished, but all cavaliers are accorded patronage because of
their private swords. 23 Thus, what the law prohibits is what the ruler himself recognizes; what the magistrate
punishes is what the sovereign himself maintains. Thus legal standard and personal inclination are in conflict.
Without any fixed standard, however, even ten Yellow Emperors would not be able to rule. Therefore, those who
practise benevolence and righteousness, should not be praised; for, if praised, they would damage meritorious
achievements. Again, those who specialize in refinement and learning, should not be employed; for, if employed,
they would confuse the law of the state.
Of old, there was in the Chù State a man named Chi-kung. Once his father stole a sheep, wherefore he reported
to the authorities. Thereupon the prefect said, "Put him to death", as he thought the man was loyal to the ruler but
undutiful to his father. So that man was tried and executed. From this it can be seen that the honest subject of the
ruler was an outrageous son of his father.
Again, there was a man of Lu, who followed the ruler to war, fought three battles, and ran away thrice. When
Chung-ni asked him his reason, he replied: "I have an old father. Should I die, nobody would take care of him."
So Chung-ni regarded him as a man of filial piety, praised him, and exalted him. From this it can be seen that the
dutiful son of the father was a rebellious subject of the ruler. Naturally, following the punishment of the honest
man by the prefect, no other culprit in Chù was ever reported to the authorities and after the reward of the
runaway by Chung-ni, the people of Lu were apt to surrender and run away. The interests of superior and inferior
are thus so different that it is certainly impossible to expect the Lord of Men both to praise the deed of the
common man and to promote the welfare of the Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain.
In olden times, when Tsàng Chieh invented the system of writing, he assigned the element "self-centered" 24 to
the character "private" 25 ; and combined the elements, "opposite to" and "private", to form the character "public"
26
. The contradiction between "public" and "private" was thus from the beginning well understood by Tsàng
Chieh. To regard them both as having identical interest at the present time, is a calamity of thoughtlessness.
That being so, speaking of the common man, there comes first the cultivation of benevolence and righteousness
and then the practice of refinement and learning. Having cultivated benevolence and righteousness, he will get
office. Having practised refinement and learning, he will become an erudite teacher. Having become an erudite
teacher, he will become celebrated for his honours. This is the ideal career of the common man. However, it may
be that with no merit one gets office, with no rank one becomes celebrated for one's honours. If there be any
government like this, the state will certainly be in chaos and the lord in peril.
Therefore, incompatible things do not coexist. For instance, to reward those who kill their enemies in battle, and
at the same time to esteem deeds of mercy and generosity; to reward with ranks and bounties those who capture
enemy cities, and at the same time to believe in the theory of impartial 27 love; to improve armour and encourage
warriors as provisions against emergencies, and at the same time to admire the ornaments of the robes and
girdles of the civil gentry; to depend upon the farmers for enriching the state and upon the warriors for resisting
the enemies, and at the same time to honour the men of letters; and to neglect the men who respect the superior
and revere the law, and at the same time to maintain gangs of wandering cavaliers and self-seeking swordsmen:
out of such incompatible acts, how can a state attain order and strength? When the state is at peace, literati and
cavaliers are supported; once an emergency arises, armed officers are taken into service. Thus, the privileged are
not used; the used are not privileged. For this reason, men who ought to attend to public affairs neglect their
duties, while wandering scholars daily increase in numbers. This is the reason why the age is full of chaos.
Moreover, what the age calls "worthy" consists of merciful and faithful deeds; what it calls "wise" consists of
subtle and mysterious words. Such subtle and mysterious words are hard even for the wisest men to understand.
Now, of you set up laws for the masses in such terms as are hard for the wisest men to understand, then the
people will find no way to comprehend them. Just as men who find not even coarse rice to fill them would not
think of wine and meat, and just as those who have not even rags to wear would not think of silk and
embroidered garments, in governing the world, if one is not able to settle affairs of the most urgent need, one
should pay no attention to things short of great urgency. Now most of the affairs to be administered are ordinary
civil cases. Yet not to use standards that ordinary men and women plainly understand, but to long for those
theories which even the wisest do not comprehend; that certainly is the negation of government. Therefore subtle
and mysterious words are no business of the people.
Indeed, men who regard 28 deeds of mercy and faithfulness as worthy will naturally honour gentlemen who are
not deceitful, but those that honour gentlemen who are not deceitful might have no means to escape deception.
The commoners, in cultivating friendships, have neither wealth to benefit each other nor influence to terrify each
other. Naturally they seek for gentlemen who are not deceitful. Now the Lord of Men avails himself of his
position to control men and possesses the wealth of a state. If he makes rewards large and punishments severe
and thereby succeeds in holding his handles 29 to improve points illuminated by his brilliant policies, then
ministers like Tìen Chàng and Tzŭ-han, wicked as they were, would not dare to deceive him, not to mention
gentlemen who are not deceitful. Now there are not more than ten truly merciful and faithful men in this country,
whereas there are hundreds of official posts. So if only merciful and faithful men are selected for public service,
the candidates will not be sufficient for filling all the official posts. In that case, those who maintain order would
be few while disturbers would abound. Therefore, the way of the enlightened lord is to unify laws instead of
seeking for wise men, to solidify policies instead of yearning after faithful persons. In consequence, as long as
laws do not fail to function, the body of officials will practise neither villainy nor deception.
In these days, the lord of men, as regards speeches, is delighted at their eloquence but does not seek for their
consequences, 30 and, as regards the utility of deeds, admires their fame but does not strictly check over their
accomplishments. For this reason, the people of All-under-Heaven, when making speeches, strive for eloquence
but do not care for actual usefulness. As a result, men who quote the early kings and preach benevolence and
righteousness, fill up the court, wherefore the government can not be freed from disorder. Men who devote
themselves to practical deeds struggle for eminence, but do not bring about any meritorious service. Small
wonder wise men retire to dwell in rocky caves, decline all bounties, and refuse to accept any offer; while
soldiers are not immune from degeneration and the government is not freed from chaos. What is the reason for
this? It is this: in what the people revere and what the sovereign respects, lies the cause of disturbing the state.
Now the people within the boundary all talk about political order, and, though in every family there are men who
preserve copies of the Laws of Shang Yang and Kuan Chung, yet the state is becoming poorer and poorer. This is
because many talk about tillage but few take up the plough. Again, everybody within the boundary talks about
strategy, and, though in every family there are men who preserve copies of the Books of Sun Wu and Wu Chì,
yet the army is becoming weaker and weaker. This is because many talk about warfare but few put on armour.
Therefore, the enlightened sovereign uses his men's strength but does not listen to their words, rewards them for
their meritorious services but always eliminates the useless. The people, accordingly, exert themselves to the
point of death in obeying the sovereign.
Indeed, tillage requires physical force, and is toil. But the people who perform it say, "Through it we can become
wealthy." Again, warfare, as a matter of fact, involves risks. But the people who wage it say, "Through it we can
become noble." Now, if those who cultivate refinement and learning and practise persuasion and eloquence get
the fruits of wealth without the toil of tillage, and gain the honour of nobility with no risk in warfare, then who
will not do the same? Naturally, one hundred men will attend to "wisdom" while only one man will exert
physical energy. If men who attend to "wisdom" are many, the law will go for naught; if men who exert physical
energy are few, the state will fall into poverty. That is the reason why the world is in chaos.
Therefore, in the state of the enlightened sovereign there is no literature written on bamboo slips, but the law is
the only teaching; there are no quoted sayings of the early kings, but the magistrates are the only instructors;
there is no valour through private swords, but slaughter of the enemy is the only courageous deed. As a result,
the people, within the boundary, when practising persuasion and eloquence, always conform to the law; when up
and doing, they always aim at meritorious services; and when pretending to valour, they always exert themselves
in the army. Therefore, in time of peace the state is rich; in time of emergency the army is strong. Such is what
they call the resources of the ruler. Having stored up the resources of the ruler, the sovereign waits for the enemy
state to reach an unguarded moment. Those who have surpassed the Five Emperors and have rivalled the Three
Kings, have always followed this method.
The same is not true in these days, however. Inside, the gentry and the commoners do as they please; outside,
eloquent speakers create their own favourable circumstances. If both foreign and home affairs alike are bad, is it
not dangerous for the ruler to confront strong enemies? It is so particularly because the ministers who speak on
foreign affairs either side with the advocates of the Perpendicular Union or the Horizontal Alliance, or have
personal hatred for foreign states and want to utilize the forces of the native state. Now, neither the Perpendicular
Union aiming to attack a single strong state by uniting all the weak ones, nor the Horizontal Alliance aiming to
attack the weak ones by serving a single strong state, is a policy to maintain the existence and prosperity of a
state.
Now, ministers who speak about the Horizontal Alliance, all say: "If we do not serve a big power, we will have
enemies and suffer disasters." To serve a big power, however, always 31 requires material concessions. Wherefore
they must entrust their whole territory to the strong state and put their own state seal in pawn for military help. 32
If territorial concessions are offered, the land will be cut off; if the state seal is handed over, the prestige will be
impaired. When the land is cut off, the state will be dismembered; when the prestige is impaired, the government
will fall into chaos. Thus, before actualizing the benefit from serving a big power forming the Horizontal
Alliance, the land is already dismembered and the government disordered.
Again, ministers who speak about the Perpendicular Union, all say: "If we do not save small states and attack big
powers, we will lose the favour of All-under-Heaven. If we lose the favour of All-under-Heaven, our state will
fall into peril. If our state falls into peril, our lord will fall into contempt." To save small states, however, always
33
requires material sacrifices, wherefore you must mobilize armies and oppose big powers. Yet when you start to
save a small state, you are not always able to preserve it; when you oppose 34 a big power, you can not always be
sure that there is no discord between you and your allies. If there is any such discord at all, you will be
dominated by the big power. As soon as you send out reinforcements, the whole army will be defeated. Before
you turn back to assume the defensive, the city will have fallen into the hands of the enemies. Thus, before you
get the benefit of saving the small state and thereby form the Perpendicular Union, your land is already occupied
and your troops defeated.
For this reason, he who insists on serving the strong state really means to hold his office through foreign
influence; he who insists on saving the small state, really means to seek advantage abroad by virtue of his
prestige at home. Before the state is benefited, the ministers have got estates and high emoluments. Thus, though
the sovereign falls into contempt, the ministers are honoured; though the land of the state is cut off, their own
families have become wealthy. If their projects succeed, they will become mighty in authority; if their projects
fail, they will retire from active life with riches in their pockets.
However, such is the usual way the Lord of Men listens to the proposals of his ministers that before their projects
are successful, their ranks and bounties are already exalted. And, if they are not punished when their projects fail,
who can be sure that the itinerant gentlemen are not going to display their irresponsible sophistries elsewhere and
count on unexpected good fortune? Nevertheless, why is heed paid to such frivolous ideas of the persuasive
politicians as would break the state and ruin the lord? That is because the Lord of Men never distinguishes
between public and private benefits, never scrutinizes whether the ideas are true or false, and never definitely
enforces censure and punishment.
The itinerants all say, "Success in foreign relations at its best can help the prince become ruler of All-under-
Heaven or, at least, can make the state secure." Indeed, the ruler of All-under-Heaven must be able to attack
others. If secure, he can not be attacked by others. If strong, he is able to attack others. If in order, he can not be
attacked by others. Accordingly, order and strength should not be dependent upon external factors: both depend
upon internal administration. Now, if the sovereign does not carry out his laws and policies at home but counts
on the wise men's services abroad, order and strength will not be attained.
There is a common saying: "Wearers of long sleeves are skilful in dancing; possessors of much money are skilful
in trading." It means that people who are resourceful acquire skill very easily. Accordingly, in the state that is
orderly and strong it is easy to devise schemes, but in the state that is weak and chaotic it is hard to make any
plan at all. For illustration, the schemes adopted by Chìn, though changed ten times, rarely fail; whereas any
plan adopted by Yen, once changed, rarely succeeds. Not that whatever Chìn adopts is always clever and
whatever Yen adopts is always stupid, but that the factors of order and chaos are different.
Thus, Chou quit Chìn and joined the Perpendicular Union only to be taken within a year; and Wei left Wey for
the Horizontal Alliance only to be ruined in half a year. This means that Chou was destroyed by the
Perpendicular Union while Wei was ruined by the Horizontal Alliance. Supposing Chou and Wei postponed their
plans to join the Perpendicular Union and the Horizontal Alliance and strictly improved the political order within
their boundaries, made their laws and interdicts clear, made their rewards and punishments definite, utilized their
natural resources to increase provisions, and constrained their peoples even to the point of death in strengthening
the defensive preparations of the city-walls; then All-under-Heaven would find little gain in occupying their
lands and great harm in attacking their states, so that even a state of ten thousand chariots would not dare to
come to camp beneath their well-fortified city-walls and expose its weaknesses to the attack of strong enemies.
This is the way to escape destruction. To abandon this way of escaping destruction and to follow the road to
inevitable ruin is the fault of the governor of the state. With wisdom exhausted abroad 35 and politics disordered
at home, 36 no state can be saved from ruin.
The plan of the people for themselves 37 is to seek only for security and profit and to avoid danger and poverty.
Now, if you force them to attack and fight, they face death at the hands of enemies at the front, and death through
official punishment at the rear. That is peril, indeed! Again, they have to abandon their own domestic affairs and
undergo the toil of military service. 38 In the long run their households are reduced to poverty. Yet the ruler takes
no notice of it. That is destitution, indeed! Wherever lie destitution and danger, how can the people do other than
shun them? Naturally they would frequent the gates of the private residences of influential men so as to exempt
themselves from military service. If exempted from military service, they keep aloof from warfare. If aloof from
warfare, they can remain in safety. Again, if they can by virtue of bribes approach the authorities concerned, they
get what they want. If they get what they want, they have profit and security. 39 Wherever lie security and profit,
how can the people do other than crowd in 40 ? Hence, citizens in public service are few but private protégés are
numerous. 41
Indeed, the enlightened king so administers his state as to diminish the number of tradesmen, craftsmen, and
idlers, and to lower their names in order to incline their minds to primary callings and to lessen their interest in
secondary occupations. 42 In the present age, if the requests of the courtiers prevail at all, then office and rank can
be purchased. If office and rank are purchasable, tradesmen and craftsmen, as they have money, will no longer be
low in status. If forged money and faked articles 43 can circulate at the market-place, traders will no longer fall
short of demands and supplies. If the profits they make thereby are twice as much as by farming and the honours
they get thereby surpass those of tillers and warriors, men of firm integrity and strong character will become few
while merchants and tradesmen 44 will increase in number.
For such reasons, it is a common trait of the disorderly state that its learned men adore the ways of the early
kings by pretending to benevolence and righteousness and adorn their manners and clothes and gild their
eloquent speeches so as to cast doubts on the law of the present age and thereby beguile the mind of the lord of
men; that its itinerant speakers 45 advocate deceptive theories and utilize foreign influence to accomplish their
self-seeking purposes at the expense of their Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain; that wearers of private
swords gather pupils and dependents and set up standards of self-discipline and fidelity with a view to cultivating
their fame but thereby violate the interdicts of the Five Ministries 46 ; that the courtiers 47 assemble inside the
gates of private residences, use all kinds of bribes, and rely on influential men's access to the sovereign in order
to escape the burden of military service; and that the tradesmen and craftsmen disguise worthless, broken articles
as proper goods, collect useless luxuries, accumulate riches, wait for good opportunities, and exploit the farmers.
These five types of men are the vermin of the state. Should the Lord of Men fail to get rid of such people as the
five vermin and should he not patronize men of firm integrity and strong character, it would be no wonder at all
if within the seas there should be states breaking up in ruin and dynasties waning and perishing.
Notes
1. 五蠹. The English rendering of L. T. Chen is "On Five Sources of Trouble" (Liang, op. cit., p. 129, f. 1),
which is neither faithful nor elegant. For the present translation I owe thanks to Dr. Davy Yü.
2. Wang Hsien-shen proposed the supply of 鯀 below 舞.
3. With Wang 湯武禹 should be 禹湯武.
4. With Wang 土槖 should be 士橐 which means 仕託.
5. In fact he never assumed either the power or the title of king.

6. Wang Chùng put thirty-two in place of thirty-six in his "Refutation of Han Fei Tzŭ" in his Discourse and
Balance.
7. King Wên of Ching and King Yen of Hsü were not contemporaries. As pointed out by Lu Wên-shao, King Yen
of Hsü lived at the time of King Mu (1001-946 b.c.) of Chou and so much earlier than King Wên (689-671 b.c.)
of Ching.
8. 有苗. 有 has no additional sense.
9. 德 roughly means "virtue".
10. 道 roughly means "the course of nature".
11. Tzŭ-kung being a close follower of Confucius must have advanced moral arguments to dissuade Chì from
attacking Lu.
12. 儒 refers to the followers of Confucius.
13. 墨 refers to the followers of Mo Tzŭ.
14. With Wang Hsien-shen 視民 should be 民視.
15. The whole paragraph was translated into English by Duyvendak in his The Book of Lord Shang (Pp. 113-
114). I have, however, found it necessary to make a different translation on many points.
16. 十仞. One jên is about four feet long.
17. A younger brother of Marquis Wên of Wey, known to be a good athlete.
18. Thus, a good athlete can not pass over a steep wall, but crippled she-goats can easily graze on a flat-topped
mountain. Likewise, great robbers dare not violate strict laws, but common people would dare to disregard laws
that are lenient.
19. One hsin 尋 is about eight feet long.
20. One chàng 常 is about sixteen feet long.
21. I propose 必不害 for 不必害.
22. Such as farming and spinning, which were handed down from generation to generation.
23. The cavaliers were known for their courage in using their swords.
24. 自環 as represented by the symbol Ssŭ 厶 means "selfish" or "private" or both.
25. Ssŭ 私, which means "private" or "selfish" or both, is made of Ho 禾 or "rice" and Ssŭ 厶 or "self-centred".
26. Kung 公 is made of Ssŭ 厶 and Pa 八, the latter being equivalent to Pei 背 meaning "act contrary to". Thus,
to be public-spirited, one very often has to act contrary to one's private interest.
27. 廉 is a mistake for 兼.
28. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 良 below 賢 is superfluous.
29. v. Work VII.

30. Han Fei Tzŭ's theory of truth is very similar to the modern pragmatic theory. A name is true only if the fact it
connotes actually exists; a word is true only if the deed it purports is equivalent to it; and a task is true only if the
result of its function comes up to its expected level and not beyond the level. The "consequence theory" of truth
thus stands in sharp contrast with both the "coherence" and the "correspondence" theories.
31. With Yü Yüeh 未 above 必 is superfluous.
32. With Yü 兵 below 請 is superfluous.
33. With Yü 未 above 必 is superfluous.
34. With Wang Wei 交大 should be 敵大.
35. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 内 should be 外.
36. With Ku 外 should be 内.
37. With Wang Hsien-shen 政計 should be 自計.
38. 汗馬之勞 literally means "such toil as would make the horse perspire".
39. With Yü Yüeh 私 is a mistake for 利.
40. I propose 求得則利安，安利之所在也民安得勿就 for 求得則私安則利之所在安得勿就.
41. This sharp contrast between public spirited citizens and private protégés as made by Han Fei Tzŭ still has
permanent value to every modern student of law and politics. From this point alone it is clear enough that the
teaching of Han Fei Tzŭ is as needful to the modern age as to antiquity.
42. Kao Hêng proposed 以趨本務而寡未作 for 以寡趨本務而趨末作 .
43. I propose 贋貨 for 貨賈.
44. Kao Hêng proposed 商賈 for 高價.
45. Ku Kuang-ts`ê proposed 言談 for 言古.
46. The Ministries of War, of Instruction, of Revenue, of Public Works, and of Justice.
47. 患御 means 近習 as 患 refers to 串 which is equivalent to 習.
50 顯學第五十
世之顯學，儒、墨也。儒之所至，孔丘也。墨之所至，墨翟也。自孔子之死也，有子張之儒，有子思之
儒，有顏氏之儒，有孟氏之儒，有漆雕氏之儒，有仲良氏之儒，有孫氏之儒，有樂正氏之儒。自墨子之
死也，有相里氏之墨，有相夫氏之墨，有鄧陵氏之墨。故孔、墨之後，儒分為八，墨離為三，取舍相反
不同，而皆自謂真孔、墨，〔孔、墨〕不可復生，將誰使定世之學乎？
孔子、墨子俱道堯、舜，而取舍不同，皆自謂真堯、舜，堯、舜不復生，將誰使定儒、墨之誠乎？殷、
周七百餘歲，虞、夏二千餘歲，而不能定儒、墨之真；今乃欲審堯、舜之道於三千歲之前，意者其不可
必乎！無參驗而必之者，愚也；弗能必而據之者，誣也。故明據先王，必定堯、舜者，非愚則誣也。愚
誣之學，雜反〔之〕行，明主弗受也。
墨者之葬也，冬日冬服，夏日夏服，桐棺三寸，服喪三月，世〔主〕以為儉而禮之。儒者破家而葬，服
喪三年，大毀扶杖，世主以為孝而禮之。夫是墨子之儉，將非孔子之侈也；是孔子之孝，將非墨子之戾
也。今孝、戾、侈、儉俱在儒、墨，而上兼禮之。
漆雕之議，不色撓，不目逃，行曲則違於臧獲，行直則怒於諸侯，世主以為廉而禮之。宋榮子之議，
設不鬭爭，取不隨仇，不羞囹圄，見侮不辱，世主以為寬而禮之。夫是漆雕之廉，將非宋榮之恕也；是
宋榮之寬，將非漆雕之暴也。今寬、廉、恕、暴俱在二子，人主兼而禮之。
自愚誣之學，雜反之辭爭，而人主俱聽之，故海內之士言無定術，行無常議。夫冰炭不同器而久，寒暑
不兼時而至，雜反之學不兩立而治。今兼聽雜學繆行同異之辭，安得無亂乎？聽行如此，其於治人又必
然矣。
今世之學士語治者，多曰：「與貧窮地以實無資。」今夫與人相（善）〔若〕也，無豐年旁入之利，而
獨以完給者，非力則儉也。與人相（善）〔若〕也，無饑饉、疾疚、禍罪之殃，獨以貧窮者，非侈則墯
也。侈而墯者貧，而力而儉者富。今上徵斂於富人以布施於貧家，是奪力儉而與侈墯也，而欲索民之疾
作而節用，不可得也。
今有人於此，義不入危城，不處軍旅，不以天下大利易其脛一毛，世主必從而禮之，貴其智而高其行，
以為輕物重生之士也。夫上所以陳良田大（澤）〔宅〕，設爵祿，所以易民死命也。今上尊貴輕物重生
之士，而索民之出死而重殉上事，不可得也。
藏書策，習談論，聚徒役，服文學而議說，世主必從而禮之，曰：「敬賢士，先王之道也。」夫吏之所
稅，耕者也；而上之所養，學士也。耕者則重稅，學士則多賞，而索民之疾作而少言談，不可得也。
立節參（民）〔明〕，執操不侵，怨言過於耳，必隨之以劍，世主必從而禮之，以為自好之士。夫斬首
之勞不賞，而家鬭之勇尊顯，而索民之疾戰距敵而無私鬭，不可得也。國平則養儒俠，難至則用介士。
所養者非所用，所用者非所養，此所以亂也。
且夫人主於聽學也，若是其言，宜布之官而用其身；若非其言，宜去其身而息其端。今以為是也，而弗
布於官；以為非也，而不息其端。是而不用，非而不息，亂亡之道也。
澹臺子羽，君子之容也，仲尼幾而取之，與處久而行不稱其貌。宰予之辭，雅而文也，仲尼幾而取之，
與處〔久〕而智不充其辯。故孔子曰：「以容取人乎，失之子羽；以言取人乎，失之宰予。」故以仲尼
之智而有失實之聲。今之新辯濫乎宰予，而世主之聽眩乎仲尼，為悅其言，因任其身，則焉得無失乎？
是以魏任孟卯之辯，而有華下之患；趙任馬服之辯，而有長平之禍。此二者，任辯之失也。
夫視鍛錫而察青黃，區冶不能以必劍；水擊鵠鴈，陸斷駒馬，則臧獲不疑鈍利。發齒吻形容，伯樂不能
以必馬；授車就駕，而觀其末塗，則臧獲不疑駑良。觀容服，聽辭言，仲尼不能以必士；試之官職，課
其功伐，則庸人不疑於愚智。
故明主之吏，宰相必起於州部，猛將必發於卒伍。夫有功者必賞，則爵祿厚而愈勸；遷官襲級，則官職
大而愈治。夫爵祿大而官職治，王之道也。
磐石千里，不可謂富；象人百萬，不可謂強。石非不大，數非不眾也，而不可謂富強者，磐不生粟，象
人不可使距敵也。今商官技藝之士，亦不墾而食，是地不墾，與磐石一貫也。儒俠毋軍勞，顯而榮者，
則民不使，與象人同事也。夫（禍知）〔知禍〕磐石象人，而不知禍商官儒俠為不墾之地，不使之民，
不知事類者也。
故敵國之君王雖說吾義，吾弗入貢而臣；關內之侯雖非吾行，吾必使執禽而朝。是故力多則人朝，力寡
則朝於人。故明君務力。
夫嚴家無悍勇，而慈母有敗子。吾以此知威勢之可以禁暴，而德厚之不足以止亂也。
夫聖人之治國，不恃人之為吾善也，而用其不得為非也。恃人之為吾善也，境內不什數，用人不得
〔為〕非，一國可使齊。為治者用眾而舍寡，故不務德而務法。
夫必恃自直之箭，百世無矢；恃自圜之木，千世無輪矣。自直之箭，自圜之木，百世無有一，然而世皆
乘車射禽者何也？隱栝之道用也。雖有不恃隱栝而有自直之箭，自圜之木，良工弗貴也。何則？乘者非
一人，射者非一發也。不恃賞罰而恃自善之民，明主弗貴也。何則？國法不可失，而所治非一人也。故
有術之君，不隨適然之善，而行必然之道。
今或謂人曰：「使子必智而壽。」則世必以為狂。夫智，性也；壽，命也。性命者，非所學於人也，而
以人之所不能為說人，此世之所以謂之為狂也。謂之不能然，則是諭也，夫諭性也。以仁〔義〕教人，
是以智與壽說也，有度之主弗受也。故善毛嗇、西施之美，無益吾面；用脂澤粉黛，則倍其初。言先王
之仁義，無益於治；明吾法度，必吾賞罰者，亦國之脂澤粉黛也。故明主急其助而緩其頌，故不道仁
義。
今巫祝之祝人曰：「使若千秋萬（秋）〔歲〕。」千（歲）〔秋〕萬歲之聲括耳，而一日之壽無徵於
人，此人所以簡巫祝也。今世儒者之說人主，不善今之所以為治，而語已治之功；不審官法之事，不察
姦邪之情，而皆道上古之傳譽、先王之成功。儒〔者〕（釋）〔飾〕辭曰：「聽吾言，則可以霸王。」
此說者之巫祝，有度之主不受也。故明主舉實事，去無用，不道仁義者故，不聽學者之言。
今不知治者必曰：「得民之心。」欲得民之心而可以為治，則是伊尹、管仲無所用也，將聽民而已矣。
民智之不可用，猶嬰兒之心也。夫嬰兒不剔首則腹痛，不副痤則寖益。剔首、揊痤必一人抱之，慈母治
之，然猶啼呼不止，嬰兒子不知犯其所小苦，致其所大利也。
今上急耕田墾草以厚民產也，而以上為酷；脩刑重罰以為禁邪也，而以上為嚴；徵賦錢粟以實倉庫，且
以救飢饉，備軍旅也，而以〔上〕為貪；境內必知介而無私解，并力疾鬭，所以禽虜也，而以上為暴。
此四者，所以治安也，而民不知悅也。
夫求聖通之〔士者〕，〔為民知之不足師用〕。〔昔禹決江浚河〕，〔而民聚瓦石〕；〔子產開畝樹
桑〕，〔鄭人謗訾〕。〔禹利天下〕，〔子產存鄭人〕，〔皆以受謗〕，〔夫民智之不足用亦明矣〕。
〔故舉士而求賢智〕，〔為政而期適民〕，〔皆亂之端〕，〔未可與為治也〕。
Chapter L. Learned Celebrities: A Critical Estimate of Confucians and Mohists1
In the present age, the celebrities for learning are the Literati and the Mohists. The highest figure of the Literati
was Kùng Chìu; the highest figure of the Mohists was Mo Ti. Since the death of Confucius, there have
appeared the School of Tzŭ-chang, the School of Tzŭ-ssŭ, the School of the Yen Clan, the School of the Mêng
Clan, the School of the Chì-tiao Clan, the School of the Chung Liang Clan, the School of the Sun Clan, and the
School of the Yo-chêng Clan. Since the death of Mo Tzŭ, there have appeared the Mohists of the Hsiang-li Clan,
the Mohists of the Hsiang-fu Clan, and the Mohists of Têng Ling's School. Thus, after Confucius and Mo Tzŭ,
the Literati have divided into eight schools and the Mohists into three. In what they accept and what they reject
they are contrary to and different from one another but each claims to be orthodox Confucian or Mohist. Now
that Confucius and Mo Tzŭ cannot come to life again, who can determine the orthodoxy of learned men?
Confucius and Mo Tzŭ both followed Yao and Shun; they differed in matters of acceptance and rejection, yet
each claimed to be the true Yao and Shun. Now that Yao and Shun cannot come to life again, who is going to
determine genuineness as between the Literati and the Mohists? For our people, who have passed through the
time of Yü and Hsia upwards of seven hundred years, and through the Yin and Chou 2 Dynasties upwards of two
thousand years, it is impossible to determine whether the Literati or the Mohists are right. Now, if anybody wants
to scrutinize the ways of Yao and Shun that appeared three thousand years ago, it seems far from possible merely
to imagine that! To be sure of anything that has no corroborating evidence, is stupid; to abide by anything that
one can not be sure of, is self-deceptive. Therefore, those who openly quote the early kings and dogmatically
uphold Yao and Shun, must be deceitful, if not stupid. Such stupid and deceptive learning and heretical and
contradictory conduct, the intelligent sovereign never approves.
The Mohists, for funeral rites wear winter clothes in winter days and summer clothes in summer days, make
coffins three inches thick of Paulownia wood, and observe only three months' mourning. Regarding this as
restraint, sovereigns of this age respect them. The Literati, on the contrary, for funeral rites break up the
household property and give sons in pawn to compensate for the losses, 3 observe three years' mourning till they
break down in health and have to walk with the aid of canes. Regarding this as an act of filial piety, sovereigns of
this age respect them. But, in fact, to approve the restraint of Mo Tzŭ one has to reprove Confucius for his
extravagance; to approve the filial piety of Confucius one has to reprove Mo Tzŭ for his impiety. Now, piety and
impiety, restraint and extravagance, all are found among the Literati and the Mohists, and the superiors respect
them equally.
According to the theory of Chì-tiao, 4 a man should not change his facial colour in front of others 5 nor should
he blink even in the face of danger 6 ; if he acts wrongly, he should give way to bondmen and bondwomen; and if
he acts aright, he should assert himself even before the feudal lords. Regarding this as an act of integrity,
sovereigns of this age respect him. Again, according to the teaching of Sung Yung Tzŭ, a man should delight 7 in
a non-combatant attitude towards opponents and approve of non-retaliatory actions against enemies; if cast into
prison, he should not be ashamed; and, if insulted, he should not feel humiliated. Regarding this as an attitude of
generosity, sovereigns of this age respect him. But, in fact, to approve the integrity of Chì-tiao one has to
reprove Sung Yung for his forgiveness; to approve the generosity of Sung Yung one has to reprove Chì-tiao for
his fierceness. Now, generosity and integrity, forgiveness and fierceness, all are found in these two philosophers,
and the lords of men respect them equally.
Inasmuch as stupid and deceptive studies and heretical and contradictory theories are in conflict while the lords
of men tolerate them equally, the gentry within the seas have neither definite forms of speech nor constant
standards of conduct. Indeed, ice and charcoal do not share the same vessel and last long; winter and summer do
not come at the same time. Likewise, heretical and contradictory studies do not stand together and have peace.
Now that heretical studies are equally listened to and contradictory theories are absurdly acted upon, how can
there be other than chaos? If the ruler listens so carelessly and acts so absurdly, the same must be true when he
rules over men.
The learned gentlemen of the present age, when they speak on political order, mostly say: "Give the poor and the
destitute land and thereby provide men of no property with enough." However, if there are men who were
originally the same as others but have independently become able to be perfectly self-supporting, even without
prosperous years or other income, it must be due to their diligence or to their frugality. Again, if there are men
who were originally the same as others but have independently become poor and destitute without suffering from
any misfortune of famine and drought or illness and malignancy or calamity and lawsuit, it must be due to their
extravagance or to their laziness. Extravagant and lazy persons are poor; diligent and frugal persons are rich.
Now, if the superior levies money from the rich in order to distribute alms among the poor, it means that he robs
the diligent and frugal and rewards the extravagant and lazy. Naturally it is impossible to force people to speed
up their work and also restrain their expenditure.
Now suppose there is a man, who, holding fast to his self-righteous principle, would not enter any city that was
in danger, would not stay in military camps, and would not exchange a hair from his shin for any great profit in
All-underHeaven. Then be sure the sovereign of this age will respect him therefor, honouring his wisdom,
exalting his conduct, and regarding him as a gentleman despising material trifles and esteeming meaningful life.
Indeed, the reason that the superior lines up good fields and large houses and establishes ranks and bounties, is to
make people exert their strength to the point of death. Yet as long as the superior honours the gentlemen who
despise material trifles and esteem meaningful life, it is impossible to expect the people to sacrifice their lives for
his royal cause.
Suppose you keep a number of books, practise the art of speaking, gather a band of pupils, indulge in culture and
learning, and discuss theories, then be sure sovereigns of this age will respect you therefor, saying, "To respect
worthies is the way of the early kings." Indeed, those who are taxed by the magistrates are farmers while those
who are fed by the superior are learned gentlemen. Being farmers, the former are more heavily taxed; being
learned gentlemen, the latter are more liberally rewarded. Hence it is impossible to force the people to work hard
and talk little.
Again, suppose you build a standard of estimation, blend all clever principles, 8 maintain strict self-control, and
do not act aggressively, and are sure to pursue anybody with your sword whenever his reproachful words pass
into your ears, then sovereigns of this age will honour you as a self-respecting gentleman. Indeed, as long as the
merit of beheading in war is not rewarded but the bravery of family quarrels is celebrated with honours, it is
impossible to force the people to fight hard and resist enemies and have no private quarrels. In time of peace, the
state feeds the literati and the cavaliers, but in case of emergency, it uses the armed officers. Thus, those who
have been fed, are not taken into service; those who are taken into service, have not been fed. That is the reason
why the age is chaotic.
Further, the lord of men, in listening to a learned man, if he approves his words, should officially put them into
practice and appoint the person to office, and, if he reproves him for his words, should get rid of the person and
put an end to his heretical doctrine. Today, however, what is regarded as right is not officially put into practice,
and what is regarded as wrong is not extinguished as heretical doctrine. Thus, the right is not used, the wrong not
stopped; this is the way to chaos and ruin.
Tàn-tài Tzŭ-yü had the manners of a gentleman. Considering him a man of promise, Chung-ni took him into
service, and, after having dealt with him for a long time, found his deeds not equal to his looks. Again, Tsai Yü's
speech was elegant and refined. Considering him a man of promise, Chung-ni took him into service, and, after
having dealt with him for a long time, found his wisdom falling short of his eloquence. Hence Confucius said:
"In taking a man on the basis of his manners I made a mistake in choosing Tzŭ-yü; in taking a man on the basis
of his words I made a mistake in choosing Tsai Yü." Thus, notwithstanding his wisdom, Chung-ni expressed
regretful sighs for his misjudgment of realities. Now that the new debaters of today are even more reckless than
Tsai Yü and sovereigns of this age in listening to them are even more susceptible to delusion than Chung-ni, if
the superior appoints any debater to office on account of delight in his words, how can a mistake be avoided? For
instance, Wey trusted to the eloquence of Mêng Mao 9 and met disaster at the foot of Mt. Hua. Again, Chao
trusted to the eloquence of Ma-fu 10 and experienced the calamity of Chàng-pìng. These two instances well
illustrate the error in trusting to eloquence.
Indeed, if only the heated and hammered tin 11 is inspected and only the blue and yellow glearns are observed,
even Ou 12 Yeh can not ascertain the quality of a sword. But if you hit herons and wild geese in water with the
sword and kill ponies and horses on land with it, then even bondmen and bondwomen, ignorant as they are, are
not in doubt whether the sword is blunt or sharp. If the teeth in the mouth are examined and the formal features
are surveyed, then even Pai Lo could not be sure of the quality of a horse. But if you harness it to a cart and
observe it till the end of the drive, then even bondmen and bondwomen are not in doubt whether it is a hack or a
good horse. Similarly, if only manners and clothes are looked at and only words and phrases are listened to, then
even Chung-ni can not ascertain the personality of a gentleman. But if you test him with an official commission
and hold him responsible for any work done, then even the mediocre man is not in doubt whether he is stupid or
intelligent.
Therefore, as to the subordinates of the intelligent sovereign, prime ministers must have arisen from among the
district-magistrates and gallant generals must have emerged from among the squads of soldiers. If persons who
have rendered meritorious services are always rewarded, then the greater ranks and bounties become the better
encouraged they will be. Again, if offices are elevated and ranks are raised, then the greater the official
responsibilities become the more they will promote political order. Indeed, according as ranks and bounties are
raised official responsibilities promote political order, this is the royal road to supremacy.
The possessor of a thousand li of rocky land, can not be called rich; the possessor of a million puppets can not be
called strong. Not because the rocks are not big and the puppets 13 are not numerous. The possessors can not be
called rich and strong, simply because great rocks do not produce grain and puppets can not be used to resist
enemies. Now, men who get office through purchase and practise artful craft, eat without cultivating the land.
They are thus as unproductive as uncultivated land, in the same category as great rocks. Likewise, the literati and
the cavaliers who have rendered no meritorious service in the army but are celebrated and prosperous, 14 are
useless people, in the same class as puppets. Those who know the calamity of great rocks and puppets but never
know that the office-purchasers, the literati, and the cavaliers, are as harmful as uncultivated land and useless
people, do not know the similarity of one thing to another.
For such reasons, in the cases of the princes and kings of enemy states, though they are delighted at our
righteousness, we can not lay them under tribute as vassals 15 ; but in the case of the feudal lords inside the
passes 16 , though they disapprove our doings, we can always make them bring birds 17 to visit our court. Thus,
whoever has great strength sees others visit his court; whoever has little strength visits the courts of others.
Therefore the enlightened ruler strives after might.
Indeed, the strictly kept household sees no fierce servants, but a compassionate mother has spoilt children. From
this I know that authority and position are able to suppress violence, but that virtue and favour are not sufficient
to stop disorder.
Indeed, the sage, in ruling the state, does not count on people's doing him good, but utilizes their inability to do
him wrong. If he counts on people's doing him good, within the boundary there will never be enough such
persons to count by tens. But if he utilizes people's inability to do him wrong, an entire state can be uniformed. 18
Therefore, the administrator of the state affairs ought to consider the many but disregard the few. Hence his
devotion not to virtue but to law.
Similarly, if one should always count on arrows which are straight of themselves, there would be no arrow in a
hundred generations; if one should only count on pieces of wood which are round of themselves, there would be
no wheel in a thousand generations. Though in a hundred generations there is neither an arrow that is straight of
itself nor a wheel that is round of itself, yet how is it then that people of every generation ride in carts and shoot
birds? It is because the tools for straightening and bending are used. To rely not on the tools for straightening and
bending 19 but on 20 arrows straight of themselves and wheels round of themselves, is not thought much of by the
skilful carpenter. Why? Because riding is not a matter of one man alone, nor is archery a question of a single
shot. Reliance not on rewards and punishments but on people who are righteous of themselves, is not highly
considered by the enlightened sovereign. Why? Because the law of the state must not be dispensed with and
whom it regulates is not one man only. Therefore, the tactful ruler does not follow the good that happens by
accident but practises the Tao that prevails by necessity.
Now supposing some one addressed a person, saying, "I will make you to be wise and to live long," the world
would certainly think he was practising deception. 21 Indeed, wisdom is a matter of nature, longevity is a matter
of fate. As nature, and fate are not what one can learn from others, to assert to a person what men can not really
do, that is what the world calls deception. To call anybody what he can not really be, is flattery. 22 Flattery 23 is a
matter of nature, indeed. To instruct men in benevolence and righteousness is the same as to make assertions in
the matters of intelligence and longevity, which the sovereign with a legal standard does not heed. For
illustration, admiring the beauty of Mao-chìang 24 and Hsi-shih gains one's facial looks nothing; but applying
rouge, pomade, powder, and eyebrow-paint, makes one's appearance twice as good as before. Similarly, speaking
about the benevolence and righteousness of the early kings gains nothing for political order; but understanding
clearly our laws and measures and determining our rewards and punishments is the rouge, pomade, powder, and
eyebrow-paint of the state. So the enlightened sovereign urgently seeks real aids, and regards as secondary all
empty compliments. Hence no talk about benevolence and righteousness.
Now, witches and priests, in praying for somebody, all say, "May your age last as long as one thousand autumns
and ten thousand years." Then the sounds, "one thousand autumns and ten thousand years", echo through the
ears. As a matter of fact, however, nobody ever testifies to the addition of a single day to his age. That is the
reason why people despise witches and priests. Likewise, the literati of the present age, when they counsel the
lord of men, instead of speaking about methods to attain political order at present, talk about the achievement of
political order in the past. They neither study affairs pertaining to regulations for the officials nor observe the
conditions of the wicked and the villainous, but all speak on the reputed glories of remote antiquity and on the
achievements of the early kings. Ornamenting their speeches, the literati say, "If you listen to our words, you will
thereby become Hegemonic Ruler." Such people are but witches and priests among the itinerants, whom the
sovereign with a legal standard does not heed. Therefore, the enlightened sovereign exalts real facts, discards
useless things, and does not speak about benevolence and righteousness. He accordingly does not listen to the
words of the learned men.
Men of today who do not know the right way to political order, all say, "Win the hearts of the people." If they
should think of winning the hearts of the people and thereby attaining political order, then even Yi Yin and Kuan
Chung would find no use for their statesmanship and the superior would listen to the people only. The
intelligence of the people, however, can not be depended upon just like the mind of the baby. If the baby does not
have his head shaved, the ache will recur 25 ; if his boil is not cut open, his trouble will turn from bad to worse.
However, to shave his head or to open his boil someone has to hold the baby while the compassionate mother is
performing this work. Yet he keeps crying and yelling incessantly as he does not know that suffering the small
pain will gain him a great benefit.
Now, the superior urges the tillage of rice fields and the cultivation of grassy lands in order to increase the
production of the people, but they think the superior is cruel. To perfect penalties and increase punishments is to
suppress wickedness, but they think the superior is severe. Again, he levies taxes in cash and in grain to fill up
the storehouses and treasures in order thereby to relieve famine and drought and provide for corps and battalions,
but they think the superior is greedy. Finally, he traces out every culprit within the boundary, discriminates 26
among men without personal favouritism. . . . 27 , and unites the forces for fierce struggle, in order thereby to take
his enemies captive, but they think the superior is violent. These four measures are methods to attain order and
maintain peace, but the people do not know that they ought to rejoice in them.
Indeed, the superior seeks for saintly and well-informed men, because the intelligence of the people is not
adequate for use as directive. For instance, of old, Yü opened the Kiang 28 and deepened the Ho 29 for draining
the Great Deluge away, but the people gathered tiles and stones to hit him. Likewise, Tzŭ-chàn cleared fields
and planted mulberry-trees, but the people of Chêng slandered and reviled him. Yü benefited All-under-Heaven
and Tzŭ-chàn preserved Chêng, but both incurred slander. Clearly enough, indeed, the intelligence of the people
is not adequately dependable. Therefore, in appointing officials, to seek for the worthy and the wise; in
administering the government, to expect to suit the people: both alike are causes of confusion, and can not be
employed for the attainment of political order.
Notes
1. 顯學. Its English rendering by L. T. Chen is "Upholding Learning" (Liang. op. cit., p. 129, f. 2), which is
incorrect.
2. With Kao Hêng 殷周 and 虞夏 as misplaced in the text should replace each other.
3. 賃子而償 is found in the Royal Readings.
4. This Chì-tiao must be different from the one already mentioned.
5. This means to maintain his dignity.
6. This means to maintain his steadfastness.
7. I propose 說 for 設.
8. The Palace Library edition has 明 in place of 民.
9. Commander of Wey's Army defeated by General Pai Chì of Chìn in 273 b.c.
10. The style of Chao Kua, who was defeated by Pai Chì in 260 b.c.
11. They need so alloy tin with iron to make swords.
12. With Wang Hsien-shen 區 and 歐 were synonyms.
13. With Wang Hsien-shen 數 should be 象人.
14. With Wang 顯而榮 should be 而顯榮.
15. The German rendering of this passage by Alfred Forke reads: "Wenn such Fürsten und Könige der
feindlichen Staaten rich an unserer Rechtschaf-fenheit freuen, so sind wir doch (in ihren Augen) keine
Menschen, haben Tribut zu zahlen and zu dienen." This is evidently because he misread 吾弗入貢而臣 for 吾弗
人，貢而臣 (v. Geschiches der alten chinesischen Philosophis, p. 476).
16. Namely, within the sphere of our influence.
17. Forke's translation of this passage reads: "Wenn auch die Fürsten innerhalb der Pässe unser Tun verurteilen,
so können wir sie doch ergreifen lassen und an unsern Hof zitieren." Again, he mistook for 執禽 for 執擒 (v.
Ibid.). 禽 literally means "birds" but in this case it connotes both birds and animals. "The Board of Ceremonies"
in the Rites of Chou says: "For the classification of different vassals different birds and animals were used to
make six kinds of presents to the superior. The feudal lords bring fur robes, the nobles kid skin, the high officers
wild-geese, the gentry pheasants, the commoners ducks, and the craftsmen and salesmen fowls." Again, there is a
passage in the Book of the Warring States as follows: "Men became vassals, women concubines, all bringing
birds and following the coachmen on the way."
18. Forke's translation of this passage reads: ". . . . . . während durch Verhinderung des Bösen die Bewohner des
ganzen Reichs sich regieren lassen." For this he read the text as 用人不得為非，一國可使齊為治也 (Op. cit.,
p. 478). According to Ku Kuang-ts`ê the last three characters 為治也 should be 為治者 which is the subject of
the following sentence 為治者，用眾而舍寡.
19. With Wang Hsien-shen 雖有 above 不恃隱栝 is superfluous.
20. With Wang 有 should be 恃.
21. 狂 means 誑.
22. With Kao Hêng 論 in both cases stands for 謏.
23. With Kao Hêng 論 in both cases stands for 謏.
24. With Wang Hsien-shen 毛嗇 should be 毛嬙.
25. With Wang 腹 is a mistake for 復.
26. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 介 should be 分.
27. Ku thought there were hiatuses both above and below 解, which alone, if literally translated, makes no unity
of thought in the whole passage, and is therefore not translated.
28. Namely, the Yangtse River.
29. Namely, the Yellow River.
Book Twenty
51 忠孝第五十一
天下皆以孝悌忠順之道為是也，而莫知察孝悌忠順之道而審行之，是以天下亂。
皆以堯舜之道為是而法之，是以有弒君，有曲於父。堯、舜、湯、武或反君臣之義，亂後世之教者也。
堯為人君而君其臣，舜為人臣有臣其君，湯、武〔為〕人臣而弒其主，刑其尸，而天下譽之，此天下所
以至今不治者也。
夫所謂明君者，能畜其臣者也；所謂賢臣者，能明法辟，治官職，以戴其君者也。今堯自以為明而不能
以畜舜，舜自以為賢而不能以戴堯，湯、武自以為義而弒其君長，此明君且常與，而賢臣且常取也。故
至今為人子者有取其父之家，為人臣者有取其君之國者矣。父而讓子，君而讓臣，此非所以定位一教之
道也。
臣之所聞曰：「臣事君，子事父，妻事夫。三者順則天下治，三者逆則天下亂。此天下之常道也。」
明王賢臣而弗易也，則人主雖不肖，臣不敢侵也。今夫上賢任智無常，逆道也，而天下常以為治。是故
田氏奪呂氏於齊，戴氏奪子氏於宋。此皆賢且智也，豈愚且不肖乎？是廢常上賢則亂，舍法任智則危。
故曰：上法而不上賢。
記曰：「舜見瞽瞍，其容造焉。孔子曰：『當是時也，危哉！天下岌岌！有道者，父固不得而子，君固
不得而臣也。』」
臣曰：孔子本未知孝悌忠順之道也。然則有道者，進不為（臣主）〔主臣〕，退不為父子耶？父之所以
欲有賢子者，家貧則富之，父苦則樂之；君之所以欲有賢臣者，國亂則治之，主卑則尊之。今有賢子
而不為父，則父之處家也苦；有賢臣而不為君，則君之處位也危。然則父有賢子，君有賢臣，適足以為
害耳，豈得利焉哉？
所謂忠臣，不危其君；孝子，不非其親。今舜以賢取君之國，而湯、武以義放弒其君，此皆以賢而危主
者也，而天下賢之。
古之烈士，進不臣君，退不為家，是進則非其君，退則非其親者也。且夫進不臣君，退不為家，亂世絕
嗣之道也。是故賢堯、舜、湯、武而是烈士，天下之亂術也。
瞽瞍為舜父，而舜放之；象為舜弟而殺之。放父殺弟，不可謂仁；妻帝二女而取天下，不可謂義。仁義
無有，不可謂明。《詩》云：「普天之下，莫非王土；率土之濱，莫非王臣。」信若《詩》之言也，是
舜出則臣其君，入則臣其父，妾其母，妻其主女也。
故烈士內不為家，亂世絕嗣；而外矯於君，朽骨爛肉，施於土地，流於川谷，不避蹈水火。使天下從而
效之，是天下徧死而願夭也。此皆釋世而不治是也。
世之所為烈士者，（雖）〔離〕眾獨行，取異於人，為恬淡之學而理恍惚之言。臣以為恬淡，無用之教
也；恍惚，無法之言也。言出於無法，（數）〔教〕出於無用者，天下謂之察。臣以為人生必事君養
親，事君養親不可以恬淡；（之）〔治〕人必以言論忠信法術，言論忠信法術不可以恍惚。恍惚之
言，恬淡之學，天下之惑術也。
孝子之事父也，非競取父之家也；忠臣之事君也，非競取君之國也。夫為人子而常譽他人之親曰：「某
子之親，夜寢早起，強力生財以養子孫臣妾。」是誹謗其親者也。為人臣常譽先王之德厚而願之，
〔是〕誹謗其君者也。非其親者知謂〔之〕不孝，而非其君者天下（此）〔皆〕賢之，此所以亂也。
故人臣毋稱堯、舜之賢，毋譽湯、武之伐，毋言烈士之高，盡力守法，專心於事主者為忠臣。
古者黔首悗密惷愚，故可以虛名取也。今民儇詗智慧，欲自用，不聽上。上必且勸之以賞，然後可進；
又且畏之以罰，然後不敢退。
而世皆曰：「許由讓天下，賞不足以勸；盜跖犯刑赴難，〔罰〕不足以禁。」臣曰：未有天下而無以天
下為者，許由是也；已有天下而無以天下為者，堯舜是也；毀廉求財，犯刑趨利，忘身之死者，盜跖是
也。此二者，殆物也。治國用民之道也，不以此二者為量。治也者，治常者也；道也者，道常者也。
殆物妙言，治之害也。
天下太（平）〔上之〕士，不可以賞勸也；天下太（平）〔下〕之士，不可以（為）刑禁也。然為太上
士不設賞，為太下士不設刑，則治國用民之道失矣。
故世人多不言國法而言從橫。諸侯言從者曰：「從成必霸。」而言橫者曰：「橫成必王。」山東之言從
橫，未嘗一日而止也，然而功名不成，霸王不立者，虛言非所以成治也。王者獨行謂之王，是以三王不
務離合而（止）〔正〕，五霸不待從橫〔而〕察，治內以裁外而已矣。
Chapter LI. Loyalty and Filial Piety: A Memorial1
All-under-Heaven approve the Tao of filial piety, fraternal respect, loyalty, and obedience, but never carefully
investigate the Tao of filial piety, fraternal respect, loyalty, and obedience; nor do they act intelligently upon
these; wherefor All-under-Heaven is in disorder.
As everybody approves the Tao of Yao and Shun and conforms to it, there are murderers of rulers and rebels
against fathers. Yao, Shun, Tàng, and Wu, each in his turn, acted contrary to the right relationship of ruler and
minister, and the moral of the subsequent generations has consequently been upset. Yao, while ruler of men,
made a minister his ruler. Shun, while ministering to a ruler, made the ruler a minister. Tàng and Wu, while
ministering to rulers, murdered the sovereigns and dismembered their bodies. Yet All-underHeaven have
honoured them. This is the reason why Allunder-Heaven has hitherto not attained political order.
Indeed, the so-called intelligent ruler is one who is able to keep his ministers in his service; the so-called worthy
minister is one who is able to make laws and crimes clear and attend to his official duties so as to support his
master. Now, Yao, assuming himself to be enlightened, could not keep Shun in his service; Shun, assuming
himself to be worthy, could not continue supporting Yao; and Tàng and Wu, assuming themselves to be
righteous, murdered their masters and superiors. That was the way "enlightened" rulers would give and "worthy"
ministers would take. In consequence, hitherto there have been sons robbing their fathers' houses and ministers
robbing their masters' states. Thus, fathers give way to sons and rulers give way to ministers. Such is not the
right way to determine the distinction of rank between ruler and minister and unify the system of morale between
father and son.
Thy servant has heard, "Minister serving ruler, son serving father, and wife serving husband, if these three
relationships run in harmony, All-under-Heaven will have order; if these three relationships run in discord, All-
under-Heaven will have disorder." If this is an immutable principle of the world, which neither the intelligent
king nor the worthy minister dares to depart from, then even though the lord of men might be unworthy, no
minister would dare to infringe his prerogative. In these days, however, the exaltation of the worthy, the
appointment of the wise, and the lack of a constant principle, all follow the wrong way; but All-underHeaven
always regard it as the royal road to order. For this reason, the Tìen Clan replaced the Lü Clan in Chì and the
Tai Clan replaced the Tzŭ Clan in Sung. Both Tìen Hêng and Tzŭ-han were worthy and astute and never were
stupid and worthless. Thus, when the immutable principle is abolished and worthies are exalted, confusion
appears; when the law is discarded and astute men are taken into service, danger arises. Hence the saying: "Exalt
law but never exalt worthiness." 2
The ancient Records says: "Shun, when he saw his father, Ku-sou, looked uneasy". 3 On this Confucius
remarked: "How critical the age was! For All-under-Heaven was then hanging by a hair. If anybody was a
follower of the true path, even his father could not treat him as a son, and, even his ruler could not treat him as a
minister."
However, thy servant would say, "Confucius in the first place did not understand the Tao of filial piety, fraternal
respect, loyalty, and obedience." By that remark did he mean that a follower of the true path, when in the court,
could not be a minister to the sovereign, 4 and, when at home, could not be a son of the father? The reason why
fathers want to have worthy sons, is that the family, if poor, will be enriched by them, and the fathers, when
suffering, will be gladdened by them. The reason why the ruler wants to have worthy ministers, is that the state,
if in chaos, will be put into order by them, and the sovereign, when humbled, will be elevated by them. Now
supposing there were a son never doing his father any good, then the father in managing the domestic affairs
would suffer. Again, supposing there were a worthy minister never doing the ruler any good, then the ruler while
safeguarding his throne would be jeopardized. If so, to have a worthy son and to have a worthy minister will
constitute a harm to the father and the ruler respectively. Then how can they get any benefit at all?
They say the loyal minister never endangers his ruler and the dutiful son never disowns his parents. Now, Shun,
by pretending to worthiness, took the ruler's state; Tàng and Wu, by pretending to righteousness, dethroned and
murdered their rulers. Though all these people endangered their sovereigns by pretending to worthiness, yet All-
underHeaven has considered them really worthy.
The heroes of antiquity, when in public, would never minister to any ruler, and, when in private, would never
serve their families. By so doing, they disowned their rulers in public and their parents in private. Moreover, to
minister to no ruler when active in public and serve no family when retired in private, is the road to world-
confusion and family-extinction. Therefore, to regard Yao, Shun, Tàng, and Wu, as worthy, and approve ancient
heroes, is a disturbing craft in All-under-Heaven.
Ku-sou was Shun's father but Shun exiled him; Hsiang was Shun's brother but Shun 5 killed him. Who exiled his
father and killed his brother, could not be called benevolent. Nor could one who married the emperor's two
daughters 6 and took the rule over All-under-Heaven be called righteous. Who was neither benevolent nor
righteous, could not be called enlightened. It is said in the Book of Poetry:
Under the whole heaven,

Every spot is the sovereign's ground;
To the borders of the land,
Every individual is the sovereign's minister. 7
As against the principle of this poem, Shun in public made his ruler a minister, and in private made his father a
manservant, his mother a woman-servant, and his master's daughters wives.
For the same reason, every hero in private never did his family any good; disturbing the world and exterminating
his posterity, and in public attempting to oppose the ruler in every way. Though his decaying bones and spoilt
flesh might eventually lie unburied on the open ground or flow on the mountain-stream, he never avoided going
through water and fire in order to make All-under-Heaven take him as model, whereby he would make
everybody in the world die and end his life young without regret. This type of man would always desert the
world and never care about political order.
Similarly, whoever is a hero in this age, acts contrary to the masses, 8 practises his own creed, prefers differences
from others, pursues the philosophy of peace and quietude, 9 and expounds the doctrine of vagueness and
illusion. 10 Thy servant, however, thinks the philosophy of peace and quietude is a useless creed and the doctrine
of vagueness and illusion is a lawless theory. He whose word is lawless and whose creed is useless, is regarded
by the world as observing. Thy servant, however, maintains: Everybody during his life-time should serve the
ruler and support the parents, but serving the ruler and supporting the parents can not depend upon the
philosophy of peace and quietude; again everybody during his life-time 11 should live up to his word and
doctrine, loyalty and sincerity, law and tact, 12 but word and doctrine, loyalty and sincerity, law and tact, can not
be based on the teaching of vagueness and illusion; wherefore the teaching of vagueness and illusion and the
philosophy of peace and quietude are nothing but bewildering crafts in the world.
A dutiful son, in serving his father, never fights with his brothers for the father's household; a loyal minister, in
serving the ruler, never struggles with other ministers for the ruler's state. Indeed, if a son always praises other
people's parents, saying, for instance, "The parents of Mr. So and So go to bed late at night and get up early in
the morning and work hard to make money and thereby support their children and grandchildren and keep so
many men and women servants," he is a defamer of his parents. Similarly, if a minister always praises the early
kings for the greatness of their virtues and longs after them, he is a defamer of his ruler. Now, one who defames
his parents is called undutiful; whereas one who defames his ruler, the world considers worthy. This is the reason
why there is chaos.
Therefore, the minister who neither extols the worthiness of Yao and Shun, nor admires the achievement of
Tàng and Wu, nor speaks well of the nobleness of the ancient heroes, but applies all his strength to observing
the law and devotes his mind to serving the sovereign, is a loyal minister, indeed.
In antiquity the black headed 13 were mindless and stupid. Therefore, it was possible to win their homage by
means of empty fame. The people of today, however, are alert and astute and apt to preen themselves and
disobey the superior. Therefore, the superior needs to encourage them with rewards, so that they will advance,
and to terrify them with punishments, so that they will never dare to retreat.
However, people of this age all say: "As Hsü Yu declined the rule over All-under-Heaven, mere reward would
not be sufficient to encourage worthies. As Robber Chê purposely transgressed the penal law and bravely
underwent the consequent disaster, punishment would not be sufficient to prevent culprits." In response thy
servant would say: "Who had never had the rule over All-under-Heaven and left All-under-Heaven out of
consideration, was Hsü Yu. Who had already acquired the rule over All-under-Heaven but left All-under-Heaven
out of consideration, were Yao and Shun. Who ruined his personal integrity for seeking money, violated the
criminal law in seizing on profit, and forgot the impending death penalty, was Robber Chê. The two persons 14
were extremes. The right way of governing the state and employing the people should not take these rare persons
as standards. For government is to govern the ordinary persons; its true path is to lead the ordinary persons;
wherefore extreme things and eccentric words are detrimental to political order.
The highest 15 man of the world can not be encouraged with reward; nor can the lowest 16 man of the world be
restrained by penalty. However, if on account of the highest man reward is not established, and on account of the
lowest man punishment is not established, the right way of governing the state and employing the people will be
missed.
For that reason, most men of this age never speak of the law of the state but advocate the Perpendicular Union or
the Horizontal Alliance. The advocates of the Union 17 say, "No Union, no Hegemony." The advocates of the
Alliance say, "No Alliance, no supremacy." Now, to the east of the Mountain 18 advocates of the Alliance have
never stopped for a single day speaking on the subject. Yet if no achievement nor any reputation has been
accomplished nor any Hegemonic Ruler has emerged, it is because empty words are not means of attaining
political order. The king enjoys independent actions, wherefore he is called "supreme". For this reason, the Three
Kings never strove for any kind of union or separation; nor did the Five Hegemonic Rulers 19 attempt to form any
kind of Perpendicular Union or Horizontal Alliance. They only investigate ways and means of managing home
affairs and thereby fix foreign policies.
Notes
1. 忠孝.
2. Quoted from Shên Tzŭ.
3. v. Works of Mencius, Bk, V, Pt. I.
4. With Wang Hsien-shen 臣主 should be 主臣.
5. With Wang Hsien-shen 舞 should be supplied above 殺.
6. Emperor Yao's two daughters, Ê-huang and Nü-ying, both married Shun in 2288 b.c.
7. Legge's trans.
8. With Wang Wei 雖眾 should be 離眾.
9. 恬淡之學. v. Lao Tzŭ's Tao Tah Ching, Ch. XXXI, "Quelling War."
10. 恍惚之言. v. Ibid., Ch. XXI, "Emptying the Heart."
11. With Wang Hsien-shen 之人 should be 人生.
12. With Wang 以 between 必 and 言 is superfluous.
13. 黔首 refers to the masses of people who, as not allowed to wear hats or crowns, had to expose their black
hair on their heads. It was in 221 b.c., the 26th year of the Initiating Emperor of Chìn, that the Emperor began
calling the people "the black-headed"—twelve years after Han Fei Tzŭ's death (233 b.c.). Granting this work to
be genuine, the term must have been inserted posthumously by the author's followers.
14. Hsü Yu and Robber Chê.
15. With Ku Kuang-tu`ê 太平 should be 太上.
16. With Ku 太平 should be 太下.
17. With Ku 侯 between 諸 and 言從者 is superfluous.
18. By it Han Fei Tzŭ meant not Mt. Tài but Mt. Hua situated on the border between Chìn and the warring
states to her east.
19. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 止 above 五霸 is superfluous.
52 人主第五十二
人主之所以身危國亡者，大臣太貴，左右太威也。所謂貴者，無法而擅行，操國柄而便私者也。所謂威
者，擅權勢而輕重者也。此二者，不可不察也。
夫馬之所以能任重引車致遠道者，以筋力也。萬乘之主，千乘之君，所以制天下而征諸侯者，以其威勢
也。威勢者，人主之筋力也。今大臣得威，左右擅勢，是人主失力；人主失力而能有國者，千無一人。
虎豹之所以能勝人執百獸者，以其爪牙也；當使虎豹失其爪牙，則人必制之矣。今勢重者，人主之爪牙
也，君人而失其爪牙，虎豹之類也。宋君失其爪牙於子罕，簡公失其爪牙於田常，而不蚤奪之，故身死
國亡。
今無術之主皆明知宋、簡之過也，而不悟其失，不察其事類者也。
且法術之士，與當途之臣不相容也。何以明之？主有術士，則大臣不得制斷，近習不敢賣重；大臣、左
右權勢息，則人主之道明矣。
今則不然，其當途之臣得勢擅事以環其私，左右近習朋黨比周以制遠，則法術之士奚時得進用，人主
奚時得論裁？故有術不必用，而勢不兩立，法術之士焉得無危？
故君人者非能退大臣之議，而背左右之訟，獨合乎道言也，則法術之士安能蒙死亡之危而進說乎？此世
之所以不治也。
明主者，推功而爵祿，稱能而官事，所舉者必有賢，所用者必有能，賢（用）能之士進，則私門之請止
矣。夫有功者受重祿，有能者處大官，則私劍之士安得無離於私勇而疾距敵，游宦之士焉得無撓於私門
而務於清潔矣？此所以聚賢能之士，而散私門之屬也。
今近習者不必智，人主之於人也或有所知而聽之，入因與近習論其言，聽近習而不計其智，是與愚論智
也。其當途者不必賢，人主之於人或有所賢而禮之，入因與當途者論其行，聽其言而不用賢，是與不肖
論賢也。故智者決策於愚人，賢士程行於不肖，則賢智之士奚時得用，（以）〔而人〕主之明塞矣。
昔關龍逄說桀而傷其四肢，王子比干諫紂而剖其心，子胥忠直夫差而誅於屬鏤。此三子者，為人臣非不
忠，而說非不當也，然不免於死亡之患者，主不察賢智之言，而蔽〔於〕愚不肖之患也。
今人主非肯用法術之士，聽愚不肖之臣，則賢智之士孰敢當三子之危而進其智能者乎？此世之所以亂
也。
Chapter LII. The Lord of Men1
The reason why the lord of men finds himself endangered and sees his state ruined is that chief vassals are too
influential and the attendants are too rampant. Who is called powerful, observes no law but simply acts at
random and manipulates the handles of the state for facilitating his self-seeking purposes. Who is called rampant,
exercises all undue powers and influence at his pleasure and makes arbitrary determinations of right and wrong.
These two types of officials the lord of men must observe carefully.
Indeed, the horse can carry a heavy load, pull the wagon, and make a distant trip, because of its muscular
strength; the sovereign of ten thousand chariots and the ruler of one thousand chariots can rule over the world
and subdue the feudal lords, because of their prestige and position. Thus, prestige and position are the muscular
strength of the lord of men. Now suppose chief vassals gain the sovereign's prestige and attendants abuse the
august position. Then the lord of men will lose his strength. The lord of men who has lost his strength and is still
able to keep the state, is none out of a thousand.
The tiger and the leopard can overcome men and catch the hundred beasts 2 by virtue of their claws and fangs.
Supposing the tiger and the leopard lost their claws and fangs, they would fall under the control of men. Now
that the august position is the claws and fangs of the lord of men, if any ruler of men loses his claws and fangs,
he will be like the tiger and the leopard that have lost theirs. For instance, the Ruler of Sung lost his claws and
fangs to Tzŭ-han, and Duke Chien lost his claws and fangs to Tìen Chàng. Because they failed to recover them
early enough, they were themselves killed and their states were ruined.
Today, the tactless sovereigns all know very well the errors of the Ruler of Sung and Duke Chien, but never
comprehend their own mistakes. For they never observe closely the similarities between things.
Moreover, upholders of law and tact and the authorities in power are incompatible with each other. How can this
be proved? Well, if the sovereign has upholders of tact around, then chief vassals will not be able to control
matters of decision and the courtiers will not dare to abuse their privileges. Once the power and influence of the
chief vassals and attendants stop, the Tao of the lord of men will become illustrious.
The same is not so in these days. The ministers in power arrogate favourable positions and manage the state
affairs at random in order to further 3 their private interests. The attendants and the courtiers would form juntas
and associate for the wicked purpose of checking distant officials. If so, when will the upholders of law and tact
be able to go into the ruler's service? And when will the lord of men settle his opinion and make his decision?
Naturally the upholders of tact are not necessarily engaged by the ruler and cannot stand together with the
authorities in power. Then how can the upholders of law and tact have no danger?
For such reasons, unless the ruler of men can reject the chief vassals' counsels, oppose the attendants' opinions,
and conform independently to reasonable theories, how can the upholders of law and tact venture their lives in
presenting their ideas to the Throne? This is the reason why the present age is not orderly.
The intelligent sovereign confers ranks and bounties according to merits and assigns offices and tasks in
correspondence with abilities. Therefore, the persons appointed always have worthy qualities; those taken into
service always have required abilities. If worthy and able men are in governmental service, all requests by
private clans will disappear. Indeed, if men of merit receive great bounties and men of ability attain high offices,
then private swordsmen will infallibly stop their self-seeking bravery and attack 4 public enemies. So will the
itinerant politicians stop handing around the private residences of influential clans and start striving for purity
and cleanliness. This is the way to gather the worthy and able men and scatter the dependents of influential clans.
Now the courtiers are not necessarily wise. Yet, if the lord of men in his personnel administration first considers
somebody wise 5 and heeds his advice, and, after going inside, if he esteems the advice of the courtiers and
listens to them regardless of the adviser's wisdom, he will thereby esteem the wise with the stupid. Again, the
authorities in power are not necessarily worthy. Yet, if the lord of men in his personnel administration first
considers somebody worthy and respects him, and, after going inside, if he esteems the worthy's conduct with
the authorities in power and listens to them regardless of his worthiness, he will thereby esteem the worthy with
the worthless. Therefore, if wise men have to see their plans acknowledged by fools and worthies have to see
their characters estimated by worthless men, when will the men of worthiness and wisdom be able to enter the
ruler's service? So will the lord of men's sight be obscured.
Of old, Kuan Lung-p`êng admonished Chieh but had his four limbs injured; Prince Pi-kan remonstrated with
Chow but had his heart cut open; and Tzŭ-hsü was loyal and honest to Fu-chà but was censured with the Shu-
lou 6 sword. These three personages, while ministering to their rulers, were not disloyal; nor were their counsels
untrue. However, they could not evade the disaster of unjust death penalties, because of the calamity that their
sovereigns never deliberated carefully on the words of the wise and the worthy but were deluded by the stupid
and the worthless.
In these days, if the lord of men does not want to engage upholders of law and tact but listens only to stupid and
unworthy ministers, then who among the worthy and wise men dare face the risk of these three personages in
presenting their wisdom and ability to the Throne? This is the reason why the present age is disorderly.
Notes
1. 人主.
2. 百獸 refers to all kinds of animals.
3. Wang Hsien-shen read 環 for 營.
4. Wang proposed the supply of 於 before 距敵.
5. Wang read 知 for 智.
6. 屬鏤, name of the sword which King Fu-chà in 484 b.c. accorded Wu Tzŭ-hsü for suicide.
53 飭令第五十三
飭令則法不遷，法平則吏無姦。法已定矣，不以善言（售）〔害〕法。任功則民少言，任善則民多言。
行法曲斷，以五里斷者王，以九里斷者強，宿治者削。
以刑治，以賞戰，厚祿以（周）〔用〕術。行都之過，則都無姦市。物多（者）〔末〕眾，農弛姦勝，
則國必削。
民有餘食，使以粟出爵，必以其力，則（震）〔農〕不怠。
三寸之管毋當，不可滿也。授官爵出利祿不以功，是無當也。
國以功授官與爵，此謂以成智謀，以威勇戰，其國無敵。國以功授官與爵，則治（見）者省，言有塞，
此謂以治去治，以言去言，以功與爵者也。故國多力，而天下莫之能侵也。兵出必取，取必能有之；案
兵不攻必（當）〔富〕。
朝廷之事，小者不毀，效功取官爵，廷雖有辟言，不得以相干也，是謂以數治。以力攻者，出一取十；
以言攻者，出十喪百。國好力，此謂以難攻；國好言，此謂以易攻。
其能勝其害，輕其任，而道壞餘力於心，莫負乘宮之責於君。內無伏怨，使明者不相干，故莫訟；使士
不兼官，故技長；使人不同功，故莫爭。言此謂易攻。
重刑少賞，上愛民，民死賞；多賞輕刑，上不愛民，民〔不〕死賞。
利出一空者，其國無敵；利出二空者，其兵半用；利出十空者，民不守。重刑明民，大制使人，則上
利。
行刑重其輕者，輕者不至（至），重者不來，此謂以刑去刑。罪重而刑輕，刑輕則事生，此謂以刑致
刑，其國必削。
Chapter LIII. Making Orders Trim 1
If orders are made trim, laws never deviate; 2 if laws are equable, there will be no culprit among the officials.
Once the law is fixed, nobody can damage 3 it by means of virtuous words. If men of merit are appointed to
office, the people will have little to say; if men of virtue are appointed to office the people will have much to talk
about. The enforcement of laws depends 4 upon the method of judicial administration. Who administers judicial
affairs with the ease of making a distance of five li 5 , attains supremacy; who administers judicial affairs with
the effort of making nine li, attains mere strength. Whoever procrastinates in creating order, will see his state
dismembered.
Govern by penalties; 6 wage war by rewards; and enlarge the bounties so as to put the principles of statecraft into
practice. If so, there will be no wicked people in the state nor will there be any wicked trade at the market. If
things are many and trifles are numerous, and if farming is relaxed and villainy prevails, the state will certainly
be dismembered.
If the people have a surplus of food, make them receive rank by giving grain to the state. If only through their
own effort they can receive rank, 7 then farmers 8 will not idle.
If a tube three inches long has no bottom, it can never be filled. Conferring office and rank or granting profit and
bounty without reference to merit, is like a tube having no bottom.
If the state confers office and bestows rank, it can be said to devise plans with complete 9 wisdom and wage war
with complete courage. Such a state will find a rival. Again, if the state confers office and bestows rank
according to merit, then rules 10 will be simplified and opponents barred; this can be said to abolish government
by means of government, abolish words by means of words, and bestow rank according to merit. 11 Therefore the
state will have much strength and none else in All-under-Heaven will dare to invade it. When its soldiers march
out, they will take the objective and, having taken it, will certainly be able to hold it. When it keeps its soldiers in
reserve and does not attack, it will certainly become rich. 12
The affairs of the government, however small, should never be abandoned. For instance, office and rank are
always obtained according to the acquired merit; though there may be flattering words, it will be impossible
thereby to make any interference in the state affairs. This is said to be "government by figures." 13 For instance,
in attacking with force, ten points are taken for every point given out; but in attacking with words, one hundred
are lost for every one marched out. If a state is fond of force, it is called hard to attack; if a state is fond of words,
it is called easy to attack.
If the ability of the official is equal to his post, 14 if his duty is lightened and he never reserves 15 any surplus
energy in mind, and if he does not shift any responsibility of additional offices 16 back to the ruler, then there will
be no hidden grudge inside. If the intelligent ruler makes the state affairs never mutually interfere, 17 there will be
no dispute; if he allows no official to hold any kind of additional post, everybody will develop his talent or skill;
and if he allows no two persons to share the same meritorious achievement, there will be no quarrel. 18
If penalties are heavy and rewards are few, it means that the superior loves the people, wherefore the people will
die for rewards. If rewards are many and penalties are light, it means that the superior does not love the people,
wherefore the people will never die for rewards.
If the profit issues from one outlet 19 only, the state will have no rival; if it issues from two outlets, its soldiers
will be half useful; and if the profit comes from ten outlets, the people will not observe the law. If heavy
penalties are clear and if the people are always well disciplined and then if men are engaged in case of
emergency, the superior will have all the advantage.
In inflicting penalties light offences ahould be punished severely; if light offences do not appear, heavy offences
will not come. This is said to be to abolish penalties by means of penalties. And the state will certainly become
strong. 20 If crimes are serious but penalties are light, light penalties breed further troubles. This is said to create
penalties through penalties, and such a state will infallibly be dismembered.
Notes
1. 節令. This work is in many points identical with Lord Shang's "Making Orders Strict". Duyvendak's
translation has furnished its rendering with helpful reference (Cf. The Book of Lord Shang, Par. 13, pp. 252-259).
2. The Book of Lord Shang has 治不留 in place of 法不遷.
3. With Wang Hsien-shen 售 should be 害.
4. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê and Wang 曲 should be 由.
5. Duyvendak was wrong in taking 里 here for "hamlet".
6. Throughout his translation of The Book of Lord Shang Duyvendak made no distinction between 刑 and 罰.
Generally speaking, 刑 refers to the implements of punishment while 罰 refers to the act of applying penal
implements.
7. Wang Hsien-shen proposed the repetition of 爵.
8. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 震 should be 農.
9. Ku read 成 for 盛.
10. With Ku 威 should be 盛.
11. Following this there is missing a long passage which is found in The Book of Lord Shang.
12. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 當 should be 富.
13. Duyvendak's translation reads "government by statistics". Though 數 here refers to such techniques of
political control as involve both mathematical certainty in nature and mechanical efficiency in function, "figures"
seems to me more proper than "statistics".
14. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 害 should be 官.
15. With Ku 道壞 should be 莫懷.
16. With Ku 乘宮 should be 兼官.
17. With Ku 使明者不相干 should be 明君使事不相干.
18. As remarked by Wang Wei, the whole paragraph should be collated with Work XXVII (Supra, p. 269 et. seq.)
and rectified with it as was done by Ku Kuang-ts`ê. According to Ku 言此謂易攻 below 故莫爭 is superfluous.
19. Ku read 空 for 孔.
20. Wang Hsien-shen proposed the supply of 其國必強 below 此謂以刑去刑.
54 心度第五十四
聖人之治民，度於本，不從其欲，期於利民而已。故其與之刑，非所以惡民，愛之本也。刑勝而民靜，
賞繁而姦生。故治民者，刑勝，治之首也；賞繁，亂之本也。
夫民之性，喜其亂而不親其法。故明主之治國也，明賞則民勸功，嚴刑則民親法。勸功則公事不犯，親
法則姦無所萌。故治民者，禁姦於未萌；而用兵者，服戰於民心。禁先其本者治，兵戰其心者勝。聖人
之治民也，先治者強，先戰者勝。
夫國事務先而一民心，專舉公而私不從，賞告而姦不生，明法而治不煩。能用四者強，不能用四者弱。
夫國之所以強者，政也；主之所以尊者，權也。故明君有權有政，亂君亦有權有政，積而不同，其所以
立異也。故明君操權而上重，一政而國治。故法者，王之（者）〔本〕也；刑者，愛之自也。
夫民之性，惡勞而樂佚。佚則荒，荒則不治，不治則亂，而賞刑不行於天下者必塞。故欲舉大功而難致
（而）〔其〕力者，大功不可幾而舉也；欲治其法而難變其故者，民亂不可幾而治也。故治民無常，
（唯治為法）〔唯法為治〕。法與時轉則治，〔治〕與世（世）宜則有功。故民樸而禁之以名則治，世
知維之以刑則從。時移而治不易者亂，能（治）眾而禁不變者削。故聖人之治民（治）〔也〕，法與時
移而禁與能變。能越力於地者富，能起力於敵者強，強不塞者王。
故王道在所（聞）〔開〕，在所塞，塞其姦者必王。故王術不恃外之不亂也，恃其不可亂也。恃外不亂
而治立者削，恃其不可亂而行法者興。
故賢君之治國也，（敵）適於不亂之術。貴爵則上重，故賞功爵任而邪無所關。好力者其爵貴，爵貴則
上尊，上尊則必王。國不事力而恃私學者其爵賤，爵賤則上卑，上卑者必削。故立國用民之道也，能
閉外塞私而上自恃者，王可致也。
Chapter LIV. Surmising the Mentality of the People: A Psychological Analysis of
Politics1
The sage in governing the people considers their springs of action, never tolerates their wicked desires, but seeks
only for the people's benefit. Therefore, the penalty he inflicts is not due to any hatred for the people but to his
motive of loving the people. If penalty triumphs, the people are quiet; if reward over-flows, culprits appear.
Therefore the triumph of penalty is the beginning of order; the overflow of reward, the origin of chaos.
Indeed, it is the people's nature to delight in disorder and detach themselves from legal restraints. Therefore,
when the intelligent sovereign governs the state, if he makes rewards clear, the people will be encouraged to
render meritorious services; if he makes penalties severe, the people will attach themselves to the law. If they are
encouraged to render meritorious services, public affairs will not be obstructed; if they attach themselves to the
law, culprits will not appear. Therefore, he who governs the people should nip the evil in the bud; he who
commands troops, should inculcate warfare in the people's mind. If prohibitions can uproot causes of villainy,
there will always be order; if soldiers can imagine warfare in mind, there will always be victory. When the sage
is governing the people, he attains order first, wherefore he is strong; he prepares for war first, wherefore he
wins.
Indeed, the administration of the state affairs requires the attention to the causes of human action so as to unify
the people's mental trends; the exclusive elevation of public welfare so as to stop self-seeking elements; the
reward for denunciation of crime so as to suppress culprits; and finally the clarification of laws so as to facilitate
governmental procedures. Whoever is able to apply these four measures, will become strong; whoever is unable
to apply these four measures, will become weak. Indeed, the strength of the state is due to the administration of
its political affairs; the honour of the sovereign is due to his supreme power. Now, the enlightened ruler
possesses the supreme power and the administrative organs; the ignoble ruler possesses both the supreme power
and the administrative organs, 2 too. Yet the results are not the same, because their standpoints are different.
Thus, as the enlightened ruler has the supreme power in his grip, the superior is held in high esteem; as he unifies
the administrative organs, the state is in order. Hence law is the origin of supremacy and penalty is the beginning
of love.
Indeed, it is the people's nature to abhor toil and enjoy ease. However, if they pursue ease, the land will waste; if
the land wastes, the state will not be in order. If the state is not orderly, it will become chaotic. If reward and
penalty take no effect among the inferiors, 3 government 4 will come to a deadlock. Therefore, he who wants to
accomplish a great achievement but hesitates to apply his 5 full strength, can not hope for the accomplishment of
the achievement; he who wants to settle the people's disorder 6 but hesitates to change their traditions, can not
hope to banish the people's disorder. Hence there is no constant method for the government of men. The law
alone leads to political order. 7 If laws are adjusted to the time, there is good government. If government fits the
age, there will be great accomplishment. Therefore, when the people are naïve, if you regulate them with fame,
there will be good government; when everybody in the world is intelligent, 8 if you discipline them with
penalties, they will obey. While time is moving on, if laws do not shift 9 accordingly, there will be misrule; while
abilities are diverse, 10 if prohibitions are not changed, the state will be dismembered. Therefore, the sage in
governing the people makes laws 11 move with time and prohibitions change with abilities. Who can exert 12 his
forces to land-utilization, will become rich; who can rush his forces at enemies, will become strong. The strong
man not obstructed in his way will attain supremacy.
Therefore, the way to supremacy 13 lies in the way of shutting 14 culprits off and the way of blocking up wicked
men. Who is able to block up wicked men, will eventually attain supremacy. The policy of attaining supremacy
relies not on foreign states' abstention from disturbing your state, but on their inability to disturb your state. Who
has to rely on foreign powers' abstention from disturbing his state before he can maintain his own independence,
15
will see his state dismembered; who relies on their inability to disturb his state and willingly enacts the law,
will prosper.
Therefore, the worthy ruler in governing the state follows 16 the statecraft of invulnerability. When rank is
esteemed, the superior will increase his dignity. He will accordingly bestow rewards on men of merit, confer
ranks upon holders of posts, and appoint wicked men to no office. 17 Who devotes himself to practical forces,
gets a high rank. If the rank is esteemed, the superior will be honoured. The superior, if honoured, will attain
supremacy. On the contrary, if the state does not strive after practical forces but counts on private studies, its rank
will be lowered. If the rank is lowered, the superior will be humbled. If the superior is humbled, the state will be
dismembered. Therefore, if the way of founding the state and using the people can shut off foreign invaders and
block up self-seeking subjects, and if the superior relies on himself, supremacy will be attained.
Notes
1. 心度.
2. Distinguishing between 權 and 政, Han Fei Tzŭ evidently differentiated the government as political machinery
from the supreme authority—or sovereignty, to use a term of modern political science—behind it, and again the
supreme authority from the person through whose will-power it could be exercised. Thus, he answered in this
short paragraph such principal problems of modern political theory as, What is sovereignty? Where is
sovereignty located? and, How does sovereignty function?
3. With Ku 天 above 下 is superfluous.
4. I propose 政 above 必塞.
5. Ku proposed 其 for 而.
6. Wang Hsien-shen proposed 民亂 for 其法.
7. Wang Hsien-chìen proposed 唯法為治 for 唯治唯法.
8. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 知 reads 智.
9. Wang Hsien-chìen proposed 法不易 for 治不易.
10. With Wang 治 below 能 is superfluous.
11. With Ku 治 above 法 is superfluous.
12. Ku proposed 趨 for 越.
13. Ku proposed 趨 for 起.
14. Ku proposed 閉 for 聞.
15. Ku proposed 始 for 治 above 立.
16. With Ku 適 should be 道.
17. With Kao Hêng 關 below 無所 means 置 or 措.
55 制分第五十五
夫凡國博君尊者，未嘗非法重而可以至乎令行禁止於天下者也。是以君人者分爵制祿，則法必嚴以重
之。
夫國治則民安，事亂則邦危。法重者得人情，禁輕者失事實。且夫死力者，民之所有者也，情莫不出其
死力以致其所欲；而好惡者，上之所制也，民者好利祿而惡刑罰。上（賞）〔掌〕好惡以御民力，事實
不宜失矣；
然而禁輕事失者，刑賞失也。其治民不秉法為善也，如是，則是無法也。故治亂之理，宜務分刑賞為
急，
治國者莫不有法，然而有存有亡。亡者，其制刑賞不分也。治國者，其刑賞莫不有分。有持（以異）
〔異以〕為分，不可謂分。
至於察君之分，獨分也。是以其民重法而畏禁，願毋抵罪而不敢胥賞。故曰：不待刑賞而民從事矣。
是故夫至治之國，善以止姦為務，是何〔也〕？其法通乎人情，關乎治理也。
然則去微姦之〔道〕柰何？其務令之相規其情者也。則使相闚柰何？曰：蓋理相坐而已。禁尚有連於己
者，理不得〔不〕相闚，惟恐不得免。有姦心者不令得忘，闚者多也。如此，則慎己而闚彼，發姦之
密。告過者免罪受賞，失姦者必誅連刑。如此，則姦類發矣。姦不容細，私告任坐使然也。
夫治法之至明者，任數不任人。是以有術之國，不用譽則毋適，境內必治，任數也。亡國使兵公行乎其
地，而弗能圉禁者，任人而無數也。自攻者人也，攻人者數也。故有術之國，去言而任法。
凡畸功之循約者（雖）〔難〕知，過刑之於言者難見也，是以刑賞惑乎貳。所謂循約難知者，姦功也；
臣過之難見者，失根也。循理不見虛功，度情詭乎姦根，則二者安得無兩失也？
是以虛士立名於內，而談者為略於外，故愚、怯、勇、慧相連，而以虛道屬俗而容乎世。故其法不用，
而刑罰不加乎僇人。如此，則刑賞安得不容其二？
實故有所至，而理失其量，量之失，非法使然也，法定而任慧也。釋法而任慧者，則受事者安得其務？
務不與事相得，則法安得無失，而刑安得無煩？是以賞罰擾亂，邦道差誤，刑賞之不分白也。
Chapter LV. Regulations and Distinctions1
In general, 2 wherever the state is extensive and the ruler is honourable, there laws are so strict that whatever is
ordered works and whatever is prohibited stops. Therefore, the ruler of men who distinguishes between ranks
and regulates bounties, makes laws severe and thereby makes the distinction strict.
Indeed, if the state is orderly, the people are safe; if affairs are confused, the country falls into peril. Who makes
laws strict, hits on the true nature of mankind; who makes prohibitions lenient, misses the apparent fact.
Moreover, everybody is, indeed, gifted with desperate courage. To exert desperate courage to get what one
wants, is human nature. Yet everybody's likes and dislikes should be regulated by the superior. Now the people
like to have profit and bounty and hate to be punished, if the superior catches their likes and dislikes and thereby
holds their desperate courage under control, he will not 3 miss the realities of affairs.
However, if prohibitions are lenient and facts are missed, reward and penalty will be misused. Again, when
governing the people, if you do not regard 4 conformity to law as right, you will eventually observe no law.
Therefore, the science and philosophy of politics 5 should by all means emphasize the distinction between
degrees of penalty and of reward.
Who governs the state, should always uphold the law. In life there are ups and downs. If any ruler goes down, it
is because in regulating rewards and penalties he makes no distinction between different degrees. Who governs
the state, always distinguishes between reward and punishment. Therefore, some people might regard the
distinction between reward and punishment as distinction, which should not be called distinction in the strict
sense.
As regards the distinction made by the clear-sighted ruler, it is the distinction between different grades of reward
and of punishment. Therefore, his subjects respect laws and fear prohibitions. They try to avoid crime rather than
dare to expect any reward. Hence the saying: "Without expecting penalty and reward the people attend to public
affairs."
For this reason, the state at the height of order is able to take the suppression of villainy for its duty. Why?
Because its law comprehends human nature and accords with the principles of government.
If so, how to get rid of delicate villainy? By making the people watch 6 one another in their hidden affairs. Then
how to make them watch one another? By implicating the people of the same hamlet in one another's crime.
When everyone knows that the penalty or reward will directly affect him, if the people of the same hamlet 7 fail
to watch one another, they will fear they may not be able to escape the implication, and those who are evil-
minded, will not be allowed to forget so many people watching them. Were such the law, everybody would mind
his own doings, watch everybody else, and disclose the secrets of any culprit. For, whosoever denounces a
criminal offence, is not held guilty but is given a reward; whosoever misses any culprit, is definitely censured
and given the same penalty as the culprit. Were such the law, all types of culprits would be detected. If the
minutest villainy is not tolerated, it is due to the system of personal denunciation and mutual implication.
Indeed, the most enlightened method of governing a state is to trust measures and not men. For this reason, the
tactful state is never mistaken if it does not trust the empty fame of men. If the land within the boundary is
always in order it is because measures are employed. If any falling state lets foreign soldiers walk all over its
territory and can neither resist nor prevent them, it is because that state trusts men and uses no measures. Men
may jeopardize their own country, but measures can invade others' countries. Therefore, the tactful state spurns
words and trusts laws.
Broadly speaking, it is hard to uncover a crooked merit that appears to fulfil the promise; it is hard to disclose the
feature 8 of the fault that is ornamented with beautiful words. Therefore, penalty and reward are often misled by
double-dealers. What is alleged to be fulfilling the promise but is hard to uncover, is a villainous merit. Any
minister's fault is hard to disclose, because its motive is missed. However, if by following reason you can not
disclose the false merit and by analyzing feelings you are still deceived by the villainous motive, then can both
reward and punishment have no mistake respectively?
For such reasons, false scholars establish names inside, while itinerants devise plans outside, till the stupid and
the coward mix themselves with the brave and the clever. Inasmuch as the false path is customary, they are
tolerated by their age. Therefore, their law does not work and their penalty affects nobody. If so, both reward and
penalty have to be double-dealings. 9
Therefore, 10 concrete facts have their limits of extension, but abstract principles involve no accurate measures.
The absence of such measures is due not to the law but to the abandonment of law 11 and the dependence on
cleverness. If the law is abandoned and cleverness is employed, how can the appointee to office perform his
duty? If duty and office are not equivalent to each other, then how can the law evade mistakes and how can
penalty evade troubles? For this reason reward and punishment will be thrown into confusion and disorder, and
the state policy will deviate and err, because neither penalty nor reward has any clear distinction of degree as in
the difference between black 12 and white.
Notes
1. 制分.
2. Ku Kuang-ts`ê proposed 大凡 for 夫凡.
3. Wang Hsien-chìen proposed 宜不 for 不宜.
4. Kao Hêng proposed 以 below 不.
5. 治亂之理 literally means "the Logos of Order and Chaos", which means the science and philosophy of
politics.
6. With Kao Hêng 規 means 窺.

7. Ku Kuang-ts`ê proposed 里 for 理.
8. With Lu Wên-shao 刑 and 形 were synonyms.
9. With Wang Hsien-chìen 容其 above 二 is superfluous.
10. With Wang 故 should be above 實.
11. With Wang Hsien-shen 法定 should be 釋法.
12. With Wang 黑 should be supplied above 白.
Index
 Action, five kinds of, II, 228

 Adaptation to change, I, 175 ff.
 Advantage, everlasting, II, 140
 All-under-Heaven 天下, I, xvi, xxxii, f.; II passim
 Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain, 社稷, I, 18, 162, 182; II, 109, 148, 23
 Ancient Chinese Political Theories, I, xxiii
 Animals, the six, II, 168
 Appointment, I, 284; II, 4
 Armour Gorge Pass (Han-Ku-Kuan), I, xxi
 Authority, II, 1, 2
 Benevolence, I, 171 ff.
 Bestowing reward and honour, I, 283
 Black-haired people (i.e. the Chinese), II, 316
 Board of Ceremonies, II, 306
 Bodde, Derk, I, xxiv, xxvii
 Book of Chou, I, 230, 237, 246
 Book of Lord Shang, I, xiii, xxiii, n. passim. II passim
 Book of Poetry, 詩經 I, 233; II, 30 passim, 91-2
 Bramble thorn story, II, 26, et seq.
 Brief History of Early Chinese Philosophy (Suzuki), I, xxiv

 Chen, L. T., I, xxiii
 Chì, Kingdom of, I, 5 ff, II, 54 passim
 Chìen-tao period, I, xxxv
 Chìn, State and King, I, xxviii f., xxxii, 1 ff.
 La Chine Antique (Maspero), I, xxiii
 Chou, Records of, II, 229
 Chou, Rites of, II, 306
 Chow and Chou 紂周, I, xxi
 Chù-Hsüeh-Chi, I, xxxvi
 Chung-ni, II, 21, 22, 65 passim
 Citizens, six types of, II, 237, 238
 Claws and fangs (of the ruler), II, 319
 Clothes, purple, of Chì State, II, 54
 Commotions, preventing the rise of, II, 261
 Comparing different views, I, 281-2
 Confucius, II, 66 passim
 Considering beginnings, I, 212-5
 Cooking-stove, dream of the, II, 196 et. seq.
 Courage, desperate, II, 330
 Craft 術, I, 97 ff.
 Cultivating observation, I, 203-6, 209
 Cypress-Bed Terrace, II, 89
 Development of the Logical Method in Ancient China, I, xxii
 Difficulties, the three, II, 175 et seq.
 Dignity, upholding the sovereign's, II, 273
 Disease of Knowledge, I, 218-9
 Disguise, II, 3
 Disloyalty, II, 117
 Dismissal, II, 4
 Dragon, the flying, II, 200
 Dry Brook, II, 221

 Duyvendak, J. J. L., I, xiii
 Earthenware, II, 142
 Eastern Barbaric Land, II, 142
 Eastern Shrine, II, 156
 Emperors, five, II, 291
 "Entrancing words", II, 167
 Esteeming life, I, 195 ff.
 Etiquette of antiquity, II, 131
 Execution and punishment, II, 121, 123
 Expediency, doctrine of, II, 239 n.
 Expediency, temporary, II, 140
 Factors, positive and negative (yin-yang), II, 168
 Facts, concrete, II, 333
 Falsification, II, 3
 Fan's stratagem, II, 139 et seq.
 Figures (cyphers), II, 324
 Fish, present of, II, 127
 Five Parks, II, 117, 126
 Fives, basic, II, 183, 265 ff.
 Foreign affairs, II, 118
 Forke, Alfred, I, xxii
 Fu-Yu stream, II, 220
 Function of skill, I, 227
 Fung Yu-Lan, I, xxiv, xxvii
 Gaining insight, I, 202-3
 Garden pool story, II, 120, 121
 Geschichte der Alten Chinesischen Philosophie (Forke), I, xxiii
 Geschichte der Philosophie (Windelband), I, xxiv
 Giles, H. A., I, xxi
 Golden rabbit, day of the, II, 194 n.
 Government, art of, I, 184 ff.

 Government by figures, II, 324
 Grain Gate, II, 37
 Grand Tutor, II, 161 (see also Musician Kùang)
 Great deluge, draining the, II, 310
 Halberds and shields, II, 143, 204
 Han (韓), on the preservation of, I, 13 ff.
 Han, State and King, I, xxvii f., xxxi ff., 2
 Han Fei's legalist system, summary of, I, 258-280
 Hard and white discussion, II, 209
 Hard Paths, magistrate of, II, 167
 Harp, the, thrown by musician Kùang, II, 149 et seq.
 Hegemonic Ruler, 霸王, I, 4; II, 140
 Hegemony, II, 128
 Hirazawa, Tökan, I, ix
 Historical Records, I, xxvii, 25 ff
 History of Chinese Philosophy (Fung Y. L.), I, xxiv, xxvii
 History of Chinese Political Thought During the Early Tsin Period (Chen, L. T.), I, xxiii
 Ho Huan, I, xxxv
 Horizontal Alliance, II, 292
 Hsün Ch'ing, I, xxvii
 Hu Shih, I, xxii
 Huang-Ho (Yellow River), I, xxi
 Huang-Ti (Yellow Emperor), I, xxi, xxvii
 Hui-tzŭ, II, 34
 Human feelings, accordance with, II, 258
 Hundred surnames, the, I, xvi
 Idioms, I, xv ff.
 Independence, maintenance of, II, 329
 Inhumanity, II, 117
 Inverting words, I, 285
 Interest, difference in, II, 2

 Invulnerability, statecraft of, II, 329
 Ivanov, I, xxii
 Ju-huang Tower, II, 28
 Kao Hêng, I, ix
 Kings, three, II, 291
 Kite, wooden, of Mo-tzŭ, II, 26 et seq.
 Kuan Chung, II, 5, 53 et seq.
 Kùang the musician, I, 75 ff.; II, 88 et seq.
 Kung-sun Lung-tzŭ, II, 116 n.
 Kung-sun Yang, II, 212 et seq.
 Labour service, compulsory, I, 148
 Land-Extender, II, 132
 Land-utilization, II, 328
 Lao Tzŭ, I, xxvii; II, 1, 179, 183
 Lao Tzŭ (commentaries), I, 169-206
 Lao Tzŭ (illustrations), I, 207-227
 Law, confiding in the, II, 271
 Law, conformity to, II, 330 ff.
 Laws must accord with time, II, 328
 Legal restraints, II, 326 ff.
 Legge, James, I, xxi
 Li 里, I, xvi
 Li Ki (Li Chi), II, 32 passim
 Li Ssu 李斯, I, xxvii ff., 13 ff.
 Li Tsan, I, xxxv
 Listening to all sides of every story, I, 284
 Logos of order and chaos, the, II, 330
 Lord of Men, the, I, xvi ff, II, passim
 Love, impartial (of Mo-tzŭ), II, 287
 Magistrates, II, 133
 Making pretentious appointments, I, 284

 Making punishment definite, I, 282-3
 Manipulating different information, I, 284
 Marriage, beginning at fifteen, II, 137
 Maspero, Henri, I, xxiii
 Measures, four (for administration), II, 327
 Measures (of State) trust in, II, 332
 Mencius 孟子, I, xxxii, text passim
 "Merciless, the", II, 209
 Miao, II, 279
 Mind the minute, I, 215-7, 219
 Ministries, the five, II, 297
 Moderation of desire, I, 187 ff. 207-8
 Mo-tzŭ, II, 26 passim
 Mou 畝, I, xvi
 Music, I, 75-8
 Mysterious, praising the, I, 191 ff.
 Nest-Dweller, the, II, 275
 Opposites, existence of, II, 3
 Order, maintenance of, I, 179 ff.
 Oxen as sacrifices, II, 124-6
 Path, false, II, 333
 Pelliot, Paul, I, xxii
 Penalties as discipline, II, 328
 People, roots and ropes of, II, 133
 Perpendicular Union, 合,### , 1, 12-3 f.; II, 291
 Political order, principles of, II, 158 et seq.
 Politics, science and philosophy of, II, 330
 Position, II, 1, 2
 Position, mutual confusions in, II, 4
 Precepts, ancient, II, 118
 Pretentious hatred and love, II, 131

 Principles, abstract, II, 333
 Principles of Translation (Tytler), I, xiv
 Propriety, I, 171 ff.
 Punishment, I, 282-3
 Purple clothes, II, 53 et seq.
 Rank and emolument, II, 150-1 et. seq.
 Records, Ancient (or Shih Chi), I passim, II, 222, 225
 Records of Chou, II, 229
 Rectification of names 名正, I, 53
 Returning to the origin (root), I, 217-8
 Revelation of secrets, I, 210-2
 Reward and bestowal, II, 121, 123
 Right remonstrances, I, 88 n.
 Righteousness, I, 171 ff, II passim
 Rites of Chou, II, 306
 Roadbed Tower, II, 177
 Ruler, carriage of the, II, 134
 Rulers, the six, II, 178 n.
 Rush City, II, 173-4
 Sacrifices, II, 124-6
 Sameness in difference, I, 223-5
 Secrecy, devotion to, II, 268
 Selected persuasions, I, 88 n.
 Shang, Lord, I, 61, 115 (see also Book of Lord Shang)
 Shang, Lord, law of, II, 210 et seq.
 Shen and Shên 愼申, I, xxi
 Shên Pu-hai, II, 212
 Shên Tzŭ, II, 99
 Shields and halberds, II, 143, 204
 Shih 勢, I, xxiv
 Shih Chi or Ancient (Historical) Records, II, 222, 225

 Shih Huang Ti I, 1 n. ff.
 Shih-Lei-Fu, I, xxxv
 Shu 術, I, xxiv
 Shun, II, 108
 Son of Heaven, I, xvi
 South Wind poem, II, 32 n.
 Sovereignty, II, 327
 Speeches, comparing different, II, 269
 Spiritual Tower, II, 194
 Spring and Autumn Annals 春秋, I, 132, 149; II, 86, 92
 Spying, mutual, among the people, II, 331-2
 Ssü-ma Chìen, I, x, xxvii
 Statecraft 術, I, 97
 Strategic, consideration, II, 141
 Studies, private, II, 329
 Sun Wu Ping Fa (on the art of war), II, 290
 Sung (Dynasty), I, xxxv
 Suzuki, Teitaro, I, xxiv
 Tact (n.) 術, I, 97 ff.
 Tài-pìng Yü-lan, I, xxxv
 Tàng Shu I Wên Chih, I, xxxv
 Tao 道, I, xvi, 30 et passim; II, 230, 246 279
 Tao, of the Sovereign, II, 259, 320
 Tao, understanding of, I, 194 ff., II passim
 Taoist utopia, I, 279
 Teh 德, I, xvi; II, 279
 Têng Hsi-tzü, II, 209 n.
 Terminology, I, 53
 Three Returns, Building of, II, 81, 154-5
 Three treasures, I, 198 ff.
 Three units, II, 183, 265 ff.

 Treason, II, 150
 Truth, Han Fei's theory of, II, 289
 Tsài, old woman, II, 110-2
 Tung Tzŭ-nai, I, xxxiii
 Tytler, A. F., I, xiv
 Tzü-chàn, II, 54 et seq.
 Vagueness and illusion, teaching of, II, 315
 Viewing the distant, I, 221-3
 Villainy, suppression of, II, 331
 Virtue (discourse on), I, 170 ff.
 Virtue of discrimination, I, 225-6
 Virtue of gravity, I, 209-10
 Wang Chùng, II, 97 n.
 Wang Hsien-chìen, I, x, xxxiii
 Wang Hsien-shen, I, ix, x, xi, xxxvi, 5r. ff, II passim
 Wang Wei, I, 18 n. ff, II, 325
 War Palace of Kuei, II, 26 et seq.
 Warring States, I, xxxi f.
 Waseda University Press, I, ix
 Wey and Wei 魏衛, I, xxi
 White horse discussion, II, 26 et seq.
 Wickednesses, five, II, 227
 Windelband, I, xxiv
 Wisdom, accumulation of, II, 258
 Wise, organizing the, II, 259
 Wu Chì (on the art of war), II, 290
 Wu, K. C., I, xxiii
 Yang Chu, II, 250
 Yao, II, 108
 Yao Ku, I, xxviii
 Yellow Emperor (Huang-Ti), I, xxi, xxvii

 Yellow River (Huang-Ho), I, xxi
 Yen Fu (translator), I, xiv
 Yi (20 taels), I, 247
 Yin Chi-Chang, I, xxxv
 Yü-chang, garden of, II, 157
 Yüan (Dynasty), I, xxxv
 Yung Chao-tsu, I, ix, x

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Han Fei Tzi

Preface by the Translator

III. A translation should have the ease of the original composition.

The Biography of Han Fei Tzŭ By Ssŭ-ma Ch`ien1

Old Man of the Sunflower Garden,

Chapter I. The First Interview with the King of Ch'in: A Memorial1

Thy servant dares to speak:—

7. Ch`ün (囷) is a round barn of crops; ts`ang (倉), a square one.

8. With Wang Hsien-shen 數十百萬 should be 數千百萬.

11. With Kao 事 below 相 means 視.

12. With Kao Yu 奮 above 死 means 勇.

17. With Wang Hsien-shen 臣 should be supplied below 且.

19. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 湖 below 五 should be 渚.

23. Situated on the borderland between Ch`in and Wey.

24. King Chao (307-250 b.c.) of Ch`in.

25. With Wang Hsien-shen 狐 should be 孤 and 疑 below it is superfluous.

26. With Wang 率天下西面以輿秦爲難 should be supplied below 令.

29. Yü Yüeh proposed 上 for 下.

30. In 260 b.c.

31. Ku Kuang-ts`ê proposed 羊腸 for 華.

32. The Schemes of the Warring States has 降 in place of 絳.

33. With Ku 代 should be supplied above 上黨.

34. Lu Wên-shao proposed 三十六 for 四十六.

35. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 七十 should be 十七.

37. In 259 b.c.

38. With Wang Hsien-shen 兵 is a mistake for 與.

39. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 反 should be 及.

40. In 257 b.c.

41. With Wang Hsien-shen 以 should be supplied below 固.

46. I read 子 for 主 and so throughout the whole discussion.

49. The Historical Records has 張孟同 in place of 張孟談.

51. With Lu Wên-shao 誠 should be 試 .

52. With Wang Hsien-shen 以 above 為 is superfluous and 王 below 為 should be 主.

Han Fei Tzŭ's Memorial to the King of Ch`in2 :—

Li Ssŭ's Memorial to the King of Ch`in13:—

3. With Wang Hsien-shen 韓 should be below 而.

4. Ku Kuang-ts`ê proposed 厚 for 原.

5. With Kao Hêng 攻 below 内 should read 共 which means 共給.

6. With Wang Wei 而共 above 二萬乘 is superfluous.

7. Ku Kuang-ts'ê proposed 韓 for 趙.

8. Lu Wên-shao proposed 臣 for 人.

9. The target of military operations—the common enemy of the world.

10. With Yü Yüeh and Wang Hsien-shen 韓 below 從 is superfluous.

11. Ku Kuang-ts`ê and Wang Hsien-shen proposed 轉 for 韓.

12. With this paragraph ends Han Fei Tzŭ's memorial.

13. Italics mine.

15. Wang Wei proposed 秦 for 趙.

18. With Kao 淫 below 陛下 means 惑.

20. Wang Wei proposed 蒙武 for 象武.

21. His mission was to persuade Ch`i to break with Chao.

28. With Wang Hsien-shen 兵 above 士卒 is superfluous.

30. With Wang Hsien-shen 盈 should be supplied above 於耳.

31. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 用 should be 周.

Chapter III. On the Difficulty in Speaking: A Memorial1

2. 貪生 literally means "clinging to life".

3. With Kao Hêng 躁 reads 譟 which means 詐.

9. He was afterwards appointed Prime Minister by King T`ang.

12. At Yu-li for seven years (1144-1137 b.c.).

14. The Historical Records has 九 in place of 鬼.

16. All these worthies were Chow's ministers.

19. Prime minister to King Wu-ting of the Yin Dynasty.

25. A worthy minister to King Ling of Chou.

26. No record of his life and times is left.